The letters to his friends

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CICERO

THE LETTEES TO HIS FRIENDS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
W. GLYNN WILLIAMS, M.A.

rORMKRLY SCHOLAR OF ST. JOHN'S COLXEOE, CAMBRIDOK
AND HEADMASTER OF FRIARS SCHOOL, BANGOR

IN THREE VOLUMES
II

'•4

LOXDOX

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETfS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRES,

MOMLH

^\CHAfi

First printed 1928
Reprinted 1943, 195:2

0EC 1 3 ?952

Printed in Great Britain

I

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II

Introduction. .... . . ix

Chronological Summary . . . . xii

BOOK VII

LETTKBS

i.-iv. To Marcus Marius . . 2

V. To Julius Caesar ... 22

vi.-xxii. To Trebatius Testa ... 26

xxiii.-xxvi. To Marcus Fadius Gallus . 66

xxvii. To Titus Fadius Gallus . . 78

xxvin. To Manius Curius ... 80

XXIX. The same to Cicero . . 84

xxx.-xxxi. To Manius Curius ... 86

XXXII.-XXXIII. To PUBLIUS VOLUMNIUS EuTRA-

PELUS ..... 90

BOOK via

i.-xvii. Marcus Caelius Rufus to Cicero 98

V

CONTENTS
ROOK IX

LETTERS pj^OB

i.-viii. To Marcus T6rentius Varro . 184
IX. PuBLius Cornelius Dolabellato

Cicero ..... 210

x.-xiv. To PuBLius Cornelius Dolabella 214

XV. -XXVI. To Lucius Papikius Paetus . 232

BOOK X

Summary of the Cisalpine Campaign . 286

I. -III. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 2,90

IV. The same to Cicero. . . 300

v.-vi. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 304

vii. The same to Cicero . .310

viii. The same to the Consuls etc. 312

IX. The same to Cicero . , 320

X. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 322
XI. The same to Cicero . . 326

xii.-xiv. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 330

XV. The same to Cicero . . 340

XVI. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 342

xvii.-xviii. The same to Cicero. . . 346

XIX. -XX. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 352

XXI. The same to Cic"ro, . . 356

XXII. To Lucius Munatius Plancus . 364

xxiii.-xxiv. The same to Cicero . . . S66

vi

CONTENTS

LKrrEM ^*"*

xxv.-xxvi. To Gaius Furnius . . .378

XXVII. To Marcus Aemilius Lepidus . 386

XXVIII. To Gaius Trebonius . . . 388

XXIX. To Afpius Claudius . . . 392

XXX. Seiivius Sulpicius Galba to

Cicero 392

xxxi.-xxxiii. Gaius Asinius Pollio to Cicero 398
xxxiv.-xxxv. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus to

Cicero . . . . .418

/

BOOK XI

I. Decimus Junius Brutus to
Marcus Brutus and Gaius

Cassius 426

ii.-iii. Marcus Brutus and Gaius

Cassius to Marcus Antonius 430

IV. Decimus Brutus to Cicero .• 438

v.-viii. To Decimus Brutus . . . 438

ix.-xi. The same to Cicero . . 450

XII. To Decimus Brutus . . . 458

XIII. The same to Cicero . . 460
xiv.-xviii. To Decimus Brutus . . 466

xix.-xx. The same to Cicero . . 476

XXI.— XXII. To Decimus Brutus , . . 482

XXIII. The same to Cicero . . 488

vii

CONTENTS

LBTTERS

XXIV. -XXV. To Decimus Brutus .

xxvi. The same to Cicero

XXVII. To Gaius Matius

xxviii. The same to Cicero

XXIX. To Gaius Oppius

PAor.

494.
502
510

BOOK XII

i.-x. To Gaius Cassius . , .516

xi.-xii. The same to Cicero . . 544

xiii. Cassius Parmensis to Cicero . 550

XIV. PuBLIUS LeNTULUS TO CiCERO . 556

XV. The same to the Consuls etc, 566
XVI. Gaius Trebonius to Cicero . 576

xvxi.-xxx. To Qutntus Cornificius . . 580

Order op Letters ..... 625

Index, of Names 629

viu

INTRODUCTION

This collection of Cicero's " Letters to his Friends "
was preserved and edited by his secretary Tiro. The
collection is inadequately entitled, as it includes
several letters, some of them of profound interest,
from his friends to Cicero. There are 426 letters,
divided into sixteen books, not arranged in any
sort of order," chronological or otherwise, except
that letters from or to particular correspondents are
generally grouped together ; the third book, for
instance, consists exclusively of letters from Cicero
to Appius Claudius Pulcher, and the eighth book of
letters from Marcus Caehus Rufus to Cicero.

The earliest letter is one from Cicero to Pompey
(x. 7) dated 62 B.C., the year after Cicero's consul-
ship; the latest is one from him to Cassius (xii. 10)
WTitten in 43 b.c, the year after the assassination of
Caesar, and a few months before his own.

These nineteen years from 62 to 43 e.g. cover a
period of supreme importance in the history of the
Roman Repubhc— a period more minutely described
and vividly illustrated in these letters, giving us as
they do the different points of view of various corre-
spondents, than even in the " Letters to Atticus,"
written by Cicero alone.

" The confusion thus caused is to some extent obviated
by a summary, in chronological order, prefixed to each
volume, of the events in each year covered by the Letters.

ix

INTRODUCTION

The Letters vary greatly in interest and style ;
while many of them contain matter of the highest
literary or historical value — as, for instance, Cicero's
explanation of his political change of front (i. 9),
Sulpicius Rufus's letter of condolence to Cicero on
the death of his daughter Tullia (iv. 5) and Matius's
defence of his friendship for Caesar (xi. 28) — others
are no more than merely formal documents.

The text is based on that of Nobbe (1849) ; but
where there vi'as an obvious call for emendation in
that text I have not hesitated to adopt other readings,
always with due acknowledgement.

Such universally accepted orthographical correc-
tions as cum for quum, consili for consilii, and
causa for caussa I have made as a matter of
course.

To Tyrrell and Purser's exhaustive (it has
rightly been described as "monumental") Com-
mentary on the Correspondefice of Cicero " I have
made constant reference, and owe more than I
can tell ; I have depended upon it, too, for the
dates of the letters. Watson's Select Letters (with
the recently revised edition by Mr. W. W, How),
and Pritchard and Bernard's Selected Letters for the
use of Schools have been of invaluable assistance
to me, and I have freely consulted the admirable
translations of all or some of the letters by E. S.
Shuckburgh, G. E. Jeans, and S. H. Jeyes.

To all the above distinguished Ciceronians I
acknowledge with gratitude my very deep indebted-

" Referred to in my notes for the sake of brevity as
'Tyrrell."

INTRODUCTION

The Manuscripts

The oldest and soundest ms. of the Epistulae ad
Familiares is the Codex Mediceus 49. 9» now in the
Laurentian Library at Florence. This is kno-WTi as M.
Other Mss., each giving some of the letters, are :

G, Codex Harleianus 2773, in the British Museum.
R, Codex Parisianus 17812, in the Bibliotheque

Nationale.
(G and R are closely connected, and both in-
dependent of M.)
T, Codex Turonensis 688, in the Library of Tours.
H, Codex Harleianus 2682, in the British Museum.
F, Codex Erfurtensis, now Berohnensis, 252, which

closely follows H.
D, Codex Palatinus, originally at Heidelberg,

now in the Vatican.

Of these M alone contains all the Epistulae ad
Familiares, G, R, and T giving different portions of
Bks. L to VIIL, and H, F, and D of Bks. IX. to X\T

XI

A CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN
THE LIFE OF CICERO

DATE B.C.

106. Cicero is born on Jan. 3 near Arpinum.
89. Serves under Cn. Pompeius Strabo in the

Mar sic War.
86. Writes his De inventione.
80. Dehvers his speech Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino.
79-78, Travels in Greece and Asia.

77. Returns to Rome, and marries Terentia.
75-74. Serves as quaestor for Lilybaeum in Sicily.
70. Accuses Verres. First Consulship of Pompey

and Crassus.
69. Curule aedile.

66. Praetor. Speech Pro lege Manilia.
64. Elected Consul with C. Antonius Hybrida

(the latter by a small majority over

Catihne).

63 B.C.

§ 1 . Cicero, being now consul, successfully opposes
the agrarian law of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus,
which was in the interests of Caesar and Crassus, and

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

intended to check the growing power of Pompey.
Caesar is elected Pontifex Maximus. Cicero carries
in the Senate the proposal of a svpplicatio of
unusual length to Pompey in honour of his eastern
triumphs.

§ 2. Having conciliated his colleague C. Antonius
by resigning to him the governorship in 62 of the
rich proWnce of Macedonia, Cicero felt himself
able in the autumn of 63 to oppose the treasonable
designs of L. Sergius CatiUna, of which he had full
information from the spy, L, Curius. In the consular
elections for 62 Catihne was again defeated. On
October 21 Cicero foretold the rising of the Catili-
narian Manlius in Etruria on the 27th. Martial law
was proclaimed, and the conspirators failed in an
attempt to seize Praeneste on November 1, and
another plot to murder Cicero was exposed. But
Catiline had the audacity to appear in the Senate on
November 8, when Cicero so crushingly denounced
him that he left Rome to take command of the
insurgents in Etruria.

§ 3. Certain envoys of the Allobroges, having been
approached by the conspirators to supply Catiline
with cavalry, were arrested, and on the strength of
incriminating letters found upon them the following
five conspirators were seized and imprisoned — P.
Lentulus Sura (praetor), C. Cethegus (senator), L.
Statilius, P. Gabinius Cimber, and M. Caeparius ;
and at a meeting of the Senate on December 5,
mainly at the instance of M, Cato, though Caesar,
then praetor elect, was opposed to it, a decree was
carried that the five conspirators arrested should be
put to death, and that same evening they were
strangled under Cicero's supervision.

xiii

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

§ 4. On December 29 the tribune Q. Metellus
Nepos vetoed Cicero's address to the people on going
out of office, alleging that " he had put citizens to
death without a trial " ; but Cicero's declaration
that he had thereby saved his country was received
with applause. This Metellus was one of Pompey's
officers and was probably instigated by his general,
who was chagrined that Cicero, and not he, should
have quelled the conspiracy.

62 B.C.
Consuls : D. Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena

§ 1. Catiline, making for Cisalpine Gaul with
Manlius's army, is met by Metellus Celer and thrown
back on the army of C. Antonius. In a battle near
Pistoria the insurgents were utterly and finally de-
feated, and Catiline slain.

§ 2. Cicero resents Pompey's lukewarm apprecia-
tion of his services to the Republic (v. 7).

§ 3. In December P. Claudius Pulcher, commonly
known as Clodius, " one of the most profligate char-
acters of a profligate age," disguised as a female
musician profaned the mysteries of the Bona Dea,
which were being celebrated by Roman matrons
at the house of Caesar. He was discovered and
brought to trial in 61.

61 B.C.

Consuls : M. Pupius Pisa and M. Valerius
Messalla Niger

§ 1 . Pompey, having returned from the east and
disbanded his army in the preceding December,

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

addressed the Roman people in January of this year,
but failed to create a good impression. He dis-
approved of the bill for Clodius's prosecution, and
being distrusted by the extremists in the Senate,
found himself so isolated that he made overtures to
Cicero.

§ 2. The consul Pupius Piso also opposed the bill
for an inquiry into Clodius's affair, but the trial ulti-
mately came on, with the result that by means of
the grossest bribery Clodius was acquitted. Cicero
had given evidence cancelling an alibi put up by
Clodius, who swore to be avenged upon him, and
proved to be a formidable foe, owing to his family
connexions, and liis influence over the city populace.

60 B.C.

Consuls : L. Afranius and Q. Caecilius
Metellus Celer

§ 1. Led by the consul Metellus Celer, now at
enmity with Pompey for ha\ing divorced his half-
sister Mucia, the Senate, by obstinately opposing
Pompey 's plans in Asia and grants of land to his
veterans, completely alienated him, and by refusing
all concessions to the puhlicani in Asia offended the
equites from among whom the publicani were mainly
drawn. Pompey was ultimately forced into a coaU-
tion with Caesar, who returned to Rome in June
to canvass for the consulship, which by the aid of
Pompey and Crassus he secured.

§ 2. The optimates, however, brought about by
bribery the election as Caesar's colleague of

XV

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

M. Calpurnius Bibulus, a staunch aristocrat, but a
faineant consul.

§ 3. Caesar, having effected the reconciliation of
Pompey and Crassus, now invited Cicero to join them,
but he preferred to retain his independence, and
the coalition (incorrectly called the first triumvirate)
of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus, to which he noight
have belonged, was established without him.

59 B.C.
Consuls : C. Julius Caesar and M. Calpurnius Bibulus

§ 1. Caesar, having failed to carry through the
Senate an agrarian law providing inter alia for
Pompey 's veterans, brought another law before the
assembly of the people distributing the ager Cam-
panus among those veterans, and this law was
carried despite the opposition of the consul Bibulus
and some of the tribunes.

§ 2. P. Vatinius, one of the most unprincipled men
of the time, was a humble hireling of Caesar, and now
as tribune he carried the famous Lex Vatinia, which
gave Caesar the command of Cisalpine Gaul and
Illyricum with three legions for five years ; and the
Senate, on the motion of Pompey (now, by his
marriage with Julia, Caesar's son-in-law), added
Transalpine Gaul to his command, with a fourth
legion.

§ 3. In March Cicero, in defending his former
colleague C. Antonius, who was accused of extortion
as proconsul of Macedonia, attacked the triumvirate,
causing grave offence to Caesar, who immediately

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

retaliated by sanctioning the adoption into a plebeian
family of Cicero's enemy Clodius, thus making him
eligible for the tribunate, where he would be in a
stronger position to wreak his vengeance on Cicero.

58 B.C.

Consuls : L. Calpumius Piso Caesoninus
and Aulus Gahinius

§ 1 . Clodius, who had been elected tribune in the
preceding October, having carried some very popular
measures in January, further established his position
in February by promulgating a law assigning to the
consuls on their going out of office the provinces they
most desired— Syria to Gabinius, and Macedonia
^^^th Achaia to Piso, — but he made the law contingent
upon the passing of two other measures which were
subsequently carried — (1) a commission giving to Cato
the annexation of Cyprus, and (2) an enactment
" that anyone who had put Roman citizens to death
without a trial should be forbidden fire and water."

§ 2. Cicero, realizing that the enactment was aimed
at himself, put on mourning and threw himself on
the mercy of the people. The senators and equites
also went into mourning, but were compelled by an
edict of the consuls to dress as usual. Caesar stated
in public that he thought Cicero had acted illegally
in putting Lentulus Sura to death, and Pompey, on
being appealed to, referred Cicero to the consuls,
who had already shown their hostihty. Finally
Cicero, at the instance of his family and Hortensius,
left Rome and went into exile at the end of March.
He was immediately declared an outlaw by Clodius,

xvii

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

and his house on the Palatine and villas at Formiae
and Tusculum were pillaged and dismantled.

§ 3. Cicero went to Brundisium and thence to
Thessalonica, where he sojourned for seven months
at the house of his friend, the quaestor Cn. Plancius.
As the year went on the situation at Rome became
brighter for him ; Clodius had offended Pompey by
aiding the escape from Rome of the Armenian prince
Tigranes whom Pompey had captured, by defeating
the consul Gabinius in a street riot, and even forcing
Pompey to shut himself up in his house. Moreover,
Lentulus Spinther, one of the consuls elected, was
personally devoted to Cicero, and the other, Metellus
Nepos, a friend of Pompey ; while among the new
tribunes T. Annius Milo, T. Fadius, and P. Sestius
strenuously advocated Cicero's recall. His son-in-
law also, C. Calpurnius Piso, who had married Cicero's
daughter Tullia in 63, and was now quaestor, exer-
cised what influence he had in the interests of his
father-in-law.

57 B.C.

Consuls : P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther
and Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos

§ 1 . No sooner had the consul Lentulus entered
into office on January 1 than he brought before the
Senate, with the approval of Pompey, the question
of Cicero's recall ; and despite the obstruction of
two of the tribunes, the people, led by Fabricius
and all the praetors (except Appius Claudius
Pulcher, Clodius's brother), passed in their Assembly
(the comitia centuriata) on January 23 a provisional
decree recalling Cicero. The Senate thanked Cn.
Plancius and others for sheltering Cicero in his

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

banishment, and summoned the Italians to vote
finally for his recall in the Assembly, and the bill was
carried with enthusiastic unanimity on August 4, the
voters being protected from Clodius and his armed
ruffians by troops under the command of Milo.

§ 2. Cicero, who had come down to Dyrrachium
in the preceding autumn, now crossed over to
Brundisium, where he was informed by his brother
Quintus of the passing of the decree for his recall,
and, after a triumphal progress homeward, re-entered
Rome amid universal rejoicings on September 4.

§ 3. Later on, on the motion of Cicero, Pompey
is granted the imperium in the form of the control
of the corn supply (curatio ret annonariae) for five
years ; and on the expiry of their terms of office
Lentulus receives Cihcia, and Nepos Hither Spain,
as his province.

§ 4. Ptolemy Auletes (the Flute-player), king of
Egj-pt, father of Cleopatra, having been expelled by
his subjects, comes to seek the assistance of Rome,
and the Senate decrees that his restoration should
be entrusted to the next governor of Cilicia, i.e. the
then consul, Lentulus Spinther.

56 B.C.

Consuls : Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, who sup-
ported the optimates and opposed the triumvirs ; a?id
L. Marcius Philippus, who later married Atia, widow
of C. Ociavius, and so became the stepfather of
Augustus

§ 1. In January the question of the restoration of
Ptolemy Auletes is reopened and hotly debated in
the Senate, and Cicero sends Lentulus, now pro-
consul of Cilicia, a full account of the voting. Pompey,

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

though ostensibly supporting the claims of Lentulus
to effect the restoration, was anxious to secure for
himself a commission which would not only be highly
lucrative, but would give him a fleet, an army, and
a base in Egypt. Cicero felt bound to support his
benefactor Lentulus, and the majority of the Senate
were afraid or jealous of Pompey, when, very oppor-
tunely for them, the tribune C. Cato discovered a
Sibylline oracle, forbidding the restoration of Ptolemy
by anyone cum muUitudine homimim (" with a host of
men "). This is the religio referred to in Bk. i. 2
and 3. The wranglings in the Senate ended in no
settlement, but Ptolemy was ultimately restored by
A. Gabinius in 55.

§ 2. Clodius, who still lorded it in the streets of
Rome, escaped being prosecuted by Milo by being
elected curule aedile, and turned the tables on
Milo by accusing him in February of vis (breach of
the peace). Pompey, when defending Milo, was
shouted down by Clodius's ruffians, who declared that
Crassus, and not Pompey, should restore Ptolemy.
This led Pompey to suspect that Crassus was aiding
and abetting the rioters. The result of the trial was
the closer alliance of Pompey and Milo, and the
more definite support of Clodius by the extreme
aristocrats— Curio, Bibulus, Favonius, and others.

§ 3. Later in February, Cicero, in defending P.
Sestius, who had strongly favoured his recall, and
was now accused of vis, made his speech (as
Watson describes it) " a regular political manifesto,"
and converted his interrogatio (cross-examination)
of P. Vatinius, now a witness for the prosecution,
into a bitter attack upon him as the author of the
Lex Vatinia in 59 (see 59 B.C., § 2). The acquittal

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

of Sestius encouraged Cicero to hope for the restora-
tion of the Republic, or at any rate the dissolution
of the coalition, Pompey being still at feud with
Crassus (§ 2) and jealous of Caesar.

§ 4. Cicero therefore, partly with a view of widen-
ing the breach between Pompey and Caesar, pro-
posed the suspension of Caesar's law about the
ager Campanus (see 59 B.C., § 1) on the grounds that
the State could not afford any more allotments.
This would not affect Pompey, whose veterans had
already been provided for, whereas Caesar would
be precluded from using the remaining land for his
own veterans. He also saw that the repeal of the
agrarian law would be followed by that of the
Vatinian.

§ 5. Having therefore previously interviewed
Crassus at Ravenna, Caesar took him with him to
join Pompey at Luca, a town of Liguria in N. Italy ;
and here the coalition of 60 (see 60 B.C., § 3) was
not only renewed but developed into an omnipotent
trium\irate who could settle the affairs of the State
at their own discretion.

§ 6. This to Cicero, the Republican, and life-
long advocate of concordia ordinum (" the harmony
of the senatorial and equestrian orders "), was a
crushing political calamity, but he had to bow to the
inevitable, and the famous letter 9 in Bk. I. is his
apologia for his change of front. Withdrawing
his motion on the ager Campanus, he supported
a motion in the Senate to provide pay for Caesar's
troops and allowing him to appoint ten legati. This
was followed by his brilliant speech De proiinciis
consularihus, practically a panegyric upon Caesar and
his achievements in Gaul.

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

§ 7. Clodius's turbulence in 56-57 had estranged
Pompey, who now leaned to the side of Milo, but
the extreme optimates (including M. Cato, who
was indebted to Clodius for a commission to settle
the affairs of Cyprus in 58) showed such fulsome
partiality for Clodius, that Cicero, being earnestly
requested by Caesar, whom he could not now dis-
obey, to undertake the defence of Vatinius, whom
he particularly detested, adroitly converted his pre-
dicament into a means of annoying the optimates
saying that " if they coquetted with one Publius (viz.
Clodius), he would coquet with another Publius (viz.
Vatinius) by way of reprisal " (i. 9- 19).

55 B.C.

Consuls (after an " interregnum " in January caused by
the tribune C. Cato) : Cn . Pompeius and M. Licviius
Crassus, both for the second time, having been
consuls together in 70

§ 1. Crassus carries his Lex Licinia for the sup-
pression of sodalicia (" political combinations ").
Pornpey opens his new theatre with shows of un-
paralleled magnificence, but his wholesale slaughter
of elephants disgusts not only Cicero, but the people
generally.

§ 2. Cicero finishes his De oratore. Crassus sets
out for Syria, and his departure, together with the
death of Pompey 's wife Julia, Caesar's daughter,
put an end to even the semblance of friendship
between Pompey and Caesar.

§ 3. Gabinius marches into Egypt, occupies Alex-
andria, and restores the ex-king Ptolemy Auletes.

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

54 B.C.

Consuls : L. Domitius Akenobarbus, an optimate, tvho
married M. Cato's sister Porcia, and fell at Pharsalia
in i8, a7id Appius Claudius Pulcher

§ 1 . Cicero helps to secure the acquittal of his
former enemy, P. Vatinius, who requited his kind-
ness after Pharsalia and later, and at Pompey's
instance defends, though unsuccessfully, his former
enemy, A. Gabinius ; and also defends successfully
his old friend Cn. Plancius, charged with ambitus,
in his famous speech Pro Plancio.

§ 2. His brother, Q. Cicero, goes over from
Pompey to Caesar as his legate, and serves him with
distinction in Britain and Gaul ; and this leads to a
rapprochement between Cicero and Caesar.

53 B.C.

Consuls, after disorder lasting till July : Cn. Domitius
Calvinus and M. Valerius Messalla

Defeat and murder of M. Crassus in June, near
Carrhae. Cicero is more deeply affected by the
death, a little earlier, of M. Crassus 's son, PubUus
(v. 8. 4). Cicero succeeds Crassus as augur, and
supports Milo's candidature for the consulship, re-
commending him to C, Scribonius Curio, to whom
he writes a series of letters (ii. 1-7")

52 B.C.

About the middle of January Clodius is slain near
Bovillae by the retainers of Milo ; his body is burned
by his supporters in the forum, when the senate-
house caught fire and was destroyed ; martial law

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

is proclaimed, and finally Pompey is made sole
consul, being allowed to retain the government of
Spain. Milo is accused of vis and condemned. He
goes into exile at Massilia.

51 B.C.

Consuls : Servius Sulpicius Rufus and M. Claudius
Marcellus

Cicero goes to Cilicia as proconsul, succeeding
Appius Claudius, who had succeeded Lentulus in 54,
and M. Calpurnius Bibulus goes to Syria. Cicero is
kept fully informed of what occurs in Rome by his
friend M. CaeUus Rufus (Bk. VHI. of these Letters).

50 B.C.

Consuls : C. Claudius Marcellus, cousin of the consul
for 51, and L. Aemilius Paullus

§ 1. Cicero, after a satisfactory tenure of office,
quits his province, leaving C. Caelius Caldus, his
quaestor, in charge, and reaches Rome in December.
He is anxious about the honours due to his Cihcian
successes, having so far only had a supplicatio voted
him, but no triumph ; he is also embarrassed about
the marriage of his daughter Tulha with P. Cornelius
Dolabella, who was prosecuting for treason Appius
Claudius Pulcher, with whom Cicero desired a
reconciliation.

§ 2. A motion in the Senate, that Caesar's can-
didature for the consulship should be considered
in his absence, having been rejected, the tribune
Scribonius Curio demands the disbanding of Pompey 's
army, which the Senate would have passed but for

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

the opposition of the consul Marcellus. Curio openly
declares for Caesar, whom he joins at Ravenna, thus,
according to Lucan, turning the scales against the
Pompeian party (momentumque Juit mutatus Curio
rerum).

49 B.C.

Consuls : L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus and C. Claudius
Marcellus, cousin of his namesake, the consul for
50, and brother of the consul for 51

The tribunes M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, accom-
panied by Caelius Rufus, leave Rome and join Caesar,
who on January 1 1 crosses the Rubicon, and thereby
declares war upon the Republic, and marching south-
wards finally besieges Pompey in Brundisium. On
March 17 Pompey escapes to Dyrrachium, whither
the consuls had gone \vith the bulk of his army on
March 4. Cicero vacillates as to his future policy,
but finally decides to throw in his lot with Pompey.

48 B.C.

Consuls : C. Julius Caesar (for the second time)
and P. Servilius Isauricus

Cicero spends the first half of the year in Pompey 's
camp at Dyrrachium, where he conceives a poor
opinion of Pompey 's army ; he is still there when
he hears of the utter defeat of Pompey by Caesar
near Pharsalus on August 7 and his flight to Egypt.
Crossing ^vith the Pompeians from Dyrrachium to
Corcyra, Cicero is threatened with death by young
Cn. Pompey for refusing to take the command as
senior consular. In October he returns to Italy and
settles in Brundisium.

xxy

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

47 B.C.

Consuls : Q. Fujius Calenus and P. Vatinius, hut
only for Oct., Nov., and Dec.

§ 1. Though allowed to remain in Italy when all
other Pompeians were driven out, Cicero was not
happy ; he had broken with his brother Quintus,
and Terentia (he alleged) had mismanaged his finan-
cial affairs in his absence ; while Dolabella, his son-
in-law, was so notoriously unfaithful to TuUia as to
make a divorce inevitable.

§ 2. He was consoled, however, by a reassuring
letter from Caesar in Egypt, who permitted him to
retain his lictors and the title of imperator ; on
Caesar's return Cicero met him and was cordially
received, and being given leave to live wherever he
liked, he chose Tusculum, so as to be near Rome.

§ 3. Dolabella, now tribune, agitating for the
abolition of debts, is opposed by his colleague,
Trebelhus, and the ensuing riots had to be quelled
by troops under M. Antonius.

§ 4. Towards the end of the year, through Caesar's
influence, Q. Fufius Calenus and P. Vatinius are
elected consuls.

46 B.C.

Consuls : C. Julius Caesar (third time) a7id
M. Aemilius Lepidus

§ 1 . Caesar defeats the Pompeian army under
Scipio at Thapsus in Africa, and M. Cato, preferring
death to slavery, commits suicide at Utica. Return-
ing to Rome and celebrating four triumphs in August

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

for his victories in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa,
Caesar is made Dictator for the year.

§ 2. Cicero's letters now show a more cheerful
spirit ; he had now divorced Terentia, and after a
short interval married his young and wealthy ward,
PubliHa ; the marriage, however, was an unhappy one.

§ 3. Cicero wrote this year his Partitiones oratoriae,
Brutus, and Orator.

45 B.C.
Consul (fourth time) : C. Julius Caesar

§ 1 . In February Tullia, shortly after her divorce
from Dolabella, died in childbed. Cicero, who had
loved her devotedly, refused to be comforted and
sought refuge in the sohtude of Astura.

§ 2. Caesar now openly aimed at monarchy, and
Cicero especially resented, as an insult to the sena-
torial order, the election as consul for one day of
Caninius Rebilus.

44 B.C.

§ 1. Caesar, now consul for the fifth time and
dictator for the fourth, had already by his arrogance
and ill-concealed ambition aroused the opposition of
the repubUcans, and a conspiracy had long been
maturing which culminated in his assassination on
March 15 at the foot of Pompey's statue in the
senate-house. By his will he adopted C. Octavius
and made him his chief heir.

§ 2. On the 17th, at a meeting of the Senate in
the temple of Tellus, Cicero proposed an amnesty,
which the Senate passed, but at the same time ratified
all Caesar's acts. After this he retired into private
life for six months.

xxvii

CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY

§ 3. He had already completed his Tusculan Dis-
putations and De natura deorum, and during the
remainder of the year composed his De amicitia, De
seneciute, De officiis, and several other works.

43 B.C.
Consuls : C. Vihius Pansa ana A. Hirtius

After a series of events too complicated even to
summarize here," C. Octavius, by then called Octavi-
anus, formed a triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus,
who removed their chief opponents by proscriptio.
Among the proscribed was Cicero.

After wandering for some days along the Latin
coast, distracted and depressed by the murder at
Rome of his brother and nephew, on December 7
he was overtaken in his litter near Formiae by
Antony's officer Herehnius. Offering no resistance,
he was killed, and his head and hands were taken
to Rome, where they were exposed by order of
Antony on the Rostra.

Thus died Cicero, in the sixty-fourth year of
his age.

Politically as vacillating as he was personally vain,
and sadly lacking in that very prudentia on which
he so pathetically prided himself, Cicero was yet
splendidly consistent as a patriot and a champion
of liberty.

The greatest of Rome's orators and a distinguished
philosopher, he stands before us in his letters as, in
the best and fullest sense of the word, a human-
hearted man : and it is his letters that will be his
most enduring monument.

» A full note on the Cisalpine Campaign will be found at
the beginning of Book X.
xxviii

CICERO'S
LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS

BOOKS VII-XII

VOL. II

M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM
AD FAMILIARES

LIBER SEPTIMUS

M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO

Romae, a.u.c. 699.

Si et dolor aliquis corporis aut infirmitas valetudinis
tuae tenuit, quo minus ad ludos venires, fortunae
magis tribuo, quam sapientiae tuae ; sin haec, quae
ceteri mirantur, contemnenda duxisti, et, cum per
valetudinem posses, venire tamen noluisti, utrumque
laetor, et sine dolore corporis te fuisse, et animo
valuisse, cum ea, quae sine causa mirantur alii,
neglexeris ; modo, ut tibi constiterit fructus oti tui ;
quo quidem tibi perfrui mirifice licuit, cum esses in
ista amoenitate paene solus relictus. Neque tamen
dubito, quin tu ex illo cubiculo tuo, ex quo tibi

" A rich Arpinate, and an esteemed friend of Cicero. He
was a man of letters, but suffered from ill health, and
generally lived on his estate near Cicero's villa at Pompeii.
His ovi'n villa faced Stabiae and the coast. In a letter to

CICERO'S LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS

BOOK VII

I

CICERO TO M. MARIUS "
Rome, September or October, 55 b.c.

If it was some bodily pain or weakness of health 1
that prevented you coming to the games, I attribute
it to chance rather than to your wisdom ; but if you
held in contempt what the rest of the world admires,
and though your health permitted of your doing so,
you still had no wish to come, then I am delighted for
both reasons — that you were free from bodily pain,
and that you showed strength of mind in disdaining
what others unjustifiably admire ; pro\'ided only that
you have got some real profit out of your leisure ;
and indeed you have had a wonderful opportunity of
profiting by it to the full, left as you were almost
alone, amid all that beautiful scenery of yours. And
yet I doubt not that you, looking out of that chamber

his brother {Q. Fr. ii. 10) Cicero says of him " Marias et
valetudine est et natura imbecillior." This letter was
written on the occasion of the dedication of Pompey's
theatre and the temple of Venus Vtctrix, where Pompey,
now in his second consulship, exhibited shows of unparal-
leled magnificence.

3

CICERO

Stabianam perforando patefecisti^ scenam^ per eos
dies matutina tempora spectiunculis^ consumpseris ;
cum illi interea, qui te istic reliquerant, spectarent
communes mimos semisomni. Reliquas vero partes
diei tu consumebas his delectationibus, quas tibi ipse
ad arbitrium tuum compararas ; nobis autem eraht
ea perpetienda, quae scilicet Sp. Maecius probavisset.
2 Omnino, si quaeris, ludi apparatissimi, sed non tui
stomachi ; coniecturam enim facio de meo. Nam
primum honoris causa in scenam redierant ii, quos
ego honoris causa de scena decessisse arbitrabar.
Deliciae vero tuae, noster Aesopus, eiusmodi fuit,
ut ei desinere per omnes homines liceret. Is iurare
cum coepisset, vox eum defecit in illo loco, si sciens
FALLO. Quid tibi ego aha narrem ? Nosti enim
rehquos ludos ; quid ? ne id quidem leporis habue-
runt, quod solent mediocres ludi. Apparatus enim
spectatio tollebat omnem hilaritatem, quo quidem
apparatu non dubijo, quin animo aequissimo carueris.
Quid enim delectationis habent sexcenti muh in
' Clytaemnestra ? aut in Equo Troiano craterarum tria
milia ? aut armatura varia peditatus et equitatus in

* Reid : perforasti et p. uss.

* Benedict : Stabianum senum codd. : Stabianum sinum
Boot : Misenum Lambinus.

* Klotz : lectin nculis uss.

<» Either in the wall of the house by inserting a new case-
ment, or by felling trees.

<> As he would be looking S.W., the morning sun would
not be in his eyes.

« Spurius Maecius Tarpa, whom Pompey appointed
licenser of plays — a sort of Lord Chamberlain. Cf, Hor.
A.P. 386-7.

<* To honour Pompey.

* The great tragic actor at Rome, as Roscius was the

4

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. i.

of yours, from which, by making a gap,<* you have
opened out for yourself a view of the Stabian stage,
have spent the morning hours of all those days in
taking peeps at the scenery,* while they meantime,
who left you where you are, were gazing at farcesj^n,
the public stage, — and could scarcely keep awake.
The remaining hours of the day, however, you have
been spending in such amusements as you had
pro\ided for yourself according to your fancy, while
ne had to go through -«-ith anything that Sp. Maecius *
— ^just think of it ! — had sanctioned.

If you ask me, the games were of course most
magnificent ; but they would not have been to your
taste ; that I infer from my own feelings. For in the
first place those actors had returned to the stage out
of respect for the occasion,** who had, as I thought,
quitted it out of self-respect. Indeed your favourite,
our friend Aesop,« was such a failure that nobody in
the world would have regretted his lea\ing off. When
he began to swear the oath, his voice failed him at the
crucial point. If Ttittingly I deceive. WTiy should I
tell you anything more ? You know what the rest
of the games were hke. WTiy, they were not even as
attractive as games on a middling scale often are.
For any feeling of cheerfulness Mas extinguished by
the spectacle of such magnificence — a •magnificence
which, I am sure, it will not disturb you in the least
to have missed seeing. For what pleasure can there
be in the sight of six hundred mules in the Clytaem-
?iestra, or of three thousand bowls in the Trojan
Horse, or of the varied accoutrements of foot and

great comedian. Cicero calls him " summus artifex."
The oath was that " by Jupiter and the Stone." See vii.
12. 1, note d.

5

CICERO

aliqua pugna ? Quae popularem admirationem habue-

3 runt, delectationem tibi nullam attulissent. Quod si
tu per eos dies operam dedisti Protogeni tuo,duinmodo
is tibi quidvis potius, quam orationes meas legerit, ne
tu haud paullo plus, quam quisquam nostrum, delecta-
tionis habuisti. Non enim te puto Graecos aut Oscos
ludos desiderare ; praesertim cum Oscos ludos vel in
senatu vestro spectare possis, Graecos ita non ames,
ut ne ad villam quidem tuam via Graeca ire soleas.
Nam quid ego te athletas putem desiderare, qui
gladiatores contempseris ? in quibus ipse Pompeius
confitetur se et operam et oleum perdidisse. Reliquae
sunt venationes binae per dies quinque ; magnificae,
nemo negat. Sed quae potest homini esse polito
delectatio, cum aut homo imbecillus a valentissima
bestia laniatur, aut praeclara bestia venabulo trans-
verberatur ? Quae tamen, si videnda sunt, saepe
vidisti ; neque nos, qui haec spectavimus, quidquam
novi vidimus. Extremus elephantorum dies fuit ;
in quo admiratio magna vulgi atque turbae, delectatio
nulla exstitit. Quin etiam misericordia quaedam
consecuta est atque opinio eiusmodi, esse quamdam

4 illi belluae cum genere humano societatem. His ego
tamen diebus ludis scenicis, ne forte videar tibi non

" Marius could get as much fun out of the proceedings of
Ills town council at Pompeii as out of the broadest farces on
the stage. By Oscan plays he means the Fabulae Atellanae
which originated in Atella, an ancient town of the Osci, in
Campania.

* The road so-called was probably out of repair.

" " The allusion Ls to ' midnight oil ' and not to the oil
used in the training schools." Tyrrell.

" Pliny {N.H. viii. 20. 21) tells us that twenty elephants
were killed, and their cries so moved the spectators that they
rose as one man and cursed Pompey.
6

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. i.

horse in some big battle ? All of which excited the
admiration of the people, but would have given you
no pleasure at all.

But as for you, if during those days you hstened
attentively to your reader Protogenes, always
proAided that he read out to you anything rather
than my speeches, depend upon it, you have had a
great deal more pleasure than any single one of us.
For I don't think you were sorry to miss the Greek
and Oscan plays, especially when you can witness your
Oscan plays in your OAvn toA^Ti-council,*' while as for
the Greeks, you have so little love for them that you
do not often go even to your own Axilla by the Greek
Road.* As to the athletics, why should I suppose
that you are sorry to have missed them — you, who
treated the gladiators so contemptuously ? And on
them Pompey himself admits that he wasted both
toil and oil." ^

There remain the wild-beast hunts, two a day for
five days — magnificent ; there is no denying it. But
what pleasure can it possibly be to a man of culture,
when either a puny human being is mangled by a
most powerful beast, or a splendid beast is transfixed
AAith a hunting-spear ? And even if all this is some-
thing to be seen, you have seen it more than once ;
and I, who was a spectator, saw nothing new in it.
The last day was that of the elephants, and on that
day the mob and crowd were greatly impressed,
but manifested no pleasure."* Indeed the result was
a certain compassion and a kind of feeling that that
huge beast has a fellowship with the human race.

However, during those days, I mean the per-
formances on the stage, lest you should happen to
think that I was not only enjoying myself but

7

CICERO

modo beatus, sed liber omnino fuisse, dirupi me paene
in iudicio Galli Canini, familiaris tui. Quod si tam
facilem populum haberem, quam Aesopus habuit,
libenter mehercule artem desinerem tecumque et
cum similibus nostri viverem. Nam me cum antea
taedebat, cum et aetas et ambitio me hortabatur, et
licebat denique, quem nolebam, non defendere, turn
vero hoc tempore vita nulla est. Neque enim
fructum uUum laboris exspecto, et cogor nonnum-
quam homines non op time de me meritos, rogatu

6 eorum, qui bene meriti sunt, defendere. Itaque
quaero causas omnes aliquando vivendi arbitratu
meo ; teque et istam rationem oti tui et laudo
vehementer et probo : quodque nos minus intervisis,
hoc fero animo aequiore, quod, si Romae esses, tamen
neque nos lepore tuo neque te (si qui est in me) meo
frui liceret propter molestissimas occupationes meas ;
quibus si me relaxaro (nam, ut plane exsolvam, non
postulo), te ipsum, qui multos annos nihil aliud com-
mentaris, docebo profecto, quid sit humanitev vivere.
Tu mihi modo istam imbecillitatem valetudinis tuae
sustenta et tuere, ut facis, ut nostras villas obire, et

6 mecum simul lecticula concursare possis. Haec ad
te pluribus verbis scripsi, quam soleo, non oti abun-
dantia, sed amoris erga te, quod me quadam epistola

" Tribune of the plebs in 56 b.c. (i. 2. 2 and 4). Cicero
defended him in 53. He was with Cicero at Athens in 51.
He was a friend of Varro, and died in 44.

8

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. i.

entirely free, I almost strained myself to death at
the trial of your dear friend, Gallus Caninius.^ But
if I found the people as ready to dispense ^\^th me as
Aesopus found them, I swear I should be glad to retire
from practice, and hve with you and those of our set.
For not only was I sick of it in the old days when I
had youth and ambition to urge me on, and it was
open to me absolutely to dechne to defend a man I
did not wish to defend, but in these days, I assure
you, life is not worth hving.) I have no frxiits of my
toil to look for^vard to, and there are times when I
am obhged to defend men who have not deser\'ed
verj'' well of me, at the instance of those who have
deserved well of me. -

And so I am eager to find any excuse for at last 5
h\-ing just as I choose, and I heartily applaud and
approve of you and your scheme of leisure ; and I
am the less annoyed at your so seldom coming to see
me because, even if you were in Rome, neither should
I be allowed to enjoy the charm of your society,
nor you that of mine (if there is any charm in me),
because of the galling burden of my engagements.
If I can get some rehef from them — to be entirely
released from them is mor^ than I ask — you may be
sure that I shall teach you, yes, you, who have been
thinking of nothing else for years and years, the true
meaning of a life of cultured refinement. It only
remains for you to nurse and watch that feeble
health of yours, as indeed you do, so that you may be
able to make the tour of my country-houses, and
travel about with me in the same htter.

I have written thus to you at greater length than 6
usual out of the abundance not of my leisure, but of
my love for you, because you hinted to me in a certain

9

CICERO

subinvitaras, si memoria tenes, ut ad te aliquid eius-
modi scriberem, quo minus te praetermisisse ludos
poeniteret. Quod si assecutus sum, gaudeo ; sin
minus, hoc me tamen consolor, quod posthac ad ludos
venies, nosque vises, neque in epistolis relinques meis
spem aliquam delectationis tuae.

II

M. T. C. S. D. M. MARIO
Romae, a.u.c. 702.

1 Mandatum tuum curabo diligenter. Sed homo
acutus ei mandasti potissimum, cui expediret, illud
venire quam plurimo. Sed eo vidisti multum, quod
praefinisti, quo ne pluris emerem. Quod si mihi
permisisses, qui mens amor in te est, confecissem
cum coheredibus ; nunc, cum tuum pretium novi,
ilhcitatorem potius ponam, quam illud minoris veneat.
Sed de ioco satis est. Tuum negotium agam, sicuti

2 debeo, diligenter, De Bursa te gaudere certo scio ;
sed nimis verecunde mihi gratularis. Putas enim,
ut scribis, propter hominis sordes minus me magnam
illam laetitiam putare. Credas mihi velim, magis

" Marius had commissioned Cicero to purchase some
property for him, apparently forgetting that Cicero was one
of the heirs to that property.

* T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, whom Cicero had success-
fully prosecuted de vi, in spite of Pompey's influence. Bursa
had led the riots that followed on the death of Clodius, and
the burning of the Curia Hostilia. He was Cicero's bete
noire.

10

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. i.-ii.

letter, if you remember, that you would like me to
write you something that would tend to lessen your
regret at ha\ing missed the games. If I have
attained that object, I am glad ; if not, I still have
to console me the fact that you will come to the
games at some future time and pay me a visit, and
not leave any hope you may have of entertainment to
depend entirely upon my letters.

II

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, May or June, 52 b.o.

I will attend to your commission with all care." 1
But, clever fellow that you are, you have entrusted
that commission to the very man of all others whose
interest it is that the property should fetch as high a
price as possible. But you showed remarkable fore-
sight in fixing beforehand a figure beyond which
I should not go. Had you only given me carte
blanche, such is my regard for you, I should have
come to some arrangement with niy co-heirs. As it
iSj now that I know the price you have fixed, I shall
put up a sham bidder sooner than let it go for less
than your hmit. But my joke has gone far enough.
Ill do the job for you, as I am bound to do it, with
all care.

I am quite sure that you are glad about Bursas'* 2
but you are too modest in your congratulations,
evidently thinking, as indeed you wTite, that
because he was such a low scoundrel, I did not
think it any great reason for being delighted.

11

CICERO

me iudlcio hoc, quam morte inimici laetatum.
Primum enim iudicio malo quam gladio, deinde gloria
potius amici quam calamitate. In primisque me
delectavit, tantum studium bonorum in me exstitisse
contra incredibilem contentionem elarissimi et poten-

3 tissimi viri. Postremo (vix verisimile fortasse videa-
tur), oderam multo peius hunc, quam ilium ipsum
Clodium. Ilium enim oppugnaram, hunc defen-
deram. Et ille, cum omnis respublica in meo capite
discrimen esset habitura, magnum quiddam spectavit,
nee sua sponte, sed eorum auxilio, qui me stante
stare non poterant : hie simiolus animi causa me, in
quem inveheretur, delegerat persuaseratque non-
nulhs invidis meis, se in me emissarium semper fore.
Quamobrem valde iubeo gaudere te ; magna res
gesta est. Numquara ulh fortiores cives fuerunt,
quam qui ausi sunt eum contra tantas opes eius, a
quo ipsi lecti indices erant, condemnare. Quod
fecissent numquam, nisi iis dolori meus fuisset dolor.

4 Nos hie multitudine et celebritate iudiciorum et novis
legibus ita distinemur, ut quotidie vota faciamus, ne
intercaletur, ut quam primum te videre possimus.

" Clodius, murdered by the followers of Milo at Bovillae
on January 20th in this year.

* Milo, exiled in consequence of the murder of Clodius.

* Pompey.

■* When Cicero defended Bursa is not known.

' The new procedure introduced by Pompey.

f If the intercalary month was inserted by the Pontifices
it would keep Cicero longer in Rome.
12

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. ii.

Now I want you to believe me when I say that I
derived more delight from this trial than from the
death of my enemy .« For in the first place, I had
rather win in a court of law than by the sword, and
secondly, by bringing about the triumph rather
than the political do^s-nfall of a friend.^ And I was
above all dehghted that the enthusiasm of honest men
on my behalf stood out so conspicuously to resist
the inconceivably strenuous efforts of a most dis-
tinguished and powerful personage."

Lastly (perhaps you -will think it hardly probable) 3
I hated this man much worse than I hated the
notorious Clodius himself ; for the latter I had
attacked, the former I had defended."* And Clodius,
when the whole State was hkely to be jeopardized
in my person, fixed his eyes on something big, and
that not on his own initiative, but with the assistance
of those who could not stand firm as long as I did so ;
but this httle ape of a fellow, just by way of amusing
himself, had picked me out to be the object of his
attacks, and had con\'inced some of my ill-wishers
that he would always be at hand to let loose upon me.
So I bid you rejoice right heartily ; it has been a
great achievement. Never have any of my fellow-
citizens sho^^■n greater courage than those who dared
to condemn him, and defy the enormous resources of
the man by whom the jurors themselves had been
chosen. This they would never have done had they
not made my grievance their own.

Here I am so distracted by the number of cases, 4
and the crowded state of the law-courts, and by the
new legislation,* that I offer prayers daily that there
may be no intercalary month,' so that I may see you
as soon as possible.

18

CICERO
III

M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Persaepe mihi cogitanti de communibus miseriis,
in quibus tot annos versamur, et (ut video) ver-
sabimur, solet in mentem venire illius temporis, quo
proxime fuimus una ; quin etiam ipsum diem memo-
ria teneo. Nam a. d. iii. Idus Maias, Lentulo et
Marcello consulibus, cum in Pompeianum vesperi
venissem, tu mihi sollicito animo praesto fuisti.
Sollicitum autem te habebat cogitatio turn offici,
turn etiam periculi mei. Si manerem in Italia,
verebare, ne officio deessem ; si proficiscerer ad
bellum, periculum te meum commovebat. Quo tem-
pore vidisti profecto me quoque ita conturbatum, ut
non explicarem, quid esset optimum factu. Pudori
tamen malui famaeque cedere, quam salutis meae

2 rationem ducere. Cuius me mei facti poenituit, non
tam propter periculum meum, quam propter vitia
multa, quae ibi offendi, quo veneram. Primum neque
magnas copias neque bellicosas ; deinde extra ducem
paucosque praeterea (de principibus loquor), reliqui
primum in ipso bello rapaces, deinde in oratione ita

" In 49 B.C. Cicero joined Pompey at Dyrrhachium
before the end of the year.

14

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. in.
Ill

TO THE SAME

Rome, end of May (?), 46 b.c.

Thinking, as I very often do, of the miseries, I
common to us all, in which we have been h\Tng for
many years past, and shall, I can see, continue to Uve,
I am constantly reminded of the time when we last
met ; indeed, I remember the very day. When I
arrived at my Pompeian villa on the evening of the
12th of May in the consulship of Lentulus and
Marcellus," you were there to meet me in an anxious
state of mind. But your anxiety was due to your
brooding over the double problem of my duty and my
danger. If I remained in Italy, you feared that I
should be faiUng in my duty ; if I set out for the
scene of war, you were appalled at the thought of
my danger. And on that occasion, as you must surely
have noticed, I too was so agitated that I could form
no clear conception of what was best to be done.
Anyhow I decided to yield to my sense of honour
and to pubhc opinion rather than consider my o^vn
safety.

That decision of mine I have since regretted, not 2
so much on account of any danger I incurred as of
the many signs of weakness I came across at the end
of my journey. In the first place, I found that the
troops were neither numerous nor in good fighting
trim ; secondly, apart from the commander and
some few others (I am speaking of the leading men),
the rest were, firstly, so greedy of loot during the
campaign itself, and secondly, so bloodthirsty in the

15

CICERO

crudeles, ut ipsam victoriam horrerem ; maximum
autem aes alienum amplissimorum virorum. Quid
quaeris ? nihil boni praeter causam. Quae cum
vidissem, desperans victoriam, primum coepi suadere
pacem, cuius fueram semper auctor ; deinde, cum
ab ea sententia Pompeius valde abhorreret, suadere
institui, ut bellum duceret. Hoc interdum probabat
et in ea sententia videbatur fore, et fuisset fortasse,
nisi quadam ex pugna coepisset suis militibus con-
fidere. Ex eo tempore vir ille summus nuUus
imperator fuit. Signa, tirone et collectitio exercitu,
cum legionibus robustissimis contulit. Victus, tur-
3 pissime amissis etiam castris, solus fugit. Hunc ego
mihi belli finem feci, nee putavi, cum integri pares
non fuissemus, fractos superiores fore. Discessi ab
eo bello, in quo aut in acie cadendum fuit, aut in
aliquas insidias incidendum, aut deveniendum in
victoris manus, aut ad lubam confugiendum, aut
capiendus tamquam exsilio locus aut consciscenda
mors voluntaria. Certe nihil fuit praeterea, si te
victori noUes, aut non auderes, committere. Ex
omnibus autem iis, quae dixi, incommodis nihil
tolerabilius exsilio, praesertim innocenti, ubi nulla
adiuncta est turpitudo ; addo etiam, cum ea urbe

" That near Dyrrhachium, when Pompey was victorious.
* Cicero deprecated Pompey's calling in the aid of the
barbarian king of Numidia.

16

EPISTULAE AD FAMILTARES, VII. iii.

way they spoke, that I shuddered at the thought of
even victory itself; and last but not least, there
was the insolvency of men of the highest rank. In
short there was nothing sound about them but their
cause. At the sight of all this, despairing of victory,
first I began to advise the peace I had always advo-
cated ; and then, when Pompey shrank in horror from
such a proposal, I set about advising him to protract
the war. This advice he was now and again inchned
to approve, and seemed Hkely to remain of that
opinion, and perhaps would have done so, had he not,
in consequence of a certain engagement," begun to
feel confidence in his own troops. From that moment,
for all his eminence, he was no conmaander-in-chief.
With his untrained and hastily assembled army he
gave battle to the most hard-bitten legions in the
world. He was defeated, he lost even his camp in
the most disgraceful way, and he fled all alone.

This I resolved should be for me the end of the war,
not thinking it likely that, having proved no match
for the enemy when our forces were unimpaired, we
should prove superior to them when utterly crushed.
I vvithdrew from a war where there was nothing left
but either to die in battle, or to fall into some ambush,
or pass into the conqueror's hands, or to take refuge
with Juba,** or to find a spot for what would be
practically exile, or dehberately to die by one's ovvn
hand. At any rate there was no other course open,
if you had neither the will nor the courage to throw
yourself on the mercy of the conqueror. Now of all
the miserable alternatives I have specified, the least
unendurable is exile, especially for an innocent man,
when there is no moral stigma attached to it ; I may
also add, when the city from which you are excluded

17

CICERO

careas, in qua nihil sit, quod videre possis sine dolore
Ego cum meis (si quidquam nunc cuiusquam est)
etiam in meis esse malui. Quae acciderunt, omnia

4 dixi futura. Veni domum, non quo optima \'ivendi
condicio esset ; sed tamen, si esset aliqua forma
reipublicae, tamquam in patria ut essem, si nulla,
tamquam in exsilio. Mortem mihi cur consciscerem,
causa nulla visa est ; cur optarem, multae. Vetus
est enim, ubi non sis quijueris, non esse cur velis vivere.
Sed tamen vacare culpa magnum est solatium, prae-
sertim cum habeam duas res, quibus me sustentem,
optimarum artium scientiam et maximarum rerum
gloriam; quarum altera mihi vivo numquam eripietur,

6 altera ne mortuo quidem. Haec ad te scripsi ver-
bosius et tibi molestus fui, quod te cum mei turn
reipubhcae cognovi amantissimum. Notum tibi
omne meum consiHum esse volui, ut primum scires
me numquam voluisse plus quemquam posse, quam
universam rempubhcam ; postea autem quam ahcuius
culpa tantum valeret unus, ut obsisti non posset, me
voluisse pacem ; amisso exercitu et eo duce, in quo
spes fuerat uno, me voluisse etiam reliquis omnibus ;
postquam non potuerim, mihi ipsi finem fecisse belli ;
nunc autem, si haec civitas est, civem esse me ; si

" Pompey ; the " one man " is of course Caesar.
18

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. iii.

is one in which there is nothing you can cast your
eyes upon without pain. For my o^vn part, I
preferred to be >vith those who belong to me (if
anything belongs to anybody in these days), and
furthermore among my own possessions. As to
what actually happened, I foretold it all.

I came home, not that the conditions of hfe here 4
were of the best, but so that, if there were any definite
form of constitution, I might be, as it were, in my own
country, if there were none, then, as it were, an exile.
Why I should contrive my own death there seemed no
reason ; why I should pray for it there were many.
You know the old saying, "When once your powers are
passed, why wish your life to last? " However, it is a
great consolation to be blameless, especially when I
have two things to support me — a knowledge of the
best branches of learning, and the glory of the highest
achievements ; of the former I shall never be robbed
in my lifetime, of the latter not even when I am dead.

I have written all this to you >\-ith some verbosity, 5
and have ventured thus to bore you, because I am
conxTnced of your warm devotion to myself as well as
to the Republic. I was anxious that my entire poUcy
should be known to you, so that you might understand
that in the first place I never desired that any one man
should have more power than the State as a whole,
but that, when through the fault of a certain respons-
ible person," one man was so strong as to put resistance
out of the question, well, then I was all for peace ;
that after the loss of the army and of that commander
in whom alone there had been any hope, I resolved to
put an end to the policy of war among all the rest of
our party also, but faiUng in that, to put an end to it
so far as I was concerned ; but that, as it is, if there

19

CICERO

non, exsulem esse non incommodiore loco, quam si
6 Rhodum aut Mitylenas me contulissem. Haec tecum
coram malueram ; sed quia longius fiebat, volui per
litteras eadem, ut haberes, quid diceres, si quando
in vituperatores meos incidisses. Sunt enim, qui,
cum meus interitus nihil fuerit reipublicae profuturus,
criminis loco putent esse, quod \ivam. Quibus ego
certo scio non videri satis multos perisse ; qui, si me
audissent, quamvis iniqua pace, honeste tamen vive-
rent ; armis enim inferiores, non causa fuissent.
Habes epistulam verbosiorem fortasse, quam velles.
Quod tibi ita videri putabo, nisi mihi longiorem
remiseris. Ego, si, quae volo, expediero, brevi
tempore te, ut spero, videbo.

' IV

M. T. C. S. D. M. MARIO

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

A. d. IX. Kal. in Cumanum veni cum Libone tuo
vel nostro potius. In Pompeianum stattm cogito,
sed faciam ante te certiorem. Te cum semper valere
cupio, turn certe, dum hie sumus. Vides enim,

« Father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius. His sister Scribonia
was the wife of Augustus.
20

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. iii.-iv.

be a State, I am a citizen of it, if not, that I am an
exile in a place not less convenient than if I had
betaken myself to Rhodes or Mitylene.

I should have preferred discussing these matters 6
>\ith you in person ; but because time was getting
on, I determined to convey the same sentiments to
you by letter, so that you might know what to say if
ever you fell among my detractors. For there are
people who, though my passing away was not hkely
to be of the slightest benefit to the Republic, look
upon it as a sort of scandalous reflection upon me
that I am still alive. Now these people, I am quite
sure, are not satisfied with the many who have already
fallen ; people who, had they but listened to me, would
at any rate be Uving an honourable life, however
harsh the terms of peace ; for inferior as they were in
arms, they would not have been so in the justice of
their cause.

Well, there's a letter for you, rather more wordy
perhaps than you would have hked ; and I shall think
that it seems so to you, unless you send me a longer
one in reply. If I can settle some business I want
done, I shall see you, I hope, before very long.

IV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Cumae, November 16th, 46 b.c.

I arrived at my Cuman villa ^vith your (or rather
OIU-) friend Libo,* on the 16th. I am thinking of
going on immediately to my Pompeian %illa, but I
shall let you know before I do so. I want you alwavs
to be in good health, at any rate while I am here. For

21

CICERO

quanto post una futuri simus. Quare, si quod con-
stitutum cum podagra habes, fac ut in alium diem
differas. Cura igitur^ ut valeas, et me hoc biduo
aut triduo exspecta.

V

CICEBO S. D. CAESARI IMPER.
' Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 Vide, quam mihi persuaserim, te me esse alterura,
non modo in his rebus, quae ad me ipsum, sed etiam
in iis, quae ad meos pertinent. C. Trebatium cogi-
taram, quocumque exirem, mecum ducere, ut eum
meis omnibus studiis, beneficiis quam ornatissimum
domum reducerem. Sed posteaquam et Pompei
commoratio diuturnior erat, quam putaram, et mea
quaedam tibi non ignota dubitatio aut impedire
profectionem meam videbatur aut certe tardare, vide,
quid mihi sumpserim, — coepi velle, ea Trebatium
exspectare a te, quae sperasset a me. Neque meher-
cule minus ei prolixe de tua voluntate promisi, quam

2 era^i solitus de mea polliceri. Casus vero mirificus
quidam intervenit, quasi vel testis opinionis meae
vel sponsor humanitatis tuae. Nam cum de hoc
ipso Trebatio cum Balbo nostro loquerer accuratius

" Tyrrell reads quanto but translates as though it were
quantum — " You see the amount of one another's company
we are likely to have in the future ? "

* See note 6 to the next letter.

• L. Cornelius Balbus the elder was a native of Gades,
to whom Pompey gave Roman citizenship. He served
Caesar as praefectus fahrum in Spain in 61 b.c, and still held
that position, though staying mostly in Rome. In 56
Cicero successfully defended his claim to Roman citizenship.
After Caesar's death he joined Octavian, and was the first
consul of provincial extraction.

22

EPISTULAE AD FAxMILIARES, VII. iv.-v.

you see how long it is likely to be before we meet

again." So if you have any assignation with Madam
Gout, mind you put it off to another day. Be careful
to keep well then, and look out for me within the next
two or three days.

CICERO TO CAESAR IMPERATOR, W GAUL
Rome, about April, 54 s.c.

Observe how I take it for granted that I have in 1
you a second self, not only ii. what concerns me
personally, but also in what concerns my friends.
It had been my intention, on w^'atever foreign service
I should be sent, to take with me C. Trebatius,* so as
to bring him home as distinguished as possible by
every mark of my de; otion and kindness. But when
Pompey's str.y at Rome proved longer than I had
expected p,id a certain hesitancy on my part too, of
':hich you are well aware, seemed hkely to prevent,
or at any rate retard, my departure, just see what I
have presumed to do, — I am beginning to wish that
whatever Trebatius had hoped for from me, he
should expect to get from you, and I frankly confess
the hopes I held out to hinaofj'our goodwill were no
less ample than the promisesT^had frequently made
to him of my own.

There occurred, however, in the meantime an 2
astonishing incident, whether regarded as a witness
to my judgment of you or as a pledge for your
generosity . I was having quite a serious conversation
at my house with our friend Balbus * about this very

23

CICERO

domi meae, litterae mihi dantur a te, quibus in extre-
mis scriptum erat : M. Rufum, quern mihi commendas,
vel '•egem Galliae faciam, vel hunc Leptae delega. Si
vis, tu ad me alium mitte, quern ornem. Sustulimus
manus ft ego et Balbus. Tanta fuit opportunitas,
ut illud nescio quod non fortuitum, sed divinum
videretur. Mitto igitur ad te Trebatium, atque ita
mitto, ut iritio mea sponte, post autem invitatu tuo
3 mittendum duxerim. Hunc, mi Caesar, sic velim
omni tua comitate complectare, ut omnia, quae per
me possis adduci, it in meos conferre velis, in unum
hunc conferas. De quo tibi homine haec spondeo
non illo vetere verbo meo, quod cum ad te de Milone
scripsissem, iure lusi^ti, sed more Romano, quo modo
homines non inepti locuuntur ; probiorem hominem,
meliorem virum, pudentiwem esse neminem. Ac-
cedit etiam, quod famiham duat in iure civili, sin-
gulari memoria, summa scientia. Hiia ego neque
tribunatum, neque praefecturam, neque uinu^-^-^ne-
fici certum nomen peto ; benevolentiam tuam ex
hberalitatem peto ; neque impedio, quo minus, si
tibi ita placuerit, etiam hisce eum ornes gloriolae
insignibus ; totum denique hominem tibi ita trado
de manu (ut aiunt) in manum tuam istam et victoria
et fide praestantem. Sumus enim putidiusculi,

" The name is a mere conjecture, the text being utterly
corrupt.

* Afterwards Cicero^s praefectus /abrum in Cilicia.
~ « Probably some such phrase as fruffi or bonae friigi^
which was conventionally employed in letters of recommenda-
tion. Tyrrell.
24

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. v.

Trebatius, when I am handed a letter from you, at
the end of which were the words, "As to the M.
Rufus" you recommend to n^e, I >vill e'en make him
king of Gaul, or if you like pass him on to Lepta ^ ; if
you care to do so, send me somebody else to give a
post to." Balbus and I both raised our hands. So mar-
vellously opportune was it, that it struck us as some-
thing that was not mere luck but an intervention of
the gods. I therefore send you Trebatius, and I send
him with the feeUng that I should do so in the first
instance of my own free will, and then because of
your invitation.'

He is the man, my dear Caesar, I would have you
so welcome \vith all your characteristic courtesy as
to bestow upon him alone whatever favours I might
induce you to be kind enough to bestow upon my
friends. As to his character I guarantee you tliisV^
not using that hackneyed expression " of mine which
you rightly ridiculed when I wrote to you about Milo,
but in the good old Roman style, which is the speech
of men of the world — that there exists no more
upright , personality , no better or more unassuming
man.' "^ should add that he is at the head of his
profession in ci\il law, and a man of marvellous
memory and vast learning. I ask for him no
tribimate.nor prefecture, nor any specific appointment
you may kindly offer him ; I simply ask your general
goodwill and generosity ; and I raise no objection, if it
so please you, to your also honouring him with these
tokens of a little glory. In short I hand him over to
you absolutely^om my hand (as they say) to yours **
— a hand as distinguished for its triumphs in the field,
as for its loyalty in friendship. You see I am

** A legal phrase, equivalent to the more usual per manui.

25

CICERO

quamquam per te vix licet ; varum, ut video, licebit.
Cura, ut valeas, et me, ut amas, ama.

VI

CICERO S. D. TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 In omnibus meis epistulis, quas ad Caesarem aut
ad Balbum mitto, legitima quaedam est accessio
commendationis tuae, nee ea vulgaris, sed cum aliquo
insigni indicio meae erga te benevolentiae. Tu
modo ineptias istas et desideria Urbis et urbanitatis
depone, et, quo consilio profectus es, id assiduitate
et virtute consequere. Hoc tibi tarn ignoscemus nos
amici, quam ignoverunt Medeae,

quae Corinthum arcem altam habebant, matronae
opulentae, optimates :

quibus ilia manibus gypsatissimis persuasit, ne sibi
vitio illae verterent, quod abesset a patria ; nam

multi suam rem bene gessere et publicam patria procul :
multi, qui domi aetatem agerent, propterea sunt improbati.

Quo in numero tu certe fuisses, nisi te extrusissemus.

" Lit. " to be just a little fulsome."

^ Or " but (from the tone of your letter) I fancy you will
pardon my importunity."

* C. Trebatius Testa, to whom this and the next sixteen
letters are addressed, was a rising young lawyer and an
intimate friend of Cicero. He was now in Gaul with good
pecuniary prospects, but he pined for Rome. He was no
soldier, and Cicero rallies him on his dread of discomfort.
In the Civil War he urged Cicero to remain neutral. In
his later years he became the friend of Horace, who dedicated
to him Sat. ii. 1.

"* With which actors whitened their hands.
26

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. v.-vi.

inclined " to lay it on with a trowel," *» though you
will hardly think it pardonable ; but I foresee the
day when it will be.* Pray take care of your health,
and continue to love me as you do.

VI

CICERO TO TREBATIUS TESTA "

Cumae or Pompeii, May, 54 b.c.

In all my letters to Caesar or to Balbus there is a 1
sort of statutor}-- appendix, to >vit,my recommendation
of you ; and it is no conventional one, but conveys a
distinct intimation of my kindly feehng towards you.
It only remains for you to get rid of your silly fads and
longings for the City and City hfe, and to maintain
consistently and courageously the spirit in which you
left home. You will be as readily pardoned for doing
so by us, your friends, as Medea was pardoned by the

Dames who held th' high keep of Corinth, dames of
opulence, dames of rank,

whom she, with her hands all bleached Nvith chalk,<*
persuaded not to find fault A\-ith her for being away
from her fatherland, for

Many a man himself and country well hath served 'neath

alien skies ;
Many a man, at home abiding, from his rut hath failed

to rise."

And you would certainly have been in the latter

* In other words " We will excuse your absence from Rome
as the dames of Corinth pardoned Medea for leaving her
fatherland when she, extending her whitened hands in
entreaty, persuaded them not to blame her for leaving her
home in Colchis." The verse quotations in this letter are
from the Medea of Ennius.

27

CICERO

2 Sed plura scribemus alias. Tu, qui ceteris cavere
didicisti, in Britannia ne ab essedariis decipiaris,
caveto, et, quando Medeam agere coepi, illud semper
memento :

qui ipse sibi sapiens prodesse non quit, nequidquam

sapit.

Cur a, ut valeas.

vir

CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 Ego te commendare non desisto, sed, quid pro-
ficiam, ex te scire cupio. Spem maximam habeo in
Balbo, ad quern de te diligentissime et saepissime
scribo. Illud soleo mirari, non me toties accipere
tuas litteras, quoties a Quinto mihi fratre afFerantur.
In Britannia nihil esse audio neque auri, neque
argenti. Id si ita est, essedum aliquod suadeo capias,

2 et ad nos quam primum recurras. Sin autem sine
Britannia tamen assequi, quod volumus, possumus,
perfice, ut sis in familiaribus Caesaris. Multum te
in eo frater adiuvabit meus, multum Balbus, sed,
mihi crede, tuus pudor et labor plurimum. Im-
peratorem liberalissimum, aetatem opportunissimam,
commendationem certe singularem habes, ut tibi
unum timendum sit, ne ipse tibi defuisse videare.

* Trebatius was now about 35.
28

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. vi.-vii.

class, had we not forcibly ejected you. But more
of this anon.

You, who have learnt to take precautionary 2
measures for your clients, must look out in Britain
that you are not cheated by the charioteers and
(since I have taken to acting the Medea) always
remember the hne —

Vainly wise, the fruits of wisdom for himself who cannot
pluck.

Take care of your health.
VII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, May, 54 b.c.

I never cease recommending you, but I am anxious 1
to know from you with what success. My chief hope
is in Balbus, to whom I write about you very earnestly
and very frequently. I am often surprised at not
recei\ing letters from you as often as I get them from
my brother Quintus. I hear that in Britain there is
not an oimce of either gold or silver. If that is so, I
advise you to capture some war-chariot, and post
back to me as soon as you can.

If, however, setting Britain aside, we can still attain 2
our object, you must make sure of being one of
Caesar's intimate friends. In that my brother wall
be a great help to you, and so will Balbus ; but,
beheve me, the greatest help of all will be your o^vn
modesty and hard work. ' You have a most generous
imperator, you are at the most suitable age,* and
your credentials at any rate are exceptionally good.
So the one thing you have to fear is, that people
may think that you have not done yourself justice.

29

CICERO
VIII

CICERO TREBATIO
Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 Scripsit ad me Caesar perhumaniter, nondiim te
sibi satis esse familiarem propter occupationes suas,
sed certo fore. Cui quidem ego rescripsi, quam mihi
gratum esset futurum, si quam plurimum in te studi,
offici, liberalitatis suae contulisset. Sed ex tuis
litteris cognovi praeproperam quandam festinationem
tuam, et simul sum admiratus, cur tribunatus com-
moda, dempto praesertim labore militiae, con-

2 tempseris. Querar cum Vacerra et Manilio ; nam
Cornelio nihil audeo dicere, cuius tu periculo stultus
es, quando te ab eo sapere didicisse profiteris. Quin
tu urges istam occasionem et facultatem, qua melior
numquam reperietur. Quod scribis de illo Preciano
iureconsulto, ego te ei non desino commendare.
Scribit enim ipse mihi, te sibi gratias agere debere.
De eo quid sit, cura, ut sciam. Ego vestras litteras
BritAnnicas exspecto.

IX

M. CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 lamdiu ignoro, quid agas. Niliil enim scribis ;
neque ego ad te his duobus mensibus scripseram.

" Both noted jurists of the day.

* Another great lawyer, who had been Trebatius's tutor.

* Sapere connotes legal learning — "taught you to be a
wise lawyer."

30

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. viii.-ix
VIII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, August, 54 b.c.

Caesar tells me in a most courteous letter that 1
owing to his being so busy you are not yet as intimate
^^'ith him as he could wish, but that you certainly will
be so. I told him in my reply how grateful I should
be if he bestowed upon you all the consideration, kind-
ness, and liberahty he could. But in your own letter I
discovered a certain excess of hastiness on your part,
while at the same time I wondered why you disdained
the advantages of a tribuneship, especially with
exemption from military duties.

I shall complain of you to Vacerra " and Manihus,"
for I dare not say a word to Cornehus,* whose
reputation you have endangered by your folly,
since you profess that it was he who taught you
wisdom.*' Why not make the best of your chances
and opportunity ? You will never find a better.
You refer in your letter to that great jurist, Precianus ;
well, I never cease recommending you to him,
particularly as he wTites to me himself that you owe
him some expression of gratitude. Mind you let me
know what it is all about. I am on the look-out for
letters from yourself and the others in Britain.

IX

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, October, 54 b.c.

It is long since I heard how you are ; you never 1
write, and I have not wTitten to you for the last

31

CICERO

Quia cum Quinto, fratre meo, non eras, quo mitterem
aut cui darem, nesciebam. Cupio scire, quid agas et
ubi sis hiematurus. Equidem velim, cum Caesare,
sed ad eum propter eius luctum^ nihil sum ausus

2 scribere. Ad Balbum tamen scripsi. Tu tibi deesse
noli —

potius ad nos serius, dum plenior.

Quod hue properes, nihil est, praesertim Battara
mortuo. Sed tibi consilium non deest. Quid consti-

3 tueris, cupio scire. Cn. Octavius, an Cn. Cornehus,
quidam est, tuus familiaris, " summo genere natus,
terrae fihus." Is me, quia scit tuum famiharem esse,
crebro ad cenam invitat. Adhuc non potuit per-
ducere : sed mihi tamen gratum est.

M, CICERO S. D. TREBATIO
Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Legi tuas litteras, ex quibus intellexi, te Caesari
nostro valde iure consultum videri. Est quod
gaudeas, te in ista loca venisse, ubi aliquid sapere
viderere. Quod si in Britanniam quoque profectus
esses, profecto nemo in ilia tanta insula peritior te

^ Victorius : occupationem Cratander.

" For the death of his daughter JuHa, wife of Pompey.
She died in September of this year.

* Apparently a nickname for the Vacerra mentioned in
the preceding letter, perhaps because he stammered.

* " Terrae filius = {\) a clodhopper, (2) an ain-bxOuv.
This man's pedigree went back to the beginning of things,
but as a matter of fact he was a clown." T. E. Page.

32

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. ix.-x.

two months. Since you were not with my brother
Quintus, I did not know where, or by whose hand, to
send a letter. I am anxious to know how you are
getting on, and where you intend spending the
winter. I should like you to do so with Caesar, but
I have not ventured to wTite a word to him because
he is in mourning." I have, however, \\Titten to
Balbus. Don't throw away your chances, —

Better return to us later, so you come with a heavier
purse.

There is no reason why you should hurry home,
especially now that Battara * is dead. But you have
something up your sleeve. I am only anxious to
know what you have decided to do.

There is a certain Cn. Octa\-ius (or is it Cn.
Cornelius ?), a friend of yours, " A man of highest
birth, a very son of earth." " Well, because he knows
I am a friend of yours, he is constantly asking me to
dinner. So far he has not been able to induce me
to go ; still I think it very kind of him.

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, December, 54 b.c.

I have read your letter, from which I gather that 1
our friend Caesar considers you an excellent lawyer.
You may well congratulate yourself on having
reached those regions where you pass as a man of
some legal ability ; had you got as far as Britain too,
I am sure you would not have found a single man in
all that great island more of an expert than yourself.
VOL. H c 33

CICERO

fuisset. Verumtamen (rideamus licet ; sum enim
a te invitatus) ; subinvideo tibi, ultro te etiam arces-
situm ab eo, ad quern ceteri, non propter superbiam
eius, sed propter occupation em aspirare non possunt.

2 Sed tu in ista epistula nihil mihi scripsisti de tuis
rebus, quae mehercule mihi non minori curae sunt,
quam meae. Valde metuo, ne frigeas in hibemis ;
quamobrem camino luculento utendum censeo ; idem
Mucio et Manilio placebat, praesertim qui sagis non
abundares. Quamquam vos nunc istic satis calere
audio ; quo quidem nuntio valde mehercule de te
timueram. Sed tu in re militari multo es cautior,
quam in advocationibus, qui neque in Oceano natare
volueris, studiosissimus homo natandi, neque spectare
essedarios, quern antea ne andabata quidem de*
fraudare poteramus. Sed iam satis iocati sumus,

3 Ego de te ad Caesarem quam diligenter scripserim,
tute scis ; quam saepe, ego. Sed mehercule iam
intermiserara, ne viderer hberalissimi hominis meique
amantissimi voluntati erga me diffidere. Sed tamen
his htteris, quas proxime dedi, putavi esse hominem
commonendum. Id feci. Quid profecerim, facias
me velim certiorem, et simul de toto statu tuo con-
sihisque omnibus. Scire enim cupio, quid agas, quid

" Perhaps with a hint of the metaphorical meaning of
frigere — " that you have nothing to do." In the next
sentence calere is obviously metaphorical. Tyrrell.

" A reference to the rising of the Gauls under Ambiorix.

• For Trebatius's love of swimming see Hor. Sat. ii. 1.8.

•* The andahatae fought blindfold so as to amuse the
lowest class of spectator,

34

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. x.

But, be that as it may (I am free to laugh, for you
challenged me to do so), I am just a httle jealous of
you — that you were actually summoned without your
asking for it by one whom the rest of the world do
not aspire to approach, not because he is so proud,
but because he is so busy.

But you told me nothing in your letter about your 2
affairs, which I declare to you are of no less interest
to me than my own. I am very much afraid that
you feel the cold " in your winter-quarters ; and for
that reason, in my judgment, you should have a nice
bright stove ; such too is the " considered opinion
of counsel " — Mucins and Manilius — especially as
you have no superabundance of miUtary cloaks.
But no ! I hear you are now having quite a hot time
of it over there ^ — a bit of news that, I assure you,
filled me with alarm on your account. You are,
however, far more cautious as a soldier than in the
legal advice you give, since, enthusiastic swimmer "
as you are, you showed no desire for a swim in the
Ocean, or to see a parade of the British charioteers,
though at Rome we have never been able to cheat
you of so much as a blindfolded gladiator .'* But
there, I have joked enough.

How earnestly I have >vTitten to Caesar about you, 3
you know yourself ; how often, I alone know. But
now, I confess, I have broken off the correspondence,
for fear I should be thought to distrust the friendly
feehng of one so generous and so fond of me. But
for all that in my last letter to him I thought it well
to jog his memory. I did so. With what success, I
should like you to let me know, and to tell me at
the same time all about your position and plans. For
I am really anxious to know how you are getting on,

85

CICERO

exspectes, quam longum istum tuum discessum a
nobis futurum putes. Sic enim tibi persuadeas velim,
unum mihi esse solatium, quare facilius possim pati
te esse sine nobis, si tibi esse id emolumento sciam ;
sin autem id non est, nihil duobus nobis est stultius,
me, qui te non Romam attraham, te, qui non hue
advoles. Una mehercule nostra vel severa vel iocosa
congressio pluris erit quam non modo hostes, sed
etiam fratres nostri Haedui . Quare omnibus de rebus
fac ut quam primum sciam.

Aut consolando aut consilio aut re iuvero.

XI

CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Nisi ante Roma profectus esses, nunc earn certe
relinqueres. Quis enim, tot interregnis, iure con-
sultum desiderat ? Ego omnibus, unde petitur, hoc
consili dederim, ut a singulis interregibus binas
advocationes postulent. Satisne tibi videor abs te

2 ius civile didicisse ? Sed heus tu, quid agis ? Ecquid

" Of whom the Senate had spoken as " fratres con-
sanguineique," " brothers and kinsmen."

* Terence, Heaut. 86.

« No legal business could be transacted during an inter-
regnum, and this year (53) such disorder prevailed at Rome,
due to the obstructive tactics of the tribunes, that the inter-
regna continued up to July, when consuls were at last
appointed. An Interregnum (a term continued after the
expulsion of the kings) meant, under the republic, the time
between the death or retirement of the consuls and the
election of new ones.

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. x.-xi.

what your expectations are, and how long you think
your absence from us is likely to last. Pray assure
yourself of this, that the one consolation I have to
enable me to bear more easily your absence from
among us is, that I assume it to be to your material
advantage. If it is not, well, then we are a pair of the
biggest fools alive, I for not hauling you back to Rome,
you for not winging your way home. I am positive
that a single interview, be it grave or gay, between
us ^vill be worth more, not only than the enemy, but
even than " our right trusty cousins " the Haedui."
So make sure of informing me on all points as soon as
possible ;

Comfort, or counsel, or my purse, — 'tis thine.*

XI

CICERO TO THE SAilB
Rome, January, 53 b.c.

Had you not gone abroad before, you would
certainly leave Rome behind you now. \Mio feels
the want of a la\\yer, when there are so many inter-
regna «^ ? My own ad\'ice to aU petitioners would
be to insist upon two adjournments from each
interrex <* ! Are you satisfied with the civil pro-
cedure I have learnt from you ?

But look you here, how are you getting on ? Is

■* As each interrex only held office for five days, a defendant
who got two "adjournments for obtaining legal assistance
(advocationes)" each advocatio being for three days, would
be safe during the interregnum.

37

CICERO

fit ? Video enim te iam iocari per litteras. Haec
signa meliora sunt, quam in meo Tusculano. Sed
quid sit, scire cupio. Consuli quidem te a Caesare
scribis, sed ego tibi ab illo consuli mallem. Quod si
aut fit aut futurum putas, perfer istam militiam et
permane ; ego enim desiderium tui spe tuorum com-
modorum consolabor ; sin autem ista sunt inaniora,
recipe te ad nos. Nam aut erit hie aliquid aliquando
aut, si minus, una mehercule coUocutio nostra pluris
erit, quam omnes Samarobrivae, Denique, si cite
te rettuleris, sermo nuUus erit ; si diutius frustra
abfueris, non modo Laberium, sed etiam sodalem
nostrum Valerium pertimesco. Mira enim persona
3 induci potest Britannici iure consulti. Haec ego
non rideo, quamvis tu rideas, sed de re severissima
tecum, ut soleo, iocor. Remoto ioco, tibi hoc
amicissimo animo praecipio, ut, si istic mea com-
mendatione tuam dignitatem obtinebis, perferas
nostri desiderium, honestatem et facultates tuas
augeas ; sin autem ista frigebunt, recipias te ad
nos. Omnia tamen, quae vis, et tua virtute pro-
fecto et nostro summo erga te studio consequere.

" There is a play on the two meanings of signa — " signs "
and " statues," hard to reproduce in EngUsh ; " this shows
a better state of things than do the shows at my Tusculan
villa."

** Samarobriva, the modern Amiens, was the chief town
of Gallia Belgica.

" A noted writer of farces {mimi).

"* " If it turns out to be a frost," as we should say.

38

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xi.

there any development ? For I observe a certain
jocularity in your last letters. These are better
signs than the signs of bad art at my Tusculan \-iIla.<»
But I am anxious to know what it all means. You cer-
tainly write that Caesar consults you ; but I had much
rather he consulted yoiu- interests. But if there is any
development or you think there will be, persevere
in your mihtary service and stay on ; for though I
shall miss you, the hope of yovu- profiting by so doing
will cheer me up ; but if it is all moonshine, come back
to us. You may take it that something or other will
turn up here some day or other, or even if it doesn't,
I swear that a single chat between us will be worth
more than all your Samarobrivas * put together. To
conclude, if you return speedily, there will be no talk
about it ; if you stay away much longer with nothing
to show for it, I shudder at the thought not only of
what Laberius.<= but also of what our comrade Valerius
may do. For a most surprising character might be
put on the stage, — " The Lawyer in Britain."

I am not laughing at aU this, however much you 3
may laugh ; I am but jesting >vith you, as I so often
do, on a most serious subject. But joking apart, I
give you, in the true spirit of friendship, this piece
of advice, — if you establish your position out there
with the help of my reconmiendation, never mind the
loss of my society', but promote your o^vn prestige,
and add to your wealth ; if, however, the prospect is
chilUng,'' come back to us. But as a matter of fact
you will assuredly, both by your own merits and by
my very sincere devotion to you, obtain everything
you desire.

39

CICERO
XII

CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Mirabar, quid esset, quod tu mihi litteras mittere
intermisisses. Indicavit mihi Pansa meus, Epi-
cureum te esse factum. O castra praeclara ! Quid
tu fecisses, si te Tarentum, et non Samarobrivam
misissem ? lam tum mihi non placebas, cum idem

2 intuebare, quod et Selius^ familiaris meus. Sed
quonam modo ius civile defendes, cum omnia tua
causa facias, non civium ? Ubi porro ilia erit formula
fiduciae, ut inter bonos bene agier oportet ? Quis enim
est bonus, qui facit nihil, nisi sua causa ? Quod ius
statues coMMUNi dividundo, cum commune nihil
possit esse apud eos, qui omnia voluptate sua metiun-
tur ? Quomodo autem tibi placebit, iovem lapidem
iurare, cum scias Iovem iratum esse nemini posse ?
Quid porro fiet populo Ulubrano, si statueris ttoAi-

1 Klotz : Seius Victorius : zeius M,

" C. Vibius Pansa, who was now at Rome, standing for
the tribunate, which he obtained for 52-51.

* The most luxurious of winter resorts. Cicero means
that if the rough camp life at Samarobriva, so far from
making a man of Trebatius, had turned him into an Epi-
curean, what would the softness of Tarentum have made
of him ?

* Who Selius was, and what his opinions were, is unknown
except that he was some sort of an Epicurean. Cicero, who
always scoffs at the Epicureans, indicates the difficulties in
Trebatius's way if he becomes an Epicurean, e.g. " How can
he be bonus, if he only regards his own individual well-
being, or call the gods to witness if they are ' careless of

40

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xii
XII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, February, 53 b.c.

I was wondering why it was that you had stopped 1
writing to me. Well, my friend Pansa " has let it
out — you have tiimed Epicurean ! What a marvellous
camp ! WTiat would you have done had I sent you,
not to Samarobriva, but to Tarentum ^" ? I felt there
was something amiss with you, ever since you
supported the same views as my friend Selius." But 2
how on earth will you uphold the principles of civil law,
when your every act is for yourself alone and not for
your fellow-citizens ? Besides, what vvill become of the
legal formula in cases of trust, that dealings between
honest men should be in accordance with honesty ? For
who is an honest man, who does nothing except
what is to his own interest ? What will be your
legal ruling as to dividing what is held in common,
when nothing can be held in common among those
whose one standard of conduct is their ov\'n pleasure ?
Again, how ^\i\\ you fancy swearing by Jupiter and
ike Stone,^ when you know well enough that it is
impossible for Jupiter to be angry with anybody ?
What, moreover, will become of your people of
Ulubrae,* if you lay it down that it is improper to

mankind,' or act as pafronus, if all public activity is
forbidden ? "

"* The swearer of that oath took up a stone sajdng " If
wittingly I break my oath, then may Diespiter cast me out of
my possessions as I cast away this stone."

• Ulubrae was a municipium, of which Trebatius was the
patrontis.

41

CICERO

Tevetrdai non oportere ? Quare si plane a nobis de-
ficis, moleste fero ; sin Pansae assentari commodum
est, ignosco. Modo scribe aliquando ad nos, quid
agas, et a nobis quid fieri aut curari velis.

XIII

M. CICERO S. D. TBEBATIO
Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Adeone me iniustum esse existimasti, ut tibi
irascerer, quod parum mihi constans et nimium
cupidus deeedendi viderere, ob eamque causam me
arbitrarere litteras ad te iamdiu non misisse ? Mihi
perturbatio animi tui, quam primis litteris per-
spiciebam, molestiam attulit. Neque alia ulla fuit
causa intermissionis epistolarum, nisi quod, ubi esses,
plane nesciebam. Hie tu me etiam insimulas, nee
satisfactionem meam accipis ? Audi, Testa mi.
Utrum superbiorem te pecunia facit, an quod te
imperator consuUt ? Moriar, ni, quae tua gloria
est, puto te malle a Caesare consuli, quam inaurari.
Si vero utrumque est, quis te feret praeter me, qui

2 omnia ferre possum ? Sed, ut ad rem redeam, te
istic invitum non esse vehementer gaudeo ; et, ut
illud erat molestum, sic hoc est iucundum. Tantum

" i.e. " enriched." Cf. Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice,
II. vi. 50 : "I will make fast the doors, and gild myself with
some more ducats."
42

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xii.-xiii.

" discharge the functions of a citizen " ? So if you
are really and truly deserting us, I am sorry ; but if
it only suits you for the time to humour Pansa, I
forgive you. Only do ^^Tite to me some time or other,
and tell me what you are doing, and what you wish
me to do or to attend to for you.

XIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, March 4, 53 b.c.

Did you really imagine that I was so unjust as to 1
be angry with you because I thought you were too
restless, and too eager to leave Rome, and do you
suppose that that is why I have not written to you
for so long ? \NTiy, the agitation of mind you so
clearly showed in your first letter to me gave me pain ;
and there was no other reason whatever for the break
in my correspondence but the fact that I had not
the slightest idea where you were. Look here, do
you really mean this accusation, and refuse to accept
my apology ? Listen to me, my good Testa ! Is it
money that swells your pride, or the fact that you
are being consulted by an imperator } Upon my
hfe, I beheve that, ambitious as you are, you would
rather be consulted by Caesar than gilded" by him.
If it is both, who in the world will put up with vou
except myself, who can put up \vith anything ?

But, to return to my point ; I am extremely glad 2
that you have no objection to being where you are,
and as your former restlessness was a pain, your
present contentment is a pleasure to me. I am only

48

CICERO

metuo, ne artificium tuum tibi parum prosit. Nam,
ut audio, istic

non ex lure manum consertum, sed mage ferro
rem repetunt.

At tu non soles^ ad vim faciundam adhiberi, neque
est quod illam exceptionem in interdicto pertimescas :

QUOD TU PRIOR VI HOMINIBUS ARMATIS NON VENERIS :

Scio enim, te non esse procacem in lacessendo. Sed,
ut ego quoque te aliquid admoneam de vestris
cautionibus, Treviros vites censeo. Audio capitales
esse. Mallem auro, aere, argento essent. Sed alias
iocabimur. Tu ad me de istis rebus omnibus scribas
velim quam diligentissime.

XIV

CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Chrysippus Vettius, Cyri architecti libertus, fecit,
ut te non immemorem putarem mei ; salutem enim

* So reads Skuckhurgh : et tu soles M.

" Manum ex iure conserere = " to make a joint seizure,"
the litigant parties laying their hands simultaneously on
the property in dispute, each claiming it as his own. There
is also a reference to manum conserere in the sense of "to
join battle." The quotation is from Ennius, Annales, 275.

* He means that if the claimant had used violence, his
opponent, according to the proviso, would have the right of
reprisal.

" A play on Treviri (a formidable tribe in Gaul) and
Tresviri, (1) the Tresviri capitales who had charge of
prisoners, executions, etc. (though capitales here may also
mean " deadly folk to deal with "), and (2) the Tresviri
44

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xiii.-xiv.

afraid that your profession brings you no adequate
profit ; for I am told that out there

Not legally by touch of hand," but more
By steel they make their claims.

But^OM are not accustomed to be briefed to employ
violence, and there is no reason for your dreading
that reservation in the injunction, " since you have
not taken the initiative in forcing an entry by
violence and armed men." ^ No, for I am sure you
are not given to issuing provocative challenges.

But that I too may give you a word of warning
about your legal " securities," it is my opinion that
you should fight shy of the Treviri. I hear they are
like our Tres\lri, who see to it that malefactors die ;
I had rather it were the " die " used by our other
Tresviri, for coining gold, silver, and copper." But
we can have our joke some other time. I should be
glad if you would write to me about all your affairs
with the greatest possible particularity.

XIV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, March (?), 53 b.c.

Chrysippus Vettius, Cyrus <* the architect's freed-
man, has given me reason to think that you have not
quite forgotten me ; for he passed your greeting on

auro argento aeri flando feriumio, for castinfr and stamping
coins in those metals. Cicero means he would rather see
Trebatius on his way to make a fortune than risking his
life on the field of battle.

* The architect whom Cicero always employed.

45

CICERO

verbis tuis rnilii nuntiarat. Valde iam lautus es,
qui gravere litteras ad me dare, homini praesertim
prope domestico. Quod si scribere oblitus es, minus
multi iam, te advocate, causa cadent ; sin nostri
oblitus es, dabo operam, ut istuc veniam ante, quam
plane ex animo tuo effluo ; sin aestivorum timor te
debilitat, aliquid excogita, ut fecisti de Britannia.
2 Illud quidem perlibenter audita ex eodem Chrysippo,
te esse Caesari familiarem. Sed mehercule mallem,
id quod erat aequius, de tuis rebus ex tuis litteris
quam saepissime cognoscere. Quod certe ita fieret,
si tu maluisses benevolentiae, quam litium iura per-
discere. Sed haec iocati sumus, et tuo more, et non-
nihil etiam nostro. Te valde amamus, nosque a te
amari cum volumus, turn etiam confidimus.

XV

CICERO TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 701.

1 Quam sint morosi, qui amayit, vel ex hoc in-

tellegi potest — moleste ferebam antea, te in\'itum

istic esse ; pungit me rursus, quod scribis esse te

" Lit. "to write a letter," but here obviously used in a
legal sense, " to draft a document."

* Or " more friendly," Tyrrell, who quotes iii. 6. 6
" aequi et iniqui," " friends and foes."
46

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xiv.-xv.

to me in your own words. A mighty fine person
you have become, to find it a nuisance to send
me on a letter, especially now that I am almost one
of the family. But if you have forgotten how to
write a letter," there will at once be a decrease
in the number of those who lose their cases through
engaging you ; if you have forgotten me, I shall
make an effort to visit you at yoiu- quarters,
before I slip out of yoiu: mind altogether ; but if it
is the alarming prospect of your simuner quarters
that unnerves you, you must de\-ise some means of
escape, as you did in the case of Britain.

One thing I was told by that same Chrysippus, 2
which gave me great pleasiu-e — that you are on
famihar terms with Caesar. But, upon my word, I
would rather, and it would be more proper * too, that
I should be informed of your affairs by your writing
to me yourself as often as possible ; and you would
certainly do so if you had chosen to make yourself
thoroughly acquainted with the claims of friendship
rather than the claims of Utigation. But this is all
in joke ; it is your way, and to some extent mine
also. I love you much, and I would have you love
me too, as indeed I am sure you do.

XV

CICERO TO THE SAMS

Rome, June (?), 53 b.c.

How hard to please are those who love, one may l
gather even from such an instance as this — at first I
was annoyed that you did not Uke being where you
are ; and now again your writing to say that you like

47

CICERO

istic libenter. Neque enim mea commendatione te
non delectari facile patiebar, et nunc angor quid-
quam tibi sine me esse iucundum. Sed hoc tamen
malo ferre nos desiderium, quam te non ea, quae
2 spero, consequi. Quod vero in C, Mati, suavissimi
doctissimique hominis, familiaritatem venisti, non
dici potest, quam valde gaudeam ; qui fac ut te
quam maxime diligat Mihi crede, nihil ex ista
provincia potes, quod iucundius sit, deportare. Cura
ut valeas.

XVI

M. CICERO S. D. TREBATIO
Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 In Equo Troiano scis esse in extremo, sero saphint.
Tu tamen, mi vetule, non sero. Primas illas rabio-
sulas sat fatuas dedisti. Deinde, quod in Britannia
non nimis «^lAo^ewpov te praebuisti, plane non repre-
hendo. Nunc vero in hibemis intectus mihi videris.
Itaque te commovere non curas,

Usquequaque sapere oportet ; id erit telum acerrimum.

2 Ego si foris cenitarem, Cn. Octavio, familiari tuo,

" Little is known of Matius beyond what we glean from
this reference to him, and from the two letters xi. 27 and
28. See note to the former letter.

* Ascribed to both Livius and Naevius. In extremo may
be part of the quotation — " when all is over."

* Vetule, perhaps implying that Trebatius was old for his
years, or simply as a terra of endearment, like mon vieux.

" C/. vu. 9. 3.

48

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xv.-xvi.

it gives me a pang of pain. For I was inclined to
resent your not being delighted \sith the course I
recommended, and now I am quite distressed that
you can find pleasure in anything without me. But
for all that I had sooner endure my own loss of your
company than your failing to get all I hope you vnW.

To change the subject, I cannot tell you how 2
exceedingly glad I am that you have become
intimate -with that most charming and erudite man,
C. Matius." Make a point of ^^inning his most
sincere regard. Believe me, there is nothing you
can bring home with you from that pro\'iiice of
yours which would give me greater pleasure. Take
care of yourself.

XVI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, November, 54 b.c

You know the words in the Trojan Horse,^ 1
towards the end of it, man's wisdom comes too late.
But with you, my dear old man,'' it is not too late.
Those first rather snappish letters of yours were quite
silly. Subsequently — well, I find no fault at aU
with you for not showing too great a passion for sight-
seeing in the matter of Britain. Now, however, I
understand you are in winter-quarters insufiiciently
clothed and therefore disincUned to be up and
doing. 'HfVell,

Be wise in your every deed and word ;
The keenest of weapons is Wisdom's sword.

Had I been in the habit of dining out, I should 2
not have disappointed your friend Cn. Octa\'ius<* ;

49

CICERO

non defuissem. Cui tamen dixi, cum me aliquoties
invitaret : " Oro te, quis tu es ? " Sed mehercules,
extra iocum, homo bellus est ; vellem eum tecum
3 abduxisses. Quid agatis, et ecquid in Italiam venturi
sitis hac hieme, fac plane sciam. Balbus mihi con-
firmavit te divitem futurum. Id utrum Romano
more locutus sit, bene nummatum te futurum, an,
quomodo Stoici dicunt, omnes esse divites, qui caelo et
terra frui possint, postea videro. Qui istinc veniunt,
superbiam tuam accusant, quod negent te per-
contantibus respondere. Sed tamen est quod
gaudeas. Constat enim inter omnes, neminem te
uno Samarobrivae iuris peritiorem esse.

XVII

CICERO S. D. TREBATIO

Romae, a.u.c. 700.

1 Ex tuis litteris et Quinto fratri gratias egi et te
aliquando collaudare possum, quod iam videris certa
aliqua in sententia constitisse. Nam primorum men-
sium litteris tuis vehementer commovebar, quod
mihi interdum (pace tua dixerim) levis in Urbis
urbanitatisque desiderio, interdum piger, interdum
timidus in labore militari, saepe autem etiam, quod

" i.e., " that you refuse to give a civil answer to a civil
question," which as Reid says, was regarded by the Romans
as a typical act of rudeness. But respondere also means " to
give counsel's opinion," and implies that Trebatius treated
his clients de haul en bas.

" See note to vii. 11.2.

" It should be noted that this letter was written in October,
and the preceding letter in November, 54 b.c, so that their
order should be reversed.
50

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xvi.-xvii.

though, when he imited me ever so often, the only
answer he got from me was " and pray who are you ? "
But really, joking apart, he is quite a nice Uttle man ;
how I >\ish you had taken him away with you I

Be sure vou let me know exactly what you are all 3
doing, and whether there is any likelihood whatever
of yoiu- all coming to Italy this winter. Balbus has
positively assured me that you are going to be a rich
man. Whether he spoke -ssith the Hteral directness
of a Roman, and meant that you would be a moneyed
man, or, as the Stoics have it, that all are rich who
can enjoy the open air and the earth, I shall see
later. Those who come from your neighbourhood
object to your superciliousness, because they say you
give no reply to those who ask you questions." But
anyhow you have one reason for exultation — they are
all agreed that there is no better lawyer in all
Samarobriva * than yourself ; you stand alone.

XVII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, October, 54 b.c*

As a result of your letter I have thanked my 1
brother Quintus, and am able at last to compliment
you on ha\-ing now apparently taken your stand upon
some definite decision. For your letters during the
first months used to worry me exceedingly, because
it seemed to me that you were sometimes — pardon
my saying so — capricious in your longings for the
city and city life, sometimes indolent, sometimes
timorous in your military duties, and often too — a

51

CICERO

a te alienissimum est, subimpudens videbare. Tam-
quam enim syngrapham ad imperatorem, non episto-
1am attulisses, sic, pecunia ablata, domum redire
properabas ; nee tibi in mentem veniebat, eos ipsos,
qui cum syngraphis venissent Alexandriam, num-
2 mum adhuc nullum auferre potuisse. Ego, si mei
commodi rationem ducerem, te mecum esse maxime
vellem. Non enim mediocri afficiebar vel voluptate
ex consuetudine nostra, vel utilitate ex consilio atque
opera tua. Sed cum te ex adulescentia tua in amici-
tiam et fidem meam contulisses, semper te non modo
tuendum mihi, sed etiam augendum atque ornandum
putavi. Itaque quoad opinatus sum, me in pro-
vinciam exiturum, quae ad te ultro attulerim,
meminisse te credo. Posteaquam mea mutata ratio
est, cum viderem me a Caesare honorificentissime
tractari et unice diligi, hominisque liberalitatem
incredibilem et singularem fidem nossem, sic ei te
commendavi et tradidi, ut gravissime diUgentissime-
que potui. Quod ille ita accepit ; et mihi saepe
litteris significavit, et tibi et verbis et re ostendit,
mea commendatione sese valde esse commotum.
Hunc tu virum nactus, si me aut sapere aliquid aut
velle tua causa putas, ne dimiseris ; et, si qua te
forte res aliquando ofFenderit, cum ille aut occupa-
tione aut difficultate tardior tibi erit visus, perferto.

" Ptolemy Auletes had borrowed immense sums of money,
which he used for purposes of bribery in Rome, from Roman
speculators whom he never repaid.

' When Cicero thought of going on foreign service as
legatus to Pompey, he offered to take Trebatius with him ;
cf. vii. 5 1.
52

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xvii.

thing most foreign to your nature — ^just a little
presumptuous. For you were in a hurry to snatch
the money and return home, just as if what you had
brought the commander-in-chief was not a letter
of recommendation, but a bill of exchange ; and it
never occurred to you that even those who went to
Alexandria with bills of exchange " have never yet
been able to bring away a single penny.

Were I to consider my own interests, I should
very much like to have you with me here ; for I
appreciated in no small degree, whether it was the
pleasure of our intimacy, or the benefit I derived from
your advice and assistance. But seeing that you have
thrown yourself ever since you were a lad upon my
friendship and protection, I deemed it incumbent
upon me not only to guard your interests, but also to
promote your advancement and distinction. And
therefore, so long as I imagined that I should be
leaving Rome for a province — well, I am sure you
remember the offer I made you Unasked.* After the
change in my plans, observing that Caesar was
treating me with marked honour and exceptional
regard, and recognizing the man's amazing liberality
and uncommon sincerity, I introduced and recom-
mended you to him with all the gravity and earnest-
ness in my power. What I said he accepted in the
same spirit, and he has often indicated to me in his
letters, and sho%\'n you too by word and deed, that
he was deeply impressed by my recommendation.
Ha\ing got hold of such a man (if you think I have
any sense, or any desire to serve you) don't let him
go ; and if now and again anything happens to
offend you, when, o\\ing either to his being busy
or to some other hindrance, you have thought him

53

CICERO

et ultima exspectato ; quae ego tibi et iucunda et
3 honesta praestabo. Pluribus te hortari non debeo.
Tantum moneo, neque amicitiae confirmandae cla-
rissimi ac liberalissimi viri, neque uberioris provinciae
neque aetatis magis idoneum tempus, si hoc amiseris,
te esse uUum umquam reperturum. Hoc, quem-
admodum vos scribere soletis in vestris libris, idem
Q. Cornelio videbatur. In Britanniam te profectum
non esse gaudeo, quod et labore caruisti, et ego te
de rebus illis non audiam. Ubi sis hibernaturus, et
qua spe aut condicione, perscribas ad me velim.

XVIII

CICERO S. D. TREBATIO
In Pomptino, a.u.c. 701.

1 Accepi a te aliquot epistulas imo tempore, quas
tu diversis temporibus dederas, in quibus me cetera
delectarunt ; significabant enim te istam militiam
iam firmo animo ferre, et esse fortem virum et
constantem. Quae ego paullisper in te ita desidera\'i,
non imbecillitate animi tui, sed magis, ut desiderio
nostri te aestuare putarem. Quare perge, ut coepisti;
forti animo istam tolera militiam ; multa, mihi crede,

" See note to Ep. 8. 2 above.
54,

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xvii.-xviii.

too dilatory, possess your soul in patience and look
forward to the ultimate issue ; I will guarantee its
being both gratifying and honourable to you.

I have no business to prolong this exhortation ; only 3
I warn you that if you miss this opportunity, you will
never find a more favourable chance of firmly
estabUshing a friendship with a most distinguished
and generous man, of getting a richer province, or of
making the best of your time of life. In this, as
your lawyers always put it in your Reports, Q.
Cornelius " " concurs." I am glad you have not set
out for Britain for two reasons — it has reUeved you
of some hard work, and I shall not have to listen to
your experiences in that country. I should like you
to write and tell me all about where, and with what
prospects, and under what conditions, you are likely
to spend the winter.

XVIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Ager Pomptinus, April 8, 53 b.c.

I have received several letters from you at the same 1
time, though you had sent them at different times.
Now with one exception they gave me great pleasure,
for they showed that you were taking your military
service in a spirit of resolution, and were a man of
courage and firmness — qualities which for some little
time I did miss in you, not because of any weakness
in your character, but rather so far as to think that
you were restless because you missed me. Go on
then as you have begun ; face your military duties
with a gallant heart ; beUeve me, you will gain mucli

CICERO

assequere ; ego enim renovabo commendationem,
sed tempore. Sic habeto, non tibi maiori esse curae,
ut iste tuus a me discessus quam fructuosissimus tibi
sit, quam mihi. Itaque, quando vestrae cautiones
infirmae sunt, Graeculam tibi misi cautionem chiro-
graphi mei. Tu me velim de ratione Gallici belli
certiorem facias ; ego enim ignavissimo cuique maxi-

2 mam fidem habeo. Sed, ut ad epistolas tuas redeam,
cetera belle, illud miror ; quis solet eodem exemplo
plures dare, qui sua manu scribit ? Nam quod in
palimpsesto, laudo equidem parsimoniam. Sed
miror, quid in ilia chartula fuerit, quod delere
malueris, quam haec non scribere, nisi forte tuas
formulas. Non enim puto te meas epistolas delere,
ut reponas tuas. An hoc significas, nihil fieri }
frigere te, ne chartam quidem tibi suppeditare ?
lam ista tua culpa est, qui verecundiam tecum

3 extuleris, et non hie nobiscum reliqueris. Ego te
Balbo, cum ad vos proficiscetur, more Romano com-
mendabo. Tu, si intervallum longius erit mearum
litterarum, ne sis admiratus ; eram enim abfuturus
mense Aprili. Has litteras scripsi in Pomptino, cum
ad villam M. Aemili Philemonis devertissem, ex qua

" This probably means that Cicero had sent Trebatius a
private letter of instructions as to his behaviour towards
Caesar, and that, to ensure secrecy, he had written it in such
Greek as he could command, and in his own hand.

* On the principle that " lookers on see most of the game."

• Cicero thinks Trebatius too bashful in pushing his
fortunes. " He should have left his shyness at home."

56

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xviii.

by it; I shall, of course, repeat my recommendation of
you, but all in good time. Be assured of this, that
you are no more anxious than I am myself that your
separation from me should bear you as rich a harvest
as possible. And so, since what you lawyers term
" guarantees " don't hold water, I have sent you a
" guarantee " in Greek of a sort, — and in my own
handwTiting." I should like you to inform me as to
the development of the war in Gaul ; for the less of
a fighter my informant is, the more I trust him.^

But to revert to your letters ; in every other 2
respect they were quite nice, but one thing puzzles
me ; who is ever in the habit of -writing several exact
duplicates of liis letters — that is, if he writes them
with his own hand ? As to your using a palimpsest,
I admire your thrift. But I am wondering what
could have been on that scrap of parchment that
you should have been ^vilhng to erase it rather
than not write what you do, — unless perhaps it was
some of your legal rigmaroles. For I am sure you
do not erase my letters to write your own on the top
of them. Do you really mean to imply that there
is nothing doing, that you are out-at-elbows, and
that you have even run short of ^\Titing-paper ? Well,
if so, it is your own fault for having added your
bashfulness to your kit, and not left it at home
with us.*

I shall recommend you to Balbus in good old 3
Roman terms, when he sets out to join you. You
must not be surprised if there is a longer interval
than usual between my letters ; for I am likely to be
away in the month of April. In fact I am \vTiting this
letter in the Pomptine district, having broken my
journey at M. Aemihus Philemon's villa, where I

57

CICERO

iam audieram fremitum clientium meorum, quos qui-
dem tu mihj conciliasti. Nam Ulubris honoris mei
causa vim maximam ranunculorum se commosse
constabat. Cura, ut valeas. vi. Idus April, de
Pomptino.

Epistolam tuam, quam accepi ab L. Arruntio,
conscidi innocentem ; nihil enim habebat, quod non
vel in contione recte legi posset. Sed et Arruntius
ita te mandasse aiebat, et tu ascripseras. Verum
illud esto. Nihil te ad me postea scripsisse demiror,
praesertim tam no vis rebus.

XIX

CICERO TREBATIO S.

Rhegii, a.u.c. 710.

Vide, quanti apud me sis ; etsi iure id quidem ;
non enim te amore vinco. Verumtamen quod prae-
senti tibi prope subnegaram, non tribueram certe, id
absenti debere non potui. Itaque, ut primum Velia
navigare coepi, institui Topica Aristotelea conscribere,
ab ipsa Urbe commonitus, amantissima tui. Eum

<• Trebatius was patronus of Ulubrae, and during his
absence had left Cicero in charge of his clients there. Being
near the Pomptine marshes, Ulubrae was overrun with
frogs, and Cicero pretends that they were the clients Tre-
batius had made over to him.

"■ He refers to the great rising in Gaul in 54 and 53, and
the second expedition across the Rhine.

" Cicero, disgusted with the state of affairs under Antony,
is now on his way to Greece, and sends this letter (dated
eight days later than the next) from Rhegium on the coast
of Bruttium, whither he had sailed from Velia in Lucania,
where Trebatius had a house, occupied by Cicero in his
absence.
58

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xvni.-xix.

have already heard the distant din of my chents —
those, I mean, whom you so kindly introduced to
me. For everybody knows that at Ulubrae " a
powerful chorus of dear little frogs have exerted
themselves to do me honour. Take care of yourself.
April 8th from the Pomp tine district.

Your letter, delivered to me by L. Arruntius, I
have torn up, though it did not deserve such a fate ; for
it contained nothing that might not have been quite
properly read out, even at a pubUc meeting. But
not only did Arruntius say that such were your
instructions, but you had yourself added a note to
that effect. But let that be. I am greatly surprised
at your not having written anything to me sub-
sequently, especially in these sensational times.*

XIX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rhegium," July 28, 44 b.c.

See how highly I esteem you ! And yet that is
only as it should be ; for I do not excel you in
affection. Be that as it may, what I had almost been
inchned to refuse you, at any rate did not grant you,
when you were present, that I could not leave as an
unpaid debt to you in your absence. So as soon as
I began my voyage from Veha I set about writing
a siunmary of the Topics of Aristotle,** being
reminded to do so by the sight of a city so sincerely
devoted to you. That book I sent you from Rhegium,

•* Aristotle's tottol are Cicero's loci communes : " general
arguments" or " commonplaces," dealt with in his Topica.

59

CICERO

librum tibi misi Rhegio, scriptum quam planissime
res ilia scribi potuit. Sin tibi quaedam videbuntur
obscuriora, cogitare debebis, nullam artem litteris
sine interprete at sine aliqua exercitatione percipi
posse. Non longe abieris ; num ius civile vestrum
ex libris cognosci potest ? qui quamquam plurimi
sunt, doctorem tainen lumenque^ desiderant. Quam-
quam tu si attente leges, si saepius, per te omnia
eonsequere, ut certe intellegas. Ut vero etiam ipsi
tibi loci, proposita quaestione, occurrant, exercita-
tione eonsequere. In qua quidem nos te continebi-
mus, si et salvi redierimus et salva ista ofFenderimus.
V. Kal. Sext Rhegio.

XX

CICERO S. D. TREBATIO

Vellae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Amabilior mihi Velia fuit, quod te ab ea sens!
amari. Sed quid ego dicam te, quem quis non
amat ? Rufio, medius fidius, tuus ita desiderabatur,
ut si esset unus e nobis. Sed ego te non reprehendo,
qui ilium ad aedificationem tuam traduxeris. Quam-
quam enim Velia non est vilior, quam Lupercal,
tamen istuc malo, quam haec omnia. Tu, si me
audies, quem soles, has paternas possessiones tenebis ;
^ Manutius : usumque Egnatius : nonnumquam Lamhinus.

» Or " sections," suggesting answers to particular
questions.

* A slave manumitted by Trebatius and probably his
architect, whom Trebatius had transferred from Velia to
Rome to superintend the building of a house there.

" A grotto on the Palatine Hill, sacred to Lupercus (the
Lycean Pan).
60

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xix.-xx.

and it is written as clearly as it was possible to write
on such a subject. But if certain passages strike
you as a little obscui-e, you should reflect that no art
can be mastered by mere reading without someone
to explain, or without a good deal of practice. You
will not need to go far to find proof of that ; can your
o\vn ci\"il law be learnt from books alone ? Though
there is no lack of such books, they still require a
teacher to elucidate them. And yet if you read this
with concentration and over and over again, you will
get all you want by yourself, at least so far as to
grasp the meaning of it. But that the appropriate
headings " should occur to you when a question is pro-
posed, you will only secure by practice. And to that
practice I for my part shall keep you, if I return
safe and find all safe with you. July 28th, from
Rhegium.

XX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Velia, July 20, 44 b.c.

I found Velia all the dearer to me, because I felt
that you are dear to VeUa. But why should I say
that of you, who are universally beloved? Why,
upon my honour, even your man Rufio,* is as sorely
missed here as if he were one of us ; not that I am
finding fault with you for transferring his services
to your oAvn house-building. For though VeHa is
every bit as grand as the Lupercal,'' I would rather
be where you are than have all there is here. If
you hsten to me, and you generally do, you will
cling on to these ancestral demesnes of yoiurs (for

61

GICERO

(nescio quid enim Velienses verebantur), neque
Halethem nobilem amnem relinques nee Papirianam
domum deseres. Quamquam ilia quidem habet
lotum, a quo etiam advenae teneri solent ; quein

2 tamen si excideris, multum prospexeris. Sed in
primis opportunum videtur, his praesertim tempori-
bus, habere perfugium, primum eorum urbem, quibus
carus sisj deinde tuam domum tuosque agros ; eaque
remote, salubri, amoeno loco ; idque etiam mea
interesse, mi Trebati, arbitror. Sed valebis, meaque
negotia videbis, meque dis iuvantibus ante brumam

3 exspectabis. Ego a Sex. Fadio, Niconis discipulo,
librum abstuli, Nikwvos vrept Trokvcfyayias. O medi-
cum suavem, meque docilem ad hanc disciplinam '
Sed Bassus noster me de hoc libro celavit ; te quiden
non videtur. Ventus increbrescit. Cura, ut valeas.
XIII. Kal. Sext. Velia.

XXI

CICERO S. D. TREBATIO
A.u.c. 710.

Sill -causam te docui. Is postea fuit apud me.
Cum ei dicerem, tibi videri sponsionem illam nos

« A mansion built at Velia by some member of the Gens
Papiria now in the possession of Trebatius, and occupied,
during his absence in Rome, by his guest Cicero.

* A show tree, visited by tourists.

« Cicero hopes to enjoy Trebatius's hospitality again.

"* The Etesian gales had now begun. C/. ii. 15. 5 and
xii. 25. 3.

« One Turpilia had made a will in favour of Silius ; but
no woman could make a will without the auctoritas of her

62

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xx.-xxi.

the Velians have heard some disquieting rumour or
other) and not turn your back on that noble river
the Halethes, or abandon the mansion of Papirius."
By the bye, at that very house there is a lotus* which
is often an attraction even to strangers, though if
you cut it down it ^v•ill give you an extensive view.

But it seems to me eminently desirable, especially 2
in these days, to have somewhere to flee to, — in the
first place, a city where the inhabitants are devoted
to you, and secondly, a house of your oa\ti and on your
OAvn estate, and that in some secluded, salubrious, and
beautiful spot ; and this I think, my dear Trebatius,
concerns me too." But you must keep well, and look
after my affairs, and expect to see me, by the favour
of Heaven, before midwinter.

I have walked off with a book from Sextus 3
Fadius, Nicon's pupil — Nicon on Over-Eating. What a
delightful physician he, and what a docile pupil I under
such tuition ! But our friend Bassus kept that book
a secret from me, though not, it appears, from you.
The wind is rising.** Mind you keep well. Velia,
July 20th.

XXI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Tusculum (?), June, 44 b.c

I have explained SiUus's case to you.* Well, since
then he has called upon me. When I told him that

agnati (male blood-relations). • Turpilia might have evaded
that auctoritas by an elaborate legal process, but had not
done so, and her will was, therefore, in the opinion of Servius
and Ofilius, "invalid.

63

CICERO

sine periculo facere posse, Si bonorum Turpiliae pos-
sessionem Q. Caepio praetor ex edicto suo mihi dederit,
negare aiebat Servium, tabulas testamenti esse eas,
quas instituisset is, qui factionem testamenti non
habuerit ; hoc idem Ofilium dicere ; tecum se
locutum negabat, meque rogavit, ut se et causam
suam tibi commendarem. Nee vir melior, mi Testa,
nee mihi amicior P. Silio quisquam est, te tamen
excepto. Gratissimum igitur mihi feceris, si ad eum
ultro veneris eique polhcitus eris ; sed, si me amas,
quam primum. Hoc te vehementer etiam atque
etiam rogo.

XXII

CICERO TREBATIO S. D.

Anno incerto.

lUuseras heri inter scyphos, quod dixeram, con-
troversiam esse, possetne heres, quod furtum antea
factum esset, recte furti agere. Itaque, etsi domum
bene potus seroque redieram, tamen id caput, ubi
haec controversia est, notavi, et descriptum tibi
misi ; ut scires, id, quod tu neminem sensisse dicebas,
Sex. Aelium, M'. Manihum, M. Brutum sensisse.
Ego tamen Scaevolae et Testae assentior.

" A formal agreement made by Silius (who had been
granted provisional possession of the estate) with the
intestate heir, who was naturally disputing the will. Begin-
ning as above, it ended with'the words dare mihi spondes ?
" Do you pledge yourself to give me, by way of compensation,
such and such a sum ? " And the heir intestate answered
spondeo ; whence the term sponsio for such an agreement.

64

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, MI. xxi- xxii.

in your view we might safely make that stipulation «
" If the Praetor, Q. Caepio, in accordance with his
edict, has granted me the possession of Turpiha's
estate, etc.," he said that Servius maintained that a
will, made by one who had not the legal right to
make a ^^•ill, was no will at all, and that Ofihus
concurred. Silius said he had not talked it over
with you, and asked me to commend him and his
case to you. There is no better man, my dear Testa,
and I have no better friend than P. Silius, with the
exception indeed of yourself. You will therefore
greatly obUge me by going to him without an
invitation and promising to do what he wants. But,
as you love me, do so as soon as possible. This I
earnestly beg of you to do, and I reiterate my
request.

XXII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Tiisculum (?), June, 44 b.c.

You made fun of me yesterday over our wine for
saying it was a disputed point whether an heir could
lawfully prosecute on a charge of theft committed
before he succeeded to the property. So, although
I had retiunied home comfortably mellow and at
a late hour, I nevertheless marked the section in
which this question is discussed, and I have sent you
a correct copy of it, so as to con\ince you that the
opinion held, according to you, by no one, was held
by Sextus Aehus, Manius Manihus, and Marcus
Brutus ; all the same, I agree with Scaevola and
Testa.

VOL. U D 65

CICERO
XXII I

CICEHO S. D. FADIO GALLO

Anno incerto.

1 Tantum quod ex Arpinati veneram, cum mihi a
te litterae redditae sunt ; ab eodemque accepi
Aviani litteras, in quibus hoc inerat liberalissimum,
nomina se facturum, cum venisset, qua ego vellem
die. Fac, quaeso, qui ego sum, esse te. Estne aut
tui pudoris, aut nostri, primum rogare de die, deinde
plus annua postulare ? Sed essent, mi Galle, omnia
facilia, si et ea mercatus esses, quae ego desiderabam,
et ad eam summam, quam volueram. Ac tamen ista
ipsa, quae te emisse scribis, non solum rata mihi
erunt, sed etiam grata ; plane enim intellego, te non
modo studio, sed etiam amore usum, quae te delec-
tarint, hominem, ut ego semper iudicavi, in omni
iudicio elegantissimum, quae me digna putaris,

2 coemisse. Sed velim maneat Damasippus in sen-
tentia. Prorsus enim ex istis emptionibus nullam
desidero. Tu autem ignarus instituti mei, quanti
ego genus omnino signorum omnium non aestimo,
tanti ista quattuor aut quinque sumpsisti. Bacchas
istas cum Musis Metelli comparas. Quid simile ?

" A highly esteemed friend of Cicero. He wrote a pane-
gyric on Cato Uticensis. Cf. vii. 24. 2.

* From whom Gallus had bought some statues for Cicero.

' Interest would not be charged on the debt until it was
so entered.

'' Damasippus had offered to take the statues off Cicero's
hands. Damasippus, a noted art-connoisseur of the day, is
mentioned in Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 16.

Quintus Caecilius Metellus Scipio, the father of Pompey's
first wife, Mucia. He was a connoisseur in statuary. {^Att.
vi. 1. 17.)

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxin.
XXIII

TO M. FADIUS CALLUS*'
Rome, 61 (?) b.c.

I had only just arrived from Arpinum when a letter 1
from you was dehvered to me ; and by the same
hand I received one from Avianius,^ containing this
very handsome offer, that when he came he would
enter my debt to him on whatever day I pleased."
Pray put yourself in my^ place. Is it consistent with
either your sense of honour or mine, first to haggle
about the day, and then to ask for more than a year's
credit ? But everytliing would have been easy, my
dear Gallus, had you bought only what I wanted,
and that only up to the price I had in my mind.
But for all that, the actual purchases mentioned in
your letter I shall ratify, and they will gratify me
too ; for I quite understand that you showed not
only your anxiety to please, but your affection also,
in buying up, because y-ou considered them worthy
of me, things which gave pleasure to yourself, who,
as I have always thought, show most refined taste
wherever critical skill is needed.

Still I should like Damasippus'* to stick to his 2
intention ; for out of all your purchases there is
absolutely not one that I should really prize. You,
however, in ignorance of my regular practice, took
over your four or five statues at a price beyond
what I set on the whole collection of statues in the
world. You compare your Bacchantes with Metellus's*
Muses. Where is the analogy ? In the first place,

67

CICERO

primum ipsas ego Musas numquam tanti putassem,
atque id fecissem Musis omnibus approbantibus.
Sed tamen erat aptum bibliothecae studiisque nostris
congi-uens. Bacchis vero ubi est apud me locus ?
At pulchellae sunt. Novi optime, et saepe vidi.
Nominatim tibi signa mihi nota mandassem, si pro-
bassem. Ea enim signa ego emere soleo, quae ad
similitudinem gymnasiorum exornent mihi in
palaestra locum. Martis vero signum quo mihi
pacis auctori ? Gaudeo nullum Saturni signum
fuisse. Haec enim duo signa putarem mihi aes
alienum attulisse. Mercuri mallem aliquod fuisset ;
felicius, puto, cum Avianio transigere possemus.
Quod tibi destinaras rpaTre^offiopov, si te delectat,
habebis ; sin autem sententiam mutasti, ego habebo
sciUcet. Ista quidem summa ne ego multo libentius
emerim deversorium Tarracinae, ne semper hospiti
molestus sim. Omnino liberti mei video esse culpam,
cui plane res certas mandaram ; itemque luni, quem
puto tibi notum esse, A\iani familiarem. Exhedria
quaedam mihi nova sunt instituta in porticula Tuscu-
lani. Ea volebam tabellis ornare, Etenim, si quid
generis istiusmodi me delectat, pictura delectat.

« This explains his " regular practice " (si/pra). He did buy
statues not adapted for a " gymnasium," but by " gym-
nasium " he m.eans a place where philosophers met their
pupils, where he could have statues of great men.

* Mars and Saturn were inauspicious deities ; Mercury
was the God of Good Luck.

' A table-leg, which was sometimes a sculptured figure,
as that of Chiron in Juvenal (iii. 305), " sub eodem marmore
(the marble table) Chiron."

<* Where Cicero would often spend a night on his journeys
to his Cuman and Pompeian estates.

68

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxin.

I should never have thought those Muses themselves
worth all that money, and all the Muses would have
agreed. Still it would have been suitable for a
library, and would harmonize with my literary
pursuits. But as for Bacchantes, where is there
room for them at my house ? Ah but, you will
say, they are beautiful little figures. I know them
perfectly well, and have often seen them. Had I
fancied them, I should have specifically commissioned
you to buy statues that were known to me. For I
often buy the sort of figures that would adorn a place
in my palaestra, and make it look like the gymnasia."
But a statue of Mars ! What do I, the advocate of
peace, want with that ? I am glad there was not one
of Saturn, for I should suspect these two statues of
having brought debt upon me.* I should rather
there had been some sort of a statue of Mercury. I
might have had better luck perhaps in my transaction
with Avianius.

As for the table-support «^ you had intended for
yourself, if you Uke it, you must keep it ; if however
you have changed your mind, you may be sure that
I shall keep it. For the sum you have expended, I
declare I would much rather have bought a lodging-
house at Tarracina,** so as not to be an everlasting
burden upon my host. On the whole I take it that the
fault Ues with my freedman, whom I had definitely
commissioned to make certain piu*chases,and also with
Junius, whom I think you know, Avianius 's friend.

I have built some new reading-rooms in a Httle
colonnade at my Tusculan villa, and I should like to
decorate them with pictures ; as a matter of fact, if
anything of that sort gives me any pleasure at all,
it is painting.

CICERO

Sed tamen, si ista mihi sunt habenda, certiorera
velim me facias, ubi sint, quando arcessantur, quo
genere vecturae. Si enim Damasippus in sententia
non manebit, aliquem pseudodamasippum vel cum
4 iactura reperiemug. Quod ad me de domo scribis
iterum, iam id ego proficiscens mandaram meae
Tulliae. Ea enim ipsa hora acceperam tuas litteras.
Egeram etiam cum tuo Nicia, quod is utitur, ut scis,
familiariter Cassio. Ut redii autem, prius, quam
tuas legi has proximas litteras, quaesivi de mea
Tullia, quid egisset. Per Liciniam se egisse dicebat ;
sed opinor Cassium uti non ita multum sorore. Earn
porro negare se audere, cum vir abesset (est enim
profectus in Hispaniam Dexius), illo et absente et
insciente migrare. Est mihi gratissimum, tanti a
te aestimatam consuetudinem vitae victusque nostri,
primum, ut earn domum sumeres, ut non modo prope
me, sed plane mecum habitare posses ; deinde ut
migrare tanto opere festinares. Sed ne vivam, si
tibi concedo, ut eius rei tu cupidior sis, quam ego
sum. Itaque omnia experiar. Video enim, quid
mea intersit, quid utriusque nostrum. Si quid egero,
faciam ut scias. Tu et ad omnia rescribes et, quando
te exspectem, facies me, si tibi videtur, certiorem.

" From whom Gallus had bought a house, now occupied
by Cassius's sister Licinia and her husband Dexius. Licinia,
being on bad terms with her brother, was in no hurry to
suit his or Callus's convenience as regards the house.

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxiii.

Anyhow, if I am to take over your purchases, I wish
M)u would notify me where they are, when they are
to be sent for, and in what kind of conveyance ; for
if Damasippus has not the courage of his opinions,
I have got to find some soi-disant Damasippus,
even if I lose by it.

As to what you repeat in your letter about the
house, I had already, just as I was leaving home,
put the matter in the hands of my daughter Tullia ;
for that was the very hour I received your letter.
I had also conferred with your friend Nicias, since
he is intimate, as you know, vnih Cassius." On my
retiirn, however, before I had read this last letter
of yoiurs, I asked Tullia what she had done. She
told me she had dealt \nth. the matter through
Licinia (though I fancy Cassius does not see so very
much of his sister), who in her turn declared that in
her husband's absence (for Dexius had left for Spain)
she had not the courage to change her house, he not
only being absent, but knowing nothing about it.

I am very much pleased that you should have
valued your close association with me in my Ufe and
mode of hving so highly as, in the first place, to
choose a house where you could dwell, not only near,
but absolutely with me ; and secondly, to be in such
a mighty hurry to make the move. But I had sooner
die than admit that you are any more eager to see the
thing through than I am myself ; so I shall leave no
stone unturned ; for I see how important it is to me,
and indeed to both of us. If I have any success, I
shall make a point of letting you know. You will,
I am sure, reply by letter on ever)' detail, and will
tell me, if you please, when I am to expect you.

71

CICERO
XXIV

CICERO S. D. M. FADIO GALLO
In Tusculano, a.u.c. 709.

1 Amoris quidem tui, quoquo me verti, vestigia,
vel proxime de Tigellio. Sensi enim ex litteris tuis
valde te laborasse, Amo igitur voluntatem. Sed
pauca de re. Cipius (opinor) olim, non omnibus
dormio ; sic ego non omnibus, mi Galle, servio. Etsi
quae est haec servitus ? Olim, cum regnare existi-
mabamur, non tam ab uUis, quam hoc tempore
observer a familiarissimis Caesaris omnibus praeter
istum. Id ego in lucris pono, non ferre hominera
pestilentiorem patria sua ; eumque addictum iam
tum puto esse Calvi Licini Hipponacteo praeconio.

2 At vide, quid succenseat. Phameae causam re-
ceperam, ipsius quidem causa. Erat enim mihi sane
familiaris. Is ad me venit dixitque iudicem sibi
operam dare constituisse eo ipso die, quo de P.

" M. Fadius Gallus was afraid that Cicero might alienate
Tigellius, the Sardinian musician, who had much influence
with Caesar. See Hor. Sat, i. 3, for an amusing description
of him.

'' Cipius, it seems, used to feign sleep, so as not to appear
to notice the indiscretions of his wife with influential guests,
but when a slave, presuming upon this habit of his master,
tried to steal some wine, he suddenly broke in with the above
words.

« Cf. Ad Att. I. 16. 10, where Clodius is described as
asking " Quousque hunc regem feremus ? " " How long are
we going to let this fellow king it over us ? "

<* Sardinia was notoriously unhealthy.

« Hipponax of Ephesus (546-520 b.c.) wrote bitter lampoons
in the scazontic (" limping ") or choliambic (" lame iambic ")
72

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxiv.
XXIV

CICERO TO THE SAME <*
Tusculum, August 20, 45 B.C.

Traces of your devotion to me at every turn ! 1
Take the latest instance of all — the affair of Tigellius ;
for your letter made me feel that you had taken
infinite pains about it ; and I am accordingly
grateful for your kind thought for me. But a
word or two on that matter. It was Cipius,^ I
believe, who once said / am not asleep to every-
body^ so I, my dear Gallus, am not a slave to
everybody. And what, after all, does that slavery
amount to ? In the old days, when I was supposed
to be plapng the king,*' I had no such deference
paid me by any people as is paid me at the present
moment by all tlxe most intimate friends of Caesar,
with the exception of this person. I reckon it as so
much profit to be rid of a fellow who is even more
pestilent than the country he comes from ** ; and I
fancy he was effectually disposed of already as a job
lot by the Hipponactean advertisement of Calvus
Licinius, auctioneer.*

But observe the reason of his indignation. I had 2
undertaken Phamea's defence, because he was
Phamea ; for he was on very famihar terms with me.
Well, he came to me and said that the judge had
arranged to take his case on the very day on which the
jury had to consider their verdict in the case of P.

metre, so called because it was the iambic trimeter with a
spondee, instead of an iambic foot, at the end. Licinius's
scazon was Sardi Tigdli putidum caput ven'it, happily
rendered bv Tyrrell " For sale Tigellius, the Sardinian oaf."

73

CICERO

Sestio in consilium iri necesse erat. Respondi, nullo
modo me facere posse ; quem vellet alium si diem
sumpsisset, me ei non defuturum. Ille autem, qui
sciret se nepotem bellum tibicinem habere et sat
bonum cantorem^, discessit a me, ut mihi videbatur,
iratior. Habes Sardos venales, alium alio nequiorem.
Cognosti meam causam et istius Salaconis iniquitatem.
Catonem tuum mihi mitte. Cupio enim legere. Me
adhue non legisse, turpe utrique nostrum est.

XXV

CICERO S. D. M. FADIO GALLO
In Tusculano, a.u.c. 709.

1 Quod epistulam conscissam doles, noli laborare.
Salva est domi ; petes, cum libebit. Quod autem
me mones, valde gratum est ; idque ut semper
facias, rogo. Videris enim mihi vereri, ne, nisi istum
habuerimus, rideamus yeAwra crapSoviov. Sed heus
tu, manum de tabula ; magister adest citius, quam

2 putaramus. Vereor, ne inCatonium^ Catoninos. Mi
Galle, cave putes quidquam melius, quam epistulae

^ Manutius : unctorem codd.
^ Salmasius : Catomum mss.

" Accused of bribery and corruption.

* i.e., Tigellius.

* Gallus, as well as Cicero and Brutus, wrote a panegyric
of Cato; Caesar and Hirtius both wrote AntuCatos.

•* Probably the preceding letter, in which Tigellius was
severely criticized.

* No doubt a copy of it.

f Tigellius, " who, if hostile to us, may make us laugh a
bitter laugh " with an allusion, both to the bitter Sardinian
herbs (c/. Verg. Eel. vii. 41), and to Tigellius's Sardinian
birth.
74

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, Vll. xxiv.-xxv.

Sestius.*» I replied that I could not possibly attend,
but that if he selected any other day he pleased, I
should not fail him. But conscious of the fact that
he had a grandson** who was quite a nice flautist, and
not a bad singer, he left me, as it seemed to me, in
high dudgeon. There you are, a pair of Sardinians
for sale, one worse than the other. You now know
all about my case, and the unreasonable beha^•iour
of that coxcomb. Send me your Cato " ; I want to
read it. That I have not yet done so is no credit
to either of us.

XXV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Tusculum, August, 45 b.c.

You are sorry the letter ^ has been torn up ; well, 1
don't fret yourself ; I have it * safe at home ; you
may come and fetch it whenever you Uke. That you
should warn me at all, however, gives me great
pleasure ; and I beg you will never cease to do so.
You are evidently afraid that unless we have him f
with us, we may have to laugh " on the ■vsTong side
of our mouths." But hsten ! Hands off your
tablet ! " The Dominie is here sooner than we
expected. I fear he will make Catachthonians of
us Catonians.^

You must never imagine, my dear Gallus, that 2
anything can beat that part of your letter begin-

» As we should say to a schoolboy, "Stop scribbling on
your slate." It may also mean " stop writing about Cato."
See note c on Ep. 24 above. The Dominie is Caesar, just
returned from Spain.

* Or " send whoever sticks to Cato to the Styx."

75

CICERO

tuae partem ab eo loco, cetera labuntur. Secrete hoc
audi ; tecum habeto ; ne Apellae quidem, liberto
tuo, dixeris. Praeter duo nos loquitur isto modo
nemo ; bene malene, videro ; sed quidquid est,
nostrum est. Urge igitur, nee transversum unguem
(quod aiunt) a stilo. Is enim est dicendi opifex.
Atque equidem aliquantum iam etiam noctis assumo.

XXVI

CICERO S. D. GALLO

In Tusculano, a.u.c. 697.

Cum decimum iam diem graviter ex intestinis
laborarem, neque iis, qui mea opera uti volebant,
me probarem non valere, quia febrim non haberem,
fugi in Tusculanum, cum quidem biduum ita ieiunus
fuissem, ut ne aquam quidem gustarem. Itaque
confectus languor e et fame, magis tuum officium
desideravi quam abs te requiri putavi meum. Ego
autem cum omnes morbos reformido, tum, in quo
Epicurum tuum Stoici male accipiunt, quia dicat,
8v(rovpiKa KOI SvcrevrepiKa irddrj sibi molesta esse,
quorum alterum morbum edacitatis esse putant,
alterum etiam turpioris intemperantiae. Sane Sro--
iVTepiav pertimueram. Sed visa est mihi vel loci
mutatio, vel animi etiam relaxatio, vel ipsa fortasse

" i.e., " except literature, to which I mean to devote
myself." This is mere conjecture, but fits the context.

76

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxv.-xxvi.

ning with the passage " all else passes away." * This
for own ear ; keep it to yourself ; don't tell even
your freedman Apella. Except us two nobody
talks in that way ; whether it is the right or the
wrong way, that I shall see later ; but whatever
it is, it is pecuhar to ourselves. Press on then, and
do not let the breadth of a finger-nail (as they say)
part you from your pen ; for the pen is the manufac-
turer of eloquence. And, as for me, I now encroach
upon a good deal even of the night for the purpose.

XXVI

CTCERO TO THE SAME
Tusculanum, 57 (?) b.c.

I had been suffering seriously for quite ten days 1
from a gastric attack, and being unable to satisfy
those who \\-ished to avail themselves of my services
that I was an invalid, because I had no fever, I fled
to my Tusculan villa, having fasted for two days so
strictly, I assure you, as not even to take a sip of
water. And so, exhausted as I was with weakness
and hunger, I missed your kind attention more
keenly than I thought you felt the loss of mine.
Now I have a shrinking horror of all diseases,
especially of that in regard to which the Stoics put
a sinister interpretation upon your great Epicurus's
admission that he was troubled with strangury and
gastritis ; for they attributed the latter to gluttony,
and the former to a still baser kind of self-indulgence.
I had certainly been in great dread of dysentery; but
the change of residence, or simply the easing of my
anxiety, or perhaps the abatement of the malady in

77

GICERO

2 iam senescentis morbi remissio profuisse. Attamen,
ne mirere, unde hoc acciderit, quomodove com-
miserim, lex sumptuaria, quae videtur AiroTT/ra
attulisse, ea mihi fraudi fuit. Nam dum volunt isti
lauti terra nata, quae lege excepta sunt, in honorem
adducere, fungos, heluellas, herbas omnes ita con-
diunt, ut nihil possit esse suavius. In eas cum
incidissem in caena augurali apud Lentulum, tanta
me Sidppoia arripuitj ut hodie primum videatur
coepisse consistere. Ita ego, qui me ostreis et
muraenis facile abstinebam, a beta et a malva
deceptus sum. Posthac igitur erimus cautiores.
Tu tamen cum audisses ab Anicio (vidit enim me
nauseantem), non modo mittendi causam iustam
habuisti, sed etiam visendi. Ego hie cogito com-
morari, quoad me reficiam. Nam et vires et corpus
amisi. Sed, si morbum depulero, facile, ut spero,
ilia revocabo.

XXVII

CICERO S. D. T. FADIO GALLO
Romae, a.u.c. 708.
1 Miror, cur me accuses, cum tibi id facere non
liceat. Quod si liceret, tamen non debebas. Ego

« If the date of this Letter is correct, this sumptuary law
can be no other than the Lex AemiHa of 115 b.c.

'' Son and namesake of P Cornelius Lentulus Spinther,
who was consul in 57 b.c, and promoted the restoration of
Cicero. This younger Lentulus was augur in the same year
(57), and that is the only clue we have to the date of this
letter.

' The preposition, as Reid observes, indicates a per-
sonification of the vegetables.

"* Titus (not to be confounded with Marcus) Fadius Gallus
had been condemned on some unknown charge in 52, and
was living in exile. See v. 18.

78

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxvi.-xxvn.

itself as it wore itself out — ^whatever it was, it seems
to have done me good.

But anyhow, in case you should wonder what 2
caused this attack, or how I brought it upon myself,
it was that sumptuary law," which is supposed to have
inaugurated " plain li\T[ng," — it was that, I say,
which proved my undoing. For your gourmets, in
their anxiety to bring into favour the fruits of the
earth, which are exempted under that law, season
their mushrooms, pot-herbs, and greens of every
kind with a skill that makes them irresistibly
deUcious. I was let in for that sort of food at an
augiu-al banquet at Lentulus's ^ house, with the
result that I was seized with an attack of diarrhoea
so persistent that not until to-day has it shown any
signs of stopping. So I, who had no difficulty in
abstaining from oysters and lampreys, was imposed
upon by Messrs Beet and Mallow.'' So for the future I
shall take better care of myself. As for you how-
ever, considering that Anicius had told you all about
it — in fact he saw me in the act of being sick — it
would have been only reasonable had you not only
sent to inquire for me, but even come to see me. I
intend staying on here until I am restored to health,
for I have lost both strength and weight. But once
I have beaten off this attack, I shall easily, I hope,
recover both.

XXVII

CICERO TO TITUS FADIUS CALLUS <*

Rome, 46 b.c.

I wonder why you find fault with me, when you 1

have no right to do so ; and even if you had the

right, you had no business to do so. " I showed my

79

CICERO

enim te in consulatu observaram. Et ais, fore, ut te
Caesar restituat. Multa tu quidem dicis, sed tibi
nemo credit. Tribunatum plebei dicis te mea causa
petisse. Utinam semper esses tribunus ! inter-
cessorem non quaereres. Negas me audere, quod
sentiam, dicere. Quasi tibi, cum impudenter me
2 rogares, parum fortiter responderim. Haec tibi
scripsi, ut isto ipso in genere, in quo aliquid posse
vis, te nihil esse cognosceres. Quod si humaniter
mecum questus esses, libenter tibi me et facile
purgassem ; non enim ingrata mihi sunt, quae
fecisti ; sed, quae scripsisti, molesta. Me autem,
propter quern ceteri liberi sunt, tibi liberum non
visum demiror. Nam si falsa fuerunt, quae tu ad
me, ut ais, detulisti, quid tibi ego debeo ? si vera,
tu es optimus testis, quid mihi populus Romanus
debeat.

XXVIII

M. CICERO S. D. CURIO
A.u.c. 708.

1 Memini, cum mihi desipere videbare, quod cum
istis potius viveres, quam nobiscum ; erat enim
multo domicilium huius urbis (cum quidem haec

<» A quotation from Gallus's letter to Cicero.

* A punning reference to the tribunes' ms intercedendi.
Gallus appears to have asked Cicero to intercede for him
with Caesar.

" Tyrrell ; or, possibly, " may not act as I choose with
regard to you."

"* In connexion with the Catilinarian conspiracy, when
Gallus must have supplied Cicero with some important
information.
80

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxvii.-xxviii.

regard for you when you were consul," ** and you add
that Caesar is sure to recall you. You certainly
have a great deal to say, but nobody beUeves you.
You state that it was in my interests that you stood
for the tribuneship. I only wish you were a per-
manent tribune ; then you would not have to look
about for somebody to intercede for you,^ You
assert that I dare not say what I think, as though I
showed a lack of spirit in my reply to the audacious
request you made of me !

I have MTitten thus to con\ance you that even in 2
that style you affect when you aspire to be par-
ticularly impressive you do not shine. But had you
expostulated ^\•ith me in terms of ordinary courtesy,
I should have willingly, and quite easily, cleared
myself in your eyes ; for I am not ungrateful for
what you have done, but annoyed at what you
have \\Titten. Now I am really surprised that I, to
whom all others owe their hberty, am in your eyes
no better than a slave." If what you reported to
me,** as you say you did, was not true, what do I owe
you ? If true, you are the best witness of what the
Roman people owe me.

XXVIII

CICERO TO MANIUS CURIUS '

Rome, August (?), 46 b.c.

I remember when I thought it foolish of you to live 1
with your people over there rather than with us ; for
a habitation in this city, when this rvas a city, was

» A banker or factor at Patrae, one of the twelve towns of
Achaia, near Rhium, at the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth.

81

CICERO

ui-bs) aptius humanitati et suavitati tuae, quam tota
Peloponnesus, nedum Patrae. Nunc contra et
vidisse mihi multum videris, cum prope desperatis
his rebus te in Graeciam contulisti, et hoc tempore
non solum sapiens, qui hinc absis, sed etiam beatus.
Quamquam quis, qui aliquid sapiat, nunc esse beatus

2 potest ? Sed, quod tu, cui licebat, pedibus es
consecutus, ut ibi esses,

ubi nee Pelopidarum, —
(nosti cetera) nos idem propemodum consequimur
alia ratlone. Cum enim salutationi nos dedimus
amicorum, quae fit hoc etiam frequentius, quam
solebat, quod quasi avem albam videntur bene
sentientem civem videre, abdo me in bibliothecam.
Itaque opera efficio tanta, quanta fortasse tu senties.
Intellexi enim ex tuo sermone quodam, cum meam
maestitiam et desperationem accusares domi tuae,

3 te ex meis Ubris animum meum desiderare. Sed
mehercule et turn rempublicam lugebam, quae non
solum suis erga me, sed etiam meis erga se beneficiis
erat mihi vita carior, et hoc tempore, quamquam me
non ratio solum consolatur, quae plurimum debet
valere, sed etiam dies, quae stultis quoque mederi
solet, tamen doleo, ita rem communem esse dilapsam
ut ne spes quidem, melius ahquando fore, relinquatur.
Nee vero nunc quidem culpa in eo est, in cuius

" " Nothing is heard " has to be supplied. The Pelopidae
(here Caesar and his satellites) were notorious as evil-doers
in Greek tragedy. The full line is quoted in vii. 30. 1.

* Something strange and rare, like Juvenal's " black
swan."
82

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxxiu.

better suited to your refined and amiable nature
than any spot in the whole Peloponnese, certainly
than Patrae. Now, on the contrary, it seems to me
that you showed great foresight when in the desperate
state of affairs here you betook yourself to Greece,
and that at the present time you are not only -wrise in
absenting yourself from Rome, but happy too.
And yet what man of any sense can be happy now ?

But as to the rehef which you, who were free to do 2
so, obtained by tramping off so as to find some
place where of the sons of Pelops'^ fyou know the
rest), I too nearly manage to secure the same, though
in a different way. For after devoting myself to the
reception of my friends, a function more numerously
attended than heretofore, because to them the sight
of a fellow-citizen of sound sentiments is just as if
they saw a white raven,* I hide myself away in my
library. The result is that I finish off works of such
imp>ortance as even i/ou perhaps will appreciate ; for
I gathered from a certain conversation I had with
vou, when you were upbraiding me at your house
for my depression and despair, that you were sorry
to miss my old spirit in my books.

Well, I must confess that at that time I was 3
mourning the loss of the Republic, which, owing to
her services to me as well as mine to her, was dearer to
me than life itself; and at the present time, although
I am comforted not only by rational reflexion,
which ought to have more influence than anything,
but also by lapse of time, which often cures even
fools of their folly, for all that I grieve that the
commonwealth has so fallen to pieces as not to leave
behind it even the hope of better things to come.
And yet just now it is not the fault of him whose

83

CICERO

potestate omnia sunt (nisi forte id ipsum esse non
debuit), sed alia casu, alia etiam nostra culpa sic
acciderunt, ut de praeteritis non sit querendum.
Reliquam spem nuUam video. Quare ad prima
redeo. Sapienter haec reliquisti, si consilio ; feliciter,
si casu. •

XXIX

CURIUS M. CICERONI SUO S.
Patris, A.u.c. 709.

1 S.v.b.e. ; sum enim xpi'ja-ei fikv tuus, KTTq<T€L Se
Attici nostri. Ergo fructus est tuus, mancipium
illius ; quod quidem si inter senes coemptionales
venale proscripserit, egerit non multum. At ilia
nostra praedicatio quanti est, nos, quod simus, quod
habeamus, quod homines existimemur, id omne
abs te habere ! Quare, Cicero mi, persevera con-
stanter nos conservare et Sulpici successori nos
de meliore nota commenda, quo facilius tuis prae-
ceptis obtemperare possimus, teque ad ver libentes
videre et nostra refigere deportareque tuto possimus.

2 Sed, amice magne, noli hanc epistulam Attico
ostendere ; sine eum errare et putare me virum
bonum esse, nee solere duo parietes de eadem fidelia

" These are the Latin equivalents of the Greek terms, the
former being temporary tenure or leasehold of a property,
involving the enjoyment of the produce {usus fructus), the
latter absolute possession in fee-simple. Cf. Lucretius's
famous line vitaque mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu.

* Put up for sale not separately, but in a lot ; hence
coemptionales.

' Manius Acilius Glabrio, who in 48 succeeded Sulpicius
as governor of Achaia, where Curius is now staying.
84

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxviii.-xxix.

autocracy is absolute (except perhaps that it ought
never to have been so), but certain things have
occurred, some of them by chance and others through
our own fault, which make it unreasonable to com-
plain of what is past. There is no hope left that I
can see. I therefore go back to what I said at first.
If you left all this behind you on purpose, you are
wise ; if you just happened to do so, you are lucky.

XXIX

m'. CURIUS to CICERO
Patrae, October 29, 45 b.c.

If you are well, I am content ; for by us^us * I 1
belong to you, but by mancipium <* to our friend
Atticus. Therefore while the usufruct of me is yours,
the absolute o^vnership of me is his ; but if he
advertises me for sale in a job lot of decrepit slaves ,''
he won't make much by it. Ah, but how it adds to
my value to be able to pubhsh the fact that all I am,
all I have, even my recognition as a man among men
— I owe all to you. And for that reason, Cicero
mine, never cease to persevere in safeguarding my
interests, and give me a testimonial of a special
brand for Sulpicius's successor," so that I may the
more easily obey your orders, and so be able to see
you (how dehghtful !) in early spring, and pack up
my belongings and bring them safe to Rome.

But, my famous friend, you must not show this 2
letter to Atticus ; no, let him remain in his delusion,
and imagine me to be an honourable man, and not
in the habit of " whitewashing two walls out of the

85

CICERO

dealbare. Ergo, patrone mi, bene vale, Tironemque
meiun saluta nostris verbis.

XXX

CICERO S. D. CURIO
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Ego vero iam te nee hortor nee rogo, ut domum
redeas ; quin hinc ipse evolare cupio et aliquo
pervenire,

ubi nee Pelopidarum nomen nee facta audiam.

Incredibile est, quam turpiter mihi facere videar,
qui his rebus intersim. Ne tu videris multo ante
providisse, quid impenderet turn, cum hinc pro-
fugisti. Quamquam haec etiam auditu acerba sunt,
tamen audire tolerabihus est quam videre. In
campo eerte non fuisti, cum hora secunda comitiis
quaestoriis institutis, sella Q. Maximi, quem illi
consulem esse dicebant, posita esset ; quo mortuo
nuntiato, sella sublata est. lUe autem, qui comitiis
tributis esset auspicatus, centuriata habuit ; con-
sulem hora septima renuntiavit, qui usque ad
Kalendas Ian. esset ; quae erant futurae mane

" i.e., "seeking? the favour of two patrons at the same
time; " " serving two masters."

* Probably from the Pelops of Accius.

"^ The Comitia Tributa at which the lesser magistrates,
quaestors and tribunes, were elected, whereas consuls and
praetors were elected at the Comitia Centuriata.

<* About 8 A.M.

• Q. Fabius Maximus was elected consul with C. Trebonius
by Caesar, on his return from Spain, for the last three months
of 45. For the preceding nine months Caesar had been
consul without a colleague.

86

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxix.-xxx.

same pail." <» Well then, patron mine, a hearty fare-
well to you, and mind you salute ray dear Tiro in
my name.

XXX

CICERO TO m'. CURIUS
Rome, January, 44 b.c.

Well, no longer do I either urge or ask you to return 1
home ! Why, I myself long to fly away from here,
and get to some place

Where neither name nor deed may reach my ear
Of any son of Pelops.*

You can't imagine how disgracefully I feel I am
behaving in taking part in these aflFairs. You indeed
seem to have foreseen long beforehand what was im-
pending, when you fled from Rome. And yet, painful
as things are to hear of, hearing of them is easier to
bear than seeing them. At all events you were
not in the Campus Martius when, after the opening
of the Gamitia for the election of quaestors,* at the
second hour,** the chair of Q. Maximus,* whom
Caesar's party declared to be consul, was duly set ;
and then, on the announcement of his death, that
same chair was put away. But the great man,'
having taken the auspices for the Comitia Tributa, also
held the Comitia Centuriata ; and at the seventh
hour f he announced the election of a consul ^ to hold
office till January 1st, which would be the next

' Caesar is frequently referred to as ille.

' Between 12 and 1 when the luncheon hour {the prandium
was a mid-day meal) would have passed.

* C. Caninius Rebilus, Caesar's legate in Gaul, Africa,
and Spain.

87

CICERO

postridie. Ita, Caninio consule, scito neminem pran-
disse. Nihil tamen eo consule mali factum est.
Fuit enim mirifica vigilantia, qui suo toto consulatu

2 somnum non viderit. Haec tibi ridicula videntur.
Non enim ades ; quae si videres, lacrimas non
teneres. Quid, si cetera scribam ? Sunt enim in-
numerabilia generis eiusdem ; quae quidem ego non
ferrem, nisi me in philosophiae portum contulissem
et nisi haberem socium studiorum meorum Atticum
nostrum ; cuius quando proprium te esse scribis
mancipio et nexu, meum autem usu et fructu, con-
tentus isto sum. Id enim est cuiusque proprium,
quo quisque fruitur atque utitur. Sed haec alias

3 pluribus. Acilius, qui in Graeciam cum legionibus
missus est, maximo meo beneficio est ; bis enim est
a me iudicio capitis, rebus salvis, defensus, et est
homo non ingratus meque vehementer observat. Ad
eum de te diligentissime scripsi, eamque epistulam
cum hac coniunxi ; quam ille quomodo acceperit
et quid tibi pollicitus sit, velim ad me scribas.

XXXI

CTCERO S. D. CURIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Facile perspexi ex tuis litteris, quod semper
studui, et me a te plurimi fieri et te intellegere, quam

" See note c on vii. 29. 1. It is to him that Cicero's letter
commending M'. Curius (xlii. 50) is addressed.

88

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxx.-xxxi.

morning. So I would have you know that in the
consulship of Caninius, nobody lunched. Still nothing
untoward occurred while he was consul ; for so
wonderfully ^vide awake was he, that during the
whole of his consulship he saw no sleep.

All very funny, you think ; yes, because you are not 2
here ; if you were an eye\ntness, you could not keep
back your tears. What if I tell you all the rest ?
For there are countless cases of the same sort, and
it would be more than I could bear, had I not taken
refuge in the haven of philosophy and found in my dear
Atticus a partner in my literary labours. WTien you
write that you belong to him by right of o"i\Tiership and
legal bond, but to me in usufruct, I am quite satisfied
with that arrangement ; for it is just that of which he
hasthe enjoyment and profit, which constitutes a man's
property. But of tliis more fully some other time.

Acilius," who has been sent to Greece with the 3
legions, is under the greatest obligation to me ; for I
have twice successfully defended him on a charge in-
volving his civic status ; and it is not his nature to be
ungrateful, and he shows me marked deference. I
have written to him very particularly about you,
and have attached that letter to this. Please write
and tell me how he has taken it, and what he has
promised to do for you.

XXXI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, February, 44 b.c.

Your letter has left me in no doubt as to two things 1
I have always had at heart — that I am highly
esteemed by you and that you quite understand

89

CICERO

mihi carus esses. Quod quoniam uterque nostrum
consecutus est, reliquum est, ut officiis certemus
inter nos ; quibus aequo animo vel \incam te vel
vincar abs te. Acilio non fuisse neeesse meas dari
2 litteras, facile patior. Sulpiei tibi opera intellego
ex tuis litteris non multum opus fuisse propter tuas
res ita contractas, ut, quemadmodum scribis, nee
caput nee pedes. Equidem vellem, uti pedes
haberent, ut aliquando redires . Vides enim exaruisse
iam veterem urbanitatem ; ut Pomponius noster suo
lure possit dicere,

nisi nos pauci retineamus gloriam antiquam Atticam,
Ergo is tibi, nos ei succedimus. Veni igitur, quaeso,
ne tamen semen urbanitatis una cum republiea
intereat.

XXXII

M. CICERO S. D. VOLUMNIO
In Cilicia, a.u.c. 703.

1 Quod sine praenomine familiariter, ut debebas,
ad me epistolam misisti, primum addubitavi, num a
Volumnio senatore esset, quocum mihi est magnus
usus ; deinde evrpaireXia litterarum fecit, ut intelle-

" See note on vii. 29. 1.

* Or, "you could make neither head nor tail of them."
There may also be a play on caj9M^= capital. Contract as,
by a double entente, implies "diminished. "

" Atticus.

^ The " Attic glory " is urbanitas, which in those troubled
times had disappeared from public life.

« A wealthy Roman knight, praefectus fabrum, to Antony.

' i.e., Publius, Eutrapelus being his cognomen, on which
Cicero plays in talking of fvTpaireXla ("graceful badinage")
below. St. Paul warns the Ephesians (v. 4) against evrpaireXia,
90

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxxi.-xxxii.

how dear you are to me. And since we have both
got so far, it only remains for us to have a com-
petition in mutual good services ; and I shall not mind
in the least whether I beat you at that game, or you
beat me. I am by no means sorry that it was not
found necessary to hand my letter to Acihus."

I gather from your letter that you had no great 2
need of the services of Sulpicius, because your
resources were so " contracted " by your contracts,
that to quote your words " they had neither head
nor feet." * I could have Avished myself that they
" had kept their feet," so that you might return
some day or other. For you observe that the old
flow of wit and humour has quite dried up, which
fully justifies our friend Pomponius " in saying

Were't not that we, we few, conserve the ancient Attic
glorj'."*

So he takes your place, and I his. Come then, 1
implore you, lest in spite of our efforts, the very
seed of wit and humour perish with the Republic.

XXXII

TO P. VOLUMNIXJS EUTRAPELUS «

Cilicia, 51 (?) b.c.
When you sent me a letter in a familiar style, and 1
quite rightly too, without giving your praenomen f
I was incUned to doubt at first whether it was not
from Volumnius the senator, with whom I am in
constant touch ; but as I read on, the graceful
badinage of the letter convinced me that it was from

which is there translated " jesting." Aristotle defines it as
KfiraiSfvfdvt] v^pis^ " educated insolence."

91

GICERO

gerem tuas esse. Quibus in litteris omnia milii
periucunda fuerunt praeter illud, quod parum
diligenter possessio salinarum mearum a te pro-
cur atore defenditur. Ais enim, ut ego discesserim,
omnia omnium dicta, in his etiam Sestiana, in me
conferri. Quid ? tu id pateris ? non defendis ?
non resistis ? Equidem sperabam ita notata me
reliquisse genera dictorum meorum, ut cognosci sua

2 sponte possent. Sed quando tanta faex est in Urbe,
ut nihil tarn sit aKvdrjfiov, quod non ahcui venustum
esse videatur, pugna, si me amas,nisi acuta u/A(/)i^oAta,
nisi elegans virepfioXri, nisi jrapaypa/x/xa bellum, nisi
ridiculum irapa TrpocrSoKLav, nisi cetera, quae sunt
a me in secundo hbro de Oratore per Antoni personam
disputata de ridicuhs, evTexva et arguta apparebunt,
ut Sacramento contendas, mea non esse. Nam de
iudiciis quod quereris, multo laboro minus. Tra-
hantur per me pedibus omnes rei ; sit vel Sehus tarn
eloquens, ut possit probare se hberum ; non laboro.
Urbanitatis possessionem, amabo, quibusvis inter-
dictis defendamus ; in qua te unum metuo, contemno
ceteros. Derideri te putas ? Nunc demum intellego

3 te sapere. Sed, mehercules, extra iocum, valde
mihi tuae litterae facetae elegantesque visae sunt.

" Where he kept his witticisms (sales).

* P. Sestius, whom Cicero defended ; he was a highly
respectable man, but dull and heavy.

' If per Antoni personam be not an interpolation,
Cicero is guilty of a lapse of memory, the dissertation on
jokes referred to being by C. Juhus Caesar Strabo Vopiscus.

<* i.e., " about my neglect of them."

' Some venal orator or other.

' Certain undignified expressions of Cicero's friend, the
tribune Curio.
92

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxxn.

you. Everj-thing in it gave me the greatest pleasure,
except the fact that as my representative you are not
strenuous enough in your defence of my rights as the
proprietor of ray o%\'n salt-pits." For you tell me that
since I left Rome, all the hons mots of all the wits,
including even those of Sestius,* are attributed to me.
What? Do you permit such a thing ? Don't you defend
me ? Don't you protest ? I really did hope that I
had left my own hons mols so distinctly characterized
that they could be recognized of themselves.

But now that the City is such a hot-bed of vnilgarity 2
that nothing is so banal as not to seem charming to
someone, unless you see at once that a double entente
is clever, an hj'perbole in good taste, a pun smart,
an unexpected conclusion comical, and all the
other fox'ms of wit (which I have discussed in the
second book of the De oratore in the character of
Antonius" on the subject of jokes), are en regie
and finely pohshed, well then, as you love me, show
your mettle, so far as to asseverate on oath that
they are none of mine. For as to your grumblings
about the law-courts,*^ I am much less troubled ;
ever)' defendant in the world may be dragged by the
heels for all I care ; even Selius * may be eloquent
enough to be able to prove himself a free man ; it
does not trouble me. My proprietary rights in wit
and humour, my dear man — those are what we have
to defend by any prohibitions you please ; for in that
department I fear no man but you ; as for the others,
I despise them. You think I am making fun of you ?
Ah, now indeed I see you are no fool.

But upon my word, joking apart, I thought your 3
letter extremely witty, and nicely worded. \\Txat
you quote/ however funny it was, and it was funny,

93

CICERO

Ilia, quamvis ridicula essent, sicut erant, mihi tamen
risum non moverunt. Cupio enim nostrum ilium
amicum in tribunatu quam plurimum habere gravi-
tatis ; idque cum ipslus causa (est mihi, ut scis, in
amoribus), turn mehercule etiam reipublicae. Quam
quidem, quam\'is in me ingrata sit, amare non
desinam. Tu, mi Volumni, quando instituisti, et
mihi vides esse gratum, scribe ad me quam saepissime
de rebus urbanis, de republica. lucundus est mihi
sermo litterarum tuarum. Praeterea Dolabellam,
quem ego perspicio et iudico cupidissimum esse atque
amantissimum mei, cohortare et confirma et redde
plane meum. Non mehercule quo quidquam desit ;
sed quia valde cupio, non videor nimium laborare.

XXXIII

M. CICERO S. D. VOLUMNIO

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Quod declamationibus nostris cares, damni nihil
facis. Quod Hirtio invideres, nisi eum amares, non
erat causa invidendi, nisi forte ipsius eloquentiae
magis, quam, quod me audiret, invideres. Nos enim
plane, mi suavissime Volumni, aut nihil sumus, aut
nobis quidem ipsis displicemus, gregalibus illis,
quibus te plaudente vigebamus, amissis ; ut etiam,

" Cicero and his friends were declaiming (Cicero acting
as their magister), indulging in rhetorical exercises on
unrealities, and that is the point of the quotation from
Accius.

94

EPISTULAE AD FAMIEIARES, VII. xxxii.-xxxiii.

got no laugh out of me. For I am anxious that our
eminent friend sliould show as little levity as possible
in his capacity as tribune, as much for his owti sake —
you know he is one of my favourites — as for the sake
(I mean what I say) of the Repubhc — that Republic
which, however ungrateful to myself, I shall never
cease to love.

And you, my dear Volumnius, now that you have
begun doing so, and see what pleasure it gives me,
do wTite to me as often as you can about affairs in the
City and the political situation. The chatty style
of your letters is a joy to me.

Then again there is Dolabella, a man I perceive
and believe to be most eager to win me, and
devotedly attached to me ; pray urge him on and
encourage him in that desire, and make him
absolutely mine. Not, I assure you, that he fails me
in any respect, but seeing that I want him so much,
I think my anxiety may be justified.

XXXIII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Tusculum (?), July, 46 b.c.
You lose nothing by missing my demonstrations
in rhetoric." As to your saying you would envy
Hirtius if you were not so fond of him, there was no
reason for en^y at all, unless, of course, it was the
man's own eloquence, and not his being my pupil,
that you envied. For to speak plainly, Volumnius,
my charming friend, I am either a hopeless failure,
or else I have lost all confidence in myself, now that
my old cronies who gave me a certain vogue — and you
too applauded me — are lost to me, so that, even if I

95

CICERO

si quando aliquid dignum nostro nomine emisimus,
ingemiscamus, quod haec

pennigero, non armigero in corpore tela exerceantur,
ut ait Philoctetes apud Accium,
abiecta gloria.
2 Sed tamen omnia mihi erunt, si tu veneris, hilariora ;
quamquam venis, ut ipse intellegis, in maximarum
quasi concursum occupationum ; quas si, ut volumus,
exceperimus, ego vero multam salutem et foro dicam
et curiae vivamque tecum multum et cum communi-
bus nostris amatoribus. Nam et Cassius tuus et
Dolabella noster, vel potius uterque noster, studiis
iisdem tenentur et meis aequissimis utuntur auribus.
Opus est hue limatulo et polito tuo iudicio, et illis
interioribus litteris tuis, quibus saepe verecundiorem
me in loquendo facis. Mihi enim iudicatum est, si
modo hoc Caesar aut patietur aut volet, deponere
illam iam personam, in qua me saepe illi ipsi probavij
ac me totum in litteras abdere tecumque et cum
ceteris earum studiosis honestissimo otio perfrui.
Tu vellem. ne veritus esses, ne pigrius^ legerem tuas
litteras, si mihi (quemadmodum scribis) longiores
forte misisses ; ac velim posthac sic statuas, tuas
mihi litteras longissimas quasque gratissimas fore.

^ Madvig : pluribus vulg. ; per libraries Orelli.

" See note a on p. 94.
* i.e., that of a man engaged in public affairs.

96

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VII. xxxiii.

ever produce something worthy of my reputation,
I heave a sigh at the thought that, as Philoctetes
says in Accius,

These arrows shoot I now at feathered folk.
Not foes in arms ; there Ls no glory in it."

However, if you come, it will make hfe generally 2
more cheerful for me, though your coming, as you are
yourself aware, \^'ill coincide with what I may call a
massed attack of the most pressing business engage-
ments ; and if I can but meet them as I would, well,
then I shall bid a long farewell to both forum and
senate-house, and spend much of my time with you
and those who love us both. For your friend
Cassius and my friend Dolabella (or I should rather
call them both my friends), are absorbed in the
same studies, and find in me a very kindly critic.

Here we need the help of your exquisitely refined
discrimination and of that esoteric erudition of yours,
whereby you often make me rather ashamed of
myself when I am speaking. Indeed I have made
up my mind, if only Caesar will either permit or
press me to do so, at last to drop that role * in which
I have so often approved myself even to him, conceal
myself completely in Uterature, and in company with
you and all other hterary enthusiasts, enjoy the
sweets of a most honourable retirement.

As for yourself, I could have wished you had not
expressed any fear of my being ever inclined to
yawn over any letter of yours, should you by any
chance have sent me, as you put it, rather a long
one ; and I would have you henceforth regard it as
settled that the longest letters you send me give
me the greatest pleasure.

VOL. n ^ 97

M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM
AD FAMILIARES

LIBER OCTAVUS
I

M. CAELIUS S. D. M. CICERONI

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Quod tibi decedenti poUicitus sum, me omnes res
urbanas diligentissime tibi perscripturum, data opera

" M. CaecUius Rufus, the son of a Roman knight, a
banker at Tusculum, was born about 85 b.c. At an early
age he was brought to Rome by his father and put under
the charge of Cicero and Crassus with a view to a political
career. Unprincipled, profligate, and irascible but generous,
he soon made his mark as an advocate, though stronger in
prosecution than in defence. He was one of the lovers of
the notorious Clodia, supplanting Catullus (who writes of
her as " Lesbia "), but, breaking with her, he nicknamed
her quadrantaria, " the lady whose price was a penny."
In revenge she induced Sempronius Atratinus to charge
him with borrowing money from her to compass the death
of Dion, the head of Ptolemy Auletes' embassy to Rome,
and then attempting to murder her. Caelius, however,
supported by Cicero and Crassus, successfully defended

98

CICERO'S LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS

BOOK VIII
I

M. CAELIUS RUFUS <* TO CICERO

Rome, June, 51 b.c.

As you were leaving me, I promised to write you a 1
very careful and full account of all that happened in
the city ; well, I have been at some pains to get hold

himself. In 52 he was tribune of the plebs, and in 50 was
elected aedile, defeating Octavius and Hirrus at the poll.
It was during 51 and 50 that he wrote to Cicero, then in
Cilicia, the letters contained in this book. In 49 he took
Caesar's side, and was rewarded with the praetorship in 48.
Being heavily in debt, he took advantage of Caesar's absence
from Italy to bring forward a law for the abolition of debts,
but was opposed by the other magistrates and deprived of
his office. He then joined the exiled Milo, whom he had
secretly summoned from Massilia, in S. Italy, in order to
raise an insurrection against Caesar. Milo was slain in
the territory of the Hirpini, and Caelius soon afterwards
at Thurii. Cicero had always a kindly regard for him,
and that CaeUus reciprocated that regard is proved by the
punctilious fidelity with which, in these letters, he keeps
Cicero informed of everv phase of affairs at Rome.

99

GICERO

paravi, qui sic omnia persequeretur, ut verear, ne tibi
nimium arguta haec sedulitas videatur. Tametsi
tu scio quam sis curiosus, et quam omnibus pere-
grinantibus gratum sit, minimarum quoque rerum,
quae domi gerantur, fieri certiores, tamen in hoc te
deprecor, ne meum hoc officium arrogantiae con-
demnes, quod hunc labor em alteri delegavi ; non quin
mihi suavissimum sit, et occupato et ad litteras scri-
bendas, ut tu nosti, pigerrimo, tuae memoriae dare
operam, sed ipsum volumen, quod tibi misi, facile,
ut ego arbitror, me excusat. Nescio cuius oti esset,
non modo perscribere haec, sed omnino animad-
vertere. Omnia enim sunt ibi senatusconsulta,
edicta, fabulae, rumores. Quod exemplum si forte
minus te delectarit, ne molestiam tibi cum impensa
2 mea exhibeam, fac me certiorem. Si quid in re-
pubhca maius actum erit, quod isti operarii minus
commode persequi possint, et quemadmodum actum
sit, et quae existimatio secuta, quaeque de eo spes sit,
diUgenter tibi perscribemus. Ut nunc est, nulla
magno opere exspectatio est. Nam et illi rumores
de comitiis Transpadanorum Cumarum tenus calue-
runt ; Romam cum. venissem, ne tenuissimam quidem
audition em de ea re accepi. Praeterea Marcellus,
quod adhuc nihil rettulit de successione provinciarum
Galliarum, et in Kalendas lun., ut mihi ipse dixit,
eam distulit relationem, sanequam eos sermones

" i.e., the assembly summoned to vote on the proposal that
the towns north of the Padus should become municipia
and receive the full Roman franchise (civitas), whereas now
they had only the latinitas, or ius Latii. The civitas was
granted them by Caesar as consul in 49.

* M. Claudius Marcellus, consul in 51 b.c.

* That Caesar should give up his Gallic provinces on
March 1,49.

100

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. i.

of a man who would report every detail — so minutely,
indeed, that I fear you will regard his eflPorts in that
line as a mere excess of loquacity. Although I know
how keenly interested you are, and what pleasure it
gives all who are abroad to be informed of even the
most tri\-ial transactions at home,^' still, as to this
particular arrangement, I implore you not to condemn
this way of discharging my duty as savouring of super-
ciliousness, simply because I have delegated the task
to another. It is not that anything in the world
would be more delightful to me, busy as I am, and the
laziest of letter- writers, than to refresh my memories
of you. But the packet I send you here\Wth itself
explains my conduct. It would require I don't know
how much leisure, not only to write out all this, but
even to cast an eye over it. Decrees of the Senate,
edicts, gossip, rumours — they are all there. If you
are not altogether pleased with this sample, be sure
you let me know, so that I may not exhaust your
patience and my purse at the same time. /

Should anything of unusual poUtical importance be 2
transacted, wliich those scribes of mine cannot ade-
quately explain, I will send you a full and accurate
account of the way it was done, what was thought of
it afterwards, and what anticipations it has aroused.
As things now are, there is no great expectation
of anytliing happening. For those rumours about
the comitia of the Transpadani " were rife enough,
imtil I got as far as Cumae ; when I reached Rome,
I never heard the slightest whisper about it. Then
there's Marcellus * ; so far he has not brought any
motion before the Senate about the succession to
the GalUc provinces," and has put off doing so, as he
told me himself, till June 1 , with the result that he has

101

CICERO

expressit, qui de eo turn fuerant, cum Romae nos

3 essemus. Tu si Pompeium, ut volebas, offendisti,
qui tibi visus sit, et quam orationem habuerit tecum,
quamque ostenderit voluntatem (solet enim aliud
sentire et loqui, neque tantum valere ingenio, ut non

4 appareat, quid cupiat), fac mihi perscribas. Quod ad
Caesarem, crebri et non belli de eo rumores ; sed
susurratores dumtaxat veniunt ; alius equitem per-
didisse, quod opinor certe factum est ; alius septimam
legionem vapulasse ; ipsum apud Bellovacos circum-
sederi, interclusum ab reliquo exercitu ; neque adhuc
certi quidquam est, neque haec incerta tamen vulgo
iactantur, sed inter paucos, quos tu nosti, palam
secreto narrantur. At Domitius, cum manus ad os

5 apposuit ! Te a. d. ix, Kal. lunii subrostrani (quod
illorum capiti sit !) dissiparant periisse, ut in Urbe ac
foro toto maximus rumor fuerit, te a Q. Pompeio in
itinere occisum. Ego, qui scirem, Q. Pompeium
Baulis Tr€ivr]TiKr]v^ facere, et usque eo, ut ego
misererer eius, esurire, non sum commotus ; et hoc
mendacio, si qua pericula tibi impenderent, ut de-

^ Sc. rex""?" Klotz. But M {correctly ?) has embaeneti-
cam {sc. artem), " is in the fishing-boat business.''

» That he was slow and inefficient, "tardus et parum
efficax."

* i.e., as a sign of secrecy. After Domitius something
like narrat must be supplied. This Domitius is Lucius
Domitius Ahenobarbus, who married Porcia, sister of M.
Cato. He was a faithful supporter of the aristocratical
party. He was aedile in 61, praetor in 58, and consul in
54. When the Civil War broke out in 49 he threw himself
into Corfinium, but his own troops forced him to surrender
to Caesar. He then went to Massilia, and on the surrender
of that town, joined Pompey in Greece. He commanded
the left wing in the battle of Pharsalia, in which he fell
(according to Cicero) by the hand of Antony.

102

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. i.

helped not a little to aggravate those rumours <* one
heard about him when we were in Rome.

If, as you hoped, you found Pompey disengaged, be 3
sure you \\Tite me a full account of your impression of
him, what conversation he had with you, and what he
professed to be his ■v^ishes ; for, as a rule, he thinks
one thing and says another, and yet is not quite clever
enough to disguise his desires.

As regards Caesar, there are frequent reports about 4
him "and they are not verj' nice ; at any rate there are
strange whisperings among the fresh arrivals here ;
one.fellow says he has lost his cavalry, which I suspect
is undoubtedly the case ; another that the seventh
legion has had a thrashing ; that he himself is
hemmed in among the Bellovaci, and cut off from the
rest of his army ; but so far there is nothing certain,
and even these rumours, and they are only vague, are,
after all, not publicly disseminated, but only talked
about as open secrets among the little gang you wot
of — Domitius, indeed, puts his fingers to his hps
before he speaks.^

On the 24th of May the loafers about the Rostra 6
had spread the report (so be it unto them !) that you
had been done away with, so that the citj' and forum
rang with the persistent rumour that you had been
murdered on your journey by Q. Pompeius." Now I,
who happened to know that Q. Pompeius was under-
going starvation treatment at Bauh, and so extremely
hungry that even I was sorry for him, was not upset,
and I very much hoped that that lie would enable us to
get rid of whatever dangers were hanging over you.

' Quintus Pompeius Rufus, the bitter opponent of Milo,
accused by Caelius and forced to retire to Bauli in Campania,
where he was generously treated by his prosecutor Caelius.

103

CICERO

fungeremur, optavi. Plancus qxiidem tuus Ravennae
est, et magno congiario donatus a Caesare nee beatus
nee bene instructus est. Tui jroAiTi/cot libri omnibus
vigent.

II

CAELIUS CICERONI 8.

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Certe, inquam, absolutus est ; me praesente pro-
nuntiatum est, et quidem omnibus ordinibus, et
singulis in uno quoque ordine sententiis. Ride mo-
do, inquis. Non, mehercules. Nihil enim umquam
tarn praeter opinionem, tam quod videretur omnibus
indignum, accidit. Quin ego, cum pro amieitia va-
lidissime faverem ei, et me iam ad dolendum praepa-
rassem, postquam factum est, obstupui et mihi visus
sum captus esse. Quid alios putas ? Clamoribus
scilicet maximis iudices corripuerunt, et ostenderunt,
plane esse, quod ferri non posset. Itaque relictus
lege Licinia in maiore esse periculo videtur. Accessit
hue quod postridie eius absolutionem in theatrum
Curionis Hortensius introiit, puto ut suum gaudium
gauderemus. Hie tibi

strepitus, fremitus, clamor tonitruum, et rudentum sibilus.
Hoc magis animadversum est, quod intactus a sibilo

» T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was closely associated with
Q. Pompeius Rufus, and an enemy of Cicero.

* M. Valerius Messalla, accused probably of ambitus
(" bribery and corruption "), and defended by Hortensius.

" The penalties inflicted by the Lex Licinia were much
heavier than those under the law for amhitvs. As a matter
of fact Messalla was subsequently tried and condemned
under that law. See viii. 4. 1.

<• Quoted, it is supposed, from the Teucer of Pacuvius.

104

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. i.-ii.

Your dear Plancus " is at Ravenna ; and though
he has been presented with a handsome honorarium
by Caesar, he is neither prosperous nor even decently
well off.

Your books on the Republic are universally popular.

\/

II

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, June, 51 b.c.

There is no doubt of it, I tell you ; he * has been 1
acquitted ; I was present when the verdict was given,
and that with all the orders voting, and by the unani-
mous vote of each separate order. Treat it as a joke,
you say. Good heavens, no ! It is the most un-
expected, and, as we all think, the most discreditable
thing that ever happened. Why, I myself, who
backed him for all I was worth, because we were
such friends, had by this time prepared myself for
disappointment, and when it actually occurred, I was
astounded and thought I had taken leave of my senses.
And the others, how do you suppose they took it ?
Well, naturally, they swept the jurors off their feet
with their savage yells, and made it abundantly clear
that they could not stomach it. So he is left high and
dry, and under the Licinian law " is in worse danger,
I take it, than ever.

I should add that, on the day after his acquittal,
Hortensius entered Curio's theatre, to give us the
chance, I suppose, of showing that his joy was ours.
Instantly you heard

Din and uproar, crash of thunder, and the hissing of
the shrouds,**
which last was all the more remarked upon, because

105

CICERO

pervenerat Hortensius ad senectutem ; sed turn ita
bene, ut in totam vitam cuivis satis esset, et poenite-
2 ret eum iam vicisse. De republica quod tibi scri-
bam, nihil habeo. Marcelli impetus resederunt, non
inertia, sed (ut mibi videbatur) consilio. De comitiis
consularibus incertissima est existimatio. Ego incidi
in competitorem nobilem et nobilem agentem. Nam
M. Octavius, Cn. filius, et C. Hirrus mecum petit.
Hoc ideo scripsi, quod scio, te acriter, propter Hirrum,
nuntium nostrorum comitiorum exspectaturum. Tu
tamen simul ac me designatum audieris, ut tibi curae
sit, quod ad pantheras attinet, rogo. Syngrapham
Sittianam tibi commendo. Commentarium rerum ur-
banarum primum dedi L. Castrinio Paeto, secundum
ei, qui has litteras tibi dedit.

Ill

CAELIUS CICERONI 8.
Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Estne ? vici ? et tibi saepe, quod negaras disce-
dens curaturum tibi, litteras mitto ? Est, si quidem
perferuntur, quas do. Atque hoc eo diligentius
factito, quod, cum otiosus sum, plane, ubi delectem
otiolum meum, no'n habeo. Tu cum Romae eras,
hoc mihi certum ac iucundissimum vacanti negotium

" For Hirrus see ii. 9 and 10.

^ Caelius was anxious to get these animals for the vena-
t tones in the games he was giving as aedile.

" Syngrapha was a written bond, signed by both parties,
used in negotiations between Romans and foreigners.
Sittius, probably Caelius's agent, held such a bond for money
owing to him.
106

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. ii.-iii.

Hortensius had reached a venerable age unscathed
by a single hiss. But now he was hissed heartily
enough to satisfy anyone for the whole of his life, and
to make liim sorry that he had ever won this case.

As regards politics, I have nothing to write to you.
Marcellus is less aggressive in his attacks, not from
apathy, but, I take it, from policy. There are the
vaguest speculations as to the consular elections. As
it happens I have standing against me a real noble
and a would-be noble; for M. Octavius, son of Gnaeus,
and C. Hirrus <* are my competitors. I have jotted this
dowTi because I know how keenly you will be on the
look-out for news of our elections, on account of Hirrus.
Anyhow, as soon as you hear that I am consul-
designate, I beg you to interest yourself in the matter
of the panthers.* I recommend to your notice the
bond " which Sittius holds. I handed my first collec-
tion of notes on city affairs to L. Castrinius Paetus,
my second to the bearer of this letter.

Ill

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, June, 51 b.c.

Is it so ? Have I won ? And do I constantly send 1
you letters, a thing you declared on leaving Rome
that I should never take the trouble to do for you ?
It is so, provided, of course, that the letters I do send
you reach you. And I do so all the more diligently
because, when I am at leisure, I have simply nowhere
to make pleasant use of my bit of leisure. When you
were at Rome, it used to be the unfailing and most

107

CICERO

erat, tecum id oti tempus consumere ; idque non me-
diocriter desidero, ut non modo mihi solus esse, sed
Romae, te profecto, soKtudo videatur facta ; et qui
(quae mea neglegentia est) multos saepe dies ad te,
cum hie eras, non accedebam, nunc quotidie non esse
te, ad quem cursitem, discrucior. Maxime vero, ut
te dies noctesque quaeram, competitor Hirrus curat.
Quomodo ilium putas auguratus tuum competitorem
dolere et dissimulare me certiorem quam se candi-
datum ? de quo, ut, quem optas, quam primum
nuntium accipias, tua medius fidius magis quam mea
causa cupio. Nam, si fio, forsitan cum locupletiore
fiam.i Sed hoc usque eo suave est, ut, si acciderit,
tota vita risus nobis deesse non possit. Est tanti ?
est mehercule. Non multum M. Octavius odia,^
quae Hirrum premunt, quae permulta sunt, sublevat.
2 Quod ad Philotimi liberti officium et bona Milonis
attinet, dedimus operam, ut et Philotimus quam
honestissime Miloni absenti eiusque necessariis satis-
faceret, et secundum eius fidem et sedulitatem
existimatio tua conservaretur. Illud nunc a te peto,
si eris (ut spero) otiosus, aliquod ad nos, ut intelle-

^ nam . . . fiam is Wesenherg's satisfactory reading of
a corrupt passage.

* eorum odia iiss. ; but I agree with Ernesti in omitting
eorum.

" He means Octavius ; and a richer colleague would mean
that Caelius would have to spend more money in rivalling
that colleague's magnificent shows. Tyrrell.

* Milo's property being forfeit to the state, Cicero, at
the instance of one Duro, a particular friend of Milo's,
had induced Philotimus, a freed man of Cicero's wife Terentia,
to be one of the buyers {sectores) of the forfeit property
when sold by the State, as being more likely than a complete
stranger to deal fairly with Milo.

108

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. in.

delightful employment of my idle hours to spend all
that leisure time with you. And so terribly do I miss
it all, that not only do I seem solitary myself, but
your departure seems to have created a universal
solitude in Rome ; and I, who, in my heedlessness,
often failed to visit you for many days when you were
here, am now in daily distress because I have not got
you to run to. But it is my competitor Hirrus who
sees to it with the greatest success that I keep on
yearning for you day and night. You may well
imagine how annoyed your old rival for the augurate
is, and how he pretends that I am no more sure of
election than himself. And, upon my soul, I am more
anxious on your account, that the news you pray for
about him should reach you as soon as possible, than
I am on my own. For as regards myself, if I am
elected, I shall probably be so with a colleague
wealthier than myself " ; but there is this much in it
to smack the lips over, that, if it comes to pass, we can
always have something to laugh at as long as we hve.
But is it worth the trouble ? Yes, I swear it is.
Octavius does little to mitigate the antipathies he
has roused — antipathies that are handicapping
Hirrus, and there is no lack of them.

As to the responsibilities of your freedman Philo- 2
timus,* and Milo's property, I have made it my object
to ensure that Philotimus should do his duty in the
most honourable manner by Milo in his absence and
by his relatives, and that as far as his honesty and
assiduity are concerned your reputation should be
fiiUy maintained.

I now make a special request of you — that if ever
you are (as I hope you will be) at leisure, you should
compose and dedicate to me some sort of a brochure,

109

GICERO

gamus nos tibi curae esse, crvvrayfia conscribas. Qui
tibi istuc, inquis, in mentem venit, homini non
inepto ? Opto^ aliquid ex tarn multis tuis monu-
mentis exstare, quod nostrae amicitiae memoriam
posteris quoque prodat. Cuiusmodi velim, puto,
quaeris. Tu citius, qui omnem nosti disciplinam,
quid maxime conveniat, excogitabis. Genere tamen,
quod et ad nos pertineat, et StSao-K-aAtai/ quamdam,
ut versetur inter manus, habeat.

IV

M. CAELIUS S. D. M. CICERONI
Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Invideo tibi ; tam multa quotidie, quae mirere,
istuc perferuntur. Primum illud, absolutum Messal-
1am ; deinde eumdem condemnatum ; C. Marcellum
consulem factum ; M. Calidium a repulsa postu-
latum a Galliis duobus ; P. Dolabellam quindecim-
vlrum factum. Hoc tibi non invideo, caruisse te
pulcherrimo spectaculo, et Lentuli Cruris repulsi
VTiltum non vidisse. At qua spe, quam certa opinione
descenderat ! quam ipso diffidente Dolabella ! Et

^ This necessary addition is probably due to Klotz. Tyrrell.

" i.e., Cicero's works, which would be his perpetual
" monument " or " memorial."

" See Ep. 2 of this Book.

" i.e., for the year 50, thus succeeding his cousin, M.
Marcellus, consul in 51. Another C. Marcellus, brother
of M. Marcellus, was consul in 49.

<* On a charge of ambitus ; there was an hereditary
feud between the Gallii and the Calidii.

• Afterwards the husband of Cicero's daughter, Tullia.

no

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. iii.-iv.

to make me feel that you take an interest in me.
" What put that into your head ? " you ask, " for you
are no fool." My desire is that among all your
many memorials" there should be one extant that
mil also hand down to posterity the memory of our
jfriendship. I suppose you will ask " what is the sort
of thing you want ? " Well, you, acquainted as you
are \vith every department of learning, mil think of
something most suitable sooner than I.

But let it be of such a character as to make it, while
especially apphcable to myself, so generally " educa-
tive " (if I may use the expression) as to have a wide
circulation,

IV

CAELroS TO CICfiRO

Rome, August 1, 51 b.c.

I envy you ! There is so much news arriving daily 1
where you are to cause you surprise — first that
Messalla * has been acquitted, then that he has
been condemned ; that C. Marcellus has been
made consul*; that M. Calidius immediately after
his rejection was impeached** by the brothers Gallii ;
and that P. Dolabella * has been put on the " Board
of Fifteen." What I do not en\-y you is your having
missed a very prettj- spectacle, and not seen Lentulus
Crus's ' face when he was rejected. And yet, how
sanguine he was, and how siure of himself, when he
entered the lists ! And that when Dolabella him-
self despaired of success ! And upon my word, had

The XVviri sacris faciundis had charge of the Sibylline
books.
' A candidate for the post to which Dolabella was elected.

HI

CICERO

hercules, nisi nostri equites acutius vidissent, paene

2 concedente adversario superasset. Illud te non
arbitror miratum, Servaeum, designatum tribunum
plebis, condemnatum ; cuius locum C. Curio petiit.
Sanequam incutit multis, qui eum facilitatemque eius
non norunt, magnum metum ; sed, ut spero et volo,
et ut se fert ipse, bonos et senatum malet. Totus, ut
nunc est, hoc scaturit. Huius voluntatis initium et
causa est, quod eum non mediocriter Caesar, qui solet
infimorum hominum amicitias sibi qualibet impensa
adiungere, valde contempsit. Qua in re mihi videtur
illud perquam venuste cecidisse, quod a reliquis quo-
que usque eo est animadversum, ut Curio, qui nihil
consilio facit, ratione et insidus usus videretur in
evitandis eorum consiliis, qui se intenderant adver-
sarios in eius tribunatum ; Laehos et Antonios, et id

3 genus valentes dico. Has ego tibi htteras eo maiore
misi intervallo, quod comitiorum dilationes occupa-
tiorem me habebant, et exspectare in dies exitum
cogebant, ut, confectis omnibus, te facerem certiorem.
Ad Kalendas Sextiles usque exspectavi. Praetoriis
morae quaedam inciderunt. Mea porro comitia
quern eventum sint habitura, nescio. Opinionem
quidem, quod ad Hirrum attinet, incredibilem aedi-

» Condemned for ambitus ; nothing more is known of
him.

* The famous C. Scribonius Curio. See note to ii. 1 .

« Either from jealousy, or because they doubted his
sincerity, and feared that, if elected, he might go over to
Caesar.

112

T
EPISTULAE AD 1 AMILIARES, VIII. iv.

not oiir friends, the Knights, sho\vn a keener insight,
he would ahnost have won his election through the
retirement of his opponent.

I imagine that the con\dction of Servaeus," the 2
tribune elect, was no surprise to you. C. Curio * is
a candidate for his place. There is no doubt that he
inspires many people, who do not know him and his
accommodating nature, with no little apprehension.
But, as I hope and pray, and judge by his present
behaviour, he will prefer the loyalist party and the
Senate. At the present moment he is simply bubbling
over with enthusiasm in that direction. The origin
and reason of this partisanship is, that Caesar, prone
as he is to enlist at whatever cost the affections of
the very lowest class of man, has deeply insulted him
in a very marked way. And regarding the whole
matter, this seems to me a very pretty develop-
ment of affairs, and it has struck everj^body else too
so forcibly as to suggest that Curio, a man who
never does anything according to plan, exercised
policy and strategj' in eluding the intentions of those
who have set themselves to oppose his tribuneship —
I mean the Lollii and the Antonii, and influential
men of that sort." - •■'. '-^, ' '-' • -■

I send you this letter after a longer interval than 3
usual, blg6ause I have been kept busier than usual
by the adjourtiments of the elections, and compelled
day after day to wait for their final result, so that I
might apprise you of it when all was settled. I have
waited right up to the 1st of August. There have
been certain hitches, too, in the election of praetors.
Then again I have no idea what the result of my own
election will be, though it is true that the expression
of opinion it eUcited against HiiTus — I mean at the

v. / 113

CICERO

lium plebis comitiis nacta sunt. Nam M. Coelium
Vinicianum mentio ilia fatua, quam deriseramus olim,
et promulgatio de dictatore subito deiecit, et de-
iectum magno clamore insecuta est. Inde Hirrum
cuncti iam non faciendum flagitare. Spero te
celeriter et de nobis, quod sperasti, et de illo, quod
4 vix sperare ausus es, auditurum. De republica iam
novi quidquam exspectare desieramus ; sed cum
senatus habitus esset ad Apollinis a. d. xi. Kalend.
Sext., et referretur de stipendio Cn. Pompeii, mentio
facta est de legione ea, quam expensam tulit C.
Caesari Pompeius, quo numero esset, quoad pateretur^
eam Pompeius esse in Gallia. Coactus est dicere
Pompeius, se legionem abducturum, sed non statim,
sub mentionem et convicium obtrectatorum. Inde
interrogatus est de successione C. Caesaris ; de qua,
hoc est de provinciis, placitum est, " ut quam primum
ad Urbem reverteretur Cn. Pompeius, ut coram eo
de successione provinciarum ageretur." Nam Arimi-
num ad exercitum Pompeius erat iturus ; et statim
iit. Puto Idib. Sextil. de ea re actum iri. Profecto
aut transigetur aliquid aut turpiter intercedetur.
Nam in disputando coniecit illam vocem Cn. Pom-

^ C. F. Hermann, for quo appeteretur mss.

" i.e., that Pompey should be appointed Dictator, a title
that had fallen into disrepute since the proscriptions of
Sulla. Hirrus had made a like proposal some years earlier.

* This legion was lent in 53 to replace men lost in a
contest with the Eburones in 54. Watson.
114

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. iv.

election of plebeian aediles — was amazingly strong.
For that silly proposal of M, Coelius Vinicianus,
which we had long ago laughed to scorn, and his
proposed Bill about a Dictator," caused his sudden
do\vnfall, and brought a storm of execration upon
him when he was down ; and since then ever^^body
has been excitedly demanding that Hirrus, too,
should not be elected. I hope you will very soon
hear the news you have hoped for about me, and at
the same time the news you hardly ventured to hope
for about him.

As regards pohtics, I had now ceased to expect any 4
development ; but when, at a meeting of the Senate
in the temple of Apollo on the 22nd of July, it was
proposed to vote for the payment of Cn. Pompeius's
troops, the question was raised as to that legion
which Pompey had lent to C. Caesar ^ — to what con-
tingent it belonged, and how long Pompey would
allow it to remain in Gaul. He was compelled to
say (not immediately, but only after insinuations and
outcries on the part of his detractors) that he would
withdraw the legion. He was then interrogated as
to the appointment of a successor to C. Caesar. On
this point — the assignment, that is, of the provinces
— it was carried that " Cn. Pompeius should return
to the city as soon as possible, so that the succession
to the provinces might be dealt vvith in his presence."
For Pompey was just about to join his army at
Ariminum, and, indeed, he went there immediately
afterwards. My impression is that the business will
be dealt vdth on the 13th of August. There will be
some definite settlement, I am sure, or else the
veto will be scandalously applied. For in the
course of the discussion Cn. Pompeius gave excited

115

CICERO

peius, ' Omnes oportere senatui dicto audientes esse.'
Ego tamen sic nihil exspecto, quomodo Paullum,
consulem designatum, primum sententiam dicentem.
5 Saepius te admoneo de syngrapha Sittiana. Cupio
enim te intellegere, earn rem ad me valde pertinere.
Item de pantheris, ut Cibyratas arcessas, curesque,
ut mihi vehantur. Praeterea nuntiatum nobis,
et pro certo iam habetur, regem Alexandrinum
mortuum. Quid mihi suadeas, quomodo regnum
illud se habeat, quis procuret, dihgenter mihi per-
scribas. Kalendis Sextil.

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Qua tu cura sis, quod ad paeem provinciae tuae
finitimarumque regionum attinet, nescio ; ego qui-
dem vehementer animi pendeo. Nam si hoc mo-
derari possemus, ut pro viribus copiarum tuarum
belh quoque exsisteret magnitudo, et quantum
loreae^ triumphoque opus esset, assequeremur, peri-
culosamque et gravem illam dimicationem evitare-
mus, nihil tam esset optandum. Nunc si Parthus

^ loreae (o common form of laureae) is Mendelssohn's
excellent substitution for gloriae codd.

" L. Aemilius Paullus, consul in 50, a man of little weight,
whose allegiance was bought by Caesar. The consuls
elect were always the first to be asked to express their
sententia in the Senate.

* See Ep. 2. 2, note c.

' Which Rufus required for his venationes as aedile.

116

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. iv.-v.

utterance to the -words that it was every mans duty
to render obedience to the Senate. As for myself, how-
ever, there is nothing I look forward to so eagerly as
to hearing Paullus " give his opinion first, as consul
elect.

I keep reminding you again and again about 5
Sittius's bond''; for I am anxious that you should
understand how exceedingly important that matter
is to me. Also about the panthers," that you should
send for some men from Cib}Ta,<* and see that the
animals are shipped to me. Another thing ; it has
been reported to us, and is now accepted as a fact,
that the king of Alexandria « is dead. Please write
fully and carefully what you ad\'ise me to do, what
the situation is in that kingdom, and who is the
vice-regent.'

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, early in August, 51 b.c.

As regards maintaining peace in your province and 1
the adjoining districts, what your anxiety may be I
don't know ; I at any rate am in sore suspense. If
we could only manage to make the development of
the war correspond to the stren^h of your forces,
and ^vin just so much success as was requisite for a
laurel >vreath and a triumph, and avoid the dangerous
and decisive engagement you apprehend, notliing
could be so desirable. As it is, if the Parthian makes

^ A town on the borders of Phrygia and Cilicia.
• Ptolemy XIII. (" Auletes "), who had now been restored
by Gabinius. See 1. 1 and 3.
f The vice-regent was Pothinus, the murderer of Pompey.

117

CICERO

movet aliquid, scio non mediocrem fore contentionem.
Tuus porro exercitus vix unum saltum tueri potest.
Hanc autem nemo ducit rationem ; sed omnia de-
siderantur ab eo, tamquam nihil denegatum sit ei,
quo minus quam paratissimus esset, qui publico

2 negotio praepositus est. Aceedit hue quod succes-
sionem futuram, propter Galliarum controversiam,
non video. Tametsi hac de re puto te constitutum,
quid facturus esses, habere, tamen, quo maturius
constitueres, cum hunc eventum providebam, visum
est ut te facerem certiorem. Nosti enim haec
tralaticia ; de Galliis constituetur ; erit, qui intercedat ;
deinde alius exsistet, qui, nisi libere liceat de omnibus
provinciis decernere senatui. reliquas impediat. Sic
multum ac diu ludetur, atque ita diu, ut plus bien-

3 nium in his tricis moretur. Si quid novi de republica,
quod tibi scriberem, haberem, usus essem mea
consuetudine, ut diligenter et quid actum esset, et
quid ex eo futurum sperarem, perscriberem. Sane
tamquam in quodam incili iam omnia adhaeserunt.
Marcellus idem illud de provinciis urget, neque
adhuc frequentem senatum efficere potuit. Quod si
anno praeterito Curio tribunus, et eadem actio de
provinciis, introibit. quam facile tunc sit omnia im-

" Incile (from incidile), lit. a cut, trench, or ditch.
118

p:pistulae ad FAMILIARES, VIII. v.

any move, I feel sure the struggle will be no slight
one. Besides, your army can hardly hold a single
pass. Nobody, however, takes this into account, but
everything is expected of a man who has been given
the control of a public transaction, because it is taken
for granted that notlxing has been refused him to
make his equipment as complete as possible.

I must say further that I don't see any probability 2
of a successor to you being appointed, because of the
dispute about the Gallic provinces. Although as
regards that question I imagine you have made up
your mind what to do, still, now that I foresee such a
possibility, I decided to inform you of it, to help you
to make up your mind all the sooner. For you know
the traditional procedure in such cases — the question of
the Galhc provinces will be settled ; there will be some
one to apply the veto ; then somebody else will get
up to obstruct the settlement in the case of the other
provinces, " unless the Senate is allowed a free hand
to decide in the case of all the provinces." So we
shall have a merry game and a long one, so long,
indeed, that more than two years will be dragged out
in such chicanery.

Had I anything new to ^vrite to you about politics, 3
I should have observed my usual practice and WTitten
you a full and careful account of what has been done,
and what I expect to be the result of it. But really
everything has now become jammed, as it were, in a
sort of culvert.* Marcellus is still pressing his old
policy as to the provinces, and has not yet succeeded
in getting a full enough house. But if at the end of
the year Curio's tribuneship and the same old plead-
ings about the provinces take the stage, you must
surely see how easy it is in such circumstances to

119

CICERO

pedire, et quam hoc Caesar iique, qui in^ sua causa
rempublicam non curent, sperent,^ non te fallit.

VI

CAELIUS CICERONI S.
Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Non dubito quin perlatum ad te sit Appium a
Dolabella reum factum, sanequam non ea, qua ex-
istimaveram, invidia. Neque enim stulte Appius ;
qui, simul atque Dolabella accessit ad tribunal, intro-
ierat in Urbem triumphique postulationem abiecerat.
Quo facto rettudit sermones, paratiorque visus est,
quam speraverat accusator. Is nunc in te maximam
spem habet. Scio tibi eum non esse odio. Quam
velis eum obligare, in tua manu est ; cum quo simul-
tas si tibi non fuisset, liberius tibi de tota re esset.
Nunc si ad illam summam veritatem legitimum ius
exegeris, cavendum tibi erit, ne parum simpliciter et
candide posuisse inimicitias videaris. In hanc par-
tem porro tutum tibi erit, si quid volueris, gratificari.
Nemo enim necessitudine et amicitia te deterritum

2 ab officio dicet, lUud mihi occurrit, quod inter po-

^ Inserted by Tyrrell. * Orelli : superet Mss.

" On a charge of maiestas, connected with Appius's
administration of Cilicia. The defence was conducted by
Hortensius and Brutus, and Appius was acquitted.

* As a commander who claimed a triumph had to remain
outside the city, he would automatically disqualify himself
by entering.
120

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. v.-vi.

block all business, and how devoutly Caesar and those
who, where their private interests are concerned,
have no regard at all for the commonwealth, are
hoping for such a state of things.

VI

CAEXIUS TO CICERO

Rome, February, 50 b.c.

I have no doubt you have received the news that 1
Appius has been impeached by DolabeUa,<» though
certainly ■without creating any such prejudice against
him as I had expected. For Appius did a very
sensible thing ; as soon as Dolabella appeared at the
tribunal, he entered the city and so revoked his
application for a triimiph,* and by so doing took the
edge off any gossip there might be, and showed him-
self better prepared than his accuser had anticipated.
His greatest hope now hes in you. I am sure you do
not really hate him. How far you desire to put him
under an obhgation, it rests with you to decide. Had
you never been at feud -ttith liim, you would have
had a freer hand in dealing \\ith the whole affair ;
as it is, if you enforce your legal rights to the level of
ideal justice, you \\ill have to mind that you are not
suspected of a lack of frankness and candoiir in your
reconciliation with him. The drift of my argmnent is
that you will be safe in doing him any favour you
please ; for nobody will say it was the ties of intimacy
and friendship that deterred you from doing your
duty.

I am reminded of the fact that, between the 2

121

CICERO

stulationem et nominis delationem uxor a Dolabella
discessit. Quid mihi discedens mandaris, memini ;
quid ego tibi scripserim, te non arbitror oblitum. Non
est iam tempus plura narrandi. Unum illud monere
te possum : si res tibi non displicebit, tamen hoc tem-
pore nihil de tua voluntate ostendas, et exspectes,
quemadmodum exeat ex hac causa ; denique invidio-
sum tibi sit, si emanarit. Porro, significatio uUa si
intercesserit, clarius, quam deceat aut expediat, fiat.
Neque ille tacere cam rem poterit, quae suae spei tarn
opportuna acciderit, quaque in negotio conficiendo
tanto illustrior erit ; cum praesertim is sit, qui, si
perniciosum sciret esse loqui de hac re, vix tamen se

3 contineret. Pompeius dicitur valde pro Appio la-
borare, ut etiam putent alterum utrum de filiis ad te
missurum. Hie nos omnes absolvimus ; et hercule
consepta omnia foeda et inhonesta sunt. Consules
autem habemus summa diligentia ; adhuc senatus-
consultum, nisi de feriis Latinis, nullum facere potue-

4 runt. Curioni nostro tribunatus conglaciat. Sed
dici non potest, quomodo hie omnia iaceant. Nisi

" The postulatio was the first step in a trial — an applica-
tion made to the praetor by the accuser for leave to prosecute
a definite individual on a definite charge. The nominis
delatio was the next step, more formal and detailed.

* As to selecting a third husband for Cicero's daughter
Tullia, who had in 63 married C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi,
who died, and in 56 Furius Crassipes, from whom she was
now divorced.

"= That Tullia should marry Dolabella.

"* Of Fompey's two sons, the elder, Gnaeus, married the
daughter of Appius Claudius (c/. iii. 4. 2) ; he was killed
soon after his defeat at Munda in 45. The younger, Sextus,
was famous after Caesar's death as " lord of Sicily and
the seas," and is called " Dux Neptunius " by Horace
(Ep. ix. 7).

122

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. vi.

application for leave to prosecute,* and the announce-
ment of the defendant's name to the court, Dola-
bella's wife left him. I remember the instructions *
you gave me on your departiu-e, and I don't suppose
you have forgotten what I wrote to you. This is not
the time to go into further particulars ; I can but give
you this one piece of ad\'ice ; if the proposal * be to
your liking, you should nevertheless give no indica-
tion of your feelings for the present, but wait and see
how he comes out of this trial. In short, it would be
prejudicial to you, if it leaked out. Besides, if anv
hint of it got out in the course of the trial, it would be
given more notoriety than would be either becoming
or expedient. And Dolabella ^\•ill never be able to
hold his tongue about a thing which has happened so
exactly in accord with his ambitions, and which vriM
give him so much the greater eclat in the conduct of
the prosecution, especially as he is the sort of man
who, even if he knew that it meant ruin to him to
blab about this matter, would stiU have difficulty in
restraining himself.

It is said that Pompey is working hard for Appius, 3
so much so that it is even supposed that he ^vill send
one or other of his sons to you."* We always acquit
everybody here ; and upon my word, every sort of
villany and scandal is effectually hedged in. We
have consuls, however, whose acti\ity is quite re-
markable ; so far the only decree they have managed
to get through the Senate is the one about the
Latin festival.* Friend Curio finds his tribuneship a
frost.

But words cannot describe the universal stagna- 4

* A mere formality, fixing the date.

123

CICERO

ego cum tabernariis et aquariis pugnarem, veternus
civitatem occupasset. Si Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt,
nos hie frigore frigescimus. Tamen, quoquo modo
potuit,^ sine Parthis Bibulus in Amano nescio quid
cohorticularum amisit. Hoc sic nuntiatum est.
5 Quod tibi supra scripsi, Curionem valde frigere ; iam
calet. Nam ferventissime concerpitur. Levissime
enim, quia de intercalando non obtinuerat, transfugit
ad populum et pro Caesare loqui coepit ; legemque
viariam, non dissimilem agrariae Rulli, et alimen-
tariam, quae iubet aediles metiri, iactavit. Hoc
nondum fecerat, cum priorem partem epistolae
scripsi. Amabo te, si quid quod opus fuerit Appio
facies, ponito me in gratia. De Dolabella integrum
tibi reserves, suadeo. Et huic rei, de qua loquor,
et dignitati tuae aequitatisque opinioni hoc ita facere
expedit. Turpe tibi erit, pantheras Graecas^ me
non habere.

^ The Msa. have hie omnia iaceant between modo and
potuit, but those words were obviously repeated from a few
lines above.

* Cibyratas Suringar and Lehmann.

' The shopkeepers had evidently bribed the managers
of the pubUc water-supply to be allowed to draw more than
their quantum for their private use, and Caelius as aedile
intervened to check the abuse.

* Curio as pontiff had failed to induce his colleagues to
intercalate a month in 50 B.C., which was necessary, as no
month had been intercalated in 51 b.c. As the insertion
would have been made after February 23, it would have
postponed the debate on the consular provinces which
was arranged for March 1. Curio also wished to prolong
his own term of office.

« The carrying out of such a law, as in the case of RuUus's

124

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. vi.

tion here. Were it not for the fight I am having
Avith the shopkeepers and water companies," the whole
body pohtic would have sunk into a lethargy. If the
Parthians are doing nothing to make it hot for you, we
here are as cold as ice. And yet, Bibulus, however he
contrived it, has, without the help of the Parthians,
lost some few of his dear little cohorts on Mount
Amanus ; so it is rejx)rted.

I wTote to you above that Curio was very cold ; 5
well, he is warm enough now ; he is being pulled to
pieces with red-hot pincers. The fact is that in the
most capricious way, simply because he did not hold
his ground about the intercalation,* he has crossed
over to the popular side and is beginning to orate in
favour of Caesar ; and he talked ostentatiously of a
road law " much on the lines of RuUus's agrarian law,
and also a food law, which insists on the aediles using
weights and measures ; he had not done so before I
wrote the first part of this letter.

If you do anything in the interests of Appius, as I
love you, let him give me the credit of it. In the
matter of Dolabella, my advice is that you should not
commit yourself. That is the best com-se you can
adopt for the proposal I mention, for your o^\ti
position, and for your reputation for fair deaUng. It
will be a disgrace to you if I have to go without any
Greek <* panthers.

law, would have conferred extensive powers over a long
period (according to Appian, five years) upon its proposer,
and Curio in this, as in the matter of the intercalatory month,
was playing for time.

' Because Asia Minor was now hellenized. But see note
on the text.

125

CICERO
VII

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Quam cito tu istinc decedere cupias, nescio ; ego
quidem eo magis, quo adlmc felicius rem gessisti,
dum istic eris, de belli Parthici periculo cruciabor, ne
hunc risum meum metus aliqui perturbet, Breviores
has Utteras properanti publicanorum tabellario subito
dedi ; tuo liberto pluribus verbis scriptas pridie

2 dederam. Res autem novae nullae sane acciderunt,
nisi haec vis tibi scribi, quae certe vis. Cornificius
adulescens Orestillae filiam sibi despondit. PauUa
Valeria, soror Triari, divortium sine causa, quo die
vir e provincia venturus erat, fecit, Nuptura est
D. Bruto. Mundum^ rettulerat. Multa in hoc ge-
nere incredibilia, te absente, acciderunt. Servius
Ocella nemini persuasisset se moechum esse, nisi tri-
duo bis deprehensus esset. Quaeres, ubi ? Ubi her-
cule ego minime veil em. Relinquo tibi, quod ab aliis
quaeras. Neque enim displicet mihi, imperatorem
singulos percontari, cum qua sit aliquis deprehensus.

^ Pantagathus : nondum rettuleras M : nondum rettu-
leram (" / had not yet related it ") C. F. Hermann.

" Orestilla was Catiline's wife.
126

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. vii.
VII

CAELIUS TO CICERO
Rome, 50 B.C.

How soon you desire to get away from where you I
are, I don't know ; for my part, the more successful
your campaign has hitherto been, the more tortviring
will be my anxiety about the danger of a Parthian
war, lest some apprehension of what is coming may
mar this hght and jocular style of mine. I handed
this unusually brief letter to a carrier employed by
the publicani, at short notice, because he was in a
hurry. I had handed a longer one on the preceding
day to your freedman.

But absolutely nothing new has occurred, unless 2
you want such tittle-tattle as what follows — and I am
sure you do — to be put in a letter to you. Comificius
the younger has promised to marry Orestilla's "
daughter. PauUa Valeria, the sister of Triarius, has
divorced her husband without assigning any reason,
on the very day that he was to arrive from his pro-
vince. She is going to marry D. Brutus. She had
sent back her whole wardrobe.

Many incredible things of that sort have occurred
in your absence. Serxius OceUa would never have
<X)nvinced anybody that he was an adulterer, had he
not been caught in the act t^^ice within three days.
You will ask where ? Well, I swear it was in the
very last place I could have wished. I leave you
something to worm out of others. For it rather
tickles me that an imperator should question one
man after another who the lady was with whom
soraebodv was caught.

127

CICERO
VIII

M. CAELIUS S. D. M. CICERONI

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Etsi de republica quae tibi scribam habeo, ta-
men nihil quod magis gavisurum te putem habeo,
quam hoc. Scito, C. Sempronium Rufum, Rufum,
mel ac dehcias tuas, caluraniam maximo plausu tu-
hsse. Quaeris, qua in causa ? M, Tuccium, accusa-
torem suum, post ludos Romanos reum lege Plotia de
vi fecit, hoc consiho, quod videbat, si extraordinarius
reus nemo accessisset, sibi hoc anno causam esse
dicendam. Dubium porro illi non erat, quid futurum
esset. Nemini hoc deferre munusculum maluit quam
suo accusatori. Itaque sine ullo subscriptore descen-
dit et Tuccium reum fecit. At ego, simul atque au-
divi, invocatus ad subselha rei occurro ; surgo, neque
verbum de re facio ; toiam Sempronium usque eo
perago, ut Vestorium quoque interponam, et illam
fabulam narrem, quemadmodum tibi pro beneficio

» This Letter is earlier than the last {Ep. 7) by some
months.

" A banker of PuteoH, under obhgations to Cicero, who
refers (Att. vi. 2. 10) to his evrjOeLa, " gaucherie."

• September 5-19.

* Nothing is known of Tuccius or of his charge against
Rufus.

« A defendant on a charge of vis could claim such pre-
cedence. Rufus's object in providing such a defendant was
to put off his own trial till the following year, when he hoped
he might have a more favourable praetor, or have time to
pack a jury.

128

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

VIII

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, October, 51 B.C."

Though I have plenty to tell you about politics, yet 1
I have nothing which will give you greater pleasure,
I imagine, than this. You must know that C. Sem-
pronius Rufus * — Rufus, I say, the apple of your
eye — has won, amid universal applause, nothing less
than a conviction for mahcious prosecution. " What
was the case ? " you ^v^ll ask.^ Well, when the Roman
games " were over, he brought a charge of violence
under the Plotian law against his owti accuser, M.
Tuccius ** ; and his object was this — he saw that if no
defendant was brought into court whose case could
claim precedence,* he would have to stand his OAvn
trial this year ; and what the result of that would be,
he could, of course, have no doubt. And he thought
there was nobody upon whom he could more fittingly
bestow this httle attention than his OAvn prosecutor.
So, without getting anybody to back f his charge,
down he came into the forum, and brought an accusa-
tion against Tuccius. As soon as I got -sWnd of it,
without waiting to be asked, I hurried up and took
my seat on the defendant's bench. I rise, and with-
out a word about the question at issue, I vigorously
impugn Sempronius and all liis works, to the extent of
even dragging in Vestorius, and telling the old story
of how, if there was anything held by Vestorius,
" which he, Sempronius, wrongfully possessed," he,

* Subscriptores were the subordinate advocates for the
prosecution, who attached their names to the charge.

VOL. II F 129

GICERO

dederit, si quid iniuria suum esset/ quod Vestorius
2 teneret. Haec quoque magna nunc contentio foruni
tenet. M. Servilius, postquam, ut coeperat, omnibus
in rebus turbarat, nee, quod non venderet, cuiquam
reliquerat, maximaeque nobis traditus erat invidiae,
neque Laterensis praetor, postulante Pausania, nobis
patronis, Quo ea pecunia pervenisset, recipere
voluit, Q. Pilius, necessarius Attici nostri, de re-
petundis eum postula\it ; magna illico fama surrexit,
et de damnatione ferventer loqui est coeptum. Quo
vento proieitur Appius minor ut indicaret pecuniam
ex bonis patris pervenisse ad Servilium, praevarica-
tionisque causa diceret depositum HS lxxxi. Admi-

^ si quod iniuriis suis esset M : si quid iniuriis suum esset
Hofmann : si quid iniuria ipsius esset Wesenherg.

" It would seem tliat Cicero had enabled Sempronius to
borrow money from Vestorius, anotiier banlcer of Puteoli ;
but as Sempronius repudiated the debt, Vestorius kept in his
hands an equivalent amount of Sempronius's property — an
arrangement to which the latter gracefully yielded as a
particular favour to Cicero.

* This complicated case may be summarized as follows.
C. Claudius Pulcher, brother of Appius and Clodius, was
proconsul of Asia in 55-54 b.c, and in 51 b.c. was tried
for repetundae, " extortion," and condemned. Damages
were assessed {lites aestimati), but, before execution was
effected, he seems to have either gone into exile or committed
suicide. He had deposited a large sum of money in the
hands of Servilius, one of his legati, to enable him by bribery
to effect a praevaricatio — "a mismanagement of the case
by collusion of the parties," — which Servilius failed to
do. Pausanias, probably an agent for the provincials of
Asia, being convinced of Servilius's guilt, appealed to the
praetor Laterensis to prosecute him " for receiving money
with intent to defraud " (quo ea pecunia pervenisset), but
Laterensis held that there was no case, owing to lack of
evidence. Upon this Q. Pilius directly charged Servilius
with repetundae. This brought up Appius, son of C.

130

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

in deference to you, very kindly made Vestorius
a present of it."

There is now also the following keenly disputed 2
case occupying the courts.^ M. Servilius, having,
consistently with his previous career, made an utter
mess of his affairs, and left nothing for anybody but
what was for sale, had been handed over to me as a
client of the worst possible reputation; but Laterensis,
thepraetor, in spite of the representations of Pausanias
(I being counsel for the defence), refused to take up
the inquiry as to " what had become of that money."
Then Q. Pilius, a connexion of our friend Atticus,
brought an action against ServiUus for extortion.
That immediately gave rise to a lot of gossip, and
people began to talk excitedly about a conviction.
This slant of wind casts up Appius the younger, to
give evidence that a sum of money out of his
father's estate had found its way into Servihus's
pocket, and to allege that 81,000 sesterces had
been placed in his hands for the purpose of bribing
the prosecution. You are surprised at his want of

Claudius, who, in his disgust at Servilius's mismanagement
of affairs entrusted to him, gave evidence about the bribe
which seriously compromised, not only himself, but his
own father. On this evidence Laterensis allowed the case
against Servilius to proceed, and the voting being equal,
he did not, as he should have done according to law, acquit
Servilius, but only recorded the verdicts of the separate
orders ; and when Appius again appealed he said " he
would merely record the facts." Thus Servilius, being
neither acquitted nor condemned, is to be handed over to
Pilius, to whom Appius had given place, to be dealt with
on the charge of repetundae. And now Appius himself is
being prosecuted for repetundae by Servilius and his relations,
and at the same time for vis (" breach of the peace ") by
one of his own agents, Sextus Tettius. (The above is a
precis of the notes of both Tvrrell and How.)

131

CICERO

raris amentiam. Immo si actionem, stultissimasque de

3 se, nefarias de patre confessiones audisses ! Mittit in
consilium eosdem illos, qui lites aestimarant, iudices.
Cum aequo numero sententiae fuissent, Laterensis,
leges ignorans, pronuntiavit, quod singuli ordines
iudicassent ; et ad extremum, ut sclent, non redigam.
Postquam discessit, et pro absoluto Servilius liaberi
coeptus est, legisque unum et centesimum caput legit,
in quo ita erat : quod eorum iudicum maior pars
lUDiCARiT, ID lus RATUMQUE ESTO : in tabulas absolu-
tum non rettuUt, ordinum indicia perscripsit ; postu-
lante rursus Appio, cum L. Lollio transegit, et se rem
relaturum dixit. Sic nunc neque absolutus neque
damnatus Servilius de repetundis saucius Pilio tra-
detur. Nam de divinatione Appius, cum calumniam
iurasset, contendere ausus non est, Pilioque cessit ; et
ipse de pecuniis repetundis a Serviliis est postulatus,
et praeterea de vi reus a quodam emissario suo, Sext.

4 Tettio, factus est. Recte hoc par habet. Quod ad
rempublicam pertinet, omnino multis diebus, ex-

" The Senators, Equites, and Tribuni Aerarii.

* Probably a jurisconsult.

« " On the preliminary question as to who should be
appointed accuser."

^ Appius and Tettiua.
132

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

sense ; ah, but if you had only heard his pleading
and the admissions he made ! — admissions most un-
wise as regards himself, abominable as regards his
father. >

Well, he calls upon the same jury to consider their 3
verdict as had assessed the damages in the earher
case. WTien it turned out that the voting vras equal,
Laterensis, in his ignorance of the laws about it,
announced the decision of the three orders <* taken
separately, and ended up with the customary pro-
nouncement " I shall not order the restitution of the
money."

WTien he left the court, however, and Servihus
began to be looked upon as acquitted, Laterensis read
clause 101 of the law, which ran as follows :

" The verdict of a majority of the aforesaid jurors
shall be final, and judgment he pronounced accordingly ."

He therefore did not enter him in his register as
acquitted, but WTote out the verdict of each separate
order. But when Appius renewed his charge,
Laterensis, after consultation with L. Lolhus,* said he
would merely report the facts of the case. So now
Servihus, being neither acquitted nor condemned, will
be handed over to Pihus, with, a reputation already
badly mauled, to be tried for extortion — to PiUus, for
Appius in the formal selection of the accuser," though
he had sworn that his was a bona fide prosecution, did
not venture to fight the matter, and retired in favour
of Pihus. And now he himself has been charged ^^ith
extortion by the Ser\ihi, and has, moreover, been had
up for a breach of the peace by a certain spy of his
own, one Sextus Tettius. A pretty pair, those two.**

As far as pohtics are concerned, absolutely nothing 4
has been done for many days past, because people

133

CICERO

spectatione Galliarum, actum nihil est. Aliquando
tamen saepe re dilata et graviter acta et plane per-
specta Cn. Pompei voluntate in earn partem, ut eum
decedere post Kalendas Martias placeret, senatus
consultum, quod tibi misi, factum est auctoritatesque
perscriptae.
5 S. C. Auctoritates. Pridie Kal. Octob. in aede Apol-
linis scrib. adfuerunt L. Doinitius, Cn. F. Fab. Aheno-
barbus ; Q. Caecilius, Q. F. Fab. Metellus Pius Scipio ;
L. Villius L. F. Pompt. Annalis ; C. Septimius, T. F.
Quirina ; C Lucilius C. F. Pup. Hirrus ; C. Scribonius,
C. F. Pop. Curio ; L. Ateius L. F. An. Capito ; M.
Eppius M. F. Terentina. Quod M. Marcellus consul
V.f. de provinciis consularibus, d. e. r. i. c. uti L. Paullus,
C. Marcellus consules, cum magistratum inissent, ex a. d,
X. Kal. Mart., quae in suo magistratu futurae essent,
de consularibus provinciis ad senatum referrent, neve quid

" A senatus auctoritas was a motion carried by the Senate,
but vetoed by a tribune (c/. i. 3. 4).

' I am indebted for this lucid tabulation to the Rev.
G. E. Jeans.

" V. f . = verba fecit.

"* d. e. r. i. c.=de ea re ita censuerunt.

• Provinces requiring an army were usually entrusted
to a proconsul and called consulares, peaceful provinces to
a propraetor, and called praetoriae.

134

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

are waiting to see what happens about the Gallic
provinces. At last, however, after several postpone-
ments, and grave discussions, and when it had been
definitely ascertained that Pompey's inchnations were
in the direction of having a decree passed that Caesar
should quit his pro\'ince after the 1st of March, a
decree of the Senate was passed which I send you,
and the following resolutions <* were entered on the
minutes.

Decree of the Senate. Resolutions. The 29th day 6
of September, in the temple of Apollp. Present at the
drafting of the decree :

Name.

Father's name.

Tribe.

Lucius Domitius Aheno-

. barbus

Gnaeus

Fabia.

Quintus Caecilius Metellus

Pius Scipio

Quintus

Fabia.

Lucius Vilhus Annalis

Lucius ■

Pomptina.

Gaius Septimius

Titus

Quirina.

Gaius Lucihus Hirrus .

Gaius

Pupinia.

Gaius Scribonius Curio

Gaius

PopiHa.

Lucius Ateius Capito

Lucius

Aniensis.

Marcus Eppius

Marcus

Terentina.*

WTiereas the consul Marcus Marcellus has opened
.the question " of the pro\'inces to be assigned to
consulars, the Senate voted on that question as
follows : ^ **

" Lucius PauUus and Gaius Marcellus, the consuls,
when they have entered on their oflBces, after the 19th
day of the month of Februarythat shall fall within
their year of office,, shall bring the matter of the
consular * pro\'inces before the Senate and shall not

135

CIGERO

prius ex Kalendis Mart, neve quid coniunctim de ea re
referretur a consulibus, utique eius rei causa per dies
comitiales senatum kaherent, Senatusque Cons.facerent, et,
cum de ea re ad senatum referretur a consulibus, qui eorum
in CCC iudicibus essent, sex adducere liceret. Si quid de
ea re ad populum ad plebemve lato opus esset, uti Ser.
Sulpicius M. Marcellus Coss. praetores, tribunique plebis,
quibus eorum videretur, ad populum plebemve referrent :
quod si ii non tulissent, uti, quicumque deinceps essent,
ad populum plebemve f err ent. I.N.
6 Prid. Kalend. Octob. in aede Apollinis, scrib. adjuerunt
L. Domitius, Cn. F. Fab. Akenobarbus ; Q. Caecilius
Q. F. Fab. Metellus Pius Scipio ; L. Villius, L. F.
Pompt. Annalis ; C. Septimius T. F. Qtdrina ; C
Lucilius C. F. Pup. Hirrus, C. Scribonius, C. F. Pop.
Curio, L. Ateius L. F. An. Capita; M. Eppius M. F.
Terentina. Quod M. Marcellus Cos. v.f. de provinciis,
d. e. r. i. c. senatum existimare neminem eorum, qui

" According to the Lex Pupia it was not customary to
hold a Senate on days on which comitia could be held
(c/. i. 4. 1).

* This would be about half the Senate. Strachan-
Davidson, Problems of Roman Criminal Law, ii. p. 76, makes
the number 400.

" i.e., " before the comitia centuriata or tributa."

** \.i^.=Intercessit nemo, "no tribune intervened with
a veto."
186

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIIL viii.

after the first of March give precedence to any other
motion, nor shall any other motion be brought before
the Senate in combination with that motion ; and
they shall hold a meeting of the Senate for that
purpose, on comitial days " as on any other, and pass a
decree of the Senate. And when that matter is being
brought before the Senate by the consuls, then it
shall be lawful to call in such of the Senators as are
on the roU of the 300* jurors without their incurring
a penalt}-.? If it be necessary to bring that matter
before the people or plebs,'' that Servius Sulpicius and
Marcus Marcellus, the present consuls, ^ith praetors
and the tribunes of the plebs, to whomsoever of them
it seems good, shall bring it before the people or plebs.
But if the aforesaid have not so brought it, that their
successors in their several offices shall so bring it
before the people or plebs." ' No veto was recorded.**

The 30th day of September, in the Temple of Apollo. 6
Present at the drafting of the decree :

Name.
Lucius Domitius Aheno-

barbus
Quintus Caecihus Metellus

Pius Scipio
Lucius \'illius Annalis
Gaius Septimius
Gaius Lucihus Hirrus
Gaius Scribonius Curio
Lucius Ateius Capito
Marcus Eppius

Whereas Marcus Marcellus, the consul, has opened
the question of the pro\inces, on that matter the
Senators have voted as follows : " That in the

137

^other's name.

Tribe.

Gnaeus

Fabia.

Quintus

Fabia.

Lucius
Titus

Pomptina.
Quirina.

Gaius
Gaius
Lucius

Pupinia.

Popilia.

Aniensis

Marcus

Terentina.

CICERO

potestatem haheant intercedendi impediendi moram afferre
oportere, quo minus de r. p. p. r. q. p. ad senatum referri,
senatique consultum fieri possit. Qui impedierit pro-
hibuerit, eum senatum existimare contra rempuhlicam
fecisse. Si quis huic s. c. intercesserit, senatui placere
auctoritatem perscribi et de ea re p. q. t. ad senatum
populumque referri.

Huic s. c. intercessit C. Caelius, L. Vinicius,
P. Cornelius, C. Vibius Pansa (trib. pi.).

7 Item senatui placere, de militibus, qui in exercitu
C. Caesaris sunt, qui eorum stipendia emerita aut causas,
quibus de causis missi fi^ri debeani, haheant, ad hunc
ordinem referri, ut eorum ratio kabeatur, causaeque
cognoscantur . Si quis huic s. c. intercesserit, senatui
placere auctoritaiem perscribi, et de ea re ad senatum
p. q. t. referri.

Huic s. c. intercessit C. Caelius, C. Pansa, tribuni
plebis.

8 Itemque se?iatui placere, in Ciliciam provinciam, in
octo reliquas provincias, quas praetorii pro praeiore
obtinerent, eos, qui praetores fuerunt neque in provincia

" r. p. p. r. q. y). = republica populi Romani quam primum.

" p. q. t.=primo quoque tempore.

' The object of this was to draw away from Caesar as
many of his soldiers as possible.

■* These were : (1) Sicily, (2) Sardinia and Corsica, (3)
Macedonia and Achaia, (4) Asia, (5) Africa, (6) Crete,
(7) Cyrene, (8) Bithynia,
138

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

opinion of the Senate it is inexpedient that any of
those who have the right of veto or of obstruction
should cause any such delay as could prevent a
motion being brought before the Senate concerning
the Republic at the earhest opportunity," or a decree
being passed thereon. ^ That in the opinion of the
Senate, the man who so obstructs or forbids the
debate, has acted against the interests of the Re-
public. That if anyone shall veto this decree of the
Senate, it is the pleasure of the Senate that a resolu-
tion to the same effect shall be drafted at the
earhest opportunity ^ and the matter brought before
the Senate and the people."

The above decree was vetoed by Gaius Caehus,
Lucius Vinicius, Pubhus Cornehus, and Gaius Vibius
Pansa, tribunes of the plebs.

" That it is further resolved by the Senate in refer- 7
ence to the soldiers now in the army of Gaius Caesar,
that those of them who have served their full time,
or have pleas to advance^ which pleas would entitle
them to a discharge, shall have their cases brought
before the Senate in order that they may be severally
considered and their pleas investigated." That, if
anyone shall veto this decree of the Senate, it is the
pleasure of the Senate that a resolution to the same
effect shall be drafted, and the matter brought before
the Senateand the people at the earhest opportunity."

The above decree was vetoed by Gaius Caehus and
Gaius Pansa, tribunes of the plebs.

" Also it is resolved that in regard to the province 8
of Cilicia and the eight remaining provinces'* ad-
ministered by ex-praetors as praetors, those who
have been praetors but have not been in a province
with imperial power, such of them, to wit, as have a

1S9

CICERO

cum imperio fuerunt, quos eorum ex s. c. cum imperio
in provincias pro praeiore mitti oporteret, eos sortito in
provincias mitti placere. Si ex eo numero, quos ex s.c.
in provincias ire oporteret, ad numerum non essent,
qui in eas provincias prqficiscerentur, tum, uti quodque
collegium primum praetorum Juisset, neque in provincias
profecti essent, ita sorte in provinciam projiciscerentur.
Si a ad numerum non essent, tunc deinceps proximi cuius-
que collegi, qui praetores fuissent, neque in provincias
profecti essent, in sortem conicerentur, quoad is numerus
effectus esset, quem ad numerum in provincias mitti
oporteret. Si quis huic s. c. intercessisset, auctoritas
perscriberetur.

Huic senatus consulto intercessit C. Caelius, C,
9 Pansa, tribuni plebis. Ilia praeterea Cn. Pompei
sunt animadversa, quae maxime confidentiam attule-
runt hominibus, ut diceret se ante Kalend. Mart, non
posse sine iniuria de provinciis Caesaris statuere, post
Kal. Mart, se non dubitaturum. Cum interrogaretur,
si qui tum intercederent, dixit hoc nihil interesse,
utrum C. Caesar senatui dicto audiens futurus non
esset, an pararet qui senatum decernere non pa-
teretur. Quid si, inquit alius, et consul esse, et exer-
citum habere volet ? At ille, quam clementer ! Quid si
filius mens fustem mihi impingere volet ? His vocibus,
ut existimarent homines, Pompeio cum Caesare esse
140

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. viii.

claim, according to the decree of the Senate, to be
sent to pro\inces as praetors with imperial power,
should be sent to those pro^•inces by lot. If on the
list of those who have a claim to go to provinces
according to the decree of the Senate, there are not
enough to proceed to those pro\'inces, in that case, as
each college of praetors, the members of which have
not proceeded to provinces, can claim priority, accord-
ing to that order praetors should proceed to a pro-
vince by lot. Should they fail to reach the necessary
number, then out of each college, as it came next, the
names of such as had been praetors, but had not pro-
ceeded to provinces, should be cast into the lottery
until the number of them is made to tally with the
nxunber of those required to be sent into the provinces.

"That should anyone veto the decree of the Senate,
a resolution to the same effect should be drafted."

The above decree of the Senate was vetoed by
Gaius Caelius and Gaius Pansa, tribunes of the plebs.
• The following remarks, moreover, of Cn. Pompeius ft-
attracted attention and gave people the greatest
confidence, when he stated that he could not with
any justice decide about Caesar's provinces before
1st of March, but that after that date he would not
hesitate to act. When he was asked " What if there
were any vetoes interposed on that day?" he replied
that " It made no difference whether Caesar was going
to refuse to obey the Senate, or whether he would
put up someone to obstruct its decrees." " \Miat if
he is minded," asked somebody else, " to be consul and
keep his army at the same time ? " and he replied with
the utmost suavity, " WTiat if my own son should
be minded to lay his stick across my shoulders ? "
By such expressions he had led people to suspect that

141

GIGERO

negotium, effecit. Itaque iam, ut video, alteram
utram ad conditionem descendere vult Caesar, ut aut
maneat, neque hoc anno sua ratio habeatur, aut, si
10 designari poterit, decedat. Curio se contra eum
totum parat. Quid assequi possit, nescio. Illud
video, bene sentientem, etsi nihil efFecerit, cadere
non posse. Me tractat liberaliter Curio, et mihi sue
raunere negotium imposuit. Nam si mihi non dedisset
eas, quae ad ludos ei advectae erant Africanae, potuit
supersederi. Nunc, quoniam dare necesse est, velim
tibi curae sit, quod a te semper petii, ut aliquid
istinc bestiarum habeamus ; Sittianamque syn-
grapham tibi commendo. Libertum Philonem istuc
misi, et Diogenem Graecum, quibus mandata et
litteras ad te dedi, Eos tibi et rem, de qua misi,
velim curae habeas. Nam quam vehementer ad
me pertineat, in lis, quas tibi illi reddent, litteris
descripsi.

IX

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

1 Sic tu, inquis, Hirrum tractasti ? Immo, si scias
quam facile, quam ne contentionis quidem mi-

"» In Caelius's eyes Curio's panthers were so many " white
elephants." For the panthers see Epp. 2. 2, 4. 5, and 6.
5, in this Book. It should be noticed that this letter was
written some weeks before the last, which was written late
in October.
142

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. mii-lx.

there is some trouble between him and Caesar.
So now, as far as I can see, Caesar means to have
recourse to one or other of these alternatives — either
to remain in Gaul, so that his candidature may not
be considered this year, or else, if he can carry his
election, to quit his pro\'ince.

Curio is preparing to attack him tooth and nail ; 10
with what prospect of success I know not. This I
do see, that a man of sound views, though he may
accomplish nothing, cannot be a complete failure.

For myself, Curio treats me generously, and by
his bounty has put a burden on my back ; for
had he not made me a present of the ^Wld beasts "
which, had been shipped to him from Africa for his
games, my games might have been altogether dis-
pensed with ; as it is, since give them I must, I should
be glad if you would take the trouble — I have been
perpetually asking you this favour— to let me have
something in the way of beasls from where you are.
I also commend to your notice the bond held by
Sittius. I send you my freedman Philo, and Dio-
genes, a Greek, and I have given them commissions
and a letter for you. Pray give them, and the
business I sent them on, your kind attention. For
I have explained in the letter they will deliver to
you, how vitally it concerns me.

IX

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, September 2, 51 b.c.

" Is that the way you have treated Hirrus ? " you 1
Bay. Well, if you only knew how easy it was, how not

143

CICERO

nimae fuerit, pudeat te ausum ilium umquam esse
incedere tamquam tuum competitor em. Post re-
pulsam vero risus facit ; civem bonum ludit, et contra
Caesarem sententias dicit ; exspectationem corripit ;
Curionem prorsus non mediocriter obiurgat ; hac re-
pulsa se muta\it. Praeterea qui numquam in foro
apparuerit, non multum in iudiciis versatus sit, agit

2 causas liberales, sed raro post meridiem. De pro-
\inciis, quod tibi scripseram Idibus Sextil. actum iri,
interpellat iudicium Marcelli, consulis designati. In
Kalend. reiecta re, ne frequentiam quidem efficere
potuerant. Has litteras a. d. iv. Non.Septembr. dedi,
cum ad cam diem ne profligatum quidem quidquam
erat. Ut video, causa haec integra in proximum an-
num transferetur ; et, quantum divino, relinquendus
tibi erit, qui provinciam obtineat. Nam non expe-
ditur successio, quando Galliae, quae habent inter-
cessorem, in eamdem condicionem quam ceterae
provinciae vocantur. Hoc mihi non est dubium.
Quo tibi magis scripsi, ut ad hunc eventum te parares.

3 Fere litteris omnibus tibi de pantheris scripsi. Turpe
tibi erit Patiscum Curioni decem pantheras misisse,
te non multis partibus plures ; quas ipsas Curio

" i.e., for the vacancy in the College of Augurs.

*• i.e., about Caesar's provinces. Boot takes the words
to mean " diminishes the expectation of the provinces
being assigned to Caesar."

" Marcus Marcellus, consul in 50, accused this year by
Calidius of ambitus.

■* See note a to § 10 of the preceding Letter.

144

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. ix.

even the slightest effort was required, you would be
ashamed that he ever had the audacity to strut about
as your rival candidate." Now that he has been
rejected, however, he keeps on smiling, plays the
patriotic citizen, and regularly records his votes
against Caesar; he strongly condemns the suspense * ;
Curio he does not hesitate to censure in no measured
terms ; indeed, his rejection has made him change
his ways. Besides, though he has never appeared
in the forum, and has not been much engaged in
the law-courts, he now takes up the cases of slaves
who want their freedom ; but he seldom works after
mid-day.

As to the pro\inces, I wrote and told you that the 2
matter would be decided on August 13th ; well, an
interruption has been caused by the trial of Mar-
cellus," the consul elect. The matter was adjourned
to September 1st, but on neither occasion did they
succeed in getting even a quorum. I send this letter
on September 2nd, and even up to to-day no real
progress has been made. As I see it, this question
>\'ill not be opened, but passed on to next year ; and
as far as I can foretell, you ^nll have to leave some-
body behind you to administer the pro\'ince. For
the question of your succession is not being simplified,
since the Gallic provinces, the assignment of which is
being vetoed, are being brought into the same cate-
gory as all the other provinces. Of this I have no
doubt, and it gives me more reason for writing, so
that you might prepare yourself for this issue.

In almost all my letters to you I have mentioned 3
the panthers."* That Patiscus has sent Curio ten
panthers and that you should have failed to send
ever so many more, \^-ill reflect no credit upon you.

145

GIGERO

mihi, et alias Africanas decern donavit, ne putes ilium
tantum praedia rustica dare scire. Tu, si modo me-
moria tenueris, et Gibyratas arcessieris, itemque in
Pamphyliam litteras miseris (nam ibi plures capi
aiunt), quod voles efficies. Hoc vehementius laboro
nunc, quod seorsum a coUega puto mihi omnia pa-
randa. Amabo te, impera tibi hoc. Gurare soles
libenter, ut ego maiorem partem nihil curare. In
hoc negotio nulla tua, nisi loquendi, cura est, hoc est
imperandi et mandandi. Nam simul atque erunt
captae, qui alant eas et deportent, habes eos, quos
ad Sittianam syngrapham misi. Puto etiam, si ullam
spem mihi Htteris ostenderis, me isto missurum alios.

4 M. Feridium, equitem Romanum, amici mei fiHum,
bonum et strenuum adulescentem, qui ad suum nego-
tium istuc venit, tibi commendo, et te rogo, ut eum
in tuorum numero habeas. Agros, quos fructuarios
habent civitates, vnlt tuo beneficio, quod tibi facile et
honestum factu est, immunes esse ; gratos et bonos

6 viros tibi obligaris. Nolo te putare Favonium a co-
lumnariis praeteritum esse ; optimus quisque eum

" " This probably refers to some gift of a country place
by the extravagant Curio, of which we have no record."
Tyrrell.

* Municipalities often owned such property, even in
distant countries. Some Italian tcy^n, for which Feridius
was probably acting as agent, owned such land in Cilicia.

« A candidate for the praetorship this year. He was
an imitator of Cato — " ille Catonis aemulus," Suet. Aug. 13.
"Cato's Sancho," Mommsen, B.H. iv. 315.

'* Probably loafers round the columnae, the pillars in the
forum.
146

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. ix.

Curio has made me a present of that same ten, and
another ten from Africa ; so you must not think that
landed estates are the only gifts he knows how to
bestow.*» If you only remember to do so, and send
for some hunters from Cibyra, and also \\Tite a letter
of instructions to Pamphylia (for they tell me that
more of them are caught there), you 'v\-ill accomplish
all you want. My anxiety on this point is all the
greater now, because I expect that I shall have to
pro\ide everything myself, quite apart from my
colleague. For love's sake, lay this charge upon your-
self. You are usually as fond of taking trouble, as I for
the most part am of taking none. In this matter you
will have no trouble except to say a few words — that
is, to give orders and instructions. For as soon as the
animals are caught, you have the men I sent to deal
with Sittius's bond available to feed them and see to
their being shipped to Rome. I also think, that, if
you hold out any hopes to me in your letter, I shall
send some more men over to you.

There is one Marcus Feridius, a Roman knight, the 4
son of a friend of mine, a young man of merit and
energy, who has arrived in your province on business
of his o^vn ; I strongly commend him to you, and beg
you to put his name on your list of friends. He
desires that the lands which certain municipalities
hold as a means of profit,* should, by an act of kindness
as easy as it is honourable for you to perform, be
exempted from taxation. You ■s^ill find you have
laid under an obligation to you men who are grateful
as well as good.

I should not hke to think that Favonius " was re- 5
jected by the corner-men "* only ; no, all the best men
refused to vote for him.

147

CIGERO

non fecit. Pompeius tuus aperte Caesarem vetat et
provinciam tenere cum exercitu et consulem esse.
Tamen hanc sententiam dixit, nullum hoc tempore
senatusconsultum faciendum; Scipio hanc, ut Kalend.
Martiis de provinciis Galliis, neu quid coniunctim
referretur. Contristavit haec sententia Balbum Cor-
nelium et scio, eum questum esse cum Scipione.
Calidius in defensione sua fuit disertissimus, in accu-
satione satis frigidus.

X

CAELIUS CICERONI 8.

Romae, a.u.c. 703.

Sanequam litteris C. Cassi et Deiotari sumus
commoti. Nam Cassius cis Euphraten copias Par-
thorum esse scripsit ; Deiotarus, profectas per Com-
magenem in provinciam nostram. Ego quidem
praecipuum metum, quod ad te attinebat, habui, qui
scirem quam paratus ab exercitu esses, ne quod hie
tumultus dignitati tuae periculum afferret. Nam de
vita, si paratior ab exercitu esses, timuissem ; nunc
haec exiguitas copiarum recessum, non dimicationem
mihi tuam praesagiebat. Hoc quomodo acciperent

" When the praenomen is left out, Cicero almost always
puts the cognomen before the nomen, as here ; cf. Gallus
Caminius, Ahala Servilius, Vespa Terentius. Cornelius
Balbus was Caesar's great friend (see ix. 17. 1, and 19. 1).

* When accused by the two Gallii (see note on viii. 4. 1).

' When he himself accused Claudius Marcellus (see note
on § 2). In frigidus there is a jesting reference to his name
Calidius (from calidus). The fervid advocate v/aa frigid.

■* He means that, in that case, Cicero would not hesitate to
fight, and would therefore be slain.
148

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. ix.-x.

Your friend Pompey makes no secret of demurring
to Caesar's holding a pro\ince with an army and being
consul at the same time. What he moved in the
Senate, however, was that no decree should be passed
at the present junctm-e ; what Scipio moved was, that
the matter of the Gallic pro\"inces should be brought
before the Senate on the 1st of March, but that no
other matter should be combined with it — a motion
which made Balbus Cornelius <* quite unhappy, and I
know that he expostulated with Scipio.

Calidius was most eloquent in his own defence,*
but feeble enough as a prosecutor.^

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, November 17, 51 B.C.

I am greatly agitated by the despatches of 1
C. Cassius and Deiotarus ; for Cassius writes to
say that the Parthian forces are on this side of the
Euphrates, and Deiotarus that they have advanced
through Commagene into our province. For my own
part, being aware of your unpreparedness in the
matter of your army, my special apprehension as
regards yourself is that tliis sudden rising ^vill
imperil your prestige. For were you better pre-
pared in respect of your army, I should fear for
your life ; ** as it is, the present numerical weak-
ness of your forces fills me with foreboding, not
of an engagement, but of a retreat, on your part.
How the public would accept the latter decision,

149

CICERO

homineSj quam probabilis necessitas futura esset,

vereor etiam nunc ; neque prius desinam formidare,

2 quam tetigisse te Italiam audiero. Sed de Par-

thorum transitu nuntii varies sermones excitarunt.

Alius enim Pompeium mittendum, alius ab Urbe

Pompeium non removendum, alius Caesarem cum

suo exercitu, alius consules, nemo tamen ex sena-

tus consulto privates. Consules autem, quia veren-

tur, ne illud senatus consultum fiat, ut paludati

exeant, et contumeliose praeter eos^ ad alium res

transferatur, omnino senatum haberi nolunt, usque

eo ut parum diligentes in republica videantur ; sed

honeste, sive neglegentia, sive inertia est, sive ille,

quem proposui, metus, latet sub hac temperantiae

existimatione nolle provinciam. A te litterae non

venerunt, et, nisi Deiotari subsecutae essent, in eam

opinionem Cassius veniebat, quae diripuisset ipse, ut

viderentur ab hoste vastata, finxisse bellum et Arabas

in provinciam immisisse eosque Parthos esse senatui

renuntiasse. Quare tibi suadeo, quicumque est istic

status rerum, diligenter et caute perscribas, ne aut

^ Cobet, suspecting eos where se would be more usual,
suggests praeter os, " before their faces " ; but Lebreton
quotes several similar instances f-^om Cicero himself.

" i.e., the pretence that they did not want to go because
they had no greedy ambition for military honours.

150

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. x.

and how far the necessity for it would be taken as a
sufficient justification, as to that I have my misgivings
even now, and shall never cease to have a feeling of-
dread, until I am told that you have landed in Italy.

But the reports about the crossing of the Parthians 2
have given rise to all sorts of suggestions. One man
would send Pompey ; another would not have
Pompey withdrawTi from the city ; another would
send Caesar in command of his own army, another
the consuls ; no one, however, would have anybody,
not holding public office, sent by a decree of the
Senate. Now the consuls, because they are afraid
of such a decree of the Senate being passed as would
lead to their leaving Rome in uniform as miMtary
conmianders, and to the subsequent ignominy of
having the commission transferred over their heads
to someone else, are altogether opposed to the hold-
ing of a Senate, so much so, indeed, as to convey the
impression that they are not as energetic as they
should be in their public duties. But candidly,
whether it be negligence or indolence, or that appre-
hension I have already indicated, beneath all this
affectation of unselfishness " there lurks a decided
disinclination to accept a province.

No despatch has arrived from you, and had not
Deiotarus's despatch immediately followed his, there
was a growing suspicion that Cassius, in order that
his own depredations might pass as the devastations
of the enemy, had arranged a sham war, let loose a
horde of Arabs into his province, and reported these
to the Senate as being Parthians.

And that is why I urge you, whatever be the position
of affairs in your province, to be careful and cautious
in your drafted report of it, lest it be said of you

151

CICERO

velificatus alicui dicaris aut aliquid, quod referret

3 scire, reticuisse. Nunc exitus est anni ; nam ego has
litteras a, d. xiv. Kal. Decemb. scripsi. Plane nihil
video ante Kal. Januar. agi posse. Nosti Marcellum,
quam tardus et parum efficax sit, Itemque Servius,
quam cunctator. Cuiusmodi putas hos esse, aut
quam id, quod nolint, conficere posse, qui, quae
cupiunt, tamen Ita frigide agunt, ut nolle existi-
mentur ? Novis magistratibus autem, si Parthicum
helium erit, haec causa primos menses occupabit.
Sin autem non erit istic bellum, aut tantum erit, ut
vos aut successores, parvls additis copiis, sustinere
possint, Curionem video se dupliciter iactaturum ;
primum, ut aliquid Caesari adimat, inde ut aliquid
Pompeio tribuat, quodvis quamlibet tenue munu-
sculum. Paullus porro non humane de provincia
loquitur. Huius cupiditati occursurus est Furnius

4 noster ; plures suspicari non possum. Haec novi.
Alia, quae possunt accidere, non cerno. Multa tempus
afFerre et praeparata mutare scio. Sed intra fines
hos, quaecumque acciderint, vertentur. Illud addo
ad actiones C. Curionis, de agro Campano ; de quo
negant Caesarem laborare, sed Pompeium valde

6 nolle, ne vacuus advenienti Caesari pateat. Quod
ad tuum decessum attinet, illud tibi non possum

" Or " wafted him on his way," the converse being our
" to take the wind out of a man's sails." Tyrrell.

* The consuls for 51 b.c. See Chron. Sum.

* Cicero and Cassius.

<' Aemilius Paullus, consul with C. Marcellus, in 50 b.c.
According to Mommsen, Paullus, in defiance of Pompey's
law about a five years' interval, was violently asserting
that he would claim a province (presumably Cilicia)
immediately after his consulship. His ill-balanced judg-
ment (of which Curio made capital) is mentioned in § 1 of
the next letter. * A friend of Cicero's. See x. 25.

152

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. x.

that you either puffed out somebody's saik for him,** or
held back something which it was important to know.

It is now the close of the year ; for I am writing 3
this letter on the 17th of November. I clearly see
that nothing can be done before January 1st. You
know Marcellus,^ — how slow and inefficient he is, and
also how dilatory Ser\ius is.*" WTiat manner of men do
you take them to be, or how do you think they can
do what they don't like, when they are so lukewarm
in deaUng with what they do desire as to be suspected
of not hking it ? Now under the new magistrates, if
there is a Parthian war, their first months ^vill be taken
up with that. If on the other hand there is no war
where you are, or only such a war as you two,'' or
your successors, with some slight reinforcements, can
maintain, I foresee that Curio will bluster with a
double purpose, first, to take something away from
Caesar, and secondly, to bestow something upon
Pompey — any httle douceur you please, however
trifling, Paullus,** moreover, talks wildly about
getting a pro%ince. Greedy as he is, he is Ukely to
find his match in our friend Furnius • ; I cannot
conceive any others opposing him.

WTiat I have written, I know ; there are other 4
possibihties, but I have no clear \-iew of them. Time,
I know, is bringing many changes and upsetting plans
already made ; but whatever be the play of chance,
it will be within these limits. This, too, I must add
to Curio's transactions — his scheme for the Cam-
panian land. They say that Caesar does not trouble
about it, but that Pompey strongly objects to it, on
the grounds that if it is unoccupied, Caesar will have
a free hand with it when he comes.

As regards your retirement, I cannot promise you 5

153

CICERO

polliceri, me curaturum ut tibi succedatur ; illud
certe praestabo, ne amplius prorogetur. Tui consili
est, si tempus, si senatus coget, si honeste a nobis re-
cusari non poterit, velisne perseverare ; mei offici
est meminisse, qua obtestatione decedens mihi, ne
paterer fieri, mandaris.

XI

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Non diu, sed acriter nos tuae supplicationes
torserunt. Incideramus enim in difficilem nodum.
Nam Curio tui cupidissimus, cui omnibus rationibus
comitiales dies eripiebantur, negabat se uUo modo
pati posse decerni supplicationes, ne, quod furore
Paulli adeptus esset boni, sua culpa videretur amisisse,
et praevaricator causae publicae existimaretur.
Itaque ad pactionem descendimus, et confirmarunt
consules se his supplicationibus in hunc annum non
usuros. Plane quod utrisque consulibus gratias agas
est ; PauUo magis certe. Nam Marcellus sic respon-
dit se spem in istis supplicationibus non habere,

" Cicero had written to the Senate in April, asking for a
supplicatio (a public thanksgiving, generally followed by
a triumph) in honour of his achievements on the Amanus.

* The number of days during which the elections (comitia)
could be held was of supreme importance to Curio at this
juncture. Any appropriation of them for other purposes,
e.g. for religious observances (such as Paullus was urging)
or the celebration of a supplicatio, by subtracting from
their number, would diminish Curio's opportunities of
" pulling the political wires " in view of the approaching
debate on the Provinces.

« Which gave Curio an excuse for public declamation.

154

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES. VIII. x.-xi.

to arrange for your getting a successor ; what I will
certainly guarantee is that there vriW be no further
extension of your tenure of office. Whether, if
circumstances or the Senate constrain you to stay
on, if we cannot consistently with honour decline,
you stiU wish to persist in your objection, that is
for you to decide ; for me it is a matter of duty to
bear in mind the solemn earnestness with which, on
leaving Rome, you charged me not to permit that
extension to be carried.

XI

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, April, 50 b.c.

The pain your supplicationes *• have caused me 1
was not prolonged but acute. For we tvunbled into
a tangle hard to unravel. Curio, who is extremely
fond of you, finding that he was being robbed of his
comitial days ^ by every sort of device, declared that
he could not possibly allow the mpplicationes to be
decreed, lest he should be thought to have lost
through his own fault whatever advantage he had
gained by the crazy conduct of Paullus,'' and be con-
sidered guilty of betraying the pubhc interests by
collusion with the opposition. So we had recourse to
a compromise, and the consuls formally announced
that they would not celebrate these supplicationes
this year. It is obvious that you have reason to
thank both consuls, but Paullus certainly most. For
while Marcellus merely replied that he had no hope
in the efficacy <* of your supplicationes, Paullus said

■^ As a means of thwarting Curio by encroaching upon
the comitiaUs dies,

155

CICERO

Paullus se omnino in hunc annum non edicturum.
2 Renuntiatum nobis erat Hirrum diutius dicturum ;
prendimus eum ; non modo non fecit, sed, cum de
hostiis ageretur, et posset rem impedire, si ut
numerarentur postularet, tacuit. Tantum Catoni
assensus est, qui de te locutus honorifice, non
decrerat supplicationes, Tertius ad hos Favonius
accessit. Quare pro cuiusque natura et institute
gratiae sunt agendae ; his, quod tantum voluntatem
ostenderunt pro sententia, cum impedire possent,
non pugnarunt ; Curioni vero, quod de suarum
actionum cursu tua causa deflexit. Nam Furnius et
Lentulus, ut debuerunt, quasi eorum^ res esset, una
nobiscum circumierunt et laborarunt. Balbi quoque
Corneli operam et sedulitatem laudare possum. Nam
cum Curione vehementer locutus est, et eum, si aliter
fecisset, iniuriam Caesari facturum dixit : tum eius
fidem in suspicionem adduxit. Decrerant quidem,
neque^ transigi volebant Domitii, Scipiones ; quibus
hac re ad intercessionem evocandam interpellantibus,
venustissime Curio respondit se eo libentius non

^ We should have expected sua, but see note 1, p. 1 50.

* quidem, neque Lehmann and Madviff; quidem, qui
inique M.

" Thus definitely implying their proclamation in the
future, which Marcellus did not imply.

* i.e., " button-holed " him.

" To be sacrificed at the supplicatio ; for though it was
not to be given this year, the preliminaries might be settled
now, so that all might be ready when the time came.

■^ See note on viii. 9. 5. The three were Hirrus, Cato, and
Favonius.

* A tribune of the plebs devoted to Cicero.
' Than by coming to a compromise.

' As a friend of Cicero (Tyrrell). But more probably,
156

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xi.

that in no circiiinstaiices would he proclaiin them
this " year.

It has been reported to me that Hirrus intended to *
talk the measure out ; I got hold of him ; * not only
did he refrain fit)m doing so, but when the question
of the \ictims = was being discussed, and he might
have obstructed the proceedings if he had demanded
a count out, he held his tongue. He merely con-
curred with Cato who, though he spoke of you in
complimentary terms, did not vote for the suppli-
cationes. The addition of Favonius ^ made three
of them. You must, therefore, thank them aU
according to their several dispositions and principles
— these three for having merely indicated their in-
clinations instead of expressing them in a set speech,
and for not having put up a fight when they might
have obstructed matters ; but Curio for having
deviated for your sake from his whole hne of action.
Fumius « and Lentulus, of course, as indeed they
were bound to do, went about with me and worked
hard, just as if it were their own afiair. I can also
speak highly of Cornelius Balbus's assiduous efforts.
For he had a heated interview with Curio, telling
him that had he acted otherwise,^ he would have
wronged Caesar ; and it was then he threw suspicion
on Curio's sincerity.» Men like Domitius * and Scipio
certainly voted for the measure, but had no desire
that it should pass ; and when they interrupted the
discussion of the matter for the piu"pose of provok-
ing his veto, Curio very neatly retorted that he had all

as Manutiiis and Graevius take it, " as a frknd of Caesar **
who was now warmly attached to Cicero.

* L. Domitius Ahenobarbos, the staan<ji aiKtocrat,
consul in 54 b.c. with Appius Claudius Pakher.

157

CIGERO

intercedere, quod quosdam, qui decernerent, videret

3 confici nolle. Quod ad rempublicam attinet, in unam
causam omnis contentio coniecta est, de provinciis ;
in quam adhuc incubuisse cum senatu Pornpeius
videtur, ut Caesar Id. Novemb. decedat. Curio
omnia potius subire constituit quam id pati. Ceteras
suas abiecit actiones. Nostri porro, quos tu bene
nosti, ad extremum certamen rem deducere non
audent. Scena rei totius haec : Pompeius, tamquam
Caesarem non impugnet, sed, quod illi aequum putet,
constituat, ait Curionem quaerere discordias. Valde
autem non vult, et plane timet, Caesarem consulem
designari prius quam exercitum et provineiam tra-
diderit. Accipitur satis male a Curione, et totus eius
secundus consulatus exagita'tur. Hoc tibi dico, si
omnibus rebus prement Curionem, Caesar defendet
intercessorem ; si^ (quod evidenter) reformidarint,

4 Caesar quoad volet manebit. Quam quisque senten-
tiam dixerit, in commentario est rerum urbanarum ;
ex quo tu, quae digna sunt, selige. Multa transi, in
primis ludorum expositiones,^ et funerum, et ineptia-
rum ceterarum. Plura habet utiHa. Denique malo
in hanc partem errare, ut quae non desideras audias,
quam quidquam, quod opus est, praetermittatur.

^ Tyrrell, following Wesenberg : defendetur ; intercesso-
rum si M.

* Tyrrell : explosiones uss.

" In 55 B.C., when he and Crassus proposed the bill for
prolonging Caesar's command for five years.

158

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xi.

the more pleasure in withholding his veto, because
he observed that certain persons who voted for the
measure had no desire that it should be carried.

As far as general politics are concerned, all con- 3
troversy is concentrated upon one question — that of
the provinces. And on that question Pompey
appears so far to have thrown his weight on the side
of the Senate, to the effect that Caesar should quit
his province on November 13th. Curio is deter-
mined to submit to anything rather than allow this.
All his former schemes he has flung to the winds.
Our friends of course — you know them well — shrink
from bringing the matter to a crisis. The whole
situation is staged as follows : Pompey, as if he were
not attacking Caesar, but making an arrangement
which he considers fair to him, says that Curio is
seeking excuses for discord. But he emphatically
does not desire, and is evidently afraid of, Caesar's
being elected consul-designate before he has handed
over his army and his province. He is being treated
harshly enough, and the whole of his second consul-
ship <* fiercely impugned by Curio. I tell you this
much ; if they try to crush Curio in every respect,
Caesar will defend his power of veto ; if (and it looks
hke it) they are too much afraid to do so, Caesar will
stay on as long as he pleases.

How each has voted, you will find in my memor- 4
anda of affairs in the city ; and you must pick out of
them what is noteworthy. There is much which you
must skip, especially the detailed accounts of the
games and funerals, and all the rest of the tittle-tattle.
But the great part is useful. In fact I had rather err in
the direction of telhng you what you don't desire to
know, than that of passing any tiling that is essential. I

159

GIGERO

Tibi curae fuisse de Sittiano negotio, gaudeo. Sed,
quoniam suspicaris minus certa fide eos, quos tibi
misi, usos,^ tamquam procurator, sic agas rogo.

XIT

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Pudet me tibi confiteri, et queri de Appi, hominis
ingratissimi, iniuriis, qui me odisse, quia magna
mihi debebat beneficia, coepit ; et, cum homo avarus,
ut ea solveret, sibi imperare non posset, occultum
bellum mihi indixit ; ita occultum tamen, ut multi
mihi renuntiarent, et ipse facile animadverterem male
eum de me cogitare. Posteaquam vero comperi
eum collegium tentasse, deinde aperte cum quibus-
dam locutum, cum L. Domitio, ut nunc est, mihi
inimicissimo homine, deliberare, velle hoc munuscu-
lum deferre Gn. Pompeio, ipsum ut prenderem,^ et
ab eo deprecarer iniuriam, quem vitam mihi debere

2 putaram, impetrare a me non potui. Quid ergo est ?
Tamen quidem cum eius aliquot amicis, qui testes erant
meorum in ilium meritorum, locutus sum. Postea-
quam ilium, ne cui satisfaceret quidem me dignum

^ Klotz : fide eos tibi visos M.
8 Tyrrell reads reprenderem, " to remonstrate with him."

• Caelius appears to have asked Appius for a loan or
gift of some money in return for services he had rendered
to Appius when the latter was prosecuted. But Appius
(Caelius being a spendthrift) refused, and so ungraciously
as to irritate Caelius violently. Tyrrell.

* Of Augurs, to which Caelius aspired to be elected.
' See note to § 2 of the preceding letter.

"* L. Piso, the other censor.

l6o

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xi.-xii.

am glad that you have interested yourself in Sittius's
business. But seeing that you suspect that the men I
sent you have sho\vn rather doubtful honesty, I beg
you to act just as though you were acting with my
full authority.

XII

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, about September 20, 50 b.c.

I am ashamed to confess it to you, and to complain 1
of the wrongs done me by Appius, a most ungrateful
person, who is beginning to hate me, because he is
indebted to me for great kindnesses ; and miser that
he is, being unable to enforce upon himself the dis-
charge of that debt, he has declared a secret war
against me, not so secret, however, but that many
people have reported it to me, and that I could easily
notice myself that he entertained e\il thoughts of me.<»
But when I discovered that he had tampered with the
College * and had then approached certain persons
openly, and was hobnobbing with Domitius," a man
at the present juncture bitterly hostile to me, and
was anxious to confer this little favour on Cn. Pom-
peius — why, then to get hold of the man himself, and
to entreat one who, I considered, owed his very life to
me, to do me no such \\Tong, well, that I could not
prevail upon myself to do.

So what did I do ? Well, in spite of all that, 2
I addressed myself to several of his friends, who
could testify to my ser\ices to him. Then, after I
had learnt that he did not regard my claims as even
worth satisfy-ing, I preferred to lay myself under
an obligation to his colleague,'' a man on the most
VOL. II o l6l

CICERO

habere sensi, malui coUegae eius, homini alienissimo
mihi, et propter amicitiam tuam non aequissimo, me
obligare, quam illius simiae vultum subire. Id post-
quam resciit, excanduit, et me causam inimicitiarum
quaerere clamitavit, ut, si mihi in pecunia minus
satisfecisset, per hanc speciem simultatis eum con-
sectarer. Postea non destitit arcessere Polam Ser-
vium, accusatorem, inire cum Domitio consiha.

3 Quibus cum parum procederet, ut ulla lege mihi
ponerent accusatorem, compellari ea lege me volue-
runt, qua dicere non poterant. Insolentissimi homines
summis Circensibus ludis meis postulandum me lege
Scantinia curant. Vix hoc erat Pola elocutus, cum
ego Appium censorem eadem lege postulavi. Quod
mehus caderet, nihil \idi. Nam sic est a populo, et
non infimo quoque, approbatum, ut maiorem Appio
dolorem fama, quam postulatio, attulerit. Praeterea
coepi sacellum, in domo quod est, ab eo petere.

4 Conturbat me mora servi huius,qui tibi litteras attulit.
Nam acceptis prioribus htteris, amplius quadraginta
dies mansit. Quid tibi scribam, nescio. Scis Domiti
odium in tumore esse.^ Exspecto te valde, et quam
primum videre cupio. A te peto, ut meas iniurias
proinde doleas, ut me existimas et dolere et ulcisci
tuas solere.

^ F. W. Sandford : f scis Domitio diem tumoras est f M :
scis Domitio <comitiorum> diem timori esse Victorius.

" Cicero describes t>im elsewhere {Q. F. ii. 11. 2) as
" homo taeter et ferus," " a loathsome and brutal fellow."

* Against unnatural crimes. The date of the law is
unknown, but it was passed by the tribune Scantinius.

« This appropriation of public property was particularly
scandalous in a Censor.
162

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xii.

distant terms with me, and not very favourably
inclined to me on account of my friendship with you,
rather than suffer the grimaces of such a monkey.

WTien he found that out, he flared up, and shouted
out that I was only seeking a pretext for falling
out with him, in order that, since he had not quite
satisfied me in a monetary transaction, I might attack
him under cover of a quarrel of that sort. Since then
he has never ceased whistling up Pola Servius * to act
as my accuser, and hatching plots with Domitius.

And not being very successful in getting anybody 3
to accuse me under any law in existence, it was their
pleasure to have me summoned under a law which
left vhem with nothing to say. In their subhme
impudence they take measures to ha\e me charged
under the Scantinian law,^ at the very time when the
Circensium games, my games, were at their height.
Hardly had Pola uttered the words when I charged
Appius the Censor under the same law. Never did I
see a luckier hit. So heartily was it applauded by the
populace, and not the lowest of them either, that the
scandal of it has given Appius more pain than the
fact of his being charged. And besides that I have
begun proceedings for the restitution of a shrine now
in his house.*

I am much put out by the dilatoriness of the slave 4
who is bringing you this letter ; since I received your
last he has stayed on here for more than forty days.
I don't know what to tell you. You know that
Domitius's hatred of me is stiU on the boU. I am
eagerly on the look-out for you, and am anxious to
see you as soon as possible. I beg you to resent
my wrongs fully as much as you believe that I resent,
and indeed avenge, yours.

l63

CIGERO
XIII

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Gratulor tibi affinitate viri mediiis fidius optimi.
Nam hoc ego de illo existimo. Cetera porro, quibus
adhuc ille sibi parum utilis fuit, et aetate iam sunt
decussa et consuetudine atque auctoritate tua et
pudore Tulliae, si qua restabunt, confide celeriter
sublatum iri. Non est enim pugnax in vitiis, neque
hebes ad id, quod melius sit, intellegendum. Deinde

2 (quod maximum est) ego ilium valde amo. Voles,
Cicero, Curionem nostrum lautum intercessionis de
provinciis exitum habuisse. Nam cum de interces-
sione referretur, quae relatio fiebat ex senatus con-
sulto, primaque M. Marcelli sententia pronuntiata
esset, qui agendum cum tribunis plebis censebat,
frequens senatus in alia omnia iit. Stomacho est
scilicet Pompeius Magnus nunc ita languenti, ut vix
id, quod sibi placeat, reperiat. Transierant illuc, ut
ratio esset eius habenda, qui neque exercitum neque

" Publius Cornelius Dolabella, who had divorced his wife
Fabia in the preceding year. For a further account of
Dolabella see note 6 on p. 210.

* He was asked his opinion first as being consul elect
for 49 B.C.

« i.e., for the consulship.

164.

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIll. xm
XIII

CAELIUS TO CICERO
Rome, June, 50 B.C.

I congratulate you on your connexion by marriage 1
with one who is, on my solemn oath, a most excellent
fellow"; for that is my opinion of him. Moreover,
those other characteristics of his, which have hitherto
made him his own enemy, have already been shed by
his maturing age, and, if any remain, rest assured
that they will be speedily exorcized by the influence
of your close association with him and Tullia's
modesty. For he is not stubborn in his vices, and no
dullard in appreciating the better course. Another
point, and the most important of all, is that I am
exceedingly fond of him.

You will be glad to know, Cicero, that our friend 2
Curio's veto as regards the provinces ended splendidly.
For when the question of the veto was raised (and
that was done according to a decree of the Senate),
and when the first opinion expressed was that of
M. Marcellus * who held that the tribunes of the
plebs should be drastically dealt with, the House
voted en masse against it.

The fact is that Pompey, " Great " though he be,
is just now in such a state of malaise that he can
hardly discover what it is he wants.

The \iew they had come round to was this, that
the candidature " of one who was inchned to sur-
render neither his army nor his provinces should be

165

CICERO

provincias tradere vellet. Quemadmodum hoc Pom-
peius laturus sit, cum cognoro, scribam.^ Quidnam
reipublicae futurum sit, si aut armis resistat aut
non curet, vos senes divites videritis. Q. Hortensius,
quum has Utteras scripsi, animam agebat.

XIV

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Tanti non fuit Arsacen capere, Seleuceam ex-
pngnare, ut earum rerum, quae hie gestae sunt, spec-
taculo careres. Numquam tibi oculi doluissent, si in
repulsa Domiti vultum vidisses. Magna ilia comitia
fuerunt, et plane studia ex partium sensu apparue-
runt ; perpauci necessitudinem secuti officium prae-
stiterunt. Itaque mihi est Domiti us inimicissimus,
ut ne familiarem quidem suum quemquam tarn ode-
rit quam me ; atque eo magis, quod per iniuriam sibi
putat auguratum ereptnm, cuius ego auctor fuerim.
Nunc furit tam gavisos homines suum dolorem,
unumque me^ studiosiorem Antoni. Nam Cn. Satur-

^ The text here is obscure : cognoro, scribam is the^ con-
jecture of Wesenherg for cognoscam . . .: the insertion of
aut armis resistat is als'> due to him.

* unum quemque Klotz and C. F. Hermann.

» The famous orator, born in 114, and therefore eight
years older than Cicero.

* The name of the first king of the Parthians, used as a
title by all subsequent kings (just as the Roman emperors
were all called Augustus). The Parthian king's own name
was Orodes.

" A Greek city on the Tigris, opposite Ctesiphon.

166

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xni.-xiv.

duly considered. How Pompey is likely to take this
I shall let you know when I find out ; what will
happen to the Republic if he either offers armed
resistance or is apathetic, is a matter for you opulent
old men to see to.

As I -wTite this letter, Q. Hortensius " is breathing
his last.

XIV

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, August (between the 5th and 10th), 50 b.c.

The taking of Arsaces * and the storming of 1
Seleucea " would not have compensated you for
missing the sight of what has been done here. Never
again would your eyes have pained you, had you seen
Domitius 's face when he was rej ected .<* That election
was an important one, and it was plainly evident that
men took sides on party lines only ; very few did their
duty in accordance with the claims of personal obhga-
tions. The consequence is that Domitius is my very
bitter enemy, indeed, there is not one of his owti
friends whom he hates so much as myself, aU the
more so in that he regards the augurship as having
been snatched away from him by an act of injustice,
for which he maintains that I was responsible. Now
he is mad with rage that people should have shown
such joy at his discomfiture, and that there was but
one man « who supported Antony more strongly than

■* As a candidate for the vacancy on the College of Augurs
caused by the death of Q. Hortensius. The successful
candidate was M. Antony, who was supported by Caesar
and Curio and their friends. For L. Domitius see note 6 to
Ep. 1. 4 of this book.

• Curio, or perhaps Saturninus.

167

CICERO

ninum adolescentem ipse Cn. Domitius reum fecit,
sane quam superiore a vita invidiosum. Quod
iudicium nunc in exspectatione est, etiam in bona

2 spe, post Sex. Peducaei absolutionem. De summa
republica saepe tibi scripsi, me ad annum pacem non
videre ; et quo propius ea contentio, quam fieri
necesse est, accedit, eo clarius id periculum apparet.
Propositum hoc est, de quo, qui rerum potiuntur,
sunt dimicaturi, quod Cn. Pompeius constituit non
pati C. Caesarem consulem aliter fieri, nisi exercitum
et provincias tradiderit ; Caesari autem persuasum
est se salvum esse non posse, si ab exercitu recesserit.
Fert illam tamen condicionem, ut ambo exercitus
tradant. Sic illi amores et invidiosa coniunctio non
ad occultam recidit obtrectationem, sed ad bellum
se erumpit ; neque mearum rerum quod consilium
capiam, reperio. Quod non dubito, quin te quoque
haec deliberatio sit perturbatura. Nam mihi cum
hominibus his et gratia et necessitud» est ; tum

3 causam illam, non homines odi. lUud te non arbitror
fugere, quin homines in dissensione domestica de-
beant, quamdiu civiliter sine armis certetur, hone-
stiorem sequi partem ; ubi ad bellum et castra ventum

" Son of L. Domitius, whom his father employed to
wreak his vengeance on Saturninus, who had supported
Antony.

* Son and namesake of the propraetor of Sicily when
Cicero was quaestor there (75-74). What the charge
against him was is unknown. •• \

" " Caesar's friends. Curio, Dolabella, and others." How.
" The Pompeians." Manutius.

^ " Appius Claudius, L. Domitius, and perhaps Pompey."
How.

168

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xiv.

I did. For Cn. Domitius* himself has brought an
action against the young Cn. Satuminus, who is
extremely unpopular as a result of his past life ; and
the trial is now being eagerly awaited, and with
considerable confidence too, since the acquittal of
Sex. Peducaeus.*

With regard to the general pohtical position. I have 2
repeatedly told you in my letters that I foresee no
peace that can last a year ; and the nearer that
struggle — and there is boimd to be a struggle —
approaches, the more clearly do we see the danger
of it.

The point at issue, on which those who are at the
head of affairs are going to fight, is this — Cn. Pom-
peius is determined not to allow C. Caesar to be
elected consul, unless he has handed over his army
and his provinces ; Caesar on the other hand is con-
vinced that there is no safety for him, if once he quits
his army. He proposes, however, this compromise —
that both should dehver up their armies. So it is
that their vaunted mutual attachmen^nd detestable
alliance is not degenerating into merely private bicker-
ingSj but is breaking out into war. Nor can I imagine
what hne I am to take in regard to my o'hti affairs (and
as to that I have no doubt that you, too, are Hkely to
be agitated by the same perplexity) ; for I am bound
to these men " by ties of gratitude and intimacy, while
I hate the opposite cause, but not the men who
support it.<* ''

You do not, I suppose, overlook the fact that men 3
involved in a feud in their own country, so long as the
struggle is carried on constitutionally and without
recourse to arms, are bound to follow the more
honom-able, but when it comes to war and taking the

169

GIGERO

sit, firmiorem ; et id melius statuere, quo tutius sit.
In hac discordia video Cn. Pompeium senatum,
quique res iudicant, secum habiturum ; ad Caesarem
omnes, qui cum timore aut mala spe vivant, acces-
"> suros ; exercitum conferendum non esse omnino.
Modo satis spati sit^ ad considerandas utriusque
4 copias et ad eligendam partem ! Prope oblitus sum
quod maxime fuit scribendum. Scis Appium cen-
sorem hie ostenta facere ? de signis et tabulis, de
agri modo, de aere alieno acerrime agere ? Persuasum
est ei censuram lomentum aut nitrum esse. Errare
mihi \idetur. Nam sordes eluere vult ; venas sibi
omnes et viscera aperit. Gurre, per deos atque
homines, et quara primum haec risum veni, legis
Scantiniae iudicium apud Drusum fieri, Appium de
tabulis et signis agere. Grede mihi, est properan-
dum. Gurio noster sapienter id, quod remisit de
stipendio Pompei, feeisse existimatur. Ad summam,
quaeris, quid putem futurum. Si alter uter eorum ad
Parthicum bellum non eat, video magnas impendere
discordias, quas ferrum et vis iudieabit. Uterque
animo et copiis est paratus. Si sine tuo periculo fieri

' Orelli : Tyrrell, following Ernesti and Benedict, reads
esse. Omnino satis spati est, " in any case we have plenty
of time " : esse omnino satis fati sit M.

" i.e., the indices and the legal profession generally.
" This would come before the Censor under the head
of " excessive luxury " or " gross extravagance."

* Lomentum, " bean-meal," used for washing ; nitrum,
"washing-soda." Appius is overdoing his moral ablutions,
and scrubbing his reputation raw.

<* Some debauchee or other, probably a Claudius by
birth, and a Drusus by adoption. How.

• See note on viii. 12. 3.
170

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xiv.

field, the stronger cause, and to resolve upon that as
the better course in proportion to its greater safety .y/
Amid all this discord I see that while Pompey will
have on his side the Senate and those who settle
cases at law <» ; all who live a Ufe of fear, or but little
hope, will join Caesar, for his army is altogether
above comparison. Only may we have time enough
to consider the resources of each, and choose our
side !

I nearly forgot what I had especially wanted to 4
WTitei Do you know that Censor Appius is perform-
ing prodigies, that he is showing vigorous activity in
the matter of statues and pictures,*" the amount of
land held, and debts } He has ^on\'inced himself
that his censorship is as good as soap or soda. I
think he is making a mistake. What he wants is
to wash away his stains, but he is exposing all his
veins and his skinned flesh.* In the name of gods and
men, hurry home, and come as soon as possible to
have your laugh at what is going on here — Drusus**
presiding over a trial under the Scantinian law,«
Appius busying himself about pictures and statues !
I give you my word, you have got to make haste.

It is thought that our friend Curio acted wisely in
making a concession as to the payment of Pompey 's
troops/.

To sum up, you ask what I think will happen.
Well, unless one or other of them goes to fight the
Parthians, I see the imminence of \-iolent feuds,
which only the sword and force will settle. Each of
the two is well prepared in resolution and resources.
If it could only be managed without personal risk to

' In Spain and at Ariminum. Curio shrank from
embittering Pompey's men against Caesar.

171

CICERO

posset, magnum et iucundum tibi fortuna spectacu-
lum parabat.

XV

GAELICS CICERONI 8.

In Gallia Cisalpina, a.u.c. 705.

1 Ecquando tu hominem ineptiorem quam tuum
Cn. Pompeium vidisti, qui tantas turbas, qui tarn
nugax esset, commorit ? Ecquem autem Caesare
nostro acriorem in rebus gerendis, eodera in victoria
temperatiorem aut legisti aut audisti ? Quid est ?
Num tibi nostri milites, qui durissimis et frigidissimis
locis, taeterrima hieme, bellum ambulando confece-
runt, malis orbiculatis esse pasti videntur ? Quid ?
tam,i inquis, gloriose omnia ? Sed si scias, quam solliei-
tus sim, tum hanc meam gloriam, quae ad me nihil
pertinet, derideas. Quae tibi exponere, nisi coram,
non possum ; idque celeriter fore spero. Nam me,
cum expulisset ex Italia Pompeium, constituit ad
Urbem vocare ; id quod iam existimo confectum, nisi

2 si maluit Pompeius Brundisi circumsederi. Peream,
si minima causa est properandi isto mihi, quod te
videre et omnia intima conferre discupio, Habeo
autem quam multa ! Hui vereor (quod solet fieri),
ne, quum te videro, omnia obHviscar. Sed tamen

^ Wesenberg : iam usa.

' i.e., delicacies, so that they would be incapable of fatigue.
* i.e., all the glory was Caesar's.
* Obviously Caesar.
172

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xiv.-xv.

yourself, a drama of infinite entertainment is being
staged by Fortune for your benefit.

XV

CAELIUS TO CICERO
North Italy, about March 9, 49 b.c.

Did you ever see a sillier fellow than your Cn. 1
Pompeius, stirring up all this mud by his futile in-
efficiency ? On the other hand, did you ever read or
hear of anyone more vigorous in action than our
Caesar, or more moderate in victory either ? \\'hat
do you mean ? Do you really imagine that our troops
who in the roughest and coldest regions on earth,
during a winter of exceptional severity, finished the
war by a mere march past, have been feeding on
chubby -faced apples * ? " Why all this glorifica-
tion ? " you ask. Ah, did you but know how anxious
I am, then you would jeer at this glorying of mine,
which in fact does not touch me at all.* All this I
can only explain to you at a personal interview, and
I hope that will soon come about. For he deter-
mined to summon me to Rome when he <= had driven
Pompey out of Italy ; and that I now regard as an
accompUshed fact, unless Pompey has decided that
it is better to stand a siege at Brundisium.

May I perish if the main reason for my hurrying 2
to Rome is not that I am bursting with eagerness to
see you, and discuss with you my inmost thoughts !
But what a lot of them I have ! Alas, I fear that, as
so often happens, when I do see you, I shall forget
them all. But anyhow what sin have I committed

173

CICERO

quodnam ob scelus iter mihi necessarium retro ad
Alpes versus incidit ? Ideo quod Intimilii in armis
sunt, neque de magna causa. Bellienus, verna De-
metri, qui ibi cum praesidio erat, Domitium quem-
dam, nobilem illic Caesaris hospitem, a contraria
factione nummis acceptis comprehendit et strangula-
vit. Civitas ad arma iit. Eo cum quattuor cohortibus
mihi per nives eundum est. Usquequaque, inquies,
se Domitii male dant. Vellem quidem Venere
prognatus tantum animi habuisset in vestro Domitio
quantum Psecade natus in hoc habuit. Ciceroni
f. s. d.

XVI

M. CAELIUS S. D. M. CICERONI

Intimili (?), a.u.c. 705.

1 Exanimatus tuis litteris, quibus te nihil nisi
triste cogitare ostendisti, neque, id quid esset, per-
scripsisti, neque non tamen, quale esset, quod
cogitares, aperuisti, has illico ad te litteras scripsi.
Per fortunas tuas, Cicero, per liberos, oro, obsecro,
ne quid gravius de salute et incolumitate tua
consulas. Nam deos hominesque amicitiamque no-
stram testificor, me tibi praedixisse, neque temere
monuisse ; sed postquam Caesarem convenerim sen-

" A Ligurian people. Their chief town was Albium
Intimilium, now Ventimiglia.

* JuHus Caesar.

* Bellienus, son of Psecas — a common name for a lady's
maid or tire-woman (c/. Juv. vi. 491).

^ f. s. d. =filio salutem do.

* Or " frightened to death." How.

174

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. x\-.-xvi.

that I have had inflicted upon me the necessity of a
journey back towards the Alps ? Simply because the
Intimilii " are up in arms, and for no ^eat reason.
BelUenus, a domestic slave of Demetrius, who was
there with a garrison, taking a bribe from the oppos-
ing faction, seized a certain Domitius, a noble who
had entertained Caesar there, and strangled him.
The whole state has taken up arms. That is where
I have to go ■svith four cohorts through all the snow.
The Domitii, you will remark, are going to the dogs
all the world over. I could certainly wish that the
descendant of Venus'" had showTi as much deter-
mination in the case of your Domitius as the offspring
of a Psecas " showed in the case of this one. My
kindest regards <* to your son Cicero.

XVI

CAELIUS TO CICERO
Intimilium (?), or on the march to Spain, April 16 (?), 49 b.c.

Profoundly alarmed * by your letter, in which you 1
showed that you were thinking only of some gloomy
project without fully explaining what it was, and at
the same time did not fail to disclose the trend of your
meditations, I am MTiting this letter on the spot.

In the name of yoiu* future and of your children,
I implore and beseech you, Cicero, to take no step to
the serious detriment of your safety and assured posi-
tion. For I call heaven and earth and the friendship
between us to witness that I told you of this before-
hand, and that my warning was not without founda-
tion ; but that, after interviewing Caesar and ascer-

175

CICERO

tentiamque eius, qualis futura esset parta victoria
cognoverim, te certiorem fecisse. Si existimas eam-
dem rationem fore Caesari in dimittendis adversariis
et condicionibus ferendis, erras. Nihil nisi atrox et
saevum cogitat. atque etiam loquitur. Iratus senatui
exiit ; his intercessionibus plane incitatus est ; non,

2 meliercule, erit deprecationi locus. Quare si tibi
tu, si fihus unicus, si domus, si spes tuae reliquae tibi
carae sunt, si aliquid apud te nos, si vir optimus, gener
tuus, valet, (quorum fortunas non debes velle con-
turbare, ut earn causam, in cuius victoria salus nostra
est, odisse aut relinquere cogamur, aut impiam
cupiditatem contra salutem tuam habeamus), denique
illud cogita, quod ofFensae fuerit in ista cunctatione,
te subisse ; nunc te contra victorem facere, quem
dubiis rebus laedere noluisti, et ad eos fugatos acce-
dere, quos resistentes sequi nolueris, summae stulti-
tiae est. Vide, ne, dum pudet te parum optimatem
esse, parum dihgenter, quid optimum sit, eligas.

3 Quod si totum tibi persuadere non possum, saltem,
dum quid de Hispaniis agamus scitur, exspecta ;

" Especially of L. Metellus, a bitter enemy of Caesar.

* i.e., " you have certainly vexed Caesar by your in-
decision in the past, but to throw him over for Pompey
now would be suicidal."

' Caelius was in the army of Caesar, who was marching
into Spain to attack the Pompeian generals, Afranius,
Petreius, and Varro.
176

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xvi.

taining what his sentiments were likely to be if he
won the victory, I gave you further information.

If you imagine that Caesar's policy will be the
same as ever as regards letting his adversaries off and
proposing terms of peace, you are making a mistake.
His intentions and even his expression of them are,
without exception, grim and pitiless. He was en-
raged with the Senate when he left Rome ; and he
has evidently been scandaBzed by the recent inter-
ventions of the tril)unes " ; there is no room, I
solemnly aver, for any appeal to mercy.

Consequently, if you have any regard for yourself, 2
for your only son, for your household, and for the
prospects that are left you, if I and that excellent
man, your son-in-law, have any influence with you
(and it ought not to be your wish so to derange our
fortunes as either to compel us to abominate or
abandon that cause upon the triumph of which
depends our prosperity, or else to harbour an un-
hallowed desire to see the end oft/ours), then do finally
take this into consideration, that whatever odium
was attached to your original hesitation'* has been
already incurred ; that you should now take action
against a victorious Caesar, whom you shrank from
aflronting when his success was in the balance,
and join those combatants when put to flight, whom
you shrank from following when they faced the foe,
— that, I say, is the verj' height of folly. Take heed
lest, in your shame at having lacked enthusiasm
for the " nobles," you lack discrimination in your
choice of the nobler cause.

But if I cannot altogether convince you, at any rate 3
wait while we are collecting intelligence as to how
we are getting on in the matter of the Spains,* both

177

CICERO

quas tibi nuntio adventu Caesaris fore nostras. Quam
isti spem habeant amissis Hispaniis nescio. Quod
porro tuum consilium sit ad desperates accedere, non

4 medius fidius reperio. Hoc, quod tu non dicendo mi-
hl significasti, Caesar audierat, ac simul atque ' have '
mihi dixit, statim quid de te audisset exposuit. Ne-
gavi me scire, sed tamen ab eo petii, ut ad te litteras
mitteret, quibus maxime ad remanendum commoveri
posses. Me secum in Hispaniam ducit. Nam nisi
ita faceret, ego prius, quam ad Urbem accederem,
ubicumque esses, ad te percurrissem et hoc a te
praesens contendissem atque omni vi te retinuissem.

6 Etiam atque etiam, Cicero, cogita, ne te tuosque
omnes funditus evertas ; ne te sciens prudensque eo
demittas, unde exitum vides nullum esse. Quod si te
aut voces optimatium commovent, aut nonnuUorum
hominum insolentiam et iactationem ferre non potes,
ehgas censeo ahquod oppidum vacuum a bello, dum
haec decernuntur, quae iam erunt confecta. Id si
feceris, et ego te sapienter fecisse iudicabo et
Caesarem non ofFendes.

178

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIAKES, Vlll. xvi.

of which, I beg to inform you, will on the arrival of
Caesar be ours. What hope your friends have left
them when they have lost the Spains, I know not ;
and further, what your idea is in joining men so
desperately situated, I take my solemn oath, I cannot
conceive.

What you so clearly intimated to me by your very 4
silence had got to Caesar's ears, and he had no sooner
wished me " good morning " than he told me the
whole story of what he had heard about you. I said
I knew nothing about it, but all the same I besought
him to WTite you such a letter as might be most likely
to frighten you into staying in Italy. He is taking
me with him into Spain ; if he were not, I should
have hurried all the way to join you, wherever you
were, before approaching the city, and urged you
personally to make me this promise, and exerted all
my powers to keep you from going away.

Think it over again and again, Cicero, so as not to 5
bring utter ruin upon yourself and your friends, or
knowingly and with your eyes open let yourself sink
into a morass, out of which, as you see, you can
never emerge.

But if you are either disturbed by the comments of
the Optimates, or unable to tolerate the swaggering
insolence of certain other fellows, my ad\ice is that
you should select some suitable town unaffected by
the war, while these issues, which will be presently
settled, are being decided. If you do so. not only
shall I judge you to have acted wisely, but you will
avoid giving offence to Caesar.

179

CICERO

XVII

CAELIUS CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 706.

1 Ergo me potius in Hispania fuisse tum, qiiam
Formiis, cum tu profectus es ad Pompeium ! Quod
utinam aut Appius Claudius in hac parte fuisset aut^
in ista parte C. Curio, cuius amicitia me pauUatim in
hanc perditam causam imposuit ; nam mihi sentio
bonam mentem iracundia et amore ablatam. Tu,
tu porro, cum ad te proficiscens noctu Ariminum venis-
sem, dum mihi pacis mandata das ad Caesarem et
mirificum civem agis, amici officium neglexisti neque
mihi consuluisti. Neque haec dico, quod diffidam
huic causae, sed, crede mihi, perire satius est quam

2 hos videre. Quod si timor vestrae crudelitatis non
esset, eiecti iam pridem hinc essemus. Nam hie nunc
praeter foeneratores paucos nee homo nee ordo quis-
quam est, nisi Pompeianus. Equidem iam effeci ut
maxime plebs et, qui antea noster fuit, populus vester
esset. Cur hoc, inquis ? Immo rehqua exspecta.
Vos invitos vmcere coegero. Miramini me Catonem^ ?
Vos dormitis nee haec adhuc mihi videmini intel-

^ Klotz : the Mss. have only Claudius in ista parte C. Curio
which is unintelligible.

^ 0. F. Hermann's admirable conjecture for fArrumtanum
me Catonem of M : geram alterum me Catonem Orelli and
Baiter : narrant anus me Catonem /. S. Reid.

" i.e., anger with Appius and affection for Curio.

* Caelius, with Antony, Cassius, and Curio, fled from
Rome on the night of Jan. 7 to join Caesar at Ariminum.

" " Caesar won the favour of the capitalists by not
abolishing debts. That he refrained from doing so was a
sore point with the deeply involved Caelius." Tyrrell.

180

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, VIII. xvii.

XVII

CAELIUS TO CICERO

Rome, February, 48 b.c.

So I was in Spain, more's the pity, instead of at 1
Formiae, when you set out to join Pompey ! Well,
I only wish either that Appius Claudius were on our
side, or that C. Curio were on yours ; for it was my
friendship with the latter that imperceptibly lured me
to embark upon this accursed cause ; indeed I am con-
scious that it was anger on the one hand and affection
on the other" that robbed me of all sound judgment.
You, too, when, on my departure by night for Ari-
nainum, I came to see you,* while you were giving me
messages of peace for Caesar, and posing as quite an
admirable citizen, — ^you, I say, failed in your duty as a
friend, and did nothing to further my interests. And
I am not speaking thus because I have lost confidence
in our cause, but, believe me, I'd sooner be hanged
than endure the sight of these fellows here.

Indeed, were it not that people are afraid of you 2
Pompeians' ruthlessness, we should have been flung
out of Rome long ago ; for Avith the exception of a
few money-lenders,*' there is not an individual, not an
order, that is not Pompeian. Why, I myself have
now succeeded in putting the rabble in particular,
and the people in general, who were previously on
our side, on yom^. " WTxy did you do that ? " you
say. Ah, wait and see what follows. I mean to
compel you to be victorious, however much you may
object. Are you all sm^rised to find me a regular
Cato ? As for you, you are all asleep, and so far do

181

CICERO

legere qua nos pateamus et qua simus imbecilb'.
Atque hoc nullius praemi spe faciam, sed, quod apud
me plurimum solet valere, doloris atque indignitatis
causa. Quid istic facitis ? Praelium exspectatis,
quod firmissimum habet^ ? Vestras copias non novi.
Nostri valde depugnare et facile algere et esurire
consuerunt.

^ Orelli : firmissimum thaec M,

182

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, Vlll. xvii.

not seem to me to perceive where we are open to
attack, and where we are weak. Yes, and I shall act
thus with no hope of any reward, but out of pure
chagrin and a sense of humiliation ; that is what, as a
rule, influences me more than anything. What are
you all doing over there ? Waiting for a battle, on
which Caesar confidently relies .'' Of your forces I
know nothing. Our men have acquired the habit of
putting up a stubborn and decisive fight, and making
light of cold and hunger.

I

188

LIBER NONUS
I

M. T. CICERO S. D. M. TERENTIO VARRONI
Romae, a.u.c. 708

1 Ex iis litteris, quas Atticus a te missas mihi legit,
quid ageres, et ubi esses, cognovl ; quando autem
te visuri essemus, nihil sane ex iisdem litteris potui
suspicari. In spem tamen venio, appropinquare tuiim
adventum, qui mihi utinam solatio sit ! Etsi tot
tantisque rebus urgemur, nullam ut allevationem
quisquam non stultissimus sperare debeat ; sed tamen
aut tu potes me aut ego te fortasse aliqua re iuvare.

2 Scito enim me, posteaquam in Urbem venerim, re-
disse cum veteribus amicis, id est cum libris nostris,
in gratiam. Etsi non idcirco eorum usum dimiseram,
quod iis succenserem, sed quod eorum me suppude-

" Born at Reate in 116 b.c. Not only was Varro con-
sidered the most learned of Roman scholars, but he was the
most voluminous of Roman authors. In 67 during the
Mithridatic and Pirate wars he held high command under
Pompey, who bestowed upon him a " naval crown." At the
outbreak of the Civil War he commanded the Pompeian
forces in Further Spain, and during the Thessalian campaign
he was with Cicero at Dyrrhachium ; but though he sup-
ported the Pompeian party he, like many others, was
pardoned by Caesar, who even compelled Antony to restore

184

BOOK IX
I

CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO «
Rome, early in 46 b.c.

What you were doing and where you were, I 1
gathered from the letter which you sent to Atticus
and he read to me ; but as to when we were hkely
to see you, I could get no hint at all from that same
letter. I am beginning to hope, however, that your
arrival is approaching, and I pray that it may bring
me comfort ; and yet so many and so great are the
evils that oppress us, that no man who is not an utter
fool should hope for any alleviation of them ; but
even so it may perhaps be that you can give me, or
I you, some assistance.

For you must know that since I came to the City, 2
I have become reconciled vriih my old friends,
in other words, with my books. And yet it was not
because I was a little angry with them that I had
put them away, but because they made me a little

an estate of which he had robbed Varro, which is probably
tile reason why Varro was proscribed by the second trium-
virate in 43 ; but he escaped, and was ultimately protected
by Octavian. Cicero had no great liking for him, thinking
him insincere and " full of twists," and his letters to him
are, as Reid says, " cold, forced, and artificial-"

185

CICERO

bat. Videbar enim mihi, quum me in res turbulen-
tissimas infidelissimis sociis demisissera, praeceptis
illorum non satis paruisse. Ignoscunt mihi, revo-
cant in consuetudinem pristinam, teque, quod in ea^
permanseris, sapientiorem, quam me, dicunt fuisse.
Quamobrem, quoniam placatis iis utor, videor sperare
debere, si te viderim, et ea quae premant, et ea quae
impendeant, me facile transiturum. Quamobrem sive
in Tusculano, sive in Cumano ad te placebit, sive
(quod minime velim) Romae, dummodo simul simus,
perficiam profecto, ut id utrique nostrum commodis-
simum esse iudicetur.^

II

CICERO VARRONI

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

Caninius tuus idem, et idem noster, cum ad me
pervesperi venisset et se postridie mane ad te iturum
esse dixisset, dixi ei me daturum aliquid ; mane ut
peteret, rogavi. Conscripsi epistulam noctu ; nee
ille ad me rediit ; oblitum credidi. Attamen earn
ipsam tibi epistolam misissem per meos, nisi audissem
ex eodem, postridie te mane e Tusculano exiturum.
At tibi repente paucis post diebus, cum minime
exspectarem, venit ad me Caninius mane ; proficisci

^ in ea Lamhimis ; in eo uss.
* Benedict : diiudicetur M : videatur Cratander.

" Probably the Caninius Gallus who was tribune of the
plebs in 6Q, and proposed that Pompey should restore
Ptolemy Auletes without an army (see i. 2. 1 and 4).
He was defended by Cicero in 55 and died in 44.

186

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. i.-ii.

ashamed of myself. For it seemed to me that when,
thanks to my utterly untrustsvorthy associates, I
plunged into the seething cavddron of affairs, I had
not quite obeyed their instructions. They forgive
me, and in\ite me back to the old intimacy, and say
that vou are wiser than I, because you remained
true to it. And therefore, now that I find them
appeased, I think I am right in hoping that, if I
see you, I shall easily siunnount both those diffi-
culties which are urgent and those which threaten
us in the future ; so whether it is decided I should join
vou at yom- Tusculan or Cuman villa, or (which I
should least like) at Rome, pro^^ded we are together,
I shall assuredly bring it about that that meeting-
place will be judged the most convenient possible
to each of us.

II

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, soon after April 20, 46 b.c

Caninius," who is as much my friend as yours, 1
came to me very late one evening and told me he
was going to you early on the following day ; I told
him I had something to give him, and asked him
to come and fetch it in the morning. I composed
a letter diu-ing the night, but he never called upon
me again ; I concluded that he had forgotten. But
I should nevertheless have sent that very letter
through my friends had not that same Caninius
informed me that you were lea\Tng your Tusculan
viHa early next day. But, lo and behold, a few days
aflerwards, when I least expected it, Caninius
paid me a sudden visit one morning and told me

187

CICERO

ad te statim dixit. Etsi erat twAos ilia epistola, prae-
sertim tantis postea novls rebus allatis, tamen perire
lucubrationem meam nolui, et earn ipsam Caninio
dedi ; sed cum eo, ut cum homine docto et tui aman-
tissimo, locutus ea sum, quae pertulisse ilium ad te

2 existimo. Tibi autem idem consili do, quod mihi-
metipsi, ut vitemus oculos hominum, si linguas minus
facile possimus. Qui enim victoria se efFerunt, quasi
victos nos intuentur ; qui autem victos nostros mo-
leste ferunt, nos dolent vivere. Quaeres fortasse, cur,
cum haec in Urbe sint, non absim, quemadmodtim tu.
Tu enim ipse, qui et me et alios prudentia vincis,
omnia, credo, vidisti ; nihil te omnino fefellit. Quis
est tam Lynceus, qui in tantis tenebris nihil offendat,

3 nusquam incurrat ? Ac mihi quidem iam pridem
venit in mentem, bellum esse, ahquo exire, ut ea, quae
agebantur hie, quaeque dicebantur, nee viderem nee
audirem. Sed calumniabar ipse. Putabam, qui ob-
viam mihi venisset, ut cuique commodimi esset,
suspicaturum aut dicturum, etiamsi non suspicaretur,
" Hie aut metuit, et ea re fugit ; aut aliquid cogitat
et habet navem paratam." Denique, levissime qui
suspicaretur, et qui fortasse me optime novisset,

" The Argonaut, famous for his keen sight. Or the
reading may be lynceus, " with the eyes of a lynx."

188

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. ii.

he was ofF to see you straight away. Although
the letter I have mentioned was now passe, especi-
ally in view of the news of such important events
received after it was written, yet I did not care to
have my midnight labour wasted, and so handed
that very letter to Caninius ; but I conversed with
him as I would with an erudite man and a sincere
fin end of yours, and I imagine that he has given you
a full report of that conversation.

Now I give you the very same advice I give my- 2
self — that we should avoid the eyes of men, if we
cannot so easily avoid their tongues. For those
who are exalted by the victory look upon us as
defeated, while those who resent the defeat of
our friends are hurt at our remaining aUve. You
will perhaps ask why, when all this is going on in
the City, I am not out of it, just as you are. For
I have no doubt that you, a man of keener pene-
tration than myself and others, of course saw every-
thing ; nothing whatever escaped your notice.
But who, I ask you, is such an absolute Lynceus <*
as not to stumble over or bark his shins against
anything any^vhere, when all is dark as pitch ?

And indeed it has long since occurred to me 3
myself that it would be very nice to leave Rome and
go somewhere else so as to escape seeing or hearing
what was going on here and what was being said.
But I was morbidly self- critical ; I thought that
whoever met me would, according to his particu-
lar bent, suspect, or even if he did not suspect it,
would say, " This fellow is either afiraid, and for that
reason is a runagate, or else has some scheme in his
head, and has a ship in readiness." In fine, the man
with the least sinister suspicions, and who perhaps

189

CICERO

putaret me idcirco discedere, quod quosdam homines
oculi mei ferre non possent. Haee ego suspicans,
adhue Romae maneo ; et tamen AcAt/^otws consue-
tude diuturna callum iam obduxit stomacho meo.

4 Habes rationem mei consili. Tibi igitur hoc censeo :
latendum tantisper ibidem, dum defervescat^ haec
gratulatio, et simul dum audiamus, quemadmodum
negotium confectum sit ; confectum enim esse ex-
istimo. Magni autem intererit, qui fuerit victoris
animus, qui exitus rerum. Quamquam quo me con-

6 iectura ducat, habeo ; sed exspecto tamen. Te vero
nolo, nisi ipse rumor iam raucus erit factus, ad Baias
venire. Erit enim nobis honestius, etiam cum dis-
cesserimus, videri venisse in ilia loca ploratum potius
quam natatum. Sed haec tu melius ; modo nobis
stet illud, una vivere in studiis nostris, a quibus antea
delectationem modo petebamus, nunc vero etiam
salutem ; non deesse, si quis adhibere volet, non
modo ut architectos, verum etiapi ut fabros, ad aedifi-
candam rempubhcam, et potius libenter accurrere ;
si nemo utetur opera, tamen et scribere et legere
TToXiTetas ; et si minus in ciu*ia atque in foro, at in
litteris et libris, ut doctissimi veteres fecerunt, gna-

^ Lambinus : eifervescit codd., but that Cicero should have
used dum in a different sense in two closely consecutive
clauses is hard to believe.

' Which would be the chief occupation of visitors to
Baiae, where it was now the " season." Tyrrell.

190

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. n.

knew me best, would suppose that my departure
was due to the fact that my eyes could not endure
the sight of certain people. Because I suspect
all this I still remain at Rome ; and, after all, length
of usage has, without my kno^^'ing it, rendered
my temper callous.

I have given you the grounds of my pohcy. This 4
then is what I think you should do yourself — lie low
just where you are until all this rejoicing cools
down, and at the same time until we hear after
what fashion this business has been settled — for
settled I think it has been. Much will depend,
however, on the temper of the conqueror, and on
the issue of affairs. And yet I know where my
conjectures lead me ; but all the same I await the
result.

I really do not Uke your coming to Baiae, unless 5
it is after this tittle-tattle has talked itself hoarse ;
for it will be more creditable to us, even when we
have left Rome, to be thought to have \isited those
districts to indulge in sorrow rather than in sea-
bathing.** But you can judge of all this better than
I ; only let us be fixed in this determination — to hve
together amid those studies of ours in wliich we pre-
viously sought nothing but dehght, but now seek our
salvation also ; and, if anyone desires to employ us,
not merely as master-builders, but even as masons,
to build up the Repubhc, not to hang back, but
rather to hasten forward with alacrity ; if nobody
avails himself of our services, at any rate to write
and read " Political Constitutions " ; and if we fail
to do so in the Senate-house and the Forum, at all
events strenuously to support the State, as the
greatest ancient philosophers have done, in litera-

191

CIGERO

vare rem publicam, et de moribus ac legibus quaerere.
Mihi haec videntur. Tu, quid sis acturus, et quid
tibi placeat, pergratum erit, si ad me scripseris.

Ill

CICERO VARRONI

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Etsi, quid scriberem, non habebam tamen, Caninio
ad te eunti non potui nihil dare. Quid ergo potissi-
mum scribam ? Quod velle te puto, cito me ad te
esse venturiun. Etsi vide, quaeso, satisne rectum sit,
nos, hoc tanto incendio civitatis, in istis locis esse.
Dabimus sermonem iis, qui nesciunt, nobis, quocum-
que in loco simus, eumdem cultum, eumdem victum
esse. Quid refert ? Tamen in sermonem incidemus.
Valde id, credo, laborandum est, ne, cum omnes in
omni genere et scelerum et flagitiorum volutentur,
nostra nobiscum aut inter nos cessatio vituperetur.

2 Ego vero, neglecta barbarorum inscitia, te persequar ;
quamvis enim haec sint misera, quae sunt miserrima,
tamen artes nostrae nescio quo modo nunc uberiores
fructus ferre videntur, quam olim ferebant, sive quia
nulla nunc in re alia acquiescimus, sive quod gravitas

" Probably Baiae.

* i.e. , even at Baiae their housekeeping will be plain and
simple.

' Some make this a remark put in the mouth of Varro ;
but Cicero seems to be himself scornfully rejecting his own
remark about " gossip."

<* inter nos, indicating that they were not merely together
but that there was close intercourse between them.

' *' However I, despising those Philistines, as they know
no better, will repair to you." Tyrrell.

19^

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. ii.-iu.

ture and in books, and to investigate ethics and laws.
These are my opinions. As for yourself, I shall
be very grateful if you will write and tell me what
you intend to do, and what your views are.

Ill

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, shortly before April 20, 46 b.c.

Although I do not know what to write, still it is 1
impossible for me to put nothing in Caninius's
hand when he is going to you. What then had I
best write ? Well, what I think is yoiu- wish — that
I shall come and see you quite soon. And yet
consider, I beg you, whether it is quite the right
thing for us to be in the place you indicate <• while
this a-tt-ful conflagration of the State is still raging.
We shall give food for gossip to those who do not
know that, wherever we are, we keep to the same
style of living and the same fare.^ What does it
matter? Whatever we do, we shall become the subject
of gossip." We ought, I suppose, to take vast pains
lest, when all the world is wallowing in every kind
of crime and immorahty, our taking a holiday together
or in each other's society ^ should provoke a scandal.

However, I for my part shall disregard these Goths, 2
who know no better,* and follow your lead. For
although all is misery here, and worse misery there
cannot be, still somehow or other our literary pur-
suits seem to bear a richer harvest than they bore of
old, whether it is because now there is nothing else
to which we can quietly settle down, or because the'
VOL. II H. 193

CIGERO

morbi facit, ut medicinae egeamus, eaque nunc ap-
pareat ; cuius vim non sentiebamus, cum valebamus.
Sed quid ego nunc haec ad te, cuius domi nascuntur ?
yXavK eis 'A^ryvas. Nihil scilicet, nisi ut rescriberes
aliquid, me exspectares. Sic igitur facias.

IV

CICERO VARRONI

In Tusculano, a.u.c. 708.

Jlepl Swarwi/ me scito /cara Ai68wpov Kpiveiv. Qua-
propter, si venturus es, scito necesse esse te venire ;
sin autem non es, a^vvaTov^ est te venire. Nunc vide,
utra te KptVts magis delectet, Xpiio-tTTTrcm-ne, an haec,
quam noster Diodotus non concoquebat. Sed de his
etiam rebus, otiosi cum erimus, loquemur ; hoc
etiam Kara XpucriTTTTOi/ ^vvarov est. De Cocceio^ mihi
gratum est ; nam id etiam Attico mandaram. Tu
si minus ad nos, accurremus ad te. Si hortum in
bibliotheca habes, deerit nihil.

^ Tyrrell, with Wesenherg mnd Cratander : tQv ddwdruv
vulg. : non est dSvvdTWf M.

^ Corradus : fCoctio Tyrrell, who adds that the name is
not found in Latin.

" i.e., " coaLs to Newcastle," as we say, the owl being
favoured at Athens as being sacred to Athene, the tutelary
goddess of that city.

* Diodorus, a philosopher of Megara, whose theory of
the Possible Mas as stated here.

" Chrysippus differed from Diodorus in defining the
Possible as what is capable of being true if circumstances
do not prevent it.

** Diodotus taught Cicero dialectic, and " the friendship
between the two lasted until the death of Diodotus ; accord-

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. ni.-iv.

severity of the disease forces upon us the need for
medicine, and that medicine now reveals itself,
though we perceived not its virtue when we were well.
But why do I preach these doctrines now, and to
you too, at whose home they are bom — sending " an
owl to Athens « ? " For no reason, of course, but to
make you vrrite something in reply, and look forvv^ard
to my' coming ; and that I am sure you will do.

IV

OCERO TO THE SAME

Tusculum, early in June, 46 b.c.

About things possible you must know that I judge
according to Diodorus.'' And therefore if you are
about to come, you must know that your coming
is necessary ; if you are not, then your coming is
impossible. Now then consider which judgment
gives you the greater pleasiu-e, that of Chrysippus "
or this one, which was too much for the digestion of
our teacher Diodotus.** But of these matters too we
shall talk when we are at leisure ; for this also is
possible according to Chrysippus. I am obliged
to you about Cocceius ; for I had given that com-
mission to Atticus also. If you fail to come to me,
I shall hasten to you. If you have a garden in
your Ubrary, we shall have all we want.*

ing to a fashion set by the Roman Stoic circle of the time of
Cicero and Laelius, he became an inmate of Cicero's house,
where he died in 59 b.c, leaving his pupil heir to a con-
siderable property." Reid, Acad. p. 2.

• i.e., " plain living and high thinking " : so Tyrrell takes
it, and hortus is often used for " vegetables." C/. Hor. S<a.
ii. 4. 16.

GICERO
V

CTCERO VARRONI

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Mihi vero ad Nonas bene maturum videtur fore,
neque solum propter reipublicae, sed etiam propter
anni temp us, Quare istum diem probo ; itaque eum-

2 dem ipse sequar. Consili nostri, ne si eos quidem,
qui id secuti non sunt, non poeniteret, nobis poeni-
tendum putarem. Secuti enim sumus non spem, sed
officium ; reliquimus autem non officium, sed despera-
tionem. Ita verecundiores fuimus, quam qui se
domo non commoverunt ; saniores, quam qui amissis
opibus domum non reverterunt. Sed nihil minus
fero, quam severitatem otiosorum, et, quoquo mode
se res habet, magis illos vereor, qui in bello occide-
runt, quam hos euro, quibus non satisfacimus, quia

3 vivimus. Mihi si spatium fuerit in Tusculanum ante
Nonas veniendi, istic te videbo ; sin minus, persequar
in Cumanum et ante te certiorem faciam, ut lavatio
parata sit.

" This letter was written shortly after Ep. 7 in this
book.

* For our meeting with Caesar.

" i.e., in first joining Pompey, and then withdrawing from
the war.

* " As of course they do."

196

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. v.
V

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, end of May, 46 b.c*

Certainly, I think the 5th of June mil be high time • I
on account not only of the constitutional crisis but
of the season of the year. I therefore approve your
choice of date, and shall accordingly keep to the
same myself.

As to the course we adopted," I should not have 2
thought that rve ought to regret it, even if those
who did not adopt it had now no reason to regret
their decision."* For we followed the lead, not of hope,
but of a sense of duty ; on the other hand, what we
turned our backs on was not duty, but a hopeless
cause. We, therefore, had a quicker sense of honour
than those who never stirred from home, and were
less infatuated than those who never returned home
when all their resources were exhausted. But there
is nothing I resent so much as the harsh criticism
of those who did nothing at all ; and however
the matter stands, I venerate more those who fell
in the war than I care for those still with us, who are
dissatisfied with us for presuming to hve.

If I have time to come to your Tusculan \nlla before 3
the 5th, I shall see you there ; failing that, I shall
follow you to your Cuman villa, and give you notice
beforehand, so that a bath may be ready waiting.

197

CICERO

VI

CICERO VARRONT

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Caninius noster me tuis verbis admonuit, ut scri-
berem ad te, si quid esset, quod putarem te scire
oportere. Est igitur adventus (Caesaris scilicet) in
exspectatione ; neque tu id ignoras. Sed tamen, cuni
ille scripsisset, ut opinor, se in Alsiense venturum,
scripserunt ad eum sui, ne id faceret ; multos ei mo-
lestos fore, ipsumque multis ; Ostiae videri commo-
dius eum exire posse. Id ego non intellegebam, quid
interesset. Sed tamen Hirtius mihi dixit, et se ad
eum, et Balbum, et Oppium scripsisse, ut ita faceret,

2 homines, ut cognovi, amantes tui. Hoc ego idcirco
nosse te volui, ut scires, hospitimn tibi ubi parares,
vel potius ut utrubique ; quid enim ille facturus sit,
incertum est ; et simul ostentavi tibi, me istis esse
famiHarem et consiliis eorum interesse. Quod ego
cur nolimj nihil video. Non enim est idem, ferre, si
quid ferendum est, et probare, si quid probandum
non est. Etsi quid non probem, equidem iam nescio
praeter initia rerum. Nam haec in voluntate fuerunt.
Vidi enim (nam tu aberas) nostros amicos cupere bel-
liun ; hunc autem non tam cupere, quam non timere.

" Alsium was a colony on the sea-coast near Caere in
Etruria, and many Roman nobles had villas there, who, being
Pompeians, would hardly be cordial in their welcome of
Caesar.

* Cicero explains himself more or less in the concluding
words of § 2 ; out his meaning is not very clear.

198

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vi.
VI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, the latter half of June, 46 b.c.

Our friend Caninius gave me your message, re- 1
minding me to write and tell you if there were any-
thing which I considered you ought to know. Well
then, his arrival — I mean Caesar's — is being eagerly
awaited, and of that you are well aware yourself.
However on his writing, as I beheve, that he would
come to his villa at Alsium," his friends wrote and
told him not to do so ; many people there would,
they said, be an annoyance to him, and he to many ;
it looked as if it might be more convenient for him
to land at Ostia. I do not see myself what differ-
ence it makes. And yet Hirtius told me that he
himself and Balbus and Oppius had all three written
to him to do so — men who are, as I am well assured,
devoted to you.

I wished you to be informed of this in order that 2
you might know where to prepare quarters for your-
self, or rather that you might do so in both places ;
for it is uncertain what he will do ; and incidentally
I have clearly shown you that I am on intimate terms
with those men and share their counsels ; and I see
no reason why I should be indisposed to do so. For
to bear what must be borne is not at all the same
thing as to approve what must not be approved.
Though indeed, what I should " not approve " I
don't now know, except the first beginnings of the
business ; for they depended on voluntary choice.*
I saw — you, of course, were abroad — that while our
fidends desired war, Caesar did not so much desire it

199

CICERO

Ergo haec consili fuerunt, reliqua necessaria. Vin-

3 cere autem aut hos aut illos necesse est. Scio te
semper mecum in luctu fuisse, cum videremus cum
illud ingens malum, alterius utrius exercitus et ducum
interitum, tum vero extremum malorum omnium esse
civilis belli victoriam ; quam quidem ego etiam
illorum timebam, ad quos veneramus. CrudeUter
enim otiosis^ minabantur : eratque iis et tua invisa
voluntas et mea oratio. Nunc vero, si essent nostri
potiti, valde intemperantes fuissent. Erant enim
nobis perirati, quasi quidquam de nostra salute de-
crevissemus, quod non idem illis censuissemus ; aut
quasi utilius reipubHcae fuerit, eos etiam ad bestiarum
auxilium confugere, quam vel emori, vel cum spe, si

4 non optima, at aliqua tamen vivere. At in perturbata
republica vivimus, Quis negat ? Sed hoc viderint
ii, qui nulla sibi subsidia ad omnes vitae status para-
verunt. Hue enim ut venirem, superior longius, quam
volui, fluxit oratio. Cum enim te semper magnum
hominem duxerim, quod his tempestatibus es prope
solus in portu, fructusque doctrinae percipis eos, qui
maximi sunt, ut ea consideres eaque tractes, quorum

^ otiosissimi //D, which Tyrrell reads, " though they did
absolutely nothing themselves."

" Cicero was opposed to the Pompeians' seeking the aid
of Juba, king of Numidia, and his elephants.

200

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vi.

as not dread it. Consequently those first beginnings
were matter for deliberation, \\ihereas what followed
was ine\atable — inevitable too the victory of one side
or the other.

I know you were always at one with me in grieving 3
when we saw not only that overwhelming disaster,
the destruction of one army or the other and its com-
mander, but also saw that the cUmax of all disasters
was \ictory in civil war — a victory which I indeed
dreaded even if won by those whom we had joined.
For they were bloodthirsty in their threats even
against those who remained inactive, and both your
sentiments and my speeches were abhorrent to them.
At the present moment, indeed, had our friends
been \ictorious, there would have been no curb upon
their rage. For they were already very angry with
us, as though we had decided upon any course in
view of our own safety which we had not approved
in their case also, or as though it were more expedient
for the State that they should seek the protection and
help even of brute beasts," rather than either die
outright, or else remain alive, if not with the best
of hopes, at any rate with some.

But, you say, the Repubhc we live in is in a state 4
of chaos. Of course it is. But let those look to
that who have provid d themselves with no resources
against any vicissitudes of existence. And indeed
it was to arrive at just this point that my earlier
remarks have run on further than I intended. The
fact is that while I have ever deemed you a great
man, because amid these tempests you are almost
alone in having reached port, and are reaping the
priceless harvest of erudition in considering theories
and deaUng with themes of which the constant

201

GIGERO

et usus et delectatio est omnibus istorum et actis et
voluptatibus anteponenda, equidem hos tuos Tus-
culanenses dies instar esse vitae puto, libenterque
omnibus omnes opes concesserim, ut mihi liceat, vi

5 nulla interpellante, isto mode vivere. Quod nos
quoque imitamur, ut possumus, et in nostris studiis
libentissime conquiescimus. Quis enim hoc non de-
derit nobis, ut, cmn opera nostra patria sive non pos-
sit uti, sive nolit, ad earn vitam revertamur, quam
multi docti homines, fortasse non recte, sed tamen
multi etiam reipublicae praeponendam putaverunt ?
Quae igitur studia, magnorum hominum sententia,
vacationem habent quamdam publici muneris, iis con-

6 cedente repubhea cur non abutamur ? Sed plus facio.
quam Caninius mandavit. Is enim, si quid ego
scirem, rogarat, quod tu nescires ; ego tibi ea narro,
quae tu mehus scis, quam ipse, qui narro. Faciam
ergo illud, quod rogatus sum, ut eorum, quae tempo-
ris huius sint, quae tua interesse audiero, ne quid
Ignores.

VII

CICERO VARRONI

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Cenabam apud Seium, cum utrique nostrum red-
ditae sunt a te litterae. Mihi vero iam maturum
videtur. Nam, quod antea calimaniatus sum, indi-

" Tyrrell and others take actis to be the dat. plur. of acta,
" sea-side lodgings," arguing that acta (plur. of actum)
cannot mean " engagements."

* i.e., " to join Caesar." See ix. 5. 1.

' i.e., in suggesting that Varro and he should live together
at Tusculum or Cumae. (See ix. 1. 2, 5. 3.)

202

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vi.-vii.

handling, delightful as it is, cannot but be preferred
to all the engagements " and amusements of those
others — so now I regard these Tusculan days of
yours as the very model of what hfe should be, and
I should willingly surrender all I have to all the
world, to be allowed to Uve as you do, uninterrupted
by any violence.

And that Hfe I too imitate, so far as I can, and am 5
more than wilhng to seek repose in our common
studies. For who would refuse us the boon of return-
ing, since our country either cannot or will not
avail herself of our ser\'ices, to that manner of hfe
which many learned men — perhaps wrongly, but
many anyhow have considered preferable even to
the interests of the State ? If such studies then, in
the opinion of distinguished men, can offer a sort of
hohday from pubHc duties, why should we, now that
the State permits it, fail to make full use of them ?

But I am exceeding Caninius's instructions ; for 6
he only asked me to write anything / knew, but you
didn't ; whereas I am telhng you things you know
better than I myself do, who am telUng you. I shall
therefore do just what I have been asked to do — not
to leave you in ignorance of anything that bears upon
this crisis, which I have been told it is to your interest
to know.

VII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, end of May, 46 b.c.

I was dining with Seius when a letter from you 1
was delivered to each of us. I certainly think it is
high time.'' For as to my former tricky conduct,*

203

CICERO

cabo malitiam meam. Volebam prope alicubi esse
te, si quid bonae salutis, a-vv re 8v kp\oiJ.kvu). Nunc,
cum confecta sunt omnia, dubitandum non est, quia
equis viris. Nam, ut audivi de L. Caesare F., mecum
ipse : quid hie mihi faciei patri ? Itaque non desino
apud istos, qui nunc dominantur, cenitare. Quid
2 faciam ? tempori serviendum est. Sed ridicula
missa, praesertim cum sit nihil, quod rideamus.

Africa terribili tremit horrida terra tumultu

Itaque nullum est dTro-n-po-qyixevov, quod non verear.
Sed quod quaeris, quando, qua, quo, nihil adhuc sci-
mus. Istuc ipsum de Bails, nonnulli dubitant, an per
Sardiniam veniat. Illud enim adhuc praedium suum
non inspexit : nee uUum habet deterius, sed tamen

" Horn. II. X. 224 <7vv re dv' epxofj-ivo} Kai re irpb 8 tov evorjaev.
" when two men meet, one gets an idea before the other."

* L. Caesar (called films to distinguish him from his
father, L. Caesar, consul in 64 b.c.) joined Pompey at the
beginning of the Civil War in 49 b.c, and was the bearer of
messages backwards and forwards between Pompey and
Caesar. In 46 he was proquaestor to Cato at Utica, but
after Cato's death persuaded the citizens to surrender to
Caesar. He was pardoned by Caesar, but afterwards,
possibly, though not probably, at Caesar's instigation,
murdered.

« Ter. Andr. 1 12, where Simo asks, " if my son Pamphilus
weeps thus at the funeral of Chrysis, a comparative stranger,
what will he when I, his father, die ? " Cicero here appar-
ently applies the quotation to the pardoning of L. Caesar
by Julius Caesar, and means " if Caesar treats a former foe
so well, how will he treat an old friend like me ? " Tyrrell,
however, iakes the words as referring to L. Caesar's supposed
murder by Caesar, and thinks that Cicero means " If Caesar
puts to death an obscure opponent like L. Caesar, what will
he do to me, a much more marked enemy ? " This perhaps
suits the context better, but it makes Cicero assume Caesar's
guilt, though it was never proved.

204

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vii.

I \\-ill now disclose my roguery. I wanted you to
be somewhere near in case there was any happy
chance of salvation — " two heads " you know."*
Now, since aU is over and done, we must not hesitate
to go over " horse and foot." For when I heard
about L. Caesar ^ the younger, I said to myself,
" What will he do to me, his father ? " * So I never
cease dining with those who have now the upper
hand. \\Tiat am I to do ? One must move with
the times.

But away with all jests, especially as we have 2
nothing to laugh at :

Africa, country of dread, is aquake with heart-crushing
commotion,*

so there is every possible " objectionable * " factor for
me to fear. But as to your question, '•' When, by
what road, and whither?'" well, so far I know
nothing. As for yoiu: o^vn idea about Baiae, some
are inchned to think that he is coming through
Sardinia o ; for that estate of his he has up to now
never inspected ; it is the very worst he possesses,

' A line of Ennius. The reference here is to the battles
resulting in the deaths of Petreius, Juba, L. Afranius,
Metellus Scipio and others.

• irporiyfieva (unobjectionable) and diroirporjrYfjUva (objec-
tionable) were terms in Stoic philosophy for things neither
good nor bad from a moral point of view, but having an
appreciable positive or negative value, e.ff., the goods and
ills of hfe, apart from virtue or vice. (Zeller, Stoics, p. 283.)

' i.e., to go and meet Caesar.

• Caesar did as a matter of fact come via Sardinia and
landed in Italy at Ostia. The provinces being regarded as
the estates (praedia) of the Roman people, Caesar, being
now at the head of affairs, was practically owner of them
all, including Sardinia, which he had not yet visited, prob-
ably on account of its unhealthiness.

205

CICERO

non contemnit. Ego omnino magis arbitror per
Siciliam Veliam ; iam sciemus. Adventat enim
Dolabella. Eum puto magistrum fore.

TToXXol ixaOrjTal Kpet(T(TOV€S StSacrKaAwi/.
Sed tamen, si sciam, quid tu constitueris, meum con-
silium accommodabo potissimum ad tuum. Quare
exspecto tuas litteras.

VIII

CICERO VARRONI

In Tusculano, a.u.c. 709.

1 Etsi munus flagitare, quamvis quis ostenderit, ne
populus quidem solet, nisi concitatus, tamen ego
exspectatione promissi tui moveor, ut admoneam te,
non ut flagitem. Misi autem ad te quattuor admoni-
tores non nimis verecundos. Nosti enim profecto os
adulescentioris Academiae. Ex ea igitur media exci-
tatos misi, qui metuo ne te forte flagitent ; ego autem

" The writer of this line is unknown. The roles of master
and pupil will now be reversed, Cicero having taught
Dolabella rhetoric.

* In this letter Cicero dedicates to Varro his Academica
Posteriora, a philosophic treatise in four books, a portion of
the first of which is still extant. He does so with some
trepidation, having apparently offended Varro by giving
a leading part in a previous issue of the Dialogue not to
him, but to Brutus,

* Cicero plays on the technical meaning of munus as a
" gift to the people " in the form of a gladiatorial exhibition.

^ Some learned treatise or other, probably the De lingua
Latina, which Varro had promised to dedicate to Cicero,
but after four years had made no progress with the work.
See Att. xiiJ- 12. 1.

206

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vii.-viii.

and yet he does not despise it. Myself, I am far
more inclined to think he \n\\ come through Sicily to
Veha ; we shall soon know ; for Dolabella is coming
home, and I suppose he will act as my school-
master ;

Pupils full oft are better than their teachers."

But, anyhow, if I know what you have decided to
do, I shall adapt my pohcy to yours in preference
to any other. And that is why I eagerly await a
letter from you.

VIII

CICERO TO THE SAME*

Tiisculum, July 11 or 12, 45 b.c.

Although to demand a gift,'' whatever hopes of it 1
have been held out by anybody, is not usual even
with the people, unless they are ^nldly excited, none
the less the eager expectation of what you promised •*
moves me to address you a reminder, certainly not a
demand. But I have despatched to you a quartette
of "reminders," * not Mjyerbufde^ed •with modesty;

for of course you know the efiront^ty of this some-
what juvenile Academy.' It was from the midst of
that Academy that I routed them out and sent
them ; and now I am afraid they may perhaps
make a demand of you, whereas my instructions were

' The four books mentioned in note 6.

f Cicero purposely uses the word adulescentior instead of
iiova to express the " young-mannishness " of the New
Academy, and the self-assertion which was its characteristic
— TyrrelL

207

CICERO

mandavi, ut rogarent. Exspectabam omnino iamdiu,
meque sustinebam, ne ad te prius ipse quid scriberem,
quam aliquid accepissem, ut possem te remunerari
quam simillimo munere. Sed, cum tu tardius faeeres,
id est, ut ego interpreter, diligentius, teneri non
potui, quiri coniunctionem studiorum amorisque nos-
tri, quo possem litterarum genere, declararem. Feci
igitur sermonem inter nos habitum in Cumano, cum
esset una Pomponius. Tibi dedi partes Antiochinas,
quas a te probari intellexisse mihi videbar ; mihi
sumpsi Philonis. Puto fore, ut, cum legeris, mirere,
nos id locutos esse inter nos, quod numquam locuti
2 sumus. Sed nosti morem dialogorum. Posthaec
autem, mi Varro, quam plurima, si videtur, et de
nobis inter nos ; sero fortasse, sed superiorum tem-
porum fortuna reipublicae causam sustineat ; haec
ipsi praestare debemus. Atque utinam quietis tem-
poribus, atque aliquo, si non bono, at saltem certo
statu civitatis, haec inter nos studia exercere posse-
mus ! Quamquam tum quidem vel aliae quaepiam
rationes honestas nobis et ciu*as et actiones darent ;

• See p. 206, note d.

* i.e., by means of ajjhilosophical treatise.

" According to Reid {Acad. p. 49) no such meeting
at Cumae could have taken place between the death of
Tulha (mentioned in Acad. Post. i. 11) and the writing of
the Academica. Varro would at once see the impossibility,
and Cicero anticipates his surprise at the end of § 1.

<* Antiochus of Ascalon was the Eclectic philosopher par
excellence, professing to blend the Stoic, Peripatetic, and
Academic philosophies. Philo of Larissa was the head of
the New Academy. Cicero attended the lectures of both. —
Tyrrell.

208

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vni.

merely to make a request. Anyhow I have been
•anxiously expecting this long time, and holding
myself in, so as to avoid writing anything to you
myself, until I received something" from you, in
order to return your gift with as Uke a gift as
possible. But seeing that you were unduly slow in
writing, in other words (for so I interpret it) unduly
painstaking, I could not be held back any longer
from making clear to you, in such form of communica-
tion *• as I could, the union of study and affection
that binds us together.

I have therefore composed a conversation we had
together at my Cuman villa, when Pomponius was
with us." I have given you the part of Antiochus,**
which I think I understood you to approve ; for
myself I have assumed the part of Philo.**

It is very likely, I imagine, that when you have
read it, you will be surprised at our having ex-
pressed ourselves in that conversation as we have
never yet expressed ourselves ; but you know the
custom in dialogues.

Later on, however, my dear Varro, we shall have 2
full many a conversation, if it so please you, with one
another, and about ourselves too ; possibly we may «M^*;**^
have long to wait ; but let the fortune of the Re- "^^'■^'^
public bear the responsibility for all that is past ;
the present it lies yfiXh. us to ensure..'^ And how I
wtstf we were able to prosecute these common studies
of ours in tranquil times and under some established
form of constitution — not satisfactory, it may be,
but at any rate definitely assured. Though even
in that case there would be certain other considera-
tions as well to provide us with responsibilities and
occupations not without honour. But as it is, what

209

CICERO

nunc autem quid est, sine his cur vivere velimus ?
Mihi vero cum his ipsis vix, his autem detractis ne vix
quidem. Sed haec coram, et saepius, Migrationem
et emptionem feliciter evenire volo, tuumque in ea
re consilium probo. Cura, ut valeas.

IX

DOLABELLA S. D. CICERONI

Caesaris in castris, in Epiro, a.u.c. 706.

S.v.g. Et ipse, valeo et Tullia nostra recte v.
Terentia minus belle habuit, sed certum scio iam
convaluisse earn. Praeterea rectissime sunt apud te
omnia. Etsi nullo tempore in suspicionem tibi debui
venire, partium causa potius, quam tua, tibi suadere,
ut te aut cum Caesare nobiscumque coniungeres, aut
certe in otium referres, praecipue nunc, iam inclinata
victoria, ne possum quidem in ullam aliam incidere
opinionem, nisi in earn, in qua scilicet tibi suadere

" To what these words refer is not known.

* Pubhus Cornelius Dolabella, who married Cicero's
daughter Tullia after divorcing his wife Fabia in 51 b.c,
was one of the most unprincipled men of his age, and a
constant cause of anxiety to Cicero, who however professes
a great affection for him. He fought for Caesar at Pharsalia
(48), in Africa (46), and in Spain (45), and was made consul
by him in 44. After Caesar's assassination he went over to
the Republican party, but soon deserted ttiat party when
Antony gave him the province of Syria. On his way to his
province he plundered the cities of Greece and Asia Minor,
and at Smyrna murdered Trebonius, the proconsul of Asia.
Being declared a public enemy in 43 he was besieged by
Cassius at Laodicea, where, to avoid falHng into his enemies'
hands, he ordered one of his own men to kill him. It is
highly probable that Dolabella wrote this letter at the in-
stance of Caesar, who desired Cicero's friendship.

210

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. vni.-ix.

reason have we for wanting to live at all, unless we
have these studies ? For myself, even with them,
I hardly want to hve ; if I am robbed of them, then
not even hardly. But enough of this till we meet,
and then we can converse more frequently.

I am anxious that your change of residence and
new purchase *• should turn out happily, and I approve
your decision in the matter. Mind you keep well.

IX

DOLABELLA * TO CICERO ^
Caesar's camp in Epirus, May, 48 b.c.

If you are well, I am glad ; I am well, and our 1
dear Tulha very well indeed."* Terentia has been
indisposed, but I am assured beyond doubt that
she has now quite recovered. In other respects
everything is quite all right at your house.*

Although there has never been a time when I could
reasonably have caused you to suspect that it was
not so/much in your own interests as in those of our
party that I urged you either to join Caesar and the
rest 'of us, or at any rate to return to a life of leisure,
still at this moment in particular, when the scales
have inclined towards our \ictoryy there is not even
a possibility of my incurring any imputation other,
of course, /than that of giving you, as I beheve,
such advice as I could not, as a dutiful son-in-law,
leave unspoken.

' Cicero was now in Pompey's camp, which was being
blockaded by Caesar.

■* s.v.g. = si vales, gaudeo.

• Dolabella would have later news of Cicero's family than
Cicero himself, as the whole of Italy was in the hands of
Caesar's friends. — Watson.

211

CICERO

videar, quod pie tacere non possim. Tu autem, mi
Cicero, sic haec accipies, ut, sive probabuntur tibi
sive non probabuntur, ab optimo certe animo ac
deditissimo tibi at cogitata et scripta esse indices.

2 Animadvertis, Cn. Pompeium nee nominis sui, nee re-
rum gestarum gloria, neque etiam region ac nationum
clientelis, quas ostentare crebro solebat, esse tutiun,
et hoc etiam, quod infimo cuique contigit, illi non
posse contingere, ut honeste efFugere possit, pulso
Italia, amissis Hispaniis, capto exercitu veterano,
circumvallato nunc denique ; quod nescio an nulli
lunquam nostro accident imperatori. Quamobrem,
quid aut ille sperare possit aut tu, animum adverte pro
tua prudentia ; sic enim facillime, quod tibi utiUssi-
miun erit, consiU capies. Illud autem te peto, ut, si
lam ille evitaverit hoc periculum et se abdiderit in
classem, tu tuis rebus consulas et ahquando tibi potius,
quam cuivis, sis amicus. Satisfactum est iam a te vel
officio, vel familiaritati, satisfactum etiam partibus et

3 ei reipublicae, quam tu probabas. Reliquum est, ubi
nunc est respublica, ibi simus potius, quam, dum
illam veterem sequamm-, simus in nulla. Quare
velim, mi iucundissime Cicero, si forte Pompeius,

" Hence the nicknames applied to Pompey — Sampsi-
ceramus, Hierosolymarius, Arabarches, etc.

212

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. ix.

You will yourself, I am sure, my dear Cicero,
receive the following suggestions, whether they
meet vrith your approval or not, in such a spirit as
to believe them to have been conceived and written
with the best intentions in the world, and most
profound devotion to yourself.

You obser\'e that neither by the glamour of his 2
name and achievements, nor by his patronage of
divers kings and peoples, which he used frequently
to boast about," has Cn. Pompeius been protected,
and that even that boon which any man of the lowest
rank can claim — the possibility of escape without
dishonom" — cannot be granted to him, expelled as
he is from Italy, both the Spains lost, liis army of
veterans captured, and finally himself now be-
leaguered— a thing that has never happened before,
I beHeve, to any general of ours. Concentrate your
mind therefore ■with your usual sagacity upon the
question " What can either he or you have to hope
for ? " It is thus that you will most easily make the
decision which will be to your greatest advantage.
Now I have this request to make of you, that if he
has by now succeeded in avoiding this danger and
hiding himself away in his fleet, you should consult
your own interests, and at last be a friend to yourself
rather than to the first-comer. You have already
satisfied the claims of duty or intimate friendship —
call it what you ^^ill — and also the claims of your
party, and of that form of constitution which had
your approval.

It only remains for us to take our stand there, 3
where the new constitution now is, rather than
pursue the old, and find oifrselves ^vith none. There-
fore, my dearest Cicero, should it happen that

213

CICERO

pulsus his quoque locis, rursus alias regiones petere
cogatur, ut tu te vel Athenas vel in quamvis quietam
recipias civitatem. Quod si eris facturus, velim mihi
scribas, ut ego, si ullo modo potero, ad te advolem.
Quaecumque de tua dignitate ab imperatore erunt
impetranda, qua est humanitate Caesar, facillimum
erit ab eo tibi ipsi impetrare ; et meas tamen preces
apud eum non minimum auctoritatis habituras puto.
Erit tuae quoque fidei et humanitatis curare, ut is
tabellarius, quem ad te misi, reverti possit ad me, et
a te mihi htteras referat.

X

M. CICERO S. D. P. DOLABELLAE

Romae, a.u.c. 708-709.

1 Non sum ausus Salvio nostro nihil ad te litterarum
dare ; nee mehercule habebam, quid scriberem, nisi
te a me mirabiliter amari ; de quo, etiam nihil
scribente me, te non dubitare, certo scio. Omnino
mihi magis litterae sunt exspectandae a te, quam a
me tibi. Nihil enim Romae geritur, quod te putem
scire curare, nisi forte scire vis me inter Niciam
nostrum et Vidium iudicem esse. Profert alter (ut
opinor) duobus versiculis expensum Niciae, alter Ari-

" Salvius was a literary slave of Atticus.

* Nicias Curtius of Cos, a grammarian, and an intimate
friend of Dolabella.

' Vidius produces some acknowledgments of a loan,
possibly in Nicias's handwriting, but Nicias declares them
to be a forgery. Versus can describe a "line" in a legal
document as well as a " line of poetry."
214

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. ix.-x.

Pompey is driven from these places also, and again
forced to seek other quarters, I should be glad if you
would betake yourself either to Athens or to any
other tranquil state you please. If you intend to do
so, I should hke you to write to me, so that if it is
anywise possible, I may wing my way to you.

As to anything which affects your position that will
have to be obtained from our Commander-in-Chief,
such is Caesar's kindness that your easiest course
will be to obtain it from him yourself ; and, after
all my own entreaties, I fancy, will have no small
influence with him. You too, on your part, honour-
able and courteous as you are, will see that the
letter-carrier I have sent to you may be enabled
to return to me, and that he brings me back a
letter from you.

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, December ? 46 b.c. or early January, 45 b.c.

I had not the courage to give our friend Salvius *• 1
nothing in the way of a letter to you ; and, upon my
word, I did not know what to write, except that
I am amazingly fond of you ; and of that, even
without my writing anything, I am quite sure that
you have no doubt. On the whole I have more
reason to expect a letter from you than you from
me. For there is nothing going on at Rome which
I think you would care to know — unless indeed you
would hke to know that I am acting as arbitrator
between our friend Nicias ^ and Vidius. The latter
brings forward, I take it, a record in two httle Hnes "
of money advanced to Nicias ; and Nicias, a regular

215

CICERO

starchus hos o^cAt^ei. Ego, tamquam criticus anti-
quus, iudicaturus sum, utrum sint tov jrouyroi!, an

2 Trap(.^fi(.(ikijixkvoL. Puto te nunc dicere : Oblitusne es
igihir fungorum illorum, quos apud Niciam ? et ingen-
tium squillarum^ cum cro^tci TreTrriKj/^ ? Quid ergo ?
tu adeo mihi excussam severitatem veterem putas, ut
ne in foro quidem reliquiae pristinae frontis appa-
reant ? Sed tamen suavissimum a-vjjifiiiwTyjv nostrum
praestabo integellum ; nee committam, ut, si ego eum
condemnaro, tu restituas, ut^ habeat Bursa Plancus,

3 apud quem litteras discat. Sed quid ago ? cum mihi
sit incertum, tranquillone sis animo, an, ut in bello,
in aliqua maiuscula cura negotiove versere, labor lon-
gius. Cum igitur mihi erit exploratum, te libenter
esse risurum, scribam ad te pluribus. Te tamen hoc
scire volo, vehementer populum sollicitum fuisse de
P. Sullae morte, antequam certum scierit. Nunc
quaerere desierunt, quomodo perierit. Satis putant,
se scire, quod sciunt. Ego ceteroqui animo aequo
fero ; unum vereor, ne hasta Caesaris refrixerit.

^ Gronovius : caiilium, culinarum, cochlearum, are three
of many suggested readings : cularum 31.

* Amid a welter of conjectures I have adopted Tyrrell's
as the most satisfactory : sophia septimae M.

' 1 1 'esenberg : ne vulg. is unintelligible to me.

» i.e., marks them as spurious with an obeUsk (+), as
Aristarchus did the spurious Hnes in Homer.

* For Bursa see note on vii. 2. 2. Cicero appears to
mean " I shall do what I can to secure Nicias's acquittal ;
for if I condemn him, it will only mean your reinstating him,
and so providing that ignoramus Bursa with the means of
education, which would make him more dangerous than ever."

" There were various rumours about his death (<•/. xv.
17 2). He was a legatus of Caesar, and an officer of some
distinction ; he commanded the right wing at PharsaUa,

216

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. x.

Aristarchus, obelizes them," while I, like an ancient
critic, have to decide whether they are the poet's
lines, or interpolations.

Here I imagine you remarking " Have you then 2
forgotten those marvellous mushrooms we enjoyed
at Nicias's table ? and those enormous prawns,
together with the witty conversation that promotes
digestion ? " WTiat do you mean ? Do you suppose
that my old austerity has been so thoroughly shaken
out of me that no remains of my former impressive
mien are to be seen even in court ? But in any case I
shall see to it that our most charming confrere is
decently w'hite-washed ; and I shall not be so
foolish as to give you the opportunity of reinstating
him after I have condemned him, so that Bursa
Plancus may have someone to teach him his letters.*

But what am I doing ? Since I do not know 3
definitely whether you are in a tranquil state of
mind, or, as often happens in time of war, are engaged
in some rather more than usually anxious case or
transaction, I am drifting on too far. So when I
am absolutely assured that you are ready for a good
laugh, I shall write to you at greater length. Still
I must tell you this much, that the people were
•extremely excited about the death of P. Sulla,"
until they knew it for a fact. Now they have ceased
to inquire how he came to die. They think it
enough that they know what they do know.** For
myself anyhow I take it philosophically ; my only
fear is that Caesar's auctions will have fallen flat.

but became unpopular as a constant purchaser at Caesar's
auctions {hasta Caesaris) of confiscated property.

"* i.e., they are quite satisfied to know that such a fellow
is dead.

217

CICERO

XI

CICERO DOLABELLAE S.

Ficuleae, a.u.c. 709.

1 Vel meo ipsius interitu mallem litteras meas desi-
derares, quam eo casu, quo sum gravissime afflictus ;
quem ferrem certe moderatius, si te haberem. Nam
et oratio tua prudens, et amor erga me singularis
multum levaret. Sed quoniam brevi tempore, ut
opinio nostra est, te sum visurus, ita me affectum
offendes, ut multum a te possim iuvari ; non quo ita
sim fractus, ut aut hominem me esse oblitus sim aut
fortunae succumbendum putem, sed tamen hilaritas
ilia nostra et suavitas, quae te praeter ceteros delecta-
bat, erepta mihi omnis est. Firmitatem tamen et
constantiam, si modo fuit aliquando in nobis, eamdem

2 cognosces, quam reliquisti. Quod scribis, praelia te
mea causa sustinere, non tam id laboro, ut, si qui
mihi obtrectent, a te refutentur, quam intellegi cupio,
quod certe intellegitur, me a te amari. Quod ut
facias, te etiam atque etiam rogo, ignoscasque brevi-
tati litterarum mearum ; nam et celeriter una futuros
nos arbitror, et nondum satis confirmatus sum ad
scribendum.

" i.e., the death of his daughter Tullia, the divorced wife
of Dolabella. This letter proves that the divorce had caused
no breach of friendship between the families.

* Dolabella had to defend Cicero against the attacks of
Quintus the younger, the son of Cicero's brother Quintus.

218

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xi.
XI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Ficulea, end of April, 45 b.c.

I could wish that your missing a letter from me were 1
due to my own death rather than to the calamity "
which has crushed me ■with its overwhelming weight
— a calamity I should bear more calmly, if I had you
here ; for your wise words, and your exceptional
affection for me too, would go far to alle\iate my
son-ow. But since I am going to see you, as I sup-
pose, before long, you will find me in such a state of
mind that I may easily derive much benefit from
your company ; not that I am so broken as either
to have forgotten that I am but a mortal, or to think
it right to bow beneath the blows of Fortune ;
but anyhow I have been robbed of every particle of
that attractive xivacity of mine which used to dehght
you more than anybody else. For all that, you will
discover my strength of mind and resolution (if I ever
possessed those virtues) to be just the same as when
you left me.

You write that you are taking up the cudgels on 2
my behalf ; ^ well, I am not so anxious that my tra-
ducers should be confuted by you, as I am desirous
that it should be understood — and surely it is under-
stood— that you continue to love me. I beg you
again and again to do so, and to pardon so brief
a letter ; for not only shall we meet, I fancy, very
soon, but I am not yet sufiiciently recovered to write
letters.

219

CICERO
XII

CICERO DOLABELLAE
In Puteolano, a.u.c. 709.

1 Gratulor Bails nostris, siquidem, ut scribis, salubres
repente factae sunt ; nisi forte te amant, et tibi
assentantur, et tamdiu, dum tu ades, sunt oblitae sui.
Quod quidem si ita est, minime miror, caelum etiam
et terras vim suam, si tibi ita conveniat, dimittere.

2 Oratiunculam pro Deiotaro, quam requirebas, habebam
mecum, quod non putaram. Itaque eam tibi misi :
quam velim sic legas, ut causam tenuem et inopem
nee scriptione magno opere dignam. Sed ego hospiti
veteri et amico munusculum mittere volui levidense
crasso filo, cuiusmodi ipsius solent esse munera. Tu
velim animo sapienti fortique sis, ut tua moderatio
et gravitas aliorum infamet iniuriam.

XIII

CICERO DOLABELLAE S.

Romae (?), a.u.c. 709.
1 C. Subernius Calenus et meus est familiaris, et
Leptae nostri familiarissimi pernecessarius. Is cum

"» Tetrarch of Galatia, who staunchly supported the
Romans in their wars against Mithridates, and was re-
warded by the Senate with the title of rex, and the addi-
tion of Armenia Minor to his dominions. In the Civil
War he sided with Pompey, and was present at Pharsalia.
In 45 B.C. his grandson Castor accused him of plotting
against Caesar's life when he received Caesar in Galatia in
47. He was defended by Cicero, but the result of the trial
is unknown.

* i.e., not an elaborate artificial piece of composition.

' Q. Lepta, a native of Cales in Campania, was prae-
220

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xii.-xiii.
XII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Pompeii or Formiae, about December 17, 45 b.c.

I congratulate our dear Baiae, if it be true, as you 1
write, that it has suddenly become salubrious ; unless
of course it is fond of you, and flatters you, and just
so long as you are present, has forgotten its former
tricks ; and indeed if that be the case, I am hardly
surprised at all that heaven and earth should desist
from their usual \iolent behaviour in consideration
of your convenience.

^ty little speech in defence of Deiotarus," which 2
you ask for, I have with me, though I did not think
I had ; so I am sending it to you, and I should like
you to remember as you read it that it is a meagre
and poverty-stricken case, and not much worth
writing out. But I wanted to send my old host and
friend a Uttle present — something hghtly woven of
rough yam,* such as his own gifts often are. I could
^^•ish you to be of a wise and gallant spirit, so that
your restrained and dignified demeanour may dis-
credit the wrongdoing of others.

XIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome (?), January, 45 b.c.

C. Subemius of Cales is not only my friend but 1

also very closely connected with my very intimate

friend Lepta.* In order to avoid the war, he had

Uctus /abrum to Cicero in Cilicia in 51 b.c. He joined the
Pompeians in the Civil War, and is often mentioned in
Cicero's letters.

221

OICERO

vitandi belli causa profectus esset in Hispaniam cum
M. Varrone ante bellum, ut in ea provincia esset, in
qua nemo nostrum post Afranium superatum bellum
uUum fore putarat, incidit in ea ipsa mala, quae
summo studio vitaverat. Oppressus est enim bello
repentino, quod bellum, commotum a Scapula, ita
postea confirmatum est a Pompeio, ut nulla ratione

2 se ab ilia miseria eripere posset. Eadem causa fere
est M. Plani Heredis, qui est item Calenus, Leptae
nostri famiHarissimus. Hosce igitur ambo tibi sic
commendo, ut maiore cura, studio, soUicitudine animi
commendare non possim. Volo ipsorum causa ; me-
que in eo vehementer et amicitia movet et huma-
nitas. Lepta vero cum ita laboret, ut eius fortunae
videantur in discrimen venire, non possum ego non
aut proxime atque ille, aut etiam aeque laborare.
Quapropter, etsi saepe expertus sum, quantum me
amares, tamen sic velim tibi persuadeas, id me in hac

3 re maxime iudicaturum. Peto igitur a te, vel, si
pateris, oro, ut homines miseros, et fortuna, quam
vitare nemo potest, magis, quam culpa, calamitosos,
conserves incolumes ; velisque per te me hoc muneris
cum ipsis amicis hominibus, tum municipio Caleno,
quocum mihi magna necessitudo est, tum Leptae,

" By Caesar on Au^st 2, 49 b.c. Varro shortly after-
wards surrendered to Caesar, but Afranius crossed over to
Pompey in Greece. He was present at the battle of Pharsalia
in 48 B.C. and that of Thapsus in 46, after which he crossed
over to Spain and fought for Pompey under Scapula and
Afranius, renegade soldiers of Caesar. Later on, attempt-
ing to fly into Mauretania, he was taken prisoner by P.
Sittius and put to death.

* calamitosos refers to the sentence of exile which they
had incurred, c/. § 4.
222

EPISTUI>AE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xiii.

proceeded with M. ^'arro, before it broke out, to
Spain, so as to be in a province in which none of us
had supposed that there would be any war after the
defeat of Afranius," and there he found himself
encompassed by those very evils he had striven so
anxiously to avoid. For he was overcome by the
sudden outbreak of a war, which, having been set in
motion by Scapula, was so energetically promoted by
Pompey that there was no way in which he could
escape from the misery of it.

Practically the same is the case of M. Planius 2
Heres, who is also of Cales, and on very intimate
terms with our friend Lepta. These two persons
then I commend to your care, and I could not
j)ossibly commend thenn with greater solicitude,
enthusiasm, or anxiety. I am interested in them for
themselves, and profoundly influenced in the matter
by the claims not only of friendship, but of humanity
also. Since Lepta, however, is in such distress that
his fortunes, it seems, are imperilled, I cannot help
being very nearly as much distressed as he is, or
even quite as much. And for that reason, although
I have had frequent experience of the sincerity of
your affection, still I would have you assure yourself
that I shall base my estimate of it up>on this affair
more than any other.

I therefore beg of you or, if you permit it, implore 3
you to secure immunity for these unhappy men whose
misfortune ^ is due to ill-luck, which no man can elude,
rather than to any fault of their own ; and not to
object to my bestowing, through your hands, this
much of a boon, not only upon these friends of
mine themselves, but also upon the municipium
of Cales, to which I am closely bound, and thirdly

223

CICERO

4 quem omnibus antepono, dare. Quod dicturus sum,
puto equidem non valde ad rem pertinere, sed tamen
nihil obest dicere. Res familiaris alteri eorum valde
exigua est, alteri vix equestris. Quapropter quando
his Caesar vitam sua liberalitate concessit, nee est,
quod iis praeterea magno opere possit adimi, reditum,
si me tantum amas, quantum certe amas, hominibus
confice. In quo nihil est praeter viam longam, quam
idcirco non fugiunt, ut et vivant cum suis et moriantur
domi. Quod ut enitare contendasque, vel potius ut
perficias, (posse enim te, mihi persuasi,) vehementer
te etiam atque etiam rogo.

XIV

CICERO DOLABELLAE CONSULI S.

In Pompeiano, a.u.c. 710.

1 Etsi contentus eram, mi Dolabella, tua gloria,
satisque ex ea magnam laetitiam voluptatemque
capiebam, tamen non possum non confiteri, cumulari
me maximo gaudio, quod vulgo hominum opinio
socium me ascribat tuis laudibus. Neminem conveni,
(convenio autem quotidie plurimos ; sunt enim per-

" The registered property of a Roman knight {census
equester) was about 400 sestertia (400,000 sesterces).

* A Greek named Hierophilus (or Amatius) had been
banished by Caesar, but, returning after his death, had set
up an altar to him as a god, and a pillar to him as pater
patriae. Antony had put the Greek to death without trial
before the middle of April in this year, and at the end of
the month Dolabella destroyed the altar and pillar, scattered

224

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xin -xiv.

upon Lepta, whom I esteem more highly than
anybody.

I do not, it is true, consider what I am about to say 4
particularly relevant to the matter, but still there
is no harm in saying it — the property of one of them
is exceedingly limited, that of the other hardly what
a knight should have." And therefore, seeing that
Caesar with characteristic generosity has granted
these men their Uves, and they have nothing much
besides of which they can be deprived, well then,
if you love me as much as I am sure you do, cUnch
the business of these poor fellows' return, the only
obstacle to which is the length of the journey ; and
that they do not shrink from, so that they may
both live with their own folks and die at home.

To struggle and strive to this end, or rather to
carry the matter through (for of your ability to do so
I have no manner of doubt) — that is what I earnestly
beg of you again and again to do.

XIV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Pompeii, May 3, 44 b.c.

Though I am well content, my dear Dolabella, with 1
the glory * you have won, and though the happiness
and pleasure I have derived from it is amply sufficient,
still I cannot but admit that my greatest and crowning
joy is that popular opinion writes me down a partner
in your praises. I have met nobody (and I meet ever
so many people every day, for numbers of om: most

the mob, and punished the worshippers. This is the action
of Dolabella so effusively praised by Cicero in this letter.
VOL. II I 225

CICERO

multi optimi viri, qui valetudinis causa in haec loca
veniunt, praeterea ex municipiis frequentes necessarii
mei,) quin omnes, cum te summis laudibus ad caelum
extulerunt, mihi continue maximas gratias agant.
Negant enim se dubitare, quin tu, meis praeceptis et
consiliis obtemperans, praestantissimum te civem et

2 singularem consulem praebeas. Quibus ego, quam-
quam verissime possum respondere, te, quae facias,
tuo iudicio et tua sponte facere, nee cuiusquam egere
consilio, tamen neque plane assentior, ne imminuam
tuam laudem, si omnis a meis consiliis profecta vi-
deatur, neque valde nego. Sum enim avidior etiam,
quam satis est, gloriae. Et tamen non alienum est
dignitate tua, quod ipsi Agamemnoni, regum regi,
fuit honestum, habere aliquem in consiliis capiundis
Nestorem ; mihi vero gloriosum, te iuvenem consulem
florere laudibus, quasi alumnum disciplinae meae.

3 L. quidem Caesar, cum ad eum aegrotum Neapolim
venissem, quamquam erat oppressus totius corporis
doloribus, tamen ante, quam me plane salutavit, " O
nii Cicero," inquit, " gratulor tibi, cmn tantum vales
apud Dolabellam, quantum si ego apud sororis filixmi
valerem, iam salvi esse possemus. Dolabellae vero
tuo et gratulor et gratias ago ; quem quidem post
te consulem solum possumus vere consulem dicere."

" He was probably about thirty-five, though according to
Appian {B.C. ii. 129) he was made consul through Caesar's
influence at the early age of twenty-five; he had never
held the praetorship.

* Consul in 64 b.c. (father of the L. Caesar mentioned in
ix. 7. 2). His sister Julia married M. Antonius Creticus,
and was the mother of the Triumvir. After the murder of
the Dictator, L. Caesar tried to mediate between the Senate
and Antony, and was proscribed by the Triumvirs, but saved
by his sister Julia's intercession.

226

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xiv.

loyal citizens visit these parts for their health's sake,
not to mention crowds of my intimate friends from
the country towns), I have met none, I say, who,
after praising you up to the skies in the most hand-
some terms, do not go on without a pause to express
their warmest gratitude to myself, declaring that
they have no doubt that it is because you comply
with my instructions and advice that you are proving
yourself so excellent a citizen and so incomparable
a consul.

Now although I might answer them with perfect 2
truth that whatever you do is done according to your
own judgment and on your o^^•n initiative, and that
you stand in need of no man's advice, still I neither
agree absolutely with their assumption, lest I should
depreciate your credit, should it appear to be wholly
due to my advice, nor do I emphatically deny it ; for
I am more greedy of glory than is even reasonable.

And after all, what was no discredit to that king
of kings, Agamemnon himself — the having some
Nestor at hand when he formed his plans — is not
inconsistent with your own dignity, while to me it
is something to boast about that you, a pupil, so to
speak, of my own training, should win such fame as
consul while still a youth."

Why, L. Caesar himself,'' when I visited him in his 3
illness at Naples, overpowered as he was with pain
in every limb, nevertheless, before he had well
greeted me, exclaimed " O my dear Cicero, I con-
gratulate you on your influence with Dolabella ;
if I only had as much with my sister's son, we might
now have been safe. As for your Dolabella, I both
congratulate and thank him ; indeed, since your
year, he is the only man whom we can truly describe

227

GIGERO

Deinde multa de facto ac de re gesta tua ; nihil
magnificeotius, nihil praeclarius actum umquam, nihil
reipublicae salutarius. Atque haec una vox omnium

4 est. A te autem peto, ut me hanc quasi falsam here-
ditatem alienae gloriae sinas cernere, meque ahqua
ex parte in societatem tuarmn laudum venire patiare.
Quamquam, mi Dolabella (haec enim iocatus sum),
hbentius omnes meas, si mode sunt aliquae meae,
laudes ad te transfuderim, quam aliquam partem
exhauserim ex tuis. Nam cum te semper tantum di-
lexerim, quantum tu intellegere potuisti, tum his tuis
factis sic incensus sum, ut nihil umquam in amore
fuerit ardentius. Nihil est enim, mihi crede, virtute

6 formosius, nihil pulchrius, nihil amabilius. Semper
amavi, ut scis, M. Brutum propter eius summum
ingenium, suavissimos mores, singularem probitatem
atque constantiam. Tamen Idib. Martiis tantum
accessit ad amorem, ut mirarer, locimi fuisse augendi
in eo, quod mihi iampridem cumulatium etiam vide-
batur. Quis erat, qui putaret, ad eum amorem, quern
erga te habebam, posse ahquid accedere ? Tantum
accessit, ut mihi nunc denique amare videar, antea

6 dilexisse. Quare quid est, quod ego te horter, ut
dignitati et gloriae servias ? proponam tibi claros

228

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xiv.

as a consul." After that he spoke much of your
exploit and achievement, saying that it was the most
splendid and the most brilliant act ever performed,
and the most beneficial to the commonwealth. And
that is the one expression on the lips of all.

I beg of you, however, to allow me to enter upon 4
this spurious inheritance, if I may so call it, of glory
that belongs to another, and suffer me to be taken
into some sort of a partnership in your renown.
And yet, my dear Dolabella (my last words were
spoken in jest), I would more gladly transfer to you
all my renown — so but I have any — rather than draw
from you any portion of yours. For not only have I
always regarded you as highly as you have yourself
been able to realize, but my affection has been so
intensified by what you have recently done, that
there can have been no warmer ardour in the history
of love. Take my word for it, there is nothing fairer,
nothing more beautiful, nothing more lovable, than
courageous action.

Take M. Brutus ; I have always loved him, as you 5
are aware, for his distinguished genius, his fascinating
manners, his outstanding integrity and firmness of
character ; on the Ides of March, however, so much
was added to my love as to make me wonder that
any room for increase had been found in what I
had long regarded as full even to ove^flo^ving. Who
in the world would have thought that any addition
was possible to the love I bore you ? Well, so great
has been the addition that I seem to love you now
for the first time, and to have only liked you before.

What reason is there then for my exhorting you to 6
obey the dictates of your high position and reputa-
tion ? Am I, after the usual fashion of those who

229

GIGERO

viros, quod facere solent qui hortantur. Neminem
habeo clariorem, quam te ipsum. Te imitere oportet ;
tecum ipse certes. Ne licet quidem tibi iam tantis

7 rebus gestis non tui similem esse. Quod cum ita
sit, hortatio non est necessaria ; gratulatione magis
utendum est. Contigit enim tibi, quod baud scio an
nemini, ut summa severitas animadversionis non
modo non invidiosa, sed etiam popularis esset, et cum
bonis omnibus, turn infimo cuique gratissima. Hoc
si tibi fortuna quadam contigisset, gratularer felici-
tati tuae ; sed contigit magnitudine cum animi, turn
etiam ingeni atque consili. Legi enim contionem
tuam. Nihil ilia sapientius. Ita pedetentim et gra-
datim turn accessus a te ad causam facti, tiun recessus,
ut res ipsa maturitatem tibi animadvertendi omnium

8 concessu daret. Liberasti igitur et Urbem periculo,
et civitatem metu ; neque solum ad tempus maximam
utilitatem attulisti, sed etiam ad exemplum. Quo
facto intellegere debes, in te positam esse rem-
publicam, tibique non modo tuendos, sed etiam
omandos esse illos viros, a quibus initium libertatis
profectum est. Sed his de rebus coram plura pro-
pediem, ut spero. Tu quando rempublicam nosque
230

EPISTULAE AU t AMILIARES, IX. xiv

exhort others, to set before you illustrious examples ?
I find no more illustrious example than yourself.
It Ues \^ith you to imitate yourself, and be your own
rival. So splendid have been your achievements
already, that you have not even the right to- fall
short of your own standard.

Since that is so, exhortation is imnecessary ; it is 7
more an opportunity for congratulation. It has been
your happy lot (and I fancy it is quite unparalleled)
to find the exceptionally rigorous enforcement of
your punitive measures, so far from being abhorred,
to be even popular, and warmly welcomed by all
good citizens and the lowest of the mob aUke.
Now had it been by some stroke of good luck that
you were so fortunate, I should be congratulating
you on your fehcity only ; but no, it is the outcome
of a great spirit, combined \vith great ability and
shrewdness ; for I have read your address ; it is
the cleverest thing that ever was. So gradually did
you feel your way, now in approaching your case,
and again in withdrawing from it, that, as is uni-
versally admitted, the psychological moment for
taking pum'tive measures was presented to you by
the very facts themselves.

You have then dehvered the city from peril and 8
the State from apprehension, and have not only
contributed most handsomely to our welfare in the
present, but have set a precedent for the future.
After this you are bound to see that the constitution
depends upon you, and that it is incumbent upon you
not only to protect, but to bestow honours upon the
men who have initiated an era of Uberty.

But more of all this when we meet, which I hope
will be at an early date. As for yourself, now that you

231

CICERO

conservas, fac ut diligentissime te ipsum, mi Dola-
bella, custodias.

XV

CICERO PAETO S.

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Duabus tuis epistolis respondebo ; uni, quam qua-
triduo ante acceperam a Zetho ; alteri, quam attulerat
Phileros tabellarius. Ex prioribus tuis litteris intel-
lexi, pergratam tibi esse curam meam valetudinis
tuae, quam tibi perspectam esse gaudeo. Sed, miihi
crede, non perinde, ut est reapse, ex litteris perspicere
potuisti. Nam cum a satis multis (non enim possum
aliter dicere) et coli me videam et diligi, nemo est
illorum omnium mihi te iucundior. Nam quod me
amas, quod id et iampridem et constanter facis, est id
quidem magnum, atque baud scio an maximum, sed
tibi commune cum multis ; quod tu ipse tam amandus
es, tamque dulcis tamque in omni genere iucundus,

2 id est proprie tuum. Accedunt non Attici, sed sal-
siores, quam illi Atticorum, Romani veteres atque
urbani sales. Ego autem (existimes licet quod libet),
mirifice capior facetiis, maxime nostratibus, prae-
sertim cum eas videam primum oblitas Latio, turn,

" Especially against Antony's plots.

* A learned and witty Epicurean, who avoided politics
and made a large fortune.

" Greek slaves or freedmen, employed as private letter-
carriers.
232

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xiv.-xv.

are the preserver of the Republic and of us all, be
sure, my dear Dolabella, that you take every possible
precaution to protect your own life.*

XV

CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS ^

Rome, middle of October, 46 b.c.

There are two letters of yours which I shall answer 1
— one which I received four days ago from Zethus,"
the other which was brought me by your letter-carrier
Phileros.'' The former of your letters gave me to
understand that you were very grateful for my
anxiety about your health, — an anxiety I am glad you
now thoroughly appreciate. But, beheve me, no
letter could have given you a perfectly true appreci-
ation of it. For though I am aware that I am
courted and made much of by quite a number of
people (I cannot deny it), not one of them all has a
greater attraction for me than yourself. For your
loving me, and ha\ing done so for many years past
and uninterruptedly, is indeed a great, and perhaps
the greatest possible, compliment, but there are
many others who do the same ; whereas your being
yourself so lovable, so charming, and in every
respect so delightful — that is something exclusively
your own.

Besides, there is your ^^•it, not Attic, but more 2
pungent than that of Attic ^^Titers — the good old city
wit of Rome. Now for me (you may think what you
please of it) humour, and most of all the home-
growTa kind, has a wonderful fascination, especially
when I see that it was overlaid with the coarseness

233

CIGERO

cum in urbem nostram est infusa peregrinitas, nunc
vero etiam bracatis et Transalpinis nationibus, ut
nullum veteris leporis vestigium appareat. Itaque, te
cum video, omnes mihi Granios, omnes Lucilios, vere
ut dicam, Grasses quoque et Laelios videre videor.
Moriar, si praeter te quemquam reliquum habeo, in
quo possim imaginem antiquae et vernaculae festivi-
tatis agnoscere. Ad hos lepores cum amor erga me
tantus accedat, miraris me tanta perturbatione vale-

3 tudinis tuae tarn graviter exanimatum fuisse ? Quod
autem altera epistola purgas te non dissuasorem mihi
emptionis Neapolitanae fuisse, sed auctorem modera-
tionis, urbane ; neque ego aliter accepi ; intellexi
tamen idem, quod his intellego litteris non existimasse
te, mihi licere, id quod ego arbitrabar, res has non
omnino quidem, sed magnam partem relinquere.
Gatulum mihi narras et ilia tempora. Quid simile ?
Ne mihi quidem ipsi tunc placebat diutius abesse ab
reipublicae custodia. Sedebamus enim in puppi et
clavum tenebamus ; nunc autem vix est in sentina

4 locus. An minus multa senatus consulta futura putas,

° The Gauls of the province of Narbonensis were called
bracati (breeched), the Gauls of N. Italy togati, and the
Gauls of the greater part of GalUa comati (long-haired).
Cicero is evidently scoffing at the admission of Gauls by
Caesar not only to the Roman citizenship but even to the
Senate.

'' What Cicero means is that native Roman wit has de-
teriorated since the incorporation, first of the Latins {Latium),
and subsequently of Celts, in the Roman community.

' Q. Granius was a well-known auctioneer and wag.

^ Lucilius was the famous poet and satirist.

• L. Licinius Crassus and Laelius were not only orators
but distinguished for their wit.

' Q. Lutatius Catulus, an upright and inflexible aristocrat,

234

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xv.

first of Latium, at the time when provincialism
poured hke a stream into our city, and now with that
of trousered and Transalpine clans,** so that not a
trace of the fine old style of pleasantry is to be seen.*
And so, whenever I meet you, I seem in very truth
to meet all the Granii," all the LuciUi,'* yes, and the
Crassi* too and the Laelii.* May I die if I can find
a single soul left, except yourself, in whom I can
recognize any resemblance to the ancient and indi-
genous jocularity. When to these flashes of wit is
added the sincere affection you have for me, do you
wonder that I was so frightened to death at your
being so prostrated by ill-health ?

As to your apology in your second letter to the 3
effect that you did not oppose my purchasing a house
at Naples, but only suggested caution, you put it very
nicely, and that is just how I took it ; at the same
time I understood, what I also understand from
your last letter, that in your opinion I have no right
to do what I thought I might do, that is, to abandon
pohtics here, not indeed altogether, but to a great
extent. You quote Catulus f against me, and all
those times. I fail to see the analogy. ^Vhy, I
myself had no inchnation in those days to withdraw
for any length of time from the guardianship of the
Republic ; for I was seated on the poop, and held the
tiller, but now there is hardly room for me where
the bilge-water is.'

Do you really think that there will be fewer decrees 4

as consul in 78 resisted his seditious colleague Lepidus, and
later opposed the bestowing of extraordinary powers upon
Pompey. In 63 he voted for the execution of the CatUin-
arians. He died in 60 b.c.
' «.«., in the ship's.hold.

235

CICERO

si ego sim Neapoli ? Romae cum sum et urgeo forum,
senatus consulta scribuntur apud amatorem tuum,
familiarem meum. Et quidem cum in mentem venit,
ponor ad scribendum ; et ante audio senatus con-
sultum in Armeniara et Syriam esse perlatum, quod
in meam sententiam factum esse dicatur, quam om-
nino mentionem ullam de ea re esse factam. Atque
hoc nolim me iocari putes ; nam mihi scito iam a
regibus ultimis allatas esse litteras, quibus mihi gra-
tias agant, quod se mea sententia reges appellaverim ;
quos ego non modo reges appellatos, sed omnino natos
5 nesciebam. Quid ergo est ? Tamen, quamdiu hie
erit noster hie praefectus moribus, parebo auctoritati
tuae ; cum vero aberit, ad fungos me tuos conferam.
Domum si habebo, in denos dies singulos sumptuariae
legis dies conferam. Sin autem minus invenero,
quod placeat, decrevi habitare apud te ; scio enim me
nihil tibi gratius facer e posse. Domum Sullanam
desperabam iam, ut tibi proxime scripsi ; sed tamen
non abieci. Tu veHm, ut scribis, cum fabris earn
perspicias. Si enim nihil est in parietibus aut in
tecto viti, cetera mihi probabuntur.

" Generally supposed to be Caesar, but Cicero would
hardly have called him his familiaris. Tyrrell and Purser
are probably right in suggesting that it is Balbus, who was
Caesar's agent.

* An obvious sneer at the servility of the Senate and the
new office {praefectus moribus for three years) given to
Caesar after his African victory.

" Paetus, being an epicure, took advantage of vegetables
not being included in Caesar's sumptuary law. For this
and what follows see vii. 26. 2.

** For Sulla see note on ix. 10. 2.

236

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xv.

of the Senate, if I am at Naples ? Here am I at Rome
and in constant attendance at the Forum, and all the
while decrees of the Senate are being drafted at the
house of my dear friend who dotes upon you." In-
deed, whenever it occurs to him, my name is put do>\Ti
as a -sntness to the drafting, and I am informed that
some decree of the Senate alleged to have been
passed in accordance with my vote has found its way
to Armenia and Syria, before the matter has ever been
mentioned at all. And pray don't think that this
is merely a joke on my part ; I would have you know
that I have ere now received letters from kings in
the uttermost parts of the world, in which they
thank me for having given them by my vote the
title of king, I being in ignorance not only of their
ha\ing been so entitled, but of their ever ha\-ing
been bom.

What of it then ? Of course as long as our friend, 5
this " Minister of Morak," * is here, I shall follow
your advice, but when he is away, then hie for
your mushrooms ! * If I have a house there, I shall
make the sxmaptuary law's allowance for one day
last me for ten. But if I fail to find one to suit me,
I have decided to quarter myself upon you ; I am
sure I could do nothing that would give you greater
pleasure. I am now beginning to despair of Sulla's
house,** as I told you in my last ; still I have not quite
abandoned the idea. I should like you, as you sug-
gest in your letter, to take the builders -with you and
inspect it. If there is no fault to be found with the
walls or the roof, everj'thing else >\'ill meet with my
approval.

237

CICERO
XVI

CICERO PAPIRIO PAETO S.

In Tusculano, a.u.c. 708.

1 Delectarunt me tuae litterae, in quibus primum
amavi amorem tuum, qui te ad scribendum incitavit
verentem, ne Silius suo nuntio aliquid mihi sollici-
tudinis attulisset ; de quo et tu mihi antea scripseras,
bis quidem eodem exemplo, facile ut intellegerem te
esse commiotum ; et ego tibi accurate rescripseram,
ut quo modo in tali re atque tempore aut liberarem

2 te ista cura aut certe levarem. Sed quoniam proxi-
mis quoque litteris ostendis, quantae tibi curae sit ea
res, sic, mi Paete, habeto : quidquid arte fieri
potuerit (non enim iam" satis est consilio pugnare ;
artificium quoddam excogitandum est) ; sed tamen
quidquid elaborari aut effici potuerit ad istorum
benevolentiam conciliandam et colligendam, summo
studio me consecutum esse ; nee frustra, ut arbitror.
Sic enim color, sic observor ab omnibus iis, qui a
Caesare diliguntur, ut ab iis me amari putem. Nam
etsi non facile diiudicatur amor verus et fictus, nisi
aliquod incidat eiusmodi tempus, ut, quasi aurum
igni, sic benevolentia fidelis periculo aliquo perspici
possit, cetera sunt signa communia ; sed ego uno utor
argumento, quamobrem me ex animo vereque arbitrer

* Probably the SiHus who was propraetor of Bithynia in
51 B.C., to whom xiii. 61 is addressed. Some message of
his had made Cicero uneasy about Caesar's feelings towards
himself.

* To ensure Cicero's getting the letter, Paetus had written
it out twice, giving each copy to a different letter-carrier.
Letter-carriers were not always to be trusted. (Cf. iv. 4. 1.)
238

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvi.
XVI

CTCERO TO THE SAME

Tusculum, early in July, 46 b.c

I was delighted with your letter, in which I loved 1

most of all the love that prompted you to write
because you feared that Sill us" had caused me no little
anxiety by his message, about which you had yourself
wTritten to me before — twice indeed in identical
terms,'' so that I could easily see that you were much
troubled ; yes, and I too had taken pains with mv
reply to you, so that I might, seeing how the matter
stands, considering the circumstances and the time,
free you from your anxiety, or at any rate alleviate it.

But since your last letter also shows what anxiety 2
the matter is causing you, let me assure you, my
dear Paetus, of this — that whatever could have been
done by strategy (for it is no longer enough to fight
with sound judgment; one has to think out some sort
of stratagem), but anyhowwhatever could have been
worked out or accomplished in the way of winning
or harvesting a store of goodwill among yoxu: friends,
all that I have by my most devoted efforts achieved,
and, as I take it, to some purpose. For such is the
regard, such the deference shown me by all Caesar's
favourites, that I believe I hold their affection. For
though it is not easy to discriminate between true and
false affection, unless some such crisis occurs as may
enable the sincerity of a friendship to be tested by
some special danger, just as gold is tested by fire,
yet there are all the ordinary indications of goodwill ;
but I employ one particular proof to con\ince me
of the heartfelt reality of their affection — the fact

239

CICERO

diligi, quia et nostra fortuna ea est et illorum, ut simu-

3 landi causa non sit. De illo autem, quern penes
est omnis potestas, nihil video, quod timeam ; nisi
quod omnia sunt incerta, cum a iure discessum est ;
nee praestari quidquam potest, quale futurum sit,
quod positum est in alterius voluntate, ne dicam libi-
dine. Sed tamen eius ipsius nulla re a me ofFensus
est animus. Est enim adhibita in ea re ipsa summa
a nobis moderatio. Ut enim olim arbitrabar, esse
meum libere loqui, cuius opera esset in civitate liber-
tas, sic, ea nunc amissa, nihil loqui, quod ofFendat aut
illius aut eorum, qui ab illo diliguntur, voluntatem.
Effugere autem si vellem nonnuUorum acute aut
facete dictorum ofFensionem, fama ingeni mihi esset

4 abicienda ; quod si possem, non recusarem. Sed
tamen ipse Caesar habet peracre iudicium ; et, ut
Servius, frater tuus, quem litteratissimum fuisse iu-
dico, facile diceret, hie versus Plauti non est, hie est,
quod tritas aures haberet notandis generibus poeta-
rum et consuetudine legendi, sic audio Caesarem,
cum volumina iam confecerit d7ro(f)deyfj.dT(av, si quod
afFeratur ad eum pro meo, quod meum non sit, reicere
solere ; quod eo nunc magis facit, quia vivunt mecum

" This was Servius Claudius, on whose death in 60 b.c.
Paetus gave Cicero his library. Suetonius {Grammat. 3)
speaks highly of his learning.

240

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvi.

that not only my omti circumstances but theirs also
are such to afford no reason for pretence.

To speak, however, of him who has all the power 3
in his hands, I see nothing to fear there, except that
when once a departure has been made from law and
order, one can be positive of nothing ; and as to
what shape any policy may assume in a future which
depends upon the \sish, not to say the whim, of
another, nothing can be guaranteed. Anyhow his
owTi personal feelings have not been hurt in any
respect by me ; indeed, in that particular regard
I have exercised the utmost self-restraint ; for just
as formerly I used to think that I, by whose exertions
freedom still existed in the State, had the right to
speak freely, so, now that that freedom has been lost,
I do not think I have any right to say a single word
unduly contravening either his or his favourites'
wishes. If, however, I desired to escape the odium
incurred by certain clever or brilliant mots of mine, I
should have to renounce my reputation as a wit ; and
that I should have no objection to doing, if I could.

But, after all, Caesar himself is gifted with an 4
extremely acute faculty of discernment ; and just as
your cousin Servius," whom I consider to have been
a most distinguished man of letters, could have said
■\Aithout hesitation " Plautus never wrote this verse,
but he did ^^Tite this," because he had acquired
a critical ear by noting the different styles of poets
and constantly perusing them, in the same way I am
told that Caesar, now that he has completed his
volumes of bons mots, if anything is put before
him as being mine when it is not, habitually rejects
it ; and now he does so more than ever, since his
intimates spend all their time with me, I may say,

241

CICERO

fere quotidie illius familiares, Incidunt autem in ser-
mone vario multa, quae fortasse, illis cum dixi, nee
illitterata nee insulsa esse videantur. Haec ad ilium
cum reliquis actis perferuntur ; ita enim ipse manda-
vit. Sic fit, ut, si quid praeterea de me audiat, non
audiendum putet. Quamobrem Oenomao tuo nihil

6 utor, etsi posuisti loco versus Accianos. Sed quae est
invidia ? aut quid mihi nunc invideri potest ? Verum
fac esse omnia. Sic video philosophis placuisse iis,
qui mihi soli videntur vim virtutis tenere, nihil esse
sapientis praestare, nisi culpam ; qua mihi videor
dupliciter carere, et quod ea senserim, quae rectis-
sima fuerunt, et quia, cum viderem praesidi non
satis esse ad ea obtinenda, viribus certandum cum
valentioribus non putarim. Ergo in officio boni civis
certe non sum reprehendendus. Reliquum est, ne
quid stulte, ne quid temere dicam aut faciam contra
potentes : id quoque puto esse sapientis. Cetera
vero, quid quisque me dixisse dicat, aut quomodo ille
accipiat aut qua fide mecmn vivant ii, qui me assidue

6 colunt et observant, praestare non possum. Ita fit,
ut et consiUorum superioriun conscientia et praesentis
temporis moderatione me consoler, et illam Accii

" The title of a play by Accius, some lines of which
Paetus had quoted by way of warning Cicero against exciting
Caesar's hostility by sarcastic remarks, however witty.

242

EPISTULAE AD FAMHIARES, IX. xvi.

everyday. Now in the course of desultory conversa-
tion many a casual remark is made which possibly at
the moment I made it strikes them as lacking neither
hterary polish nor pungency. These remarks are
reported to him with any other news of the day, for
such were his own instructions. The result is that if
anything over and above that reaches his ears about
me, he does not think it worth hstening to. Your
Oenomaus * therefore does not apply to me. though
you quoted Accius's hnes appositely enough.

But what is this envy ? Or in what respect can 5
I now be the object of envy at all ? Yet suppose I
were «o in every respect. I observe that, in the opinion
of those philosophers who alone appear to me to
grasp the true meaning of Wrtue, it is not the part
of a wise man to guarantee anything whatever,
except as regards wTongdoing ; and of that I fancy
I a II innocent in a double sense, firstly, because my
convictions were perfectly correct, and secondly,
because, when I saw that we were not sufficiently
supported to maintain them, I did not think we
should continue to contend with those who are more
powerful. As regards the duty of a good citizen there-
fore I certainly desen-e no censure. It remains for
me to say or do nothing foolish or rash against those
in power ; that also I deem to be the part of a wise
man. As to anything else, however — what so and
so says I said, or how Caesar takes it, or how far
those are honest in their association with me, who
are so assiduous in showing me courtesy and attention
— of all that I can give no certain assurance. So it 6
comes about that I comfort myself with the con-
sciousness of my earlier aspirations, and the thought
of my self-restraint at the present time ; and I apply

248

CICERO

similitudinem non iam ad invidiam, sed ad fortunam
transferam, quam existimo levem et imbecillam ab
animo firmo et gravi tamquam fluctum a saxo frangl
oportere. Etenim cum plena sint monumenta Grae-
corum, quemadmodum sapientissimi viri regna tule-
rint vel Athenis vel Syracusis, cum, servientibus suis
civitatibus, fuerint ipsi quodammodo liberi, ego
me non putem tueri meum statum sic posse, ut
neque ofFendam animum cuiusquam, nee frangam dig-
' nitatem meam ? Nunc venio ad iocationes tuas,
quoniam tu secundum Oenomaum Accii, non, ut olim
solebat, Atellanam, sed, ut nunc fit, mimum intro-
duxisti. Quern tu mihi pompilum, quem thynnarium^
narras ? quam tyrotarichi patinam ? Facilitate mea
ista ferebantur antea ; nunc mutata res est. Hirtium
ego et Dolabellam dicendi discipulos habeo, cenandi
magistros. Puto enim, te audisse, si forte ad vos
omnia perferuntur, illos apud me declamitare, me
apud eos cenitare. Tu autem, quod mihi bonam
copiam eiures, nihil est ; tum enim, cum rem habebas,
quaesticulis te faciebat attentiorem ; nunc, cum tam
aequo animo bona perdas, non est quod^ non eo sis
consilio, ut, cum me hospitio recipias, aestimationem

^ Rutilius : denarium codd., " ninepence" i.e. " a nine-
penny dinner."

* non est quod «> Lehmann''s insertion, adopted by Tyrrell.

" That "jealousy wears down its victim as a rushing
torrent of water erodes a cliff."

' He refers to Socrates at Athens under the Thirty, and
Plato at Syracuse under Dionysius.

* Since Sulla's time the fabulae Atellanae (light Oscan
plays, after the fashion of Greek satiric dramas, so called
from Atella in Campania, whence they originated) were
generally superseded by mimi, a coarser form of drama, or
farce.

244

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvi

Accius's well-known simile" no longer to jealousy,
but transfer its application to fortune, which, fickle
and frail as it is, ought, I feel sure, to be broken by
a stiu*dy and staunch spirit even as a wave is by a
rock. For, seeing that the annals of the Greek
abound in examples of how the \visest of men
tolerated tyrannies either at Athens or at Syracuse,**
when they themselves enjoyed a certain measure of
liberty, while their countries were in a state of slavery,
why should I not assume that I can maintain my
position without hurting any man's feelings, or
impairing my own dignity ?

And now I come to your jocularities, since you now, 7
following the lead of Accius's Oenomaus, have staged
not, as he used formerly to do, an AteUan " play, but,
after the modem fashion, a farce. What is this pilot-
fish you prate to me about, and this tunny, and this
platter of smoked - fish - and - cheese ? ^ With my
visual good nature I put up with your nonsense in
the old days ; now it is quite another story. Yes,
Hirtius and DolabeUa may be my pupils in oratory,
but they are my teachers in the art of dining. For
I imagine you have been told, since probably you
and your friends get all the news that is going, that
they declaim at my house, and I dine at theirs. But
as for your solemn affidavit that you are insolvent,
it amounts to nothing. For even when you were a
man of property, it made you more close-fisted
than ever in seeking petty profits ; but now that you
are taking the loss of yoxir property so cheerfully,
there is no reason why you should not look upon the
transaction in this way — imagine that, in receiving

' He plajfully accuses Paetus of trying to put him off
with cheap and meagre fare.

245

CICERO

te aliquam putes accipere ; etiam haec levior est plaga

8 ab amico, quam a debitore. Nee tamen eas cenas
quaero, ut magnae reliquiae fiant ; quod erit, magni-
ficum sit et lautum. Memini te mihi Phameae ce-
nam narrare. Temperius fiat, cetera eodem modo.
Quod si perseveras me ad matris tuae cenam revo-
care, feram id quoque. Volo enim videre animum, qui
mihi audeat ista, quae scribis, apponere, aut etiam
polypum Miniati lovis similem. Mihi crede, non
audebis. Ante meum adventum fama ad te de mea
nova lautitia veniet ; earn extimesoes. Neque est,
quod in promulside spei ponas ahquid ; quam totam
sustuh. Solebam enim antea debihtari oleis et lucani-

9 cis tuis. Sed quid haec loquimur ? Liceat modo isto
venire. Tu vero (volo enim abstergere animi tui
metum) ad tyrotarichum antiquum redi. Ego tibi
unum sumptum afferam, quod balneum calfacias opor-

" According to one of Caesar's laws, passed in 49, to
relieve the financial situation, creditors were compelled to
take in payment the lands of their debtors at the price they
would have fetched before the Civil War, that price being
estimated by arbitrators, the lands so valued being called
aestimat tones ; this involved an average loss to creditors,
according to Suetonius, of 25 per cent. See note on v. 20. 9.

The gist of the whole passage from Tu autem seems to be
this : " It is no good your trying to get out of entertaining me
properly by pretending to ' file your petition.' Why, when
you were well off, you were stingier than ever. If you have
really suffered by Caesar's financial law (it does not seem to
have affected your spirits very much), why not regard the
expense of entertaining me as a mere item in your bank-
ruptcy (?), and regarding it as an aestimatio (see above), a
' composition ' (as Shuckburgh translates it) offered you by
your debtors ? And after all I am not your debtor, but
your friend."

* Probably the uncle of Tigellius. See vii. 24. 2.

246

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvi.

me as a guest, you are accepting a sort of " com-
position," and even that blow is not so hea^y coming
from a friend as it would be from a debtor.*»

But after all I don't want the sort of dinners that 8
entail a quantity of broken meats ; whatever it
is, let it be of a high class and delicate quality. I
remember your telling me about Phamea's * dinner ;
well, let yours be at an earlier hour, but otherwise
just the same. But even if you persist in putting me
off with such a dinner as your good mother" gives,
I shall not refuse it. All I want is to see the man
with a spirit courageous enough to set before me
such fare as you describe, or even a squid cooked
to look like Jupiter Miniatus.** Believe me you will
never have the courage. Before I arrive the fame of
my new luxuriousness will reach you, and a fine fright
it yn\\ give you. And it is no good your putting
any hope in your hors-d'oeuvre « ; I have done away
with all that ; for in the old days your ohves and
sausages used to take the edge off my appetite.

But why all this babble ? Let me only get to you ! 9
But really — for I would wipe away all fear from
your mind — you may fall back upon good old smoked-
fish-and-cheese. There is one expense I shall put
you to — you will have to heat a bath for me ; every-

« Who evidently, like John Gilpin's wife, " had a frugal
mind."

"* On certain festivals, and especially at triumphal ban-
quets, earthenware figures of Jupiter were introduced stained
with red-lead or cinnabar. The squid or polypus would
have to be cooked in some red sauce to give it that colour.

' The promulsis, the first course of the Roman dinner, con-
sisted of eggs, olives, salt-fish, sausages {liicanica), etc.
The drink was generally mulsum, mead, which gave the
course its name.

247

CICERO

tebit ; cetera more nostro ; superiora ilia lusimus.
10 De villa Seliciana et curasti diligenter et scripsisti
facetissime. Itaque puto me praetermissurum. SaUs
enim satis est, saniorum^ parum. Vale.

XVII

CICERO L. PAPIRIO PAETO S.

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Non tu homo ridiculus es, qui, cum Balbus noster
apud te fuerit, ex me quaeras, quid de istis municipiis
et agris futurum putem ? quasi aut ego quidquam
sciam, quod iste nesciat ; aut, si quid aliquando scio,
non ex isto soleam scire. Immo vero, si me amas, tu
fac, ut sciam, quid de nobis futurum sit ; habuisti
enim in tua potestate, ex quo vel ex sobrio, vel certe
ex ebrio scire posses. Sed ego ista, mi Paete, non
quaero ; primum quia de lucro prope iam quadrien-
nium vivimus ; si aut hoc lucrum est, aut haec vita,
superstitem reipublicae vivere ; deinde, quod scire
quoque mihi videor, quid futurum sit. Fiet enim
quodcumque volent, qui valebunt ; valebunt autem
semper arma. Satis igitur nobis esse debet, quidquid
conceditur. Hoc si qui pati non potuit, mori debuit.

* sannionum D, i.e. " too few jokers " {to enjoy the jest),

' Probably a villa in Naples belonging to Selicius, a
banker.

* Lit. " There has been plenty of wit (in this letter), but
not enough sober sense," i.e. let us stop joking and come
to business. D has sannionum, " buffoons," meaning, I
suppose, " there are plenty of jokes one might make about
the matter, but few jokers to appreciate them."

* See ix. 19.
248

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvi.-xvii

thing else for me as of old. What I wrote above was
nothing but a joke.

As to Selicius's \-illa<» you have acted ^^^th scrupulous 10
care, and written with infinite wit ; so I think I shall
let the matter drop. We have been witty enough,
now let us be wise.*

XVII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, late in August or early in September, 46 b.c

Aren't you an absurd fellow to ask me what I 1
think is going to happen about those municipal to\vns
and lands, when our friend Balbus " has been staying
at your house ? As though / should know anything
which he doesn't know, or as though, if ever I do know
anything, it is not he who always tells me. On the
contrary, as you love me, make it your business to let
me know what is likely to happen to us ; you have
had a man at your mercy who might have told you
when he was sober, or at any rate when he was mellow.
But, my dear Paetus, I am not inquiring into those
matters, firstly, because for the last four years or so
the very fact of our being alive has been so much
clear gain, if indeed it be a gain, or if it be life
at all, to be living after the Republic has passed
away ; secondly, because I am inclined to thirds that
I really know what is going to happen. For things
will go just as those choose who have the power, and
power will always be with the sword. We ought
therefore to be satisfied with whatever is granted
us ; anyone who could not put up with that, ought
to have died.

249

CIGERO

2 Veientem quidem agrum et Capenatem metiuntur.
Hoc non longe abest a Tusculano. Nihil tamen
tiraeo ; fruor, dum licet ; opto, ut semper liceat. Si
id minus contigerit, tamen, quando ego, vir fortis
idemque philosophus, vivere pulcherrimum duxi, non
possum eum non diligere, cuius beneficio id consecutus
sum. Qui si cupiat esse rempublicam, qualem for-
tasse et ille vult et omnes optare debemus, quid^
faciat tamen, non habet ; ita se cum multis coUigavit.

3 Sed longius progredior ; scribo enim ad te. Hoc
tamen scito, non modo me, qui consiliis non intersum,
sed ne ipsum quidem principem scire, quid futurum
sit. Nos enim illi servimus, ipse temporibus. Ita
nee ille, quid tempora postulatura sint, nee nos, quid
ille cogitet, scire possumus. Haec tibi antea non
rescripsi, non quo cessator esse solerem, praesertim
in litteris ; sed cum explorati nihil haberem, nee tibi
sollicitudinem ex dubitatione mea, nee spem ex
affirmatione afFerre volui. Illud tamen ascribam,
quod est verissimum, me his temporibus adhuc de
isto periculo nihil audisse. Tu tamen pro tua sapien-
tia debebis optare optima, cogitare difficillima, ferre
quaecumque erunt.

^ quid ifss. : qua id, "in what way to effect it,'' ii
suggested by Tyrrell.

" i.e., Caesar's officials.

* Capena was in Etruria, near Mount Soracte, 20 or 3C
miles from Tusculum.

* Who know more than I do.

•* That the lands at Naples would be confiscated.
250

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xvii

It is true that they * are surveying the lands about 2
Veii and Capena,* and that is not very far from my
Tusculan estate. Still I feel no alarm ; I enjoy my
property while I may, and I pray that I always may.
If it turns out othervidse, in any case, since I (hero and
philosopher in one as I am !) have come to the con-
clusion that of all things the most beautiful is life,
cannot but regard with affection the man by whose
grace I have been granted it. And if it be his desire
that there should be a commonwealth, such as
possibly both he wishes and we all ought to pray
for, none the less he does not know what to do,
so inextricably has he tied himself up with his
multitude of counsellors

But I am running on too far ; for it is to you " 3
that I am writing. Of this much, however, you may
rest assured, that not only do I, who take no part in
their counsels, not know, but even the chief himself
does not know what is going to happen. While we
are his slaves, he is himself the slave of circumstances.
It follows that neither can he possibly know what the
circimistances \sill demand of him, nor we, what he
has in his mind.

If I did not send you this reply before, it is not that
I am often a laggard, especially in correspondence, but
not having anything certain to go upon, it was no
wish of mine either to cause you anxiety by my in-
decision, or give you grounds for hope by any positive
assertion. This much, however, I must add, and it is
the absolute truth, that as matters stand up to the
present, I have heard nothing of the danger you
mention.'* Be that as it may, it -svill be your duty,
with characteristic wisdom, to hope for the best, to
contemplate the worst, and to bear whatever happens.

251

CICERO

XVIII

CICERO S. D. L. PAPIRIO PAETO
In Tusculano, a.u.c. 708.

1 Cum essejn otiosus in Tusculano, propterea quod
discipulos obviam miseram, ut eadem me quam
maxima conciliarent familiari suo, accepituas litteras,
plenissimas suavitatis ; ex quibus intellexi probari
tibi meum consilium, quod, ut Dionysius tyrannus,
cum Syracusis expulsus esset, Corinthi dicitur ludum
aperuisse, sic ego, sublatis iudiciis, amisso regno

2 forensi, ludum quasi habere coeperim. Quid quaeris ?
me quoque delectat consilium ; multa enim con-
sequor ; primum,id quod maxime nunc opus est, munio
me ad haec tempora. Id cuiusmodi sit, nescio ;
tantum video, nullius adhuc consilia me huic ante-
ponere ; nisi forte mori melius fuit. " In lectulo ? "
Fateor ; sed non accidit. " In acie ? " Non fui.
Ceteri quidem, Pompeius, Lentulus tuus, Scipio,
Afranius, foede perierunt. At Cato praeclare. lam
istuc quidem, cum volemus, licebit ; demus modo
operam, ne tam necesse nobis sit, quam illi fuit ; id

3 quod agimus. Ergo hoc primum. Sequitur illud ;
ipse melior fio, primum valetudine, quam, intermissis

<• He refers jokingly to Hirtius and Dolabella. See
ix. 16.

* Caesar, on his return from his victory in Africa.

* Dionysius the younger. Cicero seems to be the earliest
authority for the story ; it is repeated by Plutarch and
Justin.

■* M. Cato, who committed suicide at Utica (hence his
surname Uticensis) after Caesar's victory at Thapsus in 46 b.c.

252

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xviii.
XVIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Tusculum, about July 23, 46 b.c.

I was at my Tusculum villa enjoying a holiday, 1
because I had sent my pupils " to meet their particular
friend,* so that they might at the same time win his
favour as far as possible for myself too, when I re-
ceived your letter so brimful of charm. I gathered
from it that you approve my scheme — I mean my
having begun, now that the law-courts have been
abolished, and I am no longer king of the Forum, to
keep a kind of school, just as Dionysius the tyrant,*
after his expulsion from Syracuse, is alleged to have
opened a school at Corinth.

There is no more to be said. I too am delighted 2
with the scheme, which gives me several advantages ;
in the first place — and this is just now most necessary
— I am protecting myself against these dangerous
days. What such protection may be worth, I do not
know. I only see that nobody so far has proposed
any plan that I prefer to this — unless perhaps it would
have been better to die. " In my bed ? " Yes, I
agree; but it has^not so happened. " On the field
of battle ? " I vas not there. The «thers, it is true
— Pompey, your friend Lentulus, Scipid, Afranius,
— all died «aiserably. But Cato,** you will say, died
gloriously. Well, it is open to me to do likewise
whenever I so please, provided only I do my best to
prevent its being as necessaTy for me to do so as it
was for him; and that is just what I am doing. That
then is the first advantage. The next is this — I 3
myself am getting better, first as regards my health,

253

CIGERO

exercitationibus, amiseram ; deinde ipsa ilia, si qua
fuit in me, facultas orationis, nisi me ad has exercita-
tiones retulissem, exaruisset. Extremum illud est,
quod tu nescio an primum putes. Plures iam pavones
confeci, quam tu pullos columbinos. Tu istic te
Hateriano iure delectas, ego me hie Hirtiano. Veni
igitur, si vir es, et disce iam irpoXeyofieva's, quas
4 quaeris ; etsi sus Minervam. Sed quando, ut video,
aestimationes tuas vendere non potes neque ollam
denariorum implere, Romam tibi remigrandum est.
Satius est hie cruditate, quam istic fame. Video te
bona perdidisse ; spero idem istic familiares tuos.
Actum igitur de te est, nisi provides. Potes mulo
isto, quem tibi reliquum dicis esse, quoniam can-
therium comedisti, Romam pervehi. Sella tibi erit
in ludo, tamquam hypodidascalo, proxima ; earn pul-
viuus sequetur.

XIX

CICERO 8. D. L. PAPIRIO PAETO
Romae, a.u.c. 708.
1 Tamen a malitia non discedis ? Tenuiculo appa-
ratu significas Balbum fuisse contentum. Hoc videris

" i.e., " demolished," " consumed."

* Probably some lawyer whom Paetus had engaged.

" Cicero plays on the two meanings of iu^ " legal pro-
cedure " and " sauce," as he had many years before in
2 Verr. i. 121 (" ius Verrinum "). I have here repeated the
traditional translation of the Latin pun.

■* The Latin is a translation of Cs 'AdTjvav se. diopdo?, said
of an ignoramus correcting an expert.

* For aestimationes see note on Ep. 16. 7 above.

* " And so be unable to detain you there by their hos-
pitality."

254

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xviii.-xix.

which I had lost owing to the exercise of my lungs
having been interrupted ; secondly, whatever faculty
of eloquence I may have possessed, had I not taken
to this form of exercise again, would have utterly
dried up. Last comes this — though you would prob-
ably put it first — that I have now disposed of" more
peacocks than you have of pigeon-poults. While you
over there are revelling in Haterius's** saws, I over
here am revelling in Hirtius's sauce." Come then, if
you are half a man, and let me at once teach you the
first principles, since you ask for them, though it is
but " teaching one's grandmother." <*

But since, as I see, you are unable to find buyers 4
for your valuation-lands * or to fill your money-jar
with shilUngs, you must migrate back to Rome. It is
better to die of indigestion here than to die of starva-
tion where you are. I see that you have lost your
money, and I hope your friends in Naples have done
the same.' So, unless you make provision for your-
self, it is all up with you. You can ride all the way to
Rome on that mule of yours which you declare is all
that is left to you, now that you have devoured your
poor pony.» There will be a chair for you at my
school next to my own, as under-master ; a cushion *
will come next.

XIX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, latter half of August, 46 b.c.

So, do what I will, you persist in } our mischief- 1

making ! You drop a hint that Balbus was satisfied

with a miserably meagre table, meaning, I suppose,

' i.e., sold it to pay for your dinners.
* On which to recline at the subsequent banquet.

255

CICERO

dicere, cum reges tam sint continentes, multo magis
consulares esse oportere. Nescis me ab illo omnia
expiscatum ; recta eum a porta domum meam
venisse. Neque hoc admiror, quod non suam potius,
sed illud, quod non ad suam. Ego autem primis
tribus verbis, " Quid noster Paetus ? " At ille ad-
2 iurans, " Nusquam se umquam libentius." Hoc si
verbis assecutus es, aures ad te afFeram non minus
elegantes ; sin autem obsonio, peto a te, ne pluris
esse balbos, quam disertos putes. Me quotidie aliud
ex alio impedit. Sed, si me expediero, ut in ista
loca venire possim, non committam, ut te sero a me
certiorem factum putes.

XX

CICERO PAETO

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Dupliciter delectatus sum tuis litteris, et quod ipse
risi, et quod te intellexi iam posse ridere. Me autem
a te, ut scurram velitem, malis oneratum esse non
moleste tuli. Illud doleo, in ista loca venire me,
ut constitueram, non potuisse. Habuisses enim non
hospitem, sed contubernalem. At quem virum ! non

" i.e., friends of Caesar. But reges is also commonly used,
" great folk."

* There is an obvious innuendo in the change of " suam "
to " ad suam."

• Sc, " entertain you properly ? "
'' The adj. balbus= " stuttering."

' There is probably a double meaning here, malis meaning
" abuse," and malis " apples," the latter being often used
as missiles to hurl at the heads of the professional jester
(scurra) at a banquet.

' Lit., one who shared the same tent on military service.

256

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xix.-xx.

that since kings " are so abstemious, much more does
it behove mere consulars to be so. You don't know
that I fished the whole story out of him ; that he
came straight from the citj gate to my house ; and I
am not surprised at his not rather going to his own
STveet hearth, but I am at his not rather going to his
own sweet heart!' Well, my first three Mords were

" Did our Paetus ? * " and he answered with an

oath that he had never enjoyed himself more. If
you achieved this by your repartee, I shall bring 2
you an ear quite as sensitively attuned ; if by your
rich repasts, I beg you not to value the company
of stammerers ^ more highly than that of men of
eloquence. As for me, I am hindered day after day
by one thing after another. But once I have so far
disengaged myself as to be able to visit your neigh-
bourhood, I shall not be so tactless as to make you
think I have given you too short notice

XX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, early August, 46 b.c.

I was doubly delighted with your letter — because 1
I laughed myself, and because I saw that you could
now laugh too. And as to your having ovenvhelmed
me with a volley of vituperation,* as though I were
some hght-armed skirmisher in a rally of wits, it did
not annoy me in the least. What I am troubled about
is not having been able to come to your neighbour-
hood as I had intended ; for you would have had
not so much a guest, as a mess-mate.^ But what
a terrible person ! Not the man you so often
VOL. II K 257

CICERO

eum, quern tu es solitus promulside conficere. Inte-
gram famem ad ovum aflPero. Itaque usque ad assum
vitulinum opera perducitur. Ilia mea, quae solebas
antea laudare, " o hominem facilem ! o hospitem non
gravem ! " abierunt. Nunc omnem nostram de re-
publiea curam, cogitationem de dicenda in senatu
sententia, commentationem causarum abiecimus. In
Epicuri nos adversarii nostri castra coniecimus ; nee
tamen ad banc insolentiam, sed ad illam tuam lauti-
tiam, veterem dico, cum in sumptum habebas. Etsi

2 numquam plura praedia habuisti. Proinde te para ;
cum homine et edaci tibi res est, et qui iam aliquid
intellegat ; o^i/xa^ets autem homines scis quam in-
solentes sint. Dediscendae tibi sunt sportellae et
artolagani tui. Nos iam artis tantum habemus, ut
Verrium tuum et Camillum (qua munditia homines !
qua elegantia !) vocare saepius audeamus. Sed vide
audaciam ; etiam Hirtio cenam dedi, sine pavone
tamen ; in ea cena coquus mens praeter ius fervens

3 nihil non potuit imitari. Haec igitur est nunc vita
nostra. Mane salutamus domi et bonos viros multos,
sed tristes, et hos laetos victores ; qui me quidem per-

" The first course ; mala, " apples," being the last. Hence
the phrase ab ovo usque ad mala = " the dinner from be-
ginning to end." Roast veal or fowl seems to have been
the last course before mala, " dessert."

" Paetus's debtors had handed their lands over to him at
the reduced valuation (see note on Ep. 16. 7), and he was
unable to dispose of them.

' Those who take to any study or pursuit late in hfe
(" seri studiorum," Hor. Sat. i. 10. 22) are apt to make a
great ado over it ; and so Cicero, having just taken to gastro-
nomy, will require " exquisite artistry " and no plain fare.

"* ^lentioned as Cicero's fellow-guest in Letter 26 of this
Book.

258

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xx.

choked off with your hors-d'oeuvre ; no, I bring an
appetite quite unimpaired to bear upon the egg
course " ; and so I carry on in grim earnest right up
to the roast veal. Those comphments I used to >vin
from you in the old days, " "\^Tiat a model of com-
plaisance ! What an easy fellow to entertain ! " are
over and done with. For the present I have thrown
to the winds all my political anxieties, all pondering
over speeches for the Senate, all careful preparation
of briefs, and I have thrown myself into the camp
of my former adversary Epicurus, not, however, with
an eye to this modern extravagance, but to that
luxurious refinement of yours — I mean on the old
scale, when youhad the money to meet your expenses,
though indeed you have more estates ^ on your hands
now than ever.

Therefore prepare yourself ; the person you have 2
to deal with is not only a hearty eater, but one who
now knows a thing or two ; and you know how fussy
" late-learners " * are. You must forget all about
your fruit-pottles and omelettes. I have now
acquired such a store of exquisite skill that I quite
frequently venture to invite your friend Verrius*^
and Camillus* too, and you know how dainty and
fastidious tkei/ are. But behold my audacity ! I have
given a dinner even to Hirtius, though there was no
peacock ; and at that dinner there was nothing,
except the hot sauce,^ that my cook failed to copy.

This then is the way I hve now ; in the morning I am 3
at home not only to loyalists — a large but melancholy
crowd — but also to these exultant conquerors, and it

• The distinguished lawyer, a great friend of Cicero.
See V. 20. 3 and xiv. 14. 2.

' For Hirtius's famous sauce see ix. 18. 3.

259

CICERO

officiose et peramanter observant. Ubi salutatio de-
fluxit, litteris me involvo, aut scribo aut lego. Veniunt
etiam, qui me audiant quasi doctum hominem, quia
paullo sum, quam ipsi, doctior. Inde corpori omne
tempus datur. Patriam eluxi iam et gravius et diu-
tius, quam ulla mater unicum filium. Sed cura, si me
amas, ut valeas, ne ego, te iacente, bona tua comedim.
Statui enim tibi ne aegroto quidem parcere.

XXI

CICERO PAETO S.

Romae. a.u.c. 708.

Ain* tandem ? insanire tibi videris, quod imitere
verborimi meorum, ut scribis, fulmina ? Turn in-
sanires, si consequi non posses ; cum vero etiam vin-
cas, me prius irrideas, quam te, oportet. Quare nihil
tibi opus est illud a Trabea, sed potius a7roT€vy/>ia
meum. Verumtamen quid tibi ego in epistolis vi-
deor ? nonne plebeio sermone agere tecum ? Nee enim
semper eodem modo. Quid enim simile habet epi-
stola aut iudicio aut contioni ? Quin ipsa indicia non
solemus omnia tractare uno modo. Privatas causas,
et eas tenues, agimus subtilius, capitis aut famae

" Paetus had evidently written something in which he used
rather fine language, and then said he must be mad to
imitate Cicero's rhetoric, quoting at the same time some
passage condemnatory of bombast from Trabea, for whom
see ii. 9. 2.
260

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xa..\xi

is true that the latter honour me with every mark of
courtesy and affection. WTien the stream of callers
has ceased to flow, I yrrap myself up in literature, and
either MTite or read. A few also tvum up to hsten to
me as to a man of learning, because I am just a little
more learned than themselves. After that I devote
all my time to my personal comfort. I have now
mourned the loss of my country more sadly and for
a longer time than ever a mother the loss of her
only son.

But, as you love me, take care of your health, lest
I eat you out of house and home while you are on your
back ; for I am determined to show you no mercy, even
if you are laid up.

XXI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, October, 46 b.c.

Do you really mean it ? Do you think you are 1
mad to imitate the thunderbolts (as you call them in
your letter) of my eloquence ? " Mad indeed, if you
could not do so successfully ; but seeing that you even
beat me, you ought to jeer at me rather than at your-
self. So there is no need at all for your quotation
from Trabea ; the fiasco was rather my own. But be
that as it may, how do I strike you in my letters ?
Don't I seem to talk to you in the language of common
folk ? For I don't always adopt the same style.
What similarity is there between a letter, and a speech
in court or at a public meeting ? Wliy, even in
law-cases I am not in the habit of dealing with all of
them in the same style. Private cases, and those
petty ones too, I conduct in a more plain-spoken

261

CICERO

scilicet omatius ; epistolas vero quotidianis verbis

2 texere solemus. Sed tamen, mi Paete, qui tibi venit
in mentem negare, Papirium quemquam umquam,
nisi plebeium fuisse ? Fuerunt enim patricii minorum
gentium, quorum princeps L. Papirius Mugillanus,
qui censor cum L. Sempronio Atratino fuit, cum antea
consul cum eodem fuisset, annis post Romam condi-
tam cccxii. Sed tum Papisii dicebamini. Post hunc
XIII. fuerunt sella curuli ante L. Papirium Crassum,
qui primum Papisius est vocari desitus. Is dictator
cum L. Papirio Cursore, magistro equitum, factus est,
annis post Romam conditam ccccxv., et quadriennio
post consul cum C. Duilio. Hunc secutus est Cursor,
homo valde honoratus ; deinde L. Masso aedilicius ;
inde multi Massones ; quorum quidem tu omnium

3 patriciorum imagines habeas volo. Deinde Carbones
et Turdi insequuntur. Hi plebeii fuerunt ; quos con-
temnas censeo. Nam praeter hunc C. Carbonem,
quem Damasippus occidit, civis e repubUca Car-
bonum nemo fuit. Cognovimus Cn. Carbonem et eius
fratrem scurram ; quid his improbius ? De hoc amico
meo, Rubriae filio, nihil dico. Tres ilU fratres fuere,

° " These were the heads of Patrician families belonging
originally to the Latin, Sabine, and Etrurian communities
bordering on Rome who, when their cities were incorporated
into the Roman state, and their families into the patriciate,
were themselves received into the Senate." Tyrrell.

* i.e., in 444 b.c.

* The change of " s " into " r " is traditionally attributed
to Appius Claudius Caecus, consul in 307 and 296 b.c.

•* He was consul five times and dictator at least twice
between 333 and 309 B.C. He was the chief hero of the
second Samnite War.

262

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxi.

fashion, those involving a man's civil status or his
reputation, of course, in a more ornate style ; but my
letters I generally compose in the language of every-
day life.

But anyhow, my dear Paetus, how did it ever 2
suggest itself to you to say that there had never
been a single Papirius who was not a plebeian ?
Why, there have been patricians of the lesser
clans,*» the first of whom was L. Papirius Mugillanus,
who was censor with L. Sempronius Atratinus,
having previously * been the same man's colleague
as consul, 312 years after the foundation of the City.
But you were then called Papisii.*

After him there were thirteen who occupied the
curule chair before L. Papirius Crassus, who was the
first not to be called Papisius. He was appointed
dictator, with L. Papirius Cursor as his master of
horse, 415 years after the foundation of the City,
and four years afterwards consul with C. DuiHus.
He was followed by Cursor,** a man who held very
many offices of state ; there followed L, Masso,
who held the rank of aedile, then a large number
of Massones ; indeed I wish you had the busts of all
these patricians.

The Carbones and the Turdi came next, but they 3
were plebeians, and I think you may well disregard
them ; for with the exception of that G. Carbo,* who
was slain by Damasippus, not one of them was a true
and loyal citizen. We all knew Cn. Carbo, and his
brother the jester ; was there ever a more rascally
pair ? Of this friend of mine, Rubria's son, I say

• Slain in 82, having been tribune of the plebs in 90, and
one of the authors of the Lex Plautia Papiria, which gave
the Italians the citizenship of Rome.

263

CICERO

C, Cn., M. Carbones. Marcus P. Flacco accusante
condemnatus est fur magnus, ex Sicilia ; Gaius,
accusante L. Crasso, cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur.
Is et tribunus plebis seditiosus fuit, et P. Africano
vim attulisse existfmatus est. Hoc vero, qui Lilybaei
a Pompeio nostro est interfectus, improbior nemo meo
iudicio fuit. lam pater eius, accusatus a M. Antonio,
sutorio atramento absolutus putatur. Quare ad
patres censeo revertare. Plebeii quam fuerint im-
portuni, vides.

XXII

CICERO PAETO

Romae, a.u.c. 709.

Amo verecundiam, alii^potiuslibertatemloquendi.
Atqui hoc Zenoni placuit, homini mehercule acuto,
etsi Academiae nostrae cum eo magna rixa est. Sed,
ut dico, placet Stoicis, suo quamque rem nomine
appellare. Sic enim disserunt, nihil esse obscenum,
nihil turpe dictu. Nam, si quod sit in obscenitate

^ Manutius ; and I adopt it as being most easily corrupted
into vel (mss.), though both alii and tu (Rutilius) postulate
an antithetical ego with amo. Lehmann, leaving vel, inserts
odi after loquendi, — an excellent emendation, but cacophonous.

" A deadly poison.

' Historians generally incline to the belief that P. Africanus
died a natural death, though Mommsen thinks he was the
victim of a political conspiracy.

" Sulphate of copper, called by the Greeks xaXfa"^'»''

■* Of Citium, founder of the Stoic school. "The Stoic
argument which Cicero here controverts appears to be as
follows : — If in what is called impure language there is any-
thing impure, it must be in the thing or the word ; it is not
in the thing (§ 1), for we have allusions to such things in
264

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxi.-xaii.

nothing. He had three brothers, Gains, Gnaeus,
and Marcus Carbo.

Marcus, a big thief, on the accusation of P. Flaccus,
■was condemned for his misdeeds in Sicily ; Gains,
on being accused by L. Crassus, is said to have taken
a dose of cantharides " ; he was not only a turbulent
tribune of the plebs, but was suspected of having
assassinated P. Africanus,'' But as for this Carbo,
who was put to death by our friend Pompey in Lily-
baeum, there was never, in my opinion, a greater
scoundrel. It was his father again who, on being
accused by M. Antonius, is supposed to have evaded
condemnation by means of shoemaker's \itriol.'' So
I think you had better go back to yoiu* patrician
forbears ; as for the plebeians, you see what a.trouble-
some crew they were.

XXII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, July, 45 b.c.

I like modesty, others prefer freedom, in speech. 1
And indeed the latter opinion was held by Zeno,"*
a man, I assure you, of penetration, although our
Academy quarrels fiercely with him. But, as I say,
the Stoics hold that we should call everything by its
proper name. This is their argument — nothing is
obscene, nothing shameful in the saying of it ; for if
there be anything scandalous in obscenity, it is eitherin

unexceptional dramatic passages ; and if not in the thing,
a fortiori it cannot be in the word (§§ 2-4); therefore there
is no such thing as impurity anywhere, and * the wise man
will call a spade a spade.' " Tyrrell. Cicero also ridicules
the prurient detection of obscenity where there is none.

265

CICERO

flagitium, id aut in re esse, aut in verbo ; nihil esse
tertium. In re non est. Itaque non modo in comoe-
diis res ipsa narratur (ut ille in Demiurgo,

modo forte
nosti canticum ; meministi Roscium,
ita me destituit nudum

(totus est sermo verbis tectus, re impudentior) ;, sed
etiam in tragoediis. Quid est enim illud ?

Quae mulier una

quid, inquam, est ?

lisurpat duplex cubileP

Quid?

Huiiis, Phere,
hie cubile inire est ausus.

Quid est ?

Virginem me quondam invitam p6r vim violat Iiippiter.

Bene violat ; atqui idem significat — , sed alterum
2 nemo tulisset. Vides igitur, cum eadem res sit, quia
verba non sint, nihil videri turpe. Ergo in re non
est, multo minus in verbis. Si enim, quod verbo
significatur, id turpe non est, verbum, quod significat,
turpe esse non potest. Anum appellas alieno nomine ;
cur non suo potius ? Si turpe est, ne alieno quidem ;
si non est, suo potius. Caudam antiqui penem voca-
bant : ex quo est propter simiUtudinem penicilhs.

• By Sextus Turpilius.

* A canticum was a more or less lyrical monologue, as
opposed to a diverbium (dialogue). This was probably the
soliloquy of a young man who had been " fleeced " by a
courtesan. — Tyrrell.

266

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxii.

the thing or in the word ; there is no third alternative.
It is not in the thing. Accordingly the thing itself is
put in words, not only in comedy — as that character
in the Demiurgus <• says " Just lately it happened " ; you
know the monologue,* and you remember Roscius ^
with his " so bare did she strip me" (the whole speech is
veiled in expression, though the thing expressed is
grossly indecent), — but in tragedy also. For what of
this ? — " The Tvoman rvho," observe this, I say,
"frequents not one bed only " ; ^ and again " Hers,
Pheres, nas the bed he dared to enter." « And again, "Me,
an all-unrvilling maiden, Jove overpowered with violence." '
" O'erpowered " is imobjectionable, and yet it means
the same as — but that other word nobody would have
tolerated.

So you see, though the thing meant remains the 2
same, because the words are not indecent, no
indecency is apparent. Therefore there is no in-
decency in the thing, much less in the words. For if
what is indicated by the word is not indecent, the
word indicating it cannot be indecent. WTien you
speak of the anus you call it by a name that is not its
own ; why not rather call it by its own ? If it is
indecent, do not use even the substituted name ; if
not, you had better call it by its own. The ancients
used to call a tail penis, and hence, from its resem-
blance to a tail, the word penicillus.' But nowadays

• For Roscius see note on vii. 1. 2.

** Probably out of the Clytaemnestra of Attius, where
Electra reproaches her mother.

• The source of this quotation is unknown.

' Probably out of the Antiope of Pacuvius. Violat is an
euphemism for some such word as ttuprat.
' Our " pencil."

267

CICERO

At hodie penis est in obscenis. At vero Piso ille Frugi
in Annalibus suis queritur adulescentes peni deditos esse.
Quod tu in epistola appellas suo nomine, ille tectius
penem. Sed quia multi, factum est tam obscenum,
quam id verbum, quo tu usus es. Quid, quod vulgo
dicitur, cum nos te voluimus convenire, num obscenum
est ? Memini in senatu disertum consularem ita
eloqui ; Hanc culpam maiorem, an illam dicam ? Potuit
obscenius ? Non, inquis. Non enim ita sensit. Non
ergo in verbo est. Docui autem in re non esse ;
i nusquam igitur est. Liheris dare operant, quam
honeste dicitur ! Etiam patres rogant filios. Eius
operae nomen non audent dicere. Socratem fidibus
docuit nobilissimus fidicen. Is Connus vocitatus est.
Num id obscenum putas ? Cum loquimur terni, nihil
flagiti dicimus, at cum hint, obscenum est. Graecis
quidem, inquies. Nihil est ergo in verbo ; quando
et ego Graece scio, et tamen tibi dico, hint ; idque tu
facis, quasi ego Graece, non Latine dixerim. Ruta
et menta, recte utrumque. Volo mentam pusillam
ita appellare, ut rutulam : non licet. Bella tectoriola ;
die ergo etiam pavimenta isto modo : non potes.
Viden' igitur nihil esse, nisi ineptias ; turpitudinem
nee in verbo esse nee in re, itaque nusquam esse ?
Igitur in verbis honestis obscena ponimus. Quid

" Tribune of the plebs in 149 b.c.

* i.e., mentula.

" Cum nos must have been pronounced Cun-nos.
•* Illam dicam, probably pronounced illan-dicam, suggest-
ing landica = KXeiTopis.

* rerwi= three each, 6Jni=two each, but bini suggests

* " Rue and mint." The diminutive of menta would be
mentula, the word Paetus had used.

» " Pretty wall-plaster, or stucco."

268

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX xxii.

penis is among the obscenities. " Yes, but the famous
Piso Frugi * complains in his Annals that youths are
given up to the penis." What you in your letter call
by its owTi name,* he with more reserve calls penis ;
but because many people use it so, it has become as
obscene as the word you used. What of the common
expression Cum nos te voluimus convenire" — is that
obscene ? I remember an eloquent consular using
these words in the Senate, Hanc culpam maiorem
an illam dicam ? ^ Could he have said anything more
obscene ? " Not at all," you say, " for that is not
what he meant." So then there is no obscenity in
the word; but I have explained that there is none in
the thing ; therefore there is none anywhere. " To 3
make an effort to get children " — what an honourable
expression ! Why, even fathers ask their sons to do so ;
but they do not dare to put a name to the " efiFort."
Socrates was taught to play the lyre by a very famous
musician. He was called Connus. Do you really
think that obscene? When we say iemi^ in talking,
there is nothing shocking in what we say ; but when we
say hini' it is obscene. "Yes," you •vvill remark, " to
the Greeks." There is nothing then in the mere word,
since I know Greek, and yet say hini in talking to you ;
and you are just putting it on here, as though I spoke
in Greek, and not in Latin. Ruta and menta f — we use
both words without impropriety. I want to use the
diminutive of menta, as one might say rutula ; it is not
done. Bella iectoriola o ; then use the diminutive of
pavimenta in that way ; you can't do it. Do you see
then that all this is nothing but silly nonsense ; that
there is indecency neither in the word nor in the
thing, so that there is none anywhere ?

Therefore we introduce obscenities into words of 4

269

GICERO

enim ? non honestum verbum est divisio ? At inest
obscenum, cui respondet intercapedo. Num haec ergo
obscena sunt ? Nos autem ridicule, si dicimus, tile
patrem strangulavit, honorem non praefamur ; sin de
Aurelia aliquid aut LoUia, honos praefandus est. Et
quidem iam etiam non obscena verba pro obscenis
sunt. Battuit, inquit, impudenter ; depsit multo im-
pudentius. Atqui neutrum est obscenum. Stultorum
plena sunt omnia. Testes, verbum honestissimum
in iudicio, alio loco non nimis. At honesti colei
Lanuvini, Cliternini non honesti. Quid ? ipsa res
modo honesta, modo turpis. Suppedit, flagitium est.
Iam erit nudus in balneo, non reprehendes. Habes
i scholam Stoicam, 6 o-o(/)6s evBrpprjiiovqaei. Quam
multa ex uno verbo tuo ? Te adversus me omnia
audere gratum est. Ego servo et servabo (sic enim
assuevi) Platonis verecundiam. Itaque tectis verbis
ea ad te scripsi, quae apertissimis agunt Stoici. Sed
illi etiam crepitus aiunt aeque liberos ac ructus esse
oportere. Honorem igitur Kalendis Mart. Tu me
diliges et valebis.

" Divisio contains -visio, visium being " a stench," and
pedo = -irep8(j}.

* Or " saving your presence." Strangulavit =compressit,
' Typical courtesans.

* Battuere = " to pound"; depsere = " to knead."

* The meaning of this is obscure, though coleus {culeus
or cuUeus) sometimes = scrotum.

' See note " above.

' The day when the Festival of the Matrons (Matro-
nalia) was celebrated. Cicero implies that the best cor-
rective of the coarseness of speech, condoned, and even
encouraged, by the Stoics, is respectful decency of language

270

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxii.

unexceptionable meaning. Come now, is not dtvisio "
an unexceptionable word ? But there is an obscenity
in it, and intercapedo « is on all fours vnth. it. Are these
words therefore obscene ? It is ridiculous in us, how-
ever, not to preface the remark " he strangled his
father" with, "if you will pardon the expression,"' and
yet be obliged to do so if it has any reference to
an Aureha or a LoUia.* And indeed it has come
to this, that we even use words that are not obscene
in an obscene sense. Battuit, says he, is a shameless
word, depsit much more so.** And yet neither is in
itself obscene. Testis, a most decent word in a court
of law, is not over-decent elsewhere. And while colei
Lanuvini is all right, Cliternini is not so.* Why, the
thing itself can be at one moment decent, at another
indecent. Suppeditf is grossly coarse; presently a
man vnW be naked in his bath, and you A\ill have no
word of reproof. Here is your Stoic disquisition in a
nutshell : " The wise man will call a spade a spade."
What a lot of talk arising from a single word of yours ! ;
I am gratified that, in arguing with me, there is no
word you dare not use. As for me, I maintain, and
ever shall maintain, as has always been my habit,
the modest reserve of Plato ; so I have used veiled
language in -v^Titing to you of what the Stoics deal
with in the most outspoken way. But tkei/ — why,
they go so far as to say that crepitus should be just as
free as ructus ! All honoiu: therefore to the Calends
of March.» You will, I am sure, continue to love
me and to keep well.

in conversing with women. Lambinus, on the strength of
these words, would date this letter March 1.

271

I

CIGERO
XXIII

CICERO PAPIRIO PAETO
In Cumano, a.u.c. 708.
Heri veni in Cumanum, eras ad te fortasse. Sed
cum certum sciam, faciam te paullo ante certiorem.
Etsi M. Caeparius, cum mihi in silva Gallinaria
obviam venisset, quaesissemque, quid ageres, dixit
te in lecto esse, quod ex pedibus laborares. Tuli
scilicet moleste, ut debui ; sed tamen constitui ad te
venire, ut et viderem te et viserem et cenarem etiam.
Non enim arbitror coquum etiam te arthriticum
habere. Exspecta igitur hospitem cum minime eda-
cem, turn inimicum cenis simiptuosis.

XXIV

CICERO PAETO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.
Rufum istum, amicum tuum, de quo iterum iam
ad me scribis, adiuvarem, quantum possem, etiamsi
ab eo laesus essem, cum te tanto opere viderem eius
causa laborare ; cum vero et ex tuis litteris, et ex
illius ad me missis intellegam et iudicem magnae
curae ei salutem meam fuisse, non possum ei non
amicus esse, neque solum tua commendatione, quae

" A forest of pines, near Cumae, infested by robbers.
Cf. Juv. ill. 307.

* The difference in time between this letter and the last, and
still more strikingly the next, is another proof of the lack of
orderly arrangement in the compilation of the Epp. ad Fam.

" Perhaps the Salvidienus Rufus mentioned in Brut. i. 1 7.
Prof. Palmer identifies him with Horace's Nasidienus Rufus,
Sat, ii. 8. To what plot Cicero alludes further on in § 1 is
not known.

272

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxiii.-xxiv.
XXIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Cumae, November 17, 46 b.c.

Yesterday I came to my Cmnan villa, to-morrow
perhaps I shall come to you. But when I know for
certain, I shall give you notice a Uttle before ;
although M. Caeparius when he came to meet me
in the Galhnarian wood," and I inquired of him
how you were, told me you were in bed, suffering
from your feet. Of course I was as sorry as I ought
to be ; but none the less I determined to come to you,
so as to see you, and make a visit of it, and even
to have dinner with you ; for I don't suppose you
have a cook too who is a victim to arthritis. Be on
the look-out then for a guest who is not only a very
small eater but a foe to expensive dinners.

XXIV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, early in February, 43 b.c*

With regard to this Rufus," your friend, about 1
whom you now write to me for the second time,
I should assist him to the best of my ability, even if
he had done me an injury, because I saw that you
were taking such pains on his behalf. When, how-
ever, both your letters, and those he has himself
sent me, led me to infer conclusively that my own
welfare has given him no little anxiety, I cannot
help being a friend to him, and that not only on
your recommendation, which naturally carries very

273

CIGERO

apud me, ut debet, valet plurimum, sed etiam volun-
tate ac iudicio meo. Volo enim te scire, mi Paete,
initium mihi siispicionis et cautionis et diligentiae
fuisse litteras tuas ; quibus litteris congruentes
fuerunt aliae postea multorum. Nam et Aquini et
Fabrateriae consilia sunt inita de me, quae te video
inaudisse ; et, quasi divinarent, quam his molestus
essem futurus, nihil ahud egerunt, nisi me ut oppri-
merent. Quod ego non suspicans incautior fuissem,
nisi a te admonitus essem. Quamobrem iste tuus
amicus apud me non eget commendatione. Utinam
ea fortuna reipublicae sit, ut ille me virum gratissi-
2 mum possit cognoscere ! Sed haec hactenus. Te
ad cenas itare desisse, moleste fero. Magna enim
te delectatione et voluptate privasti. Deinde etiam
vereor, licet enim verum dicere, ne nescio quid illud,
quod solebas, dediscas et obliviscare, cenulas facere.
Nam si tum, cum habebas, quos imitarere, non
multum proficiebas, quid nunc te facturum putem ?
Spurinna quidem, cum ei rem demonstrassem, et
vitam tuam superiorem exposuissem, magnum peri-
culum summae reipublicae demonstrabat, nisi ad
superiorem consuetudinem tum, cum Favonius flaret,
revertisses. Hoc tempore ferri posse, si forte tu

« This was Spurinna the augur, who warned Caesar,
shortly before his assassination, that his Hfe was in danger.

* The west wind which heralded spring (c/. Hor. Od. i.
4, " solvitur acris hiems grata vice veris et Favoni "). At
present (in February) Paetus might urge that he was
prevented from going out to dinners by the cold.

274

LAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxiv

great weight with me, but also in accordance with
my own inclination and judgment.

For I would have you know,, my dear Paetus, that
what first began to make me suspicious and wary
and careful was your letter, and there were other
subsequent letters from many sources, which tallied
with yours. Both at Aquinum and at Fabrateria
schemes were initiated affecting myself which I see
you must have overheard ; and, just as if they
guessed what trouble I was going to cause them,
they made it their one aim and object to crush me.
And I, suspecting nothing of this, should have
lacked due caution, had I not been warned by you.
And that is why this friend of yours requires no
recommendation with me. I only pray that the
fortunes of the commonwealth may be such as to
enable him to recognize in me the most grateful of
men. But no more about this.

I am distressed at your having given up going 2
out to dinner. You have deprived yourself of a
great deal of amusement and pleasure. In the next
place I am really afraid (for I need not mince matters)
that you will unlearn and forget to some extent
your old practice of giWng little dinners yourself.
For if, at the time when you had plenty of hosts to
set you an example, you showed but little improve-
ment, what am I to imagine you will do now ? Spu-
rinna " indeed, when I pointed the tiling out to him,
and described your previous life, pointed out that
the whole commonwealth was threatened with a
grave danger unless you reverted to your previous
habits when Favonius * began to blow ; for the
present, he added, such conduct might be tolerated,
since possibly you could not endure the cold.

275

CICERO

3 frigus ferre non posses. Sed, mehercule, mi Paete,
extra iocum, moneo te, quod pertinere ad beate viven-
dum arbitror, ut cum viris bonis, iueundis, amantibus
tui vivas. Nihil aptius vitae, nihil ad beate vivendum
accommodatius. Nee id ad voluptatem refero, sed
ad communitatem vitae atque victus, remissionemque
animorum, quae maxime sermone efficitur familiari,
qui est in conviviis dulcissimus, ut sapientius nostri,
quam Graeci ; illi a-vjxiroa-ia aut cri'vSciTrva, id est
compotationes aut concenationes ; nos convivia,
quod turn maxime simul vivitur. Vides, ut te philo-
sophando revocare coner ad cenas ? Cura, ut valeas.

4 Id foris cenitando facillime consequere. Sed cave,
si me amas, existimes me, quod iocosius scribam,
abiecisse curam reipublicae. Sic tibi, mi Paete,
persuade, me dies et noctes nihil aliud agere, nihil
curare, nisi ut mei cives salvi liberique sint. Nullum
locum praetermitto monendi, agendi, providendi ;
hoc denique animo sum, ut, si in hac cura atque
administratione vita mihi ponenda sit, praeclare
actum mecum putem. Etiam atque etiam vale.

276

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxiv.

But really, my dear Paetus, joking apart, I advise 3
you to do what, in my opinion, has a direct bearing
upon a happy life — to hve \Wth men who are good and
pleasant fellows, and fond of you. Life has nothing
better suited to it, there is nothing better adapted
to a life of happiness. And I do not base my argu-
ment on the pleasxu"es of the palate, but on the
enjoyment of life and liAing in common, and that
relaxation of mind which is most effectively induced
by familiar conversation, and assumes its most
charming form in con\'i\ial gatherings, as our fellow
countrymen call them ; and they are •wiser therein
than the Greeks ; they call them avji-ocna or
(TvvhiLTva, which is to say " drinkings together " or
" dinings together * ; ne call them " hvings to-
gether," for then, more than ever, do our lives
coincide. You observe how I am trying to win
you back to our dinners by philosophizing ? Take
care of your health, and the easiest way to ensure
that is to make a practice of dining out.

But, as you love me, take care you do not, because 4
I write in rather a jocular vein, suspect me of ha\ing
thrown to the winds my concern for the Repubhc.
My dear Paetus, you may con\'ince yourself of this,
that day and night, my one principle of action, my
one anxiety, is to secure the safety and freedom of
my fellow-citizens. Never do I miss an opportunity
in the way of advising, acting, or looking ahead.

In short my spirit is such that, if in this my charge
and ministration I am called upon to lay down my
life, I think I shall have accounted for myself not
without glory. Farewell again and again.

277

CICERO

XXV

CICERO IMP. PAETO

Laodiceae, a.u.c. 704.

1 Summum me ducem litterae tuae reddidere. Plane
nesciebam te tarn peritum esse rei militaris. Pyrrhi
te libros et Cineae video lectitasse. Itaque obtem-
perare cogito praeceptis tuis ; hoc amplius, navicula-
rum habere ahquid in ora maritima ; contra equitem
Parthum negant ullam armaturam meliorem inveniri
posse. Sed quid ludimus ? Nescis, quo cum impera-
tore tibi negotium sit. IlciiSetai/ Kx'pov, quam con-
triveram legendo, totam in hoc imperio exphcavi.

2 Sed iocabimur ahas coram, ut spero, brevi tempore.
Nunc ades ad imperandum [vel ad parendum potius ;
sic enim antiqui loqucbantur]. Cum M. Fadio, quod
scire te arbitror, mihi summus usus est ; valdeque
eum dihgo, cum propter summam probitatem eius ac
singularem modestiam, tum quod in his controversiis,
quas habeo cum tuis combibonibus Epicureis, optima

3 opera eius uti soleo. Is cum ad me Laodiceam
venisset, mecumque ego eum esse vellem, repente
percussus est atrocissimis Htteris, in quibus scriptum
erat, fundum Herculanensem a Q, Fadio fratre pro-

" According to Aelian both Pyrrhus, kingr of Epirus,
and his minister Cineas wrote treatises on military afifairs.

* The prototype of our " horse-marines."
" Xenophon's Education of Cyrus.

* I believe Tyrrell is right in suspecting these words as a
gloss.

* M. Fadius Gallus, a particular friend of Cicero's,
whom Epp. 23-26 in Book VII. are addressed.

278

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxv.
XXV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Laodicea, February, 50 b.c

"Your letter has made me a first-rate general. I 1
had not the shghtest idea that you were such an
expert in military matters. You have evidently
perused the commentaries of Pyrrhus " and Cineas ;
so I intend to obey your instructions and further than
that, to keep a little ship or two on the sea-coast ;
they say that no better form of equipment can
possibly be found to oppose the Parthian cavalry .*'
But why do we joke about it ? You httle know what
a commander-in-chief you have to deal with. The
Cyropaedia " which I had well thumbed in the read-
ing of it, I have exemplified in its entirety during my
command here.

But we will resume our joking some other time 2
tete a tite, and I hope very soon. For the present
attend to the word of command [or rather to obeying
it ; that is how they spoke in the old days].** I am
very intimate, as I think you know, with M. Fadius,^»
and I have a great regard for him, not only on account
of his very high integrity and unusual modesty, but
also because in these controversies which I have with
your boon companions, the Epicureans, I often avail
myself of his admirable assistance.

Well, when he came to see me at Laodicea, and I 3
•wanted him to remain with me, he was suddenly and
profoundly shocked by a most horrible letter to the
effect that an estate near Herculaneiun had been
advertised for sale by his brother Q, Fadius, — an

279

CICERO

scriptum esse ; qui fundus cum eo communis esset.
Id M. Fadius pergraviter tulit existimavitque fratrem
suum, hominem non sapientem, impulsu inimicorum
suorum eo progressum esse. Nunc, si me amas, mi
Paete, negotium totum suscipe, et molestia Fadium
libera. Auctoritate tua nobis opus est, et consilio et
etiam gratia. Noli pati litigare fratres et iudiciis
turpibus conflictari. Matonem et Pollionem inimicos
habet Fadius. Quid multa ? non mehercule tam
perscribere possum, quam mihi gratum feceris, si
otiosum Fadium reddideris. Id ille in te positum
esse putat mihique persuadet.

XXVI

CICERO 8. D. PAETO

Romae, a.u.c. 707.

1 Accubueram hora nona, cum ad te harum exem-
plum in codicillis exaravi. Dices, ubi ? apud Volum-
nium Eutrapelum, et quidem supra me Atticus, infra
Verrius, familiares tui. Miraris tam exhilaratam
esse servitutem nostram ? Quid ergo faciam ? Te
consulo, qui philosophum audis. Angar .'' excru-
ciemne me ? quid assequar ? Deinde quem ad finem ?
Vivas, inquis, in litteris. An quidquam me aliud
agere censes ? Aut possem vivere, nisi in litteris

" Probably the famous Asinius Pollio, for whom see note
on X. 31. 1.

* Cicero would afterwards copy the letter into chartae.

« See vii. 32 and 33.

<* Explained at the end of § 1.

280

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxv.-xxvi.

estate of which he is joint-owner with his brother.
This M. Fadius bitterly resented, and he suggested
that his brother (a bit of a fool) had been urged to go
to such lengths by Marcus's o^vn private enemies. So
now, as you love me, my dear Paetus, take the whole
business on your shoulders, and dehver Fadius from
his distress. We have need of your influence, of your
counsel, and even of your personal kindness Do
not allow brothers to engage in Utigation, and have
their heads banged together in a discreditable law-
suit. Fadius has two enemies in Mato and Pollio.**
Why say any more ? I assure you I cannot fully
express in a letter how grateful I shall be to you if
you put Fadius at his ease. He thinks it all depends
upon you, and I believe him.

XXVI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, November (?), 46 b.c.

I have just taken my place at table at three o'clock, 1
and am scribbling a copy of this letter to you in my
note-book.^ " Where ? " you will say. At the house
of Volumnius Eutrapelus," and next above me is
Atticus and below me Verrius, both friends of yours.
Are you surprised that we have become so merry in
our slavery ? W^hat then am I to do ? I ask you, the
pupil of a philosopher,** to advise me. Am I to suffer
anguish, am I to torture myself ? WTiat good would
that do me } And again, for how long ? Live, you
say, in your books. Do you suppose that I do any-
thing else ? Or could I live at all, were it not that I

CICERO

viverem ? Sed est earum etiam, non satietas, sed
quidam modus. A quibus cum discessi, etsi minimum
mihi est in cena (quod tu unum ^■qrijfj.a Dioni philo-
sopho posuisti) tamen quid potius faciam, priusquam

2 me dormitum conferam, non reperio. Audi reliqua.
Infra Eutrapelum Cytheris accubuit. In eo igitur,
inquis, convivio Cicero ille,

quem aspectabant, cuius ob os Graii ora obvertebant sua ?

Non, mehercule, suspicatus sum illam adfore. Sed
tamen Aristippus quidem ille Socraticus non erubuit,
cum esset obiectum, habere eum Laida : Haheo,
inquit, non habeor a Laide. Graece hoc melius ; tu,
si voles, interpretabere. Me vero nihil istorum, ne
iuvenem quidem, movit umquam ; ne nunc senem.
Convivio delector ; ibl loquor quod in solum, ut

3 dicitur, et gemitum in risus maximos transfero. An
tu id melius, qui etiam in philosophum irriseris ? Qui
cum ille, si quis quid quaereret, dixisset, cenam te
quaerere a mane dixeris. Ille baro te putabat quaesi-
turum, unum caelum esset an innumerabilia. Quid
ad te ? "At hercule cena num quid ad te, ibi

° "Quia meretrix; nam honestae mulieres sedebant,"
Manutius. The quotation which follows is probably from
the Telamo of Ennius.

^ The head of the Cyrenaic school. He held that the
bodily pleasure of the moment was the summum bonum,
and that eiiSaifjLovia (happiness) was the sum of such
moments. According to Athenaeus, the words used by
Aristippus were ?x'^ '("■^ °^'^ ^XOM^^'» of which the translation
gives the point.

« Or " is brought on the tapis," though Dr. Reid thinks it
may mean " what meets the foot," cf. to. iv iroal.

282

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxvi.

lived in my books ? But even with them, though I
am not exactly sick of them, there is a certain hmit.
When I have left them, though I am very httle con-
cerned about my dinner — and yet this was the one
subject of inquiry i/ou put before the philosopher
Dion — still I am imable to discover what better I can
do, imtil I betake myself to bed.

Listen to the rest of my story. Next below Eu- 2
trapelus rechned" Cytheris. At such a dinner-party
then, you remark, was the famous Cicero,

He at whom gazed the Greeks, and to whose face
All turned their faces.

Upon my oath, I never suspected that she would be
there ; but after all even the great Socratic Aristippus*
did not blush when it was cast in his teeth that he had
Lais for his mistress. " She is my mistress," said he,
" but I am her master." It is better in the Greek ;
translate it yourself if you like. As for myself, how-
ever, I was never tempted by anything of that sort,
even when a young man, much less now that I am an
old man. A dinner-party is my delight ; there I talk
on any subject that crops up* (as they say), and I
convert groans into hearty guffaws.

Did you behave any better, you, who actually 3
made mock of a philosopher ? You, who when the
great man asked if anybody had any question to put,
declared that the one question in your head from
early mom was the question of dinner. The poor
old simpleton thought you would ask whether there
was one heaven or millions of them. What had
you to do with that ? " But good gracious," you
will say, " what had you to do with a dinner at all,
especially at such a table ? "

283

GIGERO

4 praesertim." Sic igitur vivitur ; quotidie aliquid
legitur aut scribitur ; dein, ne amicis nihil tribuamus,
epulamur una, non modo non contra legem, si ulla
nunc lex est, sed etiam intra legem, et quidem ali-
quanto. Quare nihil est quod adventum nostrum
extimescas. Non multi cibi hospitem accipies, multi

Caesar's sumptuary law, passed in this year (46), which

284

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, IX. xxvi.

Well then, such is my life ; everyday something is 4
read or written ; after that, not to fail in courtesy to
my friends, I dine in their company, not only without
contravening the law," if there be any law just
now, but even keeping within the law, yes, and well
within it. So you have no reason to be so awfully afraid
of my arrival. You will receive a guest who is not so
fond of food as he is full of fun.

even restricted the purchase and enjoyment of certain
delicacies.

285

BOOK X

SUMMARY OF THE CISALPINE CAMPAIGN,»

April-July 43 b.c.

A FEW weeks after the assassination of Caesar (March 15,
44. B.C.) Decimus Brutus took over the province of Cisalpine
Gaul, assigned to him by Caesar. In June Antony had
succeeded in securing Cisalpine Gaul for himself; and on
October 9 he went to Brundisium to meet his Macedonian
legions, where he quelled a mutiny of his troops who had
been tampered with by Octavian, now his open enemy. In
November he returned to Rome, and thence to Tibur, where
he was approached by several senators with a view to recon-
ciliation, but without result. On November 29 he left Rome
and set out at the head of a large force for Cisalpine Gaul.
D. Brutus, compelled by Antony to withdraw from one town
after another, at last fell back on the fortress-colony of
Mutina (Modena), where he stood at bay.

On January 1, 43 b.c, an important meeting of the
Senate was convened by the consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, to
discuss the policy to be adopted against Antony. It was
finally resolved on January 4th to send envoys to Antony,
requiring him to evacuate D. Brutus's province, and obey the
Senate and people. Of the envoys chosen, one, Servius Sul-
picius Rufus, died before they reached Antony's camp, and his
colleagues, though they had not been allowed to confer with

<» In this summary I owe much to Mr. W. W. How's admirably lucid
Introduction to Part V. of hla Select Letters of Cicero.

286

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X.

D. Brutus, brought back from Antony counter-proposals
which were discussed in the Senate, ^ieantime the consiJ
Hirtius had left Rome to take command of the forces sent
to the relief of Mutina. It was now proposed to send a
second embassy to Antony, with Cicero as one of the envoys ;
but at the last moment he refused to serve in that capacity,
and the scheme fell through.

It was apparently on March 20th that the consul Pansa
left Rome for the north at the head of new levies ; M.
Cornutus, the praetor urbanus, was left in charge as
acting consul, and on the day of Pansa's departure sum-
moned the Senate to discuss despatches from Lepidus and
Plancus, recommending a conciliatory policy towards
Antony ; this Cicero strongly opposed (x. 6. 1 , x. 97), with
the result that negotiations were abandoned. Towards
the end of the month anotlier and a far more satisfactory
letter reached the Senate from Plancus (x. 8), for which
Cicero wrote to thank him.

Meanwhile Pansa was approaching Mutina with four
legions of recruits, having already driven Antony's outposts
from Claterna. Antony also evacuated Bononia so as to
concentrate on Mutina, and deputed his brother Lucius to
watch D. Brutus, while he himself prepared to resist the
advance of Hirtius who had now been joined by Octavius.
Antony was decidedly stronger in cavalry, but the country
was not well adapted for it. On hearing of Pansa's approach
Antony advanced with a large force to intercept him. Hirtius,
however, had already sent out the Martian legion and two
praetorian cohorts under D. Carfulenus to meet Pansa and
escort him to his camp. Pansa, thus reinforced, advanced
along the Aemilian way till he met Antony a little to the east
of Forum Gallorum (now Castel Franco) about 10 miles S.E.
of Mutina. Here, on April loth, was fought a fierce engage-
ment, in which Pansa was wounded, and his troops defeated ;
Hirtius, however, successfully attacked Antony as he was
returning to his lines; and meanwhile Octavius beat off an
assault of the enemy upon his own camp. This engagement
was reported to Cicero by Servius Galba (x. 30), who was him-
self present, and despatches arrived at the same time from
the consuls and Octavius, on April 21st. At a meeting of
the Senate held on the next day, it was carried on the pro-
posal of Cicero that there should be supplieationeM (public

287

CICERO

thanksgivings) for fifty days, and that a monument should
be erected to the memory of the fallen. Antony too was
declared a hostis (public enemy).

Plancus at this time was evidently chagrined at the slow
recognition of his services by the Senate, and Cicero had
some difficulty in soothing him (x. 12).

After the engagement near Forum Gallorum, Hirtius and
Octavius had collected all their available forces against
Antony, and after some days, towards the end of April,
Hirtius succeeded in drawing Antony from his entrench-
ments, and forcing upon him a general action, in which
Antony was completely defeated, and compelled to raise
the siege of Mutina.

Hirtius, however, fell in this battle, and shortly afterwards
Pansa also died of the wounds he had received at Forum
Gallorum.

D. Brutus being prevented by lack of transport from
harassing him on his retreat, Antony was able to effect a
junction at Vada in Liguria with P. Ventidius Bassus and,
finding himself at the head of a considerable force, he
marched rapidly towards Gallia Narbonensis. The Senate
summoned Lepidus and Plancus to Italy (x. 33. 1), but
Antony arrived at Forum Julii (Fr^jus, in Savoie, France) on
May 15th, and encamped near Lepidus at Forum Voconii
(Canet) and on the Argenteus (Argus), with the result that
Lepidus was forced (as he alleges) to agree to the union of
the two armies (x. 35. 1). The united armies must have
numbered nearly 80,000 men, mainly veterans. Plancus,
who had crossed the Isara (Isere in Savoie) to support
Lepidus against Antony, recrossed that river on June 4th
to await the arrival of D. Brutus. On June 30th the Senate
unanimously declared Lepidus a public enemy. Pansa's
recruits at the instance of Cicero were put under the
command of D. Brutus, who was commissioned to prosecute
the war against Antony.

Cicero still urged D. Brutus and Plancus to co-operate,
and their union took place early in June. Their combined
forces outnumbered those of Antony and Lepidus, but they
shrank from taking the offensive.

Asinius Pollio remained sulkily inactive in Spain, con-
sidering himself slighted by the Senate. Meantime Octavius,
after much subtle intriguing, having refused to support

288

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X.

D. Brutus, finally caused his soldiers to demand the consul-
ship for him. The Senate appealed desperately to their
officers commanding in the East and in Africa. Cicero's
last letter preserved to us (xii. 10) is a request to C. Cassius
to come to Italy, and the last extant addressed to Cicero is
one from Plancus, dated July 28th (x, 23), in which he
speaks of his reluctance to risk a battle and complains of
Octavius's ambitious projects. Octavius with his eight
legions and Julius Caesar's African veterans, who went over
to him, overpowered the resistance of the Senate and was
elected consul for 42 b.c. in his twentieth year. Pollio im-
mediately went over to Antonj' and Lepidus ; Plancus stood
out a little longer, until Pollio arranged a reconciliation
between him and Antony. D. Brutus endeavoured to force
his way to M. Brutus in the East, but was slain at Aquileia,
at Antony's bidding, probably in October.

The chronological sequence of the letters in this book
addressed to Cicero (with VIII. to the Consuls, etc., and
XXXV. to the Senate, etc.) is as follows :

IV. from Plancus, late in November, 44 b.c.

XXXI. ,

, Pollio, March 16,

43 „

VII.

, Plancus, March 23

5» »»

VIII."

, Plancus, March 23

XXX.

, Galba, April 15

»» »♦

IX.

, Plancus, April 27

5» ♦»

XI.

, Plancus, end of April

») »»

XV.

, Plancus, May 13

„ „

XXI.

, Plancus, May 15

,, „

XVIII.

, Plancus, May 18

»» »»

XXXIV.

, Lepidus, May 18

»» >♦

XVII.

, Plancus, May 20

,, „

XXXIV.

, Lepidus, May 22

,, „

XXXIII.

, Pollio, end of May

„ „

XXXV. "

, Lepidus, May 30

»» »»

XXIII.

, Plancus, June 6

»> 99

- XXXI.';.

„ Pollio, June 8

»» »»

XXIV."

„ Plancus, July 28

• To the Con

sols, etc. * To the Senate, etc

VOL. II

289

M. TULLII CICERONIS EPISTOLARUM
AD FAMILIARES

LIBER DECIMUS

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

Et abfui proficiscens in Graeciam : et, posteaquam
de medio cursu reipublicae sum voce revocatus, num-
quam per M. Antonium quietus fui ; cuius tanta
est, non insolentia (nara id quidem vulgare vitium
est), sed immanitas, non modo ut vocem, sed ne
vultum quidem liberum possit ferre cuiusquam.
Itaque mihi maximae curae est, non de mea quidem
vita, cui satisfeci vel aetate vel factis vel (si quid

" Lucius Munatius Plancus was born about 87 b.c. We
hear of three of his brothers — Bursa, Cicero's hete noir;
Gaius, of whom Pliny the Elder says that he deserved his
death by proscription if only for having introduced per-
fumes into Rome; and Gnaeus, often mentioned in this
book by his brother Lucius. In the Gallic and Civil wars
Lucius served under Caesar, who shortly before his death
nominated him governor of Gallia Comata {i.e., all Gaul
except Narbonensis) and also consul for 42, with D. Brutus
as his colleague. On Caesar's death, Lucius took up his
province, and at first supported the Senate against Antony,

S90

CICERO'S LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS

BOOK X
I

CICERO TO L. MUNATIUS PLAXCUS <»
Rome, early in September, 44 b.c.

I have been absent from Rome, on my way to 1
Greece, and besides, ever since I was recalled from
the middle of my journey by the voice of the Repubhc,
I have never been left in peace, thanks to M.
Antonius, whose arrogance — no, that is a vice one
finds everywhere — whose hnitaUty is such that he
cannot endure any liberty, I will not say of language,
but even of look, in any man alive. And so I am
profoundly concerned, not indeed about my own
life, the claims of which I have satisfied, whether
you reckon my age or my achievements or (if that

but when Lepidus joined Antony he crossed over to their
side. After his consulship in 42 he followed Antony to
Asia, and became governor of Syria. In 32 he broke with
Antony, and being well received by Octavian, he lived at
Rome for the rest of his life. It was on his proposal that
Octavian was given the title of Augustus in 27. He was
censor in 22. He never scrupled to desert the losing for
the winning side, and, being a past master in the art of
flattery, he was uniformly prosperous in life. Hor. Od. i. 7
is addressed to him.

291

CICERO

etiam hoc ad rem pertinet) gloria ; sed me patria
sollicitat, in primisque, mi Plance, exspectatio con-
sulatus tui ; quae ita longa est, ut optandum sit, ut
possimus ad id tempus reipublicae spiritum ducere.
Quae potest enim spes esse in ea republica, in qua
hominis impotentissimi atque intemperatissimi armis
oppressa sunt omnia ? et in qua nee senatus, nee
populus vim habet uUam ? nee leges uUae sunt, nee
indicia nee omnino simulacrum aliquod ac vestigium

2 civitatis ? Sed cum acta omnia mitti ad te arbitrabar,
nihil erat, quod singulis de rebus scriberem. lUud
autem erat amoris mei, quem a tua pueritia sus-
ceptum non servavi solum, sed etiam auxi, monere te
atque hortari, ut in rempublicam omni cogitatione
curaque incumberes. Quae si ad tuum tempus per-
ducitur, facilis gubernatio est ; ut perducatur autem,
magnae cum diligentiae est, tum etiam fortunae.

3 Sed et te aliquanto ante, ut spero, habebimus, et,
praeterquam quod reipublicae consulere debemus,
etiam^ tuae dignitati ita favemus, ut omne nostrum
consiUum, studium, officium, operam, laborem, dili-
gentiam ad ampHtudinem tuam conferamus. Ita

1 Wesenberg : tamen mss.

" i.e., in 42 b.c.
292

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. i.

indeed has anything to do with the matter) my
renown ; but what worries me is my country, and
most particularly, my dear Plancus, the anxious
anticipation of yoxu- consulship," which is so distant
that we can only pray that we can keep on dra\\'ing the
breath of life until the commonwealth reaches that
day. For what hope can possibly exist in a common-
wealth in which everything lies crushed by the
armed forces of one so desperately xiolent and
intractable, in which neither the Senate nor the people
has any power at all, in which there are neither
laws nor law-courts, nor any semblance or vestige
whatever of a constitution ?

But since, as I suppose, a report of all transactions 2
is being transmitted to you, there is no reason why
I should write an account of ever)' detail. This
much, however, is due to my affection for you — an
affection which, conceived from the days of your boy-
hood, I have not only preserved but even encouraged
to grow — and that is to admonish and exhort you
to throw all the weight of your anxious deliberations
into^he betterment of the RepubHc. If its existence
is prolonged up to the day of your consulship, the
ship can be easily steered ; but to secvure that
prolongation we need not only untiring assiduity,
but also exceptionally good fortime.

But, for one thing, we shall have your services, I 3
hope, considerably earlier than that, and for another,
over and above my boimden duty to consider the
interests of the Republic, I am besides so sincere
in my support of your claims, that I devote all I
have to give in the way of counsel, earnestness,
senice, effort, hard work, and assiduity, to the
furtherance of your advancement. For so, I am

293

CICERO

facillime et reipublicae, quae mihi carissima est, et
amicitiae nostrae, quam sanctissime nobis colendam
4 puto, me intellego satisfacturum. Furnium nostrum
tanti a te fieri, quantum ipsius humanitas et dignitas
postulat, nee miror et gaudeo ; teque hoc existimare
volo, quidquid in eum iudici officique contuleris, id
ita me accipere, ut in meipsum te putem contulisse.

II

CICERO PLANCO 8.

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Meum studiiun honori tuo pro necessitudine nostra
non defuisset, si aut tuto in senatum aut honeste
venire potuissem. Sed nee sine periculo quisquam
libere de republica sentiens versari potest in summa
impunitate gladiorum, nee nostrae dignitatis videtur
esse ibi sententiam de republica dicere, ubi me et
melius et propius audiant armati, quam senatores.

2 Quapropter in privatis rebus nullum neque offifiiun
neque studium meum desiderabis ; ne in publicis

<» C. Furnius was tribune in 50 b,c. When Cicero was in
Cilicia, Furnius undertook to oppose the extension of Cicero's
tenure of office beyond the year, and helped Caelius to
obtain a supplicatio for him. In the Civil War Furnius
fought on Caesar's side. In 44 he was on the staif of
Plancus, and conducted negotiations between Plancus and
Lepidus. He joined Antony and Lepidus when Plancus did
so, and continued in the service of Antony up to the battle
of Actium in 31, but was afterwards pardoned by Octavian.
Though promised the consulship, he never held that office.
Plutarch {Ant. 58) writes of him as being " the cleverest
speaker in Rome."
294

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. i.-ii.

con\Tnced, can I most easily satisfy the claims of that
Republic which is the object of my dearest affection,
and also those of that friendship between us which
I consider it our duty most rehgiously to foster.

That you should value our friend Fumius "as 4
highly as his own refinement of mind and deserts
demand, is no surprise to me, and I am glad of it ;
and I viish you to beUeve this, that whatever favour
or kindness you bestow upon him, I welcome it as
accoimting it bestowed upon myself.

II

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, late in September, 44 b.c.

In view of our close intimacy the compliment * paid 1
you would not have lacked my enthusiastic support,
had I been able to attend the Senate either with
safety or with honour. But neither can any man
whose political opinions are in favour of Uberty move
about without danger, when there is this unlimited
hcence of the sword, nor does it seem consistent
with my dignity to express my feelings about the
RepubUc in a place where I should be heard
better and at closer quarters by armed men than
by senators.

And for that reason, while you %vill not have to 2
regret the lack of any act of service or devotion on
my part in private affairs, even in public affairs also

* Probably a supplicatio, which would confirm Plancus's
title of impercUor. — TyrrelL

295

CICERO

quidem, si quid erit, in quo me interesse necesse sit,
umquam deero, ne cum periculo quidem meo,
dignitati tuae. In iis autem rebus, quae nihilominus,
ut ego absim, confici poterunt, peto a te, ut me ratio-
nem habere velis et salutis et dignitatis meae.

Ill

CICERO S. D. PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Cum ipsum Furnium per se vidi libentissime, tum
hoc libentius, quod ilium audiens te videbar audire.
Nam et in re militari virtutem, et in administranda
provincia iustitiam, et in omni genere prudentiam
mihi tuam exposuit, et praeterea mihi non ignotam
in consuetudine et familiaritate suavitatem tuam
adiunxit, praeterea summam erga se liberalitatem.
Quae omnia mihi iucunda, hoc extremum etiam

2 gratum fuit. Ego, Plance, necessitudinem con-
stitutam habui cum domo vestra ante aliquanto,
quam tu natus es ; amorem autem erga te ab ineunte
pueritia tua ; confirmata iam aetate, familiaritatem
ciun studio meo, tum iudicio tuo constitutam. His
de causis mirabiliter faveo dignitati tuae, quam
mihi tecum statuo debere esse communem. Omnia
summa consecutus es virtute duce, comite fortuna :
eaque es adeptus adulescens, multis invidentibus,
296

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. ii.-iii.

I shall never fail to uphold your position, yes, and at
my o^\'n personal risk too, if there be any occasion
necessitating my intervention. In such matters,
however, as can be carried through just as well in
my absence, I beg of you not to take exception to my
ha\'ing some consideration both for my own safety and
my own dignity.

Ill

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, late in September, 44 b.c.

Though I was exceedingly pleased to see Furnius 1
for his oMTi sake, I was the more pleased because in
listening to him I seemed to be listening to you.
He set out before my eyes your gallantry in the
military world, your justice in the administration
of your province, and your >visdom in every relation
of life ; and he touched, moreover, on what our
familiar intercourse had already taught me, your
charm of manner, and furthermore your splendid
generosity towards himself — all of which gave me
pleasure, but this last evoked my gratitude as well.

As to myself, Plancus, I have acquired a close friend- 2
ship with your family established long before you
were born, but an affection for yourself dating
from your early boyhood, and, now that you are of
mature age, an intimacy that is firmly based at once
on my devotion and on your judgment ; for these
reasons I am extraordinarily eager to support your
high position — a position which I maintain we
ought to hold in common. You have gained all the
highest distinctions — virtue your guide, fortune your
comrade — and you have gained them in early youth,

297

CIOERO

quos ingenio industriaque fregisti. Nunc me aman-
tissimum tui, nemini concedentem, qui tibi vetustate
necessitudinis potior possit esse, si audies, omnem
tibi reliquae vitae dignitatem ex optimo reipublicae

3 statu acquires. Scis profecto (nihil enim te fugere
potuit), fuisse quoddam tempus, cimi homines existi-
marent te nimis servire temporibus ; quod ego quoque
existimarem, te si ea, quae patiebare, probare etiam
arbitrarer. Sed cvaa intellegerem, quid sentires, te
arbitrabar videre, quid posses. Nunc aha ratio est.
Omnium rerum tuum indicium est, idque hberum.
Consul es designatus optima aetate, summa eloquen-
tia, in maxima orbitate reipubhcae virorum talimn.
Incxmabe, per deos immortales, in eam curam et
cogitationem, quae tibi summam dignitatem et
gloriam afFerat. Unus autem est, hoc praesertim
tempore per tot annos republica devexata, reipublicae

4 bene gereiidae cursus ad gloriam. Haec amore
magis impulsus scribenda ad te putavi, quam quo te
arbitrarer monitis et praeceptis egere. Sciebam
enim ex iisdem te haec haurire fontibus, ex quibus
ipse hauseram. Quare modiun faciam. Nunc tan-
tum significandum putavi, ut potius amorem tibi
ostenderem meum, quam ostentarem prudentiam.

" i.e., the study of philosophy.
298

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. iii.

despite the jealousy of many, all of "whom you have
crushed by your abiUty and application. As matters
stand to-day, if you hsten to me (who am wholly
devoted to you and allow no man's claim to stand
higher in your regard on the score of length of
friendship), there is no position for the rest of your
life that you wiU not further secure from a sound
establishment of the RepubHc.

You know of course — nothing can have escaped 3
you — that there was a time when men thought
that you were too much of a time-server ; and I
too should have thought so, had I imagined that you
actually approved what you only tolerated. But
when I began to understand your sentiments, I sus-
pected that you saw the limitations of your power.
Now the case is altered. The decision on all points
lies with you, and your decision is imtrammelled.
You are consul-designate in the prime of life, your
eloquence is of the highest order, and the State is
more destitute of such men than ever. I adjiu*e
you by the immortal gods, throw all your mind
into the careful consideration of such measures as
may bring you the highest dignity and glory. Now
to that glorj- there is but one path, especially in
these days when the Repubhc has been harassed to
death for so many years — and that is upright
administration of that same Republic.

It was rather an impulse of affection that induced 4
me to write to you in this strain, than that I ever
supposed you needed such warnings and directions ;
for I know you draw all such inspirations from the
same springs as myself* ; so I •will make an end. For
the present I thought I should merely hint at things, to
show you my affection rather than make a show of my

299

GIGERO

Interea, quae ad dignitatem tuam pertinere arbi-
trabor, studiose diligenterque curabo.

IV

PLANCUS CICERONI

In Gallia Comata, a.u.c. 710.

1 Gratissimae mihi tuae litterae fuerunt, quas ex
Fumi sermone te scripsisse animadverti. Ego au-
tem praeteriti temporis excusationem affero, quod te
profectum audieram ; nee multo ante redisse scivi,
quam ex epistula tua cognovi. Nullum enim in te
officium, ne minimum quidem, sine maxima culpa
videor posse praeterire ; in quo tuendo habeo causas
plurimas vel paternae necessitudinis, vel meae a pue-
ritia observantiae vel tui erga me mutui amoris.

2 Quare, mi Gicero, quod mea tuaque patitur aetas,
persuade tibi te uniun esse, in quo ego colendo
patriam mihi constituerim sanctitatem. Omnia igitur
tua consilia mihi non magis prudentiae plena, quae
summa est, videntur, quam fidelitatis, quam ego ex
mea conseientia metior. Quare si aut aliter sen-
tirem, certe admonitio tua me reprimere, aut si

" See note on ix. 15. 2.
300

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. iii.-iv.

sagacity. Meantime I shall attend with hearty
goodwill and assiduity to whatever I think concerns
your high position.

IV

PLAXCUS TO CICERO

Gallia Comata," late in November, 44 b.c.

I am greatly obliged to you for your letter, which 1
I observe you write as a result of what you were
told by Fumius. The excuse I offer for the time
that has elapsed is that I had heard of your ha\-ing
set out from Rome,- and only knew of yovir return
shortly before I was apprised of it by your letter.
For it seems impossible that I should omit any act
of service to you, however slight, without incurring
very serious blame ; and for the due performance
of such service I have countless reasons, whether
in your close intimacy >Wth my father, or my reverence
for you from my boyhood, or your affection for me —
an affection I reciprocate.

For that reason, my dear Cicero (and oxu" re- 2
spective ages permit it), be assured that you are
the only man ahve in honoiuing whom I have but
consistently observed the sacred reverence due to a
father. All your counsels therefore are, as it seems
to me, not more fraught with wisdom — and that is
of the highest — than with a sincerity which I can
gauge by my ovvti innermost feelings. It follows
that if my sentiments were to differ from yours,
yoxir admonishment woxild assuredly be enough to

301

CICERO

dubitarem, hortatio impellere posset, ut id sequerer,
quod tu optimum putares. Nunc vero quid est, quod
me in aliam partem trahere possit ? Quaecumque
in me bona sunt, aut fortunae beneficio tributa aut
meo labore parta, etsi a te propter amorem carius
sunt aestimata, tamen vel inimicissimi iudicio tanta
sunt, ut praeter bonam famam nihil desiderare

3 videantur. Quare hoc unum tibi persuade, quantum
viribus eniti, consilio providere, auctoritate monere
potuero,^ hoc omne reipublicae semper futurum.
Non est ignotus mihi sensus tuus ; neque, si facultas,
optabilis mihi quidem, tui praesentis esset, umquam
a tuis consiliis discreparem ; nee nunc committam,
ut uUum meum factum reprehendere iure possis.

4 Sum in exspectatione omnium rerum, quid in Gallia
citeriore, quid in Urbe mense lanuario geratur, ut
sciam. Interim maximam hie sollicitudinem curam-
que sustineo, ne inter aliena vitia hae gentes nostra
mala suam putent occasionem. Quod si proinde, ut
ipse mereor, mihi successerit, certe et tibi, cui
maxime cupio, et omnibus viris bonis satisfaciam.
Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas.

^ movere M.
302

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. iv.

restrain me, and if I were in doubt, your exhortation
enough to impel me to follow whatever course you
deemed to be the best. As it is, however, what is
there that could possibly draw me in any different
direction ? Whatever advantages I possess whether
bestowed upon me by the bounty of fortune or won
by my own exertions, although you, in your love
for me, attach too high a value to them, are yet, even
in the opinion of my bitterest enemy, so consider-
able, as to appear to lack nothing but an honourable
reputation."

Be assured then of this one fact, that whatever 3
my powers can accomplish, my prudence foresee,
or my personal influence prescribe, all that will ever
be at the disposal of the Republic. I am well aware
of yom- political attitude ; and had I the opportunity
(and indeed I long for it) of being actually with
you, I should never disagree with your policy ; and even
as it is, I shall not be so ill-advised as to put it in
your power to censure any act of mine with justice.

I am eagerly awaiting news on all matters, so as 4
to know what is done in Hither Gaul, and what in
the City, in the month of January. Meanwhile
what causes me the greatest solicitude and anxiety
is the fear that, tempted on all sides by the weak-
nesses of their enemy, these Galhc tribes may look
upon our difficulties as their opportunity. But if my
success is in proportion to my deserts, I shall at any
rate satisfy not only yourself, whom it is my chief
desire to satisfy, but also aU men who are patriots.
Be sure to keep well, and love me as I love you.

" He probably refers to what Cicero says of him in x. 3. 3,
'* that he was thought too much of a time-server."

30S

CICERO

CICERO PLANCO S.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Binas a te accepi litteras eodem exemplo ; quod
ipsum argumento mihi fuit diligentiae tuae. Intel-
lexi enim te laborare, ut ad me mihi exspectatissimae
litterae perferrentur. Ex quibus cepi fructum dupli-
cem mihique in comparatione difficilem ad iudican-
dum, amoremne erga me tuum, an animum in
rempublicam pluris aestimandum putarem. Est
omnino patriae caritas meo quidem iudicio maxima ;
sed amor voluntatisque coniunctio plus certe habet
suavitatis. Itaque commemoratio tua paternae
necessitudinis benevolentiaeque eius, quam erga me
a pueritia contulisses, ceterarumque rerum, quae ad
eam sententiam pertinebant, incredibilem mihi

2 laetitiam attulerunt. Rursus declaratio animi tui,
quem haberes de repubhca, quemque habiturus
esses, mihi erat iucundissima ; eoque maior erat
haec laetitia, quod ad ilia superiora accedebat.
Itaque te non hortor solum, mi Plance, sed plane
etiam oro, quod feci his htteris, quibus tu humanis-
sime respondisti, ut tota mente omnique animi
impetu in rempublicam incumbas. Nihil est, quod
tibi maiori fructui gloriaeque esse possit, nee quid-
304

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. v.

CICERO TO PLANCUS

Rome, middle of December, 44 b.c.

I have received two letters from you, each the 1
exact copy of the other, and this in itself I regarded
as a proof of your affectionate care ; for I saw
clearly that you were making every effort to have
your most anxiously awaited letter safely dehvered
to me. It gave me a double satisfaction, which
made it difficult for me to decide upon comparison,
whether I should attach the greater value to your
affection for me, or to your feehngs towards the
Republic. Speaking generally, in my judgment,
the love of one's country is paramount, but personal
love and community of aspirations certainly carry
with them a greater charm. And so your reminding
me of my close intimacy with your father, and of
that friendUness you had displayed towards me from
your boyhood, and of everything else connected with
that sentiment, brought me a joy beyond behef.

Again the declaration of the feehngs you enter- 2
tained, and would continue to entertain, as regards
the Republic, gave me the greatest pleasure, and
my joy was all the more intense because it came as an
addition to what you had previously said. And so
I not only exhort you, my dear Plancus, but I even
implore you in all earnestness (as I did in the letter
to which you repHed in such very courteous terms),
to throw yourself with your whole mind and vvith
every impulse of your heart into the cause of the
RepubUc. There is nothing that can bring you
greater material advantage or greater glory, as there

305

CICERO

quam ex omnibus rebus humanis est praeclarius aut
praestantius, quam de republica bene mereri,
3 Adhuc enim — patitur tua summa humanitas et
sapientia, me, quod sentiam, libere dicere — fortuna
sufFragante videris res maximas consecutus ; quod
quamquam sine virtute non potuisses, tamen ex
maxima parte ea, quae es adeptus, fortunae tempori-
busque tribuuntur. His temporibus difficillimis
reipublicae, quidquid subveneris, id erit totum et
proprium tuimi, Incredibile est omnium civium,
latronibus exceptis, odium in Antoniiun ; magna spes
in te, et in tuo exercitu magna exspectatio. Cuius,
per deos, gratiae gloriaeque cave tempus amittas.
Sic moneo, ut filium ; sic faveo, ut mihi ; sic hortor,
ut et pro patria et amicissimxmi.

VI

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Quae locutus est Furnius noster de animo tuo in
rempublicam, ea gratissima fuerunt senatui, populo-
que Romano probatissima ; quae autem recitatae
litterae sunt in senatu, nequaquam consentire cum
Furni oratione visae sunt. Pacis enim auctor eras,

• See note to x. 3. 1.
306

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. v.-vi.

is nothing in all human affairs more brilliant or more
excellent than to deserve well of the Republic.

For hitherto (jour consxmimate courtesy and 3
wisdom permits me to express my thoughts un-
reservedly) it seems to me that you have succeeded
in matters of the greatest import by the favour of
fortune ; and although you could not have done
so without personal merit, your achievements are
attributed mainly to fortune and the circumstances
of the time. In these most difficult times whatever
assistance you render to the Republic will be entirely
and exclusively to your own credit. How Antony
is hated by all citizens, except the brigands, is
beyond belief. There are high hopes of you, and
great expectations of your army ; so, for heaven's
sake, take care you do not miss the opportunity of
winning all that popularity and renown. I am
advising you as a son ; I am favoming your interests
as my own ; I am exhorting you as one speaking
both for his country and to a very dear friend.

VI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, March 20th, 43 b.c.

The statement of our friend Furnius " as to your 1
attitude of mind towards the Republic was most
acceptable to the Senate and highly approved by
the people of Rome ; the letter, however, which was
read out in the Senate appeared by no means to
harmonize with what Fumius had said.

For you were the advocate of peace, at a time

307

CIGERO

cum collega tuus, vir clarissimus, a foedissimis latroni-
bus obsideretur ; qui aut positis armis pacem petere
debent aut, si pugnantes earn postulant, victoria pax,
non pactione parienda est. Sed de pace litterae vel
Lepidi vel tuae quam in partem acceptae sint, ex
viro Optimo, fratre tuo, et ex G. Fiu-nio poteris co-

2 gnoscere. Me autem impulit tui caritas, ut, quam-
quam nee tibi ipsi consilixmi deesset, et fratris
Furnique benevolentia fideUsque prudentia tibi
praesto esset futiu-a, vellem tamen meae quoque
auctoritatis pro plurimis nostris necessitudinibus
praeceptum ad te aliquod pervenire. Crede igitur
mihi, Plance, omnes, quos adhuc gradus dignitatis
consecutus sis (es autem adeptus amplissimos), eos
honorum vocabula habituros, non dignitatis insignia,
nisi te cum libertate populi Romani et cum senatus
auctoritate coniunxeris. Seiunge te, quaeso, ali-
quando ab iis, cxmi quibus te non tuum iudicium, sed

3 temporum vincla coniunxerunt. Complures in per-
turbatione reipublicae consulates dicti, quorum nemo
consularis habitus, nisi qui animo exstitit in rem-
publicam consulari. Talem igitur te esse oportet,
qui primum te ab impiorum civium tui dissimilli-

<• Decimus Brutus, appointed by Caesar to hold the consul-
ship with Plancus in 42.
308

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. vi.

when your owtq most distinguished colleague °' was
being blockaded by those ruffianly brigands who
ought either to lay do\\Ti their arms and beg for
peace, or, if they demand it in battle-array, it is by
conquest, and not by compact, that peace must be
secured. But as to the letters on that subject,
whether we take yours or that of Lepidus, you ^vill
best discover the construction put upon them from
that excellent man, your brother, and from G.Furnius.

However, although I never thought you lacked 2
sagacity yourself, and you were sure to have Furnius's
and your brother's friendly and faithful watchfulness
to fall back upon, none the less my affection for you
inspired me wdith the desire, in view of the very many
ties of intimacy between us, that some warning
should reach you under the seal of my own personal
authority as well.

Believe me, therefore, Plancus, that those steps
in official promotion you have so far ascended (and
you have reached the most important of them) will
be universally regarded not as so many badges of
merit, but as mere titles of pubhc office, unless you
identity yourself with the liberty of the Roman
people, and the authority of the Senate. Disengage
yourself, I pray, while there is yet time, from those
to whom you are so closely bound, not by your own
choice, but by the chains of circumstance.

Amid the confusion of pubhc affairs several men 3
have been called consulars, but not a single one of
them has been esteemed a consular unless he was
a man conspicuous for his consular spirit in relation
to the Repubhc. It behoves you then, to be the
sort of man firstly, to burst the bonds of your partner-
ship with disloyal citizens, who have no resemblance

309

CICERO

morum societate seiungas ; deinde et senatui bonis-
que omnibus auctorem, principem, ducem praebeas ;
postremo, ut pacem esse iudices non in armis positis,
sed in abiecto armorum et servitutis metu. Haec
si et ages et senties, turn eris non modo consul et
consularis, sed magnus etiam et consul et consularis.
Sin aliter, tua in istis amplissimis nominibus hono-
rum non modo dignitas nulla erit, sed erit summa de-
formitas. Haec impulsus benevolentia scripsi pauUo
severius ; quae tu in experiendo ea ratione, quae
te digna est, vera esse cognosces.

VII

PLANCUS CICERONI

In Gallia Comata, a.u.c. 711.

1 Plura tibi de meis consiliis scriberem rationemque
omnium rerum redder em verbosius, quo magis
iudicares, omnia me reipublicae praestitisse, quae
et tua exhortatione excepi et mea affirmatione tibi
recepi ; (non minus enim a te probari, quam diligi
semper volui ; nee te magis in culpa defensorem
mihi paravi, quam praedicatorem meritorum meorum
esse volui) ; sed breviorem me duae res faciunt ; una,
310

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. vi.-vii.

whatever to yourself; and, secondly, to offer your
ser\ices as adviser, leader, and commander, both
to the Senate and to the whole body of loyaUsts ;
and, lastly, to make up your mind that peace is not
to be found in the mere cessation of hostihties, but
in dissipating the very apprehension of arms and
slavery. If that is what you will do and feel, then
will you not only be a consul and a consular, but
also a great consul and a great consular. Other-
wise the dignity you enjoy amid all those very
impressive official titles of yours will be worse than
non-existent ; it will be a ghastly travesty.

It is pure friendliness that has prompted me to
write these words, and I may have been a little
too hard upon you ; but if you yourself put them to
the test in the only way that is not unworthy of
you, you will find them to be words of truth.

VII

PLANCUS TO CICERO
Gallia Comata, about March 23rd, 43 B.C.

I should write more fully about my plans and 1
give you an account of the whole position at greater
length, so that you might be the better convinced
that I have performed for the Republic all your
exhortation imposed upon me, and all I solemnly
assured you I would undertake to perform (for I
have ever desired to possess your approval no less
than your regard, and have not so much sought your
aid to be my advocate when at fault, as -wished for it
to proclaim my merits) ; but I have to be briefer than
usual for two reasons ; one is that I have ^akeady

311

CICERO

quod publicis litteris omnia sum persecutus, altera,
quod M. Varisidium, equitem Romanum, familiarem
meum, ipsum ad te transire iussi, ex quo omnia co-
2 gnoscere posses. Non, medius fidius, mediocri dolore
afficiebar, cum alii occupare possessionem laudis vide-
rentur ; scd usque mihi temperavi, dum perducerem
eo rem, ut dignum aliquid et consulatu meo et vestra
exspectatione efficerem. Quod spero, si me fortuna
non fefellerit, me consecuturum, ut maximo prae-
sidio reipublieae nos fuisse, et nunc sentiant homines
et in posterum memoria teneant. A te peto, ut
dignitati meae sufFrageris et, quarum rerum spe ad
laudem me vocasti, harum fructu in reliquum facias
alacriorem. Non minus posse te quam velle, explora-
tum mihi est. Fac valeas meque mutuo dihgas.

VIII

PLANCUS IMP. cos. DES. S. D. COSS. PR. TRIB.
PLEB. SEN. POP. PL. Q. R.

In Gallia Comata, a.u.c. 711.

1 Si cui forte videor diutius et hominum exspecta-
tionem, et spem reipubhcae de mea voluntate

"" It is not known what they were.

' It is not quite clear how and when Plancus obtained
the title of imperator ; perhaps it was for his victory over
the Raeti, for which he triumphed in December 44. The
addition of " the people and commons of Rome " to the
addressees of the letter is not usual, but two other letters are
so addressed — that of Lepidus to Cicero (x. 35), and that of
Lentulus (xii. 15). This use of populus points to a time
when the patricians alone were so entitled.
812

EPISTULAE AD FAxMILIARES, X. vii.-viii.

made a full statement in my public despatch, the
other that I have instructed M. Varisidius, a Roman
knight and an intimate friend of mine, to run over
himself and see you, so that you might get full
information from him.

Heaven is my witness that I have been more 2
than a little annoyed at being anticipated by others,
as it seems, in the establishment of a reputation ;
but I have controlled myself until I could succeed
so far in my undertakings as to acliieve something
worthy both of the consulship in store for me, and
the expectations of all of you. And that I hope,
if fortune does not play me false, to accomphsh, so
that the world may recognize now and remember
hereafter, that I have been a powerful means of
protection to the commonwealth. I beg you to
support with your interest my position in the State,
and to stimulate my activity in the future by letting
me now enjoy those honours," the prospect of which
you held out to me when you summoned me to
the path of glory. I am positively assured that
you are no less able than you are willing to do so.
Be sure to keep well, and to love me as I love you.

VIII

PLAN'CUS, IMPERATOR, CONSUL-DESIGNATE, SENDS GREETING
TO THE CONSULS, PRAETORS, TRIBUNES OF THE PLEBS,
THE SENATE, THE PEOPLE AND COMMONS OF ROME ^

Gallia Comata, about March 23rd, 43 b.c.

If there happens to be a man who imagines that 1
I have kept too long in suspense the general expecta-
tion and the hope of the Republic as to my personal

313

CICERO

tenuisse suspensam, huic prius excusandum me esse
arbitror, quam de insequenti officio quidquam ulli
pollicendmn. Non enim praeteritam culpam videri
volo redemisse, sed optimae mentis cogitata iam-

2 pridem mature tempore enuntiare. Non me praeter-
ibat in tanta sollicitudine hominum et tarn perturbato
statu civitatis fructuosissimam esse professioneni
bonae voluntatis magnosque honores ex ea re com-
plures consecutos videbam. Sed cum in eum casuni
me fortuna demisisset, ut aut celeriter pollicendo
magna mihi ipse ad proficiendum impedimenta op-
ponerem, aut, si in eo mihi temperavissem, maiores
occasiones ad opitulandum haberem, expeditius iter
communis salutis, quam meae laudis esse volui. Nam
quis in ea fortuna, quae mea est, et ab ea vita, quam
in me cognitam hominibus arbitror, et cmn ea spe,
quam in manibus habeo, aut sordidum quidquam pati

3 aut perniciosum concupiscere potest ? Sed aliquan-
tum nobis temporis et magni labores et multae
impensae opus fuerunt, ut, quae reipublicae bonisque
omnibus polliceremur, exitu praestaremus, neque ad
auxilium patriae nudi cum bona voluntate, sed cum

814

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. vni.

sentiments, it is to such a critic that I think I must
justify my conduct before making any promise to
anybody about my obligations in the future. For
to appear to have expiated a past error is not so
much my object, as to announce, now that the time
is ripe for it, the conclusions I have long since
arrived at, and they are those of a sincerely loyal
heart.

It never escaped my notice that amid such pro- 2
found and universal anxiety, and the utterly confused
state of the country, the most lucrative of all policies
was the profession of loyal sentiments, and I observed
that not a few have by that profession attained high
honours in the State. But seeing that fortune had
plunged me into the predicament of ha\'ing to choose
between making hasty promises, and thereby putting
serious obstacles in the way of my successful progress,
and on the other hand, by the exercise of self-
restraint in that respect, securing better opportunities
for rendering helpful service, I preferred to clear
the path to my country's salvation rather than to
my oMTi glorification. For who, occupying the
position I now hold, and after such a career as mine
is, I believe, generally acknowledged to have been,
and with such prospects as I have >vithin my grasp,
could possibly either submit to anything hke
hxmiihation, or harboiur in his heart anything like
a sinister desire .''

But it necessitated a considerable amount of time, 3
some heavy work, and much expense, for me to make
good by their accomplishment the promises I had
made to the Republic and all loyal citizens, and to
come to the aid of my country not empty-handed,
however excellent my intentions, but furnished

315

CIGERO

facultatibus accederemus. Confirmandus erat exer-
citus nobis, magnis saepe praemiis sollicitatus, ut ab
republica potius moderata, quam ab uno infinita
speraret ; confirmandae complures civitates, quae
superiore anno largitionibus concessionibusque prae-
miorum erant obligatae, ut et ilia vana putarent et
eadem a melioribus auctoribus petenda existimarent ;
alliciendae etiam voluntates reliquorum, qui finitimis
provinciis exercitibusque praefuerunt, ut potius cum
pluribus societatem defendendae libertatis iniremus,
quam cum paucioribus funestam orbi terrarum victo-

4 riam partiremur. Muniendi vero nosmetipsi fuimus
aucto exercitu auxiliisque multiplicatis, ut, cum
praeferremus sensus aperte, turn etiam invitis qui-
busdam sciri, quid defensuri ess emus, non esset
periculosum. Ita numquam diffitebor multa me,
ut ad efFectum horum consiborum pervenirem, ei
simulasse invitum et dissimulasse cum dolore, quod,
praematura denuntiatio boni civis imparati quam

5 periculosa esset, ex casu coUegae videbam. Quo
nomine etiam C. Furnio legato, viro forti atque
strenuo, plura etiam verbo, quam scriptura, mandata

" i.e., in the way of exemption from taxes and grants of
citizenship ; this was one of the purposes for which Antony
used Caesar's papers and other documents purporting to be
Caesar's but really forged by Faberius, who had been his
scribe.

" D. Brutus, now besieged in Mutina.

316

m

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. vin.

with resources. I had to strengthen the allegiance
of an army, frequently tampered with by the offer
of huge bribes, and induce them to look forward
rather to the modest rewards of the commonwealth
than to the vmlimited prodigahty of a single citizen ;
to strengthen the allegiance of niunerous states,
laid under an obligation in the previous year by
largesses and charters " of pri\ilege, and induce them
to regard all such rewards as of no account, and
appreciate the propriety of claiming the same from
a more constitutional authority. I had, moreover, to
enlist the sjTnpathy of the other officers in command
of the neighbouring pro\inces and armies, so that we
might enter into a partnership with the majority
for the defence of our liberty and not share with
fewer partners the fruits of a ^ictory fraught with
ruin to the whole world.

I had, however, to fortifj- my own position by in- 4
creasing the army and the number of our auxiliaries,
so that when I came to give public expression to my
convictions, the disclosure of the cause I intended to
support, however objectionable to certain persons,
might be attended with no personal risk. I shall
never therefore hesitate to admit that in many
instances, in order to arrive at the due accomplish-
ment of these projects, I have, albeit \nih reluctance,
professed what was false, and, albeit with pain,
dissembled what was true ; for the calamity that
befell my colleague^ had taught me the extreme
danger of a premature declaration by a loyal citizen,
when he was not fuUy prepared.

It was on this account also that I gave that gallant 5
and energetic officer, my legate G. Fumius, even
fuller messages by word of mouth than appear in

317

CICERO

dedimus, ut et tectius ad vos perferrentur, et nos
essemus tutiores ; quibusque rebus et communem
salutem muniri et nos armariconveniret, praecepimus.
Ex quo intellegi potest, curam reipublicae summae

6 defendundae iampridem apud nos excubare. Nunc,
cum deum benignitate ab omni re sumus paratiores,
non solum bene sperare de nobis homines, sed ex-
plorate iudicare volumus. Legiones habeo v sub
signis, et sua fide virtuteque reipublicae coniunc-
tissimas et nostra liberalitate nobis obsequentes,
provinciam omnium civitatum consensu paratissimam
et summa contentione ad officia certantem, equitatus
auxiliorumque tantas copias, quantas hae gentes ad
defendendam suam salutem libertatemque conficere
possunt. Ipse ita smn animo paratus, vel provinciam
tueri, vel ire, quo respublica vocet, vel tradere exer-
citum, auxilia provinciamque, ut vel omnem impetxmi
belli in me convertere non recusem, si modo meo casu
aut confirmare patriae salutem aut periculum possim

7 morari. Haec si iam expeditis omnibus rebus
tranquilloque statu civitatis polliceor, in damno meae
laudis reipublicae commodo laetabor ; sin ad societa-

318

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. viii.

my despatch, so that they might be deUvered to
you with greater secrecy, and I myself might run
less risk ; and I have instructed him as to the most
suitable measures for the protection of our common
safety and for my own equipment. From all this
it may be inferred that anxiety to protect the
highest interests of the Republic has for long past
kept me sleeplessly vigilant.

Now that, by the blessing of heaven, we are better 6
prepared at ever}' point, I desire that men in general
should have not only better hopes of us, but a sure
confidence based on judgment. I have five legions
under colours, not only closely bound to the Repubhc
by their own loyalty and gallantry, but also, thanks
to my hberahty, obedient to my command ; I have
a province in the highest state of preparation,
thanks to the unanimity of all the communities, and
exhibiting the keenest emulation in the performance
of their duties ; I have cavalry and auxiliary forces
as great as these tribes can muster in the defence
of their own lives and liberty.

Speaking for myself, so heartily prepared am I,
whether to protect the province, or to go whither-
soever the State calls me, or to hand over to a
successor my legions, my auxiliaries, and my province,
that I should not shrink from turning the whole
brunt of the war upon myself, provided that, by
any fate of mine, I could either ensure the salvation
of my country, or secure her a respite from danger.

If I make these promises at a time when all diffi- 7
culties have been smoothed away, and the country
is calm, though I thus forfeit the chance of dis-
tinguishing myself, I shall rejoice at the public
gain ; but if I am going on to play my part in

319

CIGERO

tem integerrimoriun et maximorum periculorum ac-
cedam, consilia mea acquis iudicibus ab obtrectatione
invidorum defendenda commendo. Mihi quidem ipsi
fructus meritorum meorum in reipublicae incoliuni-
tate satis magnus est paratus. Eos vero, qui, meam
auctoritatem et multo magis vestram fidem secuti,
nee uUa spe decipi nee uUo metu terreri potuerunt,
ut commendatos vobis habeatis, petendum videtur.

IX

PLANCUS CICERONI S.

In Gallia Narbonensi, a.u.c. 711.

1 Nihil me tibi temere aut te ceteris de me frustra
recepisse laetor. Certe hoc maius habes testimo-
nium amoris mei, quo maturius tibi quam ceteris
consilia mea volui esse nota. In dies vero meritorum
meorum fieri accessiones, pervidere te spero ; cogni-

2 turum magis recipio. Quod ad me attinet, mi Cicero
(ita ab imminentibus malis respublica me adiuvante
liberetur), sic honores praemiaque vestra suspicio,
conferenda certe cum immortalitate, ut sine his nihil
de meo studio perseverantiaque sim remissurus.

" Cf. Ep. 24. 2.
320

EPISTULAE AD FAxMILIARES, X. viii.-ix.

dangers of a most unmitigated and terrible nature,
I commend to yowr impartial judgment the defence
of my pob'cy against the calumnies of the en\ious.

As for myself, I have secured quite an adequate
reward for my services in the prosperity of the
commonwealth ; but as to the men who, guided
by my authority, but, in a far greater degree, by
their confidence in your pledges, could neither be
cajoled by any promises nor intimidated by any
threats — those men I feel bound to beg of you to
regard as commended to your consideration.*

IX

THE SAME TO CICERO

Gallia Narbonensis, about April 27th, 43 b.c.

I am very glad that I made no rash promises l
to you, or you to the others, about myself. At any
rate you possess a greater proof of my affection in
my desire that my fears should be Imown to you
earlier than to the rest. But that fresh additions
are being made day by day to the list of my ser\dces
I hope you clearly see ; that you will have fuller
knowledge of it I guarantee.

As far as I am concerned, my dear Cicero (so 2
may the Republic be delivered by my assistance
from the evils that threaten her !), while I have the
highest esteem for the honours and rewards you
senators can bestow — and they can surely bear
comparison with immortality — still, even mthout
them, I do not intend to relax my devotion and

VOL. II M 321

CICERO

Nisi in multitudine optimorum civium impetus animi
mei fuerit singularis et opera praecipua, nihil ad
meam dignitatem accedere volo sufFragatione vestra.
3 Concupisco autem nihil mihi (contra quod ipse
pugno), sed et temporis et rei te moderatorem facile
patior esse. Nihil aut sero aut exigue a patria civi
tributum potest videri. Exercitum a. d. sextum Kal.
Maias Rhodanum traieci magnis itineribus. Vienna
equites mille via breviore praemisi. Ipse, si ab Le-
pido non impediar, celeritate satisfaciam ; si autem
itineri meo se opposuerit, ad tempus consilium
capiam. Copias adduco et numero et genere et
fidelitate firmissimas. Te, ut dihgas me, si mutuo
te facturum scis, rogo. Vale.

X

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Etsi satis ex Furnio nostro cognoram, quae tua
voluntas, quod consilium de repubhca esset, tamen,
tuis litteris lectis, liquidius de toto sensu tuo iudicavi.
Quamobrem, quamquam in uno proeUo omnis fortuna

322

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. ix.-x.

perseverance. Unless amid the multitude of most
patriotic citizens my enthusiasm has proved un-
paralleled and my efforts outstanding, I do not
desire any addition to be made to my dignity by
your flattering votes. I covet no distinction for 3
myself (indeed it is a feeling I instinctively fight
against) ; and I am quite wilUng to leave both the
season for it and the substance of it to your discretion.
No honom: conferred upon a citizen by his country
can possibly seem either too late or too little.

I threw my army across the Rhone on the 26th of
April, by means of forced marches. I sent forward
a thousand horse by a shorter route from Vienne. If
I am not hindered by Lepidus, speaking for myself,
I shall give you every satisfaction by my rapidity ;
if however he proves an obstacle to my line of march,
I shall take such measures as the moment demands.
The troops I am bringing up are extremely strong in
numbers, in the type of man, and in loyalty. I beg
you will regard me with affection, in the knowledge
that it will be reciprocated. Farewell.

CICERO TO PLANCUS

Rome, March 30th, 43 b.c.

Although I had been sufficiently informed by our 1
friend Fumius as to your sympathies and your policy
in reference to the Repubhc, still the perusal of
your letter gave me a clearer estimate of your whole
political attitude. And therefore, although the
entire fortune of the Repubhc is being staked on

323

GIGERO

reipublicae disceptatur^ (quod quidem, cum haec
legeres, iam decretum arbitrabar fore), tamen ipsa
fama, quae de tua voluntate percrebruit, magnam es
laudem consecutus. Itaque si consulem Romae
habuissemus, declaratum esset ab senatu cum tuis
magnis honoribus, quam gratus esset conatus et
apparatus tuus. Guius rei non modo non praeteriit
tempus, sed ne maturum quidem etiam nunc, meo
quidem iudicio, fuit. Is enim denique honos mihi
videri solet, qui non propter spem futuri benefici, sed
propter magna merita claris viris defertur et datur.
2 Quare, sit modo aliqua respublica in qua honos
elucere possit, omnibus, mihi crede, amplissimis
honoribus abundabis. Is autem, qui vere appellari
potest honos, non invitamentum ad tempus, sed per-
petuae virtutis est praemium. Quamobrem, mi
Plance, incumbe toto pectore ad laudem ; subveni
patriae ; opitulare collegae ; omnium gentium con-
sensual et incredibilem conspirationem adiuva. Me
tuorum consiliorum adiutorem, dignitatis fautorem,
omnibus in rebus tibi amicissimum fidelissimumque
cognosces. Ad eas enim causas, quibus inter nos
amore sumus, officiis, vetustate coniuncti, patriae

^ Wesenberff : disceptat libri.

« The battle of Mutina.

* Hirtius had left Rome in January, and Pansa on
March 20th.

324

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. x.

the issue of one battle " — and indeed I beMeve
that, as you read these words, that issue will have
been already decided — still the mere rumour which
has become current of your intentions, has invested
you with a great reputation. So if only we had had
a consul at Rome,'' the Senate, while honouring you
with marks of high distinction, would have formally
expressed its gratification at what you have essayed to
do already, and are preparing to do in the future.
But the time for these amenities, so far from having
gone by, is not, in my opinion at any rate, even
yet fully ripe. For I always think that the only
true distinction is that bestowed as a free gift upon
men of mark, not in anticipation of their future
services, but in recognition of their conspicuously
good work in the past.

For this reason (so but there be any constitution 2
left where it is possible for honour to shine forth),
take my word for it, you will have more than enough
of the most splendid honours heaped upon you.
But that honour, which can truly be so termed, is
not an incentive for the moment, but the reward of
a long career of consistent excellence. Therefore, my
dear Plancus, devote yourself heart and soul to the
attainment of glory ; come to the rescue of our
country, assist your colleague, contribute to the
agreement and miraculous unanimity of the whole
world.

In me you will find one who will help you in your
counsels, promote your advancement, and be in all
things your most loving and faithful friend. For
to those bonds which have united our hearts — bonds
of affection, mutual kindnesses, and long-standing
friendship — there has now been added our common

325

CICERO

carftas accessit ; eaque efFecit, ut tuam vitam ante-
ferrem meae. iii. Kalendas Aprilis.

XI

PLANCUS CICERONI

In AUobrogibus, A.u.c. 711.

1 Immortales ago tibi gratias agamque, dum vivam ;
nam relaturum me, affirmare non possum. Tantis
enim tuis officiis non videor mihi respondere posse ;
nisi forte, ut tu gravissime disertissimeque scripsisti,
ita sensurus es, ut me referre gratiam putes, cum
memoria tenebo. Si de fili tui dignitate esset actum,
amabilius certe nihil facere potuisses. Primae tuae
sententiae infinitis cum muneribus, posteriores ad
temp us arbitriumque amicorum meorum compositae,
oratio de me assidua et perpetua iurgia cum obtrecta-
toribus propter me notissima mihi sunt. Non
mediocris adhibenda mihi est cura, ut reipublicae me
civem dignum tuis laudibus praestem, in amicitia tua
memorem atque gratmn. Quod reliquum est, tuum
munus tuere et me, si, quem esse voluisti, eum exitu

2 rebusque cognoscis, defende ac suscipe. Cum Rho-
danum copias traiecissem, fratremque cum tribus
millibus equitum praemisissem, ipse iter ad Mutinani
S26

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. x.-xi.

love for our country — a love that has made me
regard your life as more precious than my own.
March 30th.

XI

PLANCUS TO CICERO

Among the AUobroges, the end of April, 43 b.c
P.
I tender you, and shall continue to do so as long 1
,as J^live, my undying gratitude ; that I can ever
'' prove it, is more than I can say. So great have
been your serWces that I do not think that I can
rise to the requital of them, unless indeed, in your
own impressive and eloquent words, you intend to
regard me as paying the debt of gratitude so long
as I bear that debt in remembrance. Had your
own son's prestige been in question, you could not,
I am sure, have acted with greater kindness. Your
first motions in the Senate proposing unlimited
grants to me, those later ones drawn up to meet
the circumstances and the wishes of my friends,
your constant public references to me, and your
incessant altercations with my detractors on my
account — all this is perfectly well known to me.
I have to be more than ordinarily careful to prove
myself deserving of your praise as a citizen in pubhc
life, and unforgetful of my gratitude to you as your
private friend. As to the future, continue your
generosity to me, and if in the issue of events you
find me the man you ^vished me to be, take up my
cause and defend me.

Having thrown my forces across the Rhone and 2
sent my brother forward with 3000 horse, when I

327

CICERO

dirigerem, in itinere de praelio facto, Brutoque et
Mutina obsidione liberatis audivi. Animadverti
nullum alium receptum Antonium reliquiasque, quae
cum eo essent, habere, nisi in his partibus ; duasque
ei spes esse propositas, unam Lepidi ipsius, alteram
exercitus. Quod quaedam pars exercitus non minus
furiosa est, quam qui cum Antonio fuerunt, equi-
tatum revocavi ; ipse in Allobrogibus constiti, ut
proinde ad omnia paratus essem ac res me moneret.
Si nudus hue se Antonius confert, facile mihi videor
per me sustinere posse, remque publicam ex vestra
sententia administrare, quamvis ab exercitu Lepidi
recipiatur ; si vero copiarum aUquid secum adducet,
et si decima legio veterana, quae nostra opera
revocata cum reliquis est, ad eumdem furorem red-
ierit, tamen, ne quid detrimenti fiat, dabitur opera a
me, idque me praestaturum spero, dum istinc copiae
traiciantur, coniunctaeque nobiscxmi facilius per-
3 ditos opprimant. Hoc tibi spondeo, mi Cicero, neque
animum nee diligentiam mihi defuturam, Cupio
mehercules nullam residuam sollicitudinem esse ;
sed si fuerit, nee animo nee benevolentiae nee pa-
tientiae cuiusquam pro vobis cedam. Do quidem
ego operam, ut etiam Lepidum ad huius rei societa-
tem incitem, omniaque ei obsequia polliceor, si modo
3S8

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xi.

was myself marching upon Mutina, I was told on
the way of the battle that had been fought, and the
delivery of Brutus and Mutina from their blockade.
I took note of the fact that Antony and the remnants
of his forces which accompanied him had no other
place of retreat than in these parts ; and that he
had only two chances offered him, one depending on
Lepidus himself, the other on his army. Since a
certain part of this army is as infatuated as those who
were with Antony, I have recalled my cavalry, and
myself taken up my stand among the Allobroges,
so as to b^ te^dy for any emergency as circiunstances
might direct. ' If Antony comes here \\ithout military
support, I fancy I can easily resist him by myself,
amd discharge my pubhc duties to the satisfaction
of the Senate, however warmly he may be welcomed
by the army of Lepidus ; but if he brings with him
any considerable force, and I find that the veteran
tenth legion, which was reclaimed by my efforts
and is now with the rest, has relapsed into its former
infatuation, even then I shall make every effort to
prevent any disaster ; and I hope to succeed in so
doing, provided that reinforcements are hurried
across from Rome, and by effecting a junction with
me make it easier to crush these desperadoes.

This much, my dear Cicero, I can promise you — 3
there will be no lack of courage or careful strategy
on my part. What I desire, I solemnly aver, is
that no trace of anxiety should be left ; but if there
be, I shall yield to no man in courage, or in loyalty,
or in perseverance on behalf of you all. Indeed I
am making an effort to induce even Lepidus to
enter into partnership -with me in this business, and
I promise to defer to him in every particular, if only

329

CICERO

rempublicam respicere volet. Utor in hac re ad-
iutoribus interpretibusque fratre meo, et Laterense
et Furnio nostro. Non me impedient privatae offen-
siones, quo minus pro reipublicae salute etiam cum
inimicissimo consentiam. Quod si nihil profecero,
nihilominus maximo sum animo et maiore fortasse
cum mea gloria vobis satisfaciam. Fac valeas, meque
mutuo diUgas.

XII

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

Etsi reipublicae causa maxime gaudere debeo,
tantum ei te praesidi, tantum opis attulisse extremis
paene temporibus, tamen ita te victorem complectar,
republica recuperata, ut magnam partem mihi
laetitiae tua dignitas afFerat, quam et esse iam, et
futuram amplissimam intellego. Cave enim putes,
ullas umquam litteras gratiores quam tuas, in senatu
esse recitatas. Idque contigit cxma meritorum tuo-
rmn in rempublicam eximia quadam magnitudine,
tum verborum sententiarumque gravitate. Quod
mihi quidem minime novum, qui et te nossem et

" M. Juventius Laterensis was praetor in 51 b.c. and
augur in 45 ; he was legate in Lepidus's army in 43, and,
when that army joined Antony, committed suicide. He was
a man of high principle, conscientious, and unflinchingly
loval to the Republic. He is the Laterensis referred to in
viii. 8. 2.
330

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xi.-xii.

he consents to respect the interests of the Republic.
The assistants and intermediaries I am employing
in this matter are my brother, and Laterensis " and
our friend Fumius. No private causes of offence shall
stand in the way of my agreeing even with my
bitterest enemy for the salvation of the Republic.
But if I prove to have been entirely imsuccessful,
nevertheless my com-age is high, and perhaps I
shall satisfy your expectations by an enhancement
of honour to myself. Be careful of your health, and
let your affection for me be as mine for you.

XII

CICERO TO PLANCU8

Rome, April 11th, 43 b.c.

Although I am bound, as a Republican, to rejoice 1
exceedingly at your having given the Republic such
powerful support and such valuable aid at an almost
desperate crisis, yet, while I shall welcome you
with open arms as a conqueror on the restoration
of the Commonwealth, what contributes in large
measure to my joy is your own position, which, I
take it, already is, and hereafter \\'ill be, most
magnificent. You must never suppose that any
despatch ever read out in the Senate was more
welcome than was yours. And this was due not
only to a certain exceptional importance attaching
to your services to the Republic, but also to the
impressive dignity of your sentiments and the way
you expressed them. To me indeed it was nothing
new, because you were not unknown to me, because

331

CICERO

tuarum litterarum ad me missarum promissa memi-
nissem et haberem a Furnio nostro tua penitus consilia
cognita. Sed senatui maiora visa sunt, quam erant
exspectata ; non quo umquam de tua voluntate
dubitasset ; sed nee, quantum facere posses, nee,
quoad progredi velles, exploratum satis habebat,

2 Itaque cum a. d. vii. Idus Apriles mane mihi tuas
litteras M. Varisidius reddidisset, easque legissem,
incredibili gaudio sum elatus ; cumque magna mul-
titudo optimorum virorum et civium me domo dedu-
ceret, feci continuo omnes participes meae voluptatis.
Interim ad me venit Munatius noster, ut consuerat ;
at ego ei litteras tuas ; nihildum enim sciebat. Nam
ad me primum Varisidius, idque sibi a te mandatum
esse dicebat. Paullo post idem mihi Munatius eas
litteras legendas dedit, quas ipsi miseras, et eas, quas

3 publice. Placuit nobis, ut statim ad Cornutum prae-
toremurbanxim litteras deferremus, qui, quodconsules
aberant, consulare munus sustinebat more maiorum.
Senatus est continuo convocatus, frequensque con-
venit propter famam atque exspectationem tuarum
litterarum. Recitatis litteris, oblata religio Cornuto
est pullariorum admonitu non satis diligenter eum
auspiciis operam dedisse ; idque a nostro collegio
comprobatum est. Itaque res dilata est in posterum.

• Cf. X. 7. 1.

* A relative of Plancus, but not his brother, who was with
him in Gaul.

" Officials in charge of the sacred chickens, who inter-
preted the omens " ex tripudiis " — the way in which the
chickens fed and the grain fell to the ground.
332

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES. X. xii

I remembered the promises contained in the letters
you sent me, and thirdly, because I had been made
thoroughly acquainted with your purposes by our
friend Furnius. But to the Senate your words
appeared to transcend all expectation ; not that it
had ever entertained a doubt of your good intentions,
but it had insufficient assurance either as to how much
you were able to do, or as to how far you were willing
to go.

So, when on the morning of April 7, M. Varisidius" 2
had handed me your letter and I had read it, you
could not believe the ecstasy of my joy ; and as I
was being escorted from my house by a huge throng
of the most patriotic men and citizens, I immediately
made them all sharers in my happiness.

Meanwhile our friend Munatius ^ paid me a \isit,
as he often does. Well, I gave him your letter,
for up to that moment he had learnt nothing, I
being the first to whom Varisidius had come, saying
that such were your instructions to him. A little
later Munatius also gave me to read the private letter
you had sent to himself and the public despatch too.

We decided to lay the letter forthwith before 3
the City praetor Cornutus, who, in the absence of
the consuls, was, according to the traditional practice,
discharging the consular duties. The senate was
immediately convened, and there was a large
attendance owing to all the talk and the expecta-
tions roused by your despatch. After it had been
read out, Cornutus was faced with a religious diffi-
culty, the pullarii'^ drawing his notice to the fact
that he had not attended with all due formality to
the auspices ; and the irregularity was confirmed by
our college of augurs, and so the business was put off

333

GICERO

Eo autem die magna mihi pro tua dignitate contentio
cum Servilio ; qui cum gratia efFecisset, ut sua sen-
tentia prima pronuntiaretur, frequens eum senatus
reliquit et in alia omnia discessit ; meaeque sen-
tentiae, quae secunda pronuntiata erat, cum fre-
quenter assentiretur senatus, rogatu Servili P. Titius

4 intercessit. Res in posterum dilata. Venit paratus
Servilius, lovi ipsi iniquus, cuius in templo res age-
batur. Hunc quemadmodum fregerim, quantaque
contentione Titium intercessorem abiecerim, ex
aliorum te litteris malo cognoscere, — unum hoc ex
mieis : senatus gravior, constantior, amicior tuis
laudibus esse non potuit, quam turn fuit ; nee vero
tibi senatus amicior, quam cuncta civitas. Mirabiliter
enim populus Romanus universus et omnium generum
ordinumque consensus ad liberandam rempublicam

5 conspiravit. Perge igitur, ut agis, nomenque tuum
commenda immortalitati, atque haec omnia, quae
habent speciem gloriae, collecta inanibus splendoris
insignibuSjContemne, brevia,fucata,^ caduca existima.
Verum decus in virtute positum est, quae maxime
illustratur magnis in rempublicam meritis. Earn
facultatem babes maximam ; quam quando com-

^ H. Pal. : fugatia M: fugacia alii.

<• P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul with Caesar in
48 B.C. He seems to have been at enmity with Plancus.

■" Tribune of the Plebs. He is again mentioned in x. 21. 3.

" A proverbial expression of doubtful origin, meaning
passionate and unrestrained defiance.
334

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xii.

till the following day. On that day, however, 1 had
a serious altercation in defence of your claims ^vith
Ser villus, <» who had contrived by his influence that
his owTi motion should be put first ; but a large
number of senators turned their backs upon him,
and voted for a direct negative. And when my
motion, which came next, was being agreed to by a
majority of the senate, P. Titius,* at the instance
of ServiUus, interposed his veto. The matter was
put off till the foUomng day. Up comes ServiUus, 4
ready for the fray, " shaking his fists at Jupiter him-
self," " whose temple was the scene of the debate.
How I crushed him, and with what vehemence
of oratory I rolled Titius, for all his vetoing, in
the dust, I prefer you should learn from the letters
of others — this much only from mine : never could
the Senate have been more in earnest, more deter-
mined, or more friendly in its appreciation of your
achievements than it was on that occasion ; and
indeed the Senate is no more friendly to you than
the whole body of citizens. It is marvellous how
the entire population of Rome, of every class and
order, is of one mind in its united desire for the
deUverance of the Republic.

Go on then in your own way, and commend your 5
name to everlasting remembrance ; as for all these
distinctions, a mere congeries of the meaningless
symbols of splendour, though possessing the out-
ward appearance of glory, spurn them, deem them
ephemeral, mere seductive forgeries, doomed to
fade away. True honour hes in worth, which finds
its brightest lustre in serving the State with dis-
tinction. For so doing you have a brilliant op-
portimity, and now that you have embraced it, and

335

CICERO

plexus es, et tenes,^ perfice, ut ne minus respublica
tibi quam tu reipublicae debeas. Me tuae dignitatis
non modo fautorem, sed etiam amplificatorem co-
gnosces. Id cum reipublicae, quae mihi vita est mea
carior, turn nostrae necessitudini debere me iudico.
Atque in his curis, quas contuU ad dignitatem tuam,
cepi magnam voluptatem, quod bene cognitam mihi
T. Munati prudentiam et fidem magis etiam per-
spexi in eius incredibili erga te benevolentia et
dihgentia. iii. Idus Apriles.

XIII

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Ut primum potestas data est augendae dignitatis
tuae, nihil praetermisi in te orpando, quod positum
esset aut in praemio virtutis, aut in honore verborum.
Id ex ipso senatus consulto poteris cognoscere ; ita
enim est perscriptum, ut a me de scripto dicta
sententia est ; quam senatus frequens secutus est

2 summo studio magnoque consensu. Ego quam-
quam ex tuis litteris, quas mihi misisti, perspexeram,
te magis iudicio bonorum, quam insignibus gloriae

^ II. Pal. : complexus es, tene M.

° The Munatius mentioned in § 2 above.

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. m.-xui.

have it in your grasp, so act as to ensxire that the
State's debt to you is no less than yours to the State.
You >nll find in me one who will not only encourage,
but promote your advancement. So much I consider
I owe both to the RepubUc, which is dearer to me
than my very Ufe, and to the intimacy of our
friendship.

I may add that, amid all these anxieties which
have been my contribution to the maintenance of
your high position, it has been a great pleasure
that, well acquainted as I was with the shrewdness
and honesty of T. Munatius,* I had a yet clearer
proof of it in his extraordinary friendliness towards
you, and his careful attention to your interests.
April 11.

XIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, about May 10th, 43 b.c.

As soon as ever I had the opf>ortunity given me of 1
promoting your advancement, I left nothing undone
to do you honour, whether in the way of reward for
valour, or of complimentary expression. So much
you can see from the decree of the Senate itself;
for it was drafted in the exact terms of the motion
I read out from my own manuscript, and it was
passed by a full Senate with the greatest enthusiasm
and remarkable unanimity.

Although the letter you sent me had conclusively 2
proved to me that you were more pleased with the
verdict of soimd citizens than with any tokens of

337

CICERO

delectari, tamen considerandum nobis existimavi,
etiamsi tu nihil postulares, quantum tibi a republica
deberetur. Tu contexes extrema cum primis. Qui
enim M. Antonium oppresserit, is bellum confecerit.
Itaque Homerus non Aiacem, nee Achillem, sed
Ulixem appellavit TrroXiTropdov.

XIV

CICERO PLANCO 8.
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 O gratam famam biduo ante victoriam, de sub-
sidio tuo, de studio, de celeritate, de copiis ! Atqui^
etiam hostibus fusis spes omnis in te est. Fugisse
enim ex proelio Mutinensi dicuntur notissimi latro-
num duces. Est autem non minus gratum extrema

2 delere quam prima depellere. Equidem exspecta-
bam iam tuas litteras, idque cum multis, sperabam-
que etiam Lepidum, temporibus admonitum, tecum
et cmn republica esse facturiun. In illam igitur
curam incumbe, mi Plance, ut ne qua scintilla tae-
terrimi belli relinquatur. Quod si erit factum,
et rempublicam divino beneficio afFeceris, et ipse
aeternam gloriam consequere. D. iii. Non. Mai.

^ Manutius and Wesenberg : atque vulg.

" Or, as S. H. Jeyes renders it, " your end shall be of a
piece with the beginning."

" Since Ulysses by the ruse of the Trojan Horse succeeded
where Ajax and Achilles had failed.

According to our text of the Iliad, Achilles is called
TTToXiwopdos four times ; but the later Romans appear to
have followed the text of Aristarchus, who rejected as
spurious the lines in which that epithet is applied to
Achilles.
338

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xiii.-xiv.

honour, still I thought it our duty to take into con-
sideration, even though you yourself made no
claim, the question of the State's great indebtedness
to you. You ^\ill, I am sure, see to it that your
finale accords with your ouverture.'* For the man who
crushes Antony will have finished the war. On
the same principle. Homer did not give to Ajax
or Achilles, but to Ulysses, the title of " Sacker
of the City." *

XIV

CICERO TO THE SAMB

Rome, May 5th, 43 b.c.

What a delightful report we heard two days 1
before the victory about the reinforcements you
were bringing up, your enthusiasm, your rapidity,
your forces ! And yet even now that the enemy
has been routed, all our hope lies in you. For it is
said that the most notorious ringleaders of those
brigands have escaped from the battle of Mutina.
But finally to destroy a foe ^vins no less gratitude
than to repulse his first attack.

For my own part, I am eagerly awaiting your 2
despatch, and many others are doing so too ; and I
hope also that Lepidus will take warning from the
present state of affairs and co-operate with you and
the Republic. Therefore, my dear Plancus, regard
it as an urgent charge upon you to leave alight no
single spark of this most hideous war. If this be
done, you will have bestowed a higher than human
blessing upon the State, and will yourself win ever-
lasting glory. May 5th.

339

CICERO
XV

PLANCUS CICERONI

Ad Cularonem, a.u.c. 711.

1 His litteris scriptis, quae postea accidissent, scire
te ad rempublicam putavi pertinere. Sedulitas mea,
ut spero, et mihi et reipublicae tulit fructum. Nam-
que assiduis intemuntiis cum Lepido egi, ut, omissa
omni contentione reconciliataque voluntate nostra,
communi consilio reipublicae succiirreret ; se, liberos
Urbemque pluris quam uniun perditum abiectumque
latronem putaret ; obsequioque meo, si ita faceret,

2 ad omnes res abuteretur. Profeci ; itaque per
Laterensem internuntium fidem mihi dedit, se
Antonium, si prohibere provincia sua non potuisset,
bello persecuturum ; me, ut venirem copiasque con-
iungerem, rogavit ; eoque magis, quod et Antonius
ab equitatu firmus esse dicebatur, et Lepidus ne
mediocrem quidem equitatum habebat. Nam etiani
ex paucitate eius, non multis ante diebus, decem, qui
optimi fuerant, ad me transierant. Quibus rebus
ego cognitis, cunctatus non sum ; in cursu bonorum

3 consiliorum Lepidum adiuvandum putavi. Adventus
meus quid profecturus esset, vidi ; vel quod equitatu
meo persequi atque opprimere equitatum eius pos-

" Grenoble.
* The reference is to Ep. 11.
340

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xv.
XV

PLANCUS TO CICERO

Near Cularo," May 13th, 43 b.c.

After this letter had been Avritten,* I thought it of 1
pubhc importance that you should know what has
happened subsequently. My assiduity has borne
good fruit, I hope, both for myself and the Repubhc.
By means of my busy intermediaries, I urged
Lepidus to drop all disputes, to become reconciled
with us in a friendly spirit, and to come to the aid
of the Repubhc by joining me in my pohcy ; to
esteem himself, his children, and the City, of greater
value than one single desperate and humiliated
brigand, and, on these terms to avail liimself to the
full of my compUance with all his projects. I made 2
some progress ^v^th him ; so through my agent
Laterensis he has pledged his word to me that he
will harry Antony with the sword, should he fail to
keep him outside his province ; he has asked me to
come over to him, and combine our forces, and he
is all the more urgent because it was stated that
Antony was strong in point of cavalry, while Lepidus
is not even tolerably well supplied in that depart-
ment. For not many days before, the ten most
efficient troopers out of his meagre muster had
crossed over to my camp. On ascertaining this,
I no longer hesitated, thinking it my duty to en-
courage Lepidus in keeping to the path of loyalty.

I saw the good effect my arrival was likely to have, 3
as I thought I could either with my cavalry hunt down
and crush Antony's, or, by havjng my army on the

341

CICERO

sem, vel quod exercitus Lepidi earn partem, quae
corrupta est et ab republica alienata, et corrigere et
coercere praesentia mei exercitus possem. Itaque
in Isara, flumine maximo, quod in finibus est Allo-
brogum, ponte uno die facto, exercitum a. d. quar-
tum Idus Maias traduxi. Cum vero mihi nuntiatum
esset L. Antonium praemissum cum equitibus et co-
hortibus ad Forum luli venisse ; fratrem cum equi-
tum quattuor millibus, ut occurreret ei, misi a. d. iii.
Idus Maias ; ipse maximis itineribus cum quattuor
legionibus expeditis et reliquo equitatu subsequar.
4 Si nos mediocris modo fortuna reipublicae adiuverit,
et audaciae perditorum et nostrae sollicitudinis hie
finem reperiemus. Quod si latro, praecognito nostro
adventu, rursus in Italiam se recipere coeperit,
Bruti erit officium occurrere ei ; cui scio nee con-
silium nee animum defuturum. Ego tamen, si id
accident, fratrem cum equitatu mittam, qui sequatur,
Italiam a vastatione defendat. Fac valeas, meque
mutuo diUgas.

XVI

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Nihil post homimmi memoriam gloriosius, nihil
gratius, ne tempore quidem ipso opportunius accidere
vidi, quam tuas. Fiance, litteras. Redditae sunt
enim frequenti senatu Cornuto, cum is frigidas sane
342

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xv.-xvi.

spot, reform and control that section of Lepidus's
army which was corrupt and disaffected. I there-
fore built a bridge in one day over the Isara, the
widest river in the territory of the Allobroges, and
took my army across on May 12. When, however,
it was reported to me that L. Antonius had been
sent with an advanced party of cavalry and some
cohorts, and had reached Forvmi Julii, I sent my
brother on the 13th to meet him, and I shall myself
follow on closely by forced marches, ^vith four hghtly
equipped legions and the rest of my cavalry.

If we are only helped to a moderate degree by 4
the fortune of the Republic, we shall here find an
end alike to the temerity of these desperadoes, and
our own anxiety. But should our brigand get early
intelligence of oiu* arrival, and again take measures
to withdraw into Italy, the duty of meeting him
will fall upon Brutus, and he, I am sure, will not be
found wanting either in strategy or spirit. In that
case I shall nevertheless send my brother with his
cavalry to pursue the enemy and protect Italy from
being devastated. Mind you keep well and love
me as I love you.

XVI

CICERO TO PLANCUS
Rome, about May 27th, 43 b.c.

Never within living memory have I seen anything I
more glorious, more gratifying, or more exactly
opportiuie in point of time, Plancus, than your
despatch. It was deUvered to Comutus in a full
Senate, just after he had read out the despatch of
Lepidus, and a very bleak and shuffling communica-

343

CICERO

et inconstantes recitasset litteras Lepidi. Sub eas
statim recitatae sunt tuae, non sine magnis quidem
clamoribus. Cum rebus enim ipsis essent et studiis
beneficiisque in rempublicam gratissimae, turn erant
gravissimis verbis ac sententiis. Flagitare senatus
institit Cornutum, ut referret statim de tuis litteris.
Ille, se considerare velle. Cum ei magnum con-
vicium fieret cuncto a senatu, quinque tribuni plebei
retulerunt. Servilius rogatus rem distulit ; ego earn
sententiam dixi, cui sunt assensi ad unum. Ea quae
2 fuerit, ex senatus consulto cognosces. Tu, quam-
quam consilio non eges, vel abundas potius, tamen
hoc animo esse debes, ut nihil hue reicias, neve in
rebus tam subitis tamque angustis a senatu con-
silium petendum putes. Ipse tibi sis senatus ; quo-
cumque te ratio reipublicae ducet, sequare. Cures,
ut ante factum aliquod a te egregium audiamus, quam
futurum putarimus. Illud tibi promitto, quidquid a
te erit factum, id senatum, non modo ut fideliter, sed
etiam ut sapienter factum, comprobaturum.

" For motions made by tribunes of the plebs in the
Senate see Phil. iii. 13, and vii. 1.

S44

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xvi.

tion that was. Immediately after it yours was
read out, and not without loud applause. For
most warmly welcome as it was for its actual con-
tents and the zealous serWces to the State they
recorded, it was no less acceptable for its very
impressive language and sentiments. The Senate
excitedly and insistently pressed Comutus to put
the question of your despatch before the House
without a moment's delay. He replied that he \\-ished
to consider the matter. When the whole Senate
gave angry vent to its displeasure, five tribunes of
the plebs brought forward a motion." Ser^•ilius, on
being called upon, proposed that the matter be
deferred ; I then formally expressed my opinion,
and the Senate agreed with me to a man. What
that opinion was you will learn from the decree of
the Senate.

As to yourself, though you are not lacking in 2
discretion, or, I should rather say, possess it in
abundance, still you ought to make up your mind
never to refer any question to Rome, and never
amid emergencies so sudden and embarrassing to
think it incimibent upon you to consult the Senate.
Be a Senate unto yourself, and follow whatever
path is indicated by your consideration for the pubhc
welfare. Make a special point of letting us hear
of some brilUant exploit on your part, before we
ever expected it to happen. This I promise you,
that whatever your achievement, the Senate will
heartily applaud it as a proof, not only of your
loyalty, but also of your wisdom.

3i5

CICERO
XVII

PLANCUS CICERONI
In itinere ad Forum Voconi, a.u.c. 711.

1 Antonius Id. Maiis ad Forum lull cum primis
copiis venit. Ventidius bidui spatio abest ab eo.
Lepidus ad Forum Voconi castra habet, qui locus a
Foro luli quattuor viginti millia passuum abest, ibi-
que me exspectare constituit, quemadmodum ipse
mihi scripsit. Quod si omnia mihi integra et ipse et
fortuna servant, recipio vobis celeriter me negotium

2 ex sententia confecturum. Fratrem meum, assiduis
laboribus concursationib usque confectum, graviter
se habuisse, antea tibi scripsi ; sed tamen cum pri-
mum posse ingredi coepit, non magis sibi quam rei-
publicae se convaluisse existimans, ad omnia pericula
princeps esse non recusavit. Sed ego eum non solum
hortatus sum, verum etiam coegi isto proficisci, quod
et ilia valetudine magis conficere se, quam me
iuvare posset in castris, et quod acerbissimo interitu
consulum rempublicam nudatam tali cive praetore
in urbanis officiis indigere existimabam. Quod si qui
vestrum non probabit, mihi prudentiam in consilio

3 defuisse i^ciat, non illi erga patriam fidelitatem. Le-
pidus tamen, quod ego desiderabam, fecit, ut Apel-

" For this man's rise from slave to consul see Gellius, xv. 1 .
In early life he contracted for supplying the provincial
governors with mules and carriages, and owed his success t()
his prompt execution of their orders.

"" An inland town about 24 miles due west of Forum Julii,
now Le Canet. Forum Julii is the modern Frejus.

346

EPISTULAE AD FAiMILIARES, X. xvn.
XVII

PLANCUS TO CICERO

On the march to Forum Voconii, May 20th, 43 b.c.

Antony arrived at Forum Julii with his first 1
di\-ision on May 15. Ventidius " is two days' march
away from him. Lepidus has his camp at Forum
Voconii,* a place twenty-four miles away, and that
is where, according to his ovm letter, he has arranged
to await me. But if only Lepidus himself, and
fortune, keep me a perfectly free field, I give you
my assurance that I shall speedily settle the business
to your satisfaction.

I informed you in a previous letter that my 2
brother, exhausted by his incessant exertions and
constantly hurrj-ing from place to place, was seriously
ill ; but in spite of that, as soon as ever he could
put foot to ground, reflecting that his recovery was
no greater benefit to himself than to the State, he
did not shrink from taking the lead when any danger
was to be met. However I not only urged him, but
even compelled him to start for Rome, because (as
I argued) in his state of health he could more easily
wear himself out, than be of any assistance to me
in camp, and also because I really thought that
the Republic, left desolate by the tragic fall of her
consuls, stood in need of such a citizen to act as
praetor in the business of the City. And if any
man among you disapproves of my action, let me
assure him that it was I who lacked prudence in so
advising, and not he who lacked loyalty to his countr}-.

Anyhow Lepidus — and that is just what I wanted 3
— arranged to send me Apella, for me to use him as

3-t7

CICERO

lam ad me mitteret, quo obside fide illius et societatis
in republica administranda uterer. Studium mihi
suum L. Gellius de tribus fratribus se segregando^
probavit ; quo ego interprete novissime ad Lepidum
sum usus. Amicmn evtm reipublicae cognosse videor,
libenterque ei sum testimonio, et omnibus ero, qui
bene merentur. Fac valeas, meque mutuo diligas,
dignitatemque meam, si mereor, tuearis, sicut adhuc
singular! cum benevolentia fecisti.

XVIII

PLANCUS CICERONI
In castris Gallicis, a.u.c. 711.

1 Quid in animo habuerim, cum Laevus Nervaque
discesserunt a me, et ex litteris, quas eis dedi, et ex
ipsis cognoscere potuisti, qui omnibus rebus con-
siliisque meis interfuerunt. Accidit mihi, quod
homini pudenti et cupido satisfaciendi reipublicae
bonisque omnibus accidere solet, ut consilium se-
querer periculosum magis, dum me probarem, quam

2 tutum, quod habere posset obtrectationem. Itaque
post discessum legatorum, cum binis continuis litteris
et Lepidus me, ut venirem, rogaret, et Laterensis
multo etiam magis, prope implorans, obtestaretur,
non uUam rem aliam extimescens, quam eamdem,
quae mihi quoque facit timorem, varietatem atque

^ The text here is hopelessly corrupt. Out of many
conjectures I have adopted Giltbrauer's se segregando as
being the most probable.

" Laevus Cispius and Nerva were legates of Plancus.
The former is again mentioned in x. 21. 3.

S48

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xvii.-xvul

a hostage for his own good faith and partnership
with me in the administration of the Repubhe.
L. Gelhus proved his devotion to me by detaching
himself from his three brothers ; he is the man I
employed as intermediary in my last mission to
Lepidus. I fancy I have found in him a true friend
to the State, and I shall be glad to offer my testi-
mony on his behalf, and on behalf of all others who
deserve well of the State.

Mind you keep well, and love me as I love you ;
and if I deserve it, uphold my position, as indeed
you have done hitherto with extraordinary friendli-

XVIII

THE SAME TO CICERO

Camp in Gaul, May 18th, 43 b.c

What I had in my mind when Laevus and Nerva * 1
left me you have been able to gather from the letter
I gave them, and from the men themselves, who have
participated in all my affairs and deliberations. It has
been my lot, as it is often the lot of a man of honour,
and anxious to satisfy the claims of the Republic, and
indeed of all good men, to pursue a policy of danger
to my own satisfaction, rather than one of safety,
which might possibly expose me to reproach.

So after the departure of his legates, when Lepidus 2
in two letters with no inter\'al between them, begged
me to join him, and Laterensis in much stronger terms
entreated me, nay almost implored me, to do so, since
he dreaded nothing so much as just that which
causes me also apprehension, — I mean the fickleness

S49

CICERO

infidelitatem exercitus eius, non dubitandum putavi,
quin succurrerem meque communi periculo ofFerrem.
Sciebam enim, etsi cautius illud erat consilium, ex-
spectare me ad Isaram, dum Brutus traiiceret exerci-
tum, et cum coUega consentiente, exercitu concordi
et bene de republica sentiente, sicut milites faciunt,
hostibus obviam ire, tamen, si quid Lepidus bene
sentiens detrimenti cepisset, hoc omne assignatum
iri aut pertinaciae meae aut timori videbam, si aut
hominem ofFensum mihi, coniunctum cum republica
non sublevassem, aut ipse a certamine belli tam
3 necessarii me removissem. Itaque potius periclitari
volui, si possem mea praesentia et Lepidum tueri
et exercitvun facere meliorem, quam nimis cautus
videri. SoUicitiorem certe hominem, non suis con-
tractis, neminem puto fuisse. Nam, quae res nuUam
habebat dubitationem, si exercitus Lepidi absit, ea
nunc magnam afFert sollicitudinem, magnumque
habet casum. Mihi enim si contigisset, ut prior
occurrerem Antonio, non mehercules horam con-
stitisset ; tantum ego et mihi confido et perculsas ilhus
copias Ventidique mulionis castra despicio. Sed non
possum non exhorrescere, si quid intra cutem subest
ulcerisj quod prius nocere potest, quam sciri curarique
possit. Sed certe, nisi uno loco me tenerem, mag-

" See note a on xvii. 1.
350

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xviii.

and disaffection of Lepidus's army, — I decided that I
ought to show no hesitation in hurrying to his assist-
ance, and facing the common danger. For I was
well aware — although the safer course was for me to
wait on the Isara until Brutus brought his army over,
and then with a colleague in full sympathy with me
and with an army of the same mind and loyally
inclined towards the Republic, as his soldiers certainly
are, to go to meet the enemy — still, as I say, if any
disaster befel Lepidus while loyally incHned towards
the Republic, I foresaw that the whole blame would
be attributed to my obstinacy, or else to my lack of
courage — to the former for having failed to come to
the relief of one who, though in close union with the
Repubhc, was personally at feud ■with me, or to the
latter for having dehberately withdrawn at such a
crisis from a campaign so unavoidable.

I therefore proposed to run the risk, in case I :
might protect Lepidus by being on the spot, and effect
an improvement in his army, rather than appear un-
duly cautious. Anyhow, I don't believe that anybody
was ever in such a quandary through no fault of his
own . For the very positi on of affairs , which contained
no element of doubt, if only Lepidus's army were out
of the way, now causes me serious anxiety and
involves serious risk. Indeed, had it been my good
luck to be the first to encounter Antony, I swear that
he would not have held his ground for a single hour ;
such is my confidence in myself, and such my con-
tempt for his stricken forces and the camp of that
mule-driver Ventidius." But I cannot help shudder-
ing at the thought of some ulcer lying under the
skin that may do mischief before it is diagnosed and
treated. But undoubtedly, unless I remained in

S51

GIGERO

num periculum ipse Lepidus, magnum ea pars
exercitus adiret, quae bene de republica sentit.
Magnam etiam perditi hostes accessionem sibi
fecissent, si quas copias a Lepido abstraxissent.
Quae si adventus meus represserit, agam gratias
fortunae constantiaeque meae, quae ad banc ex-
i perientiam excitavit. Itaque a. d. xii. Kalend. lun.
ab Isara castra movi ; pontem tamen, quem in Isara
feceram, castellis duobus ad capita positis, reliqui
praesidiaque ibi firma posui, ut venienti Bruto exer-
cituique eius sine mora transitus esset paratus. Ipse,
ut spero, diebus octo, quibus has litteras dabam,
cum Lepidi copiis me coniungam.

XIX

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

I Quamquam gratiarum actionem a te non desi-
derabam, cum te re ipsa atque animo scirem esse
gratissimum, tamen (fatendum est enim) fuit ea mihi
periucunda. Sic enim vidi, quasi ea, quae oculis cer-
nuntur, me a te amari. Dices, quid antea ? Semper
equidem ; sed numquam illustrius. Litterae tuae
mirabiliter gratae fuerunt senatui, cum rebus ipsis,

' i.e., " did you not think I loved you before ? "
S52

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xvm.-xix.

the same place with him, a great risk would be
incurred by Lepidus himself, and one equally great
by that part of his army which is loyally inclined
towards the Republic. Those desperadoes, the
enemy, too, would have gained no small an addition
to their strength, had they succeeded in withdrawing
any of his troops from Lepidus. If I put a stop to
all this by my arrival there, I shall thank my good
luck and determination — for it was that which
prompted me to make the experiment.

On May 20th therefore I struck my camp on the 4
Isara ; I left behind me, however, the bridge I had
built over that river, after planting a fort at either
end, and I posted strong garrisons there, so that when
Brutus and his army arrived, they should not be
held up, but find the crossing ready prepared for
them. I shall myself, I hope, within eight days
after the despatch of this letter, effect a junction
with the forces of Lepidus.

XIX

CICERO TO PLANCUS

Rome, about May 27th, 43 b.c.

Though I looked for no expression of thanks from 1
you, because I knew you to be most grateful in very
deed and thought, still (I must confess) it gave me
extreme pleasure. For I saw as clearly as what is
visible to the eye, that I am beloved by you. You
will say " how about pre\iously ? " " Well, it was
always evident to me, but never more conspicuously.

Your despatch was amazingly acceptable to the

Senate, not only for its subject matter, itself of the

VOL. II N 353

CIGERO

quae erant gravissimae et maximae, fortissimi animi,
summique consili, turn etiam gravitate sententiarum
2 atque verborum. Sed, mi Plance. incumbe, ut belli
extrema perficias. In hoc erit summa et gratia et
gloria. Cupio omnia reipublicae causa ; sed, me-
hercules, in ea conservanda iam defatigatus, non
multo plus patriae faveo quam tuae gloriae ; cuius
maximam faeultatem tibi di immortales, ut spero,
dedere ; quam complectere, obsecro. Qui enira
Antonium oppresserit, is hoc bellum taeterrimum
periculosissimumque confecerit.

XX

CICERO PLANCO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Ita erant omnia, quae istinc afFerebantur, incerta,
ut, quid ad te scriberem, non occurreret. Mode
enim, quae vellemus, de Lepido, modo contra nun-
tiabantur. De te tamen fama constans, nee decipi
posse nee vinci ; quorum alterius fortuna partem
habet quamdam, alterimi proprium est prudentiae

2 tuae. Sed accepi litteras a collega tuo, datas Idibus
Maiis, in quibus erat, te ad se scripsisse, a Lepido non
354

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xix.-xx.

greatest gravity and moment, and indicative of con
spicuoiis courage combined ^vith admirable judg-
ment, but also for its impressive sentiments impres-
sively expressed.

But, my dear Plancus, apply yourself with all 2
your energy to the decisive completion of the war.
It is in that you will find the culmination of your
popularity and glory. AU my desires are con-
centrated in the cause of the Republic ; but, utterly
worn out as I am by my efforts to save it, I protest
that I am now not much more zealous for my country,
than for your renown ; and the immortal gods have, I
am glad to think, given you a glorious opportunity
of establishing it ; that opportunity I implore you
to embrace. The man who crushes Antony will
have terminated this most hideous and hazardous

XX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, May 39th, 43 b.c.

All the news brought us from where you are is so 1
vague, that what I should write to you is not very
ob\'ious. At one moment the reports about Lepidus
are all that we could wish, at another quite the
reverse. What is said about you, however, never
varies — that you can be neither cajoled nor con-
quered ; in the latter case fortune plays a certain part,
in the other all is due to your own sagacity.

But I had a letter, dated May 15th, from your 2
colleague, which stated that you had written to him
saying that Antony was not being well received by

S55

GICERO

recipi Antonium ; quod erit certius, si tu ad nos idem
scripseris ; sed minus audes fortasse propter inanem
laetitiam litterariun superiorum. Verum, ut errare,
mi Plance, potuisti (quis enim id effugerit ?), sic decipi
te non potuisse, quis non videt ? Nunc vero etiam
erroris causa sublata est. Culpa enim ilia, bis ad
eumdem, vulgari reprehensa proverbio est. Sin, ut
scripsisti ad coUegam, ita se res habet, omni cura
liberati sumus ; nee tamen erimus prius, quam ita
3 esse tu nos feceris certiores. Mea quidem, ut ad te
saepius scripsi, haec sententia est : Qui reliquias
huius belli oppresserit, eum totius belli confectorem
fore ; quem te et opto esse et confido futurimi .
Studia mea erga te, quibus certe nulla esse maiora
potuerunt, tibi tam grata esse quam ego putavi fore,
minime miror vehementerque laetor. Quae quidem
tu, si recte istic erit, maiora et graviora cognosces.
IV. Kalendas lunias.

XXI

PLANCUS CICERONI

In castris ad Isaram, a.u.c. 711.

1 Puderet me inconstantiae mearum litterarum,
si non haec ex aliena levitate penderent. Omnia feci .

" X. 15. 1 and 2.

* Sc. " offendere lapidem turpe," " it does a man no
credit to stub his toe twice against the same stone." The
Greek original is 5is Trpos rbi' avrov ai<rxpoi' d<xKpovtiv Xidov.
We say " A burnt child fears the fire " or " Once bitten
twice shy."

856

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xx.-xxi.

Lepidus ; I shall feel more certain about it if you
write to me to the same effect ; but perhaps you
rather shrink from doing so, because the cheerful
tone of your previous letter" was not justified. As
a matter of fact, while it is possible that you might
have been mistaken (for who is infalhble ?), every-
body must see that you could not possibly have been
duped. Now, however, you are left without even
the excuse of making a mistake ; for the fatuity of
" twice against the same stone " * is held up to
reproach in a familiar proverb. But if things are
as you "wrote to your colleague, we are freed from
all anxiety ; and yet we shall not really be so, tintil
we are informed that such is the case by yourself.

My own opinion, as I have repeatedly ■written to 3
you, is just this, that the man who obhterates the last
traces of this war, will have the credit of its entire
completion ; I pray that that man is, and I am con-
fident that he will be, none other than yourself. I am
not in the least surprised, and am highly delighted,
that the proofs of my devotion to you — and certainly
none could be more convincing — are as gratifying to
you as I thought they would be ; and if all goes well
with you, you will find them yet more convincing
and of greater consequence. May 29th.

XXI

PLANCU8 TO CICERO

Camp on the Isara, May 15th, 43 b.c.

I should be ashamed of the inconsistency in the 1
tone of my letters, were it not attributable to the
shiftiness of another. I left no stone unturned to

S57

,

CICERO

quare, Lepido coniuncto ad rempublicam defenden-
dam, minore solKcitudine vestra perditis resisterem.
Omnia ei et petenti recepi, et ultro pollicitus sum,
scripsique tibi biduo ante, confidere me bono Lepido
esse usurum communique consilio bellum admini-
straturum. Credidi chirographis eius, affirmationi
praesentis Laterensis, qui tum apud me erat, recon-
ciliaremque me Lepido fidemque haberem, orabat.
Non licuit diutius bene de eo sperare. Illud certe
cavi et cavebo, ne mea credulitate reipublicae summa

2 fallatur. Cum Isaram flumen, uno die ponte efFecto,
exercitum traduxissem, pro magnitudine rei celeri-
tatem adhibens, quod petierat per litteras ipse, ut
maturarem venire, praesto mihi fuit stator eius cum
litteris, quibus, ne venirem, denuntiabat ; se posse
per se conficere negotium ; interea ad Isaram ex-
spectarem. Indicabo temerarium meum consilium
tibi ; nihilominus ire decreram, existimans emn
socium gloriae vitare. Putabam posse me nee de
laude ieiuni hominis delibare quidquam, et subesse
tamen propinquis locis, ut, si durius aliquid esset.

3 succurrere celeriter possem. Ego non malus homo
hoc suspicabar. At Laterensis, vir sanctissimus, suo

S58

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxi.

join forces with Lepidus for the defence of the
Republic, and so resist the desperadoes with less
anxiety to you all. There is nothing I did not
either pledge myself to do at his request, or promise
to do unasked, and I wrote to you two days ago,
saying I felt sure I should find Lepidus an honour-
able man, and have his co-operation in the conduct
of the war. I put my trust in his autograph letters,
and the personal protestations of Laterensis, who
was staying \\ith me at the time, and kept begging
of me to be reconciled to Lepidus, and put my faith
in him. It has proved impossible to have good
hopes of him any longer. Of one thing, assuredly,
I have been, or shall be careful — that the interests
of the Repubhc are not betrayed by my creduhty.

Having taken my army across the river Isara by 2
a bridge that was built in one day, and making
as much haste as so important a matter demanded,
since he himself had urged me by letter to come as
soon as possible, I found his orderly awaiting me
there with a despatch in which he gave me strict
injunctions not to come, adding that he could settle
the business by himself, and that meantime I was
to wait for him on the Isara. I shall make no
secret to you of my rash determination ; I decided
to go all the same, suspecting that he only wished
to shirk having to share his glory with another. I
thought that, without nibbling a morsel off the
hungry fellow's credit, I could still be in the neigh-
bourhood for him to fall back upon, so that, if any-
thing untoward occurred, I might give him prompt
assistance.

That is how I, not being an evil-disposed person, 3
was looking at the matter. But Laterensis, a man

359

CICERO

chirographo mittit mihi litteras, in eisque desperans
de se, de exercitu, de Lepidi fide, querensque se
destitutum, aperte denuntiat, videam, ne fallar ;
suam fidem solutam esse ; reipublicae ne desim.
Exemplar eius chirographi Titio misi. Ipsa chiro-
grapha omnia, et quibus credidi, et ea, quibus fidem
non habendam putavi, Laevo Cispio dabo perferenda,

4 qui omnibus iis interfuit rebus. Accessit eo, ut
milites eius, cum Lepidus contionaretur, improbi per
se, corrupti etiam per eos, qui praesunt, Canidios
Rufrenosque et ceteros, quos, cum opus erit, scietis,
conclamarint viri boni, pacem se velle neque esse cum
ullis pugnaturos, duobus iam consulibus singularibus
occisis, tot civibus pro patria amissis, hostibus denique
omnibus iudicatis bonisque publicatis. Neque hoc

5 aut vindicarat Lepidus aut sanarat. Hue me venire
et duobus exercitibus coniunctis obicere exercitum
fidelissimum, auxilia maxima, principes Galliae,
provinciam cunctam, summae dementiae et temeri-
tatis esse vidi, mihique, si ita oppressus essem rem-
que publicam mecum prodidissem, mortuo non modo
honorem, sed misericordiam quoque defuturam.
Itaque rediturus sum nee tanta munera perditis

' Probably P. Titius, the tribune of the plebs mentioned
in X. 12. 3.
» See X. 18. 1.
" Legates or centurions, no doubt, in the army of Lepidus.

S60

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxi.

of unimpeachable character, sends me a letter in
his own handwriting, in which he despairs of himself,
the army, and Lepidus's honesty, complains that he
has been left in the lurch, and frankly warns me
to be on my guard against being imposed upon,
adding that for his own part he had kept his word,
and urging me to be true to the Republic. I have
sent a copy of his original letter to Titius.* I shall
entrust the dehvery of all the originals, both those
I considered genuine and those I did not think
should be reUed upon, to Laevus Cispius,* who has
been engaged in all these transactions.

There is this further fact, that when Lepidus was 4
haranguing them, his men, disloyal in themselves,
and corrupted also by their officers, the Canidiuses *
and Rufrenuses " and the rest of that gang — you
will know all about them when the time comes —
shouted in unison, fine patriots as they are, that
what they wanted was peace, and that they were
not going to fight for any party, after two illustrious
consuls had already been slain, so many citizens lost
fighting for their countr)% and all of them, in fine,
condemned as pubhc enemies, and their possessions
confiscated. Now this outburst had been neither
punished nor quelled by Lepidus.

To come here then and expose my very loyal 5
anny, my very numerous auxiliaries, the chief men
of Gaul, and the entire province to a combination of
two armies — this I saw to be the height of madness
and temerity. I saw too that, if I were overwhelmed
in this way, and had betrayed the State together
with myself, not only should I have no honour shown
me after my death, but no pity either. I am there-
fore resolved to return, and will not permit the

S6l

CICERO

6 hominibus dari posse sinam. Ut exercitum locis
habeam opportunis, provinciam tuear, etiamsi ille
exercitus descierit, omniaque Integra servem, dabo
operam, quoad exercitus hue summittatis parique feli-
citate rempublicam hie vindicetis. Nee depugnare,
si occasio tulerit, nee obsideri, si necesse fuerit,
nee mori, si casus incident, pro vobis paratior fuit
quisquam, Quare hortor te, mi Cicero, exercitum
hue traiciendum quam primum cures et matures prius
quam hostes magis corroborentur et nostri pertur-
bentur. In quo si celeritas erit adhibita, respublica
in possessione victoriae, deletis sceleratis, permanebit.

7 Fac valeas, meque diligas. Fratrem meum tibi,
fortissimum civem et ad omnia paratissimum, excusem
litteris ? qui ex labore in febriculam incidit assiduam
et satis molestam. Cxim primum poterit istuc re-
currere, non dubitabit, ne quo loco reipublicae desit.
Meam dignitatem commendatam habeas, rogo. Con-
cupiscere mie nihil oportet ; habeo te et amantissi-
mum mei et, quod optavi, summae auctoritatis. Tu
videris, quantum et quando tuum munus apud me
velis esse. Tantum te rogo, in Hirti locum me subdas
et ad tuum amorem et ad meam observantiam.

" This is either a postscript to the preceding letter, or
(as Tyrrell takes it to be) the beginning of another letter.
On the death of the consuls Cicero had written to Plancus
urging him to send back to Rome his brother, Munatius
Plancus, praetor urbanus, who was serving as legate in his
army. To that letter this is a reply.
362

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxi.

possibility of such generosity being wasted on a pack
of desperadoes.

I shall do my best to keep my army advantage- 6
ously situated, to protect my province, even if that
other army has revolted, and to keep my hands free
in every respect, until you send reinforcements here,
and defend the Republic with as much good fortune
here as elsewhere. No man was ever more ready,
whether to fight it out, if the opportunity occurs, or
to stand a blockade, if it be necessary, or to die, if
it so happen, on your behalf. Therefore do I urge
you, my dear Cicero, to take steps to send an army
across to us as soon as possible, and to make haste to
do so before the enemy becomes still stronger, and
our own men more disorderly. If only that is done
speedily, the traitors will be exterminated, -and
victory will ever remain in the hands of the Republic.
Be sure you keep well and continue to love me.

Am I to write an apology to you for my brother," a 7
most gallant citizen and most prompt to answer any
call ? As a result of his hard work he has had a slight
attack of fever, non-intermittent and troublesome
enough. As soon as he can hurry back to Rome, he
will not hesitate to do so, and be of service to the
State, whatever his sphere of duty. I beg you to
regard my position as being in your hands. It is
needless for me to have any ambition, as I have in
you one who is not only warmly attached to me, but
also (and that has ever been my prayer) commands the
highest influence. You will yourself consider what
you would hke to be the extent of your generosity
to me, and the time for it. I ask you no more than
this — to let me fill Hirtius's place, that you may show
your love for me, and I my respect for you.

363

CICERO
XXII

CICERO PLANCO
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 In te et in coUega omnis spes est, dis approbanti-
bus. Concordia vestra, quae senatui declarata lit-
teris vestris est, mirifice et senatus et cuncta civitas

2 delectata est. Quod ad me scripseras de re agraria,
si consultus senatus esset, ut quisque honorificen-
tissimam de te sententiam dixisset, earn secutus
essem ; qui certe ego fuissem. Sed propter tardi-
tatem sententiarum moramque rerum, cum ea,
quad consulebantur, ad exitum non pervenirent,
commodissimum mihi Plancoque fratri visum est,
uti eo senatus consulto,* quod ne nostro arbitratu
componeretur, quis fuerit impedimento, arbitror te

3 ex Planci litteris cognovisse. Sed sive in senatus-
consulto, sive in ceteris rebus desideras aliquid, sic
tibi persuade, tantam esse apud omnes bonos tui
caritatem, ut nulliun genus amplissimae dignitatis
excogitari possit, quod tibi non paratum sit. Litteras
tuas vehementer exspecto, et quidem tales, quales
maxime opto. Vale.

^ s.c. was added to eo by Manutius,

» i.e., D. Brutus.

* Both Plancus and D. Brutus were anxious to be on
the Commission to consider the distribution of land to the
soldiers.

364

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxu.
XXII

CICERO TO PLANCUS

Rome, end of June, 43 b.c.

All our hopes rest on you and your colleague,** the 1
gods helping us. The cordial agreement between
you clearly expressed to the Senate in your joint
despatch gave extraordinary pleasure both to the
Senate and the entire State.

You •«Tote to me about the land commission * ; 2
well, had the Senate been consulted, I should have
supported whoever proposed the most comphmentary
motion about you, and that man would certainly
have been myself. But so tardy was the expression
of opinions and so dilatory the transaction of business,
seeing that the matters under discussion were not
arriving at a settlement, your brother Plancus and
I decided to accept the decree of the Senate which
was passed ; and I fancy Plancus has told you by
letter, who it was that prevented its being drafted
in exact agreement with our ^vishes.''

But if there is anything that disappoints you in 3
the decree of the Senate, or in anything else, rest
assured of this, that such is the affection all patriots
feel for you in their hearts, that it is impossible to
imagine any kind of position, however exalted, which
is not yours for the asking. I await your letter
with much eagerness, and such a letter too as I
above aU things desire.

* It was probably Servilius, for whom see note on x. 12. 3.

S65

CICERO

XXIII

PLANCUS CICERONI

Cularone, a.u.c. 711.

1 Numquam mehercules, mi Cicero, me poenitebit
maxima pericula pro patria subire, dum, si quid
acciderit mihi, a reprehensione temeritatis absim.
Confiterer imprudentia me lapsum, si umquam Le-
pido ex animo credidissem. Credulitas enim error
est magis, quam culpa ; et quidem in optimi cuiusque
mentem facillime irrepit. Sed ego non hoc vitio
paene sum deceptus ; Lepidum enim pulchre noram.
Quid ergo est ? Pudor me, qui in bello maxime est
periculosus, hunc casum coegit subire. Nam, si uno
loco essem, verebar, ne cui obtrectatorum viderer et
nimium pertinaciter Lepido oflPensus et mea patientia

2 etiam alere bellmn, Itaque copias prope in con-
spectum Lepidi Antoniique adduxi, quadragintaque
millium passuum spatio relicto consedi eo consilio, ut
vel celeriter accedere, vel salutariter recipere me
possem. Adiunxi haec in loco eHgendo, flumen
oppositum ut haberem, in quo mora transitus esset ;
Vocontii sub manu ut essent, per quorum loca fideliter
mihi pateret iter. Lepidus, desperato adventu meo,
366

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxin.
XXIII

PLAN'CUS TO CICERO
Cularo, June 6th, 43 b.c.

Never, I solemnly aver, my dear Cicero, shall I 1
regret undergoing the greatest danger on behalf of
my coxmtry, provided that, if anything happens to
me, I escape the reproach of rashness. Had I ever
trusted Lepidus from the bottom of my heart, I
should confess that lack of caution had led me
astray. For creduHty is more an error of judgment
than a crime, and indeed the better the man, the
more easily does it creep into his mind. It was
not this weakness, however, that all but betrayed
me ; no, I knew Lepidus only too well. What was
it then ? It was my regard for my reputation, the
most dangerous attribute in war, that forced me into
this danger. For had I remained in one spot, I was
afraid that someone among my critics would suspect
me of being unduly obstinate in my quarrel -with
Lepidus, and even of fostering the war by taking no
action.

I therefore brought up my troops almost within 2
sight of Lepidus and Antony, and, leaving a distance
of forty miles between us, I encamped there with
the idea of being able either to make a rapid advance
or to retire ^^ith perfect safety. I acquired these
further advantages in my choice of ground — I should
have in front of me a river, to cross which would
cause delay, and close at hand were the Vocontii,
whose loyalty would keep the road open for me
through their territory. Abandoning all hope of

367

CICERO

quem non mediocriter captabat, se cum Antonio
coniunxit a. d. iv. Kal. lunias, eodemque die ad me
castra moverunt ; viginti millia passuum cum ab-

3 essent, res mihi nuntiata est. Dedi operam deum
benignitate, ut et celeriter me reciperem, et hie
discessus nihil fugae simile haberet, non miles ullus,
non eques, non quidquam impedimentorum amit-
teretur aut ab illis ferventibus latronibus inter-
ciperetur. Itaque pridie Nonas lunias omnes copias
Isaram traieci, pontesque, quos feceram, interrupi,
ut spatium ad colligendum se homines haberent, et
ego me interea cum coUega coniungerem ; quem
triduo, cum has dabam litteras, exspectabam.

4 Laterensis nostri et fidem et animum singularem in
rempublicam semper fatebor. Sed certe nimia eius
indulgentia in Lepidum ad haec pericula perspicienda
fecit eum minus sagacem. Qui quidem cum in
fraudem se deductum videret, manus, quas iustius
in Lepidi perniciem armasset, sibi afFerre conatus
est. In quo casu tamen interpellatus et adhuc vivit
et dicitur victurus. Sed tamen de hoc mihi parum

5 certum est. Magno cum dolore parricidarum elapsus
sum iis. Veniebant enim eodem furore in me, quo
in patriam, incitati. Iracundias autem harum rerum
recentes habebant, quod Lepidum castigare non

» This is inconsistent with 21. 2, "ne venirem denun-
tiabat," etc. (" he distinctly told me not to come," etc.).
Is it possible that Lepidus had now laid a trap for Plancus ?

' See note on x. 11. 3.

« Laterensis died. He was an honourable man, staunchly
loyal to the Republic, and his suicide is a pathetically
moving incident in the campaign.

368

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiii.

my arrival, which he was exceedingly anxious to
bring about," Lepidus effected a junction vriih
Antony on May 29th, and on the same day they
advanced to meet me ; that fact was reported to
me when they were twenty miles off.

I made every effort, by the blessing of heaven, to 3
make a rapid retreat, \\'ithout allo'wing my departure
to bear any resemblance to a flight, and to prevent
a single foot-soldier or horseman or any piece of
baggage being lost or cut off by those hot-headed
brigands. And so on June 4th I threw all my forces
across the Isara and broke up the bridge I had built,
so as to give my men time to pull themselves together,
and in the meantime myself to effect a junction
with my colleague, whom I am expecting within
three days of the date of this letter.

I shall always acknowledge the loyalty and 4
singular devotion to the Republic of our friend
Laterensis,'' but there is no doubt that his unduly
generous estimate of Lepidus impaired his sagacity
in appreciating these dangers. It is true that when
he realized that he had been lured into a trap,
he endeavoured to lay upon himself those hands
which he would more properly have armed for the
destruction of Lepidus. In that attempt, however,
he was interrupted and is still ahve, and is hkely, it
is said, to live. But on that point I cannot be
positive."

My shpping from between their hands was a bitter 5
blow to the murderers of their country ; for they
were coming stirred by the same mad hatred against
myself as against their fatherland. Moreover, they
had these fresh reasons for their angry feelings — I
had never ceased from goading Lepidus into ex-

369

CIGERO

destiteram, ut exstingueret bellum ; quod coUoquia
facta improbabam ; quod legatos fide Lepidi missos
ad me in conspectum venire vetueram ; quod C.
Catium Vestinum, tribunum militum, missum ab
Antonio ad eum ciun litteris exceperam niimeroque
hostis habueram.i In quo banc capio voluptatem,
quod eerte, quo magis me petiverunt, tanto maiorem

6 his frustratio dolorem attulit. Tu, mi Cicero, quod
adhuc fecisti, idem praesta, ut vigilanter nervoseque
nos, qui stamus in acie, subornes. Veniat Caesar
cum copiis quas habet firmissimas ; aut, si ipsum
aliqua res impedit, exercitus mittatur ; cuius ipsius
magnum periculum agitur. Quidquid aliquando
futurum fuit in castris perditorxim contra patriam,
hoc omne iam convenit. Pro Urbis vero salute cur
non omnibus facultatibus, quas habemus, utamur ?
Quod si vos istic non defueritis, profecto, quod ad me
attinet, omnibus rebus abunde reipublicae satis-

7 faciam. Te quidem, mi Cicero, in dies, mehercules,
habeo cariorem ; sollicitudinesque meas quotidie
magis tua merita exacuunt, ne quid aut ex amore
aut ex iudicio tuo perdam. Opto, ut mihi liceat
iam praesenti pietate meorum officiorum tua bene-
ficia tibi facere iucundiora. Octavo Idus lun. Cula-
rone ex finibus Allobrogum.

^ numeroque h. h. K. Pal. and other codd. : the words
are omitted in M.

• i.e., the conversations between the soldiers on either side.

* i.e., of Antony. ' i.e., Octavian.

<• From the plots of Antony.

370

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiii.

tinguishing the war ; I condemned the parleys *
that had taken place ; I had forbidden the legates ^
sent under the guarantee of Lepidus to come within
my sight ; and I had arrested C. Catius Vestinus,
the military tribune sent him by Antony with a
despatch, and had treated him as a public enemy.
In all this I have the pleasure of being assured that
the greater their eagerness to catch me, the keener
is their vexation at being foiled.

It is for you, my dear Cicero, to stand by us as 6
staunchly as ever, and ^vith all vigilance and energy
to reinforce us who are bearing the brunt of the
battle. Let Caesar " come and bring with him his most
trustworthy troops, or, if anything prevents his
coming himself, let his army be sent ; he is himself
involved in no little danger.*^ All the desperadoes
who were ever likely to take up arms against their
country are now gathered together in this one spot.

Why indeed should we not employ all the resources
we command for the salvation of the city ? But if
you at Rome do not fail us, I assure you that, for my
own part, I shall amply satisfy the claims of the
Republic in every particular.

As for you, my dear Cicero, I asseverate that my 7
love for you increases day by day ; and your kind ser-
vices daily intensify my anxiety not to forfeit an atom
of either your love or your esteem. I pray that I may
soon be at your side, and so be permitted, by the
dutiful discharge of my obligations to you, to enhance
the pleasure you take in doing kindnesses to me.
June 6th, Cularo, in the country of the Allobroges.

371

GICERO

XXIV

PLANCUS IMP. CONS. DESIGN. S. D. CICERONI

In castris Gallicis, a.u.c. 711.

1 Facere non possum, quin in singulas res merita-
que tua tibi gratias agam. Sed mehercule facio
cum pudore. Neque enim tanta necessitudo, quan-
tam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti, desiderare videtur
gratiarum actionem, neque ego lubenter pro maximis
tuis beneficiis tam vili munere defungor orationis ; et
malo praesens observantia, indulgentia, assiduitate
memorem me tibi probare. Quod si mihi vita conti-
gerit, omnes gratas amicitias atque etiam pias propin-
quitates in tua observantia, indulgentia, assiduitate
vincam. Amor enim tuus ac iudicium de me utrum
mihi plus dignitatis in perpetuum, an voluptatis quo-

2 tidie sit allaturus, non facile dixerim. De militum
commodis fuit tibi curae ; quos ego non potentiae
meae causa (nihil enim me non salutariter cogitare
scio) ornari volui a senatu ; sed primum, quod ita
meritos iudicabam ; deinde, quod ad omnes casus
coniunctiores reipublicae esse volebam ; novissime,
ut ab omni omnium solhcitatione aversos eos tales

3 vobis praestare possem, quales adhuc fuerunt. Nos

" " The cheap currency of words " is taken from S. H.
Jeyes's translation.

» Cf.Ep.8. 7 ad Jin.
372

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiv.
XXIV

PLANCUS, IMPERATOR AND CONSUL DESIGNATE, TO
CICERO

Camp in Gaul, July 28th, 43 b.c.

It is impossible for me not to express my gratitude 1
to you in regard to every detail of your services.
But I assure you that I do so wdth a sense of shame.
For neither does the intimate connexion you have
encouraged between us appear to require any
expression of thanks, nor is it any pleasure to me
to repay your wonderful kindness by employing the
cheap currency of words " ; and I had rather prove
to you that I am not forgetful by my respectful
consideration for you, and unfailing attention to
you when we meet. But if life be spared me,
by that same respectful consideration and unfailing
attention I shall outdo all the gratitude of your
friends, and even all the affection of your kinsfolk.
As for your love and esteem for me, I find it hard to
tell whether it is likely to Imng me in greater
measxure permanent honour or daily delight.

You have been concerned about the benefactions 2
to the soldiers ; it was not vnih a view to my own
personal ascendancy (I am sure I harbour no sinister
design) that I >vished them to be honoured by the
Senate, but because in the first place I considered
they deserved it ; in the next place, because I
desired them to be more closely bound to the
Republic to meet any possible emergency ; and
lastly, so that I might keep them proof against any
temptation from any quarter and guarantee their
being as loyal to you as they have been hitherto.''

378

CICERO

adhuc hie omnia integra sustinuimus. Quod con-
silium nostrum, etsi, quanta sit aviditas hominum
non sine causa capitalist victoriae scio, tamen vobis
probari spero. Non enim, si quid in his exercitibus
sit offensum, magna subsidia respublica habet ex-
pedita, quibus subito impetu ac latrocinio parrici-
darum resistat. Copias vero nostras notas tibi esse
arbitror. In castris meis legiones sunt veteranae
tres, tironiun vel luculentissima ex omnibus una ;
in castris Bruti una veterana legio, altera bima, octo
tironum. Ita universus exercitus numero amplis-
simus est, firmitate exiguus. Quantum autem in
acie tironi sit committendum, nimium saepe exper-

4 turn habemus. Ad hoc robur nostrorum exercituum
sive Africanus exercitus, qui est veteranus, sive
Caesaris accessisset, aequo animo summam rem-
publicam in discrimen deduceremus. Aliquanto
autem propius esse, quod ad Caesarem attinet,
videbamus ; nihil destiti eum litteris hortari ; neque
ille intermisit affirmare, se sine mora venire ; cum
interim aversum ilium ab hac cogitatione ad alia
consilia video se contulisse. Ego tamen ad eum
Furnium nostrum cum mandatis litterisque misi, si

6 quid forte proficere posset. Scis tu, mi Cicero, quod
ad Caesaris amorem attinet, societatem mihi esse
tecum, vel quod in familiaritate Caesaris, vivo illo,

^ capitalis suggested by Lehmann and approved by
Mendelssohn : talis mss. : fatalis Kock : alterius Nettle-
ship ; but capitalis, ' decisive,' best suits the context.

• i.e., I and Brutus.
S74,

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiv.

So far we have maintained the whole position 3
here unchanged ; and though I am well aware how
great is the general and quite justifiable eagerness
for a decisive victory, still I trust that my pohcy
meets with your approval. For if anything should go
wrong with the armies here, the State has no large
reserves ready to take the field, wherewith to resist
any sudden attack or raid on the part of these
murderers of their country. What forces I have,
I beUeve you know. There are three legions of
veterans in my camp, and one, and that the most
splendid of them all, of recruits ; Brutus has under
him one legion of veterans, another of two years'
service men, and eight of recruits. So taking the
army as a whole, it is numerically very strong, but
below par in steadiness ; and experience has taught
us only too often how far recruits are to be rehed
upon on the field of battle.

■ Had the strength of our forces, such as it is, been 4
reinforced either by the African army, which consists
of veterans, or by that of Caesar, we" should put
the fortunes of the Republic to the test of a battle
with an easy mind ; but we " saw that what Caesar
could offer us was considerably the nearer at hand,
and I have never ceased from urging him by letter
to come, nor has he ever stopped assuring me that
he was doing so without delay ; though I see that
he has meantime tiu-ned away from tliis purpose,
and is taken up with other designs. Nevertheless
I have sent our friend Furnius to him with messages
and a despatch, to see if he could do any good.

Now you know, my dear Cicero, that, as far as 5
affection for Caesar goes, I am with you, whether
because, having regard to my intimacy with Julius,

375

CICERO

iam tueri eum et diligere fuit mihi necesse ; vel quod
ipse, quoad ego nosse potui, moderatissimi atque
humanissimi fuit sensus ; vel quod ex tarn insigni
amicitia mea atque Caesaris hunc, fili loco et illius et
vestro iudicio substitutum, non proinde habere, turpe

6 mihi videtur. Sed, quidquid tibi scribo, dolenter
mehercule magis quam inimice facio. Quod vivit
Antonius hodie, quod Lepidus una est, quod exercitus
habent non contemnendos, quod sperant, quod
audent, omne Caesari acceptum referre possunt.
Neque ego superiora repetam ; sed ex eo tempore,
quo ipse mihi professus est se venire, si venire
voluisset, aut oppressum iam helium asset, aut in
aversissimam illis Hispaniam cum detrimento eorimi
maximo extrusum. Quae mens eum, aut quorum
consilia a tanta gloria, sibi vero etiam necessaria ac
salutari, avocarint, et ad cogitationem consulatus
bimestris summo cum terrore hominum et insulsa
cum efflagitatione tratulerint, exputare non possum.

7 Multum in hac re mihi videntur necessarii eius et
reipublicae et ipsius causa proficere posse ; plurimum,
ut puto, tu quoque, cuius ille tanta merita habet,
quanta nemo praeter me : numquam enim obUviscar

876

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiv.

while he was alive, I was bound even then to
give the young Caesar my support and esteem ; or
because young Caesar himself, so far as I had the
opportunity of knowing him, was a man of most
modest and kindly disposition ; or because, consider-
ing the marked friendship between Julius Caesar
and myself, not to recognize as his son one who had
been adopted as such by his own deliberate choice
and that of all of you, strikes me as a breach of
honour. But — and whatever I write to you I swear I 6
•WTite more in sorrow than resentment — the fact that
Antony is alive to-day, that Lepidus has joined him,
that their armies are by no means contemptible,
that they are sanguine and daring — all that they
can put do^vn to the credit of Caesar. Now I am
not going back on past history ; but starting from
the time when Caesar spontaneously declared that
he was coming to join me, had he but decided to do
so, the war would have been either immediately
stamped out, or else, to the enemy's overwhelming
disadvantage, pushed away into Spain, a country
utterly unfavourable to their interests. What his
idea was, or what people's advice he followed, in
abandoning a policy so glorious, and, moreover, so
imperative and conducive to his owti safety, and
aspiring instead to a two months' consulship, causing
thereby wild and universal panic, and making
cloAfSTiishly importunate demands withal — that is a
mystery I cannot fathom.

Much, it seems to me, can be done in this con- 7
nexion, both in the interests of the State and in his
own, by his near relations ; but most of all I imagine,
by yourself also, whose services to him outweigh
those to anybody else, except myself; for never

377

CICERO

maxima ac plurima me tibi debere. De his rebus,
ut exigeret cum eo, Furnio mandavi. Quod si,
quantam debeo, habuero apud cum auctoritatem,
8 plurimum ipsum iuvero. Nos interea durior£ con-
dicione bellum sustinemus, quod neque expeditissi-
mam dimicationem putamus, neque tamen refugiendo
commissuri sumus, ut maius detrimentmn respublica
accipere possit. Quod si aut Caesar se respexerit
aut Africanae legiones celeriter venerint, securos
vos ab hac parte reddemus. Tu, ut instituisti, me
diligas rogo, proprieque tuum esse, tibi persuadeas.
V. Kal. Sext. ex castris.

XXV

CICERO S. D. FURNIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Si interest, id quod homines arbitrantur, rei-
publicae te, ut instituisti atque fecisti, navare operam,
rebusque maximis, quae ad exstinguendas rehquias
belli pertinent, interesse, nihil videris melius neque
laudabilius neque honestius facere posse, istamque

" See note to x. 2. 1.

378

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxiv.-xxv.

shall I forget that my obhgations to you are as great
as they are numerous.

On these matters I have commissioned Furnius to
complete negotiations ^vith him ; and should it turn
out that I have as much influence -vvith him as I
ought to have, he will find that I have given him
material assistance. Meanwhile we are carrying on 8
the war imder increasingly difficult conditions ; for
we do not think that the ground is quite clear for a
decisive engagement, and at the same time do not
intend, by shirking one, to do anything to make it
possible for the Republic to suffer a still more serious
disaster. But if either Caesar reviews his o^vn
position, or the African legions arrive promptly,
we shall reheve you of all anxiety in this part of the
world.

I beg you to regard me with as much esteem as
ever, and rest assured that I am, in a special sense,
ever yours. In camp, July 28th.

XXV

CICERO TO FURNItrS"

Rome, about May 26th, 43 b.c.

Ifit is of importance — and everybody beheves it is 1
— to the Repubhc that you should strenuously support
her, as indeed you have consistently done from the
beginning, and take your part in the very important
operations which are concerned with extinguishing
the last embers of the war, it seems to me that there
is nothing better or more praiseworthy or more
honourable that you could do ; and I am of opinion

S79

CICERO

operam tuam, navitatem, animum in rempublicam
celeritati praeturae anteponendam censeo. Nolo
enim te ignorare, quantam laudem consecutus sis ;
mihi crede, proximam Planco, idque ipsius Planci
testimonio, praeterea fama scientiaque omnium.

2 Quamobrem si quid operis tibi etiam nunc restat, id
maximo opere censeo persequendum. Quid enim
honestius, aut quid honesto anteponendum ? Sin
autem satisfactum reipublicae putas, celei'iter ad
comitia, quando mature futura sunt, veniendum
censeo, dimmiodo ne quid haec ambitiosa festinatio
imminuat eius gloriae, quam consecuti sumus. Multi
clarissimi viri, cum reipublicae darent operam, annum
petitionis suae non obierunt. Quod eo facilius nobis
est, quod non est annus hie tibi destinatus, ut, si
aedilis fuisses, post biennium tuus annus esset. Nunc
nihil praetermittere videbere usitati et quasi legitimi
temporis ad petendum. Video autem, Planco con-
sule, etsi etiam sine eo rationes expeditas haberes,
tamen splendidiorem petitionem tuam, si modo ista

3 ex sententia confecta essent. Omnino plura me
scribere, cum tuum tantum consiliima iudiciumque
sit, non ita necesse arbitrabar ; sed tamen sententiam

" Here, and just below (" it is easier for us not to do so ")
Cicero identifies Furniu's's interests with his own.

* Two years had to elapse between aedileship and praetor-
ship. Furnius appears to have stood in 44 for the aedileship
of 43 ; had he been elected, he could not have stood for the
praetorship till 42, or held it till 41.

" The year's canvassing was a matter of custom, not of law.

380

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxv.

that you should tliink less of speedily attaining the
praetorship than of devoting your energy, activity,
and thoughts to the RepubHc. I would not have you
be imaware of the high reputation you have already
gained — a reputation, beheve me, second only to
that of Plancus, and that too on Plancus's own
testimony, supported by everybody's report and
acquaintance with the facts.

For that reason, if there is still any work left for 2
you to do, you should, in my opinion, throw all your
energy into its final completion. What could be
more to your honour ? And what again is more
precious than honour .'' If, however, you consider
that you have satisfied the claims of the State, I
think you should lose no time in coming to the
comitia, since they are going to be held at an early
date ; provided only that your hurry to get office
detracts in no way from the glory we<* have won.
Many most distinguished men, when on public
service, have not taken up their year of candidature.
And it is all the easier for us not to do so, inasmuch
as this is not your appointed year, in the same way
as, had you been aedile,** your year would have come
two years later. As it is, it will not appear that you
are disregarding any of the coistomary and (as we may
almost call it) statutory period assigned to canvassing.**
I clearly see, however, that, with Plancus for consul,
although you might have all yoiu: plans arranged with-
out reference to him, still your candidature would gain
in distinction if only your operations should have been
completed to our satisfaction. Speaking generally, 3
considering your own consummate sagacity and
judgment, I do not deem it so very necessary to
write at greater length ; but at the same time I do

381

CICERO

meam tibi ignotam esse nolebam, cuius est haec
summa, ut omnia te metiri dignitate malim, quam
ambitione, maioremque fructum ponere in per-
petuitate laudis, quam in celeritate praeturae. Haec
eadem locutus sum domi meae, adhibito Q. fratre
meo et Caecina et Calvisio, studiosissimis tui, cum
Dardanus, libertus tuus, interesset. Omnibus pro-
bari videbatur oratio mea. Sed tu optime iudicabis.

XXVI

M. CICERO S. D. C. FURNIC

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Lectis tuis litteris, quibus declarabas, aut omit-
tendos Narbonenses, aut cum periculo dimicandum,
illud magis timui, quod vitatum non moleste fero.
Quod de Planci et Bruti concordia scribis, in eo vel
maximam spem pono victoriae. De Gallorum studio,
nos aliquando cognoscemus, ut scribis, cuius id opera
maxime excitatum sit. Sed iam, mihi crede, co-
gnovimus. Itaque iucundissimis tuis litteris stomacha-
tus sum in extremo. Scribis enim, si in Sextilem

" It is uncertain whether this was Cicero's correspondent
(vi. 5. 6) or his son, mentioned as a friend of Octavian's
in Att. xvi. 8.

* Probably not the Calvisius whom Antony sent to super-
sede Cornificius in Africa, but another man altogether, men-
tioned later in x. 26. 3.

* i.e., Gallia Narbonensis. The reference is obscure.

^ Cicero hints that it was Furnius himself, and therefore

S82

i

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxv.-xxvi.

not wish you to be uninformed as to my own opinion,
the main purport of which is this : I would have you
appraise your general outlook by the standard of
true desert, rather than by the prospect of high
office, and seek a fuller fruition of your hopes in an
abiding reno^^Ti, than in the rapid attainment of a
praetorship. These are the very words I spoke at
my house, whither I had invited my brother Quintus,
Caecina,* and Calvisius,'' all of them deeply devoted
to you, when Dardanus too, your freedman, was one
of the party. My words seemed to meet mth unani-
mous approval. But you will be the best judge.

XXVI

CICERO TO THE SAMB

Rome, end of June, 43 b.c

On reading the letter in which you made it plain 1
that you must either sacrifice the Narbonenses* or
fight a hazardous battle, I was more afraid of the
former course, and am not sorry it has been avoided.
You write about the cordial relations between
Plancus and Brutus ; well, it is that fact that makes
me most sanguine of victory. As to the enthusiasm
of the Gauls, we shall some day discover, as you
write, who it was that succeeded in exciting it ;
though, as a matter of fact, we have discovered it
already .•* So naturally, immensely pleased as I was
with your letter, the end of it exasperated me ; you
>vrite that, if the elections are put off till August, you

regrets his intention to return to Rome instead of carrying
on his good work abroad.

S8S

CIGERO

comitia, cito te ; sin iam confecta, citius, ne diutius

2 cum periculo fatuus sis. O mi Furni, quam tu
causam tuam non nosti, qui alienas tam facile discas !
Tu nunc candldatiun te putas, et id cogitas, ut aut ad
comitia curras aut, si iam confecta, domi tuae sis,
ne ciun maximo periculo, ut scribis, stultissimus sis ?
Non arbitror te ita sentire ; omnes enim tuos ad lau-
dem impetus novi. Quod si, ut scribis, ita sentis, non
magis te, quam de te indicium reprehendo meum.
Te adipiscendi magistratus levissimi et divulga-
tissimi, si ita adipiscare, ut plerique, praepropera
festinatio abducet a tantis laudibus, quibus te omnes
in caelum iure et vere ferunt ? Scilicet id agitur,
utrum hac petitione, an proxima praetor fias, non
ut ita de republica mereare, omni honore ut dignis-

3 simiis iudicere. Utnmi nescis, quam alte ascenderis,
an pro nihilo id putas ? Si nescis, tibi ignosco ; nos
in culpa sumus : sin intellegis, ulla tibi est praetura
vel officio, quod pauci, vel gloria, quam omnes
sequuntur, dulcior ? Hac de re et ego et Calvisius,
homo magni iudici tuique amantissimus, te accusamus

" Furnius had apparently practised in the law-courts.
'' See note 6 on § 1.

S84

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. .xxvi.

will return speedily, but if they are already over,
with all the more speed, so as not to go on playing
the fool at the risk of your life.

Oh, my dear Fumius, how little you know of your 2
own case — you, who find it so easy to get up the
cases of others ! " Do you really now regard yourself
as a candidate, and do you really entertain the idea
of hurrying posthaste to the elections, or else, if they
are now over, of staying at home, so as not to be, as
you put it, an utter idiot and run a tremendous risk
at the same time ? No, I don't believe you have
any such thoughts, knowing as I do all yoiu- eager
aspirations to glory. But if you do think as you
write, well then I hold you less to blame than I do
my own estimate of you. Are you of all men in such
a violent hurry to secure a magistracy of very httle
account and disgustingly common if you obtain it in
the way most candidates do, as to be tempted to
abandon so glorious a career, for which you are so
xmiversally, justly too, and with sincerity, lauded up
to the skies ? Quite so ; what interests you is
whether you are to be made praetor at this election
or the next, not, of course, that you should so deserve
of the Republic as to be deemed most worthy of
everv conceivable honour.

Know you not to what a height you have ascended, 3
or does that make no appeal to you ? If you do not
know, then I forgive you ; it is we who are to blame ;
but if you do realize it, then how can any praetorship
in the world have a greater charm for you than the
path either of duty, which attracts but few, or of
glory, which attracts the world ? On this point
Calvisius, ^ a man of sound judgment, and deeply
attached to you, and I myself find fault with you
VOL. II o 385

GIOERO

quotidie. Comitia tamen, quando ex his pendes.
quantum facere possum us, quod multis de causis
reipublicae arbitramur conducere, in lanuarium
mensem protrudimus. Vince igitur et vale.

XXVII

CICERO LEPIDO S.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Quod mihi, pro summa erga te benevolentia,
magnae curae est, ut quam amplissima dignitate sis,
moleste tuli, te senatui gratias non egisse, cum esses
ab eo ordine ornatus summis honoribus. Pacis inter
cives conciliandae te cupidum esse, laetor. Eam si a
servitute seiungis, consules et reipublicae et dignitati
tuae ; sin ista pax perditum hominem in possessionem
impotentissimi dominatus restitutura est, hoc aniino
scito esse omnes sanos, ut mortem servituti ante-

2 ponant. Itaque sapientius, meo quidem iudicio, facies,
si te in istam pacificationem non interpones, quae
neque senatui neque populo nee cuiquam bono pro-
batur. Sed haec audies ex aliis aut certior fies
htteris. Tu pro tua prudentia, quid optimum factu
sit, videbis.

386

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxvi.-xxvii.

daily. As to the elections, since your life depends
upon them, we are striving to the best of our ability,
as we think it for various reasons to the public
advantage, to put them off till the month of January.
Success then, and health to you !

XXVII

CICERO TO LEPIDUS

Rome, evening of March 28th, 43 b.c.

So sincere is my regard for you that I am deeply 1
interested in your advancement to the very highest
position ; I am therefore distressed at your having
expressed no gratitude to the Senate, when that body
had honoured you v\ith the highest marks of dis-
tinction. I rejoice that you have set your heart on
arranging a peace between the parties in the State ;
provided you dissociate that peace from any form of
servitude, you will be doing the best you can both for
the Repubhc and for your own position ; but if the
peace you propose means the reinstatement of an
tmprincipled man in a long lease of absolutely
uncontrollable tyranny, I would have you know that
all men of sound views have made up their minds to
accept death rather than servitude.

You will therefore act more wisely, in my judg- 2
ment at any rate, in not mixing yourself up with any
such plans for peace as you mention, which satisfy
neither the Senate, nor the people, nor any honest
citizen. But this you will be told by others, or be
informed of it by letter. With your usual perspi-
cacity you will see what is best to be done.

387

GICERO
XXVIII

CICERO TREBONIO 3.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Quam vellem ad illas pulcherrimas epulas me
Idibus Martiis invitasses ! reliquiarum nihil habe-
remus. At nunc cum his tantum negoti est, ut
vestrum illud divinum in rempublicam beneficium
nonnullam habeat querellam. Quod vero a te, viro
optimo, seductus est, tuoque beneficio adhuc vivit
haec pestis, interdum, quod mihi vix fas est, tibi
subirascor. Mihi enim negoti plus reliquisti uni,
quam praeter me omnibus. Ut enim primum post
Antoni foedissimum discessum senatus haberi libere
potuit, ad ilium animum meum reverti pristinum,
quem tu cum civi acerrimo, patre tuo, in ore et

2 amore semper habuisti. Nam cum senatum a. d.
XIII. Kalendas lanuarias tribuni plebi vocavissent, de-
que alia re referrent, totam rempublicam sum com-

" C. Trebonius began his public life as a supporter of the
aristocratic party, and, as quaestor in 60 b.c, opposed the
adoption of P. Clodius into a plebeian family. Soon after-
wards he changed sides, and as tribune of the plebs in 55
he was the instrument of the triumvirs in proposing that
Pompey should have the two Spains, Crassus Syria, and
Caesar the Gauls and Illyricum, for a further period of five
years. The proposal was carried in the comitia, and is
known as the Lex Trebonia. In 48, as praetor urbanus, he
resisted the wUd schemes of his colleague, M. Caelius Rufus.
Caesar made him consul in October, 45, and promised him the

{)rovince of Asia. In spite of all this Trebonius took a
eading part in the conspiracy to assassinate Caesar, and
shortly after the murder proceeded to his province of Asia.
He never received this letter, as he was murdered by Dolabella
in Smyrna before the end of January. (Joseph, xiv. 223, 225.)
W. W. How.
888

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxvm.
XXVIII

CICERO TO C. TREBOXIUS •

Rome, about February 2nd, 43 b.c

How I should like you to have in\ited me to that 1
most gorgeous banquet on the Ides of March ! We
should have had no lea\ings.* But, as it is, they give
us such trouble that the heavenly service you have all
rendered the Republic is qualified by some grounds
for complaint. Indeed the fact that this curse of the
country was -^^ithdrawn into shelter by you, the most
loyal of men, and thanks to your generosity is still
alive, makes me sometimes, though it is hardly right
of me, a Uttle angry vnih you ; since you left me
with more trouble to deal -with by my single self than
all the rest of the world without me. For as soon as
ever a Senate could be held under free conditions
after the most discreditable departure of Antony,'^ I
resumed that old spirit of mine, which you and that
most doughty citizen, your father, have always lauded
and loved.**

For when the tribxmes of the plebs had sunamoned 2
the Senate on December 20th, and were putting
another question before the house, I re\-iewed the

* i.e., no Antony still left alive.

* On November 28th Antony, hearing of the defection of
the Fourth Legion, hurried from Rome to Ariminum.
Cicero says that " he did not set out, but fled in full uniform "
{Phil, v. 24). According to Appian, however (ilL 46),
Antony's departure was glorious (Xajuxpis).

•* Tyrrell. " Had ever on your lips and in your love,"
Jeans. The assonance in the Latin is obviously intentional.

389

GICERO

plexus, egique acerrime senatumque iam languentem
et defessum ad pristinam virtutem consuetudinemque
revocavi magis animi, quam ingeni viribus. Hie dies
meaque contentio atque actio spem primum populo
Romano attulit libertatis recuperandae. Nee vero
ipse postea tempus ullum intermisi de republica
3 non cogitandi solum, sed etiam agendi. Quod, nisi
res urbanas actaque omnia ad te perferri arbitrarer,
ipse perscriberem, quamquam eram maximis occu-
pationibus impeditus. Sed ilia cognosces ex aliis ;
a me pauca, et ea summatim. Habemus fortem
senatum, consulares partim timidos, partim male
sentientes. Magnmn damnum factum est in Servio.
L. Caesar optime sentit ; sed, quod avunculus est,
non acerrimas dicit sententias. Consules egregii ;
praeclarus D. Brutus ; puer egregius Caesar ; de
quo spero equidem reliqua. Hoc vero certum habeto,
nisi ille veteranos celeriter conscripsisset, legionesque
duae de exercitu Antoni ad eius se auctoritatem
contulissent, atque is oppositus esset terror Antonio,
nihil Antonium sceleris, nihil crudelitatis praeter-
iturum fuisse. Haec tibi, etsi audita esse arbitrabar,
volui tamen notiora esse. Plura scribam, si plus oti
habuero.

" Servius Sulpicius Rufus, already an invalid, had died
when sent by the Senate with two others on an embassy to
Antony, then encamped before Mutina, in January, 43.
For a fuller account of him see note a on iv. 1. 1.

' L. Caesar was the brother of Julia, Antony's mother.

* For Decimus Brutus see note to xi. 1. 1.

890

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxvin.

whole constitutional situation, and speaking with
intense fervour, more by force of energy than of
eloquence, I restored to a drooping and weary Senate
its ancient and traditional fortitude. That day's
doings, and my vigorous pleading, first inspired the
people of Rome with the hope of recovering their
liberty. And indeed from that day I have never
permitted myself a moment's respite, I will not say
from merely thinking, but from acting also in the
interests of the State.

Did I not assume that affairs in the city and every 3
transaction is being fully reported to you, I should
myself -write you a full account of them, hampered
as I am by the most pressing engagements. But
all that you will learn from others ; I shall give you
a few facts, and of them only a summary. We have
a stout Senate, though the consulars are some of
them timorous, others disaffected. Servius " was
a serious loss. L. Caesar is thoroughly loyal at heart,
but his being Antony's uncle ^ takes the edge off his
proposals. The consuls are admirable ; D. Brutus *
is splendid ; and Caesar is a fine young fellow, and I
have great hopes of him in the future. This much,
however, you must regard as certain, that had he
not promptly enrolled the veterans, and had not two
legions of Antony's army crossed over to his com-
mand, and had not Antony been faced by so terrible
a danger, there is no form of crime or cruelty Antony
would not have perpetrated. Although I expect
you have heard all this, still I want you to have a
clearer knowledge of it. I shall -write more fully if
I find I have more leisure.

S91

CICERO
XXIX

CICERO APPIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711,

De meo studio erga salutem et incolumitatem
tuam, credo te cognosse ex btteris tuorum ; quibus
me cumulatissime satisfecisse certo scio ; nee his
concedo, quamquam sunt singulari in te benevolentia,
ut te salvum malint, quam ego. Illi mihi necesse est
concedant, ut tibi plus, quam ipsi, hoc tempore
prodesse possim ; quod quidem nee destiti facere,
nee desistam ; et iam in maxima re feci, et funda-
menta ieci salutis tuae. Tu fac bono animo magno-
que sis, meque tibi nulla re defuturum esse confidas.
Pridie Nonas Quinctiles.

XXX

GALEA CICERONI SAL.

Ad Mutinam, a.u.c. 711.

1 XVIII. Kalend. Maii, quo die Pansa in castris Hirti
erat futurus, cum quo ego eram (nam ei obviam pro-
cesseram millia passuum centum, quo maturius
veniret), Antonius legiones eduxit duas, Secundam
et Quintam trigesimam, et cohortes praetorias duas.

" Gaius Appius Claudius had been governor of Asia in
55-54, and on his return was condemned on a charge of
extortion and exiled, but seems to have been restored by
Antony.

' Servius Sulpicius Galba, great-grandfather of the em-

892

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxix.-xxx.
XXIX

CICERO TO APPIUS CLAUDIUS "

Rome, July 6th, 43 b.c.

Of my keen interest in your restoration and rein-
statement you have, I believe, been informed in the
letters of your friends, whom I am well assured that
I have most abundantly satisfied ; and, singularly
devoted to you as they are, I do not yield to them
so far as to admit that they desire your restoration
more than I do myself. It is they who must needs
yield precedence to me, considering that at the
present moment I can serve you more effectually
than they ; and to serve you I have never ceased,
nor ever shall cease ; indeed, I have already done so
in a matter of paramoimt importance, and have laid
the foundations of your restoration. See to it that
you keep up your spirits and courage, and be assured
of my unfailing support in every respect. July 6th.

XXX

GALEA * TO CICERO

Camp at Mutlna, April loth, 43 b.c.

On April 14th, the day on which Hirtius was to 1
have been joined in camp by Pansa, with whom
I was (for I had advanced 100 miles to meet him, in
order to hasten his arrival), on that day Antony
brought out two legions, the second and the thirty-
fifth, and tsvo praetorian cohorts, one his own, the

peror Galba, served under Caesar in Gaul, and was praetor
in 54. He was now serving against Antony at Mutina.

393

CICERO

unam suam, alteram Silani, evocatorumque partem.
Ita obviam venit nobis, quod nos quattuor legiones
tironum habere solimi arbitrabatur. Sed noctu, quo
tutius venire in castra possemus, legionem Martiam,
cui ego praeesse solebam, et duas cohortes praetorias

2 miserat Hirtius nobis. Cum equites Antoni ap-
paruissent, contineri neque legio Martia neque co-
hortes praetoriae potuerunt ; quas sequi coepimus
coacti, quando eas retinere non potueramus. An-
tonius ad Forum Gallorum suas copias continebat ;
neque sciri volebat se legiones habere ; tantum
equitatum et levem armaturam ostendebat. Postea-
quam vidit, se invito, legionem ire, Pansa sequi se
duas legiones iussit tironimi. Postea vero quam
angustias paludis et silvarum transivimus, acies est

3 instructa a nobis duodecim cohortium. Nondum
venerant legiones duae ; repente Antonius in aciem
suas copias de vdco produxit et sine mora concurrit.
Primo ita pugnatum est, ut acrius non posset ex
utraque parte pugnari ; etsi dexterius comu, in
quo eram cum Martiae legionis cohortibus octo,

" M. Junius Silanus, son of D. Silanus and Servilia,
Cato's sister, whose first husband was M. Junius Brutus,
by whom she became the mother of M. Brutus, the con-
spirator.

* The Martian legion was on this occasion commanded by
D. Carfulenus, who fell in the battle (33. 4). It is notice-
able that Galba, probably from pique, makes no mention of
him.

' Now Castel Franco, about 10 mUes south-east of Mutina,
on the Aemilian Road.

■* i.e., on either side of the Via Aemilia from Ariminum to
Placentia, here a raised causeway running across the marshy
plain.

• Antony was numerically superior in each of the three

S9i>

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxx.

other Silanus's," with a detachment of reserve men.
The reason of Antony's advance to meet us was that
he supposed we had no more than four legions of
recruits. During the night, however, to ensiu-e our
greater safety in reaching his camp, Hirtius had sent
us the Martian legion, which I usually commanded,"
with two praetorian cohorts.

When Antony's cavalry came in sight, neither the 2
Martian legion nor the praetorian cohorts could be
held in check, and we began to follow their lead,
being forced to do so, since we had failed to keep
them back. Antony contained his forces at Forum
Gallorum,'' and not >\ishing it to be known that he
had legions with him, he only allowed his cavalry
and hght-armed troops to be \-isible. When Pansa
saw the legion advancing against his orders he told
two legions of recruits to follow him. As soon as we
had crossed the narrow tongue of marsh and wood-
land ,** we drew up a Une of tAvelve cohorts ; the two
legions of recruits had not yet come up.* Suddenly 3
Antony brought his forces out of the village into hne,
and immediately charged. At first the battle could
not have been more keenly fought than it was on
either side ; although our right >ving, where I was
stationed with eight cohorts of the Martian legion,

divisions of the battle now going on, (i.) on the right, in the
swampy ground to the north of the Via Aemilia, Carfulenus
and Galba had but eight cohorts of the Martian legion to
oppose Antony's full legion, the 35th, (ii.) on the left three
cohorts, i.e. the remaining two of the >Iartian legion and
Hirtius 's praetorian cohort, had to face Antony's second
legion, and (iii.) on the raised causeway, which prevented the
two wings from seeing each other, Octavian's praetorian
cohort was no match for the praetorian cohorts of Antony
and Silanus.

395

CICERO

impetu primo fugaverat legionem xxxv. Antoni, ut
amplius passus quingentos ultra aciem, quo loco
steterat, processerit. Itaque cum equites nostrum
cornu circuire vellent, recipere me coepi et levem
armaturam opponere Maurorum equitibus, ne aversos
nostros aggrederentur. Interim video me esse inter
Antonianos Antoniumque post me esse aliquanto.
Repente equum immisi ad earn legionem tironum,
quae veniebat ex castris, scuto reiecto. Antoniani
me insequi ; nostri pila conicere velle. Ita nescio
quo fato sum servatus, quod sum cito a nostris

4 cognitus. In ipsa Aemilia, ubi cohors Caesaris
praetoria erat, diu pugnatum est. Cornu sinisterius,
quod erat infirmius, ubi Martiae legionis duae
cohortes erant, et cohors praetoria, pedem referre
coeperunt, quod ab equitatu circuibantur, quo vel
plurimum valet Antonius. Cum omnes se recepis-
sent nostri ordines, recipere me novissimus coepi ad
castra. Antonius, tamquam victor, castra putavit se
posse capere. Quo cum venit, complures ibi amisit
nee egit quidquam. Audita re, Hirtius cum co-
hortibus viginti veteranis redeunti Antonio in sua
castra occurrit, copiasque eius omnes delevit,
fugavit eodem loco, ubi erat pugnatum, ad Forum
Gallorum. Antonius cum equitibus hora noctis

5 quarta se in castra sua ad Mutinam recepit. Hirtius
in ea castra rediit, unde Pansa exierat, ubi duas

396

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxx.

had at the first onset put to flight Antony's Thirty-
fifth legion, so that our wing advanced more than
half a mile ahead of our line from its original position.
Consequently, when the enemy's cavalry were dis-
posed to outflank our wing, I began to retreat and to
put out my light-armed troops to oppose the Moorish
cavalry, to prevent their attacking our men from the
rear. Meantime I became aware that I was sur-
rounded by Antony's troops and that Antony himself
was some distance behind me. In a moment I
galloped up to the legion of recruits which was coming
from the camp, sUnging my shield behind me. The
enemy were close upon me, and our men were eager
to nurl their javehns. I was only saved by a stroke
of good luck, for my own men quickly recognized me.

There was a prolonged engagement on the Aemilian 4
Road itself where Caesar's praetorian cohort was
posted. Our left wing, on which were two cohorts
of the Martian legion and a praetorian cohort, being
weaker, began to retreat, as it was being outflanked
by the cavalry, in which Antony is extremely strong.
After all our ranks had made good their retreat,
last of all I myself began to retire towards the camp.
Antony, assuming that he was victorious, imagined
that he could capture the camp, but on arri\-ing there
he lost a good many men without achieving anything.
On hearing this, Hirtius >vith tsventy veteran cohorts
threw himself in Antony's way as he was returning to
his own camp, and annihilated all his forces, having
routed them on the very same ground on which the
battle had been fought — at Forum Gallorum. At
the fourth hom: of the night Antony and his cavalry
found refuge in their own camp near Mutina.

Hirtius retired to that camp from which Pansa 5

397

CICERO

legiones reliquerat, quae ab Antonio erant op-
pugnatae. Sic partem maiorem suarum copiarum
Antonius amisit veteranarum. Nee id tamen sine
aliqua iactura cohortium praetorianarum nostrarum
et legionis Martiae fieri potuit. Aquilae duae, signa
sexaginta sunt relata Antoni. Res bene gesta est.
A. d. XVII. Kal. Mai. ex castris.

XXXI

C. ASINIUS POLLIO S. D. CICERONI
Cordubae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Minime mirum tibi debet videri nihil me scrip-
sisse de republica, posteaquam itum est ad arma.
Nam saltus Castulonensis, qui semper tenuit nostros
tabellarios, etsi nunc frequentioribus latrociniis in-
festior factus est, tamen nequaquam tanta in mora
est, quanta qui locis omnibus dispositi ab utraque
parte scrutantur tabellarios et retinent. Itaque nisi

" C. Asinius Pollio, the noted orator, poet, critic, and
historian, was born in 76 b.c. At the age of 22 he made
his mark as a pleader by attacking C. Cato, a creature of
the triumvirs. Four years later he had joined Caesar, and
was with him when he crossed the Rubicon in 49. He then
went to Africa with Curio, after whose defeat and death he
crossed over to Greece, and fought on Caesar's side at
Pharsalia (48). Having accompanied Caesar in his African
and Spanish campaigns (46-5), he returned with him to
Rome, but was sent back as governor of Further Spain to
resist Sextus Pompeius, and was there when Caesar was
assassinated in 44. In this letter he professes neutrality and
a desire for peace with liberty, but when Lepidus and
Octavian joined Antony in 43, Pollio threw in his lot with

S98

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxx.-xxxi.

had come out, after leaving there the two legions
which had been beleaguered by Antony. Thus it was
that Antony lost the greater part of his veteran
forces. This, however, could not be effected without
considerable sacrifice on the part of our praetorian
cohorts and the Martian legion. Two eagles and
sixty standards have been brought back — all
Antony's. It has been a splendid achievement.
The Camp, April 15th.

XXXI

ASINIUS POLLIO " TO CICERO

Corduba, March 16th, 43 b.c.

You ought not to tliink it in the slightest degree 1
surprising that I have not WTitten at all about public
affairs since the outbreak of hostihties. For though
it is true that the pass of Castulo,'' which has always
held up our letter-carriers, has now become more
dangerous than ever owing to the increase in brigand-
age, it is nothing like so great a cause of delay as
are the scouts, who, posted everywhere on both
sides, search our letter-carriers and detain them.

them. Antony gave him the administration of Transpadane
Gaul, which involved the settlement of the veterans in the
lands assigned to them. It was then that Pollio saved from
confiscation the property of Virgil, whom he took under his
protection. In 40 he was consul, and in 39 was sent by
Antony to fight the Parthini, an IlIjTian people, whom he
defeated, and was rewarded with a triumph. The rest of his
life he devoted to literature, and died at his Tusculan villa in
A.D. 4, at the age of 80.

* A pass in the N.E. extremity of Baetica, near the towns
Illiturgi and Castulo; it is now called the Sierra de Cazlona.

899

GIGERO

nave perlatae litterae essent, omnino nescirem, quid
istic fieret. Nunc vero nactus occasionem, postea-
quara navigari coeptum est, cupidissime et quam

2 creberrime potero, scribam ad te. Ne movear eius
sermonibus, quem, tametsi nemo est, qui videre velit,
tamen nequaquam proinde, ac dignus est, oderunt
homines, periculum non est. Adeo est enim invisus
mihi, ut nihil non acerbum putem, quod commune
cum illo sit. Natura autem mea et studia trahunt me
ad pacis et hbertatis cupiditatem. Itaque illud ini-
tium civilis belU saepe deflevi. Cum vero non hceret
mihi nulHus partis esse, quia utrobique magnos
inimicos habebam, ea castra fugi, in quibus plane
tutum me ab insidiis inimici sciebam non futurum ;
compulsus eo, quo minime volebam, ne in extremis

3 essem, plane pericula non dubitanter adii. Caesarem
vero, quod me in tanta fortuna modo cognitum
vetustissimorum familiarium loco habuit, dilexi
summa cum pietate et fide. Quae mea sententia
gerere mihi licuit, ita feci, ut optimus quisque maxime
probarit. Quod iussus sum, eo tempore atque ita
feci, ut appareret invito imperatum esse. Cuius facti
iniustissima invidia erudire me potuit, quam iucunda
libertas, et quam misera sub dominatione vita esset.

" This is generally taken to be Antony, but it is incredible
that Pollio should have referred in such terms to so im-
portant a character as Antony, however much he may have
personally disliked him. It is far more probable that Pollio
means his own mad quaestor Balbus, for whom see letter 32.

* i.e., Pompey's.

" Zumpt takes this to be Gaius Porcius Cato, who had been
accused by Pollio in 54, but acquitted. Watson thinks it
may have been Labienus.

^ C. Julius Caesar. According to Plutarch (Caes. 32)
Caesar consulted Pollio as to whether he should cross the
Rubicon or not.
400

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxi.

So had not a letter reached me by sea, I should be
in absolute ignorance of what was going on at Rome.
But now that I have the opportunity, the sailing
season having begun, I shall write to you with the
greatest gusto, and as frequently as I can.

There is no danger of my being affected by the 2
talk of a man," who (although nobody Ukes the
sight of him) is not as much hated by men in general
as he deserves to be. So thoroughly do I detest him
that I regard with disgust whatever I have to do in
conjunction vriih him. Now my own instincts and
pursuits inchne me to desire peace and liberty ;
and so I have often bitterly bewailed that first step
in ci\il war. Seeing, however, that, because I had
powerful enemies on both sides, it was impossible
for me to be wholly neutral, I fled from the camp ^ in
which I knew beyond doubt that I should not be safe
from the machinations of an enemy .<^ Forced to a
decision not at all to my Hking, lest I should fall
into the background, I boldly and unhesitatingly
faced the dangers it involved.

But as regards Caesar ,** because he treated me as 3
one of his oldest friends, though he never made my
acquaintance imtil he had reached the height of
his fortune, my esteem for him was based on the
deepest devotion and loyalty. What it was possible
for me to achieve on my own initiative, I performed
in such a way as to win the heartiest approval of
every true patriot ; what I did under orders, I did
at such a moment and in such a manner as to make
it evident that instructions had been issued to an
unwilhng agent. The quite undeserved odium I
have incurred by this conduct is enough to teach
me the joys of freedom and the wretchedness of life

401

CICERO

Ita si id agitur, ut rursus in potesta'te omnia unius
sint, quicumque is est, ei me profiteer inimicum.
Nee periculum est ullum, quod pro libertate aut refu-

4 giam aut deprecer. Sed consules neque senatus
consulto neque litteris suis praeceperant mihi, quid
facerem. Unas enim post Idus Martias demimi a
Pansa litteras accepi, in quibus hortatur me, ut
senatui scribam, me et exercitum in potestate eius
futurimi. Quod, cum Lepidus contionaretur atque
omnibus scriberet se consentire cum Antonio, maxima
contrarium fuit. Nam quibus commeatibus invito
illo per illius provinciam legiones ducerem ? aut, si
cetera transissem, num etiam Alpes poteram trans-
volare, quae praesidio illius tenentur ? Adde hue,
quod perferri litterae nulla condicione potuerunt ;
sexcentis enim locis excutiuntur, deinde etiam re-

6 tinentur ab Lepido tabellarii. lUud me Cordubae
pro contione dixisse, nemo vocabit in dubium, pro-
viijciam me nulli, nisi qui ab senatu missus venisset,
traditurum. Nam de legione Trigesima tradenda
quantas habuerim contentiones, quid ego scribam ?
qua tradita quanto pro republica infirmior futurus
fuerim, quis ignorat ? Hac enim legione noli acrius
aut pugnacius quidquam putare esse. Quare eum
me existima esse, qui primimi pacis cupidissimus sim
402

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxi.

under a despotism . If therefore events are so develop-
ing as to put all power again in the hands of one
man, whosoever that man is, I declare myself his foe ;
and in defence of liberty there is no danger from which
I should either hold back or seek to excuse myself.

But the consuls have given me no guidance as to 4
my Une of action, either by a decree of the Senate or
by a despatch from themselves ; indeed the single
letter I have had, and that only after the Ides of
March, was from Pansa, in which he urges me to write
to the Senate, offering to put myself and my army
at their disposal. Now this, at a time when Lepidus
was publicly declaring and writing to everybody
that he was in agreement with Antony, put me in a
very awkward position ; by what system of suppUes
was I to bring my legions through his province
without his consent ? Or even if I had surmounted all
other difficulties, could I -wing my way over the Alps
too, which are occupied by his guards ? In addition
to this, it was impossible for letters to reach their
destination ; there are scores of places where they
are tinned inside out ; and then the carriers also
are detained by Lepidus.

One fact nobody will question — that I publicly 5
declared at Corduba that I would siurender the
province to nobody who had not come with the
authority of the Senate. WTiy should I tell you of
the angry disputes I have had about handing over
the Thirtieth legion ? Had I done so, everybody
knows how much weaker I should have been to
support the State. For are there braver men or
better fighters in the world than the Thirtieth ?
Don't you beheve it. You must therefore regard me
as one who is, first and foremost, extremely eager

408

CICERO

(omnes enim cives studeo plane esse salvos), deinde,
qui et me et rempublicam vindicare in libertatem
6 paratus sim. Quod familiarem meum tuorum numero
habes, opinione tua mihi gratius est. Invideo illi
tamen, quod ambulat et iocatur tecum. Quaeres,
quanti aestimem ? Si umquam licuerit vivere in
otio, experieris ; nullum enim vestigium abs te dis-
cessurus sum. Illud vehementer admiror, non scrip-
sisse te mihi, manendo in provincia an ducendo
exercitimi in Italiam reipublicae magis satisfacere
possim. Ego quidem, etsi mihi tutius ac minus
laboriosum est manere, tamen, quia video, tali
tempore multo magis legionibus opus esse, quam
provinciis, quae praesertim recuperari nuUo negotio
possunt, constitui, ut nunc est, cum exercitu pro-
ficisci. Deinde ex litteris, quas Pansae misi, co-
gnosces omnia ; nam tibi earum exemplar misi.
XVII. Kal. April. Corduba. Vale.

XXXII

C. ASINIUS POLLIO CICERONI

Cordubae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Balbus quaestor, magna numerata pecunia, magno
pondere auri, maiore argenti coacto de publicis
exactionibus, ne stipendio quidem militibus reddito

• The poet Cornelius Gallus, the friend of Virgil and Ovid.
404

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxi.-xxxii.

for peace (for frankly my desire is the security
of every member of the State), and secondly, as one
prepared to assert alike for himself and for the State
their claim to hberty.

That you should have put a dear friend of mine " 6
on the list of your o>vn, is more gratifying to me
than you can imagine ; and yet I am jealous of
his walking and joking ^Wth you. You >vill ask how
much I value that ? If ever I am permitted to live
a hfe of peace, you \n\\ find out ; for I am not going
to stir a single step from your side. One thing
surprises me vastly — your never haWng ■written to
tell me whether I can better do my duty by the
Republic by remaining in the pro\'ince, or by bring-
ing my army into Italy. For my part, safer and less
troublesome for myself though it be to remain, yet,
because I see that at such a crisis there is much
greater need of legions than of provinces (especially
as the latter can be recovered without difficulty)
I have made up my mind, as matters now stand, to
start and bring the army with me. As to my next
step you ^vill get everj- information in the despatch
I have sent to Pansa, of which I have sent you a
copy. Corduba, March 16th.

XXXII

THE SAME TO CICERO

Corduba, June 8th, 43 b.c.

With a large sum of ready money, a large quantity 1
of gold, and a larger of silver, amassed from the
public revenues, and without even paying his

405

CICERO

duxit se a Gadibus, et triduum tempestate retentus
ad Calpen, Kal. luniis traiecit sese in regnum Bo-
gudis, plane bene peculiatus. His rumoribus utrum
Gades referatur, an Romam (ad singulos enim nun-

2 tios turpissime consilia mutat), nondum scio. Sed
praeter furta et rapinas et virgis caesos socios haec
quoque fecit (ut ipse gloriari solet, eadem, quae C.
Caesar) : ludis, quos Gadibus fecit, Herennium Gal-
ium histrionem, summo ludorum die annulo aureo
donatum, in xiv. sessum deduxit ; tot enim fecerat
ordines equestris loci. Quattuorviratum sibi pro-
rogavit ; comitia bienni biduo habuit, hoc est,
renuntiavit, quos ei visum est ; exsules reduxit, non
horum temporum, sed illorum, quibus a seditiosis
senatus trucidatus aut expulsus est, Sex. Varo

3 proconsule. Ilia vero lam ne Caesaris quidem

" This Balbus was a nephew of the Balbus defended by
Cicero (vii. 5. 2) and a very different man from his uncle.
He was an intermediary between Caesar and the consul
L. Lentulus Crus in 49. Just before the battle of Pharsalia
he ventured to cross over from Caesar's camp to that of
Pompey in order to bribe the proconsul Lentulus, who was
a strong Pompeian, to desert Pompey and join Caesar. He
was consul suffectus in 32 and triumphed over Africa in 19.

* Gibraltar.

« Bogudes (or Bogus) was king of Mauretania, and a
partisan of Caesar's.

^ Balbus impudently claimed to imitate Julius Caesar,
especially in extending his tenure of office, as Caesar may
be said to have prolonged his own second dictatorship, and
in appointing magistrates for the two following years, as
Caesar had appointed magistrates for three years in advance
just before his assassination.
406

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxii.

soldiers, my quaestor Balbus " took himself off from
Gades, and, after being weather-bound for three days
by a gale off Calpe,'' on June 1st crossed over into
the kingdom of Bogudes," with quite a nice little
nest-egg in his pocket. Having only the nmiours
of the hour to go uf>on, whether he is returning to
Gades or going on to Rome I do not yet know ; for
he chops and changes in the wickedest way every
time one has tidings of him.

But besides his thefts and robberies and his 2
flogging of allies vdib rods, he has this too to his
credit (" for all the world Uke C. Caesar," <* as he
himself often boasts) : at the games he provided at
Gades, on the last day of them, he presented the
actor Herennius Gallus with a gold ring, and con-
ducted him to a seat in the fourteen « rows — for
that was the number of rows he had assigned to the
equestrian rank ; he extended his own tenure of
office as one of the quattuorviri f ; he held elections
for two years on two successive days, in other words,
he returned as elected whatever men he pleased ;
he restored exiles, not those of recent days, but of
the days when the Senate was butchered or expelled
by rebels in the proconsulship of Sextus Varus.*'

In what follows, however, he did not even confine 3
himself to the imitation of Caesar ; for in the course

' By a law introduced by Roscius Otho in 67 fourteen
rows at the public spectacles were assigned to the equites, and
Balbus introduced a like law at Gades. The right to wear a
"gold ring " was a special privilege of the equites.

f Gades, being a municipium, was governed by a board
of four magistrates in lieu of a senate.

* Probably Sextus Quintilius Varus, praetor in 57, who
was proconsul of Further Spain in 56.

407

CICERO

exemplo, quod ludis praetextam, de suo itinera ad
L. Lentulum proconsulem sollicitandum, posuit.
Et quidem cum ageretur, flevit, memoria rerum
gestarum commotus. Gladiatoribus autem, Fadium
quemdam, militem Pompeianum, quia, cum depressus
in ludiun bis gratis depugnasset, auctorari sese
nolebat et ad populum confugerat, primum Gallos
equites immisit in populum (coniecti^ enim lapides
sunt in eum, quum abriperetur Fadius), deinde
abstractum defodit in ludo et vivum combussit ;
cum quidem pransus, nudis pedibus, tunica soluta,
manibus ad tergum reiectis, inambularet, et illi
misero quiritanti " c. R. natus sum " responderet :
" Abi nunc, populi fidem implora." Bestiis vero cives
Romanos, etiam in his circulatorem quemdam
auctionmn, notissimum hominem Hispali, quia de-
formis erat, obiecit. Cum huiuscemodi portento
4 res mihi fuit. Sed de illo plura coram. Nunc, quod
praestat, quid me velitis facere, constituite. Tres
legiones firmas habeo ; quarum unam, Duodetri-
gesimam, cum ad se initio belli arcessisset Antonius
hac pollicitatione, quo die in castra venisset, denarios
quingenos singulis militibus daturum, in victoria

^ MSS. : conleeti M.

" The fabula praetexta, or prastextata, was a drama on
a subject taken from Roman history.
' See note a on § 1.

* i.e., without his calcei (shoes), just as he had reclined at
table.

"* Every Roman citizen had the right of appeal to the
people against a death sentence.

• About £17.
408

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxii.

of the games he staged a " Roman drama," " all
about his oAvn expedition to tamper with the loyalty
of the proconsul L. Lentulus,** and (would you
believe it ?) he was so much affected by the re-
presentation of his owTi adventures that he burst
into tears. Again, at the gladiatorial shows there
was a certain Fadius, a soldier of Pompey ; he had
been pressed into the gladiatorial school, and having
twice defeated his adversary without being paid
for it, he objected to binding himself over to be a
gladiator, and had sought refuge among the people ;
so Balbus first let loose some Gallic horsemen among
the crowd (for stones were thrown at him when
Fadius was being dragged away) and then carried
off Fadius, buried him up to the waist in the
gladiators' school, and burnt him alive, while he him-
self, having lunched, strolled about bare-footed *
with his tunic ungirdled and his hands behind his
back, and when the poor ^vretch shrieked out " I
am a born Roman citizen," he answered, " Off with
you at once ; implore the protection of the people." **
It is a fact that he has thrown Roman citizens to
the \\ild beasts, among them a certain itinerant pedlar
who frequented sales, a very Avell-known character
at Hispalis on account of his deformity.

This is the kind of monster I have had to deal
with. But more about him when Me meet.

But now, and this is the main point, you must 4
decide what you msh me to do. I have three
legions firm in their allegiance. One of them, the
Twenty-eighth, had been urged by Antony to join
him at the beginning of the war, and this is what
he promised them ; on the day they came to his
camp he would give every single soldier 500 denarii,'

409

CICERO

vero eadem praemia, quae suis legionibus (quorum
quis uUam finem aut modum futurum putavit ?)
incitatissimam retinui, aegre mehercules ; nee
retinuissem, si uno loco habuissem, utpote cum
singulae quaedam cohortes seditionem fecerint.
Reliquas quoque legiones non destitit litteris atque
infinitis pollicitationibus incitare. Nee vero minus
Lepidus ursit me et suis et Antoni litteris, ut legionem
5 Trigesimam mitterem sibi. Itaque quem exercitum
neque vendere ullis praemiis volui, nee eorum peri-
culorum metu, quae, victoribus illis, portendebantur,
diminuere, debetis existimare retentum et con-
servatum reipublicae esse ; atque ita credere,
quodcumque imperassetis, facturum fuisse, si, quod
iussistis, feci. Nam et provlnciam in otio, et exerci-
tum in mea potestate tenui ; finibus meae provinciae
nusquam excessi ; militem non modo legionariimi,
sed ne auxiliarium quidem ullum quoquam misi ; et,
si quos equites decedentes nactus sum, supplicio
affeci. Quarum rerum fructum satis magnum re-
publica salva tulisse me putabo. Sed respubUca si
me satis novisset et maior pars senatus, maiores ex
me fructus tulisset. Epistulam, quam Balbo, cum
etiam nunc in provincia esset, scripsi, legendam tibi

» Antony and Lepidus.
410

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxii.

and in case of victory the same bounties as he would
give his own legions — and who anticipated any end
or limit to such bounties ? Well, that legion, strongly
tempted as it was, I managed to retain, though, on
my solemn oath, with difficulty ; and I should not
have done so at all, if I had had them all together
in one place, seeing that certain cohorts became
mutinous, each on its own account. The other
legions, too, he never ceased to tempt by means of
letters and unhmited promises. And indeed Lepidus
pressed me no less, by writing himself and getting
Antony to do so, to send him the Thirtieth legion.

The army, therefore, which I neither desired to sell 5
at any price nor allowed to be impaired by the appre-
hension of all the dangers portended, should those
two men" be \"ictorious, that army I say, you ought to
regard as retained and kept safe for the Republic,
and since I have already carried out your orders, to
beheve that I should have done whatever else you
commanded me to do. I have kept the province
peaceful and the army amenable to my authority ;
at no point have I passed beyond the bounds of my
province ; I have not sent a single soldier, not of the
legions only, but even of the auxiharies, in any
direction ; and if ever I caught any of the cavahy
trying to desert, I punished them.

For all this I shall consider that I have gained a
sufficient return in the salvation of the Republic,
At the same time had that Repubhc, and indeed the
bulk of the Senate, been properly acquainted with
me, the advantage it would have gained through me
would have been greater.

I am sending you for your perusal a letter I have
written to Balbus, who is just now in the province ;

411

CICERO

misi ; etiam praetextam si voles legere, Galium Cor-
neb'um, familiarem meum, poscito. vi. Idus lunias,
Corduba.

XXXIII

POLLIO CICERONI S. P.

Cordubae, a.u.c. 711.

1 S.v.b.e.e.q.v. Quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis
apud Mutinam factis, Lepidus efFecit, qui meos
tabellarios novem dies retinuit ; tametsi tantam
calamitatem reipublicae quam tardissime audire op-
tandum est ; sed illis, qui prodesse nihil possunt
neque mederi. Atque utinam eodem senatuscon-
sulto, quo Plancum et Lepidum in Italiam arcessistis,
me quoque iussissetis venire ! profecto non accepisset
respubUca hoc vulnus. Quo si qui laetantur in prae-
sentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani Caesaris
partium interiisse, tamen postmodo necesse est
doleant, ciun vastitatem Italiae respexerint. Nam
et robur et suboles militum interiit, si quidem, quae

2 nuntiantur, ulla ex parte vera sunt. Neque ego
non videbam, quanto usui reipublicae essem futurus,
si ad Lepidum venissem ; omnem enim cunctationem
eius discussissem, praesertim adiutore Planco. Sed

" Pollio's dramas had a great contemporary vogue, but
not one of them has survived.

' See note a on p. 404.
412

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxii.-xxxni.

there is also a " Roman drama," " if you care to
read it, for which you must ask my friend Gallus
Cornelius.^ Corduba, June 8th.

XXXIII

THE SAME TO CICERO

Corduba, end of May, 43 b.c

If you are well, all is right. I too am well. 1
Lepidus, who detained my letter-carrier for nine
days, was the cause of the long delay in my being
informed of the battles fought near Mutina, though,
of coiu-se, the longest possible delay in hearing of
such a disaster to the State is a thing to be prayed
for — but only by those who can neither improye nor
retrieve the position. And how I wish that by the
same decree of the Senate as that by which you
summoned Plancus and Lepidus to Italy you had
ordered me to come too ! Assuredly the Republic
would then have been spared this blow. And if there
be any who rejoice at the present state of affairs,
because both the commanders and the veterans on
Caesar's side have apparently perished, yet they
cannot but mourn presently when they turn their
gaze on the devastation of Italy. For if the reports
that come in are in any degree true, not only the
mature strength but the undergrowth of our armies
has perished.

Nor did I fail to see how great service I was likely 2
to render the State if I had joined Lepidus ; for I
should have dispelled every vestige of hesitation on
his part, especially with Plancus to help me. But as

413

CICERO

scribenti ad me eiusmodi litteras, quas leges, con-
tionibus, videlicet, quas Narbone habuisse dicitur,
similes, palparer plane necesse erat, si vellem com-
meatus, per provinciam eius iter fa,ciens, habere.
Praeterea verebar, ne, si ante, quam ego incepta
perficerem, proelium confectum esset, piimi consilium
meum raperent in contrariam partem obtrectatores
mei, propter amicitiam, quae mihi cum Antonio, non

3 maior tamen, quam Planco, fuit. Itaque a Gadibus
mense ApriH binis tabellariis in duas naves impositis,
et tibi et consulibus et Octaviano scripsi, ut me
faceretis certiorem, quonam modo plurimum possem
prodesse reipublicae. Sed, ut rationem ineo, quo
die proelium Pansa commisit, eodem a Gadibus naves
profectae sunt. Nulla enim post hiemem fuit ante
earn diem navigatio. Et Hercules longe remotus ab
omni suspicione futuri civilis tumultus, penitus in
Lusitania legiones in hibernis collocaram. Ita porro
festinavit uterque confligere, tamquam nihil peius
timerent, quam ne sine maximo reipublicae detri-
mento bellum componeretur. Sed, si properandum
fuit, nihil non summi ducis consilio gessisse Hirtium

4 video. Nunc haec mihi scribuntur ex Gallia Lepidi
et nuntiantur ; Pansae exercitum concisum esse ;
Pansam ex vulneribus mortuum ; eodem proelio
Martiam legionem interiisse, et L. Fabatum et C.

" i.e., his intention, indicated in § 6 of 31, to bring his
army from Spain into Italy in support of the Republic.

* i.e., Narbonensis, as distinguished from the Gaul of
Plancus (Comata), and the Gaul of D. Brutus (Cisalpina).

414

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxiii.

he wrote me such letters as I send for your perusal,
manifestly in much the same tone as the public
speeches he is said to have made at Narbo, it was
ob^^ously essential that I should smooth him down, if
I wanted to get my supplies when marching through
his province. Moreover, I was afraid that, if the
battle was over before I finished what I had begun,
my detractors would force upon my patriotic project *
an interpretation the very reverse of my intention,
all because of my friendship with Antony, which after
all was no greater than that with Plancus.

In the month of April then I embarked two letter- 3
carriers on two separate ships, and wrote from Gades
to yourself and the consuls and Octa\ian, asking you
to inform me by what manner of means I could best
serve the Repubhc. But, according to my reckoning,
the ships started from Gades on the very day Pansa
fought his battle. For, since the winter, no sailing
was possible before that date. And I solemnly aver
that I had put my legions into winter quarters in the
heart of Lusitania before I had the remotest sus-
picion that there would be a civil insurrection. And
besides both commanders were in as great a hurry to
come to blows as if what they feared more than any-
thing was the settlement of the war without the
maximiun of damage to the Republic. But if there
was any need for haste, in my view every single
success achieved by Hirtius was marked by the
strategy of a consummate commander.

Just now the wTitten and oral reports I receive 4
from Lepidus's Gaul * are as follows : that Pansa's
army has been cut to pieces ; that Pansa has died
of his wounds ; that in the same engagement
the Martian legion was annihilated, including L.

415

CICERO

Peducaeum et D. Carfulenum ; Hirtiano autem
proelio et quartam legionem et omnes peraeque
Antoni caesas, item Hirti ; Quartam vero, quum
castra quoque Antoni cepisset, a Quinta legione
concisam esse ; ibi Hirtium quoque periisse et
Pontium Aquilam ; dici etiam Octavianum cecidisse
(quae si, quod dii prohibeant ! vera sunt, non
mediocriter doleo) ; Antonium turpiter Mutinae ob-
sessionem reliquisse, sed habere equitum v. millia,
legiones sub signis armatas tres, et Popilli^ Bagienni
unam, inermes bene multos ; Ventidium quoque se
cum legione Septima, Oetava, Nona coniunxisse ; si
nihil in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et
non modo nationes, sed etiam servitia concitaturum ;
Parmam direptam ; L. Antonium Alpes occupasse.
5 Quae si vera sunt, nemini nostrum cessandum est,
nee exspectandum, quid decernat senatus. Res
enim cogit, huic tanto incendio succurrere omnes,
qui aut imperium aut nomen denique populi Romani
salvum volunt esse. Brutum enim cohortes xvii.,
et duas non frequentes tironum legiones, quas con-
scripserat Antonius, habere audio. Neque tamen
dubito, quin omnes, qui supersint de Hirti exercitu,
confluant ad eum. Nam in delectu non multum spei
puto esse ; praesertim cum nihil sit periculosius,

^ pupilli Mi Tyrrell says this may be a corruption of
Publi. / have adopted Oardthausen's suggestion of a gentile

" In Att. viii. 41. 1, L. Roscius Fabatus is mentioned as
having, in company with L. Caesar, brought proposals of
peace from Julius Caesar to Pompey.

* See notes b, e on p. 394.

« A violent anti-Caesarian, who was one of the con-
spirators. He lent large sums of money to D. Brutus, to
enable him to carry on the war (Dio Cass. xlvi.).

416

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxiii.

Fabatus," G. Peducaeus, and D. Carfulenus * ; but
in the battle fought by Hirtius both the Fourth
legion and all Antony's were equally cut up, as also
were Hirtius 's ; that the Foiurth had even captured
Antony's camp before it was cut to pieces by the
Fifth ; that Hirtius also and Pontius Aquila <= fell
there ; that even Octa\'ian is said to have been
killed (and if all this is true, which heaven forbid !
I am profoundly grieved) ; that Antony has igno-
miniously abandoned the siege of Mutina, but that
he still has 5000 cavalry, three legions fully armed
under their respective standards, and one under
PopilUus of the Bagienni,"* besides quite a large
number of unarmed men ; that Ventidius too has
joined him with the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth
legions ; that if he has no grounds for hopes in
Lepidus, he will have recourse to desperate measures,
and stir up not only the tribes, but also the slaves ;
that Parma has been sacked, and the Alps occupied
by L. Antonius.

If all this is true, not a man of us must be idle, or 3
wait and see what the Senate decrees. Indeed, the
crisis compels all who desire the empire, or even
the very name of the Roman people, to be saved, to
aid in extinguishing this appalling conflagration.
For Brutus, I am told, has no more than seventeen
cohorts and two legions, and those not at their full
strength, of recruits, which Antony had enrolled.
On the other hand, I have no doubt that all the sur-
vivors of Hirtius's army are streaming to join him.
I do not think there is much hope in a le\y, especially
as nothing could be more dangerous than to give

■* The Bagienni lived between the source of the Padus and
the Maritime Alps,

VOL. 11 p 417

CICERO

quam spatimn confirmandi sese Antonio dari. Anni
autem tempus libertatem maiorem mihi dat, propter-
ea quia frumenta aut in agris aut in vilHs sunt.
Itaque proximis litteris consilium meiun expedietur ;
nam neque deesse neque superesse reipublicae volo.
Maxime tamen doleo, adeo et longo et infesto itinere
ad me veniri, ut die quadragesimo post aut ultra
etiam, quam facta sunt, omnia nuntientur.

XXXIV (a)

M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITERUM, PONT. MAX. S. P. D. M. T. C.

Ad Pontem Argenteum, a.u.c. 711.

S.v.b.e.e.v. Cum audissem Antonium cum suis
copiis praemisso L. Antonio cum parte equitatus
in provinciam meam venire, cum exercitu meo ab
confluente Rhodano castra movi ac contra eos venire
institui. Itaque continuis itineribus ad Forum
Voconi veni et ultra castra ad flumen Argenteum
contra Antonianos feci. P. Ventidius suas legiones
tres coniunxit cum eo et ultra me castra posuit.
Habebat antea legionem secundam, et ex reliquis
legionibus magnam multitudinem, sed inermorum.
Equitatum habet magnum ; nam omnis ex praelio
integer discessit, ita ut sint amplius equitum milia

" The Pons Argenteus was a little north-east of Forum
Voconii (Le Canet), on the road between Aquae Sextiae
(Aix) and Forum Julii (Frejus). The river Argenteus still
bears the name of Argente.

* {.«., with the Druentia (Durance), near Avenio.

' See note a on x. 17. 1.
418

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxm.-xxxiv.a

Antony time to establish himself. The season of
the year, moreover, gives me more freedom of
action, owing to the fact that com is either stacked
on the fields or in the farm-granaries. So I shall
give you a full explanation of my plans in my next
letter ; you may be sure I have no wish either to fail
the Repubhc or to survive it. What annoys me most,
however, is that I can only be reached by a route so
long and dangerous, that no news comes in before
the fortieth day after the event, or even later.

XXXIV (a)

M. LEPIDUS, IMPERATOR FOR THE SECOND TIME,
PONTIFEX MAXIMUS, SENDS HEARTIEST GREETINGS
TO M. T. CICERO

Pons Argenteus," about May 18th, 43 b.c.

If you are well, all is right ; I too am well. When 1
I heard that Antony, having sent L. Antonius
ahead with part of his cavalry, was entering my
province with his forces, I moved with my own
army from the confluence of the Rhone * and
determined to march against them. And so, by a
rapid succession of marches, I arrived at Forum
Voconii, and encamped beyond that town on the
river Argenteus, opposite the Antonians. P. Ven-
tidius " has joined him with his own three legions,
and pitched his camp even further beyond the town
than I have. Before that, Antony had the Second
legion and a large number of men drawn from the
other legions, but unarmed. He has a large force
of cavalry, for it all left the battle unscathed, so
that there are more than five thousand horse.

419

CIGERO

quinque. Ad me^ complures milites et equites ab
eo transierunt, et in dies singulos eius copiae mi-
2 nuuntur. Silanus et Culleo ab eo discesserunt. Nos
etsi graviter ab his laesi eramus, quod contra nostram
voluntatem ad Antonium ierant, tamen, nostrae
humanitatis et necessitudinis causa, eorum salutis
rationem habuimus ; nee tamen eorum opera utimur,
neque in castris habemus neque ulli negotio prae-
fecimus. Quod ad bellum hoc attinet, nee senatui
nee reipublicae deerimus. Quae postea egerimus,
faciam te certiorem.

XXXIV (b)

LEPIDUS CICERONI

Ad Pontem Argenteum, a.u.c. 711.

1 Etsi omni tempore summa stadia offici mutuo
inter nos certatim constiterunt pro nostra inter nos
familiaritate, et proinde diligenter ab utroque con-
servata sunt, tamen non dubito, in tanto et tam
repentino reipublicae motu, quin nonnulla de me
falsis rumoribus a meis obtrectatoribus me indigna
ad te delata sint, quae tuum animum magno opere
moverent pro tuo amore in rempublicam. Ea te
moderate accepisse neque temere credendum iudi-
casse, a meis procuratoribus certior sum factus ; quae

^ Tyrrell, following Madvig : equitum. itaque ad M :
equitum M. Itaque K. Pal.
-J

" See note o on p. 394.

* Q. Terentius Culleo was appointed by Lepidus to guard
the passes of the Alps, but Anlony persuaded him to let
him through.

420

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxAiv.a-6

A good number of infantry and cavalry men have
crossed over from him to me, and his forces are
dwindling day by day.

Silanus " and Culleo ^ have left him. Although 2
by joining Antony against my wishes they had done
me a serious injury, for all that, because of my
kindly feehng and the close connexion between us,
I have determined to spare their Uves ; at the
same time I do not avail myself of their ser\'ices ; I
keep them outside my camp, and I have not put
them in command of any operation.

As far as this war is concerned, I shall not fail
in my duty either to the Senate or to the State. I
shall keep you informed of whatever I may do in
the future.

XXXrV (b)

LEPIDUS TO THE SAME

Pons Argenteus, May 22, 43 b.c.

Although, intimate friends as we are, there has 1
never been a time when we failed to vie wiih one
another in the kindliest mutual devotion, con-
scientiously maintained in the same spirit on either
side, yet I doubt not that in so serious and sudden
an upheaval in pubUc affairs some representations
based on false rumours have been made to you by
my detractors about me, which, being unworthy of
me, were enough to cause you, loving the Repubhc
as you do, no httle perturbation of mind. That you
received those reports with reserv'e, and decided
that they should not be hastily credited, my agents
have informed me ; and it has naturally been a great

421

CICERO

mihi, ut debent, gratissima sunt. Memini enim et
ilia superiora, quae abs tua voluntate profecta sunt
ad meam dignitatem augendam et ornandam, quae
2 perpetuo animo meo fixa manebunt. Abs te, mi
Cicero, magno opere peto, si meam vitam studium
diligentissime superioribus temporibus in republica
administranda, quae Lepido digna sunt, perspecta
habes, ut paria, aut eo ampliora reliquo tempore
exspectes, et proinde tua auctoritate me tuendum
existimes, quo tibi plura tuo merito debeo. Vale.
D. XI. Kalendas lunias, ex castris, ex Ponte Argenteo.

XXXV

LEPIDUS IMP. ITER. PONT. MAX. S. D. SENAT.
POP. PL. Q. R.

A ponte Argentes, a.u.c. 711.

S.v. liberique vestri v.b.e.e.q.v. Deos homines-
que testor, patres conscripti, qua mente et quo
animo semper in rempublicam fuerim, et quam nihil
antiquius communi salute ac libertate iudicarim ;

" Lepidus does not mention the consuls, knowing that
Hirtius and Pansa are both dead. For the expression
*' People and Plebs " see note on x. 8. 1.

Twelve days after he had assured Cicero that " as far as
this war is concerned, I shall not fail in my duty either to
the Senate or to the State " (x. 34. 2), Lepidus here writes
that he has been compelled to join forces with Antony—
a volte-face which ruined the prospects of the Senatorial
party.

That his defection was the result of sudden coercion is
hard to believe ; it was more probably long premeditated ;
he had been closely associated with Antony since Caesar's

422

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, X. xxxiv.6-xxxv.

pleasure to me. For I do not forget those earlier
favours of yours which, prompted by your goodwill,
tended to enhance and dignify my position — favours
that will remain for ever fixed in my heart.

I earnestly beg of you, my dear Cicero, if there is 2
no doubt in your mind as to my career and devotion
— and they are worthy of a Lepidus — as a punctili-
ously assiduous administrator of pubhc affairs in
the past, to look for services equally if not more
substantial in the future, and to regard me as de-
serving the protection of your patronage in exact
proportion as your goodness to me increases my
indebtedness to you. The Camp at Pons Argenteus,
May 22nd.

XXXV

M. LEPIDUS, IMPERATOR FOR THE SECOND TIME, PONTIFEX
MAXIMUS, SEXDS GREETINGS TO THE PRAETORS,
TRIBUNES OF THE PLEBS, THE SENATE, PEOPLE AND
PLEBS OF ROME"

Pons Argenteus, May 30th, 43 B.C.

If you and your children are well, all is right. I 1
also am well. I call gods and men to witness,
conscript fathers, what my inclinations and feelings
have ever been towards the Republic, and how I
have deemed nothing of more vital importance than
the general security of life and liberty ; and this

death, Antony had made him Pontifex Maximus, and his
son had married Antony's daughter. The reward of his
treachery was a place with Antony and Octavian in the
second Triumvirate.

423

CICERO

quod vobis brevi probassem, nisi mihi fortuna pro-
prium consilium extorsisset. Nam exercitus cunctus
consuetudinem suam in civibus conservandis com-
munique pace, seditione facta, retinuit meque tantae
multitudinis civium Romanorum salutis atque in-
columitatis causam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit.
In qua re ego vos, patres conscripti, oro atque
obsecro, ut, privatis ofFensionibus omissis, summae
reipublicae consulatis neve misericordiam nostram
exercitusque nostri in civili dissensione sceleris loco
ponatis. Quod si salutis omnium ac dignitatis
rationem habueritis, melius et vobis et reipublicae
consuletis. Data iii. Kal. lunias a Ponte Argenteo.
Valete.

424

EPISTULAE AD FAxMILIARES, X. xxxv.

I should shortly have proved to you, had not the
development of my own special policy been >\Tenched
out of my hands by fortune. For my army, rising
in mutiny as one man, held to its traditional custom
in preser\-ing the lives of its fellow-citizens and the
peace of the community, and, to speak the truth,
compelled me to undertake the support of so vast a
number of Roman citizens in their claims to life and
civil rights.

And in this matter, I pray and beseech you, :
conscript fathers, to lay aside private feuds, and
consider the highest interests of the State, and not
to set down as a crime the mercy sho"wn by myself
and my army at a time of ci\il discord. If you decide
to consider the safety and political standing of all
parties, you ^vill better promote your own interests,
as well as those of the State. Pons Argenteus,
May 30th.

425

LIBER UNDECIMUS
I

D. BRUTUS BRUTO SUO ET C. CASSIO S.
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

Quo in statu simus, cognoscite ; heri vesperi apud
me Hirtius fuit ; qua mente esset Antonius, demon-
stravit, pessima scilicet et infidelissima. Nam se
neque mihi provinciam dare posse aiebat neque
arbitrari tuto in urbe esse quemque nostrum ; adeo
esse militum concitatos animos et plebis ; quod

' Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus (the additional cognomen
was due to his adoption by A. Postumius Albinus, consul in
99 B.C.) was appointed commander of the fleet by Caesar in 56,
and in that capacity was successful against the Veneti. In
52 he served under Caesar in Gaul, and did good service
against Vercingetorix. Returning to Rome in 50 he married
PauUa Valeria (viii. 7.2). In 49 he commanded the fleet which
effected the surrender of Massilia. In 48 Caesar appointed
him governor of Transalpine Gaul, where he put down a
revolt of the Bellovaci. Caesar promised him the praetorship
for 44, to be followed by the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul,
and the consulship, with Plancus, in 42.

Favoured as he had been by Caesar, prompted probably by
jealousy of Antony and Octavian, he helped the conspirators
on the Ides of March by engaging Antony in talk during the
perpetration of the murder. After that event Decimus, being
in command of a considerable military force, had he possessed

426

BOOK XI
I

DECIMUS JTMIUS BRUTUS * TO M. BRUTUS AND C. CASSIUS

Rome* morning of March 17, 44 b.c

Let me tell you how we are situated ; Hirtius was 1
at my house yesterday evening ; he explained what
Antony's intentions were — utterly base, you may be
sure, and untrustworthy ; for he said that he could not
possibly give me my province, and also that it was not
safe for any of us to be in Rome, so excited were the
feehngs of the soldiers and the people. You observe,

courage and initiative, might have played a conspicuous part
in subsequent poHtics. But this letter (written, as O. E.
Schmidt proves, on March 17th, before the meeting of the
Senate on that day in the temple of Tellus, at which an
amnesty was granted to the tyrannicides, and after a
conference held by Antony and his party on the 16th
had been reported to him by Hirtius, who was present)
proves him to have been faint-hearted and downcast at
the first show of opposition on the part of Antony. Shortly
afterwards he left for his province. Cisalpine Gaul, and
then, on the strength of some successful raids upon Alpine
tribes in the summer of 44, he wrote to Cicero asking him to
support his appeal for a triumph. Meanwhile Antony had
had Cisalpine Gaul transferred to himself, and in 43 began
to lay siege to Mutina. [For what followed see the note on
the Cisalpine Campaign prefixed to Bk. X.]

427

GIGERO

utrumque esse falsum puto vos animadvertere atque
illud esse verum quod Hirtius demonstrabat, timere
eum ne, si mediocre auxilium dignitatis nostrae
habuissemus, nullae partes sibi^ in republica re-
linqueretur.

2 Cum in his angustiis versarer, placitum est mihi
ut postularem legationem liberam mihi reliquisque
nostris, ut aliqua causa proficiscendi honesta quaere-
retur. Haec se impetraturum poUicitus est ; nee
tamen impetraturum confido ; tanta est hominum
insolentia et nostri insectatio. Ac si dederint, quod
petimus, tamen paullo post futurum puto, ut hostes iu-

3 dicemur, aut aqua et igni interdicamur. Quid ergo
est, inquis, tui consih ? Dandus est locus fortunae ;
cedendum ex Italia, migrandum Rhodum aut aliquo
terrarum arbitror. Si melior casus fuerit, revertemur
Romam; simediocris,inexsiho vivemus; sipessimus,

4 ad novissima auxilia descendemus. Succurret fortasse
hoc loco alicui vestrum, cur novissimum tempus
exspectemus potius, quam nunc aliquid mohamur ?
Quia, ubi consistamus, non habemus praeter Sex.
Pompeium et Bassum Gaecilium, qui mihi videntur,
hoc nuntio de Caesare allato, firmiores futuri. Satis
tempore ad eos accedemus, ubi, quid valeant,
scierimus. Pro Cassio et te, si quid me velitis recipere,
recipiam. Postulat enim hoc Hirtius ut faciam.

^ Lambinus : his M : suis Kahnt.

" Libera legatio was an unofficial embassy, enabling a
Senator to leave Rome on his own private affairs at the
expense of the State,

" Sextus Pompeius was now among the Lacetani at the
foot of the Pyrenees, standing out against Asinius Pollio.

" Caecilius Bassus had intrigued against Sext. Julius
Caesar, who had been appointed Governor of Syria by his
relative C. Julius Caesar in 46. A meeting ensued, with the

428

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. i.

am sure, that both those statements are false, and
that the truth is to be found in what Hirtius pointed
out — Antony is afraid that, if our claims should
have met with even moderate support, no part would
be left for him to play on the pohtical stage.

Being in these straits, I decided to demand for 2
myself and our other friends an honorary ambassador-
ship,'' so as to discover some decent pretext for leaving
Rome. This Hirtius has promised to obtain for me,
and yet I have no confidence that he >\ill so do, so
insolent are these men, and so set on persecuting us.
And even if they grant our request, it will not, I
fancy, prevent om* being declared pubhc enemies or
banned as outlaws in the near future.

" What then," you say, " have you to suggest ? " 3
Well, we must bow to fortune ; I think we must get
out of Italy and migrate to Rhodes, or somewhere or
other ; if there is a change for the better, we shall
return to Rome ; if there is no great change, we shall
hve on in exile ; if it comes to the worst, we shall have
recomrse to the last means of defending ourselves.

It will perhaps occur to someone among you at this 4
point to ask why we should wait for that last stage
rather than make some strong effort at once ? Because
we have no centre to rally around, except indeed
Sextus Pompeius* and Caecihus Bassus,'^who,it seems
to me, are Hkely to be more firmly established when
they have this news about Caesar. It wiU be
time enough for us to join them when we have found
out what their strength really is. On behalf of you
and Cassius, I will make any engagement you Avish me
to make ; in fact Hirtius insists upon my doing so.

result that Bassus got command of the troops, and was now
holding his own against an army sent by C. Julius Caesar.

429

CICERO

6 Rogo vos, quam primum mihi rescribatis (nam non
dubito, quin his de rebus ante horam quartam Hirtius
certiorem me sit factm-us) ; quem in locum convenire

6 possimus, quo me velitis venire, rescribite. Post
novissimum Hirti sermonem placitum est mihi
postulare, ut liceret nobis esse Romae publico
praesidio ; quod illos nobis concessuros non puto.
Magnam enim invidiam iis faciemus. Nihil tamen
non postulandum putavi, quod aequum esse sta-
tuerem.

II

BRUTUS ET CASSIUS PRAETT. M. ANTONIO COS.

Lanuvi, a.u.c. 710.

1 De tua fide et benevolentia in nos nisi persuasum
esset nobis, non conscripsissemus haec tibi ; quae
profecto, quando istum animum habes, in optimam
partem accipies. Scribitur nobis magnam vetera-
norum multitudinem Romam convenisse iam, eflTd
Kalendas lunias futuram multo maiorem. De te si
dubitemus aut vereamur, simus nostri dissimiles.
Sed certe, cum ipsi in tua potestate fuerimus, tuoque
adducti consilio dimiserimus ex municipiis nostros

" About April 25 Antony had gone on a journey into Italy
in order to summon veterans to Rome for June 1.

430

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL i.-ii.

I must ask you both to reply to my letter as soon as 5
possible — because I have no doubt that Hirtius vnW
inform me about these matters before the fourth
hour — and let me know in yoiir reply at what place we
can meet, where you would like me to come.

P.S. — Since my last conversation with Hirtius I have 6
determined to ask for permission, while we are at
Rome, to have a bodyguard at the pubhc expense ;
but I do not expect they will grant us that privilege,
because we shall raise a storm of unpopularity against
them. Still I thought I should neglect no appeal
which I decided to be reasonable.

II

M. BRUTUS AND CASSIUS, PRAETORS, TO M.
ANTONIUS, CONSUL

Lanuvium, end of May, 44 b.c.

Had we not been convinced of your sincerity and 1
good\^'ill towards us, we should not have composed
this letter to you ; and we are assured, such being
your habit of mind, that you will put the best possible
construction upon it. We are told by letter that a
large nimiber of veterans have already assembled at
Rome," and that as the Calends of June approach,
the number will be much larger. Were we to
entertain any doubt or apprehension as regards
yourself, we should be untrue to om-selves. But
seeing that we have put ourselves at yoiu: disposal,
and in deference to your advice have dismissed our
personal friends from the provincial towns, and have

431

CICERO

necessarios, neque solum edicto, sed etiam litteris id
fecerimus, digni sumus, quos habeas tui consili
participes, in ea praesertim re, quae ad nos pertinet.

2 Quare petimus a te, facias nos certiores tuae volun-
tatis in nos ; putesne nos tutos fore in tanta frequentia
militum veteranorum, quos etiam de reponenda ara
cogitare audimus ; quod velle et probare vix quis-
quam posse videtur, qui nos salvos et honestos velit.
Nos ab initio spectasse otium nee quidquam aliud
libertate communi quaesisse, exitus declarat. Fallere
nemo nos potest, nisi tu ; quodcerte abest ab tua
virtute et fide ; sed alius nemo facultatem habet
decipiendi nos ; tibi enim uni credidimus et credituri

3 sumus. Maximo de nobis timore afficiuntur amici
nostri ; quibus etsi tua fides explorata est, tamen
illud in mentem venit, multitudinem veteranorum
facilius impelli ab alio quolibet, quam a te retineri
posse. Rescribas nobis ad omnia, rogamus. Nam
illud valde leve est ac nugatorium, ea re denuntiatum
esse veteranis, quod de commodis eorum mense lunio
laturus esses. Quem enim impediment© futurum
putas, cum de nobis certum sit, nos quieturos ? Non

" This edict dismissed from the municipalities the body-
guards Brutus and Cassius had enlisted to protect them on
their return to Rome. " Brutus, though praetor of the City,
was without a city ; and though all Italy was prepared to
defend him, preferred to rely on the moral support of
honourable men, while he was away from Rome, than on
physical force, if he were there." This is the purport of
Phil. X. 7.

* The altar, or column, raised in the Forum, inscribed with
the words Gaesari parenti patriae. During Antony's absence
in Italy this altar had been overthrown by Dolabella, who
punished those who had raised it by throwing some from
432

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL ii.

done so not only by edict " but by letter as well, we
surely deserve that you should admit us into your
counsels, especially in a matter which affects ourselves.

And for that reason we beg of you to inform us of 2
your attitude of mind towards us, whether you think
we shall be safe amid so great a throng of veteran
soldiers, who, we are told, are even thinking of re-
placing the altar,* — a thing we beheve that hardly
anybody can desire or approve, who desires our own
safety and honour.

That we have from the beginning fixed our eyes on
tranquilhty, and have sought nothing other than the
liberty of the community, is made clear by what has
happened. Nobody can play us false but yourself,
and that is obviously foreign to your high character
and integrity ; but nobody else has the means of
deceiving us ; for it is you, and you alone, that we
have trusted and shall continue to trust.

Our friends are terribly alarmed about us ; and 3
although they are fully assured of your good faith,
still they are obsessed by the reflection that a mass of
veterans can be more easily driven in any direction by
anybody else than held in check by you. We ask
you to reply to us on all points . For the allegation that
such an order was issued to veterans because it was
your intention to bring forward the question of their
interests " in the month of June is as frivolous as it is
futile. Whom do you suppose to be hkely to obstruct
your intention, seeing that, as far as we are concerned,
it is definitely decided that we shall take no action ?

the Tarpeian rock and crucifying others — an exploit loudly
applauded by Cicero.

' A reference to the proposed land-law of Lucius Antonius,
assigning land to the veterans.

433

CICERO

debemus cuiquam videri nimium cupidi vitae, cum
accidere nobis nihil possit sine pernicie et confusione
omnium rerum.

Ill

BRUTUS ET CaSSIUS PRAETT. S. D. ANTONIO COS.

Neapoli, a.u.c. 710.

1 S.v.b.e. Litteras tuas legimus, simillimas edicti
tui, contumeliosas, minaces, minime dignas, quae a te
nobis mitterentur. Nos, Antoni, te nulla lacessiimus
iniuria neque miraturum credidimus, si praetores et
ea dignitate homines aliquid edicto postulassemus a
consule. Quod si indignaris ausos esse id facere,
concede nobis, ut doleamus, ne hoc quidem abs te

2 Bruto et Cassio tribui. Nam de delectibus habitis et
pecuniis imperatis, exercitibus sollicitatis, et nuntiis
trans mare missis, quod te questum esse negas, nos
quidem tibi credimus, optimo animo te fecisse ; sed
tamen neque agnoscimus quidquam eorum, et te
miramur, cum haec reticueris, non potuisse continere

" I have followed Jeans in adopting a form of address
better suited to the spirit of the letter than " If you are well,
all is right."

* The concession applied for by Brutus and Cassius was not
that they should be allowed to absent themselves from Rome,
but that they should be relieved of the commission, imposed
rather than conferred upon them by Antony, to supply the
City with corn — a commission they resented as tantamount
to an insult. But instead of writing in the first instance to
the consuls, they had made their request in a published docu-
ment (edictum), which had provoked a contumelious refusal
from Antony, to which this letter is a reply.

* Antony seems to have heard rumours that Brutus and

434

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. ii.-iii.

Nobody has a right to impute to us an undue love of
hfe, when there is nothing that can befall us un-
accompanied by universal ruin and chaos.

Ill

BRUTUS AND CASSIUS, PRAETORS, SEND GREETINQ
TO M. ANTONY, CONSUL

Naples, August 4, 44 b.c

Sir," — We have perused your letter, which closely I
follows the hnes of your public proclamation, being
insulting, intimidating, and by no means a proper
letter for you to have addressed to «*.

On our part. Sir, by no single injurious act have
we provoked you, and we never believed that it
would cause you surprise if we praetors, or indeed any
men holding our position, should have appealed in a
pubhc manifesto for some concession from the consul.''
But if you resent our having ventm-ed so far, permit
us at least to regret that so small a favour is being
refused by you to a Brutus and a Cassius.

As for your denial that you made any complaint as 2
to the raising of troops, the requisitioning of sums of
money, the tampering with the legions, and the send-
ing of despatches across the sea,** we indeed credit you
with ha\'ing made that denial in all good faith ; at the
same time, however, we refuse to acknowledge the
truth of a single word of those allegations, and it
surprises us that, though you kept silent about all this,

Cassius had been acting as he alleges (tampering with the
Syrian and Macedonian legions, etc.) and had protested,
though he denied having done so.

435

CIGERO

iracundiam tuam, quin nobis de morte Caesaris

3 obiceres, Illud vero quemadmodum ferendum sit,
tute cogita : non licere praetoribus concordiae ac
libertatis causa per edictum de suo iure decedere,
quin consul arma minetur. Quorum fiducia nihil est,
quod nos terreas. Neque enim decet aut convenit
nobis periculo ulli submittere animum nostrum,
neque est Antonio postulandum, ut iis imperet,
quorum opera liber est. Nos si alia hortarentur, ut
bellum civile suscitare vellemus, litterae tuae nihil
proficerent. Nulla enim minantis auctoritas apud
liberos est. Sed pulchre intellegis, non posse nos
quoquam impelli ; et fortassis ea re minaciter agis,

4 ut indicium nostrum metus videatur. Nos in hac

sententia sumus, ut te cupiamus in libera repubhca

magnum atque honestum esse, vocemus te ad nullas

inimicitias, sed tamen pluris nostram libertatem,

quam tuam amicitiam aestimemus. Tu etiam atque

etiam vide, quid suscipias, quid sustinere possis ;

neque, quam diu vixerit Caesar, sed quam non diu

regnarit, fac cogites. Deos quaesumus, consilia tua

reipublicae salutaria sint ac tibi ; si minus, ut, salva

atque honesta republica, tibi quam minimum noceant,

optamus. Pridie Nonas Sext.
436

J

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL iii.

you were so little able to control your anger as to
reproach us with the death of Caesar.

This much, however, we would have you consider 3
yoiu-self — how far it is to be tolerated that praetors
should not be allowed in the interests of harmony
and liberty to waive by public announcement some
of their own rights ■without being threatened with
armed %-iolence by the Consul. Yoiu* rehance on such
methods has no terrors for us ; for neither is it seemly
or suitable for us, on our side, to bow our spirit
before any peril, nor is it for Antony to claim lordship
over those to whose efforts he owes his freedom. As
for ourselves, were we urged by other considerations
to wish to fan the flame of civil war, your letter would
have no effect whatever ; for the man who threatens
has no authority among free men. But you are per-
fectly well aware that we are not to be driven either
this way or that, and it is quite hkely that the motive
of your blustering is to give our prudence the appear-
ance of panic.

Our sentiments are these : we are anxious that vou 4
should hold a high and honourable position in any
constitution that is free, and we challenge you to no
kind of hostility ; but, for all that, we attach less value
to your friendship than to our owti Uberty.

Consider again and again what you are under-
taking, and what strength you have for it ; and be
sure you remember, not how long was Caesar's Ufe,
but how far from long was his reign. We pray to
heaven that your counsels may conduce to the
welfare of the State and of yourself ; failing that, our
prayer is that they may be as little harmful to your-
self as is consistent with the welfare and honour of
the Republic. Aug. 4th.

437

CICERO
IV

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DESIGN. S. D. CICERONI

In Gallia Cisalpina, a.u.c. 710.

1 Si de tua in me voluntate dubitarem, multis a te
verbis peterem, ut dignitatem meam tuerere ; sed
profecto est ita, ut mihi persuasi, me tibi esse curae.
Progressus sum ad Inalpinos cum exercitu, non tam
nomen imperatorium captans, quam cupiens militibus
satisfacere firmosque eos ad tuendas nostras res

2 efficere. Quod mihi videor consecutus ; nam et libe-
ralitatem nostram, et animum sunt experti. Cum
omnium bellicosissimis bellum gessi, multa castella
cepi, multa vastavi. Non sine causa ad senatum
litteras misi. Adiuva nos tua sententia ; quod cum
fades, ex magna parte communi commodo inservieris.

M. CICERO S. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Lupus familiaris noster, cum a te venisset, cumque
Romae quosdam dies commoraretur, ego eram in iis
locis, in quibus maxime tuto me esse arbitrabar. Eo

" They lived in the modern Piedmont and Savoy.

* Or, possibly, " my intention," i.e. to attach them to his
cause.

« Probably the P. Rutilius Lupus who was tribune of the
plebs in 56, and proposed that Ptolemy Auletes should be
restored by Pompey (i. 1. 3).
438

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. iv.-v.

IV

D. BRUTUS, IMPERATOR, CONSUL DESIGNATE, SENDS
GREETING TO M. CICERO

Gallia Cisalpina, October or early November, 44 b.c.

Had I any doubt as to your feelings towards me, I 1
should make a wordy appeal to you to support my
claims ; but I am sure the truth is as I have convinced
myself — that you have my interests at heart. I
have advanced with my troops as far as the Inalpini,"
not so much because I aimed at the title of im-
perator, as because I desire to satisfy my men, and
strengthen them in support of our cause.

In this I beheve I have succeeded ; for they have 2
had experience both of my generosity and my
courage.* I have waged war against the most warlike
people in the world, captured many fortresses, and
devastated much country. I had ample justification
for sending a despatch to the Senate. Give me the
benefit of your support in the House ; when you do
this, you will have to no slight extent subserved
the pubhc interests.

CICERO GREETS DECIMUS BRUTUS, IMPERATOR, CONSUL
DESIGNATE

Rome, shortly after December 9, 44 b.c.

Although our friend Lupus '^ had come from you 1
and was staying some days at Rome, I was then at
various places where I thought it was safe for me to

439

CICERO

factum est, ut ad te Lupus sine meis litteris rediret,
cum tamen curasset tuas ad me perferendas. Romam
autem veni a. d. quintum Idas Decembres, nee habui
quidquam antiquius, quam ut Pansam statim con-
venirem ; ex quo ea de te cognovi, quae maxime
optabam. Quare hortatione tu quidem non eges, si
ne ilia quidem in re, quae a te gesta est post hominum

2 memoriam maxima, hortatorem desiderasti. Illud
tamen breviter significandum videtur, populum
Romanum omnia a te exspectare, atque in te ali-
quando recuperandae libertatis omnem spem ponere.
Tu, si dies noctesque memineris (quod te facere certo
scio), quantam rem gesseris, non obliviscere profecto,
quantae tibi etiam nunc gerendae sint. Si enim iste
provinciam nactus erit, cui quidem ego semper
amicus fui ante quam ilium intellexi, non mode
aperte, sed etiam libenter cum republica bellum

3 gerere, spem reliquam nuUam video salutis. Quam-
obrem te obsecro iisdem precibus, quibus S. P. Q. R.,
ut in perpetuum rempublicam dominatu regio liberes,
ut principiis consentiant exitus. Tuum est hoc
munus, tuae partes ; a te hoc civitas vel omnes potius
gentes non exspectant solum, sed etiam postulant.
Quamquam, cum hortatione non egeas, ut supra
scripsi, non utar ea pluribus verbis, faciam illud, quod

" Cicero wrote this letter about Dec. 11th, and the sub-
sequent course of events was probably, according to Tyrrell,
as follows :

Dec. 18 (evening). Lupus returns from Mutina to

Rome.
Dec. 19. He has conference with Cicero and others.
Dec. 19. Cicero writes xi. 7.
Dec. 20. Meeting of the Senate in which Cicero

delivers Phil. iii.
Dec. 20 (evening). Cicero writes xi. 6.

440

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL v.

be. The result was that Lupus returned to you
^vithout a letter from me, though he had charged
himself with the delivery to me of yours. I came to
Rome, however, on the 9th of December," and nothing
seemed to me more xirgently important than an early
inter\iew with Pansa, and from him I learnt about
you what I most earnestly prayed for.'' It follows
that you stand in no need of encouragement, seeing
that you never felt the lack of anyone to encourage
you even in that achievement of yours, which was the
greatest within the memory of man."

To this fact, however, I think a brief reference 2
should be made, that the people of Rome look to you
for everything, and rest upon you all their hope of
ultimately recovering their liberty. If you recall to
mind day and night (and I am well aware that you do),
how much you have already achieved, you will
assuredly not forget how much even now remains for
you to achieve. For if once your province falls into
the hands of the man you wot of — though indeed I
was always his friend until I became aware that he
was waging war not only openly but joyously against
the Repubhc — I see no hope of salvation left.

And that is why I join my prayers to those of the 3
Senate and people of Rome that you will set the
Repubhc free for all time from the tyranny of a king,
and make your ending agree with your beginning.
Yours is this task, and yours the part to play ; it is
you that the State, nay, rather all the nations of the
world, look to for this, and even demand it of you.
Although, since you stand in no need of it, I shall
waste no more words on encouragement, still I shall

' i.e., your attitude towards the Republic.
* i.e.f the assassination of Caesar.

441

CIGERO

meum est, ut tibi omnia mea officia, studia, curas,
cogitationes poUicear, quae ad tuam laudem et
gloriam pertinebunt. Quamobrem velim tibi ita
persuadeas, me turn reipublicae causa, quae mihi vita
mea est carior, tum quod tibi ipse faveam, tuamque
dignitatem amplificari velim, tuis optimis consiliis,
amplitudini, gloriae nullo loco defuturiun.

VI

M. CICERO S. D, D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DE3.
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Lupus noster cum Romam sexto die Mutina venisset,
postridie me mane convenit ; tua mihi mandata
diligentissime exposuit et litteras reddidit. Quod
mihi tuam dignitatem commendas, eodem tempore
existimo te mihi meam dignitatem commendare,
quam mehercule non habeo tua cariorem. Quare
mihi gratissimum facies, si exploratum habebis, tuis
laudibus nullo loco nee consilium nee studium meum

2 defuturum. Cum tribuni plebis edixissent, senatus
adesset a. d. xiii. Kal. Ian. haberentque in animo de
praesidio consulum designatorum referre, quamquam
statueram in senatum ante Kal. Ian. non venire,

" i.e., after leaving Mutina. He arrived in Rome on
Dec. 18.
442

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES. XI. v.-vr.

do what is incumbent upon me, and promise you all
my service and sympathy, my sohcitude and my
thoughts — whatever in fact will tend to your renown
and glory. And so I would have you con\ince yourself
of this, that not only for the sake of the common-
wealth, which is more precious to me than my ovra
life, but also because I am personally devoted to you,
and desire the exaltation of your high position, I
shall at no point fail to support your most admirable
policy, your advancement, and your fame.

VI

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, December 20, 44 b.c.

^\^len our friend Lupus came to Rome from Mutina 1
on the 6th day " he called upon me early on the next
day. He was most painstaking in the elucidation
of your messages, and dehvered your letter. In
commending to me the defence of yoiu: position you
are at the same time, I take it, commending to me my
©■«Ti, which, I solemnly assure you, I do not regard as
more precious than yours. You ^nW therefore give
me the greatest possible pleasure if you regard it
as an indisputable fact that at no point will either
my counsel or devotion be found to fail you in the
enhancement of your distinction.

The tribunes of the plebs had given notice that the 2
Senate would meet on the 20th of December, when it
was their intention to make a proposal for the pro-
tection of the consuls designate ; so although I had
decided not to attend a Senate before the 1st of

443

CICERO

tamen, quum eo die ipso edictum tuum propositum
esset, nefas esse duxi, aut ita haberi senatum, ut de
tuis divinis in rempublicam meritis sileretur (quod
factum esset, nisi ego venissem), aut, etiamsi quid de
3 te honorifice diceretur, me non adesse. Itaque in
senatum veni mane. Quod cum esset animadver-
sum, frequentissimi senatores convenerunt. Quae
de te in senatu egerim, quae in contione maxima
dixerim, aliorum te litteris malo cognoscere. Illud
tibi persuadeas velim, me omnia, quae ad tuam digni-
tatem augendam pertinebunt, quae est per se amplis-
sima, summo semper studio suscepturum et defen-
surum ; quod quamquam intellego me cum multis
esse facturum, tamen appetam huius rei principatum.

VII

M. CICERO S. D, D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Cum adhibuisset domi meae Lupus me et Libonem
et Servium, consobrinum tuum, quae mea fuerit
sententia, cognosse te ex M. Seio arbitror, qui nostro
sermoni interfuit. Reliqua, quamquam statim Seium

" ».«., "se provinciam Galliam retenturum in Senatus
populique Romani potestate" (^"that he would not let the
province of Gaul pass out of the power of the Senate and
people of Rome "), Phil. iii. 8. The date referred to is of
course Dec. 20th. The substance of Cicero's speech on that
day (" what I proposed, etc." infra) is to be found in Phil.
iii. and iv.

^ This letter chronologically precedes Ep. 6.

" Probably the father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius who
commanded the fleet in the Civil War.
444

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. vi.-vn.

January, still, seeing that your proclamation'* had been
put down for discussion on that ver}- day, I thought it
a scandal that either a Senate should be held -without
any mention being made of your immortal services to
the Repubhc (and that is what would have happened
had I not attended), or that even if any compli-
mentary reference were made to you, I should not be
in my place.

I therefore came to the Senate early, and on my 3
arrival being noticed, the members flocked together in
full force. What I proposed in the Senate concerning
you, and what I said at that crowded meeting, I prefer
that you should learn from the letters of others ; I
would only have you assure yourself that I shall
always undertake to support \\ith the utmost enthu-
siasm whatever tends to the advancement of your
position, exalted as it is in itself ; and although I quite
understand that many others will join me in so doing,
in this matter I shall aspire to take the lead.

VII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, December 19, 44 b.c*

Since Lupus had Libo <^ and your cousin Servius ^* to 1
meet me at my house, I expect you have learnt what
my sentiments were from M. Seius,* who also took part
in our conversation. The rest you will be able to learn

'' Servius Sulpicius Galba, great-grandfather of the
emperor ; it was he who sent Cicero an account of the battle
of Forum Gallorum (x. 30).

« Probably the son of the M. Seius mentioned in ix. 7. 1.

445

CICERO

Graeceius est subsecutus, tamen ex Graeceio poteris

2 cognoscere. Caput autem est hoc, quod te diligentis-
sime percipere et meminisse velim, ut ne in libertate
et salute populi Romani conservanda auctoritatem
senatus exspectes, nondum liberi, ne et tuum factum
condemnes (nuUo enim publico consilio rempublicam
liberavisti, quo etiam est res ilia maior et clarior), et
adulescentem, vel puerum potius, Caesar em, iudices
temere fecisse, qui tantam causam publicam private
consilio susceperit ; denique homines rusticos, sed
fortissimos viros civesque optimos, dementes fuisse
iudices, primum milites veteranos, commilitones tuos,
deinde legionem Martiam, legionem Quartam, quae
suum consulem hostem iudicaverunt seque ad salutem
reipublicae defendendam contulerunt. Voluntas
senatus pro auctoritate haberi debet, cum auctoritas

3 impeditur metu. Postremo suscepta tibi causa iam
bis est, ut non sit integrum, primum Idibus Martiis,
deinde proxime, exercitu novo et copiis comparatis.
Quamobrem ad omnia ita paratus, ita animatus debes
esse, non ut nihil facias, nisi iussus, sed ut ea geras,
quae ab omnibus summa cum admiratione laudentur.

" A friend, and perhaps a legatus of D. Brutus.

* Octavius was not more than eighteen at this time ; the
" public responsibility " was his definite defiance of Antony,
including his enlistment of the men mentioned below, the
veterans of Julius Caesar, whom he won over first at
Calatia and Casilinum (Veil. ii. 61).

446

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. vii.

from Graeceius," though indeed he left only a few
minutes after Seius.

But the main point is this — and I would have you 2
grasp it and bear it in mind most carefully — that in
the matter of preserving the liberty and welfare of
the Roman people you are not to await the sanction of
a Senate which is still enslaved, for by so doing you
would not only stultify your own action (it was by no
public authority, you know, that you freed the Re-
public, and that, of course, makes the achievement all
the more magnificent and illustrious), but you would
also convict the youth, or rather the boy,' Caesar, of
foolhardy action in having taken up so heavy a public
responsibihty all on his own initiative ; and finally, you
would con\ict of insane folly men who, though
country-bred, are yet very gallant soldiers and very
excellent citizens — I mean, firstly, the veterans, your
own comrades-in-arms, and secondly, the Martian
legion, and the Fourth, who declared their own
consul a public enemy, and flung themselves into
the defence of the public safety. Wlien its formal
sanction is obstructed by intimidation, the wishes of
the Senate must be regarded as the equivalent of
such sanction.

Lastly, you have now chosen your side twice, so 3
that you have not a free hand ; first on the Ides of
March, and again, lately, by the enlistment of your
new army and forces. You ought, therefore, whatever
happens, to be so prepared and so minded as not
indeed to do nothing without orders, but to go on
achieving what will meet with universal praise and
the most genuine admiration.

447

CICERO
VIII

M. CICERO S. D. BRUTO IMP, COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Eo tempore Polla tua misit, ut ad te, si quid vellem,
darem litterarum, cum quid scriberem, non habebam.
Omnia enim erant suspensa proptei* exspectationem
legatorum, qui quid egissent nihildum nuntiabatur.
Haec tamen scribenda existimavi : primum, S. P. Q.
R. de te laborare, non solum salutis suae causa, sed
etiam dignitatis tuae. Admirabilis enim est quaedam
tui nominis caritas, amorque in te singularis omnium
civium. Ita enim sperant atque confidunt, ut antea
rege, sic hoc tempore regno te rempublicam libera-

2 turum. Romae delectus habetur totaque Italia, si
hie delectus appellandus est, cum ultro se ofFerunt
omnes ; tantus ardor occupavit animos hominum
desiderio libertatis odioque diutinae servitutis. De
reliquis rebus a te iam exspectare litteras debemus,
quid ipse agas, quid noster Hirtius, quid Caesar meus ;
quos spero brevi tempore societate victoriae tecum
copulatos fore. Reliquum est, ut de me id scribam,
quod te ex tuorum litteris et spero et malo cognoscere,

" Or " Paulla " (viii. 7. 2). For the double form of.
Claudius and Clodius, plaustrum and plostrum.

* The three envoys sent by the Senate on Jan. 5 to treat
with Antony before Mutina: they were Servius Sulpicius,
L. Piso, and L. Philippus. Servius Sulpicius (the writer of
the letter of condolence to Cicero on the death of Tullia, iv. 5)
died before they reached Antony, and the other two failed
lamentably in their mission.

" Cicero thought very higlily of Octavian at this time.

448

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL viii.
VIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, end of January, 43 b.c.

Yoxir wife Polla " sent to me to give her anything 1 1
felt inclined in the way of a letter to you, just when
I did not know what to write about. For all is in
suspense, as we are anxiously awaiting the envoys, **
no news of what they have accomplished having yet
reached us. This much, however, I thought I ought to
\vrite, first of all that the Senate and people of Rome
are greatly concerned about you, out of regard, not
only for their own safety, but also for your own
eminent position. In fact there is somehow a mar-
vellous affection inspired by your name, and an unpre-
cedented love of you among all classes of citizens ;
they are hopeful and confident that as you before
dehvered the Commonwealth from a monarch, so you
^vill at the present crisis deliver it from a monarchy.

A levy is being held at Rome and throughout 2
Italy, if indeed you can call it a levy, when all are
offering themselves voluntarily ; so intense is the
enthusiasm inspired in men's hearts by their yearning
for liberty and their abhorrence of a long term of
slavery. About all the other matters, it is now time
that I ought to be expecting a letter from you to say
what you and your friend Hirtius are doing, and also
my friend Caesar,*^ both of whom I hope will very
shortly have become united to you by the bonds of a
common victory. It remains for me to WTite that
about myself which I hope (and I prefer it so) that
you are being told in your friends' correspondence —
VOL. II Q 44^

CICERO

me neque deese uUa in re, neque umquam defuturum
dignitati tuae.

IX

D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI

Ad Regium Lepidi, a.u.c. 711.

1 Pansa amisso, quantum detriment! respublica acce-
perit, non te praeterit. Nunc auctoritate et prudentia
tua prospicias oportet, ne inimici nostri, consulibus
sublatis, sperent se convalescere posse. Ego, ne
consistere possit in Italia Antonius, dabo operam.
Sequar eum confestim. Utrumque me praestaturum
spero, ne aut Ventidius elabatur aut Antonius in
Italia moretur. In primis rogo te, ad hominem
ventosissimum, Lepidum, mittas, ne bellum nobis
redintegrare possit, Antonio sibi coniuncto. Nam de
Pollione Asinio puto te perspicere, quid facturus sit.
Multae et bonae et firmae sunt legiones Lepidi et

2 Asini. Neque haec idctrco tibi scribo, quod te non
eadem animadvertere sciam, sed quod mihi persuasis-
simum est, Lepidum recte facturum numquam, si
forte vobis de hoc dubium est. Plancum quoque con-
firmetis oro, quem spero, pulso Antonio, reipublicae
non defuturum. Si se Alpes Antonius traiecerit, con-

" A town on the Aemilian Road, between Mutina and
Parma, probably built by M. Aemilius Lepidus, consul in
187, who made the road ; it is the modern Reggio.

' Pansa had died early on April 23, in Bononia.

" Hirtius and Pansa, both of whom had fallen. See the
Summary of the Cisalpine Campaign at the beginning of Bk. x.

•* For Ventidius Bassus see note on x. 1 8. 3. He was now
bringing three legions to Antony from Picenum.
450

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. viii.-ix.

that in no respect am I failing, and at no time ever will
fail, to further your advancement.

IX

D. BRUTUS TO CICERO

Regium Lepidi," April 29, 43 b.c.

You must see for yourself what damage the Re- 1
public has suffered in the loss of Pansa.'' It now Ues
with you to take measures, with all your influence
and forethought, to prevent our enemies, now that
the consuls have been removed," from entertaining
hopes of recovery. For my part, I shall do my best
to make it impossible for Antony even to keep a
footing in Italy ; I shall pursue him at once. I hope
to succeed in both of my objects — in preventing
Ventidius** giving me the slip, and Antony staying on
in Italy. First and foremost, I beg you to send a
message to that weathercock of a fellow, Lepidus, to
preclude the possibility of his resuscitating the war
against us by getting Antony to join forces with him.
As for Asinius Polho I imagine you clearly foresee
how he is likely to act. The legions of Lepidus and
Asinius are numerous, efficient, and steady.

I am not -WTiting thus to you under the idea that 2
you do not observe all this for yourself, but because I
am absolutely convinced (in case you and your friends
have any doubt about him) that Lepidus will never
act straightforwardly. There's Plane us too, whose
resolution I implore you all to stiffen ; I hope, now
that Antony has been defeated, he will remain true
to the Commonwealth. If Antony succeeds in

451

CICERO

stitui praesidium in Alpibus collocare, et te de omni
re facere certiorem. iii. Kal. Mais, ex castris,
Regio.

X

D. BRUTUS S. D. M, CICERONI

Dertonae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Non mihi rempublicam plus debere arbitror, quam
me tibi, Gratiorem me esse in te posse, quam isti
perversi sint in me, exploratum habes ; si tamen hoc
temporis videatur dici causa, malle me tuum iudicium,
quam ex altera parte omnium istorum. Tu enim
a certo sensu et vero iudicas de nobis ; quod isti ne
faciant, summa malevolentia et livore impediuntur.
Interpellent me, quo minus honoratus sim, dum ne
interpellent, quo minus respublica a me commode
administrari possit. Quae quanto sit in periculo,

2 quam potero brevissime exponam. Primum omnium,
quantam perturbationem rerum urbanarum afFerat
obitus consulum quantamque cupiditatem hominibus
iniciat vacuitas, non te fugit. Satis me multa
scripsisse, quae litteris commendari possint, arbitror.

3 Scio enim, cui scribam. Revertor nunc ad Antonium ;
qui ex fuga cum parvulam manum peditum haberet
inermium, ergastula solvendo, omneque genus homi-

' See note " on p. 450.
^ About 34 miles north of Genoa.

« Men who habitually maligned D. Brutus, whom Cicero
in Ep. 14. 2 calls Brutus's ohtrectatores.

452

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES. XI. ix.-x.

crossing the Alps, I have determined to set an outpost
in the Alps, and inform you of whatever happens.
The Camp, Regium Lepidi," April 29th.

THE SAME TO CICERO

Dertona,» May 5, 43 b.c.

I do not consider that the Republic owes more to me 1
than I owe to you. You are well aware that my grati-
tude to you may easily be greater than that of my
wrong-headed friends ^ to me ; and although it should
appear that I am only speaking thus under the
pressure of the moment, even so you are well aware
that I prefer your judgment to that of all those on the
other side. For your judgment of me is based on an
unequivocal and sincere sentiment, which those others
are prevented from feehng by their intense male-
volence and j ealousy . Well, let them hinder me from
being personally honoured, pro\ided they do not
hinder the possibiHty of my helpful administration of
the Commonwealth ; and what terrible danger that
Commonwealth is in, I will explain as briefly as I can.

First of all, the utter chaos in the affairs of the City 2
caused by the death of the consuls, and the eager
cupidity aroused in the hearts of men by vacant places,
cannot have escaped your notice. I think I have
■written quite as much as can be entrusted to a letter ;
for I know to whom I am writing.

I now return to Antony ; although after his flight he 3
had but a very small body of foot-soldiers, and those
unarmed, still by liberating con\icts and snatching

453

CICERO

nura arripiendo, satis magnum numerum videtur
efFecisse. Hue accessit manus Ventidi, quae trans
Apenninum itinere facto difficillimo ad Vada per-
venit, atque ibi se cum Antonio coniunxit. Est
numerus veteranorum et armatorum satis frequens

4 cum Ventidio. Consilia Antoni haec sint necesse
est : aut ad Lepidum ut se conferat, si recipitur ; aut
Apennino Alpibusque se teneat et decursionibus per
equites, quos habet multos, vastet ea loca, in quae
incurrerit ; aut rursus se in Etruriam referat, quod
ea pars ItaKae sine exercitu est. Quod si me Caesar
audisset atque Apenninum transisset, in tantas
angustias Antonium compulissem, ut inopia potius,
quam ferro conficeretur. Sed neque Caesari imperari
potest, nee Caesar exercitui suo. Quod utrumque
pessimum est. Cum haec talia sint, quo minus, quod
ad me pertinebit, homines interpellent, ut supra
scripsi, non impedio. Haec quemadmodum explicari
possint, aut, a te cum explicabuntur, ne impediantur,

5 timeo. Alere iam milites non possum. Cum ad
rempublicam liberandam accessi, HS mihi fuit
quadringenties amplius. Tantum abest, ut meae rei
familiaris liberum sit quidquam, ut omnes iam meos
amicos acre alieno obstrinxerim. Septem nunc
numerum legionum alo ; qua difficultate, tu arbitrare.
Non, si Varronis thesauros haberem, subsistere

" Vada Sabatia, about 30 miles west of Genoa, on the
coast.

* i.e., 40,000,000 sesterces (sestertii).

454

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. x.

up all sorts of men he appears to have made up quite
a large force. To this has been added Ventidius's
contingent, which after crossing the Apennines and
accomplishing a most difficult march arrived at Vada,"
and there affected a junction with Antony. There is
quite a large number of veterans and armed men with
Ventidius.

Antony's plans must necessarily be as follows : 4
either to march over to Lepidus, since Lepidus
welcomes him, or to confine himself to the Apennines
and Alps, and by means of cavalry raids (and he has
plenty of cavalry) to devastate the districts he has in-
vaded, or to retire again into Etruria, since in that
part of Italy there is no army. But if only Caesar had
listened to me and crossed the Apennines, I should
have reduced Antony to such straits that he would
have been ruined by starvation rather than by the
sword. But there — neither can Caesar be controlled,
nor can Caesar control his own army ; and each of
these facts is as deplorable as the other.

All this being so, I do not, as I have written above,
interfere with men's hindering me so far as I am
personally concerned. How these difficulties can be
smoothed away I fear to think, or, even if they are
smoothed away by you, I fear fresh obstacles will
arise.

I can no longer afford to feed my men. When I 5
approached the task of liberating the Republic, I had
a fund of over 40,000 sestertia.^ So far is it from being
the case that any of my private property is un-
encumbered, that I have already burdened all my
friends with debt. I am just now supporting a force
consisting of seven legions ; with what difficulty you
may imagine. Not even if I had the treasure of

455

CICERO

sumptui possem. Cum primum de Antonio explo-
ratum habuero, faciam te certiorem. Tu me amabis
ita, si hoc idem me in te facere senseris. iii. Non.
Maias, ex castris, Dertona.

XI

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DES. S. D. M. CICERONI
In finibus Statiellensium, a.u.c. 711.

1 Eodem exemplo a te mihi litterae redditae sunt,
quo pueri mei attulerunt. Tantum me tibi debere
existimo, quantmn persolvere difficile est. Scripsi
tibi, quae hie gererentur. In itinere est Antonius ;
ad Lepidum proficiscitur ; ne de Planco quidem spem
adhuc abiecit, ut ex HbelHs eius animadverti, qui in
me inciderunt ; in quibus, quos ad Asinium, quos ad
Lepidum, quos ad Plancum mitteret, scribebat. Ego
tamen non habui ambiguum, et statim ad Plancum
misi ; et biduo ab Allobrogibus et totius Galliae lega-

2 tos exspecto, quos confirmatos domxma remittam. Tu,
quae istic opus erunt administrari, prospicies, ut ex
tua voluntate reique publicae commodo fiant. Male-
volentiae hominum in me, si poteris, occurres ; si non

" Varro was not proverbially wealthj' ; Orelli therefore
suggests that the reference may be to some wealthy character
in one of Varro 's Satires, now lost.

" The Statiellenses lived a little to the north-west of Genoa.
Their chief town, Aquae Statiellonim, is still called Acqui.

456

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. x.-xi.

Varro" could I possibly stand the expense. The
moment I have any trustworthy information about
Antony, I shall pass it on to you. You will, I am
sure, continue to love me, but only if you feel that I
love you to the same extent.
In camp, Dertona, May 5th.

XI

THE SAKE TO CICERO

Territory of the Statiellenses,* May 6, 43 b.c.

A letter from you has been dehvered to me which is 1
a dupUcate of that brought by my servant. I con-
sider that my debt to you is so great as to be difficult
to discharge in full. I wnrite to tell you what is being
done here. Antony is on the march ; he is making
for Lepidus ; he has not yet given up hope even as
regards Plancus, as I observe in some note-books of
his which have fallen into my hands, those in which
he WTote the names of the men he was sending to
x\simus,to Lepidus, and to Plancus. I, however, -with-
out a moment's hesitation sent to Plancus, and within
two days I expect envoys from the AUobroges and the
whole of Gaul, whose loyalty I shall strengthen, and
send them back home.

If it be necessary to make any arrangements where 2
you are, you will be good enough to provide for their
being made according to your wishes and to the
advantage of the Republic. You will, if you find
it possible, actively oppose the general ill-feeling
against me. If you find it impossible, you will con-

457

CICERO

potueris, hoc consolabere, quod me de statu meo
nullis contumeliis deterrere possunt. Pridie Nonas
Maias, ex castris, ex^ finibus Statiellensium.

XII

M. CICERO S. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Tres uno die a te accepi epistulas ; unam brevem,
quam Flacco Volumnio dederas ; duas pleniores ;
quarum alteram tabellarius T. Vibi attulit, alteram
ad me misit Lupus. Ex tuis litteris et ex Graecei
oratione non modo non restinctum bellum, sed etiam
inflammatum videtur. Non dubito autem, pro tua
singular! prudentia, quin perspicias, si aliquid
firmitatis nactus sit Antonius, omnia tua ilia praeclara
in rempublicam merita ad nihilum esse ventura. Ita
enim Romam erat nuntiatum, ita persuasum omnibus,
cum paucis inermis, perterritis metu, fracto animo,

2 fugisse Antonium. Qui si ita se habet, ut, quemad-
modum audiebam de Graeceio, confligi cum eo sine
periculo non possit, non ille mihi fugisse a Mutina
videtur, sed locum belli gerendi mutasse. Itaque
homines alii facti sunt ; nonnulli etiam queruntur,

* Inserted by Wesenherg.
458

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xi.-xii.

sole yourself with the reflection that by no amount
of insult can they frighten me away from the position
I now occupy.

In camp, in the territory of the Statiellenses,
Mav 6.

XII

CICERO TO D. BRUTUS

Rome, between May 14 and 19, 43 b.c.

(l have received three letters from you on the same 1
day, one a short one which you had handed to Flaccus
Voliminius, and two in fuller terms, one of which was
brought me by T. Vibius's letter-carrier, the other
sent me by Lupus. It appears from your letter and
from what Graeceius says, that the war, so far from
ha\ing been stifled, has been set ablaze. Now I have
no doubt that, with your extraordinary sagacity, you
clearly see that, if Antony once succeeds in securing
anything like a firm footing, all those distinguished
services you have rendered the Repubhc are destined
to end in nothing. " Distinguished services," I say,
for the news that had reached Rome, and the universal
con%iction was that Antony had fled, yes, fled with a
handful of unarmed, terror-stricken, and dispirited
men.

But if his position is such that, as I am told by 2
Graeceius, a conflict with him without risk is im-
j>ossible, then it seems to me that he did not flee from
Mutina, but merely changed his ground for carrying
on the war. Consequently there has been a general
revulsion of feeling ; some people even express their

459

CIGERO

quod persecuti non sitis. Opprimi potuisse, si
celeritas adhibita esset, existimant. Omnino est hoc
populi, maximeque nostri, in eo potissimum abuti
libertate, per quem earn consecutus sit. Sed tamen
providendum est, ne qua iusta querella esse possit.
Res se sic habet. Is bellum confecerit, qui Antonium
oppresserit. Hoc quam vim habeat, te existimare
malo, quam me apertius scribere.

XIIIa
d. brutus imp. s. d. m. t. c.

Pollentiae, a.u.c. 711.

1 lam non ago tibi gratias. Cui enim re vix referre
possum, huic verbis non patitur res satisfieri.
Attendere te volo, quae in manibus sunt. Qua enim
prudentia es, nihil te fugiet, si meas litteras diligenter
legeris. Sequi confestim Antonium his de causis,
Cicero, non potui ; eram sine equitibus, sine iumentis ;
Hirtium periisse nesciebam ; Caesari non credebam
prius, quam convenissem et coUocutus essem. Hie

2 dies hoc modo abiit. Postero die mane a Pansa sum
arcessitus Bononiam. Cum in itinere essem, nuntia-
tum mihi est eum mortuum esse. Recurri ad meas
460

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xii.-xiii.a

disappointment that you and your army have failed
to hunt him down. They think he could have been
crushed, had you acted with expedition. It is,
generally speaking, characteristic of a people, and
of our people most of all, to abuse the privilege of
free speech by preferably attacking the very man to
whom they owe that pri\ilege. But anyhow we must
see to it that there should be no possible grounds for
just complaint. This is how the matter stands; the
man who has crushed Antony, will have finished
the war. What that implies, I prefer you to calculate
for yourself, rather than that I should write more
openly. \

-^ XIIIa

D. BRXrrUS TO CICERO

Pollentia, later than May 19, 43 b.c.

I have done with thanking you ; for the nature of 1
the case does not permit of the man, whom I can
hardly requitein deeds, beingsatisfied^^"ith mere words.
I would have you attentively consider what I have on
my hands ; for such is yovu* penetration, that nothing
will escape your notice, if you read my letter carefully.

The reasons why I could not follow Antony im-
mediately, Cicero, were as follows : I was without
cavalry and ^vithout baggage-animals ; I was un-
aware that Hirtius had fallen ; and I was disinclined
to trust Caesar until I had met him and conversed
with him. And that is how that day passed away.

Early on the morrow I was summoned by Pansa to 2
Bononia. When I was on the march news was brought
me that he had died. I hurried back to my paltry

461

CICERO

copiolas. Sic enim vere eas appellate possum. Sunt
extenuatissimae et inopia omnium rerum pessime
acceptae. Biduo me Antonius antecessit ; itinera
fecit multo maiora fugiens, quam ego sequens. lUe
enim iit passim, ego ordinatim, Quacumque iit,
ergastula solvit, homines arripuit. Constitit nusquam
prius, quam ad Vada venit, quern locum volo tibi
esse notum. lacet inter Apenninum et Alpes, im-

3 peditissimus ad iter faciendum. Cum abessem ab
eo milia passuura triginta et se iam Ventidius con-
iunxisset, contio eius ad me est allata, in qua petere
coepit a militibus, ut se trans Alpes sequerentur ;
sibi cum M. Lepido convenire. Succlamatum est,
et frequenter a militibus Ventidianis (nam suos valde
quam paucos habet), sibi aut in Italia pereundum esse
aut vincendum ; et orare coeperunt, ut Pollentiam
iter facer ent. Cum sustinere eos non posset, in

4 posterum diem iter suum contulit. Hac re mihi
nuntiata, statim quinque cohortes Pollentiam prae-
misi, meumque iter eo contuli. Hora ante praesidium
meum Pollentiam venit, quam Trebellius cum equiti-
bus. Sane quam sum gavisus. In hoc enim victoriam
puto consistere .... In spem venerant,^ quod neque
Planci quattuor legiones omnibus suis copiis pares

^Itis evident that this is the beginning of a separate letter,
though both are run into one in the uss. Tyrrell.

<• See note on Ep. 10. 3.

'' Pollenza, about 45 miles north-west of Vada.

' Tribune of the plebs in 48 and 47, an ardent supporter of
Antony.

"* It is now generally agreed that, as far as concerns Cicero,
this is the end of the letter, and that what follows is the end
of another letter addressed by Brutus and Plancus to the

462

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xiii.a

little corps — for so I can truthfully term it. It is
terribly thinned out and in the worst possible plight
owing to a lack of everj'thing needful. Antony had .
two days start of me ; he made much longer marches,
being in flight, than I in pursuit, for he marched in
loose order, while I kept my ranks. Whatever road
he took, he released prisoners from gaol, and swept
up men. He never halted anywhere until he came
to Vada,<* a place I should like you to know about ;
it lies between the Apennines and the Alps, a spot
most difficult to march to.

When I was thirty miles from him, and Ventidius 3
had already joined him, a public speech of his was
reported to me, in which he began to entreat his
men to follow him across the Alps, adding that he had
an agreement with M. Lepidus. A murmur arose and
most of those who murmiured were the soldiers of
Ventidius (for Antony has very few indeed of his own),
to the effect that they were bound either to die or to
conquer in Italy ; and they began to implore him to
let them march to PoUentia * ; being unable to resist
them, he put off his march until the following day.

On the receipt of that news, I immediately sent 4
five cohorts in advance to Pollentia, and directed my
own march thither. My advanced guard reached
Pollentia an hour before Trebelhus " and his cavalry.
I rejoiced exceedingly, for I consider that on this

victory depends <* [Their] hopes had

been raised because they neither supposed that
Plancus's four legions were a match for their united

Senate and magistrates from Cularo, about June 11. This
view is corroborated by the consistent use of the plural — nos,
nobis, nostra. The words omitted before " in spem venerant "
were undoubtedly " Antonius et Lepidus."

463

CICERO

arbitrabantur, neque ex Italia tam celeriter exercitum
traici posse credebant. Quos ipsi adhuc satis arro-
ganter Allobroges equitatusque omnis, qui eo prae-
missus erat a nobis, sustinebant, nostroque adventu
sustineri facilius posse confidimus. Tamen, si quo
etiam casu Isaram se traiecerint, ne quod detrimen-
tum reipublicae iniungant, summa a nobis dabitur
6 opera. Vos magnum animum optimamque spem de
summa republica habere volumus, cum et nos et
exercitus nostros, singulari concordia coniunctos, ad
omnia pro vobis videatis paratos. Sed tamen nihil de
diligentia remittere debetis, dareque operam, ut
quam paratissimi et ab exercitu reliquisque rebus pro
vestra salute contra sceleratissimam conspirationem
hostium confligamus ; qui quidem eas copias, quas
diu simulatione reipublicae comparabant, subito ad
patriae periculum converterunt.

XIIIb

D. BRUTUS cos, DESIG. S. D. M. CICERONI

Parmae, a.u.c. 711.
Parmenses miserrimos ....

" These words, found in the Index to M, are all that remain
of this letter, which probably described Antony's brutal treat-
464

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xni.a-6

forces, nor believed that an army could be so rapidly
thrown across from Italy.

So far the AUobroges by themselves, together with
the cavalry which we had sent on in advance, have re-
sisted the enemy quite contemptuously, and we are
sure that our arrival will make their resistance easier.
Nevertheless, should they even by any chance cross
the Isara, we shall do our very utmost to prevent
their inflicting any damage upon the State.

As for yourselves, we would have you keep a high 5
heart, and hope for the best, regarding the interests
of the Conmionwealth, since you see that both we and
our armies, united as they are in uncommon harmony,
are prepared to face every risk for your sakes. But for
all that it is your duty to permit no relaxation of your
vigilance, and to do all you can to ensure our being
perfectly equipped both in troops and in every other
respect to engage in a conflict in defence of your
welfare against a most iniquitous conspiracy of pubhc
enemies — men who have suddenly transformed those
forces, which they have so long been pretending to
collect for the benefit of the State, into a danger to
the land that bore them.

XIIIb
the same to cicero
Camp at Parma, April 30, 43 b.c
The inhabitants of Parma, poor wretches, ... *

ment of the inhabitants a few days previously. Cf. Parmatn
direptam x. 33. 4 ad Jin.

465

GIGERO
XIV

M. T. C. S. P. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Mirabiliter, mi Brute, laetor, mea consilia measque
sententias a te probari de decemviris, de ornando
adolescente. Sed quid refert ? Mihi crede, homini
non glorioso ; plane iam, Brute, frigeo ; opyavov
enim erat meum senatus ; id est iam dissolutum.
Tantam spem attulerat exploratae victoriae tua prae-
clara Mutina eruptio, fuga Antoni, conciso exercitu,
ut omnium animi relaxati sint, meaeque illae vehe-
mentes contentiones tamquam cr/cta/xaxtat esse vi-

2 deantur. Sed, ut ad rem redeam, legionem Martiam
et Quartam negant, qui illas norunt, ulla condicione
ad te posse perduci. Pecuniae, quam desideras, ratio
potest haberi, eaque habebitur. De Bruto arcessendo
Gaesareque ad Italiae praesidium tenendo, valde tibi
assentior. Sed, ut scribis, babes obtrectatores ; quos
equidem facillime sustineo ; sed impediunt tamen.

3 Ex Africa legiones exspectantur. Sed bellum istic
renatxun mirantur homines. Nihil tam praeter spem

° This letter is evidently an answer to Epp. xi. 19, and
X. 34.

* A committee of ten to investigate the acts of Antony
during his consulship, and particularly his use of Caesar's
memoranda.

0 Cf. xi. 19. 1.

<* " The republicans had appealed for aid to their officers
commanding in Africa and Macedonia, and two African
legions came to Rome, but subsequently went over to
Octavian. M. Brutus, who disapproved of Cicero's alliance
with Octavian, was also biased by his connexion with

466

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xiv.
XIV

CICERO TO D. BRUTUS*

Rome, end of May, 43 b.c.

You would be surprised, my dear Brutus, how 1
delighted I am that my plans and proposals as to the
decemvirate ^ and doing honour to the young Caesar,
meet with your approval. But what matters it?
Believe me (and I am not given to talking big), I am
now absolutely paralysed, Brutus ; the tool I worked
with was the Senate, and that tool is now in pieces.
Yoxir brilhant sally from Mutina, and the flight of
Antony after his army had been cut to pieces, had
brought us such high hopes of an assured victory, that
we are all suffering from a nervous reaction, and those
vehement harangues of mine seem mere phantom-
fighting.

But, to return to business, those who know them 2
declare that in no circumstances whatever can the
Martian "^ and the Fourth legion be brought over to
you. As to the money of which you feel the lack,
measures to raise it can be, and \n\\ be, taken. As to
sending for Brutus,** and keeping Caesar to guard
Italy, I heartily agree with you. But, as you write,
you have your detractors ; myself, I parry them mth
the utmost ease ; but for all that they are a hindrance.
We are expecting the legions from Africa.

But the recrudescence of the war where you are is a 3
matter of general surprise. Never was anything less

Lepidus (who had married his sister), so he turned a deaf ear
to Cicero's advice and entreaties." W. W. How, Introd.
V. § 17.

467

CIGERO

umquam. Nam die tuo natali victoria nuntiata, in
multa saecula videbamus rempublicam liberatam.
Novi timores retexunt superiora. Scripsisti autem ad
me iis, quas Idibus Maiis dedisti, modo te accepisse a
Planco litteras, non recipi Antonium a Lepido. Id si
ita est, omnia faciliora ; sin aliter, magnum negotium,
cuius exitum non extimesco ; tuae partes sunt. Ego
plus, quam feci, facere non possum. Te tamen, id
quod spero, omnium maximum et clarissimum videre
cupio.

XV

M. T. C. S. P. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Etsi mihi tuae litterae iucundissimae sunt, tamen
iucundius fuit, quod in summa occupatione tua Planco
collegae mandasti, ut te mihi per litteras excusaret ;
quod fecit ille diligenter. Mihi autem nihil amabilius
officio tuo et dihgentia. Coniunctio tua cum coUega
concordiaque vestra, quae litteris communibus de-

2 clarata est, S. P. Q. R. gratissima accidit. Quod
superest, perge, mi Brute, et iam non cum aliis, sed
tecum ipse certa. Plura scribere non debeo, prae-
sertim ad te, quo magistro brevitatis uti cogito.

" The defeat of Antony at Forum Gallorum on April 15th,
and subsequently.
468

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xiv.-xv.

expected. For when the victory * was announced on
your birthday we had a vista of an independent
Republic for countless ages. These fresh fears un-
ravel what has been woven. However, you AVTote to
me in the letter you sent me on May 15th that you
had just received a letter from Plancus, saying that
Antony was not being well received by Lepidus. If
that is so, it makes everj'thing easier ; if otherwise, it
opens up a big business, the issue of which causes me
no alarm ; you take the stage. Myself, I can do no
more than I have done ; as for you, however, it is my
desire, as it is my hope, to see you the greatest and
most distinguished man on earth.

XV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, end of June, 43 b.c.

Great as was the pleasure your letter gave me, I 1
was even more pleased with your having com-
missioned your colleague Plancus, engrossed with
business as you were yourself, to make your apologies
to me by letter, and he did so with every care.
Nothing however stirs my affection more than your
courtesy and the pains you take. Your union with
your colleague and the harmony between you, which
is made clear in your conunon despatch, is the most
gratifying thing that has happened to the Senate and
people of Rome.

As for what remains, press on, my dear Brutus, and 2
no longer rival others, but be your own rival. I
ought not to write any more, especially to you, under
whose tuition I intend to practise brevity. I look

469

CICERO

Litteras tuas vehementer exspecto, et quidem tales,
quales maxime opto.

XVI

M. T. C, S. P. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Permagni interest, quo tibi haec tempore epistula
reddita sit : utrum cum sollicitudinis aliquid haberes,
an cum ab omni molestia vacuus esses. Itaque ei
praecepi, quem ad te misi, ut tempus observaret
epistulae tibi reddendae. Nam quemadmodum,
coram qui ad nos intempestive adeunt, molesti saepe
sunt, sic epistulae offendunt, non loco redditae. Si
autem, ut spero, nihil te perturbat, nihil impedit, et
ille, cui mandavi, satis scite et commode tempus ad te
cepit adeundi, confido, me, quod vehm, facile a te

2 impetraturum. L. Lamia praeturam petit. Hoc ego
utor uno omnium plurimum. Magna vetustas, magna
consuetudo intercedit ; quodque plurimum valet,
nihil mihi eius est familiaritate iucundius. Magno
praeterea beneficio eius magnoque merito sum
obligatus. Nam Clodianis temporibus, cum equestris

" L. Aelius Lamia vigorously defended Cicero in 58, and
was therefore illegally banished from the City by the consuls
Gabinius and Piso. In 34 he had returned to the Senate. In
48 he acted as mediator between Cicero and Antony, and in
45 was aedile. He is again mentioned in xii. 29. 2 and 3.

* Each turma of cavalry had six officers in command —
3 decuriones and 3 optiones (adjutants) ; these were the
VI viri equitum Romanorum. The first decurio of the first
turma was called princeps equitum Romanorum (or equestris

470

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xv.-xvi.

forward to a letter from you with intense eagerness,
and such a letter too as I most earnestly desire.

XVI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, May or June, 43 b.c.

The time at which this letter is put into your hands 1
is of paramount importance, whether it is when you
have some anxiety on your mind, or when you are free
from all annoyance. I have therefore instructed the
person whom I have sent to you to watch his time for
the delivery of the letter. You know that, just as in
personal interviews those who approach us at an un-
favourable moment are often an annoyance, so letters
too are a cause of oifence, if delivered inopportunely.
If however (and I hope it is so), you have nothing to
disturb, nothing to embarrass you, and my messenger
has been clever and tactful enough in choosing the
moment to approach you, I feel sure I shall have no
difficulty in getting you to do what I desire.

L. Lamia " is a candidate for the praetorship. 2
There is no man living with whom I am on more
intimate terms. There is a long-standing friendship
and a close intimacy between us ; and (what weighs
most with me) nothing delights me more than my
constant intercourse Avith him. Moreover, I am
under an obligation to him for his great kindness and
great good services. In the Clodian days, when he
was head of the equestrian order ^ and was fighting

ordinis). Under the Empire he was called princeps iuven-
tutis, and the post was generally held by the heir to the throne.

47]

CICERO

ordinis princeps esset proque mea salute acerrime
propugnaret, a Gabinio consule relegatus est, quod
ante id tempus civi Romano contigit nemini. Hoe
cum populus Romanus meminerit, meipsum non
3 meminisse turpissimum est. Quapropter persuade
tibi, mi Brute, me petere praeturam. Quamquam
enim Lamia summo splendore, summa gratia est,
magnificentissimo munere aedilicio, tamen, quasi ea
ita non essent, ego suscepi totiun negotium. Nunc, si
me tanti facis, quanti certe facis, quando equitum
centurias tenes, in quis regnas, mitte ad Lupum
nostrum, ut is nobis eas centurias conficiat. Non
tenebo te pluribus. Ponam in extremo, quod sentio.
Nihil est. Brute, cum omnia a te exspectem, quod
mihi gratius facere possis.

XVII

M. T. C. S. D. BRUTO IMP.
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Lamia uno omnium familiarissime utor. Magna
eius in me, non dice officia, sed merita, eaque sunt
populo Romano notissima. Is magnificentissimo

" Relegatio did not involve, as exsilium did, the loss of
civil status.

* This letter so closely resembles the preceding one (16)
that it might be a duplicate of it {binae eodem exemplo),
duplicates being often sent to increase the chances of delivery;
or it may be that this was written first and 16 later, with
special reference to Lupus.

472

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xvi.-xvn.

with conspicuous gallantry in defence of my ciWl
rights, he was banished" by the consul Gabinixis —
a thing which never before that time befell any
Roman citizen. When the people of Rome remember
this, it is highly discreditable that it should not be
remembered by me.

For this reason persuade yourself, my dear Brutus, 3
that it is I who am candidate for the praetorship.
For although he has to his credit the most dis-
tinguished position, a widespread popularity, and
the very magnificent show he gave as aedile, for
all that, just as though those claims did not exist, I
have taken the whole business upon my shoulders.
And now, if you value me as highly as I am sure you
do, since you hold in your hand certain centxuries of
the equites, among whom you are king, send a
message to our friend Lupus to secure those centuries
for us. I shall not detain you with more words, but
put at the end of my letter what is in my heart, —
though there is nothing I do not expect of you,
Brutus, you could do nothing that would give me
greater pleasure.

XVII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, May or June, 43 b.c*

There is no man living with whom I am on more 1
friendly terms than Lamia. His good services to me,
to say nothing of his acts of kindness, have been re-
markable, and they are ver\' well known to the people
of Rome. Having discharged the functions of aedile

473

CICERO

munere aedilitatis perfunctus petit praeturam, omnes-
que intellegunt nee dignitatem ei deesse nee gratiam.
Sed is ambitus exstare videtur, ut ego omnia perti-
mescam, totamque petitionem Lamiae mihi sustinen-
2 dam putem. In ea re quantum me possis adiuvare,
facile perspicio : nee vero, quantum mea causa velis,
dubito. Velim igitur, mi Brute, tibi persuadeas,
nihil me maiore studio a te petere, nihil te mihi gratius
facere posse, quam si omnibus tuis opibus, omni
studio Lamiam in petitione iuveris ; quod ut facias,
vehementer te rogo.

XVIII

M. T. C. S. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DE3.
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Etsi ex mandatis, quae Galbae Volumnioque ad
senatum dedisti, quid timendum suspicandumque
putares, suspicabamur, tamen timidiora mandata
videbantur, quam erat dignum tua populique Romani
victoria. Senatus autem, mi Brute, fortis est et habet
fortes duces. Itaque moleste ferebat se a te, quem
omnium, quicumque fuissent, fortissimum iudicaret,

2 timidum atque ignavum iudicari. Etenim cum te
incluso spem maximam omnes habuissent in tua

" X. 30. » A legatus of Galba,

4,74

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xvii.-xviii.

with the utmost splendour, he is now a candidate for
the praetorship, and everybody is aware that he lacks
neither position nor popularity. But the canvassing
in this case is of such exceptional consequence that I
see danger in every direction, and I feel that I should
myself undertake the whole responsibility of Lamia's
candidature. How much you can help me in this 2
matter, I can easily discern ; nor indeed have I any
doubt of the amount of help you are wilhng to give
for my sake. I should therefore like you, my dear
Brutus, to convince yourself that I can make no more
pressing request of you, and that you can do nothing
more gratifying to me, than that you should help
Lamia in his candidature with all your resources and
all your enthusiasm ; and that is what I earnestly beg
of you to do.

XVIII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, May 19, 43 b.c.

Although from the message you sent the Senate 1
through Galba "■ and Volumnius * we suspected what
you thought was to be feared and suspected, still it
struck us that the messages showed more fear than
was worthy of the victory you and the Roman people
had won. Now the senate, my dear Brutus, is full of
courage and has courageous leaders ; and so it felt
annoyed that you, whom it judged to be the most
courageous man that ever hved, should judge it to be
timorous and unenterprising.

For seeing that during your investment everybody 2
had had the greatest confidence in your valour, and

475

CICERO

virtute, florente Antonio, quis erat, qui quidquam
timeret profligato illo, te liberato ? Nee vero Lepi-
dum timebamus. Quis enim esset, qui ilium tarn
furiosum arbitraretur, ut, qui in maximo bello pacem
velle se dixisset, is in optatissima pace bellum reipub-
licae indiceret ? Nee dubito, quin tu plus provideas.
3 Sed tamen tam recenti gratulatione, quam tuo
nomine ad omnia deorum templa fecimus, renovatio
timoris magnam molestiam afferebat. Quare velim
equidem, id quod spero, ut plane abiectus et fractus
sit Antonius ; sin aUquid virium forte collegerit,
sentiet nee senatui consilium nee populo Romano
virtutem deesse, nee reipublicae te vivo impera-
torem. xiv. Kal. lun.

XIX

D. BRUTUS S. P. D. M. T. C.

Vercellis, a.u.c. 711.

1 Ad senatum quas Utteras misi, velim prius perlegas,
etjSi qua tibi videbuntur, commutes. Necessario me
scripsisse ipse animadvertes ; nam cum putarem
Quartam et Martiam legiones mecura futuras, ut
Druso Paulloque placuerat, vobis assentientibus,

" Chief town of the Libici in Cisalpine Gaul.

^* See xiv. 2. These legions refused absolutely to serve
under any of Caesar's murderers.

" Drusus, father of Livia Drusilla, wife of Augustus;
Paullus, consul in 50.

476

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xviii.-xix.

that too when Antony was carrying all before him,
who in the world could have any reason to fear when
he had been put to flight, and you released ?

Nor of Lepidus either had we any fear ; for who
could possibly imagine him to be so insane that,
after sapng in the midst of a terrible war that he
was all for peace, he should yet in the midst of
that most desirable peace declare war upon the
Repubhc ? And yet I doubt not that you have a
deeper insight into affairs.

But anyhow when the thanksgivings, which we 3
celebrated in your name in all the temples of the
gods, were still so recent, the renewal of alarm
caused us no little annoyance.

It is therefore my vnsh, as it is my hope, that
Antony has been utterly cast out and crushed ; but
if he succeeds in collecting anything of a force, he wall
find to his cost that neither does the Senate lack
judgment, nor the Roman people valour, nor the
Republic, as long as you are alive, a commander-in-
chief.

XIX

D. BRUTUS TO CICERO

Vercellae," May 21, 43 b.c

I should like you first to read over the despatch 1 1
have sent to the Senate, and if any alterations occur to
you, to make them. You will yourself observe that
I wrote under compulsion, for when I supposed that
the Fourth legion and the Martians ^ would be on my
side, according to the motion of Drusus and PauUus *'

477

CICERO

minus de reliquis rebus laborandum existimavi.
Nunc vero, cum sim cum tironibus egentissimis, valde
et meam et vestram vicem timeam necesse est.
2 Vicetini me et M. Brutum praecipue observant. His
ne quam patiare iniuriam fieri in senatu vernarum
causa, a te peto. Causam habent optimam, officium
in rempublicam summum, genus hominum adversa-
riorum seditiosum et inertissimum. xii. Kalend.
lun. Vercellis.

XX

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DES. S. D. M. T. C.

Eporediae, a.u.c. 117.

1 Quod pro me non facio, id pro te facere meus in te
amor tuaque officia cogunt, ut timeam. Saepe enim
mihi cum esset dictum, neque a me contemptum,
novissime Labeo Segulius, homo sibi simillimus,
narravit mihi apud Caesarem se fuisse multumque
sermonem de te habitum esse ; ipsum Caesarem nihil
sane de te questum, nisi dictum quod diceret, te
dixisse, laudandum adulescentem, ornandum, tollen-
dum ; se non esse commissurum, ut toUi possit. Hoc
ego Labeonem credo ilh rettulisse aut finxisse dictum,

" Inhabitants of Vicentia, now Vicenza. M. and D.
Brutus were probably their patroni.

* Probably freedmen, who claimed their rights as such ;
but Brutus hastily terms them " born slaves."

* A town in Cisalpine Gaul, on the Duria, in the territory
of the Salassi, now Ivrea.

■^ There is a play on the two meanings of tollere, " to raise
aloft " and "to do away with, remove by death." I have to
thank Dr. Page for "immortalized," which is better than

478

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xix.-xx.

which you all supported, I did not think it necessary
to trouble myself so much about anything else. As
it is, however, seeing that I am left with only the
neediest of recruits, I have every reason to fear on
my account as well as yours.

The Vicetini <» are showing special deference to 2
M. Brutus and myself. I beg you not to allow these
people to have any injustice done them in the Senate
in the matter of the native slaves.'' They have a very
strong case, they are sincerely devoted to the Re-
pubUc, and their opponents are a disorderly and
thoroughly indolent class of men. VerceUae, May
21st.

XX

THE SAME TO CICERO

Eporedia,* May 24, 43 b.c.

What I do not do on my own account, my love for 1
you and your kind services to me compel me to do on
yours, — and that is to fear. Though I had often been
told the story, and had thought seriously of it, only
the other day Labeo Segulius (and it is just hke him)
told me that he had been with Caesar, and there had
been a deal of talk about you ; that Caesar himself
had made no complaint at all about you, except as
to the remark which he said you had made " that
the young man should be praised, honoiu"ed, and
immortalized" ^ adding that he had no intention of
allowing himself to be made immortal. For my
part, I believe that it was Labeo who reported the

Tyrrell's "exalted to the skies"; for, to a Roman, heaven
was not up above, but down below.

479

CIGERO

non ab adulescente prolatum . Veteranos vero pessime
loqui, volebat Labeo me credere, et tibi ab iis instare
perieulum ; maximeque indignari, quod in decemviris
neque Caesar neque ego habiti essemus, atque omnia

2 ad vestrum arbitrium essent collata. Haec cum
audissem et iam in itinere essem, committendum non
putavi, prius ut Alpes transgrederer, quam, quid istic
ageretur, scirem. Nam de tuo periculo, crede mihi,
iactatione verborum et denuntiatione periculi sperare
eos te pertimefacto, adulescente impulso, posse
magna consequi praemia, et totam istam cantilenam
ex hoc pendere, ut quam plurimum lucri faciant.
Neque tamen non te cautum esse volo et insidias
vitantem. Nihil enim tua mihi vita potest esse

3 iucundius neque carius. Illud vide, ne timendo magis
timere cogare, et, quibus rebus potest occurri
veteranis, occurras. Primum, quod desiderant de
decemviris, facias ; deinde de praemiis, si tibi vide-
tur, agros eorum mihtum, qui cum Antonio veterani
fuerunt, his dandos censeas ab utrisque nobis ; de
nummis, lente ac ratione habita pecuniae, senatum de
ea re constituturmn ; quattuor legionibus iis, quibus

« See § 1 ad fin.

'' Apparently the Martian and Fourth legions which had
deserted from Antony, and the two veteran legions which
Octavius himself had raised.

480

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xx.

remark to him, or made it up himself, and that it was
not young Caesar who first brought it on the tapis.

As for the veterans, however, Labeo would have
me beUeve that they are using the most shocking
language, that danger threatens you from that
quarter, and that the main reason of their indigna-
tion is that, as they say, neither Caesar nor I are to
be found among the ten commissioners, and that
you and your friends have been given a free hand
in all respects.

When I had been told all this, and was already on 2
the march, I thought it a mistake to cross the Alps
before I knew what was going on at Rome. As
regards your own danger, take my word for it, what
they hope is that, when you have been thoroughly
frightened and the young man provoked to anger by
their blustering language and threats of danger, they
may possibly secure handsome rewards ; andthewhole
object of circulating that jingle of yours is to line
their own pockets as nicely as they can. But all the
same I would not have you be imprudent, or run any
risk of being entrapped, because nothing can possibly
be sweeter or more precious to me than your life.

See to it that your fears do not force you to fear yet 3
more, and that you meet the ■wishes of the veterans
in all respects in which they can be met ; first, do
what they hanker for in the matter of the decem-
virate ; " secondly, regarding the rewards, record
your opinion, if you think fit to do so, that the lands
of those veterans who were with Antony should be
assigned by us both ; as to the pecuniarj^ grants,
assure them that the Senate, not hurriedly but after
going into the whole question of the money, will
definitely settle that matter. For the four legions,''
VOL. II R 48 1

CICERO

agros dandos censuistis, video facultatem fore ex agris
SuUanis et agro Campano. Aequaliter aut sorte agros
4 legionibus assignari puto oportere. Haec me tibi
scribere non prudentia mea hortatur, sed amor in te
et cupiditas oti, quod sine te consistere non potest.
Ego, nisi valde necesse fuerit, ex Italia non excedam.
Legiones armo, paro ; spero me non pessimum exerci-
tum habiturum ad omnes casus et impetus hominum.
De exercitu, quern Pansa habuit, legionem mihi
Caesar non remittit. Ad has litteras statim mihi
rescribe tuorumque aliquem mitte, si quid recon-
ditum magis erit meque scire opus putaris. Vale.
VIII. Kal. lun. Eporedia.

XXI

M. T. C. S. D, D. BRUTO IMP. COS DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.
1 Di isti Seguho malefaciant, homini nequissimo
omnium, qui sunt, qui fuerunt, qui futuri sunt !
Quid ? tu ilium tecum solum aut cum Caesare ? qui
neminem praetermiserit, quicum loqui potuerit, cui
non eadem ista dixerit ? Te tamen, mi Brute, sic
amo, ut debeo, quod istud, quidquid esset, nugarum

" This letter is a reply to the preceding one.
482

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xx.-xxi.

to whom the Senate has voted that assi^ments
should be made, I see that plenty of land will be
available from the confiscations of Sulla and the
Campanian territory. I think it is right that the
lands should be assigned to the legions in equal
portions or by drawing lots.

I am being urged to write to you thus not by any 4
consideration for my own interests, but by my
affection for you and my eager desire for peace,
which cannot possibly subsist without you. For
myself, unless there be some pressing necessity, I
shall not leave Italy. I am arming and getting ready
my legions ; I hope to have not the worst of armies to
meet any contingency and any attack men can make
upon me. Out of the army which Pansa had, Caesar
refuses to send me back a single legion. Please write
me a reply to this letter at once, and send one of
your own men with it, if there is anything somewhat
confidential which you think it necessary for me to
know. Eporedia, May 24.th.

XXI

CICERO TO D. BRUTUS*»

Rome, June 4, 43 b.c.

Heaven's malison on that Segulius of yours, the 1
worst of all rogues, present, past, or future ! What ?
Do you suppose that he only spoke about it to you, or
to Caesar ? — a fellow who could never have passed
over a single person with whom he could converse,
without retaihng that same stuff? None the less,
my dear Brutus, do I love you, as I am bound to do,
for having wanted to apprise me of all that twaddle,

483

CICERO

me scire voluisti. Signum enim magnum amoris

2 dedisti. Nam quod idem Segulius, veteranos queri,
quod tu et Caesar in decemviris non essetis, utinam
ne ego quidem essem ! Quid enim molestius ? Sed
tamen, cum ego sensissem, de iis, qui exercitus
haberent, sententiam ferri oportere, iidem illi, qm
Solent, reclamarunt. Itaque excepti etiam estis, me
vehementer repugnante. Quocirca Segulium negle-
gamus, qui res novas quaerit, non quo veterem
comederit, nullam enim habuit ; sed hanc ipsam

3 recentem novam devoravit. Quod autem scribis te,
quod pro te ipso non facias, id pro me, ut de me timeas
aliquid, omni te, vir optime mihique carissime Brute,
de me metu libero. Ego enim, quae provideri
poterunt, non fallar in iis ; quae cautionem non
habebunt, de iis non ita valde laboro. Sim enim
impudens, si plus postulem, quam homini a rerum

4 natura tribui potest. Quod mihi praecipis, ut caveam,
ne timendo magis timere cogar, et sapienter et
amicissime praecipis. Sed velim tibi persuadeas,
cum te constet excellere hoc genere virtutis, ut num-
quam extimescas, numquam perturbere, me huic
tuae virtuti proxime accedere, Quamobrem neque

« See the preceding letter, §§ 1 and 3.

' Cicero plays, somewhat heavily, on the double entente
in res novae (revolution) and res (private property). The res
recens is the savoury bit of gossip about the dissatisfaction of
the veterans, and nova is suggestive of revolution.

484

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxi.

whatever was in it. You have given me a signal
proof of your aflFection.

As for what that same Segulius told you, that the 2
veterans are complaining that you and Caesar are not
on the decem\-irate,'» I only -wish I were not, either.
It is the greatest nuisance in the world. Anyhow,
when I had expressed my opinion that a vote ought
to be taken about the generals in command of armies,
the same old gang who always do so shouted me
down ; you two were therefore definitely left out, in
spite of my violent opposition. For that reason let
us think no more of Segulius, who always has his eye
on pohtical changes of fortune — not that he has
eaten up his own former fortune, for he never had
any, but this same recent revolutionary tit-bit he has
swallowed down at a gulp.**

You write, however, that you are doing for me what 3
you would not do for yom^elf — that is, having some
fear on my account ; well, Brutus, most excellent of
men and most dear to myself, I absolve you from all
apprehension about me ; for in what can be foreseen,
I shall make no false step, and as for what will admit
of no precautions, I do not worry myself so very much
about that. For it were shameless of me to demand
more than can be bestowed upon mortal man by
nature.

Your adWce to me to be on my guard against being 4
forced by my fears to fear yet more, is the advice of a
wise and ver}" friendly man. But while all are agreed
as to your pre-eminence in that particular form of
fortitude which prevents your ever being afraid, or
even disconcerted, I would have you convince yourself
that I too approximate verj' nearly to that fortitude
of yours ; and for that reason, while dreading nothing,

485

CICERO

metuam quidquam et cavebo omnia. Sed vide, ne tua
iam, mi Brute, culpa futura sit, si ego quidquam
timeam ; tuis enim opibus et consulatu tuo, etiamsi
timidi essemus, tamen omnem timorem abiceremus ;
praesertim cum persuasum omnibus esset mihique
5 maxime, a te nos unice diligi. Consiliis tuis, quae
scribis de quattuor legionibus deque agris assignandis
ab utrisque vestrum, vehementer assentior. Itaque
cum quidam de collegis nostris agrariam curationem
ligurirent, disturbavi rem totamque vobis integram
reservavi. Si quid erit occultius et, ut scribis, recon-
ditum, meorum aliquem mittam, quo fidelius ad te
litterae perferantur. Pridie Nonas lunias.

XXII

M. T. C. S. P. D. D. BRUTO IMP.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Cum Appio Claudio, C. F., summa mihi necessitudo
est, multis eius officiis et meis mutuis constituta.
Peto a te maiorem in modum, vel humanitatis tuae
vel mea causa, ut eum auctoritate tua, quae plurimum
valet, conservatum velis. Volo te, cum fortissimus vir

" This Appius Claudius was the son of Gaius Clodius,
governor of Asia in 55-54. The latter, on his return from
Asia, had been condemned for extortion, but reinstated in
his civil rights by Antony. His son, this Appius Claudius,
vigorously prosecuted Milo, but Cicero, as his letter proves,
bears him no grudge for that reason, and even exerts his
influence on his behalf.
4.86

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxi.-xxii.

I shall be on my guard against everything. But you
must see to it, my dear Brutus, that from now onwards,
the blame may not be yours, if I have any fear at all.
For even if we were inclined to fear, we should be
enabled to cast away all fear thanks to your resources
and your being consul, especially since everybody —
and I most of all — is convinced of your exceptional
regard for us.

As to the schemes proposed in your letter regard- 5
ing the four legions and the assignment of the lands
by both of you, I heartily agree with them ; so when
certain of our colleagues were smacking their lips at
the prospect of controlhng the agrarian negotiations,
I scattered the suggestion to the winds, and kept back
the whole business so that you two might have carte
blanche to deal with it.

If there be anything of a more secret nature, or (to
quote your word) confidential, I shall send one of my
own men, to ensure greater honesty in the delivery of
the letter. June 4th.

XXII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, July 6, 43 b.c.

I am on terms of the closest friendship, based on the 1
numerous good services we have done one another,
with Appius Claudius, son of Gaius." I beg of you
with more earnestness than usual, whether because
of your kindliness or for my own sake, to desire his
reinstatement by your personal influence, which is
paramount. I wish you, seeing that you are known to

487

CICERO

cognitus sis, etiam clementissimum existimari.
Magno tibi erit ornamento, nobilissimura adules-
centem beneficio tuo esse salvum. Cuius quidem
causa hoc melior debet esse, quod pietate adductus,
propter patris restitutionem, se cum Antonio con-
2 iunxit. Quare etsi minus veram causam habebis,
tamen vel probabilem aliquam poteris inducere.
Nutus tuus potest hominem, summo loco natum,
summo ingenio, summa virtute, officiosissimum prae-
terea et gratissimum, incolumem in civitate retinere.
Quod ut facias, ita a te peto, ut maiore studio magisve
ex animo petere non possim.

XXIII

D. BRUTUS S. P. D. M. T. C.
Eporediae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Nos hie valemus recte et, quo melius valeamus,
operam dabimus. Lepidus commode de nobis sentire
videtur. Omni timore deposito, debemus libere
reipublicae consulere. Quod si omnia essent aliena,
tamen tribus tantis exercitibus, propriis reipublicae,
valentibus, magnum animum habere debebas, quem
et semper habuisti, et nunc fortuna adiuvante augere

• See xi. 20 note c.

488

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxii.-xxin.

be the most gallant of men, to be also thought the
most merciful. It will be a great feather in your cap
that a youth of the highest birth should owe his
restoration to your kindness. His case ought to be all
the stronger, because it was a son's gratitude for his
father's restoration that induced him to throw in his
lot >vith Antony.

Although for that reason you cannot plead for him 2
as convincingly as you might, you can at any rate
advance some plea or other that will not lack even
plausibility. By a single nod you can maintain in the
full rights of citizenship a man of the highest birth
and of outstanding ability and merit, and one, more-
over, of a most obliging disposition and full of
gratitude.

This I so beg of you to do, that there is no request
I could make with greater earnestness or more whole-
heartedly.

XXIII

D. BRUTUS TO CICERO

Eporedia," May 25, 43 b.c.

We are doing well here, and shall make everi^ effort 1
to do better still. Lepidus's attitude towards us
seems quite satisfactory. We ought to put away every
fear, and consider the interests of the Republic like
free men. Supposing every thing were against us,
nevertheless, with three such armies entirely at the
service of the Republic and in full strength, you
ought to show that stout spirit which you have
always sho\vn, and which, now that fortune is
befriending us, you can display to an even greater
degree.

489

CICERO

2 potes. Quae tibi superioribus litteris mea manu
scripsi, terrendi tui causa homines loquuntur. Si
frenum momorderis, peream, si te omnes, quot sunt,
conantem loqui ferre poterunt. Ego, tibi ut antea
scripsi, dum mihi a te litterae veniant, in Italia mora-
bor. VII. Kal. lun. Eporedia.

XXIV

M. CICERO S. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Narro tibi : antea subirascebar brevitati tuarum
litterarum, nunc mihi loquax esse videor ; te igitur
imitabor. Quam multa quam paucis ! te recte valere,
operamque dare, ut quotidie melius ; Lepidum com-
mode sentire ; tribus exercitibus quidvis nos oportere
confidere. Si timidus essem, tamen ista epistola mihi
omnem metum abstersisses. Sed, ut mones, frenum
momordi ; etenim qui, te incluso, omnem spem
habuerim in te, quid nunc putas ? Cupio iam vigiliam
meam, Brute, tibi tradere ; sed ita, ut ne desim

2 constantiae meae. Quod scribis, in ItaUa te mora-
turum, dum tibi Utterae meae veniant, si per hostem
hcet, non erraris ; multa enim Romae ; sin adventu

" i.e., " if you defy them, and go your own way." Cf.
Seneca, Tranquill. an. xv. 1 " mordeat frenos et rectorem
rapiat suum," and Aesch. P.V. 1009,

daKiiv 5i arbfiiov wi veofiryTjs

490

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xxiii.-xxiv.

What I wrote to you x^ath my own hand in my last 2
letter is only what people are saying with the object
of intimidating you. If you take the bit between
yoiu- teeth," I'll stake my hfe that not one of
the whole lot will be able to face you if you attempt
to speak. As for me, as I wrote to you before, I
shall stay on in Italy until I get a letter from you.
May 25th, Eporedia.

XXIV

CICERO TO D. BRUTUS
Rome, June 6, 43 b.c.

A word in your ear — I have hitherto been a httle 1
irritated by the shortness of your letters ; now it seems
to me that I talk too much, so I shall follow your
example. What a lot in a httle letter ! " that you
are doing well, and are making every effort to do
better every day ; that Lepidus's attitude is quite
satisfactory ; that it behoves us to have any amount
of confidence in your three armies." Even if I were
timorous, that letter of yours would have A^-iped away
all fear from my heart. But, as you advise, I have
taken the bit between my teeth. Indeed, seeing that
during your investment I rested all my hopes upon
you, what do you imagine I am doing now ? Well,
my present desire, Brutus, is to make over my spirit
of watchfulness to you, though without prejudice to
my own pohcy of firmness.

You write that you intend to stay on in Italy, until 2
you get a letter from me ; well, if the enemy let you
do so, you will be quite right, for there is ever so much
going on at Rome ; but if your arrival can bring the

491

CICERO

tuo bellum confici potest, nihil tibi^ sit antiquius.
Pecunia expeditissima quae erat, tibi decreta est.
Habes amantissimum Servium ; nos non desumus.
vm. Idus lunias.

XXV

M. T. C. S. p. D. D. BRUTO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Exspectanti mihi tuas quotidie litteras Lupus
noster subito denuntiavit, ut ad te scriberem, si quid
vellem. Ego autem, etsi, quid scriberem, non habe-
bam (acta enim ad te mitti sciebam, inanem autem
sermonem litterarum tibi iniucundum esse audiebam),
brevitatem secutus sum te magistro. Scito igitur in

2 te et in collega spem omnem esse. De Bruto autem
nihil adhuc certi ; quem ego, quemadmodum
praecipis, privatis htteris ad bellum commune vocare
non desino. Qui utinam iam adesset ! intestinum
urbis malum, quod est non mediocre, minus time-
remus. Sed quid ago ? non imitor AaKuyvLo-fioi'
tuum ; altera iam pagella procedit. Vince, et vale.
XIV. Kal. Quintiles.

^ Inserted by Tyrrell, following Wesenberg.

" M. Brutus was still in Macedonia, and disinclined to
return to Italy. C/. note d on Ep. 14.
492

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxiv.-xxv.

war to an end, you may take it as being of the first
importance to you. All the money that was most
readily available has been decreed to you. You
have in Servius a most devoted friend, and I am
always at your service. June 6th.

XXV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, June 18, 43 B.C.

While I was daily awaiting a letter from you, our 1
friend Lupus suddenly and peremptorily informed
me that, if I wanted to say anything, I was to write to
you. Now although I did not know what to write
(being aware that the Journal was being despatched to
you, and being told on the other hand that you found
no pleasure in the frivolous gossip of letters), I have
put myself under your tuition and followed the path
of brevity. I would have you know then that all our
hopes lie in you and your colleague. As to M. 2
Brutus," however, so far there is no certainty ; I never
cease calhng upon him in my private correspondence,
according to your directions, to take his part in
everybody's war. I only wish he were here now ! We
should have less fear of the internal troubles in our
city, and they are not inconsiderable.' But what am
I doing ? I am not imitating your laconic style ;
here is a second page now well on its way. Here's
victory to you, and good health. June 18th.

* Manutius thinks he must be referring to the intrigues
to secure the consulship for Octavian.

493

CICERO
XXVI

D. BRUTUS IMP. S. P. D. M. T. C.

Ex'castris, Cularonem iter faciens, a.u.c. 711.

In maximo meo dolore hoc solatio utor, quod in-
tellegunt homines, non sine causa me timuisse ista,
quae acciderunt. Deliberent, utrum traiciant legio-
nes ex Africa necne, et ex Sardinia ; et Brutum
arcessant necne ; et mihi stipendium dent, an
decernant. Ad senatum htteras misi. Crede mihi,
nisi ista omnia ita fiant, quemadmodum scribo,
magnum nos omnes adituros periculum. Rogo te,
videte, quibus hominibus negotium detis, qui ad me
legiones adducant. Et fide opus est et celeritate.
HI. Non. lun. ex castris.

XXVII

M. CICERO C. MATIO S.

Tusculi, A.u.c. 710.

Nondum satis constitui, molestiaene plus an
voluptatis attulerit mihi Trebatius noster, homo cum

" Where he joined Plancus about June 12. This letter,
showing how perturbed he was at hearing of the junction of
Antony and Lepidus, is the last D. Brutus wrote to Cicero.

*" No considerable force appears to have been stationed
in Sardinia, but there must have been a small garrison
there, and every available man was needed. Mendelssohn,
however, suspects corruption in the text.

* C. Matius was born about 84. and died about 4 b.c.
Little is known of him beyond what we can gather from
this and the next letter. That Cicero thought him a most
charming and erudite man is evident from his letter to their
common friend Trebatius (vii. 15. 2). In March 49 Matius

494

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xxvi.-xxvii.
XXVI

D. BRUTUS TO CICERO
On the march to Cularo," June 3, 43 b.c.

In my intense misery I find comfort in the fact that
the world now sees that my past fears of what has
now occurred were not groundless. Let the Senate
fully discuss the question whether they are to bring
the legions across from Africa or not — and from
Sardinia * too ; whether to send for M. Brutus or not ;
and whether to give me my men's pay at once, or decree
its payment. I have sent a despatch to the Senate.
Believe me, unless everything I have specified is done
exactly according to my despatch, there is over-
whelming danger in store for us all. I entreat you.
be careful, all of you, to whom you assign the business
of bringing me the legions. Loyalty and speed —
there is need of both. In camp, June 3rd.

XXVII

CICERO TO C. MATIUS *

Tusculum, end of August, 44 b.c.

I have not yet quite made up my mind whether 1
I am more annoyed or pleased with the visit of

and Trebatius wrote Cicero a joint letter on the movements
of Caesar. In his later years Matius composed a treatise
on gastronomy. Prof. Palmer identifies him with the Catius
of Hor. Sat. ii. 4.

In this letter Cicero has a double complaint to make of
Matius, (i.) that he voted for the law about the provinces (see
note c on p. 300), and (ii.) that he took charge of the games
celebrated by Octavian in honour of the dead Caesar.

495

CICERO

plenus offici, tu"m utriusque nostrum amantissimus.
Nam cum in Tusculanum vesperi venissem, postridie
ille ad me, nondum satis firmo corpora cum esset,
mane venit. Quem cum obiurgarem, quod parum
valetudini parceret, tum ille, nihil sibi longius fuisse,
quam ut me videret. Num quidnam, inquam, novi ?
Detulit ad me querellam tuam, de qua prius, quam

2 respondeo, pauca praeponam. Quantum memoria
repetere praeterita possum, nemo est mihi te amicus
antiquior. Sed vetustas habet aliquid commune cum
multis, amor non habet. Dilexi te quo die cognovi,
meque a te diligi iudicavi. Tuus deinde discessus,
isque diuturnus, ambitio nostra et vitae dissimihtudo
non est passa voluntates nostras consuetudine con-
glutinari. Tuima tamen erga me animum agno\'i
multis annis ante bellum civile, cum Caesar esset in
Galha. Quod enim vehementer mihi utile esse
putabas nee inutile ipsi Caesari, perfecisti, ut ille me
diligeret, coleret, haberet in suis. Multa praetereo,
quae temporibus illis inter nos familiarissime dicta,
scripta, communicata sint ; gra\dora enim consecuta

3 sunt. Et initio belli civilis cum Brundisium versus ires

" AVhere Matius served and became acquainted with
Trebatius.

496

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xxvii.

o\ir friend Trebatius, most obliging as he is, and
devotedly attached to both of us. I only reached
my Tusculum \illa in the evening, and though he has
not yet quite recovered his strength, he came to see
me early the following day ; and when I scolded
him for not giving his health enough consideration, he
replied that there was nothing he had been waiting
for with greater impatience than the chance of seeing
me. " Is there news of any kind ? " I asked, and
then he told me all about your grievance. Well, as
to that, before I give you my answer, I shall state
a few facts by way of preface.

As far as my memory enables me to retrace the 2
past, I have no friend of longer standing than yourself;
but while the length of our friendship is something
that many others can claim as well, the warmth of
it is not so. I took to you the day I made your
acquaintance, and I was convinced that you too took
to me. Your subsequent departure, and that for a
prolonged period, my own adoption of pohtics, and
the dissimilarity of our careers, did not permit of ovir
sympathies becoming cemented by famiharity of
intercourse. For all that, I had reason to recognize
your feeling towards myself many years before the
Civil War, when Caesar was still in Gaul *• ; for
you succeeded in bringing about what you were
strongly of opinion was of advantage to me, and not
Avithout advantage even to Caesar — you gained me
his special favour and respect, and a footing among
his intimates. Many as were our very friendly con-
versations and the letters that passed between us in
those days, I pass them over, since more serious
events followed.

And at the beginning of the Civil War, when you 3

497

CICERO

ad Caesarem, venisti ad me in Formianum. Primum
hoc ipsum quanti, praesertim temporibus illis !
Deinde oblitum me putas eonsili, sermonis, humani-
tatis tuae ? quibus rebus interesse memini Trebatium.
Nee vero sum oblitus litterarum tuarum, quas ad me
misistij cum Caesari obviam venisses in agro, ut

4 arbitror, Trebulano. Secutum illud tempus est, cum
me ad Pompeium proficisci sive ptidor meus coegit
sive officium sive fortuna. Quod officium tuum, quod
studium vel in absentem me vel in praesentes meos
defuit ? Quem porro omnes mei et mihi et sibi te
amiciorem iudicaverunt ? Veni Brundisium. Obli-
tumne me putas, qua celeritate, ut primum audieris,
ad me Tarento advolaris ? quae tua fuerit assessio,
oratio, confirmatio animi mei, fracti conmiunium

6 miseriarum metu ? Tandem aliquando Romae esse
coepimus. Quid defuit nostrae familiaritati ? In
maximis rebus quonam modo me gererem adversus
Caesarem, usus tuo consilio sum, in reliquis officio ;
cui tu tribuisti, excepto Caesare, praeter me, ut
domum ventitares horasque multas saepe suavissimo
sermone consumeres ? tum, cum etiam, si meministi,

• The date of this visit was March 19, 49 b.c.

* A little north of Capua.

« In 46. See vii. 3. 1.

498

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxvii.

were on your way towards Brundisi\iin to visit* Caesar,
you came to see me at my Formian \'illa. In the
first place, how great was the significance of that in
itself, especially at such a time ! In the next place,
do you imagine that I have forgotten your counsel,
your conversation, and your kindness ? And in all this
I remember that Trebatius played his part. Nor
indeed have I forgotten the letter you sent me when
you had come to meet Caesar in the district, I think,
of Trebula.''

Then followed that period when I set out on my 4
way to Pompey," whether it was a sense of honour
that compelled me to do so, or my sense of duty, or
if you hke, a mere stroke of fortune. What single
act of kindness or devotion did you leave undone,
either to me in my absence, or to my people who
were on the spot ? Who was there indeed whom all
my people deemed a better friend both to me and
to themselves ? I came to Brundisium. Do you
suppose that I have forgotten the haste in which you
winged your way to me from Tarentum, as soon as
you heard of it ? how you sat with me and talked
to me, and encouraged my resolution, crushed as it
was by the dread of universal wretchedness ?

At last the time came when we began our lives at 5
Rome. In what did our intimacy fall short of per-
fection ? In matters of the highest importance I had
the advantage of your advice as to how I should con-
duct myself towards Caesar, in all other respects of
your kindness ; apart from Caesar, was there any
man, except myself, to whom you paid the compli-
ment of constantly calling upon him and spending
many an hoiu- there in most delightful conversation ?
It was then too, if you remember, that you urged me

499

CICERO

ut haec cjaXoa-ocfioviJLiva scriberem, tu me impulisti.
Post Caesaris reditum quid tibi maiori curae fuit,
quam ut essem ego illi quam familiarissimus ? quod

6 efFeceras. Quorsum igitur haec oratio longior, quam
putaram ? Quia sum admiratus, te, qui haec nosse
deberes, quidquam a me commissum, quod esset
alienum nostra amicitia, credidisse. Nam praeter
haec, quae commemoravi, quae testata sunt et
illustria, habeo multa occultiora, quae vix verbis
exsequi possum. Omnia me tua delectant, sed
maxime maxima cum fides in amicitia, consilium,
gravitas, constantia, tum lepos, humanitas, Utterae.

7 Quapropter redeo nunc ad querellam. Ego te
sufFragium tuhsse in ilia lege primum non credidi ;
deinde, si credidissem, numquam id sine aliqua iusta
causa existimarem te fecisse. Dignitas tua facit, ut
animadvertatur, quidquid facias, malevolentia autem
hominum, ut nonnuUa durius, quam a te facta sint,
proferantur. Ea tu si non audis, quid dicam, nescio ;
equidem, si quando audio, tam defendo, quam me
scio a te contra iniquos meos solere defend!. Defensio
autem est duplex : alia sunt, quae Bquido negare
soleam, ut de isto ipso sufFragio ; aUa, quae defendam

" The Academica, De finihus, and perhaps the Tusc.
Disp. Tyrrell. * i.e., from Spain in 45.

" There is some doubt as to what law is meant ; it was most
probably that which gave Antony Gallia Cisalpina and the
Macedonian legions, and perhaps part of GalHa Transalpina,
in place of Macedonia, which was transferred to M. Brutus,
but without an army. This law gave Antony so strong a
military position that it provoked the fierce opposition of
the constitutionalists, who regarded with suspicion anyone
who supported it in the Senate. Matius must have voted
for it in the interests of order, and in the circumstances he
was right in doing so.
500

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxvii.

to \^Tite these philosophical treatises.** After Caesar's
return,^ what were you more anxious about than that
I should be on the most intimate footing with him ?
and in that you immediately succeeded.

What then is the reason of all this rigmarole, 6
which I have kept up longer than I intended ? It is
because I was surprised that you, who ought to know
all this, should ever have believed that I had been
guilty of doing any tiling that would strike a false note
in our friendship. For over and above the facts I
have specified, facts that shine in the hght of public
testimony, I have in my mind many of a more confi-
dential natxu-e, which it is hardly possible for me to
put into words. Everything that characterizes you is
a dehght to me, but most of all your extraordinary
loyalty as a friend, your judgment, your gravity, and
yourconsistency , as well as your brilhancy, refinement,
and literary taste. So now I come back to your
grievance.

As to your having voted in support of that notorious 7
law,*' in the first place, I did not beheve it ; in the next
place, if I had beUeved it, I should never imagine that
you had done so without some good reason. While
your high position makes all your actions the subject
of public observation, the malevolence of the world
puts a harsher interpretation upon some of them than
is warranted by your conduct. If none of all this
reaches your ear, I do not quite know what to say.
For myself, if ever I hear anything, I defend you as
stoutly as I know you are in the habit of defending
me against my detractors. My defence, however,
takes two forms ; there are some things to which I
always give a flat denial, as in the case of this very
vote ; there are others, which I should maintain were

501

CICERO

a te pie fieri et humane, ut de curatione ludorum
8 Sed te, hominem doctissimum, non fugit, si Caesar rex
fuerit, quod mihi quidem videtur, in utramque partem
de tuo officio disputari posse, vel in earn, qua ego uti
soleo, laudandam esse fidem et humanitatem tuam,
qui amicum etiam mortuum diligas, vel in earn, qua
nonnulK utuntur, libertatem patriae vitae amici
anteponendam. Ex his sermonibus utinam essent
delatae ad te disputationes meae ! Ilia vero duo, quae
maxima sunt laudum tuarum, quis aut hbentius,
quam ego, commemorat, aut saepius ? Te et non
suscipiendi belU civiUs gravissimum auetorem fuisse et
moderandae victoriae ; in quo, qui mihi non assen-
tiretur, inveni neminem. Quare habeo gratiam Tre-
batio, famihari nostro, qui mihi dedit causam harum
litterarum ; quibus nisi credideris, me omnis offici et
humanitatis expertem iudiearis ; quo nee mihi gravius
quidquam potest esse nee a te alienius.

XXVIII

C. MATIUS M. T. CICERONI S.

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Magnam voluptatem ex tuis litteris cepi, quod,
quam speraram atque optaram, habere te de me opi-

" The Ludi Victoriae Caesaris or Veneris Genetricis,
vowed by Caesar at Pharsalia.

* In this remarkable letter, a literary and historical Kx^/ta
is dei, Matius reveals himself as a man of broad-minded
charity, outstanding courage, and unswerving fidelity in
friendship — an example of Roman humanitas, virtus, and
constantia,
502

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxvii.-xxviii.

acts of dutiful devotion and kindliness on your part,
such as your vindertaking the management of the
games."

It must be obvious to so clever a man as yourself, 8
that if Caesar was a king (and that it seems to me he
was), two opposite views may be taken of the moraUty
of your attitude, eitherthe one I generally take myself,
that your loyalty and kindly feeling in showing your
esteem for a friend even after his death is worthy of
all praise, or the other, which some people take, that
our country's freedom should be preferred to a
friend's Ufe. Out of all this talk I only wish
my own arguments had been reported to you!
But as for those two crowning distinctions of
yours, who emphasizes them more whole-heartedly
than I, or more frequently ? I mean that you threw
all the weight of your influence against beginning a
civil war, and afterwards exerted it on the side of
moderation in the hour of victory ; and in this I have
never found a single man to disagree with nae.
And that is why I feel grateful to our good friend
Trebatius, who gave me a pretext for -writing this
letter ; and if it does not convince you, you will be
guilty of deeming me devoid of all loyalty and fine
feehng ; and nothing could be a heavier blow to me
than that, or less consistent with yourself.

XXVIII

C. MATIUS TO CICERO *

Rome, end of August, 43 b.c.

Your letter gave me great pleasure, because I 1
recognized that your opinion of me was what I had

503

CICERO

nionem, cognovi. De qua etsi non dubitabam, tamen,
quia maximi aestimabam, ut incorrupta maneret,
laborabam. Conscius autem mihi eram, nihil a me
commissum esse, quod boni cuiusquam offenderet
animum. Eo minus credebam, plurimis atque optimis
artibus omatcr tibi temere quidquam persuader!
potuisse, praesertim in quern mea projfensa et per-
petua fui^et atque esset benevolentia. Quod quando,
ut volui, scio esse, respondejio criminibus, quibus tu
pro me, ut par erat, tua singular! bonitate et amicitia
2 nostra, saepe restitisti. Nota enim mihi sunt, quae in
me post Caesaris mortem contijlerint. Vitio mihi
dant, quod mortem hominis necessarii graviter fero,
atque eum, quem dilexi, periisse indignor. Aiunt
enim patriam amicitjae praeponendam esse, proinde
ac si iam vicerint, o^jitum eius reipublicae fuisse
utilem. Sed non agam astute. Fateor, me ad istum
gradum sapientiae non pervenisse, Neque enim
Caesarem in dissensione civili sum secutus ; sed
amicum, quamquam re ofFendebar, tamen non deserui:
neque bellum umquam civile, aut etiam causam dis-
sensionis probavi, quam etiam nascentem exstingui
summe studui. Itaque in victoria hominis necessarii
neque honoris neque pecuniae dulcedine sum captus,
quibus praemijs rehqui, minus apud eum, quam ego,

504

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxvm.

hoped and prayed for. And although I was never in
doubt as to that opinion, still, as I attached the highest
possible value to it, I made every effort to maintain
it unimpaired. But, conscious as I was of ha\'ing done
nothing that could hurt the feelings of any good
citizen, I was the less inclined to beUeve that you, a
man distinguished by so many admirable accomplish-
ments, &hc^ld have lent a ready ear to any allegation
of the kind, ^^ecially considering how cordial and
uninterrupted has been, and is, my attachment to you. S^^<^**'^f
' And now that I know that all is as I wished, I shall
reply to those charges which you have so often re-
butted on my behalf, as was reasonably to be expected
in view of your exceptional goodness of heart and the
friendship between us.

I am well aware of the obloquy people have heaped 2
upon me since the death of Caesar. They put it do"mi
to my-discre^dit that I am sorely grieved at the death
of a very intimate friend, and resent the fall of one I
loved> for they declare that patriotism must come
before friendship, just as if they have already
demonstrated that his death has been of benefit to
the State. But I shall use no ingenious arguments ;
I frankly confess I have not reached their high level
of philosophy. For neither was I a follower of
Caesar in our civil dissensions, though at the same
time I did not abandon a friend, however much I
was offended by his action ; nor di(i I ever give my
approval to the civil war, or even to the cause of the
quarrel, which I was most anxious to see stifled at its
very birth. It follows that in the triumph of my
personal friend I was not fascinated by the sweets of
either promotion or pecuniary profit — prizes of
which the others, though they had less influence with

505

CICERO

quum possent, immoderate sunt abusi. Atque etiam
res familiaris mea lege Caesaris deminuta est, cuius
beneficio plerique, qui Caesaris morte laetantur, re-
manserunt in civitate. Civibus victis ut parceretur,

3 aeque ac pro mea salute laboravi. Possum igitur, qui
omnes voluerim incolumes, eum, a quo id impetratum
est,' periisse non indignari, cum praesertim iidem
homines illi et invidiae et exitio fuerint ? Plecteris
ergo, inquiunt, quando factum nostrum improbare
audes. O superbiam inauditam ! alios in facinore
gloriari, aliis ne dolere quidem impunite licere ! At
haec etiam servis semper libera fuerunt, timerent,
gauderent, dolerent suo potius, quam alterius arbitrio;
quae nunc, ut quidem isti dictitant libertatis auctores,

4 metu nobis extorquere conantur. Sed nihil agunt.
Nullius umquam pericuh terroribus ab officio aut ab
humanitate desciscam. Numquam enim honestam
mortem fugiendam, saep^ etiam oppetendam putavi.
Sed quid mihi succensent,/§i id opto, ut poeniteat eos
sui facti ? Cupio enim Caesaris mortem omnibus esse
acerbam. At debeo pro civili parte rempublicam
velle salvam. Id quidem me cupere, nisi et ante acta

" Caesar's financial law of 49 b.c. provided for the payment
of loans by the transference of property at a valuation (see
note on ix. 16. 77), that of 47 remitted certain proportions
of house and land rent in Rome and Italy. Matius, being an
investor rather than a borrower, must have lost by both laws,
to either of which he may be here referring.

506

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XL xxviii.

him than I had, availed themselves with unrestrained
avidity. I may also add that my own private estate
was~diminished by that very law of Caesar," thanks to
which the majority of those, who are now exulting
over Caesar's death, were enabled to remain in the
State. I strove that mercy should be shown to our
defeated fellow-citizens as earnestly as I strove for
my own life.

Is it possible then that I, who desired the security J3
of all, should feel no resentment at the fall of him
from whom that boon was obtained, especially when
the very same men were responsible at once for his
unpopularity and his death ? " You will smart for it
then," they say, " since you dare to condemn what we
have done." What unheard of insolence, that some
men may boast of a crime, which others may not even
deplore without being punished for it ! Why, even
slaves have always had this much freedom, that their
fears, their joys, and their sorrows were subject to
their own control, and not that of another ; and now
even those privileges they are trying to wrest from
us by intimidation — that at any rate is what your
" champions of liberty " are perpetually saying.

But they are beating the air, and for this reason 4
— there is no peril, the apprehension of which will
ever induce me to desert the cause of duty or
humanity ; for never have I thought that an honour-
able death should be shirked, often that it should be
even welcomed. But why this indignation against
me, if my only wish is that they should regret what
they have done ? My desire is that all the world
should feel the bitterness of Caesar's death. Ah but,
as a loyal citizen, it is my duty to desire the safety
of the constitution ! Well, unless my past life, as

507

CICERO

vita et reliqua mea spes, tacente me, probat, dicendo
6 vincere non postulo. Quare maiorem in modum te
rogo, ut rem potiorem oratione ducas,inihique, si sentis
expedire recte fieri, credas nuUam communionem cum
improbis esse posse. An, quod adulescens praestiti,
•cum etiam errare cum excusatione possem, id nunc
aetate praecipitata commutem, ac me ipse retexam ?
Non faciam ; neque, quod displiceat, committam,
praeterquam quod hominis mihi coniunctissimi ac viri
amplissimi doleo gravem casum. Quod si aliter essem
animatus, numquam, quod facerem, negarem, ne et in
peccando improbus et in dissimulando timidus ac

6 vanus existimarer. At ludos, quos Caesaris victoriae
Caesar adulescens fecit, curavi. At id ad privatum
officium, non ad statum reipublicae pertinet. Quod
tamen munus et hominis amicissimi memoriae atque
honoribus praestare, etiam mortui, debui et optimae
speiadulescenti acdignissimo Caesarerepetenti negare

7 non potui, Veni etiam consulis Antoni domum saepe
salutandi causa ; ad quem, qui me parum patriae
amantem esse existimant, rogandi quidem aliquid,aut
508

EPISTULA^ AD FAMILIARES, XL xx^nn.

well as my hopes for the future, prove without a word
of mine that such is my earnest wish, I make no
claim to demonstrate it by speechifying.

For that reason I beg of you with special earnestness 5
to attach more weight to facts than to words, and if
you feel that true expediency hes in right conduct,**
to take my word for it that to hojd any commimion
■with the lawless is impossible. ^Am I then, in the
evening of my life, to effect a ra8it?al change in the
principles I maintainedQn the heyday of my youth,
when even a serious error might have been excused,
and with my own hands unweave the texture of my , ^
hfe ? That I will not do, nor on the other hand make vt"^^
the mistake of doing anything to cause offence, ex-
cept being pained at the grievous fall of one who was
very closely bound to me, and a most illustrious man. .
But even if I were otherwise minded, I should never
disavow my own actions, and thereby get the reputa-
tion of being a rogue in wrongdoing, and a coward
and hypocrite in concealing it. /

Ah, but I undertook the management of the games 6
celebrated by the young Caesar, in honour of the
elder Caesar's victory ! Well, that is a matter of
private obligation, and has nothing to do with the
constitution of the Republic ; anyhow it was a duty
I was bound to perform as a tribute to the memory
and eminence of one very dear to me, even though
he was dead, and a favpur I could not refuse, when he
claimed it, to a youth' of such brilhant promise and
so entirely worthy of his namesake.

I have also often \isited the house of Antony, the 7
consul, to pay my respects to him ; but you will find
that those very men, who consider me lacking in
patriotism, are constantly going to him in crowds, with

509

CICERO ^

auferendi causa, frequentes ventitare reperies. Sed
quae haec est arrogantia, quod Caesar numquam
interpellavit, quin, quibus vellem, atque etiam quos
ipse non diligebat, tamen iis uterer, qui mihi amicum
eripuerunt, carpendo me efficere conari, ne, quos
8 veUm, diligam ? Sed non vereor, ne aut meae vitae
modestia parum valitura sit in posterum contra falsos
rumores, aut ne etiam ii, qui me non amant propter
meam in Caesarem constantiam, non malint mei,
quam sui similes amicos habere. Mihi quidem si optata
contingent, quod rehquum est vitae, in otio Rhodi
degam ; sin casus aliquis interpellarit, ita ero Romae,
ut recte fieri semper cupiam. Trebatio nostro magnas
ago gratias, quod tuum erga me animum simphcem
atque amicum aperuit, et quod eum, quem semper
libenter dilexi, quo magis iure colere atque observare
deberem, fecit. Bene vale et me dilige.

XXIX.

CICERO OPPIO S.

Anagniae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Dubitanti mihi, quod scit Atticus noster, de hoc
toto consiho profectionis, quod in utramque partem

" Gaius Oppius, a Roman knight, may be called the
" junior partner " of L. Cornelius Balbus, the Spaniard. He
was also, as Balbus was, an intimate friend of C. Julius Caesar,
whose life he is said to have written, and also the lives of
Scipio Africanus, Marius, Cassias, and Pompey. It was
believed in the second century that he had co-operated with
Hirtius in writing treatises on the Alexandrian, African, and
Spanish wars. This may be true as regards the Alexandrian
wars, but the books on the two other wars were written by
men of inferior literary powers, actually engaged in those
campaigns.
510

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxviii.-xxix.

the intention of asking him for something, or of carry-
ing something away Avith them. But what arrogance
is this, that whereas Caesar never put any restriction
upon my associating with whomsoever I pleased, yes,
even those for whom he had no Uking himself, those
who have robbed me of my friend should endeavour,
by calumniating me, to prevent my choosing my own
friends !

However, I am not afraid either that the sober self- 8
restraint of my life will fail, as time goes on, to
triumph over the mendacity of gossip, or that even
those who do not love me for my constancy to Caesar,
will not prefer to have friends like me rather than like
themselves.

If my prayers are granted me, I shall pass what
remains to me of life in retirement at Rhodes ; if
any accident intervenes to prevent it, I shall live at
Rome, but only as one whose Ufelong desire is to
maintain the right.

I heartily thank our friend Trebatius for having
disclosed your frank and friendly feelings towards me,
and also for having made it my duty with more
reason than ever to respect and revere one whom it
has ever been my pleasure to regard as a friend. A
hearty farewell to you, and pray maintain your esteem
for me. \

XXIX

CICERO TO C. OPPIUS "

Anagnia, early in July, 44 b.c.

When I was in doubt, as our friend Atticus knows, 1
as to the whole policy of my departure, since many

511

CICERO

in mentem multa veniebant, magnum pondus accessit
ad toUendam dubitationem, iudicium et consilium
tuum. Nam et scripsisti aperte, quid tibi videretur,
et Atticus ad me sermonem tuum pertulit. Semper
iudicavl in te et in capiendo consilio prudentiam
summam esse, et in dando fidem, maximeque sum
expertus, cum initio civilis belli per litteras te con-
suluissetn, quid mihi faciendum esse censeres, eun-
dumne ad Pompeium, an manendum in Italia. Sua-
sisti, ut consul er em dignitati meae ; ex quo, quid
sentires, intellexi ; et sum admiratus fidem tuam, et
in consilio dando religioriem ; quod, cum aliud malle
amicissimum tuum putares, antiquius tibi officium
2 meum, quam illius voluntas fuit. Equidem et ante
hoc tempus te dilexi, et semper me a te diligi sensi.
Et cum abessem atque in magnis periculis essem, et
me absentem et meos praesentes a te cultos et
defensos esse memini ; et post meum reditum, quam
familiariter mecum vixens, quaeque ego de te et
senserim et praedicarim, omnes, qui solent haec
animadvertere, testes habemus. Gravissimum vero
indicium de mea fide et constantia fecisti, cum post
mortem Caesaris totum te ad amicitiam meam con-
tulisti. Quod tuum iudicium, nisi mea summa bene-

" It is evident from the end of § 1 that Oppius thought
that Cicero's best pohcy was to join Pompey.

* C. Julius Caesar.
512

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxix.

argiunents for and against it kept occurring to me, a
great weight was thrown into the balance to settle
my doubt — I mean your judgment and advice. For
not only did you give me your candid opinion by letter,
but Atticus also reported to me yoiu- very words. ]
have always thought that your shrewdness in arriving
at a decision is as consummate as your sincerity in
communicating it ; and of that I had a convincing
experience, when at the outbreak of the civil war
I consulted you by letter as to what you deemed it
my duty to do — to join Pompey, or stay in Italy.
Your recommendation was that I should consider my
political position ; " and that gave me a clue to what
you really felt, and I admired both your sincerity and
your conscientiousness in giving me that advice,
because, although you thought your greatest friend *
preferred another course, my duty stood higher in
your estimation than your friend's preference.

Myself, I was drawn to you even before those days, 2
and always felt that you were drawn to me. Not only
do I remember that, when I was far away and in
the midst of great dangers, both I myself, absent as
I was, and my people, who were on the spot, had the
benefit of your comrteous care and protection, but
since my return also we have the testimony of all
who make a practice of noting such things, on what
intimate terms you have been with me, and what I
have both felt and openly expressed about you.
But the most impressive proof you gave of what you
thought of my honesty and consistency was when,
after the death of Caesar, you devoted yourself un-
reservedly to making a friend of me. And if ever I fail
to justify your opinion of me by being the best of

VOL, n 8 5IS

CICERO

volentia erga te omnibusque meritis comprobaro, ipse
3 me hominem non putabo. Tu, mi Oppi, conservabis
amorem tuum (etsi more magis hoc quidem scribo,
quam quo te admonendum putem), meaque omnia
tuebere ; quae tibi ne ignota essent, Attico mandavi;
a me autem, quum pauUum oti nacti erimus, uberiores
litteras exspectato. Da operam, ut valeas ; hoc mihi
gratius facere nihil potes.

514

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XI. xxix.

friends to you and rendering you every possible
service, I shall deem myself devoid of humanity.

You, my dear Oppius, will, I know, maintain your 3
affection for me (though I write thus more from force
of habit than because I think you need reminding),
and keep an eye on my interests in all respects, and
if you do not know what they are, I have instructed
Atticus to tell you. In any case, as soon as I find a
moment's leisure, you may expect a fuller letter from
myself. Do your best to keep well ; nothing you
can do will give me greater pleasure than that.

515

M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM
AD FAMILIARES

LIBER DUODECIMUS
I

CICERO CASSIO S. D.

Pompeiis, a.u.c. 710.

1 Finem nullam facio, mihi crede, Cassi, de te et de
Bruto nostro, id est de tota republica, eogitandi,
cuius omnis spes in vobis est et in D. Bruto. Quam
quidam iam habeo ipse meliorem, republica a Dola-
bella meo praeclarissime gesta. Manabat enim illud

" C. Cassias Longjnus first distinguished himself as
quaestor to Crassus in his Parthian campaign in 53 b.c.
After the battle of Carrhae he prepared to defend Syria with
what was left of the Roman army against the Parthians,
whom he defeated in 52, and again in 51. Returning to
Rome, he was tribune of the plebs in 49, joined the aristo-
cratical party, and fled with Pompey from Rome. In 48
he commanded Pompey's fleet, and after Pharsalia fell in
with Caesar on the Hellespont, and surrendered to him.
He was not only pardoned by Caesar, but became praetor
in 44, and was promised the province of Syria for 43. It
was he, however, who was the ruling spirit in the conspiracy
against Caesar's life. In July of 44 he went to Syria,
though the Senate had now given that province to Dolabella ;
attacking and defeating him, and forcing him into suicide

516

CICERO'S LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS

BOOK XII

I

CICERO TO CASSIUS *

Pompeii, May 3rd, 44 b.c.

Believe me, Cassius, I never come to an end of 1
thinking about you and our friend Brutus, in other
words, about the whole Republic, every hope of
which lies in you two, and in D. Brutus. I am
myself more hopeful about it, now that it has been
so brilhantly administered by my dear Dolabella.*

at Laodicea, Cassius thus avenged Dolabella's murder of
Trebonius. After ruthlessly plundering Sj-ria and Asia,
Cassius crossed over to Greece with M. Brutus in 42 to
oppose Octavian and Antony. At Philippi Cassius was
defeated by Antony, while Brutus drove Octavian off the
field ; but Cassius, wrongly assuming that Brutus had also
been defeated, commanded his freedman Pindarus to put
him to death. His loss was bitterly lamented by Brutus,
who called him " the last of the Romans."

Cassius, though little of a statesman, was a noteworthy
military commander and strategist, though as much inferior
to Antony as Antony was to Octavian. He was an Epicurean,
and well versed in Greek and Roman literature. He was
proud, passionate, and vindictive, and, above all, a relentless
anti-monarchist.

* See ix. 14.

517

CICERO

malum urbanum, et ita corroborabatur quotidie ut
ego quidem et urbi et otio diffideram urbano. Sed
ita seditio^ compressa est, ut mihi videamur omne
iam ad tempus ab illo dumtaxat sordidissimo peri-
culo tuti futuri. Reliqua magna sunt et multa, sed
posita omnia in vobis. Quamquam primum quidque
explicemus. Nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non
regno, sed rege liberati videmur. Interfecto enim
rege, regios omnes nutus tuemur. Neque vero id
solum, sed etiam, quae ipse ille, si viveret, non fa-
ceret, ea nos, quasi cogitata ab illo, probamus. Nee
eius quidem rei finem video. Tabulae figuntur ;
immunitates dantur ; pecuniae maximae discribun-
tur ; exsules reducuntur ; senatusconsulta falsa refe-
runtur ; ut tantummodo odium illud hominis impuri
et servitutis dolor depulsus esse videatur, respublica
iaceat in his perturbationibus, in quas eam ille con-
2 iecit. Haec omnia vobis sunt expedienda, nee hoc
cogitandum, satis iam habere rempublicam a vobis.
Habet ilia quidem tantum, quantum numquam
mihi in mentem venit optare ; sed contenta
non est, et, pro magnitudine et animi et benefici
vestri, a vobis magna desiderat. Adhuc ulta suas
iniurias est per vos interitu tyranni : nihil amplius.
Omamenta vero sua quae recuperavit ? An, quod

^ seditio added by Purser.
518

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. i.

For that mischief in the city was spreading, and daily
gaining such strength, that for my own part I began
to despair of the city and the city's tranquilhty. But
sedition has been so well suppressed that it seems to
me we are hkely to be safe for all time, at any rate
from that most degrading danger. Important things,
and there are many of them, remain to be done, but
they all rest with you three. However, let me dis-
cuss them in due order. As things have gone so far,
it would seem that we have been deUvered, not from
a tyranny, but from a tyrant. For though we have
slain the tyrant, we still watch that tyrant's every
nod. Nay, not only that, but measures which he
himself would not carry through were he alive, we
approve, because we suppose that he contemplated
them. And indeed I see no end to that sort of thing ;
decrees are posted up, exemptions are granted, huge
sums of money are squandered, exiles are recalled,
sham decrees of the Senate are registered " ; so that
it is only that hatred we had of an abominable charac-
ter and our resentment at being slaves that we have
got rid of, while the constitution Hes prostrate amid
all this confusion into which he plunged it.

It is for you three to clear away all these difficulties, 2
and not to imagine that you have already satisfied
the claims the Repubhc has upon you. It is true that
you have given her more than I ever thought of
even praying for, but she is not content, and looks
for great things at your hands, to match the great-
ness of your hearts and services. So far she has
avenged her injuries by the death through your
agency of a despot ; nothing could be more splendid.
But what glories that she once enjoyed has
she recovered ? Is it that she obeys him dead,

519

CICERO

ei mortuo paret, quern vivum ferre non poterat ?
cuius aera refigere debebamus, eius etiam chirographa
defendimus ? "At enim ita decrevimus." Fecimus
id quidem, temporibus cedentes, quae valent in
republica plurimum ; sed immoderate quidam et
ingrate nostra facilitate abutuntur. Verum haec
propediem et multa alia coram. Interim sic tibi
persuadeas, mihi cum reipublicae, quam semper
habui earissimam, turn amoris nostri causa, maximae
curae esse tuam dignitatem. Da operam, ut valeas.

II

M. T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Vehementer laetor, tibi probari sententiam et
orationem meam ; qua si saepius uti liceret, nihil
esset negoti libertatem et rempublicam reciperare.
Sed homo amens et perditus multoque nequior, quam
ille ipse, quem tu nequissimum occisum esse dixisti,
caedis initium quaerit ; nuUamque aham ob causam
me auctorem fuisse Caesaris interficiendi criminatur,
nisi ut in me veterani incitentur. Quod ego pericu-
lum non extimesco, modo vestri facti gloriam cum
mea laude communicet. Ita nee Pisoni, qui in eum

" This decree, recognizing and sanctioning the acta of
Caesar, was passed on March 17th at the meeting of the
Senate in the Temple of Tellus, and probably confirmed by
the people early in April.

" The First Philippic.

« Antony. •* Caesar.

520

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. i.-ii.

whom she could not brook alive ? Is it that we up-
hold the mere handwriting of one whose laws we
ought to have torn do^vn from the walls ? But such, it
may be argued, were the terms of the decree. Yes,
we certainly passed that decree ** as a concession to
prevailing circimastances, which in politics are para-
mount ; but certain persons are abusing our com-
plaisance without restraint and without gratitude.
But more of this at an early date, and of much else
when we meet. Meanwhile convince yourself of this,
that both in the interests of the Republic which has
ever been most precious to me, and in the interests
of our mutual affection, I have nothing more at heart
than your position in the State. Do your best to
keep well.

II

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, late in September, 44 b.c

I am extremely dehghted with your approval of I
my opinion and speech ^ ; were I allowed that
privilege oftener, it would be no trouble at all to
recover our freedom and constitutional rights. But
that crazy and desperate fellow," far more of a
scoundrel too than he of whom you said " the prince
of scoundrels has been slain," <* is bent on starting a
massacre, and accuses me of having instigated the
assassination of Caesar, simply and solely with the
obj ect of inciting the veterans against me — a danger
that has no terrors for me, provided only it adds to
my reputation by giving it a share in the glory of
your achievement.

521

CICERO

primus invectus est nullo assentiente, nee mihi, qui
idem tricesimo post die feci, nee P. Servilio, qui me
est consecutus, tuto in senatum venire licet. Caedem
enim gladiator quaerit eiusque initium a. d. xiii.
Kalend. Octob. a me se facturum putavit. Ad quem
paratus venerat, cum in villa Metelli complures dies
commentatus esset ! Quae autem in lustris et in
vino commentatio potuit esse ? Itaque omnibus est
visus, ut ad te antea scripsi, vomere suo more, non
2 dicere. Quare, quod scribis, te confidere, auctoritate
et eloquentia nostra aliquid profici posse, nonnihil,
ut in tantis maUs, est profectum. Intellegit enim
populus Romanus tres esse consulares, qui, quia de
republica bene senserint, libere locuti sint, tuto in
senatum venire non possint. Nee est praeterea quod
quidquam exspectes. Tuus enim necessarius affini-
tate nova delectatur. Itaque iam non est studiosus
ludorum infinitoque fratris tui plausu dirumpitur.
Alter item affinis novis commentariis'Caesaris deleni-
tus est. Sed haec tolerabilia ; illud non ferendum,
quod est, qui vestro anno filium suum consulem

° L. Calpurnius Piso, father-in-law of Caesar.

' P. Servilius had been consul in 48.

« Metellus Scipio was father-in-law of Pompey. He
drowned himself after the battle of Thapsus. His villa at
Tibur had been seized by Antony.

•* i.e., Piso, Servilius, and Cicero himself.

* M. Lepidus, who had married Junia, a half-sister of
M. Brutus, while Cassius had married another. Both were
daughters of D. Silanus, consul in 62, and Servilia. In writing
to Cassius Cicero often refers to Lepidus as tuus adfinis.

f L. Cassius, who was probably cheered on account of his
relationship to the Liberator, which gave Cicero satisfaction
{Att. xiv. 2. 1).

* It is uncertain who is meant ; some say Dolabella, others

522

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. n.

Neither Piso," therefore, who was the first to assail
him \vithout finding anybody to back him up, nor I,
who did the same a month afterwards, nor P.
Servilius,* who immediately followed us, are allowed
to enter the Senate with safety. For the swordsman
is bent on bloodshed, and imagined that he would
make a beginning of it with me on the IQth of
September, on which day he had turned up ready
primed, after studying his speech for several days
at the \illa of Metellus." But, I ask you, what sort
of study was possible amid scenes of debauchery and
drunkenness ? So, as I wrote to you before, the
universal impression was that (as is his habit), he
spewed rather than spoke his speech.

As to your writing therefore that you are sure 2
some good can be done by my influence and eloquence,
well, considering how great are our troubles, some
good has been done. It has been brought home to
the people of Rome that there are three ex-consuls,*
who, because they have been patriotic towards the
RepubUc, and have spoken freely, cannot enter
the Senate with safety. Nor is there any reason
for your expecting anything beyond this, since
joMT relative * is delighted with his new marriage-
connexion, so he no longer takes any very keen
interest in the games, and is biu-sting \vith jealousy
at the boundless applause given to your brother.'
A second relative of yomrs' also has found soothing
syrup in Caesar's fresh memoranda. AU this, how-
ever, one can put up with ; what is not endurable is
that a man can be found to think that his son will be
consul in the year that belongs to you and Brutus,

L. Aemilius Paullus, or C. Marcellus ; and Bardt makes out
a good case for L. Marcius Philippus, consul in 56.

523

CICERO

futurum putet, ob eamque causam se huic latroni
deservire prae se ferat. Nam L. Cotta, familiaris
meus, fatali quadam desperatione, ut ait, minus in
senatum venit. L. Caesar, optimus et fortissimus
civis, valetudine impeditur. Ser. Sulpicius, et summa
auctoritate et optime sentiens, non adest. Reliquos,
exceptis designatis, ignosce mihi, si non numero
consulares. Habes auctores consili publici ; qui
numerus etiam bonis rebus exiguus asset, — quid
censes perditis ? Quare spes est omnis in vobis ; qui
si idcirco abestis, ut sitis in tuto, ne in vobis quidem.
Sin aliquid dignum vestra gloria cogitatis, velim salvis
nobis. Sin id minus, res tamen publica per vos brevi
tempore ius suum reeiperabit. Ego tuis neque desum
neque deero. Qui sive ad me referent sive non, mea
tibi tamen benevolentia fidesque praestabitur. Vale.

Ill

M. T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Auget tuus amicus furorem in dies ; primum in

" Consul in 65.

* After the death of Julius he tried to mediate between
Antony and the Senate. He was proscribed by the triumvirs
and narrowly escaped death. Watson.

* He seems to have left Rome in May.
** Hirtius and Pansa.

« From here to " your agency " you is plural, i.e. " you
and those co-operating with you."

' Antony.
524

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. ii.-m.

and for that reason makes a parade of being oxir
brigand's very humble servant.

As for my dear friend L. Cotta," yielding to a sort 3
of irresistible despair (his own expression) he attends
the Senate less regularly ; L. Caesar,* most admirable
and gallant of citizens, is prevented by ill-health ;
Servius Sulpicius," a man of the greatest influence
and soundest sentiments, is away from Rome. As
for the rest, •with the exception of the consuls-
designate,"* you must pardon me if I refuse to reckon
them as consulars.

There you have the leaders of public policy ; it
would be an insignificant number, even if all were
going well ; what do you think of it in these days of
despair ? That is why our every hope hes in you *;
and if yoiu- only object in keeping away is to be in
a safe place, there is no hope even in you. If, how-
ever, you are meditating some scheme worthy of your
glory, I should like to see it carried through while
I am yet alive. But if that is not to be, none
the less \^ill the Republic speedily come to her own
again through your agency. For myself, I never fail,
and I never shall fail, to protect those dear to you ;
and whether they appeal to me for advice or whether
they don't, I can in either case guarantee my love
and loyalty to yourself. Farewell.

Ill

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, early in October, 44 b.c.

Your friend ^ gives more rein to his insanity every 1
day ; to begin with, he has had the statue, which he

525

CICERO

statua,quam posuit in rostris,inscripsit parenti optime
MERiTo ; ut non modo sicarii, sed iam etiam parrici-
dae iudicemini ; quid dico, iudicemini ? ludicemvu*
potius ; vestri enim pulcherrimi facti ille furiosus me
principem dicit fuisse. Utinam quidem fuissem !
molestus nobis non esset. Sed hoc vestrum est ;
quod cum praeteriit, utinam haberem, quid vobis
darem consili ! Sed ne mihi quidem ipsi reperio,
quid faciendum sit. Quid enim est, quod contra vim
2 sine vi fieri possit ? Consilium omne autem hoc est
illorum, ut mortem Caesaris persequantur. Itaque
a. d. sext. Non. Octob. productus in contionem a
Cannutio, turpissime ille quidem discessit ; sed tamen
ea dixit de conservatoribus patriae, quae dici deberent
de proditoribus. De me quidem non dubitanter,
quin omnia de meo consilio et vos fecissetis, et
Cannutius faceret. Cetera cuiusmodi sint, ex hoc
iudica, quod legato tuo viaticum eripuerunt. Quid
eos interpretari putas, cum hoc faciunt ? Ad hostem
scilicet portari. O rem miseram ! dominum ferre
non potuimus ; conservo servimus. Et tamen me
quidem favente magis, quam sperante, etiam nunc
residet spes in virtute tua. Sed ubi sunt copiae ?

' A tribune, and a bitter enemy of Antony, whose hand
he tried to force by making him speak at this public meeting.
^ Cassius had legati as proconsul of Syria.

526

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. ni.

set up on the rostra, inscribed with the words " To
the Father, for his glorious services," so that you
are condemned not only as assassins, but now as
parricides also. But why do I say " you are so
condemned ? " " We are condemned " is the better
phrase ; for that lunatic declares that I was the
ringleader in that splendid achievement of yours.
Would to heaven I had been ! He would not now
be troubhng us. But for all that you are responsible ;
and now that it is past and done with, I only wish I
knew what advice to give you. But I cannot ascer-
tain what even I myself ought to do. For what can be
done against force without force .''

Now the whole trend of these men's policy is to 2
avenge the death of Caesar. Consequently on the
2nd of October, Antony was brought forward at a
pubhc meeting by Cannutius," and though it is true
he left the platform in sore disgrace, yet he referred
to the saviours of the country in terms that should
have been apphed to traitors. As to myself indeed
he had no hesitation in declaring that all you had
done and Cannutius was doing was the result of my
advice. Of the rest of their conduct you may judge
from the fact that they have robbed your legatus *
of his journey-money. What explanation do you
suppose they offer when they do this ? Why, if
you please, that the money is being conveyed to an
enemy of the State ! What a pitiful state of affairs !
We, who could not brook the master, are the slaves
of a fellow-slave. And yet, though my wishes are
stronger than my hopes, even now there is a residue
of hope to be found in your fortitude. But our forces,
where are they ? As to what remains, I prefer that

527

GIGERO

De reliquo malo teipsum tecum loqui, quam nostra
dicta cognoscere. Vale.

IV

M. T, C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Vellem Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses ;
reliquiarimi nihil fuisset. Nunc me reliquiae vestrae
exercent, et quidem praeter ceteros me ; quamquam
egregios consules habemus, sed turpissimos con-
sulates ; senatum fortem, sed infimo quemque honore
fortissimum. Populo vero nihil fortius, nihil mehus,
Italiaque universa. Nihil autem foedius Philippo et
Pisone, legatis, nihil flagitiosius ; qui cum essent
missi, ut Antonio ex senatus sententia certas res
nuntiarent, cum ille earum rerum nuUi paruisset,
ultro ab illo ad nos intolerabiUa postulata retulerunt.
Itaque ad nos concurritur ; factique iam in re salutari

2 populates sumus. Sed tu quid ageres, quid acturus,
ubi denique esses, nesciebam. Fama nuntiabat, te
esse in Syria ; auctor erat nemo. De Bruto, quo
propius est, eo firmiora videntur esse, quae nuntiantur.
Dolabella valde vituperabatur ab hominibus non

" Hirtius and Pansa.

* Who brought back impudent proposals from Antony.
See Chronological Summary for the year.

* " By supporting, etc." For this rendering I have to
thank Jeans.

528

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. iii.-iv.

you should consult your own heart, rather than
listen to any words of mine.

IV

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, February 2nd (?), 43 b.c

I should hke you to have invited me to your 1
banquet on the Ides of March ; there would have
been no leavings. Now it is just your leavings that
are worrjang me, me indeed more than anybody
els 3 ; it is true that we have admirable consuls," but
the consulars are beneath contempt ; we have a
courageous Senate too, but it is those of the lowest
rank who are most so. Nothing, however, could be
braver or better than the people, and indeed the
whole of Italy ; nothing, on the other hand, more
disgraceful, nothing more scandalous, than the con-
duct of Phihppus and Piso as our emissaries.^ They
were sent to deUver to Antony certain definite in-
structions in accordance vdih the vote of the Senate,
and when he failed to comply with any single one of
them, they had the impudence to bring back certain
insufferable demands from him to us. The result is
that people are thronging round me, and for the first
time, by supporting a really sound measure, I find
myself a popular hero."

But as for you, what you are doing, what you 2
intend to do, or indeed where you are, I have no idea.
The story goes that you are in Syria, but there is
nobody to vouch for it. As to Brutus, the nearer he is,
the more trustworthy appear to be the reports about
him. Dolabella is soundly trounced by men with

529

CICERO

insulsis, quod tibi tarn cito succederet, cum tu vixdum
triginta dies in Syria fuisses. Itaque constabat, eum
recipi in Syriam non oportere. Summa laus et tua et
Bruti est, quod exercitum praeter spem existimamini
comparasse. Scriberem plura, si rem causamque
nossem. Nunc quae scribo, scribo ex opinione
hominum atque fama. Tuas litteras avide exspecto.
Vale.

M, T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSrO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Hiemem credo adhuc prohibuisse, quo minus de te
certum haberemus, quid ageres, maximeque ubi
esses. Loquebantur omnes tamen (credo, quod vole-
bant), in Syria te esse, habere copias. Id autem eo
facilius credebatur, quia simile vero videbatiu".
Brutus quidem noster egregiam laudem est con-
secutus. Res enim tantas gessit tamque inopinatas,
ut eae cum per se gratae essent, tum ornatiores
propter celeritatem. Quod si tu ea tenes, quae
putamus, magnis subsidiis fulta respublica est ; a
prima enim ora Graeciae usque ad Aegyptum op-
timoriim civium imperiis muniti erimus et copiis.

" The point of the sarcasm is that Dolabella had not only
encroached upon the thirty days' extension of office allowed
to Cassius by the Lex Cornelia (iii. 6. 3), but had really
deprived Cassius of a whole year's office, having never had
any right to take up the province at all.

' i.e., " the wish is father to the thought.**
530

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. iv.-v.

some command of sarcasm for being in such a hurry
to take your place, though you had hardly been a
month in Syria " ; so that it was ob\'ious to all that he
had no right to be admitted into the province. Both
you and Brutus are the subject of the highest en-
comiums, for having (as is believed) exceeded all
expectations in getting together an army. I should
write at greater length if I knew the circumstances
of the case. As it is, what I wTite is only based on
general opinion and hearsay. I am greedily awaiting
a letter from you. ^

' 1^

J.i^.

CICERO TO THE SAME KJ^

Rome, late in February, 43 b.c.

I suppose it is the wintry weather that has hitherto 1
prevented us from having any certain information
about you — what you are doing, and most im-
portant of all, where you are. What everybody is
saying however, I suppose because they wish it,'' is
that you are in Syria, and in command of forces.
This is all the more readily believed because it seems
so hkely to be true. Our friend M. Brutus indeed
has won extraordinary distinction ; his achievements
have been so substantial and so unexpected, that
welcome as they are in themselves, their brilliancy
has been enhanced by their rapid succession. Now
if you also hold in your hand all we beheve you do,
the props that support the RepubUc are strong ; since
from the nearest point of Greece right up to Egypt
we shall find security in governments and armies
commanded by citizens of the highest loyalty.

531

CICERO

2 Quamquam, nisi me fallebat, res se sic habebat, ut
totius belli omne discrimen in D, Bruto positum vide-
retur ; qui si, ut sperabamus, erupisset Mutina, nihil
belli reliquum fore videbatur. Parvis omnino iam
copiis obsidebatur, quod magno praesidio Bononiam
tenebat Antonius. Erat autem Claternae noster
Hirtius, ad Forum Cornelium Caesar, uterque cum j
firmo exercitu ; magnasque Romae Pansa copias ex
delectu Italiae compararat. Hiems adhuc rem geri
proliibuerat. Hirtius nihil nisi considerate, ut mihi
crebris htteris significat, acturus videbatur. Praeter
Bononiam, Regium Lepidi, Parmam, totam Galliam ■
tenebamus, studiosissimam reipublicae. Tuos etiam
clientes Transpadanos mirifice coniunctos cum causa
habebamus. Erat firmissimus senatus, exceptis con-
sularibus ; ex quibus unus L. Caesar firmus est

3 et rectus. Ser. Sulpici morte magnum praesidium •
amisimus. Reliqui partim inertes, partim improbi ;
nonnuUi invident eorimi laudi, quos in republica
probari vident. Popuh vero Romani totiusque Italiae
mira consensio est. Haec erant fere, quae tibi nota
esse vellem. Nunc autem opto, ut ab istis Orientis
partibus virtutis tuae lumen eluceat. Vale.

" Now Quaderna, about 10 miles S.E. of Bononia.
* Now Imola, some 13 miles S.E. of Claterna.

* A town of the Boil in Gallia Cisalpina.
•* Who had died on the embassy to Antony.

532

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. v.

And yet, if I am not mistaken, the present position 2
is such that the ultimate issue of the whole war de-
pends apparently upon D. Brutus ; if once he suc-
ceeds, as we hope he will, in breaking out of Mutina,
it looks as if there would be nothing left of the war.
In any case the forces investing him must by this
time be inconsiderable, because the garrison •with
which Antony holds Bononia is a strong one. Again
our friend Hirtius is at Clatema,** and Caesar at
Forum Cornelium,'* each of them with an army that
can be trusted, while, at Rome, Pansa has collected
strong forces by means of an Italian le\'y. So far
winter has made active operations impossible.
Hirtius, as he frequently hints to me in his letters,
seems unlikely to do anything mthout careful con-
sideration. With the exception of Bononia, Regium
Lepidi," and Parma, we can count upon the whole of
Gaul as being enthusiastically loyal to the Republic.
Your clients beyond the Padus too we find sur-
prisingly in sympathy with our cause. The Senate
is thoroughly staunch, except, of course, the consulars,
of whom L. Caesar alone is as staunch as he is
straight.

We have lost a powerful safeguard by the death of 3
Ser\ius Sulpicius."* All the others lack either spirit
or sound principle ; not a few of them are jealous of
the honour paid to those whom they see winning the
approval of the state. On the other hand the
unanimity of the people of Rome and of all Italy is
something wonderful. This is practically all that I
think you ought to know. And now my prayer is that
the sunlight of your valour may shine forth from
wherever you are in the East.

5SS

CICERO
VI

M. T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Qui status rerum fuerit turn, cum has litteras dedi,
scire poteris ex C. Titio Strabone, viro bono et optime
de republica sentiente ; nam quid dicam, cupidissimo
tui, qui, domo et fortunis relictis, ad te potissimum
profectus sit ? Itaque eum tibi ne commendo
quidem ; adventus ipsius ad te satis eum commen-

2 dabit. Tu velim sic existimes tibique persuadeas,
omne perfugium bonorum in te et Bruto esse positura,
si, quod nolim, adversi quid evenerit. Res, cum
haec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta discrimen.
Brutus enim Mutinae vix iam sustinebat. Qui si con-
servatus erit, vicimus : sin (quod di omen avertant !)
omnis omnium ciursus est ad vos. Proinde fac ani-
mum tantum habeas tantumque apparatum, quanto
opus est ad universam rempubhcam reciperandam.
Vale.

VII

M. T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Quanto studio dignitatem tuam et in senatu et
ad populum defenderim, ex tuis te malo, quam ex me

» Not mentioned elsewhere. * " You " is pluraL

534

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. vi.-vii.
VI

CICERO TO THE SAME '

Rome, late in March or early in April, 43 b.c

What the state of affairs was when I sent you this 1
letter, you can find out from C. Titius Strabo,<* a man of
merit, and excellently well disposed to the Republic —
I need not add most eager to join you, seeing that
he has left his home and all that he possesses, to
come to you rather than to anybody. So I do not so
much as recommend him to you. His having made
his way to you himself is recommendation enough.

I would have you consider and assure yourself 2
that if anytliing untoward happens, which I should
deplore, the only refuge left for . honest citizens
is with you and Brutus. As I vrrite these words,
matters have come to the final crisis ; for Brutus
is now barely able to hold his own at Mutina. If
he has come safe through it, we have triumphed ;
if otherwise (Heaven avert the omen !) there is but
one direction in which we can all rush, and that is to
you.* See to it, therefore, that you have all the
courage and all the resources needful to win back
the RepubUc in its entirety. Farewell.

VII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, about March 6th, 43 b.c

With what enthusiasm I defended yom* political 1
position, both in the Senate and before the people, I
prefer that you should leam from your friends rather

535

CICERO

cognoscere. Quae mea sententia in senatu facile
valuisset, nisi Pansa vehementer obstitisset, Ea sen-
tentia dicta, productus sum in contionem a tribune
plebis M. Servilio. Dixi de te, quae potui, tanta con-
tentione, quantum forum est, tanto clamore consensu-
que populi, ut nihil umquam simile viderim. Id
velim mihi ignoscas, quod invita socru tua fecerim.
Mulier timida verebatur, ne Pansae animus ofFendere-
tur. In contione quidem Pansa dixit matrem quoque
tuam et fratrem illam a me sententiam noluisse dici.
Sed haec non movebant ; alia malebam. Favebam
et reipublicae, cui semper favi, et dignitati ac gloriae
2 tuae. Quod autem et in senatu pluribus verbis
disserui, et dixi in contione, in eo velim fidem meam
liberes. Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non
exspectasse nee exspectaturum decreta nostra, sed
te ipsum tuo more rempublicam defensurum ; et
quamquam nihildum audieramus, nee ubi esses, nee
quas copias haberes, tamen sic statuebam, omnes,
quae in istis partibus essent opes copiaeque, tuas
esse ; per teque Asiam provinciam confidebam iam
reipublicae reciperatam. • Tu fac in augenda gloria
te ipse vincas. Vale.

" A relative of Servilia, sister of Cato Uticensis, and
mother of Cassius's wife (see note e on 2. 2 above). She is
the mother-in-law mentioned below.

' It is not known who Cassius's mother was. His brother
was the L. Cassius mentioned above (2. 2).

536

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. vii.

than from myself. And that proposal of mine in the
Senate would easily have carried the day but for
the violent opposition of Pansa. Having made the
proposal, I was brought before a public meeting by
the tribune of the plebs, M. Servilius.** I said all I
could about you in a ringing voice that filled the
forum, and the shouting and applause of the people
was — well, I never saw anj-thing Hke it ! I hope you
will forgive my having acted against the wishes of
your mother-in-law. The lady is nervous, and was
afraid of Pansa 's taking umbrage at it. Indeed
Pansa stated in the public meeting that your mother *
also and brother had objected to my making that
proposal. But aU that left me unmoved ; I had
better things to think about. I was advocating the
public cause, which I have always advocated, and
your pohtical position and prestige as well.

But as to the question I discussed at considerable 2
length in the Senate, and as to what I said at the
public meeting, I should be glad if you would redeem
the pledge I gave. I promised and almost positively
asserted that you had not waited for nor would wait
for any decrees of oru^, but would yourself defend the
constitution in yomr own good way ; and although
we have not yet heard anything as to your present
position, or the forces at your disposal, for all that
I take my stand on the fact that all the forces and
troops in your part of the world are yom^, and that
it is through you I am assured that the province of
Asia has already been won back for the Republic.
Do your utmost to suirpass yourself in enhancing your
own glory. Farewell.

5S7

CICERO
VIII

M. T. C. S. P. D, C. CASSIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Scelus affinis tui Lepidi summamque levitatem
et inconstantiam ex actis, quae ad te mitti certo scio,
cognosse te arbitror. Itaque nos, eonfecto bello, ut
arbitrabamur, renovatum bellum gerimus ; spemque
omnem in D. Bruto et Planco habemus ; si verum
quaeris, in te et in meo Bruto, non solum ad praesens
perfugium, si, quod nolim, adversi quid aceiderit, sed

2 etiam ad confirmationem perpetuae libertatis. Nos
hie de Dolabella audiebamus, quae vellemus ; sed cer-
tos auctores non habebamus. Te quidem magnum
hominem et praesenti iudicio et reliqui temporis ex-
spectatione scito esse. Hoc tibi proposito, fac ut ad
summa contendas. Nihil est tantimi, quod non popu-
lus Romanus a te perfici atque obtineri posse iudicet.
Vale.

IX

M. T. C. S. P. D. C. CASSIO ,

Romae, a.d.c. 711.

1 Brevitas tuarum litterarimi me quoque breviorem
in scribendo facit ; et, vere ut dicam, non satis

" See note e on 2. 2.

" The Acta Biurna, the " Daily Gazette " (our " Times "),
first published in the first consulship of Caesar (59), reported
the proceedings of the Senate, births and deaths, and any
important occurrences. The Acta, after official publication,
were copied by scribes, who sold them to the wealthy,
especially in the provinces. Cf. viii. 1. 2. Tyrrell.

538

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. viii.-uc.
VIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, shortly after June 8th, 43 b.c.

The scandalous conduct of your relative <* Lepidus 1
and his amazing fickleness and inconstancy I imagine
you have already learnt from the daily gazette ^ which
I am assured is being sent to you. So now, when
the war, as we imagined, had been finished, we are
waging a resuscitated war, and we have no other hope
than in D. Brutus and Plancus ; indeed, if you want
the exact truth, than in you and my friend M.
Brutus, not only to serve as our immediate refuge,
should anything untoward occur (which I should
deplore), but also to set on a firm basis a freedom
that will last for ever.

We are ha\ing satisfactory news here about
Dolabella, but we have nobody definitely to vouch
for it. As for you, I would have you know that
you are a great man here, not only in men's present
estimation, but also in their anticipations of your
future. With this before your eyes, see to it that
your aims are of the highest. There is no success so
great that the people of Rome do not deem you
capable of achieving, yes, and of maintaining.

IX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, middle of Jime, 43 b.c

The shortness of your letters makes me too write 1
shorter ones ; and, to tell you the truth, I have no

5S9

CICERO

occurrit, quid scribam. Nostras enim res in actis
perferri ad te certo scio ; tuas autem ignoramus.
Tamquam enim clausa sit Asia, sic nihil perfertur ad
nos praeter rumores de oppresso Dolabella, satis illos
2 quidem constantes, sed adhuc sine auctore. Nos,
confectum helium cum putaremus, repente a Lepido
tuo in summam sollicitudinem adducti sumus. Ita-
que persuade tibi, maximam reipublicae spem in te
et in tuis copiis esse. Firmos omnino exercitus habe-
mus ; sed tamen, ut omnia, ut spero, prospere pro-
cedant, multum interest te venire. Exigua enim spes
est reipublicae : nam nullam non libet dicere : sed,
quaecumque est, ea despondetur anno consulatus tui.
Vale.

X

M. T. C S. P. D. C. CA8SIO
Romae, a.u.c. 711.
1 Lepidus, tuus affinis, meus familiaris, pridie Kal.
Quintiles sententiis omnibus hostis a senatu iudicatus
est ceterique, qui una cum illo a republica defecerunt ;
quibus tamen ad sanitatem redeundi ante Kal.
Septemb. potestas facta est. Fortis sane senatus,
sed maxime spe subsidi tui. Bellum quidem, cum
haec scribebam, sane magnum erat, scelere et levitate

" See note e on 2. 2.
540

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. ix.-x.

clear conception as to what I am to write. Our
affairs, as I am well aware, are duly reported to you
in the daily gazette, while M'e know nothing of
yours. Just as though Asia were under a blockade,
nothing reaches us except rumours about the crushing
of Dolabella, which are certainly quite consistent,
but lack authority.

We imagined that the war was finished, but all of 2
a sudden we have been thro>vn into an agony of
anxiety by your friend Lepidus. You must, therefore,
convince yourself that the best hope of the Republic
lies in you and your forces. Our armies of course
we can trust ; but though everj-thing should go on
happily (and I hope everything will), even so it is of
great importance that you should come here. There
are but faint hopes of a constitution (I shrink from
saying there are none), but whatever they are, they
are bound, as by betrothal, to the year of your
consulship.

X

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, early in July, 43 b.c.

On the 30th of June your relative," and my once 1
friend, Lepidus, was declared a public enemy by an
unanimous vote of the Senate, as were also all the
others who joined him in deserting the Republic ;
the latter, however, have been given the opportunity
of returning to their senses before the 1st of
September. The Senate is full of courage, but it
is mainly based on the expectation of your support.
As I write these words, thanks to the \illainy and

541

GIGERO

Lepidi. Nos de Dolabella quotidie, quae volumus,
audimus ; sed adhuc sine capite, sine auctore,

2 rumore nuntio. Quod cum ita esset, tamen litteris
tuis, quas Nonis Maiis ex castris datas acceperamus,
ita persuasum erat civitati, ut ilium iam oppressum
omnes arbitrarentur, te autem in Italiam venire cum
exercitu ; ut, si haec ex sententia confecta essent,
consilio atque auctoritate tua, sin quid forte tituba-
tum, ut fit in bello, exercitu tuo niteremur. Quern
quidem ego exercitiun, quibuscumque potero rebus,
ornabo, cuius rei turn tempus erit, cum, quid opis
reipublicae laturus is exercitus sit, aut quid iam tule-
rit, notum esse coeperit. Nam adhuc tantiun conatus
audiuntur, optimi illi quidem et praeclarissimi, sed
gesta res exspectatur ; quam quidem aut iam esse

3 aliquam aut appropinquare confido. Tua virtute et
magnitudine animi nihil est nobilius. Itaque opta-
mus, ut quam primum te in Italia videamus. Rem-
publicam nos habere arbitrabimur, si vos habebimus,
Praeclare viceramus, nisi spoliatum, inermem, fugien-
tem Lepidus recepisset Antonium. Itaque num-
quam tanto odio civitati Antonius fuit, quanto est
Lepidus. lUe enim ex turbulenta republica, hie ex
pace et victoria bellimoi excitavit. Huic oppositos
consules designatos habemus, in quibus est magna

542

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. x.

shiftiness of Lepidus, the war is really serious. The
daily news about Dolabella is all we could desire ;
but it is still without a definite source, unvouched
for, and only voiced by riunour.

But, notwithstanding all that, your despatch, sent 2
from your camp and received by us on the 7th of
May, had the effect upon the State of making every-
body beheve that he had already been crushed, but
that you were coming to Italy with your army ; so
that, if all were accomplished to our satisfaction, we
should have your counsel and influence, but if, as so
often happens in war, some slip should by any chance
occur, we should have your army, to fall back upon.
And, speaking of the army, I shall make all honour-
able provision for it within my power, but it will be
time enough for that when we begin to get some
idea of the amoimt of help it intends giving the
Repubhc, or how much it has already given. For so
far we hear of nothing but attempts — noble and
splendid enough I grant you — but what we are
waiting for is achievement ; and that I am confident
has either come to pass in good measure already,
or will in the near future.

Nothing can be more noble than your courage and 3
greatness of spirit. So naturally we hope to see
you in Italy as soon as possible. If we have both of
you, we shall think we have the Republic here too.
We had won a glorious victory, were it not that
Antony, stripped and unarmed and a fugitive as he
was, had been given refuge by Lepidus. It follows
that never was Antony so detested by the State as
Lepidus now is. For the former applied the torch of
war to universal public disorder, the latter to peace
and victory. To oppose him we have the consuls-

543

GIGERO

ilia quidem spes, sed anceps cura propter incertos
4 exitus praeliorum. Persuade tibi igitur, in te et in
Bruto tuo esse omnia, vos exspectari, Brutum quidem
iam iamque. Quod si, ut spero, victis hostibus nostris
veneritis, tamen auctoritate vestra respublica ex-
surget et in aliquo statu tolerabili eonsistet. Sunt
enim permulta, quibus erit medendum, etiamsi
respublica satis esse videbitur sceleribus hostium
liberata. Vale.

XI

C. CASSIUS PROCOS. S. P. D. M. T. C.

In castris Taricheis, a.u.c. 711.

1 S.v.b.e.e.q.v. In Syriam me profectum esse scito
ad L. Murcum et Q. Crispum imperatores. Viri
fortes optimique cives, posteaquam audierunt, quae
Romae gererentur, exercitus mihi tradiderunt, ipsique
mecum una fortissimo animo rempublicam admini-
strant. Item legionem, quam Q. Caecilius Bassus
habuit, ad me venisse scito ; quattuorque legiones,
quas A. Allienus ex Aegypto eduxit, traditas ab eo

2 mihi esse scito. Nunc te cohortatione non puto
indigere, ut nos absentes remque publicam, quantum

° Brutus never came, but went to Asia.

^ In Galilee, at the south end of the Lake of Tiberias.

* s.v.b.e.e.q.v. = si vales, bene est ; ego quoque valeo.

** L. Staius Murcus had been sent by Julius Caesar with
three legions to oppose Q. Caecilius Bassus, who, assisted by
the Parthians, had raised a revolt in Syria.

* Q. Marcius Crispus, governor of Bithynia, had come
to Syria with another three legions to assist Murcus.

f A legatus of Dolabella.

544,

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. x.-xi.

designate, and we have strong hopes of them, it is
true ; but there is the anxiety of doubt, owing to
the uncertainty of issues on the field.

Be absolutely assured, therefore, that all depends 4
upon you and jowr friend Brutus, that you are both
expected — Brutus indeed at any moment." But if
our enemies are defeated (and I hope so) before you
arrive, even so your influence will help the Republic
to lift up her head, and be established on some
tolerably firm basis. For the ills to be remedied are
very many, even though it may appear that the
Republic has been safely delivered from the iniquity
of her enemies.

XI

CASSIUS TO CICERO

Camp at Tarichea,* March 7th, 43 b.c

If you are well, all is right ; I too am well." You 1
must know that I have started for Syria to join
L. Murcus ** and Q. Crispus,* commanders-in-chief.
When those gallant ofliicers and admirable citizens
heard what was going on in Rome, they handed
their armies over to me, and are themselves
administering the affairs of the State side by side with
me, and with the utmost resolution. I beg to inform
you also that the legion which Q. CaeciUus Bassus ^
had, has come over to me, and I beg to inform you
that the foinr legions A. Allienus ' brought out of
Egypt have been handed over by him to me.

For the present I do not suppose there is any need 2
of my exhorting you to defend us while we are away,
and the RepubUc too, as far as in you Ues. I should
VOL. II T 543

CIGERO

est in te, defendas. Scire te volo, firma praesidia
vobis senatuique non deesse, ut optima spe et
maximo animo rempublicam defendas. Reliqua tecum
aget L. Carteius, familiaris meus. Vale. Data Nonis
Martiis, ex castris Taricheis.

XII

CASSIUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI SUO

In castris in Syria, a.u.c. 711.

1 S.v.b.e.e.q.v. Legi tuas litteras, in quibus mirificum
tuum erga me amorem recognovi. Videbaris enim
non solum favere nobis (id quod et nostri et
reipublicae causa semper fecisti), sed etiam gravem
curam suscepisse vehementerque esse de nobis
sollicitus. Itaque, quod te primum existimare
putabam, nos, oppressa repubUca, quiescere non
posse, deinde, cum suspicarere nos moliri, quod te
soUicitum esse et de salute nostra et de rerum eventu
putabam, simul ac legiones accepi, quas A. AUienus
eduxerat ex Aegypto, scripsi ad te tabellariosque
complures Roniam misi. Scripsi etiam ad senatum
litteras, quas reddi vetui prius, quam tibi recitatae

" s.v.b.e.e.q.v. = si vales, bene est ; ego quoque valeo.

* See note /to the preceding letter.

" A frequent precaution to ensure the delivery of at least
one copy of the letter.
54J6

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xi.-xn.

like you to be assured that neither all of you, nor the
Senate are without strong safeguards, so that you
may defend the RepubUc in the best of hopes and
with the highest spirit. What business remains will
be transa.cted with you by L. Carteius, an intimate
friend of mine. Farewell. Dated the 7th of March,
from camp at Tarichea.

XII

CASSIUS TO CICERO

Camp in Syria, May 7th, 43 B.C.

If you are well, all is right ; I too am well.'' I 1
have read your letter, in which I recognize afresh
your wonderful affection for me. For it seemed
that you not only back me up — that you have
always done, both for my sake, and the sake of
the Repubhc — ^but also that you have shouldered a
burden of anxiety, and feel seriously perturbed
about me. And therefore, because in the first place
I thought you were under the impression that, after
the crushing of the constitution, I could never keep
quiet, and secondly, because I thought you were
anxious, both about my safety, and the ultimate
issue of affairs, since you would naturally suspect me
of taking drastic measures, for both these reasons
then, as soon as I took over the legions A. AlUenus
had brought away from Egypt,'' I wrote to you, and
sent quite a number of letter-carriers " to Rome. I
also WTote a despatch to the Senate, forbidding it to
be delivered until it had been read out to you — if it

547

CICERO

essent, si forte mei obtemperare mihi voluerint.
Quod si litterae perlatae non sunt, non dubito,
quin Dolabella, qui, nefarie Trebonio occiso,
Asiam occupavit, tabellarios meos deprehenderit

2 litterasque interceperit. Exercitus omnes, qui in
Syria fuere, teneo. Habui paullulum morae, dum
promissa militibus persolvo. Nunc iam sum expeditus.
A te peto, ut dignitatem meam commendatam tibi
habeas, si me intellegis nullum neque periculum neque
laborem patriae denegasse, si contra importunissimos
latrones arma cepi te hortante et auctore, si non
solum exercitus ad rempublicam libertatemque de-
fendendam comparavi, sed etiam crudelissimis tyran-
nis eripui, quos si occupasset Dolabella, non solum
adventu, sed etiam opinione et exspectatione exer-

3 citus sui Antonium confirmasset. Quas ob res
milites tuere, si eos mirifice de republica meritos
esse animadvertis, et effice, ne quem poeniteat rem-
publicam quam spem praedae et rapinarum sequi
maluisse. Item Murci et Crispi imperatorum dig-
nitatem, quantum est in te, tuere. Nam Bassus
misere noluit mihi legionem tradere. Quod nisi
milites invito eo legatos ad me misissent, clausam
Apameam tenuisset, quoad vi esset expugnata.
Haec a te peto non solum reipubhcae, quae tibi
semper fuit carissima, sed etiam amicitiae nostrae

" His claim to be formally appointed governor of Syria.

* Antony and Dolabella.

* Sixty miles S.E. of Antioch, near the river Orontes.

54)8

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xii.

happens that my people have been good enough to
regard my ^vishes. But if no letter has reached you,
I have no doubt that Dolabella, who, since his
abominable murder of Trebonius, has overrun the
Asian provinces, has arrested my letter-carriers and
intercepted my despatch.

I hold all the troops that were in Sj-ria. There has 2
been some slight delay in the fulfilment of my
promises to my men. Now at last my hands are free.
I beg of you to regard my claim to honour " as com-
mitted to your charge, if you realize that there is no
danger, no toil, I have refused to face for my country,
if it was at your instance and with your encourage-
ment that I took up arms against the most pre-
sumptuous brigands, if I have not only raised whole
armies to defend the cause of the State and its hberty,
but have even snatched it from the hands of the most
bloodthirsty tyrants * ; for had Dolabella anticipated
me in getting hold of them, his army, not only by its
actual arrival, but by the mere hope and expectation
of it, would have strengthened the hands of Antony.

For these reasons I beg you to look after my men, 3
if you are cognizant of their amazing services to the
Repubhc, and so to manage matters that not one of
them may regret ha^•ing set the call of the Republic
above the Im-e of loot and rapine. Attend too, as far
as you possibly can, to the claims of the commanders,
Murcus and Crispus. As for Bassus, the poor fool
would not hand his legion over to me. And had not
his men broken his orders and sent me a deputation,
he would have kept the gates of Apamea " shut until
I had stormed it. These requests I make of you not
only in the name of the Republic, which has always
been most precious to you, but also in that of our

549

CICERO

nomine, quam confido apud te plurimum posse.
4 Crede mihi, hunc exercitum, quern habeo, senatus
atque optimi cuiusque esse maximeque tuum ; de
cuius voluntate assidue audiendo mirifice te diligit
carumque habet. Qui si intellexerit commoda sua
curae tibi esse, debere etiam se tibi omnia putabit.

6 Litteris scriptis audii, Dolabellam in Ciliciam venisse
cum suis copiis. Proficiscar in Ciliciam. Quid
egerim, celeriter ut scias, dabo operam. Ac velim,
ut meremur de republica, sic felices simus. Fac
valeas meque ames. Nonis Maiis, ex castris.

XIII

C. CASSIUS Q. S. D. M. CICERONI

In Cypro, Crommyuacride, a.u.c. 711.

1 S.v.b.e.e.v. Cum reipublicae vel salute vel victoria
gaudemus, tum instauratione tuarum laudiun ; quod
maximus consularis maximum consulem te ipse vicisti,
et laetamur et mirari satis non possumus. Fatale
nescio quid tuae virtuti datum, idque saepe iam

" The ^v^ite^ of this letter is generally supposed to be
Cassius Parmensis (so called from the town of his birth), one
of the murderers of Caesar, who stoutly opposed the triumvirs.
After the death of Brutus and Cassius he transferred the
fleet he commanded to Sicily and joined Sex. Pompey, upon
whose defeat he surrendered himself to Antony, whom he
followed until after the battle of Actium (31 b.c). He then
retired to Athens, where he was put to death by order of
Antony. Horace {Ep. i. 4. 3) refers to him as a poet, and
Quintilian (v. 11. 24) assigns to him two tragedies, Thyestea
and Brutus.

'> Kpo/j.fjn'/ov &Kpii, "onion-point," a promontory on the
north of Cyprus.
550

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xii.-xiii.

friendship, which I am sure counts for very much
with you.

Take my word for it, these troops under my com- 4
mand are at the disposal of the Senate and all loyal
citizens, and most of all at yours ; for being con-
stantly told of your sympathies makes them
astonishingly fond of you, and you are their favourite ;
and if once they grasp the fact that you have their
interests at heart, they will feel that there is nothing
they do not owe you.

Since writing this letter I have been told that 5
Dolabella and his forces have arrived in Cihcia.
Cilicia will be my objective. I shall do my utmost
to let you have early news of what I have been able
to do. And may I express a hope that our luck may be
in proportion to our public deserts ? Mind you keep
your health and your affection for me. In camp,
May 7th.

XIII

CASSIUS PARMENSIS * TO CICERO

Crommyuacris,* in Cyprus, June 13th, 43 b.c.

If you are well, all is right ; I am well. I am de- 1
lighted not only at the safety, or shall we say the
victor}', of the Republic, but also at the revival of
your glorious reputation. That you, the greatest of
consulars, have surpassed yourself as the greatest of
consuls is an ever increasing joy and wonder to me.
Your gallantry has been blessed vrith. some special
favour of fate, of which we have had many practical

551

CICERO

expert! sumus. Est enim tua toga omnium armis
felicior ; quae nunc quoque nobis paene victam rem-
publicam ex manibus hostium eripuit ac reddidit.
Nunc ergo vivemus liberi ; nunc te, omnium maxime
civis, et mihi carissime (id quod maximis reipublicae
tenebris comperisti), nunc te habebimus testem
nostri et in te et in coniunctissimam tibi rempublicam
amoris, et quae saepe pollicitus es te et taciturum,
dum serviremus, et dicturum de me turn, cum mihi
profutura essent, nunc ilia non ego quidem dici tanto
opere desiderabo, quam sentiri a te ipso. Neque enim
omnium iudicio malim me a te commendari, quam ipse
tuo iudicio digne ac mereor commendatus esse ; ut
haec novissima nostra facta, non subita, nee incon-
venientia,^ sed similia illis cogitationibus, quarum
tu testis es, fuisse indices, meque ad optimam spem
patriae non minimum tibi ipsi producendum putes.
2 Sunt tibi, M. Tulli, liberi propinquique digni quidem
te et merito tibi carissimi. Esse etiam debent in
republica proxime hos cari, qui studiorum tuorum
sunt aemuli, quorum esse cupio tibi copiam. Sed
tamen non maxima me turba puto excludi, quo minus
tibi vacet me excipere, et ad omnia, quae veUs et
^ Cratander: covenientia M: convenientia Klotz.

• Cicero in his own poem, De meis temporibus, had written,
" Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi," " Let arms
yield to the toga, and the laurel (of military conquest) yield
unreservedly to (civic) praise."

* Tyrrell's translation " that you yourself should be the
main cause of my advancement " would surely require
minime in the text, and not minimum.

552

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiii.

proofs. Your toga •* is more fortunate than any
men's arms ; and now again it has snatched from the
hands of the enemy, and restored to us, a Repubhc
which had been all but vanquished. Now, therefore,
we shall live in freedom ; now too we shall find in
you, greatest of all citizens as you are, and most dear
to me (that much you discovered in the State's
darkest hour), we shall find in you, I say, a witness
to my love for you and for the State so closely linked
up with you ; now too, with regard to those senti-
ments you promised to suppress in the days of our
servitude, and to express about me when they were
likely to be of advantage to me, well, my desire for
the future is not so much that they should be expressed
as that you should feel them in your heart. For I
should not wish to be commended by you to the
judgment of the world, fio much as to have won for
myself in a manner worthy of my deserts the com-
mendation of your own judgment — your judging, I
mean, that these most recent acts of mine were not
indeed precipitate or inconsistent, but quite in
keeping with those reflections to which you can
testify, and your concluding that you yourself ought
to put me forward as not the most insignificant
representative ^ of our country's highest hopes.

You have children and relatives, M. Tullius, 2
worthy of yourself, and most deservedly very dear
to you. Next to them, those men also ought to hold
your affection in public life who emulate your en-
thusiasms ; and of such I desire you to have no lack.
At the same time, however dense the throng, I do
not think I am so crowded out as to preclude your
ha\-ing room for my reception, and putting me

553

CICERO

probes, producere. Animum tibi nostrum fortasse
probavimus ; ingenium diutina servitus, certe, quale-
cumque est, minus tamen, quam erat, passa est

3 videri. Nos ex era maritima Asiae provinciae et ex
insulis, quas potuimus, naves deduximus. Delectum
remigum, magna contumacia civitatum, tamen satis
celeriter habuimus. Secuti sumus elassem Dola-
bellae, cui L. Figulus praeerat, qui spem saepe trans-
itionis praebendo neque umquam non decedendo
novissime Corycum se contulit, et clauso portu se
tenere coepit. Nos, ilia relicta, quod et in eastra
pervenire satius esse putabamus, et sequebatur classis
altera, quam anno priore in Bithynia Tillius Cimber
compararat, cui Turullius quaestor praeerat, Cyprum
petivimus. Ibi quae cognpvimus, scribere ad vos

4 quam celerrime voluimus. Dolabellam, ut Tarsenses,
pessimi socii, ita Laodiceni, multo amentiores, ultro
arcessierunt ; ex quibus utrisque civitatibus Grae-
corum militum numero speciem exercitus efFecit.
Castra habet ante oppidum Laodiceam posita et
partem muri demolitus est, et castra oppido con-
iunxit. Cassius noster cum decem legionibus et co-
hortibus viginti auxiliariis et quattuor milium equi-
tatu a milibus passuum viginti castra habet posita
HaA-TCf), et existimat se sine proelio posse vincere.
Nam iam ternis tetradrachmis triticum apud Dola-

" On the coast of Cilicia Trachea, now Korghoz.
* One of Caesar's assassins.

" Also one of the conspirators, and afterwards a partisan
of Antony against Octavian.

** A coast town of Syria, a little south of Laodicea.

55^

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiii.

forward in anything you wish or approve. Of my
disposition I have perhaps given you sufficient proof ;
as to my ability, such as it is, I must admit that a
long period of servitude has not permitted it to
appear as great as it used to be.

On the sea-coast of the province of Asia and on 3
the islands we have launched all the ships we could.
We have had a levy of rowers, quite expeditiously
carried out in spite of the obstinate contumacy of
the communities. We have pursued Dolabella's fleet
under the command of L. Figulus, who, by con-
stantly raising our hopes of his coming over to us,
and invariably disappointing them, has finally suc-
ceeded in reaching Corycus," where he is beginning
to establish himself in the closed harbour. Giving
up the pursuit of that fleet, because we thought it
better to reach the camp, and because a second fleet
was following, collected by Tillius Cimber * the
previous year in Bithynia, and now under the com-
mand of the quaestor Turulhus," we made for Cyprus.
The news we picked up there I mean to send you by
letter as quickly as possible.

Just as the people of Tarsus, our worst allies, did, 4
so now the Laodiceans, who are far more infatuated,
have gone out of their way to send for Dolabella ;
and he, by recruiting a rabble of Greek soldiers out
of both those states, has worked up the semblance of
an army. He has a camp pitched in front of the
town of Laodicea ; he has pulled down part of the
wall, and has linked his camp with the town. Our
friend Cassius with ten legions, twenty auxiliary
cohorts, and a cavalry force of 4000, has a camp pitched
twenty miles away at Paltus,"* and anticipates a
bloodless victory, seeing that with Dolabella the

555

CIGERO

bellam est. Nisi quid navibus Laodicenorum sup-
portarit, cito fame pereat necesse est : ne supportare
possit, et Cassi classis bene magna, cui praeest
Sextilius Rufus, et tres, quas nos adduximus, ego,
TuruUius, PatiscuSj facile praestabunt. Te volo bene
sperare, et rempublicam, ut vos istic expedistis, ita
pro nostra parte celeriter vobis expediri posse, con-
fidere. Vale. Data Idibus lun. Cypro, a Crommyu-
acride.

XIV

LENTULUS S. P. D. CICERONI SUO
Pergae, a.u.c. 711.
Cum Brutum nostrum convenissem eumque tardius
in Asiam venturum animadverterem, in Asiam redii,
ut reliquias mei laboris colligerem et pecuniam quam
primum Romam mitterem. Interim cognovi in Lycia
esse classem Dolabellae ampliusque centum naves
onerarias, in quas exercitus eius imponi posset, idque
Dolabellam ea mente comparasse, ut, si S)rriae spes

" The standard Greek measure of corn was the fj.i8i/j,vos,
about 1^ bushels ; so that corn was now 8 drachmas a bushel,
and a drachma being about lOd., a quarter (8 bushels) would
cost if-s., which is 53s. 4d. Tyrrell works it out at 52s.

The average price of wheat in 1928 was about 50s. a
quarter. The highest ever reached in England was 177s. in
1801.

* Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, son of the Lentulus
who obtained the restoration of Cicero from exile (i. 1, 1).
He was elected augur at the age of sixteen, and Cicero was
present at the banquet on that occasion (vii. 26). In 47 he
was at Alexandria, and in 45, when at Rome, he divorced
his profligate wife Metella (Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 239). After the
death of Caesar, by the influence of the Antonies he was
appointed proquaestor to Trebonius in Asia, and administered
that province after the murder of Trebonius by Dolabella.
556

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiii.-xiv.

price of wheat is already three tetradrachms." Unless
he contrives to get a supply in the ships of the
Laodiceans, he is doomed to die of hunger very soon ;
and to prevent his getting it will be an easy business
for Cassius's fleet, quite a large one, under the com-
mand of Sextilius Rufus, and the three fleets
TuruUius, Patiscus, and myself have respectively
brought here. I want you to have high hopes, and
to rest assured that the difficulties of the State
can speedily be solved on oiu- side, as you have
solved them at home. Farewell. Dated June 13th.
Gjmmyuacris, in Cyprus.

XIV

p. LENTULUS * TO HIS DEAR CICERO

Perga, May 29th, 43 b.c.

Having called upon our friend Brutus, and find- 1
ing that he would be somewhat late in coming to
Asia, I returned to Asia myself, to collect the arrears
of my business and send the money to Rome as soon
as possible. Meantime I learnt that Dolabella's
fleet was off Lycia, and over a hundred ships of
burden, on which his army might be embarked ; and
that Dolabella's intention in collecting them had
been, if foiled in his hopes of Syria, to get on board

Of these senices he gives an account in this and the next
letter. Later he served against Rhodes, and was in com-
mand of Myra in Lycia. Though he had no right to do so,
he persisted in claiming a share in Caesar's assassination,
and was ultimately put to death, probably for that reason,
by Antony and Octavian. His literary style, as shown in
these letters, is remarkably good.

557

GIGERO

eum frustrata esset, conscenderet in naves et Italiam
peteret, seque cum Antoniis et reliquis latronibus
coniungeret. Cuius rei tanto in timore fui, ut, omni-
bus rebus relietis, cum paucioribus et minoribus navi-

2 bus ad illas ire conatus sim. Quae res, si a Rhodiis
non essem interpellatus, fortasse tota sublata esset ;
tamen magna ex parte profligata est ; quando quidem
classis dissipata est adventus nostri timore, milites
ducesque efFugerunt, onerariae omnes ad unam a
nobis sunt exceptae. Certe (quod maxime timui)
videor consecutus, ut non possit Dolabella in Italiam
pervenire, nee, sociis suis firmatis, durius vobis efficere

3 negotium. Rhodii nos et rempublicam quam valde
desperaverint, ex litteris, quas publice misi, cognosces.
Et quidem multo parcius scripsi, quam re vera eos
furere inveni. Quod vero aliquid de his scripsi,
mirari noli. Mira est eorum amentia. Nee move-
runt me^ uUae privatim iniuriae umquam ; malus
animus eorum in nostram salutem, cupiditas parti um
aliarum, perseverantia in contemptione optimi cuius-
que ferenda mihi non fuit. Nee tamen omnes per-
ditos esse puto ; sed iidem ilH, qui tum fugientem
patrem meum, qui L. Lentulum, qui Pompeium, qui
ceteros viros clarissimos non receperunt, iidem, tam-
quam aliquo fato, et nunc aut magistratum gerunt
aut eos, qui sunt in magistratu, in sua habent pote-

^ nee moverunt me Wesenberg from an old correction:
nee me meae M.

" M. Antonius and his brotliers, Gaius and Lucius.

* After Pharsalia.

« Consul in 49 b.c.

"* There is no reference elsewhere to the refusal of the
Rhodians to receive Pompey, though, according to Appian
{B.C. iii. 83), Rhodian triremes accompanied him to Egypt.

558

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiv.

and make for Italy, and effect a junction with the
Antonies <* and the rest of the band of brigands. I
was so much afraid of this happening, that, abandon-
ing ever}' other project, I made an effort to reach that
fleet with fewer and smaller ships of my owti. And, 2
had I not been embarrassed by the Rhodians, the
whole affair would perhaps have ended there and
then ; anyhow it was in a great measure successful,
since there is no doubt that the dread of our arrival
scattered that fleet, and put to flight the soldiers
and officers, while the ships of burden, without a
single exception, fell into our hands. At any rate I
imagine I have managed to prevent Dolabella (and
that is what I was most afraid of) from reaching
Italy, and, by reinforcing his alUes, causing you yet
more serious trouble.

How utterly the Rhodians have despaired of us 3
and the Republic, you will gather from my pubhc
despatch. And as a matter of fact I have ^vritten
with much more reserve than my actual experience
of their insanity warranted ; you must not be sur-
prised, however, at my having written something
about them ; their infatuation is astonishing. And
it is not that any private wTongs affected me at any
time ; no, it was their malevolence when our hves
were at stake, their eagerness to befriend the other
side, their persistent scorn of all our best loyalists —
all that was more than I could endure. And yet I
do not think them all incorrigible, but those very men
who in the old days refused to receive my father
when in flight,* and L. Lentulus * and Pompey,** and
aU the others, men of the highest distinction, — those
very men, I say, as though by some irony of fate, are
now also wielding the magistracy, or else have those

559

CIGERO

state. Itaque eadem super bia in pravitate utuntur.
Quorum improbitatem aliquando retundi, et non pati
impunitate augeri, non solum utile est reipublicae

4 nostrae, sed etiam necessarium. De nostra dignitate,
velim tibi ut semper curae sit et, quocumque tempore
occasionem habueris, et in senatu et in ceteris rebus
laudi nostrae suffragere. Quando consulibus decreta
est Asia, et permissum est iis, ut, dum ipsi venirent,
darent negotium, qui Asiam obtineant, rogo te, petas
ab iis, ut banc dignitatem potissimum nobis tribuant,
et mihi dent negotium, ut Asiam obtineam, dum
ipsorum alteruter venerit. Nam, quod hue properent
in magistratu venire aut exercitum mittere, causam
non habent. Dolabella enim in Syria est ; et, ut tu
divina tua mente prospexisti et praedicasti, dum isti
venient, Cassius eiun opprimet. Exclusus enim ab
Antiochia Dolabella et in oppugnando male acceptus,
nulla alia confisus urbe, Laodiceam, quae est in
Syria ad mare, se contulit. Ibi spero celeriter eum
poenas daturum ; nam neque, quo refugiat, habet ;
neque diutius ibi poterit tantum exercitum Cassi
sustinere. Spero etiam confectum esse iam et op-

6 pressum Dolabellam. Quare non puto, Pansam et
Hirtium in consulatu properaturos in provincias exire,
sed Romae acturos consulatum. Itaque, si ab his

560

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiv.

who are in office under their thiunb ; so naturally
they are as arrogant as ever in their perversity.
That the rascaUty of these fellows should be forcibly
repressed before it is too late, and that we should
not permit it to thrive on impunity, is not only of
advantage to the State, but a matter of urgent
necessity.

As regards my position in the State, I should be 4
glad if you would always bear it in mind, and whenever
you have the opportunity, support my reputation both
in the Senate and in all other respects. Now that
Asia has been decreed to the consuls, and they have
been allowed to appoint delegates to hold Asia until
they themselves arrive, I ask you to beg of them
to confer that dignity upon me rather than upon
anyone else, and make me responsible for the
administration of Asia until one or other of them
arrives. For there is no reason why they should
hurry hither during their year of office, or send an
army either, since Dolabella is in S}'ria, and, as you
with your prophetic instinct have foreseen and
pubUcly announced, will, while they are on their way,
be crushed by Cassius. He has been shut out of
Antioch, having had a rough time of it in trying to
storm that town, and, putting his trust in no other
city, he has betaken himself to Laodicea, near the
sea, in Syria. There I hope he will speedily be
brought to book, since he has nowhere else to flee to
for refuge, and cannot much longer hold out there
against so large an army as Cassius has. Indeed I
hope that Dolabella is already crushed and done for.

I do not suppose then that Pansa and Hirtius will 3
be in any hurry to leave for their pro\"inces during
their consulship, but will play the consul at Rome ;

561

GICERO

petieris, ut interea nobis procurationem Asiae dent,
spero te posse impetrare. Praeterea mihi promise-
runt Pansa et Hirtius coram, et absenti mihi scrip-
serunt, Verrioque nostro Pansa affirmavit, se daturum
operam, ne in suo consulatu mihi succedatur. Ego
porro non, medius fidius, cupiditate provinciae pro-
duci longius spatium mihi volo ; nam mihi fuit ista
provincia plena laboris, periculi, detrimenti. Quae
ego ne frustra subierim neve prius, quam reliquias
meae dihgentiae consequar, decedere cogar, valde
laboro. Nam si potuissem, quam exegeram pecu-
niam, universam mittere, postularem, ut mihi suc-
cederetur ; nunc, quod Cassio dedi, quod Treboni
morte amisimus, quod etiam crudelitate Dolabellae,
aut perfidia eorum, qui fidem mihi reique publicae
non praestiterunt, id consequi et reficere volo ; quod
aliter non potest fieri, nisi spatium habuero. Id ut
per te consequar, vehm, ut solet, tibi curae sit.
6 Ego me de republica puto esse meritum, ut non pro-
vinciae istius beneficium exspectare debeam, sed
tantum, quantum Cassius et Bruti, non solum illius
facti periculique societate, sed etiam huius temporis
studio et virtute. Primus enim ego leges Antonias
fregi ; primus equitatum Dolabellae ad rempublicam

• See note 6 at the beginning of this letter.

^ Probably he means that he had ignored the validity of
certain immunities sold by Antony to states and individixals
in Asia. Tyrrell.
562

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiv.

so if you request them to give me full charge of Asia
in the meantime, I hope you will be able to obtain
their consent. Moreover, Pansa a;id Hirtius pro-
mised me by word of mouth, and wrote to me when
I was away, and Pansa assured our friend Verrius,
that he would do his utmost to prevent my being
superseded during their consulship. I declare to
you, on my word of honour, that my wish to have my
term of office prolonged is not prompted by any
particular desire for a province ; for this province
has meant little else to me than trouble, danger, and
loss : and I am straining every nerve to prevent
what I have undergone being thrown away, and my
being compelled to quit the pro\ince before finishing
off what, for all my assiduity, still remains to be done.
Had it been possible for me to forward the whole
amovint of the money I had raised by taxation, I
should demand to be relieved of my pro\'ince ; but as
it is, what I want is to get hold of and make up what
I gave to Cassius, what we lost by the death of
Trebonius, and also by the brutality of Dolabella, or
the treachery of those who failed to keep their word
with me and the Repubhc ; and all this can only be
done if I am given time. To secure that time ^vith
your assistance — that is what I should like you (as
always) to arrange for me.

I think that I have deserved so well of the Republic 6
as to be justified in expecting not only the favour of
this province, but quite as much as Cassius and the
two Brutuses have got, not merely for the part I took
in that great achievement and its danger," but for the
enthusiasm and spirit I have shown in these critical
days. Why, I was the first to defy the laws of
Antony * ; I was the first to bring over Dolabella 's

56S

CICERO

traduxi Cassioque tradidi ; primus delectus habui
pro salute omnium contra coniurationem sceleratissi-
mam ; solus Cassio et reipubUcae Syriam exercitus-
que, qui ibi erant, coniunxi. Nam nisi ego tantam
pecuniam tantaque praesidia et tam celeriter Cassio
dedissem, ne ausus quidem esset ire in Syriam, et
nunc non minora pericula reipublicae a Dolabella in-

7 starent, quam ab Antonio. Atque haec omnia is
feci, qui sodalis et familiarissimus Dolabellae eram,
coniunctissimus sanguine Antoniis, provinciam quo-
que illorum beneficio habebam ; sed, TrarpiSa e/xrjv
[jLoiXXov (fiiXwv, omnibus meis bellum primus indixi.
Haec etsi adhuc non magno opere mihi tulisse fructum
animadverto, tamen non despero nee defetigabor per-
manere, non solum in studio Ubertatis, sed etiam in
labore et periculis. Attamen si etiam aliqua gloria
iusta et merita provocabimur senatus et optimi cuius-
que officiis, maiore cum auctoritate apud ceteros
erimus, et eo plus prodesse reipublicae poterimus.

8 Filium tuum, ad Brutum cum veni, videre non potui,
ideo quod iam in hibema cum equitibus erat pro-
fectus ; sed, medius fidius, ea esse eima opinione, et

564

I

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. nv.

cavalry to the side of the Republic and hand it over to
Cassius ; I was the first to hold levies in defence of
our common safety against a most nefarious con-
spiracy ; and I alone put Syria and the armies there
in the hands of Cassius and the Repubhc. For had
I not given Cassius so large a sum of money, and
such strong reinforcements, and that so promptly,
he would never have dared to enter Syria at all,
and at the present moment the Repnblk; would be
threatened with no less danger by DolabeHa than
by Antony. And I, the man who did all this, was 7
once the crony and most intimate friend of DolabeUa,
and a close blood-relation of the Antonies — ^indeed it
was by their favour that I held a province ; none the
less, " holding my country dearer than aU," ■ I was
the first to declare war upon all those dear to me.

Although I observe that all this has been of no
great advantage to me, still I do not despair, and shall
not grow weary of persevering not only in my
enthusiasm for hberty, but also in facing the toil and
dangers it involves.

But, be that as it may, if through the kind offices
of the Senate and all patriotic citizens I am stiH
further stimulated by the compliment of some proper
and well-deserved distinction, it will give me more
influence \*-ith others, and enable me to be of pro-
portionately greater service to the commonwealth.

Your son I was unable to see when I visited Brutus, 8
owing to his ha\'ing already started for winter-quarters
with the cavalry ; but, on my solemn oath, both
on your account and his own, amd most particiilatty

* The fall line is «fnXu rc'cr', dXXd warpti' ifttf^ /i£XXor ^tX»
(" I love my children, but my conntry more "), sopposed to
come from the ErecJUKeu* ol Euripid^

565

CICERO

tua et ipsius et in primis mea causa gaudeo. Fratris
enim loco mihi est, qui ex te natus toque dignus est.
Vale. D. IV. Kalend. lun. Pergae.

XV

p. LENTULUS P. F. PROQ. PROPR. S. D. COSS. PRAETT.
TRIBB. PL. SEN. P. P. Q. R.

Pergae, a.u.c. 711.

S.v.l.v.v.b.e.e.v. Scelere Dolabellae oppressa Asia,
in proxiniam provinciam Macedonian! praesidiaque
reipublicae, quae M. Brutus, v.c. tenebat, me contuU,
et id egi, ut, per quos celerrime posset, Asia provincia
vectigaliaque in vestram potestatem redigerentur.
Quod cum pertimuisset Dolabella, vastata provincia,
correptis vectigalibus, praecipue civibus Romanis om-
nibus crudelissime denudatis ac divenditis,celeri usque
Asia excessisset, quam eo praesidium adduci potuisset,
diutius morari aut exspectare praesidium non necesse
habui et quam primum ad meum officium reverten-
dum mihi esse existimavi, ut et reliqua vectigalia exi-
gerem et, quam deposui pecuniam, colligerem, quid-
que ex ea correptum esset aut quorum id culpa ac-

" Having ceased to be quaestor at the end of 44, Lentulus
was now serving as proquaestor, his successor not having
been yet appointed.

* After the murder of Trebonius the Senate entrusted the
province to the consuls ; as their legatus Lentulus would
discharge praetorial functions, his ofl&cial title being legatus
pro praetore.

' s.v.l.v.v.b.e.e.v. = Si vos liberique vestri valetis, bene
est ; ego valeo.

** v.c. = vir clarissimus.
566

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xiv.-xv.

on mine, I am delighted that he is so highly-
thought of; for being your son and worthy of his
father, I look upon him as a brother. Farewell.
Perga, May 29th,

XV

p. LEN'TULUS, SON OF PUBLIUS, PROQUAESTOR,*
PROPRAETOR,'' GREETS THE CONSULS, PRAETORS,
TRIBUNES OF THE PLEBS, THE SENATE, PEOPLE, AND
PLEBS OF ROME

Perga, May 29th, 43 b.c.

If you and your children are well, all is right, I am 1
well." WTien Asia had been crushed by the criminal
conduct of Dolabella, I betook myself to the ad-
joining pro%ince of Macedonia and the garrisons of
the Repubhc which were being held by that most
distinguished man,** M. Brutus ; and I made it my
business to have the province of Asia and its revenue
put into your hands through agents who could do
it as expeditiously as possible. This thoroughly
frightened Dolabella, and when, after devastating
the province, seizing the revenues, and, worst of all,
most brutally beggaring all Roman citizens and dis-
persing their property by sale, he had quitted Asia
sooner than any defensive force could be brought
into the country, in these circumstances I deemed it
unnecessary to delay any longer or wait for a garrison,
and considered it my duty to return as soon as possible
to my post, in order to get in what was left of the
revenues, to collect the money I had deposited, to
discover as soon as possible how much of it had been

567

CICERO

cidisset, cognoscerem quam primum et vos de omni re
2 facerem certiores. Interim cum per insulas in Asiam
naviganti mihi nuntiatum esset classem Dolabellae
in Lycia esse Rhodiosque naves complures instructas
et paratas in aqua habere, cum iis navibus, quas aut
mecum adduxeram aut comparaverat Patiscus pro-
quaestor, homo mihi cum familiaritate, tum etiam
sensibus in repubhca coniunctissimus, Rhodum reverti
confisus auctoritate vestra senatusque consulto, quo
hostem Dolabellam iudicaratis, foedere quoque, quod
cum his, M. Marcello, Ser. Sulpicio consulibus, re-
novatum erat ; quo iuraverant Rhodii, eosdem hostes
se habituros, quos S. P. Q. R. Quae res nos vehe-
menter fefeUit. Tantum enim abfuit, ut illorum
praesidio nostram firmaremus classem, ut etiam a
Rhodiis urbe, portu, statione, quae extra urbem est,
commeatu, aqua denique prohiberentur nostri mili-
tes, nos vix ipsi singulis cum navigioHs reciperemur.
Quam indignitatem deminutionemque non solum
iuris nostri, sed etiam maiestatis imperique populi
Romani idcirco tulimus, quod interceptis litteris
cognoramus, Dolabellam, si desperasset de Sjnria
Aegyptoque, quod necesse erat fieri, in naves cum
omnibus suis latronibus atque omni pecunia con-
scendere esse paratum Italiamque petere ; idcirco
etiam naves oner arias, quarum minor nulla erat duum
milium amphorum, contractas in Lycia a classe eius

" i.e., through the Aegean isles, as opposed to the route
across the Hellespont.

* He it was who sent panthers to Caelius (viii. 9. 3). He
was now serving as assistant proquaestor to Lentulus.

' i.e., in 51 b.c.

^ i.e., about 60 of our tons. The amphora as a liquid
measure = about 7 of our gallons.
568

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xv.

seized, or who was to blame for its having happened,
and report to you on the whole matter.

Meanwhile as I was on my voyage to Asia by the 2
island route," having received news that Dolabella's
fleet was off Lycia, and that the Rhodians had several
ships fully equipped and ready afloat, with those ships
which I had either brought with me, or wliich hadbeen
collected by Patiscus* the proquaestor, a man very
closely bound to me by personal ties as well as by his
politicalsentiments, I returned to Rhodes, relying upon
your authority and the decree of the Senate, whereby
you had pronounced Dolabella apubhc enemy, and also
on the treaty which had been renewed with them in
the consulship of M. Marcellus and Servius Sulpicius,"
according to which the Rhodians had sworn to have
the same enemies as the Senate and people of Rome.
In that I was bitterly disappointed, for so far from
having our fleet strengthened by their assistance, the
Rhodians actually cut off our men from the city and
their harbour and the roadstead outside the city, and
finally from getting water, while I and my suite had
difiiculty in being admitted with a few small craft.
And the reason I tolerated such a himiiUating degrada-
tion not only of my own jurisdiction, but also of the
majesty and imperial power of the Roman people
was this — I had discovered from an intercepted
despatch that Dolabella, once he had given up all
hopes of Syria and Egypt, as was certain to happen,
was prepared to get on board his fleet with all his
fellow-brigands and all the money, and sail for Italy ;
and that with that object in view certain cargo-ships,
not one of which had a tonnage of less than 2000
amphorae,** had been herded together off Lycia and
were hemmed in by his fleet.

569

CICERO

3 obsideri. Huius rei timore, patres conscripti, per-
citus, iniurias perpeti et, cum contumelia etiam
nostra, omnia prius experiri malui. Itaque ad
illorum voluntatem introductus in urbem et in
senatum eorum, quam diligentissime potui, causam
reipublicae egi periculumque omne, quod instaret,
si ille latro cum omnibus suis naves conscendisset,
exposui. Rhodios autem tanta in pravitate animad-
verti, ut omnes firmiores putarent, quam bonos ; ut
banc concordiam et conspirationem omnium ordimm:!
ad defendendam libertatem propense non crederent
esse factam ; ut patientiam senatus et optimi cuiusque
manere etiam nunc confiderent, nee potuisse audere
quemquam Dolabellam hostem iudicare ; ut denique
omnia, quae improbi fingebant, magis vera existi-
marent, quam quae vere facta erant et a nobis doce-

4 bantur. Qua mente etiam ante nostrum adventum,
post Treboni indignissimam caedem ceteraque tot
tamque nefaria facinora, binae profectae erant
ad Dolabellam legationes eorum, et quidem novo
exemplo, contra leges ipsorum, prohibentibus iis, qui
tum magistratus gerebant ; hac ^ (sive timore, ut
dictitant, de agris, quos in continenti habent, sive
furore, sive potential paucorum, qui et antea pari
contumelia viros clarissimos affecerant, et nunc

^ sc. mente Lehmann : gerebant. Hie Orelli and Madvig
Haec . . . mederi . . . noluerunt. Ox/. Text.

* patientia M: Tyrrell takes paucorum as gen, of the
object.

" i.e., they reckoned from past experience that the
Senatorial party had neither the power nor the wish to do
anything.

* These embassies were sent by the Rhodian Senate
(i8oi;X^), who, with the people, appear to have adopted the
cause of Dolabella — the Senate perhaps not very willing,
570

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xv.

Thrilled with apprehension of such a disaster, Con- 3
script Fathers, I deemed it best to brook any injurious
gesture, even if it meant my being insulted, and to
try every expedient sooner than take action. Ac-
cordingly, being brought into their city and into their
Senate by their own wish, I pleaded the cause of the
Republic with all the earnestness in my power, and
set before them the whole extent of the danger
which would threaten them, if once that brigand
should have embarked with all his confederates. I
found the Rhodians, however, so utterly wrongheaded
as to attribute greater strength to any party than to
the loyalists ; to give no ready credence to the creation
of this spirit of harmony and unanimity among all
orders in the defence of freedom ; to feel confident
that the forbearance of the Senate and the whole
patriotic party was as imperturbable as ever and
that no one would have dared judge Dolabella as an
enemy " ; to conclude, in short, that the truth lay
rather in the misrepresentations of unprincipled men
than in what had actually occurred and what I was
telling them.

They were under this delusion when, even before 4
my arrival, but after his shameful mvu-der of Trebonius
and all his other abominable crimes, two embassies
had been despatched by them to Dolabella — surely
a breach of precedent and in contravention of their
own laws * and of the prohibition of those at the time
in office ; they were under this delusion again, when
(whether from fear, as they repeatedly alleged, of
losing the lands they hold on the mainland, or in a fit
of madness, or owing to the undue ascendancy of
those few who had preriously treated with contumely
our most distinguished citizens, and were now treat-
but being overborne by some violent democrats among their
number. TjTrell.

571

CICERO

maximos magistratus gerentes), nuUo exemplo neque
nostra ex parte provocati,i neque nostro praesentium,
neque imminenti Italiae urbique nostrae periculo,
si ille parricida cum suis latronibus navibus, ex Asia
Syriaque expulsus, Italiam petisset, mederi, cum

5 facile possent, voluerunt. Nonnullis etiam ipsi magi-
stratus veniebant in suspicionem, detinuisse nos, et
demorati esse, dum classis Dolabellae certior fieret
de adventu nostro. Quam suspicionem consecutae
res aliquot auxerunt ; maxime quod subito ex Lycia
Sex. Marius et C. Titius legati Dolabellae a classe dis-
cesserunt navique longa profugerunt onerariis relictis;
in quibus coUigendis non minimum temporis laboris-
que consumpserant. Itaque cum ab Rhodo cum iis,
quas habueramus, navibus in Lyciam venissemus,
naves onerarias recepimus dominisque restituimus ;
iidemque, quod maxime verebamur, ne posset Dola-
bella cum suis latronibus in Italiam venire, timere
desiimus ; classem fugientem persecuti sumus usque
Sidam, quae extrema regio est provinciae meae.

6 Ibi cognovi partem navium Dolabellae difFugisse,
reliquas Syriam Cyprumque petiisse. Quibus dis-
iectis, cum scirem C. Cassi, singularis civis et ducis,
classem maximam fore praesto in Syria, ad meum offi-
cium reverti ; daboque operam, ut meum studium,
diligentiam vobis, patres conscripti, reique publicae

^ provocati inserted by Tyrrell.

" In Pamphylia.
* For C. Cassius Parmensis see note on 13. 1.

572

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xv.

ing in like manner those holding their highest offices)
they refused, without precedent and without any
provocation on our part, yes, refused to avert, as they
might so easily have done, the danger that both
threatened us who were on the spot, and hung over
Italy and our city, in the event of that murderer of
his country, driven out of Asia and Syria, having
embarked with his gang of ruffians, and made for
Italy.

There were some of us who suspected even the 8
magistrates themselves of having detained us and
delayed until Dolabella's fleet got to know of our
arrival — a suspicion increased by several subsequent
events, especially the fact that Dolabella's legates,
Sex. Marius and C. Titius, suddenly quitted the
fleet off the coast of Lycia and took flight on board
a warship, leaving behind them their cargo-ships, in
the collection of which they had spent no inconsider-
able time and trouble. So when we arrived off Lycia
from Rhodes on board the ships then in our possession
we retook the cargo-ships and restored them to their
owners, and at the same time we ceased to fear (and
this had been our chief anxiety) that Dolabella and
his gang of ruffians would be able to reach Italy.
The fugitive fleet we chased all the way to Sida," a
district on the farthest edge of my province.

Then I discovered that part of Dolabella's fleet had 6
scattered, while the rest of it had made for Syria and
Cyprus. On their dispersal, being aware that the
very powerful fleet of that eminent citizen and
commander, C. Cassius,** would be on the spot off
Syria, I returned to my post, where I shall make it
my endeavour to put what energy and assiduity I
possess at your disposal, Conscript Fathers, and that

573

CICERO

praestem ; pecuniamque, quam maximam potero, et
quam celerrime cogam omnibusque cum rationibus
ad vos mittam. Si percurrero provinciam et cogno-
vero, qui nobis et reipublicae fidem praestiterint^ in
conservanda pecunia a me deposita, quique scelerate^
ultro deferentes pecuniam publicam hoc munere so-
cietatem facinorum cum Dolabella inierint, faciam
vos certiores. De quibus, si vobis videbitur, si, ut
meriti sunt, graviter constitueritis, nosque vestra
auctoritate firmaveritis, facilius et reliqua exigere
vectigalia, et exacta servare poterimus. Interea
quo commodius vectigalia tueri provinciamque ab
iniuria defendere possim, praesidium necessarium
7 voluntariumque comparavi. His litteris scriptis,
milites circiter xxx., quos Dolabella ex Asia con-
scripserat, e Syria fugientes in Pamphyliam venerunt.
Hi nuntiaverunt Dolabellam Antiocheam, quae in
Syria est, venisse ; non receptum conatum esse ali-
quoties vi introire ; repulsum semper esse cum magno
suo detrimento ; itaque centum circiter amissis,
aegris reUctis, noctu Antiochea profugisse Laodiceam
versus ; ea nocte omnes fere Asiaticos milites ab eo
discessisse, ex his ad octingentos Antiocheam rediisse
et se iis tradidisse, qui a Cassio rehcti lurbi illi prae-
erant, ceteros per Amanum in Cihciam descendisse ;

* Wesenberg : praestiterunt . . . inierunt UB8,
* Lanibimis : scelere codd.

574

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xv.

of the commonwealth. As to the money, I shall
collect as much of it as I can and as quickly as I can,
and send it to you with an account of every trans-
action. When I have scoured the province, and
discovered who kept faith with me and the Republic
by safeguarding the money I had deposited, and who,
by their scandalous conduct in freely presenting him
with the public money, by \-irtue of such a gift
entered into partnership with Dolabella in his
crimes, I shall inform you further ; and as to these
men, if, should it so please you, you deal drastically
with them, and so strengthen my hands with the
weight of your authority, I can more easily collect
the arrears of the revenue, and keep what I have
collected. Meanwhile, to enable me with less
trouble to protect the revenue and defend the
province from outrage, I have enrolled an emergency
guard of volunteers.

Since the above despatch was written about thirty 7
soldiers, enlisted by Dolabella in Asia and fleeing from
Sjrria, came to Pamphylia. These men reported
to us that Dolabella had arrived at Antiochea, which
is in Syria ; that being refused admission, he had
tried several tinaes to force an entrance ; that he had
invariably been repulsed with great loss to himself ;
and so after losing about 100 men, lea\ing his sick
behind, he had fled from Antiochea in the direction
of Laodicea under the cover of night ; and on that
same night practically all his Asiatic soldiers deserted
him, but that some 800 of these had returned to
Antiochea and surrendered to those whom Cassius
had left in command of that city ; that all the rest
had passed over ^^ount Amanus <• and descended into

• Which separates Cilida from Syria.

575

CICERO

quo ex numero se quoque esse dicebant ; Cassium
autem cum suis omnibus copiis nuntiatum esse quatri-
dui iter Laodicea abfuisse, turn cum Dolabella eo
tenderet. Quamobrem opinione celerius confido
sceleratissimum latronem poenas daturum. Quarto
Nonas lunias, Pergae.

XVI

TREBONIUS CICERONI S.

Athenis, a.u.c. 710.

1 S.v.b.e. Atlienas veni a. d. xi. Kal. lun. atque
ibi, quod maxime optabam, vidi filium tuum, deditimi
optimis studiis summaque modestiae fama. Qua ex
re quantam voluptatem ceperim, scire potes, etiam
me tacente. Non enim nescis, quanti te faciam et
quam pro nostro veterrimo verissimoque amore omni-
bus tuis, etiam minimis, commodis, non modo tanto
bono, gaudeam. Noli putare, mi Cicero, me hoc
auribus tuis dare ; nihil adulescente tuo, atque adeo
nostro (nihil enim mihi a te potest esse seiunctum),
aut amabiUus omnibus iis, qui Athenis sunt, est aut
studiosius earum artium, quas tu maxime amas, hoc
est optimarum. Itaque tibi, quod vere facere pos-
sum, libenter quoque gratulor, nee minus etiam nobis,
quod eum, quem necesse erat diligere, quahscumque

" i.e., the thirty soldiers mentioned at the beginning of
this section, who made the report.
* For Trebonius see note to x. 28. 1.

576

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xv.-xvi.

Cilicia ; and to this detachment they * declared that
they themselves also belonged ; and further that
Cassias with all his forces was repwjrted to be a few
days' march from Laodicea at the very time when
Dolabella was marching on that city. And that is
why I feel sure that the most outrageous of ruffians
will be brought to book sooner than people think.
Perga, June 2nd.

XVI

TREBOXIL'S * TO CICERO

Athens, May 35th, 44 b.c.

If you are well, all is right. I arrived at Athens on 1
May the 22nd and there, as I most particularly hoped
to do, I saw your son, who is devoted to the best
forms of study, and most highly spKiken of for his
discreet behaviour ; and how much pleasure that
gave me you can understand even if I say nothing.
For you well know how highly I esteem you, and how
much, as befits our very old and sincere affection, I
rejoice in any, even the slightest, happiness that
befalls you, not to speak of such a blessing as this.
Do not think, my dear Cicero, that I am saying this
to tickle your ears ; your, or rather our young man
(for there can be no severance of interests between us)
is the most popular fellow in the world among all who
are at Athens, and at the same time the most devoted
to the arts you yourself love most, to wit, the best.
I therefore congratulate you with pleasure also,
as I can with sincerity, and myself too no less, on
finding that he whom we were bound to love, what-
voL. II u 577

CICERO

esset, talem habemus, ut libenter quoque diligamus.

2 Qui cum mihi in sermone iniecisset se velle Asiam
visere, non modo invitatus, sed etiam rogatus est a
me, ut id potissimum nobis obtinentibus provinciam
faceret. Cui nos et caritate et amore tuum officium
praestaturos non debes dubitare. lUud quoque erit
nobis curae, ut Cratippus una cum eo sit, ne putes,
in Asia feriatum ilium ab iis studiis, in quae tua
cohortatione incitatur, futurum. Nam ilium paratum,
ut video, et ingressum pleno gradu cohortari non
intermittemus, quo in dies longius discendo exer-

3 cendoque se procedat. Vos quid ageretis in republica,
cum has litteras dabam, non sciebam. Audiebam
quaedam turbulenta, quae scilicet cupio esse falsa,
ut aliquando otiosa libertate fruamur ; quod vel
minima mihi adhuc contigit. Ego tamen nactus in
navigatione nostra pusillum laxamenti, concinnavi
tibi munusculum ex instituto meo, et dictum, cum
magno nostro honore a te dictum, conclusi et tibi in-
fra subscripsi. In quibus versicuhs si tibi quibusdam
verbis evdvppr]fjiov€crT€po<i videbor, turpitudo personae
eius, in quam liberius invehimur, nos vindicabit.
Ignosces etiam iracundiae nostrae, quae iusta est in
eiusmodi et homines et cives. Deinde, qui magis

« Cicero considered Cratippus the leading Peripatetic of
the day, and had put his son under his tuition in Athens.

* Antony, on whom the munusculum was an attack.

* C. Lucilius, born in 148 b.c. As a Roman satirist he
followed the Old Attic Comedy, and his style was subsequently
developed by Horace, Persius, and Juvenal. He wrote
thirty books of satires, of which some three hundred frag-
ments have been preserved. His versification is rough, and
his attacks upon the vices of his contemporaries are coarse
and virulent, but of his powers as a satirist there can be no
question.

578

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xvi.

ever his character, is the sort of man whom it is also a
pleasure to love.

When he threw me a hint in the course of con- 2
versation that he would Uke to visit Asia, I not only
invited him to come, but begged him to do so at the
best time of all — while I was governing the province ;
and you must never doubt but that I shall do my
duty by him, as you would yourself, with affection
and love. Another thing too — I shall be careful to
arrange that Cratippus <* accompanies him, so that
you need not think he \vi\\ have a holiday in Asia from
those studies to which he is being urged by your
exhortations. For ready as I see he is, and well
advanced at full stride, I shall never pause in my
own exhortations to him to make fiu-ther progress
day after day in his studies and exercises.

As I despatch tliis letter I have no idea what you 3
at Rome are doing in the political world. I am told
of certain tempestuous proceedings, which of course
I hope is a false report, so that we may at last enjoy
hberty in tranquillity— a blessing of which so far I
have not had even the smallest experience. Anyhow
I did manage to get just a bit of leisure during my
voyage, and polished up a httle present for you, as I
had long intended to do. I have inserted in it a
bon mot of yours which was highly complimentary to
myself, and have attributed it to you in a foot-note.
If it strikes you that some of my expressions in these
little hues are too outspoken, the infamous person-
ality of the man ^ I am attacking with such unusual
freedom must be my justification ; you \\ill also
pardon my passionate indignation, which is what one
ought to feel against such people, whether as human
beings or as citizens. Again, why should Lucilius *

579

CICERO

hoc Luailio licuerit assumere libertatis, quam nobis ?
cum, etiamsi odio pari fuerit in eos, quos laesit, tamen
certe non magis dignos habuerit, in quos tanta
4 libertate verborum incurreret. Tu, sicut mihi polli-
citus es, adiunges me quam primum ad tuos sermones.
Namque illud non dubito, quin, si quid de interitu
Caesaris scribas, non patiaris me minimam partem
et rei et amoris tui ferre. Vale et matrem meos-
que tibi commendatos habe. D viii. Kal. lunias,
Athenis.

XVII

CICERO S. D. CORNIFICIO COLLEGAB

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Grata mihi vehementer est memoria nostri tua,
quam significasti htteris ; quam ut conserves, non
quo de tua constantia dubitem, sed quia mos est ita
rogandi, rogo. Ex Syria nobis tumultuosiora quae-
dam nuntiata sunt ; quae, quia tibi sunt propiora,

■ quam nobis, tua me causa magis movent, quam mea.

<» All Trebonius did on the Ides of March was to draw
Antony aside from the Senate-house while Caesar was being
murdered. Cicero had promised to insert his name in his
dialogues.

* Q. Cornificius was a son of the Q. Cornificius who was
tribune of the plebs in 69, and one of Cicero's competitors
for the consulship in 64. This younger Cornificius was in
48 quaestor to Caesar, who in 45 appointed him governor
of Syria, and in 44 governor of Africa Vetus, where he was
at the time of Caesar's death. He maintained the province
for the Senate until the establishment of the triumvirate,
when he was defeated and slain by T. Sextius, assisted by
the Numidian prince Arabio. At the time this letter was

580

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xvi.-xvii.

have had a better right to assume so much freedom
than myself ? Since, although his hatred of those
he assailed was as intense as my own, yet surely his
victims did not more richly deserve the castigation
of so unbridled a tongue.

You will, I am sure, according to your promise, add 4
my name as soon as possible to your dialogues." Of
this I have no doubt, that if you write at all about
the death of Caesar, you will not let the part I play
either in the achievement " or in your affection be the
most insignificant. Farewell, and regard my mother
and family as entrusted to your care. Athens, May
25th.

XVII

CICERO TO HIS COLLEAGUE Q. CORNIFICIUS *

Rome, about September, 46 b.c.

Your remembrance of me, as indicated by your 1
letter, gives me extreme pleasure, and I beg of you
to keep it up ; not that I doubt your constancy, but
because such a request is customary. We have
reports from Syria of some rather serious disturbances
there, and as they touch you more nearly than they
do me, they cause me more agitation on your account

written Cornificius was governor of Cilicia, which post he
held before Julius Caesar appointed him in 45 (as stated
above) to the governorship of Syria. Cornificius was a
man of some note in literature, especially as a poet, and is
referred to by Catullus (38) and Ovid, and some com-
mentators on Virgil maintain that he is the Codrus of the
Eclogues. He was a fellow-member with Cicero of the
College of Augurs. So in this and the next letter Cicero
addresses him as collega.

581

CIGERO

Romae summum otium est, sed ita, ut malis salubre
aliquod et honestum negotium, quod spero fore ;

2 video id curae esse Caesari. Me scito, dum tu absis,
quasi occasionem quamdam et licentiam nactum,
scribere audacius ; et cetera quidem fortasse, quae
etiam tu concederes ; sed proxime scrips! de optimo
genere dicendi ; in quo saepe suspicatus sum, te a
iudicio nostro, sic scilicet, ut doctum hominem a non
indocto, paullulum dissidere. Huic tu libro maxime
velim ex animo, si minus, gratiae causa, suffragere.
Dicam tuis, ut eum, si velint, describant ad teque
mittant. Puto enim, etiamsi rem minus probaris,
tamen in ista solitudine, quidquid a me profectum sit,

3 iucundum tibi fore. Quod mihi existimationem
tuam dignitatemque commendas, facis tu quidem
omnium more ; sed velim sic existimes, me cmn
amori, quem inter nos mutuum esse intellegam, pluri-
mum tribuam, tum de summo ingenio et de studiis
tuis optimis et de spe amplissimae dignitatis ita iudi-
care, ut neminem tibi anteponam, comparem paucos.

" viz., the Orator ad M. Brutum.

582

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xvii.

than my own. At Rome there is complete inactivity,
but the situation is such, that one would prefer a good,
wholesome, honourable activity, and I hope it will
come ; I see that Caesar is bent upon it.

I would have you know, that taking advantage of 2
your absence as a sort of opportunity for using a
free hand, I am vvTiting with uncommon confidence ;
my other compositions are, I assure you, such as
perhaps even you would not reject, but what I last
wTote was a treatise On the best style of speech <» —
a subject on which I have often suspected you of
being just a httle at issue with my judgment — only
so far of course as a man of learning can be at issue
with one who is himself not unlearned. This book I
should be glad if you would favour with your support,
preferably out of conviction, failing that, as an act of
kindness. I will tell your people, if they are so
inclined, to copy it out, and send it to you. For I
really think, even if it does not win your approval, so
solitary are you, that whatever emanates from my
pen will give you pleasure.

You commend to my charge your reputation and 3
position ; well, you are only following the universal
fashion. But what I would have you believe is just
this — first, that I attach the highest possible import-
ance to the affection between us, which I am con-
vinced is mutual, and secondly, that my opinion of
your consummate abihty, your enthusiasm for all that
is best, and your prospects of the most exalted
position in the state, is such that I rank nobody above
you, few on a level with you.

583

GICERO
XVIII

CICERO 8. D. CORNIFICIO COLLEGAB

Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Quod extremum fuit in ea epistola, quam a te
proxime accepi, ad id primum respondebo, Animum
adverti enim, hoc vos magnos oratores facere non-
numquam. Epistolas requiris meas ; ego autem
numquam, cum mihi denuntiatum esset a tuis, ire
aliquem, non dedi. Quod mihi videor ex tuis litteris
intellegere, te nihil commissurum esse temere, nee
ante quam scisses, quo iste nescio qui Caecihus
Bassus erumperet, quidquam certi constituturum, id
ego et speraram prudentia tua fretus, et, ut confide-
rem, fecerunt tuae gratissimae mihi htterae ; idque
ut facias quam saepissime, ut et quid tu agas et quid
agatur scire possim et etiam quid acturus sis, valde
te rogo. Etsi periniquo patiebar animo, te a me
digredi, tamen eo tempore me consolabar, quod et in
summum otium te ire arbitrabar et ab impendentibus

2 magnis negotiis discedere. Utrumque contra accidit ;
istic enim bellum est exortum, hie pax consecuta ;
sed tamen eiusmodi pax, in qua, si adesses, multa te
non delectarent ; ea tamen, quae ne ipsum Caesarem

" See note to xii. 11. 1.
684

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xviii.
XVIII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, October (?), 46 or 45 b.c

I shall reply first to what comes at the end of the 1
letter I had last from you ; for that I observe is what
you great orators do now and again. You miss
getting letters from me ; now I have never failed to
send you one, whenever your people have let me
know that somebody is on his way. I seem to gather
from your letters that you are not going to do any-
thing without due consideration, nor determine upon
any definite course of action before you have ascer-
tained what direction the outbreak of that fellow
Caecilius Bassus,** whoever he may be, is likely to
take ; well, that is just what I had hoped, relying on
your sagacity, and now your letter, which gave me
extreme pleasure, confirms my confidence ; and I
earnestly entreat you to write as frequently as
possible, so that I may know what you are doing,
what is being generally done, and also what you are
going to do. Although I felt very keen regret at
your leaving my side, still I found some comfort at
the time in reflecting that where you were going
there was complete tranquilhty, and that what you
were leaving was a heavy cloud of trouble hanging
over our heads.

What happened in each case was just the reverse ; 2
\\ith you, a war has broken out ; with us, war has
been followed by peace, but peace of such a kind,
that were you present, there are many points in it
that would not please you, such indeed as do not

585

CICERO

quidem delectant. Bellorum enim civilium ii semper
exitus sunt, ut non ea solum fiant, quae velit victor,
sed etiam ut iis mos gerendus sit, quibus adiutoribus
sit parta victoria. Equidem sic iam obdurui, ut ludis
Caesaris nostri aequissimo animo viderem T. Plancum,
audirem Laberi et Publili poemata. Nihil mihi tarn
deesse scito, quam quicum haec familiariter docteque
rideam. Is tu eris, si quam primum veneris. Quod
ut facias, non mea solum, sed etiam tua interesse
arbitror.

XIX

M. T. C. S. D. CORNIFICIO
Romae, a.u.c. 708.

1 Libentissime legi tuas litteras ; in quibus iucun-
dissimum mihi fuit, quod cognovi meas tibi redditas
esse. Non enim dubitabam, quin eas lubenter lec-
turus esses. Verebar, ut redderentur. Bellum, quod
est in Syria, Syriamque provinciam tibi tributam
esse a Caesare, ex tuis litteris cognovi. Eamdem
rem tibi volo bene et feliciter evenire ; quod ita fore

2 confido, fretus et industria et prudentia tua. Sed
de Parthici belli suspicione quod scribis, sane me
commovit. Quantum copiarum haberes, cum ipse
coniectura consequi poteram, tum ex tuis litteris

" Probably the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris held in Sept., 46,
in which case this letter must have been written in that year.

* T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, Cicero's bete noire, C/.
vii. 2. 2 and viii. 1. 5.

" Decimus Laberius was a knight whom Caesar had
ordered to act in his own mimes in competition with Publilius
Syrus. Tyrrell.

586

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xvni.-xix.

please even Caesar himself. For the issues of civil
war are invariably such that it is not only the victor's
^nshes that are carried out, but those also have to be
humoiu*ed by whose assistance the victory was won.
As for myself, I have become so thick-skinned, that
at oiu- iriend Caesar's games " I cast an eve upon
T. Plancus * and listened to the poetry of Laberius and
Publihus * without turning a hair. I assure you I
need nothing so much as somebody to join me in
chuckhng over all this with an imderstanding ^^^nk.
You are the very man, if only you come as soon as
possible ; and I think it as much to your interest as
my own that you should do so.

XIX

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, month uncertain, 46 or 43 b.c

I read your letter with the greatest pleasure ; 1
what delighted me most in it was the information that
you had received mine ; I never doubted your reading
it with pleasure, but I was afraid of its not being
deUvered. Your letter informs me that Caesar has
made you responsible for the war in Syria, and the
province of Syria itself. It is my desire that the
same should turn out well and fortunately for you,
and I am confident it will do so, ha\Tng complete
faith in your energy- and sagacity.

I am much troubled, however, by what you write as 2
to your apprehension of a Parthian war. For what
you had in the way of forces, I was both able to
conjecture and was directly informed in your letter.

587

GICERO

cognovi. Itaque opto, ne se ilia gens moveat hoc
tempore, dum ad te legiones eae perducantur, quas
audio duci. Quod si pares copias ad confligendum
non habebis, non te fugiet uti consilio M. Bibuli, qui
se oppido munitissimo et copiosissimo tamdiu tenuit,
quamdiu in provincia Parthi fuerunt. Sed haec
melius ex re et ex tempore constitues. Mihi quidem
usque curae erit, quid agas, dum, quid egeris, sciero.
Litteras ad te numquam habui cui darem, quin dede-
rim. A te, ut idem facias, peto ; in primisque, ut ita
ad tuos scribas, ut me tuum sciant esse.

XX

CICERO CORNIFICIO
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

Gratae mihi tuae litterae, nisi quod Sinuessanum
deversoriolum contempsisti. Quam quidem con-
tumeliam villa pusilla iniquo animo feret, nisi in
Cumano et Pompeiano reddideris iravra irepi irdvTwv.
Sic igitur facies, meque amabis et scripto aliquo
lacesses. Ego enim respondere facilius possum,
quam provocare. Quod si, ut es, cessabis, lacessam :
nee tua ignavia etiam mihi^ inertiam afFeret. Plura
otiosus. Haec, cum essem in senatu, exaravi.
^ Added by Lamhinus.

" Cicero in Att. vii. 2. 6 says of him, " he never set foot
outside the gates (of Antioch) as long as the enemy was on
this side the Euphrates." This was when Syria, under the
governorship of Bibulus, and Cilicia, under that of Cicero,
were threatened by an invasion of the Parthians in 31-50.

" One of the numerous houses at which Cicero could
spend the night on his way from one of his great villas to
another.

588

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xix.-xx.

I therefore pray that no movement will be made by
that nation at the present time — I mean until those
legions reach you, which I am told are being marched
up. But if you possess no forces to match the enemy
in the field, I am sure you will not forget to pursue
the poHcy of M. Bibulus,» who confined himself to a
strongly fortified and well provisioned town during
the whole time the Parthians were in the province.

But all this you \W11 arrange better for yourself, 3
according to time and circumstances. I shall myself
never cease to be anxious as to what you are doing, -
until I know what you have done. On no occasion,
when I have found anybody by whom I could send
you a letter, have I omitted to do so. I beg of you
to do the same, and most particularly to write to
your friends in such a way as to convince them that I
too am your friend.

XX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, early in 46 (?) b.c.

Your letter pleased me, except that you expressed
contempt for my little lodgings at Sinuessa,* — an
insult which will be bitterly resented by my tiny little
villa, unless you make the amende honorable at my
Ciunan or Pompeian house. You will therefore do
so, and show your love for me, and stir me up by
writing something ; for I can more easily reply to a
challenge than offer one. But if you are lazy — and
that's what you are — I shall do the stirring up, and
your lethargy will not infect me too with indolence.
More when I have leisvire. I am in the Senate as I
jot this down.

589

CICERO
XXI

M. T. C. S, D. CORNIFICIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

Gaius Anicius, familiaris meus, vir omnibus rebus
ornatus, negotiorum suorum causa legatus est in
Africam legatione libera. Eum velim rebus omnibus
adiuves, operamque des, ut quam commodissime sua
negotia conficiat ; in primisque, quod ei carissimum
est, dignitatem eius tibi commendo ; idque a te peto,
quod ipse in provincia facere sum solitus non rogatus,
ut omnibus senatoribus lictores darem ; quod idem
acceperam et cognoveram a summis viris factitatum.
Hoc igitur, mi Cornifici, facies, ceterisque rebus omni-
bus eius dignitati reique, si me amas, consules. Id
erit mihi gratissimum. Da operam, ut valeas.

XXII

M. T. C. S. P. D. CORNIFICIO

Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Nos hie cum homine gladiatore, omnium nequissimo
collega nostro, Antonio, bellum gerimus, sed non

" For Anicius's extreme intimacy with Cicero see vii. 26. 2.
As he was granted a libera legatio he must have been a
senator.

'' A legal fiction whereby a senator could leave Rome and
travel with greater comfort. It was only granted to senators,
who thus travelled at the expense of the State. Cicero,
when consul, endeavoured to check this abuse, but only
succeeded in limiting a libera legatio to a single year. See
note a on p. 428.

' In the augurate.
590

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxi.-xxii.
XXI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, in the spring of 44 b.c.

My intimate friend C. Anicius," a most accom-
plished gentleman in every respect, has been allowed
to visit Africa on an unofficial embassy ^ in connexion
with some private negotiations of his own. I should
hke you to give him every assistance, and do your
best to enable him to complete his negotiations as
satisfactorily as possible, and more particularly,
because it is a thing most precious in his eyes, do I
commend to you the care of his prestige ; and I beg
of you to do what I myself always did in my province
without being asked — I assigned hctors to all senators ;
it is an honour I had received myself, and I knew it
to be the constant practice of the most distinguished
men to confer it. You \vi\\, therefore, I am sure, do
so, my dear Cornificius, and in every other respect,
as you love me, promote his prestige and material
interests. I shall be most grateful to you if you do
so. Make a point of keeping well.

XXII

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, after December 20th, 44 b.c.

We are waging war here with a cut-throat, the 1
greatest scoundrel in the world, and a colleague of
ours " to boot — Antony ; but not on equal terms — it

591

CICERO

pari condicione, contra arma verbis. At etiam de te
contionatur, nee impune ; nam sentiet, quos
lacessierit. Ego autem acta ad te omnia arbitror
perscribi ab aliis ; a me futura debes cognoscere,

2 quorum quidem non est difficilis coniectura. Op-
pressa omnia sunt, nee habent ducem boni ; nostrique
TvpavvoKTovoL longc gcntium absunt. Pansa et sentit
bene et loquitur fortiter ; Hirtius noster tardius con-
valescit. Quid futurum sit, plane nescio, Spes
tamen una est, aliquando populum Romanum maio-
rum similem fore. Ego certe reipublicae non deero,
et, quidquid accident, a quo mea culpa absit, animo
forti feram. lUud profecto, quoad potero, tuam

3 famam et dignitatem tuebor. A. d. xiii. Kalendas
lanuar. senatus frequens mihi est assensus cum de
ceteris rebus magnis et necessariis, turn de provinciis
ab iis, qui obtinerent, retinendis neque cuiquam
tradendis, nisi qui ex senatus consulto successisset.
Hoc ego cum reipublicae causa censui, tum, meher-
cule, in primis retinendae dignitatis tuae. Quamob-
rem te amoris nostri causa rogo, reipublicae causa
hortor, ut ne cui quidquam iuris in tua provincia
esse patiare, atque ut omnia referas ad dignitatem,

4 qua nihil potest esse praestantius. Vere tecum agam,

" M. Brutus was in Macedonia, Cassias in Syria, Trebonius
in Asia, D. Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul.

* " And be guided in every action by regard for your
position." Watson.

592

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxn.

is words against swords. Why, he even addresses
public meetings about you, but not with impunity ;
he vriW find to his cost what sort of men he has pro-
voked. But I suppose that whatever has occurred is
being fully reported to you by others ; from me you
have a right to learn what is going to happen, and
about that it is not hard to form at any rate a guess.

All is doAvncast, and the loyalists have nobody to 2
lead them, while our tyrannicides ° are in distant
lands. Pansa is sound in sentiment and courageous in
speech ; our friend Hirtius is making but a slow
recovery. What is going to happen I really do not
know. Our one hope, however, is that the Roman
people will at last prove themselves not unworthy of
their ancestors. Myself, I shall never fail the State,
and shall bear with a stout heart whatever befalls,
provided it is through no fault of my o^^-n . This much
I shall assuredly do to the best of my ability — I shall
uphold your good name and position.

On the 20th of December a full Senate approved 3
my proposals about other important and essential
matters, and also about the pro\inces being retained
by those who held them, and not being handed over
to any successor unless appointed by a decree of the
Senate. This course I proposed not only in the pubhc
interest, but most particularly, I solemnly assure you,
for the purpose of maintaining your position. And
that is why I entreat you in the name of our mutual
affection, and exhort you in the name of the Republic,
to allow nobody to have any sort of jurisdiction in
your pro\'ince, and to apply to all you do the test of
your position,* than which nothing in the world stands
higher.

I will deal frankly with you, as our close friendship 4

593

CICERO

ut necessitudo nostra postulat ; in Sempronio, si
meis litteris obtemperasses, maximam ab omnibus
laudem adeptus esses. Sed illud et praeteriit et
levius est. Haec magna res est ; fac ut provinciam
retineas in potestate reipublicae. Pliu-a scripsissem,
nisi tui festinarent. Itaque Cliaerippo nostro me
velim excuses.

XXIII

M. T. C. S. D. CORNIFICIO
Romae, a.u.c. 710.

1 Omnem conditionem imperi tui statumque pro-
vinciae mihi demonstravit Tratorius. O multa in-
tolerabilia locis omnibus ! Sed quo tua maior digni-
tas, eo, quae tibi acciderunt, minus ferenda ; neque
enim, quae tu propter magnitudinem et animi et
ingeni moderate fers, a te non ulciscenda sunt, etiam-

2 si non sunt dolenda. Sed haec posterius. Rerum
urbanarum acta tibi mitti certo scio. Quod ni ita
putarem, ipse perscriberem, in primisque Caesaris
Octaviani conatum ; de quo multitudini fictum ab
Antonio crimen videtur, ut in pecuniam adulescentis
impetum faceret. Prudentes autem et boni viri et

" It is not known what this was. Sempronius is probably
the Rufus mentioned in viii. 8. 2 seqq.

" Chaerippus was a comes of Q. Cicero when governor
of Asia, and was also a friend of Marcus. See xii. 30. 2.

" Probably a legate of Cornificius. Cornificius had
succeeded C. Calvisius Sabinus as governor of Africa at the.
beginning of the year. Antony had now sent out Calvisius
to supersede him, but Cornificius maintained his position.

■* i.e., on the life of Antony. It was made on Oct. 5th
or 6th.
594

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxii.-xxiu.

demands ; had you only obeyed the instructions I sent
you in the matter " of Sempronius, you would have
gained unqualified and universal applause. But that
is over and done isith, and comparatively of slight
importance, whereas this is a matter of moment —
mind you keep your province in the power of the
Repubhc.

I should have written more, had not your mes-
sengers been in a hurr}-. So pray make my excuses
to our friend Chaerippus.^

XXIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, middle of October, 44 b.c.

The whole character of your governorship and the 1
whole situation in your province has been clearly
explained to me by Tratorius." Oh, the many
insufferable insults, here and there and everywhere !
But the more exalted your position, the less to be
endxired is all that has happened to you ; for what,
thanks to your greatness of heart and intellect, you
bear ^Wth self-restraint, you must not allow to go
unavenged, even if it is right that you should feel
no resentment. But more of this later on.

I am well aware that the record of transactions in 2
the Cit}" is being sent to you. Did I not think so, I
should myself write you a full account of them, and
especially of the attempt made by Caesar Octavian.**
As to that, the rank and file think it was a charge
trumped up by Antony as an excuse for raiding the
young man's property ; men of penetration and

595

CIGERO

credunt factum et probant. Quid quaeris ? magna
spes est in eo. Nihil est, quod non existimetur laudis
et gloriae causa facturus. Antonius autem, noster
familiaris, tanto se odio esse intellegit, ut, cum inter-
fectores suos domi comprenderit, rem proferre non
audeat. A. d. vii. Idus Octobr. Brundisium erat
profectus obviam legionibus Macedonicis iv., quas
sibi conciliare pecunia cogitabat, easque ad Urbem

3 adducere et in cervicibus nostris collocare. Habes
formam reipublicae, si in castris potest esse res-
publica ; in qua tuam vicem saepe doleo, quod nuUam
partem per aetatem sanae et salvae reipublicae
gustare potuisti. Atque antehac quidem sperare
saltem licebat ; nunc etiam id ereptum est. Quae
enim est spes, cum in contione dicere ausus sit
Antonius, Cannutium apud eos sibi locum quaerere,
quibus se salvo locus in civitate esse non posset ?

4 Equidem et haec et omnia, quae homini accidere
possunt, sic fero, ut philosophiae magnam habeam
gratiam, quae me non modo ab sollicitudine abducit,
sed etiam contra omnes fortunae impetus armat ;
tibique idem censeo faciundum, nee, a quo culpa
absit, quidquam in malis numerandum. Sed haec
tu melius. Tratorium nostrum cum semper pro-

" A bitter enemy of Antony. Cf. note on xii. 3. 2.

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxiii.

patriots, however, not only believe it is true, but give
it their approval. In short, there is much to hope for
in him. There is nothing he is not expected to do for
the sake of honour and glory. Our " dear friend "
Antony, on the other hand, knows himself to be so
cordially detested that, though he caught the
murderers in his own house, he does not dare to
make the matter pubhc. On the 9th of October
he started for Brundisium to meet the foiu* Mace-
donian legions which it was his intention to >vin over
to his side by bribes of money, and then bring them
to Rome, and fasten them firmly round our necks.

Such, then, is the form of our constitution, if a 3
" constitution " is possible in a camp. And in this
connexion I am often sorry on your account that your
age has made it impossible for you to have even
relished the flavour of a safe and sound constitution.
Besides it has hitherto been permissible at any rate
to hope ; but now even that boon has been snatched
away. For what hope is there, when Antony has dared
to say in a pubhc meeting " Cannutius " is trying to
find a place for himself among men, for whom, if I am
aUve, there cannot possibly be any room in the
state " ?

For my part, my endurance of this and all other 4
evils that can befall a human being, makes me feel
profoundly grateful to the philosophy which not
only distracts my thoughts from anxiety, but also
arms me against all the shngs and arrows of fortune ;
and in my opinion you should do the same, and
not count as a misfortune anything that is free
from self-reproach. But you know all this better
than I do.

As for our friend Tratorius, though I had always

597

CICERO

bassem, turn maxime in tuis rebus summam eius
fidem, diligentiam, prudentiamque cognovi. Da
operam, ut valeas. Hoc mihi gratius facere nihil
potes.

XXIV

M, T. C. S. p. D. CORNIFICIO
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Ego nullum locum praetermitto (nee enim debeo)
non modo laudandi tui, sed ne ornandi quidem. Sed
mea studia erga te et officia malo tibi ex tuorum
litteris, quam ex meis, esse nota. Te tamen hortor,
ut omni cura in rempublicam incumbas. Hoc est
animi, hoc est ingeni tui, hoc eius spei, quam habere

2 debes, amplificandae dignitatis tuae. Sed hac de re
alias ad te pluribus. Cum enim haec scribebam, in
exspectatione erant omnia. Nondum legati red-
ierant, quos senatus non ad pacem deprecandam, sed
ad denuntiandum bellum miserat, nisi legatorum
nuntio paruisset. Ego tamen, ut primum occasio
data est, meo pristino more rempublicam defendi ;
me principem senatui populoque Romano professus
sum, nee postea quam suscepi causam libertatis, mini-

" i.e., Antony. For the situation see the " Summary
of the Cisalpine Campaign " at the beginning of Bk. X.
It was on this embassy that Servius Sulpicius died.

598

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxiii.-x\iv.

thought highly of him, I have appreciated more than
ever his exceptional honesty, thoroughness, and
sagacity in the conduct of your affairs. Do all you
can to keep well. You can do nothing that would
please me more than that.

XXIV

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, end of January, 43 b.c.

I omit no opportunity, and it is but right of me, 1
not only of extolhng you, but even of conferring dis-
tinctions upon you. But I prefer that my acts of
devotion and kindness to you should be brought to
yoiu* notice by your friends' letters rather than by
my own. None the less do I urge you to throw your-
self whole-heartedly into the cause of the Republic,
This is what accords AWth your spirit and with your
abihty ; with the hopes too, which you have a right
to entertain, of enhancing the dignity of your
position.

But of this at another time, and more fully ; for as 2
I write these words, there is a universal feeling of
expectancy. The ambassadors have not yet re-
turned, whom the Senate sent, not to supplicate for
peace, but to declare war, unless he complied with
the message they brought him." Anyhow I myself,
as soon as the opportunity offered itself, championed
the cause of the Republic quite in my old style ; I
declared myself a leader for the Senate and people
to follow ; and ever since I undertook the cause of
libertj', I have not lost a single moment in upholding

599

CICERO

mum tempus amisi tuendae salutis libertatisque com-
3 munis. Sed haec quoque te ex aliis malo. T. Pina-
rium, familiarissimum meum, tanto tibi studio com-
mendo, ut maiore non possim ; cui cum propter
omnes virtutes, tum etiam propter studia communia,
sum amicissimus. Is procurat rationes negotiaque
Dionysi nostri, quem et tu multum amas, et ego
omnium plurimum. Ea tibi ego non debeo com-
mendare, sed commendo tamen. Facies igitur, ut
ex Pinari, gratissimi hominis, litteris tuum et erga
ilium et erga Dionysium studiiun perspiciamus.

XXVa

m. t. c. s. p. d. cornificio
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Liberalibus litteras accepi tuas, quas mihi Comi-
ficius altero vicesimo die, ut dicebat, reddidit. Eo
die non fuit senatus, neque postero. Quinquatribus
frequenti senatu eausam tuam egi,non invita Minerva.
Etenim eo ipso die senatus decrevit, ut Minerva
nostra, custos Urbis, quam turbo deiecerat, re-
stitueretur. Pansa tuas litteras recitavit. Magna
senatus approbatio consecuta est cum summo gaudio,

" Cicero was very fond of Pinarius; elsewhere {Q. Fr.
iii. 1. 22) he writes of him " is homo semper me delectavit,"
" I have always found that man delightful."

* Probably the tutor of the two young Ciceros.

« i.e., on March 17th.

•* The Quinquatria, a festival in honour of Minerva,
answering in some respects to our Easter holidays, were held
on March 19-23.
600

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxiv.-xxva.

the safety and liberty of the community. But this
ako I prefer that you should learn from others.

My very dear friend T. Pinarius " I cannot com- 3
mend to you more enthusiastically than I do ; I am
on the most friendly terms with 1dm, as much for all
his admirable quaUties, as for the tastes we have in
common. He is now agent in charge of the accounts
and business transactions of our friend Dionysius,*
whom you love much, and I love more than anybody.
It should not be necessary for me to make this
recommendation to you, but I make it all the same.
You will, therefore, I am sure, see to it that the
letters of that most grateful of men, Pinarius, con-
vince me of your devotion, both to himself and to
Dionysius.

XXVa

cicero to the same

Rome, about March 20th, 43 b.c

It was on the Liberalia « that I received your letter 1
which young Cornificius dehvered to me, as he told
me, on the 22nd day. There was no Senate on that
or the following day. During the Quinquatria <* I
pleaded your cause before a full house, not without
the blessing of Minerva. It was on that very day in
fact that the Senate decreed the restoration of my
statue of Minerva « which had been thrown down by
a hurricane, Pansa read out your despatch. The
Senate immediately signified its warm approval, to
my great delight and the disgust of the Minotaur, to

• A statue of Minerva set up in the Capitol by Cicero just
before he was exiled.

601

CICERO

et ofFensione Minotauri, id est, Calvisi et Tauri.
Factum de te senatus consultum honorificum, Postu-
labatur autem, ut etiam illi notarentur ; sed Pansa

2 clementior. Ego, mi Cornifici, quo die primum in
spem libertatis ingressus sum, et cunctantibus
ceteris a. d. xiii. Kal. Ian. fundamenta ieci reipub-
licae, eo ipso die providi multum atque habui ratio-
nem dignitatis tuae. Mihi enim est assensus senatus
de obtinendis provinciis. Nee vero postea destiti
labefactare eum, qui summa cum tua iniuria, con-
tumeliaque reipublicae, provinciam absens obtinebat.
Itaque crebras, vel potius quotidianas, compella-
tiones meas non tulit, seque in Urbem recepit in-
vitus ; neque solum spe, sed certa re iam et posses-
sione deturbatus est meo iustissimo honestissimoque
convicio. Te tuam dignitatem summa tua virtute
tenuisse provinciaeque honoribus amplissimis afFec-

3 turn, vehementer gaudeo. Quod te mihi de Sem-
pronio purgas, accipio excusationem. Fuit enim illud
quoddam caecum^ tempus servitutis. Ego tuorum
consiliorum auctor dignitatisque fautor, iratus tem-
poribus, in Graeciam desperata libertate rapiebar,

^ U.D. : Graecum M : taetrum Orelli.

" Tiiese two men acting in concert were nicknamed " the
Minotaur," as a firm of two. For Calvisius (consul in 39)
see note on 23. 1. T. Statilius Taurus had been appointed
legatus to Calvisius as governor of Africa ; he was consul
in 37 and 26, and was governor of Africa in 36, of Dalmatia
in 34, and of Tarraconensis in 29. He commanded Octavian's
land forces at Actium in 30.

^ Confirming Cornificius in his governorship of Africa.

* The day on which Cicero delivered Phil. iii. and iv.
^ i.e., Calvisius.

• See notes on 22. 4 and 29, 2.

602

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxva.

wit, Calvisius and Taurus." A decree of the Senate
was passed about you,** couched in complimentary
terms. A demand was made, however, that those
two men should actually be formally censured, but
Pansa took a more lenient view.

For myself, my dear Cornificius, on the day I first 2
conceived the hope of hberty, and, though everybody
else hesitated (it was on the 20th of December"), laid
the foundations of a constitution, on that very day, I
say, I showed great foresight and consideration for
your position ; indeed it was for my motion on the
retention of the provinces that the Senate voted.
And it is a fact that from that day I have never
ceased from undermining the influence of one •*
who, to your great injury, and to the disgrace of
the Republic, was holding on to his province as
an absolute governor. The consequence was, that
he could not stand my frequent, or rather daily,
animadversions, and came back to Rome, all against
his will ; and was thus ignominiously evicted not only
from an ambition, but from what was now a certainty
and a secure tenancy, by my most righteous and
dignified, but uncompromising reproaches. That
you by your extraordinary courage should have
maintained your position, and been the recipient
of the most handsome marks of distinction at
the hands of the province, is extremely gratifying
to me.

You apologize to me about Sempronius,* and I 3
accept your explanation ; it was certainly in the dark
days of servitude that it happened. Here was I,
the promoter of your measures and the supporter of
your position, exasperated by the state of affairs and
despairing of Uberty, making a rush for it to Greece,

603

CICERO

cum me etesiae, quasi boni cives, relinquentem rem-
publicam prosequi noluerunt, austerque adversus
maximo flatu me ad tribules tuos Rhegium rettulit,
atque inde ventis remis in patriam omni festinatione
properavi, postridieque in summa reliquorum servi-

4 tute liber unus fui. Sic sum in Antonium invectus,
ut ille non ferret, omnemque suum vinolentum
furorem in me unum efFunderet, meque cum elicere
vellet ad caedis causam, tum tentaret insidiis ; quem
ego ructantem et nauseantem conieci in Caesaris
Octaviani plagas, Puer enim egregius praesidium
sibi primum et nobis, deinde siunmae reipublicae
comparavit ; qui nisi fuisset, Antoni reditus a
Brundisio pestis patriae fuisset. Quae deinceps acta

6 sint, scire te arbitror. Sed redeamus ad illud, unde
divertimus. Accipio excusationem tuam de Sem-
pronio. Neque enim statuti quid in tanta per-
turbatione habere potuisti.

Nunc hie dies aliam vitam defert, alios mores postulat,

ut ait Terentius. Quamobrem, mi Quinte, conscende
nobiscum, et quidem ad puppim. Una navis est iam
bonorum omnium, quam quidem nos damns operam
ut rectam teneamus. Utinam prospero cursu ! Sed
quicumque venti erunt, ars nostra certe non aberit.
Quid enim praestare aliud virtus potest ? Tu fac

" Winds that blow from the N.W. for forty days in
summer in the Levant. Cf. ii. 15. 5.
" Andr. i. 2. 18.

604

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxva.

when the Etesian gales," like loyal citizens, because I
was leaving the Republic behind, refused to waft me
on my way, and a south wind dead against me carried
me back at full blast to your fellow-tribesmen at
Rhegium ; and from there I hurried at full speed,
oar and sail, to my fatherland, and on the next day
I found myself the one free man, where everybody
else was sunk in slavery.

The attack I made upon Antony was more than he 4
could stand, and he vented all his drunken frenzy
upon my poor head alone, and was not only anxious
to entice me into giving him an excuse for bloodshed,
but tried to ensnare me ; so I bundled him, belching
and vomiting, into the toils of Caesar Octavianus ;
for that excellent lad collected a defensive force, in
the first instance for himself and for us, and then for
the whole body pohtic ; and, but for him, Antony's
return from Brundisium would have been a curse to
the country. What was done subsequently I think
you know.

But — to return to the point from which I digressed 6
— I accept your explanation about Sempronius ; for
you could have had no cut-and-dried pohcy when all
was chaos —

Different the life of nowadays, which cries aloud for
different ways,

as Terence remarks.'' Therefore, my dear Quintus,
join us on board — why, you may even take the hehn !
There is but one ship now for all patriots, and we are
doing what we can to keep her on a straight course.
Heaven grant us a prosperous voyage ! But what-
ever winds may blow, such skill as I have will not
be wanting. What else can the best of motives
guarantee ? As for yourself, be sure to keep a bold

605

CICERO

magno animo sis et excelso, cogitesque omnem
dignitatem tuam cum republica coniunctam esse
debere.

XXVb

Romae, paulo post XXVa scriptum.

6 P. Lucceium mihi meum commendas, quern, qui-
buscumque rebus potero, diligenter tuebor. Hirtium
quidem et Pansam, collegas nostros, homines in
consulatu reipublicae salutares, alieno sane tempore
amisimus, republica Antoniano quidem latrocinio
liberata, sed nondum omnino explicata ; quam nos,
si licebit, more nostro tuebimur, quamquam ad-
modum sumus iam defetigati, Sed nulla lassitudo

7 impedire officium et fidem debet. Verum haec hac-
tenus. Ab aliis te de me, quam a me ipso, malo
cognoscere. De te audiebamus ea, quae maxime vel-
lemus. De Cn. Minucio, quem tu quibusdam litteris
ad caelum laudibus extulisti, rumores duriores erant.
Id quale sit, omninoque, quid istic agatur, facias me
velim certiorem.

», The two sections 6 and 1 which constitute this letter are
obviously in the nature of a postscript to the preceding letter
wliich was written about March 25th, whereas these sections
were written in May, after the death of the consuls.

* Only mentioned here and in 30. 5.

* The reference is obscure. He was possibly a government
official in Africa.

606

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxva-b.

and high spirit, and to reflect that the whole question
of your position ought to be closely bound up with
the interests of the Republic.

XXVb

cicero to the same
Rome, early in May, 43 b.c*

You commend to me my friend P. Lucceius,* and 8
in whatever way I can, I shall keep a careful eye
upon him. It is true that we have lost Hirtius and
Pansa, colleagues of ours, and men who did good
sound work for the Republic during their consulship,
at a most inauspicious time, when the Repubhc,
though delivered from the freebooting of Antony,
had not entirely extricated herself. That Republic,
if I am so privileged, I shall defend after my fashion,
although I now feel utterly tired out ; but no amount
of fatigue should hinder a man from doing his duty
and keeping his word.

But no more of this for the present. I prefer that 1
your information about me should come from others
rather than from myself. The news I hear of you is
all that I could desire. The rumours about Cn.
Minucius," the man you lauded up to the skies in
some of your letters, are less favourable. I should
be glad if you would inform me as to the true nature
of that business, and generally, as to what is being
done in your part of the world.

607

CIGERO

XXVI

CICERO S. D. CX)RNIFIC10

Roraae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Q. Turius, qui in Africa negotiatus est, vir bonus
et honestus, heredes fecit similes sui, Cn. Saturninum,
Sex. Aufidium, G. Anneium, Q. Gonsidium Galium,
L. Servilium Postumum, G. Rubellium. Ex eorum
oratione intellexi, gratiarum actione eos magis egere,
quam commendatione. Tanta enim Hberalitate se tua
usos praedicabant, ut iis plus a te tributum intelle-
gerem, quam ego te auderem rogare. Audebo

fJ tamen. Scio enim, quantum ponderis mea com-
mendatio sit habitura. Quare a te peto, ut ad eam
liberalitatem, qua sine meis litteris usus es, quam
maximus his litteris cumulus accedat. Gaput autem
est meae commendationis, ne patiare, Erotem
Turium, Q. Turi Ubertum, ut adhuc fecit, heredita-
tem Turianam avertere, ceterisque omnibus rebus
habeas eos a me commendatissimos. Magnam ex
eorum splendore et observantia capies voluptatem.
Quod ut velis, te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo.

" We know nothing more of Turius, or of any of the
others mentioned in this letter.
^ See note b to the next letter.

608

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxvi.
XXVI

CICERO TO THE SAME
Rome, in the spring of 43 B.C.

Q. Turius," who has had banking business in Africa, 1
a sterling and honourable man, has made certain men
in the same line of business his heirs ; they are Cn.
Saturninus, Sex. Aufidius, C. Anneius, Q. Con-
sidius Gallus, L. Servihus Postumus, and C.
RubelUus. I understood from what they told me that
what they want is more a letter of thanks to you than
a recommendation from me. For they declared
that they had found you so remarkably generous in
yoiu" treatment of them, that I gathered you had
already bestowed more upon them than I should dare
to ask of you. I shall dare, nevertheless ; for I know 2
how much weight a recommendation of mine is likely
to carry. I therefore beg of you, in view of this
letter, to enhance the generosity you have already
shoM-n without any letter from me by making as hand-
some an addition to it as you can. Now the head and
front of my recommendation is that you do not allow
Eros Turius, Q. Turius's freedman, to convert to his
own uses, as he has hitherto done, the latter's legacy,
and that you should regard these men in all other
respects as being most cordially commended by me.
You will derive much pleasure from their dis-
tinguished rank ^ and their respectful deference to
you. I earnestly beg you again and again to be good
enough to do so.

VOL. II X 609

CICERO
XXVII

M. T. C. S. P. D. Q. CORNIFICIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

Sex. Aufidius et observantia, qua me colit, accedit
ad proximos, et splendore equitis Romani nemini
cedit. Est autem ita temperatis moderatisque
moribus, ut summa severitas summa cum humanitate
iungatur. Cuius tibi negotia, quae sunt in Africa,
ita commendo, ut maiore studio magisve ex animo
commendare non possim. Pergratum mihi feceris,
si dederis operam, ut is intellegat, meas apud te
litteras maximum pondus habuisse. Hoc te vehe-
menter, mi Cornifici, rogo.

XXVIII

M. T. C. S. p. D. Q. CORNIFICIO
Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Assentior tibi, eos, quos scribis Lilybaeo minari,
istic poenas dare debuisse ; sed metuisti, ut ais, ne
nimis liber in ulciscendo viderere. Metuisti igitur,
ne gravis civis, ne nimis fortis, ne nimis te dignus

2 viderere. Quod societatem reipublicae conservandae

« One of the heirs of Turius, mentioned in the preceding
letter.

* Under the empire knights who possessed the senatorial
census, but chose to remain within the equestrian rank (as,
e.g., Maecenas did), were entitled illustres, primores, or
splendidi. Tyrrell.

" Certain mercenaries of Antonj' appear to have attempted
the seizure of Lilybaeum in Sicily ; these Cornificius had
captured, but dismissed unpunished.
610

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxvii.-xxviu.

XXVII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, the spring of 43 b.c.

Sextus Aufidius,* in the respect and attention he
shows me, comes very near my closest friends, and
he yields to nobody in his distinction as a Roman
knight.'' His character too is so delicately poised and
controlled that it combines the most rigid strictness
with the most engaging kindliness. I could not
commend to your charge his business transactions
in Africa with greater earnestness or more cordially
than I do. I shall be extremely obliged to you, if you
do your best to make him reahze how much weight
you have attached to my letter. This, my dear
Cornificius, I urgently press you to do.

XXVIII

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, the latter part of March, 43 b.c

I quite agree with you, that the men who, as you 1
write, are threatening Lilybaeum,* ought to have
been punished on the spot ; but you were afraid,
you say, of being thought too arbitrary' in exacting
vengeance. It comes to this, that you were afraid
of being thought a sterling member of the State, of
being thought too fearless, too worthy of yourself.

It gratifies me that you should renew your partner- 2
ship with me, a partnership you inherited from your

611

GIGERO

tibi mecum a patre acceptam renovas, gratum est ;
quae societas inter nos semper, mi Cornifici, manebit.
Gratum etiam illud, quod mihi tuo nomine gratias
agendas non putas ; nee enim id inter nos facere de-
bemus. Senatus saepius pro dignitate tua appellare-
tur, si, absentibus consulibus, umquam, nisi ad rem
novam, cogeretur. Itaque nee de HS xx., nee de
HS DCC, quidquam agi nunc per senatum potest.
Tibi autem ex senatus consulto imperandum mutuum-
3 que sumendimi censeo. In republica quid agatur,
credo te ex eorum litteris cognoscere, qui ad te acta
debent perscribere. Ego sum spe bona ; consilio,
ciura, labore non desum ; omnibus inimicis rei-
publicae esse me acerrimum hostem prae me fero.
Res neque nunc difficili loco mihi videtur esse, et
fuisset facillimo, si culpa a quibusdam abfuisset.

XXIX

M. T. C. S, p. D. Q. CORNIFICIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Non modo tibi, cui omnia nostra notissima sunt,
sed neminem in populo Romano arbitror esse, cui sit

" Two grants, no doubt for different purposes, for which
Cornificius had applied.

^ Probably the decree annually passed de. ornandis
provinciis consularibus.

' He probably means Calenus, Piso, Serviliiis, and other
opponents of his.
612

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxvm.-xxix.

father, in the preservation of the Republic ; and that
partnership between us, my dear Cornificius, will last
for ever. I am gratified too that you should not
think it necessary to thank me on your own account ;
you and I should not do that sort of thing. The
Senate would be more frequently approached on behalf
of your claims, if, in the absence of the consuls, it could
ever be summoned at all, except to meet some sudden
emergency. Consequently nothing can now be done
through the Senate as regards the 20,000, or the
700,000 sesterces.*' I think, however, that in accord-
ance with the original decree of the Senate ^ you
ought to requisition the money or raise a loan for the
amount.

What is being done in the political world, I imagine 3
you are told in the letters of those whose duty it is
to send you full accounts of the public proceedings.
Myself, I am full of hope. I am not behindhand in
giving ad\ice, in seeing to things being done, and
doing things myself ; I am proud of the fact that all
the foes of the commonwealth find in me their most
redoubtable enemy. The general situation does not
strike me as being diflScult at the moment, and it
would have presented no difficulty whatever, had the
behaviour of certain people " been beyond reproach.

XXIX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, the spring of 43 b.c.

Not only you, who know so well all about me, but 1
every single man, I beheve, among the people of

613

CICERO

ignota ea familiaritas, quae mihi cum L. Lamia est.
Etenim magno theatre spectata est turn, cum est
ab Gabinio consule relegatus, quod libere et fortiter
salutem meam defendisset. Nee ex eo amor inter
nos natus est ; sed quod erat vetus et magnus,
propterea nullum periculum pro me adire dubitavit.
Ad haec officia vel merita potius iucundissima con-
suetudo accedit, ut nuUo prorsus plus homine delec-
ter. Non puto te iam exspectare, quibus eum tibi
verbis commendem. Causa enim tanti amoris in-
tellegis quae verba desideret ; iis me omnibus usum
2 putato. Tantum velim existimes, si negotia Lamiae,
procuratores, libertos, familiam, quibuscumque rebus
opus erit, defenderis, gratius mihi futurum, quam
si ea tua liberalitas pertinuisset ad rem famiUarem
meam ; nee dubito, quin sine mea commendatione,
quod tuum est iudicium de hominibus, ipsius Lamiae
causa studiose omnia facturus sis ; quamquam erat
nobis dictum, te existimare, alicui senatus consulto,
quod contra dignitatem tuam fieret, scribendo
Lamiam adfuisse, qui omnino consulibus ilhs num-
quam fuit ad scribendum ; deinde omnia tum falsa
senatus consulta deferebantur. Nisi forte etiam ilh
Semproniano senatus consulto me censes adfuisse,

" See note on xi. 16. 2.

* Possibly that Cornificius should be superseded by
Calvisius. Cornificius had presumably accused Cicero of
having been present when he was not. But all this is mere
conjecture.
614

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxix.

Rome, is aware of my intimate friendship \vith L.
Lamia." Indeed it was exhibited on a world-wide
stage at the time when he was banished by the consul
Gabinius, on the grounds that he had advocated my
restoration with independence and courage. And it
was not from that incident that our mutual affection
sprang ; no, it was of long standing and strong, and
that was the reason why there was no risk he hesitated
to run on my behalf. To these kindnesses, or rather
most acceptable ser\ices, are added the bonds of
constant intimacy, so that there is absolutely nobody
in the world who attracts me more. After that I do
not suppose you are waiting to see what words I use in
commending him to you. You know what words meet
the case of so warm an affection ; well, all those
words you must imagine me to have used.

This much I should like you to believe, that if you 2
protect Lamia's business interests, agents, freedmen,
and slaves in whatever way is necessary, it will give
me greater pleasure than if that generosity of yours
had been extended to my own estate ; and I have no
doubt that, even without any commendation from me,
good judge of men as you are, you are sure to do all
I ask with the greatest pleasure for the sake of
Lamia himself ; and yet (so I have been told) you
are under the impression that Lamia witnessed the
drafting of some decree of the Senate which adversely
affected your poUtical position — Lamia, who was never
present at any drafting at all during the consul-
ship of those two men ; and in the second place, all
the decrees of the Senate deposited at that time were
forged — unless of course you suppose that I was
witness to the notorious decree of the Senate proposed
by Sempronius'' — I who was not even in Rome at the

615

CICERO

qui ne Romae quidem turn fui, deque eo ad te scrips! ,
3 re recenti. Sed haee hactenus. Te, mi Cornifici,
etiam atque etiam rogo, ut omnia Lamiae negotia
mea putes esse curesque, ut intellegat hanc com-
mendationem maximo sibi usui fuisse. Hoc mihi
gratius facere nihil potes. Cura, ut valeas.

XXX

M. T. C. S. P, D. CORNIFICIO

Romae, a.u.c. 711.

1 Itane ? praeter litigatores nemo ad te meas lit-
teras ? Multae istae quidem ; tu enim perfecisti, ut
nemo sine litteris meis tibi se commendatum putaret ;
sed quis imaquam tuorum mihi dixit esse, cui darem,
quin dederim ? aut quid mihi iucundius, quam, cum
coram tecum loqui non possim, aut scribere ad te aut
tuas legere htteras ? Illud magis mihi solet esse
molestum, tantis me impediri occupationibus, ut ad
te scribendi meo arbitratu facultas nulla detur. Non
enim te epistuHs, sed voluminibus lacesserem, quibus
quidem me a te provocari oportebat. Quamvis enim
occupatus sis, oti tamen plus habes ; aut, si ne tu
quidem vacas, noh impudens esse, nee mihi molestiam
6l6

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xaix.-xxx.

time, and "wrote to you about it when the circma-
stances were fresh. But enough of this.

I beg you again and again, my dear Cornificius, to 3
regard all Lamia's business affairs as mine, and be
careful to make him feel that this recommendation
has been of the greatest service to him. You can do
nothing that would give me greater pleasure. Take
care of your health.

XXX

CICERO TO THE SAME

Rome, later than June 8th, 43 b.c.

So that's it ? Except htigants, nobody ever brings 1
you a letter from me ? Well, it is true that there are
heaps of such letters, since you have managed to
make everybody believe that, unless he has a letter
from me, he has brought no recommendation to you ;
but what friend of yours has ever told me there was
anybody to entrust a letter to, but that I did so ? Or
what could give me greater pleasure, failing a tete-a-
tete talk ^\ith you, than either to write to you, or to read
a letter of yours ? What often annoys me still more
is my being tied up ^^-ith such pressing engagements
that I find it impossible to WTite to you when the
spirit moves me. For it is not with epistles so much
as with volumes that I should provoke you to re-
taliation, though it is by such means that you ought
to have challenged me first, seeing that, however busy
you have been, you have more leisure than I, or if
you have no time either, do show some sense of
decency, and don't keep worrying me and brusquely

617

CICERO

exhibere, et a me litteras crebriores, quum tu mihi

2 raro mittas, flagitare. Nam cum antea distinebar
maximis occupationibus, propterea quod omnibus
curis rempublicam mihi tuendam putabam, tum hoc
tempore multo distineor vehementius. Ut enim
gravius aegrotant ii, qui, quum levati morbo vide-
rentur, in eum de integro inciderunt, sic vehe-
mentius nos laboramus, qui, profligato bello ac paene
sublato, renovatum bellum gerere cogamur. Sed

3 haec hactenus. Tu tibi, mi Cornifici, fac ut per-
suadeas, non esse me tam imbecillo animo, ne dicam
inhumano, ut a te vinci possim aut officiis, aut amore.
Non dubitabam equidem : verumtamen multo mihi
notiorem amorem tuum effecit Chaerippus. O
hominem, semper ilium quidem mihi aptmn, nunc
vero etiam suavem ! Vultus mehercule tuos mihi
expressit omnes, non solum animum ac verba per-
tulit. Itaque noli vereri, ne tibi succensuerim, quod
eodem exemplo ad me, quo ad ceteros. Requisivi
equidem proprias ad me unum a te litteras ; sed

4 neque vehementer et amanter. De sumptu, quem
te in rem militarem facere et fecisse dicis, nihil sane
possum tibi opitulari, propterea quod et orbus senatus,

" See note b on xii. 22. 4.
* " Differing therein from you." C/. § 1 fin.

618

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxx.

insisting upon my writing often, when you yourself
so seldom -write to me.

The fact is that, distracted as I have hitherto been 2
by the most important engagements, because I con-
sidered that my every thought should be for the
protection of the Republic, I am at the present
moment far more gravely distracted than ever.
Just as those who have had a relapse, when they
thought they had recovered from a disease, are more
seriously ill than ever, so are we more poignantly
distressed, seeing that, after the war had been
practically finished and all but done with, we are
forced to deal with a renewal of it. But no more of
this.

You, my dear Cornificius, must assure yourself 3
that I am not so feeble, not to say unfeehng, as to
permit myself to be outdone by you either in acts of
kindness, or in the affection that prompts them. It
is true that I never doubted it, but none the less your
affection has been much more definitely impressed
upon me by Chaerippus." What a man he is ! I
always found him congenial, but now he fascinates
me. He did more than convey to me your thoughts
and words ; I swear to you, there was not a single
expression of your face that he did not make vi\id to
me. So you need not be afraid that I was angry ^\'ith
you for having written to me just as you would to
anybody else ; though I have certainly looked for a
letter for my own private eye alone, but without
rude or unamiable insistence.''

As to the expense you say you are incurring and 4
have incurred for mihtary purposes, I can render you
absolutely no assistance at all, for the reason that the
Senate is orphaned by the loss of its consuls, and the

619

GIOERO

consulibus amissis, et incredibiles angustiae pecuniae
publicae, quae conquiritur undique, ut optime meritis
militibus promissa solvantur ; quod quidem fieri sine

5 tribute posse non arbitror. De Attio Dionysio nihil
puto esse, quoniam mihi nihil dixit Tratorius. De
P. Lucceio nihil tibi concedo, quo studiosior tu sis,
quam ego sum. Est enim nobis necessarius. Sed a
magistris cum contenderem de proferendo die, pro-
baverunt mihi sese, quo minus id facerent, et com-
promisso et iureiurando impediri. Quare veniendum
arbitror Lucceio. Quamquam, si meis litteris ob-
temperavit, cum tu haec leges, ilium Romae esse

6 oportebit. Ceteris de rebus, maximeque de pecunia,
cum Pansae mortem ignorares, scripsisti, quae per
nos ab eo consequi te posse arbitrarere. Quae te
non fefelhssent, si viveret ; nam te diUgebat. Post
mortem autem eius quid fieri posset, non videbamus.

7 De Venuleio, Latino, Horatio, valde laudo. Illud
non nimium probo, quod scribis, quo illi animo
aequiore ferrent, te tuis etiam legatis lictores ad-

" See note 6 on xii. 24. 3.

* See note c on xii. 23. 1.

* See note b on xii. 25b. 6.

^ A compromissum was an agreement between two parties
to refer the matter in dispute to an arbiter, and to abide by
his decision (Long on Verr. ii. 27 § 66). It would seem that
Lucceius had made such an agreement, but that the arbiter
had decided against any postponement ; he had, therefore,
to appear on the appointed day.

620

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxx.

money in the public treasury is incredibly scarce —
money that is being called in from every quarter to
fulfil the promise made to the troops who have
served the State so well ; and I do not think that can
be done without imposing a property -tax.

As for the affair of Attius Dionysius,** I do not think 6
there is anything in it, since Tratorius * told me
nothing about it. As regards P. Lucceius,'' I do not
yield to you at all as being any more devoted than
I am ; he is an intimate friend of mine. But when I
apphed to the hquidators for a postponement, they
con\inced me that they were prevented from grant-
ing one, both by the agreement ^ arrived at, and by
the terms of their oath. I am therefore of opinion
that Lucceius should appear. And indeed, if he has
comphed with my letters, when you read these words
he ought to be in Rome.

In reference to all the other matters, you wrote in 6
ignorance of Pansa's death, and particularly in
reference to the money which you thought you
might obtain from him through me. In none of
these things would you have been disappointed, were
he ahve. ; for he had a high regard for you. Now he
is dead, however, I do not see what can be done.

As to Venuleius, Latinus, and Horatius,* I heartily 7
applaud your action. I am not, however, effusive in
my commendation of what you say in your letter —
that to take the sting out of their humihation, you
have deprived even your own legates of their lietors ;

• Nothing is known of these three men. They may have
been, as Tyrrell thinks, the legates left at Utica by Calvisius
when he returned to Rome (see note on xii. 25a. 2), or, as
Mommsen thinks, some unimportant senators who faiad been
granted lietors.

621

CICERO
emisse. Honore enim digni cum ignominia dignis
non erant comparand! ; eosque ex senatus consulto,
si non decedunt, cogendos, ut decedant, existimo,
Haec fere ad eas litteras, quas eodem exemplo binas
accepi. De reliquo velim tibi persuadeas non esse
mihi meam dignitatem tua cariorem.

622

EPISTULAE AD FAMILIARES, XII. xxx.

you see, men who deserve distinction should not have
been put on a level with men who deserve to be
disgraced ; and I really think, that in accordance
with the decree of the Senate, those three, if they do
not quit the province, should be compelled to do so.
This is a reply, roughly speaking, to the letter I
received in duplicate. For the rest, I should hke
you to assure yourself that my own pohtical position
is not more precious to me than is yours.

623

CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER of the Letters
based on the order fixed in R. Y. Tyrrell and
L. C. Purser, The Correspondence of M. Tullius
Cicero, vol. vii., Dublin, 1901 (by kind permission
of the Board of Trinity College, Dublin).

ABBRKTIATI0X3

A = Epistula* ad Attieum.
F = Bpitlula» ad Familiaret.
Q.Tt.^EpUtulas ad Quintum Fratrem.
liT. = Bj/i$t\ila» ad ii. Brulutn.
B.C.

68 A i. 5, 6, 7 ?
67 Ai. 9, 8, 10, 11
66 A i. 3, 4

65 A i. 1, 2

64 [Q, Cic. de petit, consul.']

63 F xiii. 76 ?

62 F V. 7, 1. 2, 6

61 A i. 12, F V, 5, A i. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17

60 A i. 18, 19, 20, ii. 1, 2, 3, Q.Fr. i. 1

59 A u. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, Q.Fr. i. 2, F xiii. 42, 41 ; also
43 ? (before 58 b.c. ; so also xiii. 44, 45, 46)

58 A iii. 3, 2, 4, 1, 5, 6, F xiv. 4, A iii. 7, 8, 9, Q.Fr. i. 3,
A iii. 10, 11, 12, 14, 13, Q.Fr. i. 4, A iii. 15, 16, 17,
18, 19, 20, F xiv. 2, A iii. 21, 22, F xiv. 1, A iiL 23,
F xiv. 3, A iii. 24, 25

57 A iii. 26, 27, F v. 4, A iv. 1, 2, 3, Q.Fr. u. 1, F vii. 26 ;
also xiii. 51 ?

66 F i. 1 , 2, 3, 4, 5a, Q.Fr. ii. 2, A iv. 4, Q.Fr. u. 3, F i. 5b, 6,

Q.Fr. ii. 4, 5, A iv. 4a, 5, F v. 12, A iv. 6, 7, 8, F v. 3,
i. 7, xiii. 6a, 6b, Q.Fr. ii. 8 (= 6), A iv. 8a

625

ORDER OF THE LETTERS

B.C.

55 F i. 8, Q.Fr. ii. 9 (= 7), A iv. 10, 9, Q.Fr. ii. 10 (=8),
A iv. 11, 12, F vii. 2, 3, 1, xiii. 74, 40, A iv. 13

64 F V. 8, Q.Fr. ii. 11 (=9), 12 (= 10), F vii. 5, Q.Fr. ii.
13 (= 11), F vii. 6, 7, A iv. 14, Q.Fr. ii. 14 (= 12),
F vii. 8, Q.Fr. ii, 15a (= 13), 15b (== 14), A iv. 15, 16,
Q.Fr. ii. 16 (=15), iii. 1, A iv. 17 (part) plus 18
(part), F vii. 9, 17, Q.Fr. iii. 2, 3, 4, A iv. 18 (part),
Q.Fr. iii. 5 plus 6, 7, F vii. 16, Q.Fr. iii. 8, A iv. 19
(part), 17 (part), Q.Fr. iii, 9, F i. 9, vii. 10, i. 10,
xiii. 49, 60, 73

53 F ii. 1, vii. 11, ii. 2, 3, vii. 12, 13, 14, 18, 15, ii. 4, 5, 6,
xiii. 75 ; also xvi. 13 ?, 14 .», 15 ?, 10 ?, 16 ?

52 F V. 17, 18, iii. 1, vii. 2

51 F iii. 2, A v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, F iii. 3, viii. 1, A v. 8,
F iii. 4, A V. 9, F viii. 2, 3, A v. 10, F xiii. 1, A v. 1 1,
F ii. 8, A V. 12, 13, 14, F iii. 5, viii. 4, A v. 15, 16, 17,
F viii. 5, 9, xv. 3, iii. 6, xv. 7, 8, 9, 12, A v. 18, F xv, 2,
A V. 19, F XV. 1, iii. 8, viii. 8, ii. 9, 10, viii. 10, ii. 7,
A V. 20, F vii. 32, xiii. 53, 56, 55, 61, 62, 64, 65, 9 ;
also 47 ?

50 F XV. 4, 10, 13, 14, viii. 6, 7, iii. 7, ii. 14, ix. 25, xiii. 59,
58, iii. 9, A v. 21, F xiii. 63, A vi. 1, F xiii. 54, 57,
ii. 11, A vi. 2, F ii. 13, 18, xiii. 2, 3, iii. 10, ii. 19, h2,
A vi. 3, F iii. 11, xv. 5, viii. 1 1, A vi. 4, 5, 7, F viii. 13,
ii. 17, 15, XV. 11, iii. 12, A vi. 6, F iii. 13, xv. 6,
viii. 12, 14, A vi. 8, 9, F xiv. 5, A vii. 1, F xvi. 1, 2,
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, A vii. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9

49 F xvi. 11, V. 20, A vii. 10, 11, 12, F xiv. 18, A vii. 13,
13a, F xiv. 14, A vii. 14, 15, F xvi. 12, A vii. 16,
F xvi. 8, A vii. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, viii. 11a,
vii. 25, viii. 12b, vii. 26, viii. 1, lib, 12c, 12d, 2, 12a,
3, lie, 6, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, lid, 12, F viii. 15,
A viii. 15a, 13, 14, 15, 16, ix. 1, 2, 12a, 3, 5, 7a, 6, 6a,
7c, 7b, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11a, 11, 12, 13a, 13, 14, 15, 16,
17, 18, 19, X. 1, 2, 3, 3a, 4, 9a (= F viii. 16),
A X. 5, 8a, 8b, 6, F iv. 1, A x. 7, F iv. 2, 19, A x. 8, 9,
F ii. 16, A X. 10, 11, 12, 12a, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
F xiv. 7

48 A XV. 1, 2, F viii. 17, ix. 9, xiv. 8, A xi. 3, F xiv. 21,
A xi. 4, F xiv. 6, 12, A xi. 5, F xiv. 19, A xi. 6, F xiv.
9, A xi. 7, F xiv. 17, A xi. 8

47 A xi. 9, F xiv. 6, A xi. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,

626

ORDER OF THE LETTERS

F xiv. 11, A xi. 18, F xiv. 15, A xi. 25, 23, F xiv. 10,
13, A xi. 19, 24, F xiv. 24, 23, A xi. 20, 21, 22^ F xiv.

22, XV. 15, xiv. 20, 21 ; also xiii. 48 ?

46 F xiii. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, xi, 1, xiii. 29, v. 21, A xii. 3,
F Lx. 3, 2, 7, 5, vii. 3, vi. 22, ix. 4, A xii. 5c, 3, 4,
F ix. 6, A xii. 5, F Lx. 16, 18, vii. 33, ix. 20, vii. 27,
28, Lx. 19, 2Q, 17, 15, xiii. 68, iv. 13, 15, 8, 7, 9, vi. 6,
13, 12, 10a, 10b. xiL 17, iv. 3, 4, 11, Lx. 21, vi. 14,
A xii. 6a, 6b, 7, 8, 1 1, F vii. 4, Ls. 23, A xii. 1, F xiiL
66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 17. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,

25, 26, 27, 28a, 28b, 78, 79, vL 8, 9, v. 16, xv. 18 ;
also xii. 20 ?, xiii. 52 ?

45 F XV. 16, vi. 7, 5, 18, iv. 14, 10, ix. 10, vi. 1, 3, 4, xv. 17,
19, ix. 13, xiiL 16, A xii. 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 17, 18a,

19, 20, xiii. 6, F iv. 5, A xii. 12, 21, 23, 23, 24, 25,

26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 30, 32, 31, 34, 35 ?, F xiu. 15,
V. 13, vi. 21, iv. 6, vi. 2, ix. 11, 36, 37, 37a, 38, 38a,
39, 40, F v. 14, A xii. 42, F v. 15, A xiL 41, 43, 44,
45 ?, xiii. 26, xii. 46, 47, 48, 50, 49, 51, 52, 53, xiii. 1,
2, 27, 28, 29, 2a, 30, 31, 32, xii. 5a, F iv. 12, A xiii. 4,
5, 33, 6a, 8, 7, 7a, xii. 5b, F vi. 11, A xiii. 9, 10,
11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21a, F Lx. 22, A xiiL

20, 22, 33a, 23, F xiii. 77, v. 9, A xiii. 24, 25, F ix. 8,
A xiii. 35, 36, 43, F. vi. 20, A xiii. 44, 34, F vi. 19, A
xii. 9, F xvi. 22, A xiL 10, xiii. 21, F xvi. 17, A xiiL
47a, F xvi. 19, A xiii. 48, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 46,
47, F vii. 24, A xiii. 49, 50, F vii. 35, A xiii. 51, F xii.
18, 19, xiiL 4, 5, 7, 8, v. 11, vii. 29, v. 10b, A xiiL
52, F ix. 12, A xiii. 42, F xiu. 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
36, 37, 38, 39, xvi. 18, 20

44 F vii. 30, viiL 50, v. 10a, vii. 31, xii. 21, vi. 15, xi. 1,
vi. 16, XV. 20, A xiv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, F vi. 17.
A xiv. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13a, 13b, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17a
(= F LX. 14), F xii. 1, A xiv. 17, 19, 18, 20. 21, 22,
XV. 1, la, 2, 3, 4, 4a, F xii. 16, A xv. 6, 5, 7, F xL 2,
A XV. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16, 16a, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
F xvi. 23, A XV. 22, 23, 24, 14, 25, F vii. 21, 22, xi. 29,
A XV. 26, 27, 28, xvi. 16, 16a, xv. 29. xvi. 1, 5, 4,
2, 3, F vii. 20, A xvL 6. F vii. 19, A xvi. 16b, 16c
16d, 16e, 16f, F xL 3, A xvL 7, F xi. 27, 28, xvL 91,
X. 1, 2, xiL 22 (1-2), 2, xvi. 25, xi. 4, 6 (1), xii. 3,

23, A XV. 13, xvi. 8, 9, 11, 12, 10, 13a, 13b, 13c, 14,

627

ORDER OF THE LETTERS

B.O.

F xvi. 24, A xvi. 15, F xi. 5, x. 3, xi. 7, 6 (2-3),
ii. 22 (3-4), xvi. 26, 27, x. 4
43 F X. 5, xi. 8, xii. 24, 4, x. 28, ix. 24, xii. 5, 1 1, 7, x. 31, xu.
25a, X. 6, 27, xii. 28, 26, 27, 29, x. 7, 8, 10, xii. 6, Br.
ii. 1, 3, 2, F X. 12, Br. ii, 4, F x. 30, Br. ii. 5, i. 2,
sects. 4-6, i, 3, sects. 1-3, F x. 9, Br. i. 3, sect. 4, F xi.
9, 11, 13b, xii. 25b, Br. i. 5, F x. 14, xi. 10, 11, xii.
12, X. 13, xi. 13a, 15, 21, sects. 1-6, Br. i. 4, sects.
1-3, F X. 21, Br. i. 4, sects. 4-6, F xi. 12, x. 34a, 18,
xi. 18, Br. i. 6, 1, 2, sects. 1-3, F x. 17, xi. 19, x. 34,
sects. 3-4, xi. 20, 23, x. 19, 25, 16, xii. 15, sects. 1-6,
14, X. 20, 35, Br. i. 8, F xi. 16, 17, x. 33, Br. i. 1 1, 17,
F xii. 15, xi. 26, 21, 24, x. 23, 32, Br. i. 10, F xii. 8,
30, xi. 13, sects. 4-5, xii. 13, Br. i. 9, F xi. 25, xii. 9,
Br. i. 7, F xi. 15, x. 22, 26, Br. i, 13, F xii. 10, x. 29,
xi. 32, Br. i. 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, F x. 24

628

INDEX OF NAMES

BOOKS VII-XII
(TTm refirtneetanto the Book, Letter, and Section or SecHom.)

Acidemia, ix. 22. 1

Academia adulescentior, ix'. 8. 1

Acciani versus, ix. 16. 4

Accius (L.), vii. 23. 1 ; ix. 16. 6, 7

Achilles, x. 13. 2

Acilios Glabrio (M.), vii. 30. 3 ;

31.1
Aegyptns, xii 5. 1 ; 11. 1 ; 12. 1 ;

15. 2
AeUus (Sext), vii. 22
Aelius Lamia (L.X xL 16. 2, 3 ; xii.

29. 1, 2, 3
Aemilia via, x. 30. 4
Aemilios Lapidus (M.), Cicero's

letter to him, x. 27 ; his to

Cicero, x. 34 ; his to Senate,

X. 35 ; X. 6. 1 ; 9. 3 ; 11. 2, 3 ;

14. 2 ; 15. 1-3 ; 16. 1 ; 17. 1, 3 ;

18. 2-4 ; 20. 1, 2 ; 21. 1, 3, 4 ; 23.

1, 2, 4, 5 ; 24. 6 ; 31. 4 ; 33. 1,

2, 4 ; 34<k 4 ; xi. 9. 1, 2 ; 10. 4 ;
11. 1 ; 13. 3 ; 14. 3 ; 18. 2 ; 23.
1 ; 24. 1 ; xii. 8. 1 ; 9. 2 ; 10. 1, 3

Aemilius Paullus (L.), xi. 19. 1

Aerailius Philemo, viL 18. 3

Aesopus, vii. 1. 2, 4

Afranius (L.), Ix. 13. 1

Africa, ix. 7. 2 ; xi. 14. 3 ; 26 ; xU.

21 ; 26. 1 ; 27
Africanae legiones, x. 24. 8
Africanae pantherae, viii. 8. 10;

9.3
Africanns. See Cornelias Scipio
Africanus exercitn-s, x. 14. 4
Agamemnon, ix. 14. 2
Aiax, X. 13. 2
Alexandria (or AlexandreaX vii.

17. 1

Alexandrinus rex, viii. 4. 5
AUienus (A.), xii. II. 1 ; 12. 1
Allobroges, x. 11. 2; 15. 2 ; 23. 7;

xi. 11. 1 ; 13a. 4
Alpes, viiL 15. 2 ; X. 31. 4 ; 33. 4 ;

xi. 9. 2 ; 10. 4 ; 13. 3, 3 ; 20. 2
Alsiense praedium, ix. 6. 1
Amanos mona, ■viii. 6. 4 ; xii. 15. 7
Anloius (C), vii. 26. 2; xii. 21
Anneios (C), xiL 26. 1
Annius Milo (C), vii. 6. 3 ; viii.

3. 2

Antiochia (or Antiochea), xii. 14. 4
Antiocbinae partes, ix. 8. 1
Antoniae leges, xii. 14. 6
Antoniani, x. 30. 3
Antonianum latrocinium, xiL 25o. 6
Antonii, viii. 4. 2 ; xii. 14. 1, 7
Antonlus (li.), X. 15. 3 ; 33. 4 ; 34. 1
Antonius CM.), the orator, viL 32.

2 ; ix. 21. 3
Antonius (M.), the triumvir, viii.

14. 1 ; X. 1. 1 ; 5. 3 ; 11. 2 ; 13. 2 ;

15. 2 ; 17. 1 ; 18. 8 ; 19. 2 ; 20. 2 ;
23. 2, 6 ; 24. 6 ; 28. 1, 3 ; 30. 1,
2, 3, 4, 5 ; 31. 4 ; 82. 4 ; 3a 2,

4, 5 ; 34. 1, 2 ; xi. 1. 1 ; 3. 1, 3 ;
». 1. 2 ; 10. 3, 4, 5 ; 11. 1 ; 12. 1,
a ; 13. 1, 2 ; 14. 1, 3 ; 18. 23 ; 20.
8; 22. 1; 28. 7; xii. 4. 1 ; 5. 2 ;
10. 8 ; 12. 2 ; 14. 6 ; 22. 1 ; 23. 2,
3 ; 25. *

Apaimea (on the Orontes), xii. 12. 3
Apella (Fadios Grallas's freedman),

vii. 25. 2
ApeUaCLepidas's freedman), x. 17. 3
Apenninus mens, xi. 10. 4 ; 18. 2
Apollo, viii. 4. 4 ; 8. 5, 0

629

INDEX OF NAMES

Appius. See Claudius
Appuleius Saturninus (Cn.), viii.

14. 1 ; xii. 20. 1
Aquila. See Pontius
Aquinum, ix. 24. 1
Arabes, viii. 10. 2
Argeiiteum flumen, x. 34. 1
Argenleus Pons, x. 34a. 4 ; 35. 2
Ariminum, viii. 4. 4 ; 17. 1
Aristarchus, ix. 10. 1
Aristippus, ix. 26. 2
Armenia, ix. 15. 4
Arpinas fundus, vii. 23. 1
Arruntius (L.), vii. 18. 4
Arsaces, viii. 14. 1
Asia, xii. 7. 2 ; 9. 1 ; 12. 1 ; 13. 3 ;

14. 1, 4, 5 ; 15. 1, 2, 4, 7 ; 16. 2
Asiatic! milites, xii. 15. 7
Asinius Pollio (C), liis letters to

Cicero, ix. 25. 3 ; x. 31 ; 32 ; 33 ;

xi. 9. 1 ; 11. 1
Ateius Capito (L.), viii. 8. 5, 6
Atellana fabula, ix. 16. 7
Athenae, ix. 9. 3 ; 16. 6 ; xii. 16. 1, 4
'xe-rjvai; ix. 3. 2
Attica gloria, vii. 31. 2
Attici sales, ix. 15. 2
Atticus. See Poiiiponiug
Attius. See Acciiis
Attius Dionysius, xii. 24. 3 ; 30. 5
AuHdius (Sext.), xii. 26. 1 ; 27
Aurelia, ix. 22. 4
Aurelia Orestilla, viii. 7. 2
Aurelius Cotta (L.), xii. 2. 3
Avianius Evander(C.), vii. 23. 1, 2, 3

Bacchae statuae, vii. 23. 2
Bagiennus (P.), x. 33. 4
Baiae, ix. 2, 5 ; 7. 2 ; 12. 1
Balbus. See Ampius and Cornelius
Bassus, vii. 20. 3
Battara, vii. 9. 2
Bauli, viii. 1. 5
Bellienus, viii. 15. 2
Bellovaci, viii. 1. 4
Bibulus. See Calpurnius
Bithynia, xii. 13. 3
Bogus, X. 32. 1 •

Bononia, xi. 13. 2 ; xii. 5. 2
Britannia, vii. 6. 2 ; 7. 1, 2 ; 10. 1 ;

14. 1 ; 16. 1 ; 17. 3
Britannicae litterae, vii. 8. 2
Britannicus iuris consultus, vii.

11.2

6^0

Brundisiuin, viii. 15. 1 ; xi. 27. 8,

4 ; xii. 23. 2 ; 25. 4
Brutus. See luuius Brutus
Bursa. See MunatiusPlancus Bursa

Caecilius Bassus (Q.), xi. 1. 4 ; xii.

11. 1 ; 12. 3 ; 18. 1
Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.), vii.

23. 2 (?).
Caecilius Metellus Scipio (Q.), viii.

8. 5, 6 ; 9. 5 ; 11. 2 ; ix. 18. 2 ;

xii. 2. 1
Caecina (A.), Cicero's letters to

him, vi. 5 ; 0 ; 8 ; his to Cicero,

vi. 7 ; vi. 9. 1, 2 ; x. 25. 3
Caelius (C), viii. 8. 6, 7, 8
Caelius Rufus (M.), his letters to

Cicero, viii. 1-17
Caelius Vinicianus (M.), viii. 4. 3
Caeparius (M.), ix. 23
Caepio(Q.). See Junius Brutus (M.)
Caesar. See Julius and Octavius
Calenus, ix. 13. 1, 2, 3
Calidius (M.), viii. 4. 1 ; 9. 6
Calpe, X. 32. 1
Calpurnius Bibulus (M.), viii. 6. 4 ;

xii. 19. 2
Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus (L.),

xii. 2. 1 ; 4. 1
Calpurnius Piso Frugi (L.), ix. 22.

2
Calvisius (C), x. 25. 3 ; 26. 3
Calvus. See Licinius
Camilhis (C), ix. 20. 2
Campauusager, viii. 10. 4 ; xi. 20. 3
Canidii, x 21. 3
Camnius Gallus, vii. 1. 4 ; ix. 2. 1 ;

3. 1 ; 6. 1, 6
Caniiiius Rebilus (C), vii. 30. 1
Cannutius (T.), xii. 3. 2 ; 23. 3
Capenas ager, ix. 17. 2
Carbo. See Papirii Carbones
Carfulenus (D.), x. 33. 4
Carteius, xii. 11. 2
Cassius (? Crassus), vii. 23. 4
Cassius Longinus (C), Cicero's

letters to him, xii. 1-10 ; his to

Cicero, xii. 11, 12, 13 ; to Brutus

and Antony, xi. 2, 3 ; vii. 33. 2 ;

viii. 10. 1, 2; xi. 1. 4; 3. 1; xii.

1. 1 ; 13. 4 ; 14. 4, 5, 6 ; xv. 6. 7
Cassius Pannensis (C.), letter to

Cicero, xii. 13
Castrinius Paetus (L.), viii. 2. 2

INDEX OF NAMES

Csstulonensis saltns, x. 31. 1

Catlns Vestinus (C), x. 23. 5

Cato. See Porcius

Cato by Fadius Gallus, vii. 24. 2

Catoniani, vii. 25. 1

Catnlus. See Lutatius

Chaerippus, xii. 22a. 4 ; 30. 3

Chrysippus, ix. 4

Chrysippus Vetius, vii. 14. 1, 2

Cibyratae pantherae, viii. 4. 5 ; ix.

3
Cicero. See Tullius Cicero
Cilicia, viii. 8. 8 ; xii. 12. 5 ; 15. 7
Cineas, ix. 25. 1
Cipias, vii. 24. 1
Ciroenses Indi, viii. 12. 3
Cispias Laevus, x. 18. 1 ; 21. 8
Claterna, xii. 5. 2
Claudius, Appius (Pulcher), viii. 6.

1, 3, 5 ; 12. 1, 3

Claudiu-s, Appius, son of above, x.

29 ; xi. 22. 1
Claudius, Appius, Minor, viii. 8. 2,

3
Claudius Marcellus (C), vii. 3. 1
Claudius Marcellus (M-X viii. 1. 2 ;

2. 2 ; 8. 5, 6 ; X. 3 ; xii. 15. 2
Cliterniai colei, ix. 22. 4
Clodiana tempera, xi. 16. 2
Clodius (P.), vii. 2. 3
Clytaemnestm, the play, vii. 1. 2
Coetius (?), ix. 4
Commagene, viii. 10. 1
Comnus, ix. 22. 3
Considius Gallus (Q.), xii. 26. 1
Corduba, x. 31. 5, 6 ; 32. 5
Corinthus, vii. 6. 1 ; ix. 18. 1
Cornelius (Cn. ), vii. 9. 3
Cornelius (P.), viii. 8. 6
Cornelius (Q.), vii. 8. 2 ; 17. 3
Cornelius Balbus (L.), vii. 5. 2 ; 6.

1 ; 7. 1, 2 ; 9. 1 ; 16. 3 ; 18. 3 ;

viii. 9. 5 ; 11. 2 ; ix. 6. 1 ; 17. 1 ;

19. 1
Cornelius Balbus (L.), minor, x- 32.

1-3. 5
Cornelius Dolabella (P.), Cicero'.s

letter to him, ix. 9 ; his to Cicero,

ix. 10-14 ; vii. 32. 3 ; 33. 2 ; viii.

4. 1 ; 6. 1. 5 ; ix. 7. 2 ; 14. 1, 3,

4, 8 ; 16. 7 ; xii. 1. 1 ; 4. 2 ; 8. 2 ;

9. 1 ; 10. 1 ; 12. 1, 2, 3 ; 13. 8, 4 ;

14. 1, 2, 4-7 ; 15. 1-7
Cornelius Gallus, z. 32. 5

Cornelius Lentnlns (L.), vii. 3. 1 ;

viii. 4. 1 ; xii. 14. 3
Cornelius Ijentulus(L.), pro-consul

of Spain, x. 32. 3
Cornelius Lentnlus Spinther (P.),

viii. 11. 2; ix. 18. 2
Cornelius Lentulus Spinther (P.X

son of the above, his letter to

Cicero, xii. 14 ; to the Senate,

xii. 15 ; vii. 26. 2
Cornelius Scipio Africanus (minorX

ix. 21. 3
Cornelius Sulla (P.), ix. 10. 3
Corniflcius, brother of Q. (?), xlL

25. 1
Comificius (Q.), Cicero's letters to,

xii. 17-30 ; viii. 7. 2 ; xii. 21 ; 25.

2, 5 ; 27 ; 28. 2 ; 29. 3 ; 30. 3
Comutus, X. 12. 3 ; 16. 1
Corycus, xii. 13. 3
Crassi, ix. 15. 2

Crassus. See Licinins Crassus
Cratippus, xii. 16. 2
Crispus (Q.), xiL 11. 1 ; 12. 3
Crommyuacris, xiL 13. 4
Cularo, X. 23. 7
CuUeo, X. 34. 2
Cumae, viii. 1. 2
Cumanum, vii. 4 ; ix. 1. 2 ; 5. 3 ; 8.

1 ; 23 ; xii. 20
Curio. See Scribonius Curio
Curiu."* (M'.). Cicero's letters to, vii.

28; 30; 31; his to Cicero, viL

29
Cyprus, xii. 13. 3, 4
Cyropaedia of Xenophon, ix. 25.

1
Cyrus the architect, vii. 14. 1
Cytheris, ix. 2t>. 2

Damasippus. See Licinins Dama.

sippus
Dardanus, x. 25. 3
De Oratore, vii. 32. 2
Deiotarus, viii. 10. 1, 2 ; ix. 12. 2
Demetriu.s, viii. 15. 2
Demiur^us, the play, ix. 22. 1
Dertona, xi. 10. 5
Dexius, vii. 23. 4
Diodorus, ix. 4
Diogenes, viii. 8. 10
Dion, ix. 26. 1

Dionysius. See Attius Dionysius
Dionysius, the tyrant, ix. 18. 1

631

INDEX OF NAMES

Dolabella. See Cornelius Dolabella
Domitii, viii. 11. 2 ; 15. 2
Domltlus Ahenobarbus (Cn.), viii.

14. 1 '
Domitins Ahenobarbus (L.). viii.

1. 4 ; 8. 5, 6 ; 12. 1, 2, 4 ; 14. 1 :

15. 2

Domitius Intimillns, viii. 15. 2
Drusus. See Livius
Duilius (C), Ix. 21. 2

Epicnreus, vii. 12. 1 ; Ix. 25. 2
Epicurus, vii. 26. 1 ; ix. 20. 1
Eporedia, xi. 20. 4 ; 23. 2
Bppius (M.), viii. 8. 5, 6
Equus Troianus, the play, vii.

1.2; 16. 1
Eros, xii. 26. 2
Etesiae, xii. 26. 8
Etruria, xi. 10. 4
Euphrates, viii. 10. 1

Fabatus (L.), x. 33. 4

Fabius Maximus (Q.), vii. SO. 1

Fabrateria, ix. 24. 1

Fadius, soldier of Pompey, x. 82. 8

Fadius (Sext.), vii. 20. 3

Fadius Gallus (M.), Cicero's letters

to, vii. 23-27 ; vii. 23. 1 ; 24. 1 :

25. 2 ; ix. 25. 2, 8
Fadius Gallus (Q.), ix. 25. 3
Favonius (M.), viii. 9. 5 ; 11. 2
Favonius, the wind, ix. 24. 2
Feridius (M.), viii. 9. 4
Figulus. See Martins Figulus
Flaccus. See Valerius Flaccus
Formiae, viii. 17. i
Formianum, xi. 27. 3
Portuna, viii. 14. 4 ; ix. 8. 2
Forum Comelium, xii. 5. 2
Forum Gallorum, x. 30. 2, 4
Forum Juli, x. 15. 3 ; 17. 1
Forum Voconi, x. 17. 1 ; 24. 1
Furnius (C), Cicero's letters to,

X. 25; 26; viii. 11. 2 ; x. 1. 4 ; 3.

1 ; 4. 1 ; 6. 1, 2 ; 8. 5 ; 10. 1 ; 11.

3 ; 12. 1 ; 24. 4, 7 ; 26. 2

Qabinins (A.), xi. 16. 2 ; xii. 29. 1
Gades, x. 32. 1, 2 ; 33. 3
Galba. See Sulpicius Galba
Galli, X. 26. 1 ; 82. 8
Gallia, vii. 6. 2 ; x. 4. 4 ; 21. 6 ; 26.
1; 33.4; xi.ll.l; 27.2; xii. 5. 2

632

Galliae, viii. 1. 2 ; 4. 1 ; 5. 2 : 8. 4 :

9. 2, 5
Gallicum bellum, vii. 18. 1
Gallinaria silva, ix. 23
Gallus. See Fadius Gallus
Gellius (L.), X. 17. 3
Glabrio. See Acilius Glabrio
Graeca via, vii. 1. 3
Graecae pantherae, viii. 6. 5
Graece dicere, ix. 22. 8 ; 20. 2
Graeceius, xi. 7. 1 ; 12. 1, 2
Graeci, vii. 1. 8 (ludi) ; ix. 16. 6 ; 22.

3 ; 24. 8
Graecia, vii. 1. 8 ; 30. 8 ; xi. 1 ; xii.

6. 1 ; 25. 3 ; 2ga. 2
Graecula cautio, vii. la 1
Graii, ix. 26. 2
Granii, ix. 15. 2

Haedui, vii. 10. 4
Hales, the river, vii. 20. 1
Haterianum, ius, ix. 18. 3
Herculanensis fundus, ix. 25. 3
Hercunius Gallus, x. 82. 2
Hesiodus, vi. 18. 6
Hipponacteura praeconium, vii. 24.

Hirrus. See Luciliiis Hirrus
Hirtianura, ius, ix. 18. 8
Hirtiannni proelium, x. 38. 4
Hirtius (A.), vii. 83. 1 ; ix. 6. 1 ;

16. 7 ; 20. 2 ; 21a. 7 ; x. 30. 1, 4,
6; 83. 3, 4, 6; xi. 1. 1, 4, 5, 6;
8. 2 ; 18. 1 ; xii. 5. 2 ; 14. 5 ; 22.
2 ; 25o. 6

Hispali.s, x. 82. 8

Hispania, vii. 23. 4 ; viii. 16. 3, 4 ;

17. 1 ; ix. 9. 2 ; 13. 1 ; x. 24. 6
Homerus, x. 13. 2
Horatins, xii. 30. 7
Hortensius (Q.), viii. 2. 1; 13. 2

Inalpini, xi. 4. 1

Intimelii, viii. 15. 2

Isara, x. 15. 3 ; 18. 2, 4 ; 23. 3 ; xi.

13a. 4
Italia, vii. 3. 1 ; 16. 8 ; viii. 10. 1 ;

15. 1 ; ix. 9. 2 ; x. 31. 6 ; 33. 1 ;

xi. 1. 3 ; 9. 1 ; 10. 4 ; 13a. 4 ; 14. 2 ;

20. 4 ; 23. 2 ; 24. 2 ; 29. 1 ; xii. 4. 1 ;

5. 2, 3 ; 10. 2, 8 ; 14. 1, 2 ; 15. 4, 6

Juba, vii. 8. 8

Julius Caesar (C), Cicero's letters
to, vii. 5 ; vii. 6. 1 ; 7. 2 ; 8. 1; 9. 1;

INDEX OF NAMES

10. 1, 8 ; 11. 2 ; 18. 1 ; 14. 2 ; IT.

2; 24. 1; 27. 1; 33. 2; viil. 1. 4;

4. 2, 4 ; 5. 3 ; 6. 5 ; 8. 1, 9 ; 9. 5 ;

10. 2, 3, 4 ; 11. 2, S ; 14. 2, 3 ; 15.

1, 2 ; 16. 1-5 ; 17. 1 ; ix. 6. 1 ; 9.

1. 8 ; 10. 3 ; 13. 4 ; 16. 2, 4 ; x. 31.

8 ; 8Z 2, 3 ; 33. 1 ; xi. 1. 4 ; 3. 2,

4 ; 27. 2, 8, 5, 8 ; 28. 2, 4, 6, 7, 8 ;

29. 2; xii. 2. 1, 2; 8. 2; 16. 4;

18. 2 ' 19 1
Julius Caesar (L.), ix- 14. 8 ; x. 28.

3 ; xiL 2. 8 ; 5. 2.
Julius Caesar (L.), son of above, ix.

7.1
Junius, viL 33, 8.
Junius Brutus (Decimus), Cicero's

letters to, xi. 5-8 ; 12 ; 14-18 ; 21 ;

22 ; 24 ; 25 ; his to Cicero, xi. 4 ;

9-11; 13; 136; 19; 20; 23; 26;

to M. Brutus and Cassius, xi. 1 ;

his and Plancus's to the Senate,

XL 13a ; viiL 7. 2 ; x. 11. 2 ; 15.

4 ; 18. 2, 4 ; 24. 3 ; 26. 1 ; 28. 3 ;

83. 4 : xi. 14. 1 ; 15. 2 ; 16. 3 ; 17.

2 ; 18. 1 ; 21. 1, 3, 4 ; 24. 1 ; xii.

1. 1 ; 5. 2 ; 6. 2 ; 8. 1

Junius Brutus (M.), vii. 22 ; ix. 14.

5 ; xi. 3. 1 ; 14. 2 ; 19. 2 ; 25. 2 ;

26 ; xii. 4. 2 ; 5. 1 ; 6. 2 ; 8. 1 ;

10. 4 ; 14. 1, 6, 8 ; 15. 1 ; called Q.

Caepio, vii. 21 ; his and Cassius's

letters to Antony, xi. :; ; 3
Junius Silanns (M.), x. 30. 1 ; 34. 2 ;

xl. 80. 8 ; 34. 2
Jupiter, X. 12. 4
Jupiter lapis, viL 12. 2
Jupiter miniatus, ix. 16. 8
Juventius Laterensis (M.). viii. 8.

2, 3; X. 11. 3; 15. 2; 18. 2; 21.
1,3; 23.4

Labeo. See Segulius Labeo
Laberius (D.), vii. IL 2 ; xii. 18. 2
Laelii, viii. 4. 2; ix. 15. 2
Laevus. See Cispius Laevus
lAis, ix. 26. 2
Lamia. See Aelius Lamia
Lanuvii colei. ix. 22. 4
LAterensis. See Juventius Later-
ensis
Latinae feriae, yiii. 6. 3
La tine dicere, ix. 22. 3
Latinus, xii. 30. 7
Latium, ix. 15. 3

Laodicea, ix. 25. 8; xii. 13. 4; 14.

4; 15.7
Laodiceni, xii. 13. 4
Lentulus. See Cornelius Lentulus
Lepidus. See Aemilius Lepidus
Lepta (Q.), vii. 6. 2 ; ix. 13. 1-3
Lex Licinia, viii. 2. 1
Lex Plotia, viii. 8. 1
Lex Scantinia, viii. 12. 8 ; 14. 4
Liberalia, xii. 25. 1
Libo. See Scribonius Libo
Licinia, vii. 23. 4
Licinius Calvus (C), viL 24. 1
Licinius Crassus (L.), ix. 21. 8
Licinius Damasippus, the artist,

viL 23. 2, 8
Licinius Damasippus (L.), praetor,

ix. 21. 3
Lilybaeum, ix. 21. 3 ; xii. 28. 1
Liviua Drusus, viii. 14. 4 ; xL 19. 1
LoUia, ix. 22. 4
LoUins (L.), viu. 8. 3
Lucceius (P.), xii. 25a. 6 ; 30. 6
LuciUi, Ix. 15. 2

Lucilius (C), the poet, xii. 16. 3
Lucilius Hirrus (C), viiL 2. 2 ; 3. 1 ;

4. 3 ; 8. 5, 6 ; 9. 1 ; 11. 2
Lnpercal, vii. 20. 1
Lupus. See RutUius Lupus
Lusitania, x. 33. 3
Lutatius Catulus (Q.), ix. 15. 8
Lycia, xii. 14. 1 ; 15. 2. 5
Lynceus, ix, 2. 2

Macedonia, xii. 15. 1
Macedonicae legiones, xiL 23. 2
Maectus Tarpa (Sp.X viu 1. 1
Manilius (M. ?), vii. a 2 ; 10. 2 ; 22
Marcellus. See Claudius Marcellus
Marcius Figulus (L.), xii. 13. 3
Marcius Philippus (L.), xiL 4. 1
Marius (M.) , Cicero's letters to,

vii. 1-4
Marius (Sext), xiL 16. 6
Mars, vii. 23. 2
Martia legio, x. 30. 1-5 ; 33. 4 ; xi.

7. 2 ; 14, 2 ; 19. 1
Massones, ix. 21. 2
Matins, Cicero's letter to, xi. 27 ;

his to Cicero, xi. 28; vii. 15. 2
Mato, ix. 25. 3
Mauri, x. 30. 3

Maximus. See Fabiua Mudmus
Medea, vii. 6. 1, 2

633

INDEX OF NAMES

Mercurius, vii. 23. 2

Messala. See Valerius Messala

Metellus. See Caecilius Metellus

Milo. See Annius Milo

Minerva, ix. 18. 3 ; xii. 25. 1

Minotaurus, xii. 25. 1

Minucius (Cn.), xii. 25a. 7

Mitylenae, vii. 3. 5

Mucius Scaevola (P.), vii. 10. 2 ; 22

Munatius Plancus (Ij.), Cicero's

letters to, x. 1-3 ; 5 ; 6 ; 10 ; 12-

14 ; 16 ; 19 ; 20 ; 22 ; his to Cicero,

X. 4 ; 7 ; 9 ; 11 ; 15 ; IT ; 18 ; 21 ;

21a ; 23 ; 24 ; to the Senate and

magistrates, x. 8 ; his and D.

Brutus's to the Senate, xi. 18a—

xl. 1 ; 3. 2 ; 5. 2 ; 6. 2 ; 10. 2 ; 14.

2 ; 16. 1 ; 19. 2 ; 20. 2 ; 25. 1, 2 ;

26. 1; 23. 1, 2; xi. 9. 2 ; 11. 1;

13a. 4 ; 14. 3 ; 15. 1 ; xii. 8. 1
Munatius Plancus (T.), x. 12. 2, 5
Munatius Plancus Bursa (T.), vii.

2. 2 ; viii. 1. 5 ; ix. 10. 2 ; xii.

18. 2
Murcus. See Statius Murcus
Musae, goddesses, vii. 23. 2
Musae, statues, vii. 23. 2
Mutina, x. 11. 2 ; 30. 4 ; 33. 1, 4 ;

xi. 6. 1 ; 12. 2; It. 1 ; xii. 5. 2;

6. 2
Mutinense proelium, x. 14. 1
Mytilenae. See Mitylenae

Narbo, x. 33. 2
Narbonensis. See Gallia
Neapolis, ix. 14. 3 ; 15. 4
Neapolitanus, ix. 15. 3
Nerva, x. 18. 1
Nestor, ix. 14. 2
Nicias, vii. 23. 4
Nicias Curtius, ix. 10. 1, 2
Nicon, vii. 20. 3

Oceanus, vii. 10. 2

Ocella, viii. 7. 2

Octavius (Octavianus) Caesar, x.

23. 6 ; 24. 4-8 ; 28. 3 ; 30. 4 ; 33. 3,

4; xi. 7. 2; 8. 2; 10. 4; 13. 1 ;

14. 2 ; 20. 1, 4 ; 21. 1, 2 ; 28. 6 ;

xii. 3. 1 ; 23. 2 ; 25. 4
Octavius (On.), vii. 9. 3 ; 16. 2
Octavius (M.), viii. 2. 2 ; 3. 1
Oenomaus, the play, ix. 16. 4, 7
Ofllius (A.), vii. 21

634.

Oppius (C), Cicero's letter to, xl.

29 ; ix. 6. 1
Oratore (De), vii. 32. 2
Orestilla. See Aurelia Orestilla
Oriens, xii. 5. 3
Osci ludi, vii. 1. 3
Ostia, ix. 6. 1

Paetus. See Papirius Paetus
IlaATos, xii. 13. 4
Pamphylia, viii. 9. 3 ; xii. 15. 7
Pansa. See Vibius Pansa
Papiriana domus, vii. 20. 1
Papirii Carbones (C, Cn., M.), ix.

31. 3
Papirii Turdi, ix. 21. 2
Papirius Crassus, ix. 21. 2
Papirius Cursor (L.), ix. 21. 2
Papirius Masso (L.), ix. 21. 2
Papirius Mugillanus (L.), ix. 21. 2
Papirius Paetus (L.), Cicero's letters

to, ix. 15-20 ; ix. 16. 2 ; 17. 1 ; 21.

2; 24. 1, 3, 4; 25. 3
Papirii, ix. 21. 2
Parma, x. 33. 4 ; xii. 6. 2
Parmensis, xi. 13b
Parthi, viii. 6. 4 ; 10. 1. 2 ; xii.

19. 2
Parthicum bellum, viii. 7. 1 ; 10. 3 ;

14. 4; xii. 19. 2
Paithus, viii. 5. 1 ; ix. 25. 1
Patrae, vii. 28. 1

Patiscus, viii. 9. 3; xii. 13. 4; 15. 2
PauUa Valeria, viii. 7. 2
PauUus (L.), viii. 4. 4 ; 8. 5 ; x. 3 ;

11. 1 ; xi. 19.
Pausanias, viii. 8. 2
Peducaeus (C), x. 33. 4
Peducacus (Sext.), viii. 14. 1
Pelopidae, vii. 28. 2 ; 30. 1
Peloponnesus, vii. 28. 1
Perga, xii. 14. 8 ; 15. 7
Phamea, vii. 24. 2 ; ix. 16. 8
Phileros, ix. 15. 1
Philo, viii. 8. 10
Philo of Larissa, ix. 8. 1
Philoctetes, vii. 33. 1
Philotimus, viii. 8. 1
Pilius (Q.), viii. 8. 2, 3
Pinarius (T.), xii. 24. 3
Piso. See Calpurnius Piso
Plancus. See Muratius Plancus
Planius Heres (M.), ix. 18. 2
Plato, ix. 22.5

\

INDEX OF NAMES

Plautus.ix. 16. 4

Pola Servius, viii. 12. 2, 3

Polla, xl. 8. 1

Pollentia, xi. 13. 3, 4

Pallio. See Asinius Pollio

Pompeianura praedium, vii. 3. 1 ; 4
xii. 20

Pompeianns, viii. 17. 2 ; x. 82, 3

Poiiipeius (Sext), xi. 1. 4

Pompeius Magnus (Cn.), vii. 1. 3
3. 2 ; viii. 1. 3 ; 4. 4 ; 8. 4, 9 ; 9,
5 ; 10. 2-4 ; 11. 3 ; 12. 1 ; 13. 2

14. 2-4 ; 15. 1, 2 ; 17. 1 ; ix. 9. 2
3 ; 13. 1 ; 18. 2 ; 21. 3 ; xi. 27. 4
29. 1 ; xii. 14. 3

Pompeins Rufus (Q.), viii. 1. 4
Pomponius Atticus (T.), vii. 29. 1,

2 ; 30. 2 ; 31. 2 ; viii. 8. 2 ; ix. 1.

1 ; 4 ; 8. 1 ; 26. 1 ; xi. 29. 1, 3
Pomptinum praedium, vii. 18. 3
Poncins Aqiiila, x. 33. 4 ; xi. 13. 1
Porcius Cato (M.), \iii. 11. 2; ix.

15. 2
Precianus, \ii. 8. 2
Protogenes, vii. 1. 3
Psecas, viii. 15. 2
Pseudodaniasippus, vii. 23. 3
Publilius Syrug, the poet, xii. 18. 2
Pyrrhus, ix. 25. 1

Quintios Scapula (T.), ix. 13. 1

Ravenna, viii. 1. 4

Regium Lepidi, xi. 9. 2 ; xii. 5

Rhegium, vii. 19

Rhodanus, x. 9. 3 ; 11. 2 ; 34. 1

Rhodii, xii. 14. 2, 8 ; 15. 2, 8

Rhodu.s, vii. 3. 5; xi. 1. 3; 28. 8;
xii. 15. 2, 5

Boma, vii. 1. 5 ; 10. 4 ; 11. 1 ; viii. 1.
2 ; 3. 1 ; ix. 1. 2 ; 2. 3 ; 10. 1 ; 15,
4 ; 18. 4 ; 21. 2 ; x. 10. 1 ; 32. 1
xi. 1. 3, 6 ; 2. 1 ; 5. 1 ; 6. 1 ; 8. 2
12. 1 ; 16. 2 ; 24. 2 ; 27. 5 ; 28. 8
xii. 5. 2; 11. 1; 12. 1 ; 14. 1, 5
17. 1 ; 29. 2 ; 30. 5

Romani ludi, viiL 8. 1

Romani sales, Ix. 15. 2

Romanus civi.s, x. 32. 3 ; 35. 1 : xii.
15. 1

Romanus eqnes, viii. 9. 4 ; x. 7. 1 ;
xii. 27. 1

Romanus mos, vii. 16. 3 ; 18. 3

Romanua populus, vii. 27. 2; viiL

8. 6 ; X. 6. 1, 2 ; 28. 2 ; 33. 5 ; xi.
5. 2, 3 ; 7. 2 ; 8. 1 ; 15. 1 ; 16. 2 ;
18. 1, 3 ; xii. 2. 2 ; 5. 3 ; 8. 2 ; 15.

2 : 22. 2 ; 24. 2 ; 29. 1
Roscins, ix. 22. 1
RubeUius (C), xii. 26. 1
Rubria, ix. 21. 3
Rnflo, vii. 20. 1
Rufreni, x. 21. 4

Rufus. See Caecilias Rufus
Rufus, friend of Paetus, ix. 24. 1
Rufus (or Orfius). vii. 5. 2
RuUus. See Servilius Rullus
Rutilius Lupus, xi. 5. 1 ; 6. 1 ; 7. 1 ;
12. 1 ; 16. 3 ; 25. 1

Salvias, ix. 10. 1

Samarobriva, vii. 11. 2 ; 12. 1 ; 16. 3

Sardi, vii. 24. 2

Sardinia, ix. 7. 2 ; xi. 26

Satumi signum, vii. 23. 2

Scapula. See Quiutius Scapula

Scipio. SeeCaecilius MetellusScipio

Scipiones, viii. 11. 2

Scribonius Curio, viii. 2. 1 ; 4. 2 ; 5.

3 ; 6. 3, 5 ; 8. 5, 6, 10 ; 9. 1, 3 ; 10.
3, 4 ; 11. 1, 2, 3 ; 13. 2 ; 14. 4 ; 17. 1

Scribonius Libo, vii. 4 ; xi. 7, 1
Segulius Labeo, xi. 20. 1 ; 21. 1, 2
Seius (M.), ix. 7. 1 ; xi. 7. 1
Seleucea, viii. 14. 1.
Seliciana villa, ix. 16. 10
Selius, vii. 12. 1 ; 32. 2
Sempronianum Senatus Consultum,

xii. 29. 2
Sempronius Atratinus (L.), ix. 21. 2
Sempronius Rufus (C), viii. 8. 1 ;

xii. 22o, 4 ; 25. 3, 5
Senatus et >fagistratus, letters to,

from Plancus, x. 8 ; from Lepidus,

X.35; from Plancus and D.Brutu.s,

xi. 13a ; from P. Lentulus, xiL 15
Septimius (C), viii. 8. 5, 6
Servaeus, viii. 4. 2
Servilii, viiL 8. 3
Servilius (M.), viii. 8. 2, 3
Servilius, tribune of the plebs, xii.

7. 1
Servilius Postumus (L.), xii. 26. 1
Servilius Rullus (P.), viii. 6. 5
Servilius Vatia I.sauricus (P.X x. 12.

3, 4 ; 16. 1 ; xii. 2. 1
Servius, brother of Papirios Paetus

ix. 16. 4

635

INDEX OF NAMES

Sendus Pola, viii. 12. 2, 8

Sestiana dicta, vii. 82. 1

Sestius (P.), vii. 24. 2

Sextilius Rufus (C), xil. 18. 4

Sicilia, ix. 7. 2 ; 21. 3

Sida, xil. 15. 5

Silanus. See Junius Silanus

Sili causa, vii. 21

Silius (A.), ix. 16. 1

Sinuessanum praedium, xii. 20

Sittiana syngrapha, viii. 2. 2 ; 4. 5 ;

8. 10 ; 9. 3 ; 11. 4
Socrates, ix. 22. 8
Spnrinna, ix. 24. 2
Stabianus sinus, vii. 1. 1
Btatiellenses, xi. 11. 2
Statius Murcus (L.), xii. 11. 1 ; 12. 8
Stoica schola, ix. 22. 5
Stoici, vii. 16. 8 ; 26. 1 ; ix. 22. 1, 5
Subernius (C), ix. 13. 1
Sulla. See Cornelius Sulla
Sullana domus, ix. 15. 5
Sullani agri, xi. 20. 3
Sulpicius Galba (Servius), his letter

to Cicero, x. 80 ; xi. 18. 1
Sulpicius Rufus (Servius), vii. 21 ;

29. 1 ; 31. 2 ; viii. 8. 5 ; 10. 8 ; x.

28. 3 ; xii. 2. 3 ; 5. 3 ; 15. 2
Sulpicius Rufus (Servius), son of

above, xi. 7. 1 ; 24. 2
Syracusae, ix. 16. 6 ; 18. 1
Syria, ix. 15. 4 ; xii. 4. 2 ; 6. 1 ; 11.

1 ; 12. 2 ; 14. 1, 4, 6 ; 15. 2, 4, 6, 7 ;

17. 1 ; 19. 1

Tarentuui, vii. 12. 1 ; xi. 27. 2
Taricheae, xii. 11. 2
Tarracina, vii. 23. 8
Tarsenses, xii. 13. 4
Terentia, ix. 9. 1
Terentius, the poet, xii. 25. 6
Terentius Varro(M.),Cicoro's letters
to, ix. 1-8 ; ix. 8. 2 ; 13. 1 ; xi. 10, 6
Testa. See Trebatius Testa
Tettius (Sext.), viii. 8. 3
Tigellius, vii. 24. 1 ; 25
Tillius Cimber (L.), xii. 18. 8
Tiro. See Tullius Tiro
Titius (P.\ xii. 15. 5
Titius (P.), X. 12. 3 ; 21. 8
Titius Strabo (C), xii. 6. 1
Toptca Aristotelea, vii. 19
Trabea, the poet, ix. 21. 1
Transalpinae nationes, ix. 15. 2

636

Transpadani, viii. 1. 2 ; xii. 5. 2
Tratorius, xii. 23. 1, 4 ; 30. 6
Trebatius Testa (C), Cicero's letters

to, vii. 6-22 ; vii. 5. 1, 2 ; 13. 1 ; 20.

2 ; 21 ; 22 ; xi. 27. 1, 3, 8 ; 28. 8
Trebellius (L.), xi. 13. 4
Trebonius (C), Cicero's letter to,

X. 28 ; his to Cicero, xiL 16 ; xii.

12. 1 ; 14. 5 ; 15. 4
Trebulanus ager, xl. 27. 3
Treviri, vii. 13. 2

Triarius. See Valerius Triarius

Tucciua (M.), viii. 8. 1

Tullia (or Tulliola), Cicero's

daughter, viL 28. 4 ; viii. 18. 1 ;

ix. 9. 1
Tullius Cicero (M.), vii. 29. 1 ; viii.

13. 2 ; 16. 1, 2 ; ix. 9. 1, 3 ; 26. 2 ;
X. 4. 2 ; 9. 2 ; 11. 8 ; 21. 6 ; 23. 1,
6, 7 ; 24. 5 ; 84a. 4 ; xi. 13. 1 ; xii.
13. 2 ; 16. 1

Tullius Cicero (M.), son of above,

viii. 15. 2
Tullius Cicero (Q.), brother of tlie

orator, vii. 7. 1 ; 9. 1 ; 17. 1 ; x.

25. 3 ; xii. 25. 5
Tullius Tiro (M.), vii. 29. 2
Turdi. See Papirii Turdi
Turiana hereditas, xii. 26. 2
Turius (Q.), xii. 26. 1, 2
Turpilia, vii. 21
Turullius, xii. 13. 8, 4
Tusculanenses dies, ix. 6. 4
Tusculanum (praedium), vii. 11. 2 ;

23. 3 ; 26. 1 ; ix. 1. 2 ; 2. 1 ; 6. 3 :

17. 2 ; 18. 1 ; xi. 27. 1

Ulubrae, vii. 18. 8
Ulubranus populus, vii. 12. 2

Vacerra, vii. 8. 2
Vada, xi. 10. 8 ; 18. 2
Valeria Paula, viii. 7. 2
Valerius (L.), vii. 11. 2
Valerius Flaccus (P.), ix. 21. 3
Valerius Messalla, viii. 2. 1 ; 4. I
Valerius Triarius (P.), viii. 7. 2
Varisidius(M.), x. 7. 1 ; 12. 2
Varro. See Terentius Varro
Varus (Sext.), x. 82. 2
Veiens ager, ix. 17. 2
Velia, vii. 19 ; 20. 1, 3 ; ix. 7. 2
Velienses, vii. 20. 1

INDEX OF NAMES

Ventidiani milites, xi. 12. 3
Ventidius Bassos (P.), x. 17. 1 ; 18.

S ; S3. 4 ; 34. 1 ; xl. 9. 1 ; 10. 3 ;

13. 3
Vennlelns, xii. 30. 7
Venus, viil. 15. 2
Vercellas, xi. 19. 2
Verrius, ix. 20. 2 ; 26. 1 ; xii. 14. 5
Ve.stx)rius (C), viii. 8. 1
Vettius Chrysippns, vii. 14. 1, 2
Vibius (T.), xL 12. 1
Vibias Pansa, viii. 8. 6, 7, 8 ; x. 30.

1, 2, 5; 31. 4, 6 ; 33. 3, 4 ; xi. 5. 1 ;

9. 1 ; 13. 2 ; 20. 4 ; xii. 5. 2 ; 7. 1 ;

li. 5 ; 83. 3 ; 25a. 1 i 25. 6 ; SO. 6

Vicetini, xl. 19. 8

Vidius, ix. 10. 1

Vienna, x. 9. 3

Villius Annalis (L.), viii. 8. 5, «

Viuicius (L.), viii. 8. 6

Vocontii, x. 23. 2

Volumnius (L.), vii. 32. 1

Volumnius Eutrapelus (P.), Cicero's

letters to, vii. 32 ; 33 ; vii. 32. 3 ;

38. 1 ; ix. 26. 1, 2
Volomnias Flaccos, xL 12. 1 ; 18. 1

Zeno, Stoicu.s, ix. 15. 1
Zethus, ix. 15. 1

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(2nd Imp.)
Herodes. C/. Theophhastus : Characters.
Herodotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. (Vols. I-III 4<A Imp^

Vol. IV 3rd Imp.)
Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns. H. G. Evelyn White.

{7th Imp. revised and enlarged.)
Hippocrates and the Fragments op Hehacleitus. W. H. S.

Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp.,
[ Vols. II-IV 2nd Imp.)

I Homer : Iliad. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. {6th Imp.)
Homer t Odyssey. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. {7th Imp.)
Isaeus. E. S. Forster. (2nd Imp.)

IsocRATES. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols,
St. John Damascene : Barlaam and Ioasaph. Rev. G. R.

Woodward and Harold Mattingly. (2nd Imp. revised.)
JoSEPHCS. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols.

Vols. I-VIL (Vol. VI 2nd Imp., Vol. V 3rd Imp.)
JuLLiN. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Imn.

Vol. TLZrdlmp.)
I LoNGUS : Daphnis aitd Chloe. Thomley's translation

revised by J. M. Edmonds ; and Pabthenitjs. S. Gaselee.
, (Zrdlmp.)
jLuciAN. A M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. (Vols. I and

II 3rd Imp., Vol. Ill 2nd Imp.)
Lycophron. Cf. Callimachus.
Lyra Graeca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp.,

Vol. II 2nd Ed. revised and enlarged. Vol. Ill 3rd Imp.

revised.)
Ltsias. W. R. M. Lamb. {2nd Imp.)
NiANETHO. W.G.Waddell; Ptolemy: Tethabiblos. F. E.

Robbins. {2nd Imp.)

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Mabcus Aurelius. C. R. Haines. {Srd Imp. revised.)

Mekander. F. G. Allinson. {2nd Imp. revised.)

Minor Attic '^hatohs. 2 Vols. Vol. I (Antiphon, An. ^

cides). K. .. . Maidment.
NoNNos : DioNYsiACA. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols. (^'"il.

Ill 2nd Imp.)
Oppian, Colluthus, Tryphiodorus. a. W. Mair.
Papyri. Non-Literary Selections. A. S. Hunt and C. > "

Edgar. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Imp.) Literary Selection

Vol. I (Poetry). D. L. Page. (3rd Imp.)
Parthenius. C/. Longus.
Pausanias : Description of Greece. W. H. S. Jones.

Vols, and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wyche-i^

(Vols. I and II 2nd Imp.)
Ph[lo. 11 Vols. Vols. I-V. P. H. Colson and Rev. C

Whitaker; Vols VI-IX. P. H. Colson. (Vols. I, II.

VI and VII 2nd Imp., Vol. IV 3rd Imp. revised.)
Phelostkatus : The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. F.

Coneybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. I, 4tt Imp., Vol. U 3fd /»r

revised.)
Philostratus : Imagines ; Callistratus : Description^.

A. Fairbanks.
Philostratus and Eunapius : Lives of the Sophisi s.

Wilmer Cave Wright. (2nd Imp.)
Pindar. Sir J. E. Sandys. {7th Imp. revised.)
Plato : Charmides, Alcibiades, Hippahchus, The Lovep^.

Theages, Minos and Epinomis. W. R. M. Lamb.
Plato : Chatylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Ll.

Hippias. H. N. Fowler. (3rd Imp.)
Plato : Euthyphro, Apology, Cbito, Phaedo, Phae

H. N. Fowler. {9th Imp.)
Plato : Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthyd:

W. R. M. Lamb. (2nd Imp, revised.)
Plato : Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. (2nd Imj
Plato : Lysis, Symposium, Gohoias. W. R. M. I •

{4th Imp. revised.)
Plato: Republic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. {Vol. I 4th .

Vol. II 3rd Imp.)
Plato : Statesman, Philebus. H. N. Fowler ; •• I

W. R. M. Lamb. (3rd Imp.) cJL]

Plato : Theaetetus and Sophist. H. N. Fowler. (3rf "'^'j
Plato : Timaeus, Chitias, Clitopho, Menexenus !

8TULAE. Rev. R. G. Bury. (2nd Imp.)

o/\^

PA 6297 .A3

V.2 SMC

Cicero^ Marcus Tullius.

The letters to his

FRIENDS^
AMC-5709 (ab)