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speciAL 
colleccioNS 

tJOUQLAS 
LlbKAirp 


queeN's  uNiveRsrrp 
at  Kingston 

Presented  by 

KlNQSTON     ONTARiO     CANADA 


I 


S    E    T    T    E    R 


T  O     A 


MEMBER    of    PARLIAMENT, 


ON       THE 


CASE 


OF       THE 


PROTESTANT   DISSENTERS; 

AND      THE 

EXPEDIENCY   OF   A    GENERAL   REPEAL  OF  ALL 

PENAL  STATUTES  THAT  REGARD 

RELIGIOUS  OPINIONS. 


LONDON: 

PRINTED  FOR    R.  FAULDER,    IN   NEW   BOND-STREET, 
MDCCLXXXVII. 


ADVERTISE  MEN  T. 


T 


H  E  following  Letter  was  written  be- 


fore the  Case  of  the  DiiTenters  was 
agitated  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons ;  but 
was  then  fupprefTed  from  motives  of  deli- 
cacy. As  thefe  no  longer  exift,  it  is  offer- 
ed to  the  public  in  its  primitive  form,  with 
the  addition  of  only  a  note  or  two,  occa- 
fioned  by  fome  recent  pamphlets  on  the 
fame  fubjec"t. 


LETTER 


T  O     A 


MEMBER  of  PARLIAMENT,    &c. 


A  Printed  meet  was,  a  few  days  ago, 
•**  ■*■  put  into  my  hand,  entitled,  The 
Cafe  of  the  Protejiant  Dijfenters,  •with  refer- 
ence to  the  Tejl  and  Corporation  Atts.  The 
intention  of  it  is  to  move  the  legillature  to 
repeal  fuch  parts  of  thefe  ads,  as  exclude 
from  military   and  civil   offices  all  who  re- 

B  ceive 


[  2  ] 

ceive  not  the  facrament  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per, according  to  the  ufage  of  the  church 
of  England,  within  three  months  after  their 
admittance,  or  one  year  before  their  elec- 
tion, if  their  office  be  a  corporation  one. 

Although  I  fmcerely  wifh  the  protejlant 
dijfenters  fuccefs  in  their  application  to  par- 
liament, having  ever  confidered  fuch  tefts 
as  inimical  to  civil  as  well  as  to  religious 
liberty,  and  often  a  fource  of  the  vileft  hy- 
pocrify  ;  yet  I  am  forry  to  be  obliged  to  fay, 
that,  in  the  paper  now  before  me,  there  is 
a  manifeft  partiality  in  the  ftatement  of  facls, 
and  an  illiberality  of  fentiment  in  the  mode 
of  reafoning,  of  which  I  did  not  think  the 
protejlant  dijfenters  of  the  prefent  day  ca- 
pable :  and  I  am  perfuaded,  that  many  pro- 
teftant  difTcnters  are  of  the  fame  opinion 
with  myfelf. — Would  the  enlightened  Price, 
or  the  candid  Prieftley  have  drawn  up  fuch  a 


cafe? 


It 


[     3     ] 

It  fets  forth,  that  the  acl:  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  Charles  the  Second  muft  have  been 
made  "  whollv  aeainfl:  Papists  ;  and  not 
"  to  prevent  any  danger  which  could  hap- 
"  pen  to  the  nation  or  church  from  Pro- 
"  teftant  DhTenters." — Why  ?  Becaufe, 

Firft,  the  acl:  is  called  "  an  acl:  for  pre- 
44  venting  dangers,  which  may  happen  from 
"  popifl  recufants." 

Secondly,  From  the  circumflances  in 
which  it  was  formed  ;  namely,  the  fufpen- 
fion  of  the  penal  laws,  in  favour  of  papifts 
— our  being  in  war  with  a  proteftant 
ftate  ;  and  the  Duke  of  York's  open  pro- 
fefhon  of  popery. 

Let  us  fee  how  far  thefe  affertions  accord 
with  the  whole  tenor  of  Charles's  reign,  the 
general  difpofition  of  the  nation  during  that 
period,  and  the  conftant  oppofition  which 
the  eftablifhed  religion  has  ever  fince  made 
B  2  to 


f     4     ] 

to  the  repeal  of  that  act  :  although  it  is 
evident  that,  both  from  prior  and  pofterior 
acts  againft  papijh,  it  can  neither  ferve  nor 
injure  them  In  the  leaft  degree. 

I  hardly  think,  that  it  will  be  ferioufiy 
afTerted,  that  at  the  Relloration,  the  Roman 
catholics  were  a  party  dangerous  or  redoubt- 
able to  either  church  or  ftate:  whereas,  at 
that  time  "  prelacy  and  prefbytery  ftruggled 
"  for  the  fuperiority,"*  and  their  mutual 
animofities  were  carried  to  the  greater! 
height. 

The  epifcopal  party,  however,  prevailed. 
In  the  parliament  of  1661,  the  bifhops 
were  reftored  to  their  places  in  the  houfe  of 
lords  ;  and  in  the  houfc  of  commons  no 
more  than  fifty-fix  of  the  prefbyterian  party 
had  obtained  feats.  The  corporation  act.  of 
this  year  is  an  evident  proof  that  the  parlia- 

*  Hume3  Vol.  VII.  p.  369,  Laft  edit.  Svo. 

ment 


[    s    1 

ment  dreaded  that  party,  and  meant  to  de- 
prefs  them.* 

The  act  of  uniformity  in  1662  is  fliil 
more  flagrant.  It  was,  fays  Hume,  "  a 
"  pledge  of  the  fincere  attachment  of  par- 
"  liament  to  the  epifcopal  hierarchy,  and  of 
"  their  antipathy  to  prefbyterians."  In  fad, 
two  thoufand  clergymen  of  that  perfuafion 
were,  in  confequence,  turned  out  of  their 
livings. 

This  could  not  be  afcrjbed  to  the  king  or 
court.  For  though  Charles  hated,  and  had 
reafon  to  hate,  the   diflenters,  his  eafy  na- 

*  The  author  of  the  Cafe  grants,  that,  "  probably," 
this  a<£t,  at  leaft,  was  levelled  at  them.  He  mould, 
with  Lord  Mansfield,  have  faid,  "  that  it  was  moft  cer- 
"  tainly  intended  by  the  legiflature  to  prohibit  the  per- 
u  fons  therein  defcribed  being  elected  to  any  corporation 
"  offices,  and  to  difable  them  from  taking  any  fuch 
"  offices  upon  them."  See  his  fpeech  in  the  houfe  of 
lords,  4th  Feb.  1767,  in  the  Appendix  to  Dr.  Fur- 
neaux's  Letterc,  p.  260. 

B    3  tural 


[     6    ] 

tural  difpofition,  and  his  wiih  to  ferve  the 
catholic  party  who  had  fuffered  fo  much  in 
the  royal  caufe,  and  whom  he  knew  to  be 
ftrongly  attached  to  regal  power,  made  him 
propofe  to  his  parliament,  the  very  next 
year  (1663),  a  general  toleration  in  favour 
of  protectant  diflenters,  and  to  catholics  the 
free  private  exercife  of  their  religion. — 
"  But  the  declared  intention  of  eafmg  the 
"  diflenters,  and  the  fecret  purpofe  of  fa- 
"  vouring  catholics,  were  equally  difagree- 
"  able  to  that  parliament."*  And  the  com- 
mons represented  "  that  the  indulgence  in- 
"  tended  would  prove  moft  pernicious  both 
"  to  church  and  ftate,  would  open  the  door 
"  to  fchiim,  encourage  Action,  difturb  the 
"  public  peace,  and  difcredit  the  wifdom  of 
"  the  legiflature."  At  the  fame  time,  they 
foliated  and  obtained  a  proclamation  againft 

*   Hume,  Vol.  VII.  p.  386,  laft  edit.  8vo. 

■••: 


[     7    ] 
the    papifts;     which,    however,    was     not 
ftrictly  executed. 

The  parliament  of  1664  difcovered  a 
continuance  of  the  fame  principles,  which 
had  prevailed  in  the  preceding  ones. — 
"  Monarchy  and  the  church  were  ftill  the 
"  great  objects  of  regard  and  affection." 
The  act  of  uniformity  was  not  deemed  fuf- 
ficient  to  guard  them  from  the  deiigns  of 
iectaries.  It  was  enacted,  "  that  where- 
"  ever  five  perfons,  above  thofe  of  the  fame 
"  houfehold,  fhould  affemble  in  a  religious 
"  congregation,  every  one  of  them  was 
"  liable  to  imprifonment  or  a  fine." 

In  1665,  it  was  enacted  that  no  diflenting 
teacher,  who  took  not  the  non-refiftance 
oath,  fhould  come  within  five  miles  of  any 
place  where  he  had  formerly  preached  after 
the  act  of  oblivion,  under  the  penalty  of 
fix  months  imprifonment,  and  fixty  pounds. 

B  4  Not 


[     8     ] 

Not  content  with  this,  the  church-party  in- 
troduced a  bill,  for  impofmg  the  oath  of 
non-refi fiance  on  the  whole  nation  :  and  it 
was  rejected  only  by  three  voices. 

After  Clarendon's  difmiffion  and  difgrace, 
in  1667,  the  diflenters  began  to  make  head 
again.  But  the  fuccefs  of  that  ill-advifed 
meafure,  the  re-eftablifhing  epifcopacy  in 
Scotland,  mews  that  the  high-church  party 
were  ftill  fuperior,  and  determined  to  keep 
under  the  prefbyterians.  Acts  were  palled  in 
both  the  Englifh  and  Scottifh  parliaments  for 
preventing  and  fupprefhng  conventicles-. 

But  what,  above  all,  fhews  the  com- 
plexion of  thofe  times,  is  that  when  Buck- 
ingham's party,  in  1668,  had  laid  a  plan  to 
reconcile  and  unite  the  prefbyterians  by  a 
comprehenfion  act  ;  and  to  grant  to  all  fec- 
taries  (papifls  excepted)  a  toleration,  and 
free  exercife  of  their  religion  j  the  commons 

were 


[    9    ] 

were  fo  difgufted  at  this  propofal,  which  had 
met  with  the  court's  approbation,  that  they 
immediately  voted  an  addrefs  for  a  procla- 
mation againft  conventicles ;  and,  fufpecl:- 
ing  that  the  king  ftill  meant  to  do  fomething 
in  favour  of  the  proteftant  diffenters,  they 
paffed  a  vote  that  no  one  fhould  bring  into 
the  houfe  any  bill  of  that  nature.  And  it 
was,  after  all,  with  fome  difficulty  that  they 
were  prevailed  upon  to  vote  a  fupply. 

It  cannot  be  faid  that*  the  comprehenfion 
fcheme  was  intended,  ojlenjively  to  relieve 
proteftant  diffenters  ;  but  really  to  favour  the 
catholics  :  the  latter  were  exprefsly  excluded 
from  its  operation  ;  and  no  caufe  can  be  af- 
figned  for  its  giving  fuch  umbrage  to  par- 
liament, but  the  danger  they  thought  the 
church  and  ftate  in  from  fuch  a  conceflion 
to  diffenters. 

The  year  after  (1669)  the  act  againft  con- 
venticles 


t      ">     ] 

venticles  pafled,  and  received  the  royal  af- 
fent.  In  this  act  there  is  this  curious  claufe, 
"  That  if  any  difpute  arife  with  regard  to 
"  the  interpretation  of  any  part  of  it,  the 
"  judges  fhall  always  explain  the  doubt  in 
a  the  fenfe  leaft  favourable  to  conventicles.'' 
So  eagerly  did  parliament  defire  to  fupprefs 
them. 

Hitherto,  then,  it  is  plain  that  the  puri- 
tans, not  the  papifts,  were  the  principal  eye- 
fore  to  the  Englifh  parliament ;  which,  as 
the  court  expreffed  a  wifh  to  extend  indul- 
gence to  them,  prevented  or  frullrated  the 
intention  by  fome  new  intolerant  act  or  re- 
folve. 

Things  now,  however,  began  to  take 
another  turn.  The  pernicious  counfels  of 
the  new  cabal — the  unpopular  rupture  with 
the  Dutch — the  clofe  league  with  France, 
and  the  Duke  of  York's  declaring  himfelf  a 

Roman 


[     u     ] 

Roman  catholic,  gave  rife  to  new  alarms 
about  popery;  which  the  long  prorogation  of 
parliament,  and  a  proclamation  fufpending  the 
penal  laws,  prodigioufly  increafed.  Yet  the 
proclamation  for  fufpending  the  penal  laws, 
whilft  it  gave  to  proteftant  diiTenters  the 
public  exercife  of  their  religion,  to  catholics 
allowed  only  the  exercife  of  theirs  in  pri- 
vate houfes.  The  obfervation  of  Hume  on 
this  proclamation  is,  that  "  the  diiTenters, 
"  the  moft  inveterate  enemies  of  the  court, 
"  were  mollified  with  thefe  indulgent  max- 
c:  ims  ;  and  the  catholics,  under  their  fhelter, 
"  enjoyed  more  liberty  than  the  laws  had 
"  hitherto  allowed  them.":  That  is,  the 
court,  in  order  to  give  fome  fmall  degree 
of  toleration  to  catholics,  whom  it  confi- 
dered  among  its  beft  friends,  gave  a  full 
toleration  to  diiTenters,  though  it  knew  them 
to  be  its  "  moft  inveterate  enemies." 


*  Vol.  VII.  p.  47-. 

To 


[  12  ] 

To  this  declaration  the  lord  keeper  refufed 
to  affix  the  great  feal  ;  and  when,  at  the 
meeting  of  parliament,  the  king  infifted  on 
his  right  to  exercife  this  part  of  his  prero- 
gative, he  met  with  fuch  vigorous  oppo- 
fition  from  his  commons,  as  obliged  him  to 
depart  from  it.  He  revoked  the  fufpending 
declaration,  and  with  his  own  hand  tore  off 
the  feals. 

Still  the  clamours  againlt  popery  were  in-» 
duflrioufly  kept  up,  and  propagated  ;  the 
difTenters  joining  in  the  cry,  and  endea- 
vouring, by  that  means,  to  fix  on  the  pa- 
pifts  only,  the  fufpicions  and  diftruft,  that 
had  hitherto  more  particularly  fallen  on 
themfelves. 

It  was  at  this  conjuncture,  that  the  act  al- 
luded to  in  the  Cafe  was  made :  and  from 
the  title  of  the  act,  the  writer  infers  that  it 
was  never  meant  to  include  proteftant  dif- 

fenters. 


[     '3     ] 

tenters.  But  I  beg  leave  to  affirm  with  Dr. 
Furneaux  (Letters  to  Blackftone,  Let.  I.  note, 
p.  12.)  that  "  to  illuftrate  or  to  explain  acts 
"  of  parliament  is  one  thing ;  to  reftrain 
"  or  limit  them  another :  whether  they 
u  amount  to  more  than  their  titles  exprefs, 
"  muft  be  determined  by  the  words  or 
"  claufes  of  the  act  itfelf.  The  teft-act  fup- 
"  plies  us  with  a  cafe  in  point ;  it  being  an 
"  aEl  for  preventing  dangers  arifng  from  po- 
"  p'ifo  recufants ;  and  yet  every  one  knows  it 
"  is  fo  drawn  as  to  comprehend  proteftant 
"  difTenters."  Indeed,  whoever  reads  the 
whole  act  with  attention,  and  compares  it 
with  the  hiflory  of  the  times,  will,  I  think, 
clearly  perceive  that,  though  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  the  people  alarmed  with  dangers 
(real  or  imaginary)  from  popery,  it  be  in 
the  preamble  held  forth  as  an  act  againil 
popijh  recufants  ;  it  is  equally  at  leaft,  if  not 
more  efpecially,  levelled  at   proteftant   dif- 

fenters. 


[Hi 

{enters.  The  truth  appears  to  be,  that  the 
court  party  ftill  wifhed  to  favour  the  catho- 
lics ;  but  as  the  tide  of  popular  prejudice 
againft  that  body  was  every  day  rifing  higher 
and  higher,  they  found  it  expedient  to  ftem  it 
by  pairing  this  act ;  but  took  care  at  the 
fame  time  to  ftem  another  torrent,  which 
they  had  experienced  to  be  far  more  impe- 
tuous ;  by  the  introduction  of  the  facra- 
mental  teft  :  and  as  they  had  often  before 
attempted  in  vain  to  fcreen  the  catholics 
from  the  feverity  of  the  penal  ftatutes,  by 
relaxing  them  in  favour  of  the  other  dif- 
ienters  ;  fo  now  they  were  refolved  to  ftrike 
at  the  diflenters  through  the  fides  of  the* 
catholics* 

"  But  (fays  the  writer  of  the  Cafe)  fo  far 
"  were  the  proteilant  diffenters  from  being 
"  aimed  at  in  this  bill,  that,  in  their  zeal  to 
"  refcue  the  nation  from  the  dangers  which 
"  were  at  that  time  apprehended  from  popiiTi 
2  "  recu- 


[  «j  ] 

*  recufants,  they  contributed  to  the  paffing 
"  of  the  bill  ;  willingly  fubjecting  them- 
"  klves  to  the  diiabilities  created  by  it,  rather 
"  than  obftruct  what  was  aeemed  fo  necef- 
"  fary  to  the  common  welfare." 

Generous  diiTenters  !  But  ftill  they  under- 
ftood,  at  the  very  time,  that  they  were  in- 
cluded in  that  difqualifying  bill,  and  that 
thereby  they  "  were  fu ejected  to  difabili- 
"  ties  ;"  although  rather  than  fee  the  veffel 
of  the  ftate  overwhelmed  by  popery,  they 
tamely  allowed  themfelves  to  be  thrown  out, 
like  another  Jonah,  for  the  fake  of  the 
common  weal !  Let  him  who  can  beli 
this,  believe  it.  For  my  part,  I  believe  that 
the  difTentirig  members  in. that  parliament 
law  well,  that  the  bill  would  pafs  into  an  act 
without  their  concurrence ;  and  therefore 
they  made  a  virtue  of  neceility,  and  raifed, 
as  they  have  often  done,  and  now  endea- 
vour to  do,  their  own  merit  on  the  pretend- 
ed 


I     it    3 

ed  demerit  of  others.  For  without  any  view 
or  wifh  to  obftrudt  the  indulgence  of  parlia- 
ment to  protejlant  dijfenters,  or  without  the 
leaft  intention  of  reprefenting  them  as  dan- 
gerous fubje&s  ;  I  will  take  upon  me  to 
affirm,  that,  from  the  iirft  eftablifhment  of 
the  Englifh  church  to  the  prefent  day,  fhe 
has  had  more  to  fear  from  proteftant  dif- 
fenters  than  from  popifh  recufants.  I  do 
not  even  except  the  fhort  reign  of  that  in- 
fatuated bigot  James  the  Second.  His  mea- 
fures  were  too  ouvert,  too  violent  and  too 
ridiculous,  not  to  end  in  the  ruin  of  him- 
felf  and  party ;  and  inftead  of  fubverting 
the  national  religion,  could  only  give  new 
ftrength  to  it :  while  the  fecret  machina- 
tions of  the  very  numerous  prefbyterian 
faction  have  been,  for  more  than  a  century, 
infenfibly  fapping  its  foundations ;  and  will, 
mod  probably,  in  the  end  overthrow  the 
whole  fabric.     The   mine,  as  Dr.    Pricftlcy 

calls 


[     17     ] 

calls  it,  has  been  long  laying,  not  only 
"  grain  by  grain,"  but  barrel  by  barrel  ; 
and  although  perhaps  it  will  not,  for  fome 
time  yet,  be  ready  for  fpringing,  the  work, 
I  fufpect,  is  much  further  advanced,  than 
it  is  generally  believed. 

As  a   mere  individual,  I   am   little  con- 
cerned about  the  event.     Whether  any  civil 
eftablimment  be   conducive  to  the  interefts 
of  religion,  is  ftill  to  me  an  undecided   pro- 
blem ;    and  the  arguments  againft  it  are  at 
leaft  fully  as  plaufible  and  conclusive  as  thofe 
for  it. — Certainly  much  more  conform  to  the 
genuine  fpirit  of  "  a  kingdom  which  is  not 
"  of  this  world."  But  that  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  prefent  queftion,   which  is  merely, 
whether  the  prefent  Englifli  eftablifhment  has 
more  to  fear  from  papifts  than  from  protectant 
dilTenters  ?   And  for   the  refolution  of   this 
queftion  I  will  venture  to  appeal,  not   only 

C  to 


t  18  1 

to  all  the  bench  of  bifhops  and  their  ad- 
herents, but  to  every  candid  and  well-in- 
formed diffenter  in  the  nation. 

But  to  return  to  the  teft-acT.  Nothing 
can  be  jufter  than  what  is  faid  of  it  by 
Ralph  :  "  It  was  calculated  not  only  to  throw 
"  all  papifls  out  of  office  ;  but  to  concenter 
"  all  employments  in  thofe  who  profeiTed 
"  the  eftabliihed  religion."* 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  diiTenters,  by 
their  approbation  of  the  teft-acT:  in  as  far  as  it 
regarded  papifts,  hoped  for  fome  future  mi- 
tigation of  it  in  favour  of  themfelves.  In 
fa£t,  in  that  fame  feffion,  as  is  ftated  in 
the  Cafe,  a  bill  was  brought  into  the  houfe 
of  commons  for  the  fpecial  purpofe  of 
eafmg  proteftant  difTenters,  which  had  paf- 
fed  both  houfes,  with  fome  amendments  ; 
but  was  loft  by  the  fuddcn  adjournment  of 

Ralph,  p.  223. 

parlia- 


[     '9    ] 

parliament.  But  does  this  bill  import,  that 
the  diffenters  were  not  meant  to  be  included 
in  the  teft-act  ?  No,  nor  does  it  hold  forth  to 
them  any  relief  from  the  onerous  claufe 
now  complained  of.  If  parTed,  it  would 
have  freed  them  from  fome  pains  and  penal- 
ties (on  condition  of  their  fubfcribing  to 
the  thirty-nine  articles),  but  would  have  ad- 
mitted them  to  no  office,  from  which  either 
the  teft  or  corporation  a£t.  excludes  them/' 

But  nothing  fhews  more  evidently  that 
thefe  acts  were  ever  confidered  as  defigned 
to  include  proteftant  diffenters,  than  the 
ineffectual  efforts  made  at  the  revolution  to 
have  them  repealed.  Yet  even  William 
himfelf  would  never  confent  to  that.     The 

*  Another  very  lrrong  proof  that  the  teft-acT:  was 
meant  to  include  diflenters,  is,  that  in  the  parliament  of 
1675,  when  a  new  bill  was  drawn  up  againfl:  the  pa- 
pifts,  there  is  not  a  word  in  it  to  relieve  proteftant  dif- 
fenters. 

C   2  toleration 


[    2°    ] 

toleration  act  only  protected  them  from  the 
feverity  of  penal  ftatutes,  and  gave  them 
leave  to  appoint  deputies  to  ferve  in  certain 
parochial  and  ward  offices,  if  they  Ihould 
not  think  it  fit  to  qualify  themfelves  for 
them  ;  and  this  even  is  clogged  with  a  pro- 
vifo,  that  the  perfon  deputed  be  approved 
by  thofe  who  would  have  approved  the 
principal,  if  not  otherwife  unqualified. 

In  the  fubfequcnt  reign,  the  cord  was 
rather  tightened  than  relaxed.  As  many  of 
the  diffenting  party  had  been  charged  with 
occafional  conformity,  an  act  was  paifed  in 
J  7 1 1 ,  requiring  all  perfons  who  held  offices 
not  only  to  receive  the  facrament  according 
to  the  rite  of  the  church  of  England  ;  but 
to  conform  to  her  whole  mode  of  worfhip 
during  the  time  of  holding  them. 

Some  ads  paifed  in  the  reigns  of  George 
the  Firlt    and  Second  have   explained   and 

amended 


t       2.       ] 

amended  fome  parts  of  the  teft  and  corpo- 
ration acts,  and  limited  their  operations ; 
but  it  is  not  aflertcd  by  the  diflenters  them- 
felves,  that  there  was  ever  an  intention  of 
repealing  them :  nay,  fome  of  the  amend- 
ments are  fuch  as  feem  rather  calculated  to 
give  them  new  ftrength  ;  particularly  thofe 
of  the  fixteenth  of  George  the  Second.  Nor 
in  the  prefent  reign,  has  there  been  any 
thing  done  to  amend  thofe  amendments ; 
nor  any  attempt  made  towards  having  the 
original  acts  repealed  until  now.  Pity  !  it 
mould  be  at  length  made  in  fo  objection- 
able a  form. 

For,  in  the  Cafe  of  the  Protefiant  Difenters, 

there  is  not  only  an  evident   mif-ftatement 

of  facts,  of  which  there  was  no  need  for  the 

proper  enforcement  of  their  juft  claim  ;  but 

there  is,  moreover,  a  difgufting  illiberality  of 

fentiment    unworthy   of    this    enlightened, 

and  tolerant  age. 

C  3  For, 


[       M       ] 

For,  in  the  nrft  place,  the  indulgence  re^ 
quefted  would  only  go  to  relieve  a  part   of 
proteftant  difTenters  from  a  grievance  which 
many  proteftant  difTenters  find  a  very  iV 
one,  and  which  the  almoil  annual  :  in- 

demnity render  no  grievance  at  all ;  while 
there  are  penal  and  even  bloody  ftatutes  re- 
maining againft  a  considerable  part  of  their 
proteftant  brethren,  for  whom  no  relief  is 
afked  in  this  cafe.  Not  to  mention  that 
occafional  conformity  has  not  only  been 
very  generally  practifed  by  proteftant  dil- 
fenters,  but  has  the  approbation  of  fome  of 
their  mod  eminent  divines,  and  even  of 
whole  afiemblies.* 

The  prefent  application  of  proteftant  dif- 

*  In  fa£t,  are  not  our  parliament,  our  armies,  our  na- 
vies,   our  corporations  even,  filled  with  proteftant  dif- 
fenters  ?  who  either  make  no  fcruple  to  qualify  them- 
by  the  facramental   teft  ;    or  are  brought  to  no 
inconvenience  from   neglecting  it.     In  fome  inftances 
they  may  avail  themfclves  of  it  to  avoid  penalties,  which 
fellow  fubje&s  are  liable  to — witnefs  thee 
Evans,  in  1757. 

fenters, 


[     23     ] 

fenters,  then,  being  a  pitiful  and  partial  ap- 
plication, for  what  is  hardly  worth  folicit- 
ing  for,  and  what  they  already  in  fome 
meafure  pofTefs,  will  probably  meet  \ 
little  regard  from  any  part  of  the  legiflature 
for  that  very  reafon.  The  {ticklers  for  efta- 
blifhment  will  confider  it  as  the  effect  of  a 
reftlefs  and  turbulent  difpofition,  that  is 
never  contented  ;  and  the  real  friends  of 
religious  freedom,  and  univerfal  toleration, 
mult  look  upon  it  as  a  filly  endeavour  to 
remove  a.  mole-hill,  whilft  mountains  re- 
main untouched. 

That  you,  Sir,  are  one  of  thofe  who  will 
view  things  in  this  light  I  cannot  doubt  ; 
and  that  their  number,  in  both  houfes,  is 
neither  fmall  nor  weightlefs.  Is  there  not 
therefore  ground  to  prefume  that  fome  of 
thofe,  inftead  of  fupporting  only  a  paltry 
motion,  calculated  to  jemedy  fo  fmall  a  ne- 
gative inconvenience,  will  take  occafion  to 
C  4  move 


[     24     ] 

move  for  a  general  repeal  of  a  number  of 
penal  ftatutes  inflicting  great  and  pofitive 
evils,  under  which  many  thoufands  of  faith- 
ful fubjects,  and  good  citizens,  continue  to 
groan,  and  which  are,  in  the  eyes  of  all 
Europe,  a  difgrace  to  our  penal  code  ? 

It  may  be  urged  that  thofe  opprefTive  and 
fanguinary  laws  are  a  mere  dead  letter  ;  but  if 
fo,  let  them  be  decently  interred,  and  no 
longer  remain  a  public  nuifance,  to  reflect 
difhonour  on  the  polity  of  a  civilized  nation, 
and  expofe  it  to  the  fcorn  of  mankind.  If 
the  penal  ftatutes  are  in  their  own  nature 
fo  fevere  and  odious,  that  they  can  never 
be  put  in  execution  (which  fome  of  them 
certainly  are),  to  what  purpofe  is  it  then  to 
retain  them  ?  If  they  be  deemed  neceflary 
for  the  confervation  of  the  ftate,  let  them 
be  punctually  enforced  ;  if  they  be  not  ne- 
ceflary,  let  them   be  annulled.      There  is 

here 


[      *5       ] 

here   no  medium  ;  they  muft  {land  in  our 
ftatute  book,  either  for  the  national  fafety  or 
Jhame ! 

But  is  it  true  that  they  are  all  a  dead 
letter  f  Quite  the  contrary  ;  there  is  a  whole 
body  of  diffenting  lieges,  on  whom  fome  of 
them  flill  operate  as  directly  and  effectually 
as  ever  ;  and  others,  which  though  only  of 
the  difabilitating  kind,  are  in  their  confe- 
rences equal  to  a  penalty,  and  fevere  be- 
yond example.  If  the  other  diffenters  may 
be  faid  to  be  "  chaftifed  with  whips,"  this 
clafs  of  them  is  certainly  "  chaftifed  with 
"  fcorpions  ;"  and  while  the  former  com- 
plain of  being  overloaded  with  the  "  little 
"  finger"  of  government,  the  latter  have 
long  patiently  borne  the  preffure  of  its 
"  loins." 

You    readily  conceive,  fir,  that  I  mean 

the  Englifh  catholics,  a  body  not  numerous 

indeed, 


[  ».«  ] 

indeed,  but  confefTedly  refpe&able ;  and  as 
firmly  attached  to  the  prefent  government, 
and  the  conftitution  of  their  country,  as  any 
of  his  Majesty's  fubje&s.  And  here  again 
the  writers  of  the  Cafe  of  the  dilTenters  are 
blameable  for  the  idle  and  impertinent  in- 
sinuations thrown  out  againft  what  they 
term  popery  and  papijls  ;  terms  that  have 
been  too  often  employed  to  work  upon  the 
minds  of  the  people,  and  infpire  them  with 
horror  at  their  fellow-creatures,  by  imputing 
to  them  tenets  which  they  exprefsly  difa- 
vow,  and  practices  which  they  difclaim  and 
abjure. 

Some  of  their  tenets  may  be  deemed  ab- 
furd,  fome  of  their  practices  fuperftitious  *, 

but 

*  Even  in  thefe  refpects,  the  catholics  of  the  prefent 
day,  and  particularly  the  Englifn  catholics,  are  certainly 
not  the  fame  they  were  but  half  a  century  ago.  The 
fmall,  the  very  fmall  indulgence  that  has  been  granted  to 
them,  has  already  produced  a  considerable  revolution  in 

their 


[     *7    3 

but  neither  are  incompatible  with  any  one 
fpecies  of  government.      The  fupremacy  of 
the  Roman  Pontiff  is  the  only  thing  in  their 
do&rine,  that  has  the  appearance  of  political 
danger  :  and  to  be  fure  it  was  once  a  danger- 
ous doctrine,  from  the  unwarrantable  conclu- 
fions  that  were  drawn  from  it,  and  the  per- 
nicious confequences  that  enfued.    The  fen- 
tence  of  an  infallible  judge  was  a  tremendous 
fentence,  and  the   thunders  of  the  Vatican 
fhook  the  firmeft  thrones   in  Chriftendom. 
But  what  was  it,  that  firft  gave  infallibility 
to  the  decifions  of  a  Pope  ?^-What  rendered 
his  thunders  formidable  ?  The  lawlefs   am- 
bition, the  pious  folly,  or  the  flavifh  weak- 
nefs  of  temporal  princes,  who,  to  ferve  their 
own  immediate  purpofes,  or  to  fatisfy  their 

their  minds.  Since  they  began  to  tafte  a  fmall  portion 
of  Britifh  liberty,  they  think,  they  fpeak,  they  write  like 
Britons.  If  we  wifh  to  fee  further  reforms  among  them, 
let  them  quaff  it  in  full  draughts  ;  and  I  miitake  it 
much,  if  that  will  not  more  effectually  bring  about  the 
purpofe,  than  penalties  and  profcription. 

!  ill- 


[     *8     ] 

ill-placed  devotion,  concurred  to  aggran- 
dize the  Roman  fee,  until  it  gradually  be- 
came the  feat  of  univerfal  empire,  and  its 
bifhop  the  fovereign  arbiter  of  nations.  In 
vain  the  clergy  murmured  and  remonftrated 
againft  the  invafion  on  their  rights  ;  papal 
ufurpation,  fupported  by  regal  power,  bore 
every  thing  down  before  it.  The  inftitu- 
tion  of  religious  orders  contributed  not  a 
little  to  fupport  the  pope's  pretenfions.  The 
little  learning  that  exifted,  exifted  in  the 
monafteries  ;  and  it  was  employed  to  aflert 
and  extend  the  fuppofed  prerogatives  of  the 
Roman  fee  ;  on  which,  defpifing  all  ordi- 
nary jurifdiclion,  they  immediately  de- 
pended. 

Thus  was  the  papal  power,  in  times  of 
general  ignorance,  fcrewed  up  to  the  moft 
enormouspitch ;  when,  like  every  other  over- 
grown empire,  it  began  to  labour  under  its 
own  weight,  has  fallen  much  fafler  than  it 

rofe, 


[     29    ] 


rofe,  and  is  at  prefent  nearly  reduced  to  its 
priftine  narrow  limits.  The  odious  doc- 
trine of  depofing  power,  transferring  crowns, 
and  difpenfing  with  oaths,  has  been  long  ex- 
ploded in  every  catholic  univerfity. — Even 
bulls,  that  regard  matters  purely  fpiritual, 
have  no  force  unlefs  they  be  accepted  by 
the  national  church,  to  which  they  are  di- 
rected. Provincial  fynods,  metropolitans, 
nay,  fimple  bifhops,  take  upon  them  to  re- 
gulate the  difcipline  of  their  refpective  dis- 
tricts, under  the  protection  of  the  civil 
powers  ;  and  a  few  years  more  will  probably 
bring  the  form  of  the  catholic  hierarchy  back 
to  that  of  the  firft.  centuries. 

At  any  rate,  there  is  no  longer  danger  to 
civil  government  from  pa^al  power.  The 
prefent  bifhop  of  Rome  is,  in  that  refpect, 
as  harmlefs  a  perfonage  as  the  man  in  the 
moon,  and  the  fupremacy  which  the  Engliih 
catholics  allow  to  Pius  VI.  is  not  more  dan- 
gerous 


[     30     J 

gerous  to  the  conftitution,  than  the  primacy 
of  his  grace  of  Canterbury. 

I  have  dwelt  the  longer  on  this  fubjecl, 
bscaufe  I  every  day  meet  with,  in  occafional 
or  periodical  publications,  the  moft  ridicu- 
lous and  unfair  reprefentations  of  the  prefent 
ftate  of  the  catholic  religion,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  Englifh  catholics.  Sometimes 
we  are  confidently  told,  that  they  already 
enjoy  more  liberty  than  fome  protectant  dif- 
fenters :  and  that  the  commercial  treaty  with 
France  will  fet  them  completely  on  a  level 
with  the  other  fubje&s  of  the  realm  *. 

*  Nothing  can  be  more  ill-founded  than  this  idea. 
By  an  article  of  the  treaty,  the  catholic  fubjecls  of 
France  are  to  have  the  free  exercife  of  their  religion  in 
England,  in  the  fame  degree  that  the  proteftant  fubje&s 
of  England  are  to  have  the  exercife  of  their  religion  in 
France :  but  what  relief  does  that  give  to  the  Englifh 
catholics,  or  to  the  French  calvinifts  ?  who,  by  the  bye, 
have  had  many  indigencies  granted  them,  which  the 

former  enjov  not. 

If 


[     3'     ] 

If  inch  aflertions  be  made  through  igno- 
rance, it  is  a  very  grofs  ignorance,  and  if 
they  be  the  fruit  of  malevolence,  it  is  a  very- 
grievous  one.  But  let  us  fee  what  real  in- 
dulgence the  papifts  have  obtained. 

By  an  act  of  the  eighteenth  of  his  pre- 
fent  Majefty,  in  1779,  the  catholics  of  Eng- 
land, on  their  taking  an  oath  prefcribed  to 
them  by  the  legislature,  obtained  fecurity 
for  their  lawful  property,  and  a  fort  of  tacit 
permifiion  to  believe  and  pray  after  their 
own  fafhion,  without  being  molefted  by  in- 
formers and  priefl-catchers  :  though,  ftrange 
to  tell,  they  may  (till,  through  the  force  of 
ftanding  laws,  be  fined  again  and  again,  not 
only  for  the  exercife  of  their  own  religion, 
but  for  the  non-exercife  of  the  eftablifhed 
religion  :  they  may,  in  fome  cafes,  be  im- 
prifoned,  in  others  banifhed  ;  and  I  am  not 
fure,  but  in  certain  circumilances,  they  may 
yet  be  "  perfecuted  unto  the  death." 

It 


[     3*     ] 

It  is  true  thefe  penalties  are  not  likely  to 
be  inflicted  ;  and  therefore  I  have  only  men- 
tioned them  to  fhew  that  they  may ;  and 
confequently,  how  little  the  Roman  catho- 
lics have  obtained  by  the  late  act  in  their 
favour  :  while,  at  the  fame  time,  they  re- 
main effectually  excluded  not  only  from  all 
fuch  offices,  as  the  proteftant  diffenters  are 
nominally,  not  really,  excluded  from,  *  the 

army, 

*  This  is  allowed  by  the  diffenters  themfelves.  The 
tejl-acls  do  not  in  faff  exclude  th em  from  offices.  Very  feto 
fcruple  to  receive  the  facrament ;  feveral  of  the  molt 
refpecfable  corporations  are  in  their  hands  (fee  the  Right 
of  Proteftant  Diffenters  afferted,  p.  146)  ;  while  it  is 
certain  that  the  papifls  have  not,  nor  cannot  avail  them- 
felves of  this  expedient  to  qualify.  It  is,  indeed,  aflonifh- 
ing  that  the  Cafe  of  the  diffenters  fhould  infinuate,  and 
the  writer  of  the  jufr-mentioned  pamphlet  affirm,  that 
many  catholics  have  no  fcruple  to  receive  the  facrament  ac- 
cording to  the  eftablifhed  rite.  Let  him  point  out  a 
fingle  papift  in  the  kingdom  that  holds  any  office  by  occa- 
fional  conformity  ;  fince,  as  to  what  the  fame  writer  fays, 
p.  148  (by  way  of  a  poftil  to  the  Cafe  I  fuppofe),  about 
papal  difpenfatiom  dejiroying  the  efficacy  of  every  tefl  by 
which  papifls  are  to  be  excluded,  it  is  unjuff  and  injurious 
in  the  higheft  degree.  The  Engl i/h  catholi<  I  in  the 
c  molt 


t     33     ] 

army,  the  navy,  and  the  magiftracv :  but 
have  not,  though  burthcned  with  double 
taxes,  a  vote  even  in  the  election  of  their 
legiflative  representatives,  much-  lefs  can 
they  be  themfelves  elected,  or  take  the  feat 
due  to  their  rank  in  either  houfe  of  parlia- 
ment. From  the  very  bar,  and  courts  of 
law,  they  are  excluded.  The  public  Semi- 
naries of  learning  are  alfo  (hut  up  from 
them.  They  have  neither  the  means  of  im- 
proving their  talents,  nor  an  opportunity  of 
exerting  them,     Ufelefs  to  themfelves,  and 

nioft  folemn  manner  "abjured  all  fuch  difpenfations ;  but 
had  they  never  done  fo,  it  is  evident,  from  their  conduit, 
that  they  make  no  account  of  them;  for,  if  a  papal  dif- 
penfation  could  ferve  their  turn,  why  need  tney  be  ex- 
cluded from  any  place  at  all  ?  What  hinders  them  to  de- 
feat by  that  expedient,  not  only  the  facramental  tefr,  but 
every  other  teft  that  deprives  them  of  any  right  which  a 
Briton  is  born  to  enjoy  ?  The  quotation  from  the  bifhop 
of  Clojrne's  pamphlet  is  not  fair :  The  tranfaction  al- 
luded to  by  the  bifhop,  is  greatly  in  favour  of  the  Irifh 
catholics :  They  reprobated  the  conduct  of  the  papal 
JS/ubczo,  defpifed  his  threats,  and  continue,  with  the  ac- 
quiefcence  of  Rome  itfelf,  to  think  themfelves  ftrictly 
and  indifpenlably  bound  by  their  oaths. 

D  ufelefs 


[     34    ] 

ufelefs  to  the  common  weal,  they  are,  if 
they  have  any  fpirit,  obliged  to  feek  abroad 
what  they  cannot  find  at  home — fome  em- 
ployment fuitable  to  their  difpofition,  birth, 
and  abilities,  or  pafs  their  lives  in  a  ftate  of 
torpidity  and  inaction,  that,  but  for.  fome 
little  domeftic  purfuits,  would  render  life 
itfelf  a  burthen. 

Such,  Sir,  you  know  to  be  the  fituation  of 
,  the  Roman  catholics  of  England  ;  a  fituation 
truly  pitiable,  and  of  which  the  hardfhips 
are  hardly  to  be  conceived  but  by  thofe  who 
feel  them.  Would  it  not,  then,  have  been 
more  generous,  and  more  juft,  for  the  pro- 
fcftant  diffenters  to  have  come  forward  on 
this  occafion  with  a  little  more  candour  and 
a  little  more  manlinefs  *  ?  to  have  made  their 

*  Of  all  the  pamphlets  that  have  been  written  on  this 
occafion,  either  in  favour  of  the  diffenters  or  againfl 
them,  1  have  not  ken  one  in  which  there  is  not  an  afton- 
ifhing  want  of  candour  and  liberality,  Dr.  Prieitley's 
fetter  to  Mr,  Pitt  excepted. 

petition 


[     3S     1 

petition  to  parliament  as  comprehenfive  a3 
poflible  ?  and  to  have  endeavoured  to  open 
fo    wide  a  door    of  toleration  as  to  admit 
their  fellow    difTenters,    of   whatever  per* 
fuafion,  to  go  in   along  with  them  ?  or,  if 
they  felfifhly  chofe  to  go  in  alone,   it  finely 
xdid  not  become  them  to  throw  fuch  ftumb- 
ling-blocks    in  the    way  of  their  fuffering 
brethren.     The  name  of  Chriftian  is  a  much 
more  ancient  and  more  honourable,  as  well 
as  a  more  comprehenfive   tie,  than  that  of 
proteftant ;  and  there  is  a  tie  ftill  more  an- 
cient and  comprehenfive  than   either — that 
of  humanity.     The  time,  I  truft,  is  not  at 
a  great  diftance,  when  the  full  force  of  this 
laft  will  be  underftood   and  felt  over  all  the 
polifhed   nations  of  the  world,  when  phi- 
lanthropy and  commutual  interefts  will  be 
the  fole  links  of  fociety,  when  tefts  and  pe- 
nal laws  will  be  no  more  deemed  neceffary 
for  the  fecurity  of  religion,  and  when  Pa- 
pift  and  Proteftant,  Athanafian  and  Arian, 
D  2  Lutheran 


t  36  ] 

Lutheran  and  Calvinift, Trinitarian  and  Uni- 
tarian, will  be  names  of  mere  diftinction,  not 
of  reciprocal  odium,  and  much  lefs  objects 
of  reciprocal  perfecution. 

And  have  we  not  reafon  to  hope,  Sir, 
that  the  Britiih  legiflature  wrill  be  among  the 
firft  to  bring  about  a  fyftem  fo  defirable, 
and  fo  congenial  to  the  Britiih  conftitution  I 
God  knows  we  have,  and  ever  fhall  have, 
political  difputes  enough  to  divide  us  :  why 
mould  thofe  of  religion  come  in  for  a  fhare  ? 
Let  fome  patriotic  and  enlightened  foul, 
then,  move  at  once  for  a  repeal  of  every 
penal  religious  ftatute,  and  every  religious 
teft  :  Be  the  pledge  of  the  fidelity  of  the 
fubject  in  future,  his  ordinary  oath  of  al- 
legiance, and  his  fubfequent  conduct,  and 
let  him  be  anfwerable  only  for  his  own  ;  let 
religious  principles  be  no  more  confounded 
with  political  ones  ;  but  let  every  Briton, 
without  forfeiting  his  birth-right,  profefs 
6  his 


[    37    ] 

his  own  belief  of  the  Divinity,  and  worfhip 
him  after  his  own  mode  ;  and  if  he  choofes 
not  to  worfhip  at  all,  what  is  that  to  the 
ftate,  if  he  faithfully  ferve  it  in  the  ftation 
he  holds,  or  the  charge  he  is  intruded 
with  ?  In  a  word,  let  the  only  teft  of  a 
good  citizen  be  an  obligation,  to  be  a 
peaceable  fubjeft;  and  an  honeji  man. 

Such  a  motion,  Sir,  would  do  infinite 
honour  to  the  mover  ;  would  be  feconded  and 
fupported  by  every  man  whofe  heart  were 
not  callous  to  the  feelings  of  humanity  ; 
and  would  immortalize  the  fovereign  and 
the  minifter,  in  whofe  reign  and  under 
whofe  aufpices,  it  mould  be  adopted,  and 
paITed  into  a  law. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c-