(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "The liberator"

B1IE LIBERATOR 

IS PUBLISHED 

EVEKY FEIDAT MOKNIM, 

AT 

221 WASHINGTON STItilET, BOOM No. 6. 



KOBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



E3T TERMS —Two dollars and fiRy cents por annum, 
in advance, 

Q3?" Five copies will bo sent to one addresB for ten 
dollars, if payment bo made in advance. 

ESsT" All remittances are tu be inado, and all lottors re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of tbo paper aro to be 
directed (tost paio) to tbe General Agent. 

D^" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 
line. 

g5P The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liuekatok. 

Q^" The following gontlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of tho 
paper, viz : — Francis Jackson, Emiuxd Quincv, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell, Phillips. 




"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 

the inhabitants thereof." 

"Hay this down aa tlio law of nations. I say that mil- 
itary authority takes, for the time, the place of all muriie- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;' 
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being 
true that the States whore slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of tho subject, not only tho President of 
the (Jsited States, but tho Commander of the Arht, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES From tho instant 

that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with tbe institution of 
slavery, in every wait in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when, your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and wuht carry it on, ac- * 
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thb 
place o? them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all tho slaves in the invaded territory ."—J. Q. AiiA^g. 



W. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



mx Country \% tto W«M, tm towMwmm m »U Itofeittfl. 



J. B. TERRINTOK' & SOff, Printers, 



VOL. XXXII. 3STO. i. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JANTJAEY 3, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1619. 



Ufugf of ($\i\mm#\L 



THE TRUE INTERESTS OP BLACK AND 
WHITE. 
It is evidently more desirable tliat the Union 
should be restored with slavery existing as before, 
than without it, unless a form of labor be at the same 
time substituted, which shall save us from ruin. We 
have not drifted into the folly of forgetting our prin- 
ciples, because there is war in the land. A year ago, 
no thoroughly sane man in America would have con- 
sented to a decree of absolute emancipation, if such 
a decree could have been made. The reasons are 
unchanged. To restore this Union with four millions 
of unprotected blacks on the country, free to work 
or not, with their old men and women, their sick and 
their children unprovided for, would be to curse that 
race with the worst abandonment they have known 
in their entire humiliation. 

To restore the Union, with the slave States sud- 
denly deprived of the institution which has been the 
foundation of their prosperity, and on which we de- 
pend as much as they for the very productions whieii 
make them valuable members of the Union, would 
be to perpetuate on ourselves and on them the very 
evils we are now suffering. No blockade would so 
tflfectually slop the export of cotton, no war would 
so thoroughly impoverish the families of the South, 
no decree of confiscation would so completely annul 
the possibility of collecting Northern debts, no in- 
vading army would so wholly depopulate the planta- 
tions of the South, and no devastation of the sword 
would so totally destroy the South as a commercial 
correspondent of the North, and a purchaser of Nor- 
thern commodities. 

Let no man say this is a base and sordid view of 
a question of personal freedom. It is not so. We 
say nothing in favor of the perpetuation of slavery 
as an institution. If any man will devise a substi- 
tute for it which will take care of the black families 
alone, to say nothing of the white, he will do the age 
a service. But immediate emancipation is an idea 
that all of us regarded as the ruin of both black and 
white, a year ago; and some few, in the excitement 
of war, have forgotten that such emancipation by 
the war would be as fatal in its effects as if it had 
occurred in times of peace. 

Men imagine that the only thing to be done is to 
make the blacks free, and that then they would be 
naturally employed as irea laborers at a rate of pay- 
ment that would make them comfortable ; and that 
the Southern countries would go on, calmly produc- 
ing and selling and buying as heretofore. The idea 
is chimerical. The history of the world proves it. 
In no tropical country on earth will the human race 
"work for any more than the bare support of life, ex- 
cept on compulsion ; and, unless the reformer can, 
with his emancipation scheme, introduce new and 
superhuman industry, economy, thrift and persever- 
ance into the negro, it will result that he will not 
earn a support for himself alone, much less for his 
family ; that he will often beg, steal, or starve, rather 
than work ; that the old and helpless will be aban- 
doned, that children will be cast out to suffer and 
die ; in short, that all the ills which attend poverty 
here will at once attach to negro poverty there, and 
that the Southern system will change from one of 
forced labor with good pay, to one of no labor and 
no pay. 

Men may well propose to take now, as some have 
proposed, a hundred or a thousand, or many thou- 
sand negroes, and pay them wages for their labor. 
But will the same men take them, with their families, 
old and young, sick and insane, and contract to fur- 
nish them, instead of pay in money, abundance of 
food, clothing, medical attendance, and the necessa- 
ries of comfortable life, throughout life, with all its 
chances ? Who will make the proposal, and agree 
to let the negro work as a freeman, and be the judge 
of his own hours and time, and leave when he 
pleases, without carrying his dependents with hi... . 
Philanthropic gentlemen may send in applications 
for " contrabands," but they are very careful to say 
nothing about contrabands' wives and children, and 
old parents and sick sisters, and all their helpless re- 
lations. Men may be willing to contract for the 
stout, sturdy negro, who can do work and earn six 
dollars a month, but will they hire the old "mam- 
mies and daddies," and pay them a support and 
clothing till they die? 

The proposition to make use of the war for the 
purposes of emancipation is virtually a proposition 
to plunge the South into the depths of poverty, of 
both white and black. 

What then, in times like these, would be the de- 
sire of a true statesman in managing the affairs of his 
country? Would he seek, as a means of putting 
down rebellion, to destroy the very country which is 
in rebellion, and with it destroy our own prosperity ? 
Would he seek to plunge the black race into ruin 
with tbe white? The politician who does this Is 
blind to all questions of public good, and must have 
his mind fixed on one idea, to the exclusion of all 
good reasoning. 

He would seek to restore the Union to its ancient 
prosperity. He would endeavor to bring back the 
revolted States with their institutions intact. He 
would treat slavery precisely as he would treat cot- 
ton-growing. Both are institutions, both are sources 
of wealth and prosperity; the abolition of either 
would abolish the other almost, if not wholly. But 
would be forever forbid cotton-growing, for the sake 
of frightening the cotton-grower into submission ? 
Would he forever forbid slave-owning, for the sake 
of compelling the slave-owner to yield ? In either 
case, he would strike a deadly blow at the nation's 

Jirosperity. On the contrary, he would desire and 
abor to restore the Union, precisely as it was, pros- 
perous, and having a vast population of happy whites 
and happy blacks, and then he would set himself 
to work to devise a way of ameliorating the condition 
of all the laboring classes of men ; and if he could 
find a substitute for slavery which would take care 
of the black race, he would urge its adoption, or, pos- 
sibly, he would endeavor to remove that race from the 
land. Who can doubt that the American Union is* 
more valuable with four millions of slaves, as well 
cared for and well provided as they are, with the pos- 
sibility of improving their condition, and, perhaps 
substituting another form of labor for absolute slav- 
ery, than it would be with four millions of free blacks 
roaming through a desolate and poverty-stricken 
Soutli ?— A"e« York Journal of Commerce. 



of their ability to preserve the nation against the in- 
sidious attacks of the enemy at the North. The 
question which has been under discussion for some 
time has been speciously and falsely staled by these 
gentlemen, and they hoodwinked a few by their in- 
genuity. They stated it to be, " Shall we restore the 
Union, or shall we preserve slavery ?" and a very 
few really believed that there was something of the 
sort at issue. Whereas their issue and their ultima- 
tum has been, and is at length boldly avowed, " No 
union with slaveholders." 

" Shall the Union be preserved, or shall we abolish 
Union, Constitution and law, for the purpose of get- 
ting rid of slavery ? " This is the new issue now pre- 
sented. The Administration is determined to sus- 
tain the Union. The opposition are determined to 
abolish slavery, and let the Union take its chances. 
No more men and no more money are to be voted, 
unless the war is proclaimed to be Anti-Slavery. 

Let us be thankful for the present strength of the 
Administration, on this all-important position. The 
country should sustain it in every possible way. Let 
meetings be held and Union-saving speeches be made. 
Let the men who are on the side of the Constitution 
and the law speak out boldly and in clear tones. 
Nine-tenths of the people are united in these conser- 
vative views, and should make their opinions known. 

The Anti-Slavery papers, the Liberator and others, 
have for months kept a form of petition for the abo- 
lition of shivery standing in their columns, and re- 
commended their readers to sign and forward it. 
These are the petitions which Mr. Sumner presents 
from time to time, and which are reported by tele- 
graph throughout the country. Let them be met 
with counter petitions for the Constitution and the 
laws. 

The following extract from a letter of a distinguish- 
ed banker at Washington to one in New York, is 
worthy of universal attention : — 

"lama good deal alarmed at the rampant spirit of 
Abolition. This war has professedly been in defence 
of the Constitution and the restoration of the Union 
to its original state. But there is a large class of men 
who openly oppose the prosecution of the war, ex- 
cept for the extinction of slavery, and openly say they 
don't want to see the Government restored, except 
with the abolition of slavery. And very many say 
they do not expect to see the Union restored as it 
was — that they want to govern tbe rebel States as 
provinces, or give them to the Africans — but by no 
means admit them to the equality of the States. God 
knows where this will lead. My hope is in the Pres- 
ident. If he will stand firm, we can yet save the 
Union. You can do a great deal. Come here with 
all the Btrong bankers of the State of Sew York and 
New England; stop on your way, and get those of 
Philadelphia, and let it be known that the money 
power of the country, while they will go alt lengths 
in sustaining the Union, will do nothing to sever it, 
and it will be of immense use. 

"No man has any right to withhold his hand from 
this work/' [N. Y. Journal of Commerce. 



CONGRESS HAD BETTER ADJ0UK1H 

We are seriously alarmed lest the present Congress 
will do more harm to the country, and more to break 
up the Union, than all the armies Jeff. Davis could 
bring into the field. At such a time, when the ques- 
tion of slavery is more irritating than ever, we find 
them continually tampering with it. Congress has, 
time and again, refused to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, because it would be so flagrantly 
unjust to the States of Maryland and Virginia. Yet, 
just at this time, when those States should be concil- 
iated, we find a jaekanape in Congress proposing that 
measure. Then Mr. Gurley proposed to confiscate 
and free the negroes of those in rebellion, for he 
doesn't want to be outdone ; and lastly, we have Mr. 
Wilson, a regular blue-black republican, who smells 
around and finds some runaway negroes confined in 
jail. His delicate sensibilities are affected. He can 
hardly refrain from tears. Hale, also, is similarly 
afflicted. Every black scoundrel is a man and a 
brother, and having been found in jail, it is conclu- 
sive proof of exemplary piety. A scene must be had 
in the national capitol. 

The people are getting tired of these things. There 
is a strong feeling that Congress had better adjourn 
forthwith. No one has the slightest confidence in 
their wisdom or patriotism, though all believe them 
to be capable of anything that passion or prejudice 
could dictate. It is unfortunate— most unfortunate 
— to the country, at the present time, that Congress 
should be in session. It is, in fact, only a rump. The 
ablest men have joined the army, leaving nothing 
but a set of political hacks, who cannot do any harm 
and cannot do any good. There is only one course. 
Let them make tho necessary appropriations, and ad- 
journ — go home and attend to their own affairs bet- 
ter than they have those of the United States. — 
Louisville Democrat. 

We speak it plainly: the scheme for general 
emancipation or arming the blacks will lose every 
slave State to the Union. It would take a standing 
arrny of two hundred thousand men to retain Ken- 
tucky in the Union, and then the soldiers would be 
rampellen i,o aid In exterminating the "black race. 
If they are emancipated, there is but one thing to 
be done with them : they must be wiped out — utter- 
ly obliterated. It must be a merciless, savage ex- 
termination of the whole tribe. There will oe no 
question of humanity, or justice, or mercy. It will 
be nature's first law— self-defence. The two races, 
as has been amply shown by the whole history of the 
world from the days of the Egyptians to our own 
times, cannot exist in the same country, unless the 
black race is in slavery. It is no question for theory, 
argument or discussion. It is a direct law of God, 
final and conclusive. The President, himself a Ken- 
tuckian, knows and appreciates the condition of af- 
fairs, and will act for the best, and it ought to be the 
duty of the State Legislature to aid him by ex- 
pressions of condemnation of the Cameron policy. 
— Ibid. 



THE ADMINISTRATION AND THE OPPO- 
BITION. 

The party line seems to be drawn with great dis- 
tinctness by the abolitionists, and the opposition is 
now composed of the leaders and the rank and file 
of the radical Anti-Slavery party. The last two 
weeks have been loaded with sorrows for them. Abo- 
lition schemes have suffered severely at Washinglon. 
The linn; has been a mo-it critical one in the nation- 
al history ; more so by far than has been generally 
supposed. Nor is the danger wholly passed. The 
Union-savers breathe more freely, and are confident 




POWER. 



As President Lincoln, powerless to resist the ten- 
dencies of the present crisis, finds himself " drifting " 
towards an emancipation policy, yet does what he 
can, step by step, to resist this tendency, and to delay 
that consummation which he cannot prevent, bo the 
organs of the Church, forced by the same strong 
current into words and acts more or less depreciatory 
of slavery, still oppose the radical cure of that evil, 
and do what they can to prevent immediate emanci- 
pation. While their choice was free, they chose to 
he the bulwark of slavery. Obliged now to choose 
between killing and "scotching" the snake, they 
choose the latter, and urge that slavery be not inter- 
fered with, except in the case of rebel masters. 

The editor of the New York Evangelist {Dec. 10th) 
devotes an elaborate article to commendation of the 



half-way policy, the essential part of which is as fol- 
lows : — 

"But the question returns, Since it is settled that 
our armies shall not fight for slavery, shall they be 
ordered to fight against it? Well do we know, that 
as slavery began the rebellion, it deserves to die; but 
how to strike the monster is the question. 

"There are two ways. One is by a general act of 
emancipation, the other by confiscation of the proper- 
ty of rebels, slaves of course included. Each has its 
advocates, in and out of Congress, and its advantages. 

"Emancipation has the merit of being a bold and 
decided course. It goes straight to the mark. It 
proclaims a distinct object. It presents an end of the 
war very inspiring to the mind of the North, and 
which would at once attract the sympathy of all who 
hate slavery in Europe. But it has several very se- 
rious objections : 

" 1. It is a tremendous stretch of power. There is 
no legal or constitutional right to do it. Congress has 
no power over slavery in the States. That belongs 
to the States themselves. They alone can abolish it. 
If done now, it can only be under the temporary dic- 
tatorship of martial law. 

"2. A general act of emancipation is too sweeping. 
It makes no discrimination between loyal and rebel 
masters. True, this injustice might be remedied by 
giving compensation to loyal masters, but the remedy 
is slow, remote, and uncertain, while the injury is im- 
mediate and great. 

" 3. Such a step would at once alienate the border 
States, which it is so important to preserve. Already 
Kentucky is half rebellion, from apprehension of tins 
very thing. And it destroys the lingering Union sen- 
timent in the farther South. Thus we see that eman- 
cipation, which is so easy to talk about, is a very dif- 
ficult and dangerous measure to carry through. 

"But there remains another way, which is open to 
none of these.objections — a method strictly legal and 
constitutional, which does no injury to any loyal man, 
which offends no loyal State, and yet which secures the 
same object. It is CONFISCATION. This is the 
method proposed in the bill of Mr. Trumbull, now 
before the Senate. Congress has no power to abolish 
slavery in South Carolina, but it has full power to 
confiscate the property of rebels in arms against the 
Government, slaves included. This of course in- 
volves their liberation, and what more do we want 1 
Let this act be published at Beaufort, and it needs no 
military decree of emancipation to set free the slaves. 
Every planter who has taken up arms against the 
Government, by that act has forfeited all claim to pro- 
tection; and as he flees before our advancing armies, 
he leaves behind him his plantation and his "faithful 
servants," no longer slaves, but free tenants of the 
soil. 

" This act discriminates between loyal and rebel 
masters ; it holds firm the border States ; it strength- 
ens Union men at the South ; and, above all, it is a 
strictly legal and constitutional method of securing the 
end, setting the slaves of men in rebellion forever free. 

" Is not, then, an Act of Confiscation the best Act 
of Emancipation f If Confiscation be not as sounding 
a word as Emancipation, yet it designates a legal 
act. It violates no law, and accomplishes the same 
end — the virtual overthrow of slavery. For the pres- 
ent, therefore, it seems to me that we should forbear 
to speak of declaring martial law wherever our troops 
come, and proclaiming emancipation at tho head of 
the army, and try that other method, which, if less 
ostentatious, is not less effectual." 

Let us glance at each of the Evangelist's three ob- 
jections to the abolition of slavery, above stated. 

The closing sentence of objection No. 1 utterly nul- 
lifies the sentences preceding it. Indeed, the three 
assertions of which this objection is composed bear 
the same relation to each other with the three reasons 
which a boy gave for not lending bis jacknife. 
Says the boy — "I don't want to; I've lent it; I 
hav n't got any." Says the editor — " It is a tremen- 
dous power; the thing can't be done; it can be done 
only in the present emergency." Very well! then 
let us use the present emergency for that purpose, 
and thank Heaven for the undeserved opportunity of 
so using it. Instead of being a " tremendous " power, 
it is a beneficent power, the exercise of which is in- 
dispensable to our welfare, and even to our continued 
existence as one nation. War, which is ordinarily 
evil, and only evil, has for once created the opportu- 
nity of doing a good thing, by instruments which in 
peace had no such power. As John Quincy Adams 
has clearly shown, in time of war, either the Presi- 
dent or Congress has the right to .abolish slavery ut- 
terly, through the whole country, and any General, 
operating in a hostile State, has the right to proclaim 
its utter abolition there. Since this editor admits 
that the existence of martial law (our present situa- 
tion) carries this right with it, his talk about the disa- 
bilities of Congress and of the President in other cir- 
cumstances is merely an attempt to throw dust in the 
eyes of his readers. His wish was father to that thought. 
His second objection also is utterly self-contradic- 
tory in form, and deceptive in character. Self-con- 
tradictory, in that it dissuades from a certain act as 
unjust, at the same time showing how the injustice 
may be remedied ; and deceptive, in pretending the 
act of restoring men to their rightful freedom to be 
unjust at all, in any manner or degree. Strict justice, 
applied to the slaveholder, would require him to pay 
up the arrears of wages to tbe slave, in addition to 
setting him free. 

An act of emancipation by the Government should 
make no distinction between loyal men and rebels. 
The act of slaveholding itself is a vice and a nui- 
sance, always needing to be summarily abated; but, 
besides being a vice and a nuisance, it is the special 
cause of the whole difficulty under which our nation 
at present labors. The loyal slaveholder is to the 
rebel slaveholder precisely what the grub is to the 
moth; what the snake's egg is to the coming snake; 
only an earlier stage of the same pernicious crea- 
ture, constantly teuding to ripen into pernicious 
activity. As far as the slave is concerned, every 
slaveholder is a tyrant and a robber, against whom 
any just man is authorized and bound in duty to take 
the slave's part. As far as tbe relation of the Govern- 
ment to loyalists on one side and rebels on the other 
is concerned, its different aspect to these two parlies 
is made abundantly clear by its course of action on 
other points. It protects all rights of the loyal. It 
is absurd to say that, because they are loyal, it must 
also protect their vice and tyranny. 

As to the Evangelist's third objection to tbe abolition 
of slavery, all its specifications are impudently so- 
phistical and false. Instead of its being important to 
preserve the border slave States, it is tbe greatest of 
pities that they did not go. in a body, and with one 
accord, that the North might thus have been freed 
from its besetting temptation to favor slavery, and 
induced to strike at the weak point of the rebellion. 
Our present course is the insane and suicidal policy 
of carefully preserving a nest-egg in the snake's hab- 
itation, while wo crush the last year's brood ; nay, I 
should rather say, while we vainly attempt to crush 
them, since our preposterous cure for Ibis egg pro- 



vents really efficient measures against the full-grown 
snakes. 

As to the " lingering Union sentiment in the South," 
all that there is worth having is among the non- 
slavcholding citizens, men who have long felt their 
own freedom to be hopelessly hampered by slavery, 
and who have been so far disarmed and subjugated 
by it as not to feel able to make the least demonstra- 
tion in support of their pioneer and ally, Mr. Helper. 
Such "Union sentiment" as exists there will be 
most effectually cheered and aided by the utter extir- 
pation of the enemy which has hitherto held loyal 
men powerless in his grasp. 

It is instructive to hear it asked, by this reverend 
editor of a paper miscalled "Evangelical," "what 
more do we want? "after the slaves of rebels shall 
have been set free by "confiscation." lie wants 
nothing more, because he is one of the leaders in 
that church {falsely calling itself Christian) which has 
always been the main bulwark of slavery. We, the 
Abolitionists, want much more than this. We want 
freedom for Christ's little ones, the slaves, who are 
trampled under foot by those who pretend to preach 
His Gospel! We want justice and righteousness es- 
tablished as the foundation of our government ! We 
want a country of whose institutions, whose rulers, 
whose policy, whose influence, we need no longer be 
ashamed. We want the United States to become, for 
the first time, in truth the land of the free ! And we 
want the cause, motive, vital principle of the existing 
rebellion to be thoroughly eradicated, instead of leav- 
ing its root living in the earth to produce another 
crop of diasters for our children. 

Another conspicuous representative and advocate 
of that sort of piety which exists without godliness is 
the New York Journal of Commerce, a paper which 
has thoroughly fulfilled. its promise of making no 
improvement, when it was forced, a few months ago, 
to pretend to make a change of editorship. 

The article from this paper, entitled " The True 
Interests of Black and White," {which may be found 
in its appropriate department in another column) is a 
good specimen of the fluency in false assertion, false 
assumption and slanderous insinuation which the 
Journal of Commerce habitualry practices. 

It assumes that slavery has really been " the foun- 
dation of prosperity" to the slave States, and a posi- 
tive and very great advantage to the free States allied 
with them; that its bare cessation {apart from any 
evils incidental to forcible interference with it from 
the North) would be "ruin" to the whole country ; 
that the abolition of such power as the slave-owner 
now holds over the slave would not only be ruin to 
the former, but loss to the latter — yes, a double loss, 
first of protection, then of subsistence ; that to stop using 
the lash and chain upon able-bodied men and women 
is to leave them " unprotected" ; that to stop robbing 
them of the wages of labor is to leave their young 
children and their sick and aged relatives "unpro- 
vided for"; that no portion of "the human race" 
will work in the Southern climate, " except on com- 
pulsion," for any thing more than the bare support 
of life; that the negro will not work even for that, 
without compulsion; that without such compulsory 
labor as has hitherto existed in the South, or its 
equivalent, its whole population, white and black, 
must be plunged into the depths of poverty; and 
that, these premises being assumed as just and true, 
our effort should be to "restore the Union precisely 
as it was." 

The Journal of Commerce is accustomed not only to 
ignore, but to deny such existing facts as do not suit 
its theories and wishes. One would think that Sew- 
all's " Ordeal of Pree Labor in the West Indies ' 
had been read by people enough to make it useless 
any longer to pretend that the liberated negro will 
steal, and will not work ; that Mr. Olmsted'B books 
had been read by people enough to make it useless to 
pretend that white men in the South cannot and will 
not work ; and that the history which for five years 
has been displaying itself before our eyes, had ren- 
dered it useless to pretend that slavery is a source of 
prosperity and welfare, to either North or South. 
Yet, amidst all this blaze of directly opposing demon- 
stration, the Journal of Commerce serenely lies on. 
through thick and thin. 

In a paper so constantly and unscrupulously using 
direct falsehood, we may properly place under this 
head statements which, in a person of ordinary hon- 
esty, might be considered merely the blunder of " reck- 
oning without diis host." But when the Journal of 
Commerce asks whether "philanthropic gentlemen" 
will take the slave families, including old and young, 
sick and insane, "and contract to furnish them, in- 
stead of pay in money, abundance of food, clothing, 
medical attendance, and the necessaries of comforta- 
ble life throughout life," it knows very well, first, that 
nothing in the remotest degree resembling this exists 
anywhere, or has existed anywhere, among slaves ; 
next, that if bona fide contracts like this were to be 
had, the laborer being the judge of what was "abund- 
ance " and of what was " comfortable," and empow- 
ered to compel the fulfilment of the contract by a suit 
at law, vast numbers of free white men would apply 
for them ; and finally that, while negroes are regarded 
and treated by white men as the Journal of Commerce 
labors to have them regarded and treated, no slave 
would accept such a pretended contract "instead of 
pay in money." Just give liini the chance to get this 
"pay in money," and see if he will not jump at it, 
and do with alacrity sufficient work to counterbalance 
it. 

Just so, when this pious paper proposes to restore 
the Union " precisely as it was," it knows very well 
that the slave States will not have it so, and broke out 
of the old Union because they would not have it so. 
Any honest man who, in his profound depth of igno- 
rance, proposes to return to the old state of things, is 
reckoning without his host. 

These are but two specimens of a state of things 
commonly existing among those papers which uphold 
the popular churches, the American Tract Society 
and the American Board of Commissioners for For- 
eign Missions. They almost invariably oppose tbe 
immediate and entire abolition of slavery, and equally 
oppose a turning of the existing war into that direc- 
tion. Like their predecessors, the false prophets 
among the Hebrews, they are healing the hurt of their 
nation slightly, daubing its walla with Ulltempered 
mortar, and encouraging its rulers in their insane al- 
tcnipL to seek peace before purity. o. X. w. 



GERRIT SMITH TO JOHN A. GURLEY, 

Peteeboro', December 16, 1861. 
Hon. J. A. Gukley, M. C: 

Dear Sir, — I have read a newspaper copy of the 
Bill which you submitted, 9th instant, to the House 
of Representatives. Nothing in it do I wish to 
speak of, save its proposed assumption of special 
powers over liberated slaves. 

I had hoped that among the good effects of the 
war, would bo the recognition of human rights un- 
der whatever skin, and the equalizing before the 
laws of the black and red races with the white race. 
But your Bill is among the indications that I had 
hoped for too much. 

The great sin of our country in all the periods of her 
existence, whether under Colonial or Constitutional 
rule, is the assumption of special powers by her 
white race over her other races; and on the princi- 
ple adverted to, we are guilty not only of our own, 
but also of the past commissions of that sin. More- 
over, if this sin is now carried to its ultimate height, 
then is our nation now to be destroyed. That her 
doom, " Behold, thy house is left unto thee desolate," 
is already pronounced, no man is warranted in say- 
ing, though every right-minded man sees signs 
enough of it to make him tremble. The breaking 
up of our nation is far more than begun ; and so, 
too, is the march of her desolation. It may, never- 
theless, have still left to it a space for repentance. 

If, as we all believe, God has made of one blood 
all his children, then must this assumption, even 
when in small measure, be a high crime against His 
equal fatherhood toward them all, and against their 
equal brotherhood toward one another. His love of 
them all is eqnal;"and from this results their obliga- 
tion to acknowledge, constantly and cordially, the 
iqual rights of each other. But if this assumption, 
vhen so limited, is, nevertheless, so criminal, how 
immeasurably criminal must it be when tbe assump- 
tion is beyond measure ! The Indians we have 
driven from their homes and from their dead. The 
Indians we have slaughtered, and, what is worse, en- 
slaved. In the veins of tens of thousands of our 
slaves flows the blood of their enslaved Indian ances- 
tors. To the negro, even more wronged than the 
Indian, we have spared nothing at all of bis man- 
hood. Exclusion from participation in political 
power and from all the rights of citizenship, unpaid 
toil and every insult, stripes and chains and death, 
have been his portion at our unnatural, cruel and 
fratricidal hands. And tan we still — even now, 
when our nation 'is brought to thf very brink of de- 
truetiou, and brought to il so manifestly by nrido in 
our own. race, and contempt and hatred of other 
races, and when, too, nothing short of the speediest 
and heartiest repentance can save it — can we, I ask, 
still continue to practise all, or even any, of our 
enormous wrongs against the Indians or the Ne- 
groes ? I think that we cannot afford to. Xou 
think that we can ; for your Bill provides that the 
liberated slaves, and, in effect, the whole black popu- 
lation of the country, (for it will come to this if your 
Bill becomes a law, and the nation exist long enough 
to let it operate to its fullest effect,) shall fall under 
the exercise not only of special, but, compared with 
any thing short of slavery, exceedingly tyrannical 
powers. It provides that they shall be excluded 
from our political family, put under absolute dicta- 
torship, torn from homes as dear to them as are ours 
to us, apprenticed without their will, admitted to 
only qualified rights of property, and so qualified as 
to pen them up forever in swampy, barren Florida, 
unless they shall be able to get themselves beyond 
the limits of unceasing, and almost as universal as 
unceasing American hate. Yes, your Bill provides 
that, in miserable Florida, where the general worth- 
lessness of the soil is indicated by tbe sparseness of 
tho population, our colored countrymen — our poor, 
peeled and persecuted brothers and sisters — shall be 
forcibly congregated, and put under the political 
rule of a handful of whites, who, in such case, can 
hardly fail to become most terrible despots. Yes, it 
is in such circumstances that your Bill proposes to 
have the liberated slaves make their first allowed ex- 
periment in agriculture, and in all material and moral 
improvement. The experiment must necessarily 
prove a failure; and the failure will afford a fresh 
occasion for ridiculing and despising negroes, and will 
be unfairly and meanly turned into an argument to 
justify the oppressions heaped upon them — all their 
former oppressions as well as those provided for in 
your Bill. 

I know not that any others will protest against 
your Bill, but I must. By my love of God, my love 
of man, and my love of country, all of which are 
deeply wounded by it, I must. It will bring our 
poor country into fresh perils. It will be a fresh 
crime against our colored brethren, and a fresh in- 
sult to their Maker. 

Why, dear Sir, could you not have framed a Bill, 
hich would provide an easier lot for these brethren ? 
Do you reply that their former one was much hard- 
er ? I rejoin, that the harder was that, the easier 
should be this. Under the righteous doctrine of re- 
compenses we should, if we could, make their con- 
dition now as much happier than that of others as it 
was before more miserable. All the greater is this 
obligation, because our Government was responsible 
for this more miserable condition — the received and 
aeted-on interpretation of the Constitution making 
the Government the great watch-dog of slavery. 

I might reasonably ask Congress to do much for 
the liberated slaves. I content myself, however, 
with asking it simply to recognize "their manhood, 
and withhold from them no civil nor political rights 
which it accords to others. For what else they shall 
lack to begin their life of freedom, I will trust to pri- 
vate benevolence, and to an endless variety of help 
outside the Government. But would I let such ig- 
norant men vote ? Certainly, if other men as igno- 
rant are allowed to. If the right of suffrage is de- 
nied to others who cannot write nor read, then, T 
admit, it should also be denied to such liberated 
slaves as cannot. But would I let them go where 
they plfaso ? The same right of locomotion would 
I acknowledge in them as in others. But they will 
be lazy unless they are compelled to work 1 Well, 
what if they will"? Surely, no others have so good 
an excuse for being lazy as those who all their life- 
tame have been compelled to work, and that, too, 
without wages. But would 1 not have them pun- 
ished for laziness ? Certainly not, unless others are. 
And would I let them intermarry with the whites ? 
That is a personal and private matter, with which 
neither Congress nor any other law-makers have 
aught to do. Nevertheless, I am five to say that 1 
see no objection to a colored lady's accepting the 

hand of a white gentleman, provided she can possi 
lily surmount, her prejudices against his complexion 
But another objection to granting the liberated 

slaves the rights of men is, that they will then rise 

up and kill the whites. They will be not a thou- 
sandth part, as likely to do so. as if the rights had 

been withheld, l have not heard of a single in- 
stance, sinee their full restoration to manhood, in 
which West India black men have murdered white 
men. 

1 am not opposed to tho colonizing of either small 

or large portions, of our colored people. But, unless 



we are prepared to acknowledge their equal rights, 
and to place them on tbe same civil and political 
plane with the whites, the colony should by all means 
be outside of the nation. If within it, and the popu- 
lation composed chiefly of those who according to 
your Bill will be but Pariahs, it will be a very incon- 
venient, not to say very perilous incongruity. I pre- 
fer the President's Message and Mr. Trumbull's Bill, 
at this point, to your Bill. There was great merit 
in the plan submitted by Mr. Blair a few years ago. 
It contemplated, if I recollect, no less than full civil 
and political rights for the colonists. Tbe colony, it 
is true, was to be somewhere outside of the nation. 
But this, in then existing circumstances, was un- 
avoidable. Slavery, which is now mortally wounded 
and rapidly dying, was then in vigorous life; and 
the slaveholders would not.allow a black colony with- 
in the national limits. Ere passing from this subject 
let me admit that, in my judgment, where the laws 
of nature allowed free play, tbe dark-skinned races 
would find their homes within, and the light-skinned 
races without the tropics. But, in all justice, letjfehe 
dark-skinned be left as free to refuse to_rnjgrate to 
the tropics as the light-skinned to refuse to migrate 
from them. 

In all our provisions for the liberated slaves, our 
especial aim should be to have them contented. A 
war of races (by far the worst of all wars) is to be. 
constantly and sedulously avoided. We are to re- 
member that there are twelve or fifteen millions of 
negroes on this Continent and the neighboring 
islands ; and that, through the force of deep repen- 
tance for her enormous wrongs against poor Africa 
and her children, Christendom will, ere long, be 
brought into the strongest and tenderest sympathy 
with all negroes. The day is fast coming when the 
negroes will be the especial care of many self-accu- 
sing and remorseful nations. It was Swedenborg, if 
1 remember, who predicted that the " celestial peo- 
ple " would be discovered in Africa. If but a fancy, 
it is, nevertheless, a very pleasant one, that the min- 
istries of penitent Christendom will be among God's 
appointed means for fashioning that " celestial peo- 
ple." If the twelve or fifteen millions, to whom I 
have referred, are not yet a formidable foe, never- 
theless, unless we prevent it by just and generous 
dealing with tbem, they will become such to our pos- 
terity. Flatter not yourself that our emancipated 
slaves will be contented in an apprenticeship. Those 
of the British Islands were not. Never were they 
more discontented; and hence, the British Govern- 
ment hastened to take them out of it. But you will 
argue that your plan will bring contentment^Jo.the 
apprentices because.it wilLbrin£. wages to t' - L 
on the contrary, wilt argue that it will thereby bring^ 
additional discontent. . From a false philosophy and 
a superficial view is it argued that men will be con- 
tented in proportion to the rights they get. A truer 
and deeper insight teaches that, the more of their 
rights they get, provided!-, they get not all of them, 
the more are they ^w-^te^tea. 

"Tho pris'ner sen I - '*- =-j£o fresh air, 
And bless'd with iii.-.rty agnin, 
Would mourn wore ha eondemn'a. to wear 
One link of all his former chain;" 

Do not suppose that I argue from your Bill year 
lack of kind feeling toward the negroes. Anything "* 
which, in your judgment, would subserve their in- 
terests, and yet be compatible with the safety of the 
whites, would, I doubt not, have your favor. But 
you were probably educated to believe that one re- 
sult of their unqualified freedom would be their vio- 
lence and crimes against the whites. Under the like" 
mistake were they who, both in Britain and Ameri- 
ca, predicted that the British Islands would run 
blood in the event of the emancipation of their slaves. 
They did not know how affectionate, how patient, 
and how slow to revenge the negro race is. They 
could not conceive that men, who had suffered such 
immeasurable wrongs at the hands of the whites, 
would, in their new-born freedom, prove so harmless 
to them ; and that, too, when the whites were, com- 
pared with themselves, but a powerless handful. 
Under the like mistake was it that several American 
vessels, lying in the harbor of one of those Islands, 
hurried to sea the day before the Law of Emancipa- 
tion went into effect — so strong was the apprehen- 
sion that destruction would sweep over the Islands 
the next day. And you have, probably, never given 
your attention to the facts which prove that, when 
you have blessed the ne<xro with his freedom, he is 
satisfied, and studies henceforth -not to harm, but out 
of a grateful and loving heart to serve you. More- 
over, you were probably educated to beitefe^that. 
liberated negro slaves, unless continued in some de- 
gree of subjection to the whites, must prove unable 
to take care of themselves. Nevertheless, there is 
the testimony of the British Islands to the fact that 
few people have ever made as rapid progress as their 
emancipated slaves in knowledge, virtue and wealth. 
That the slaveholders and their allies and tools have 
been able to make Christendom believe that British 
Emancipation is a failure, is, perhaps, the most strik- 
ing instance ever known of the power and success 
of an oft-repeated and shamelessly persisted in lie. 
An utter lie is it — for, in every aspect and every 

Particular, British Emancipation is a triumph and a 
lessing. The unquestionable facts to show tins 
were, only the last year, admirably put together in 
a pamphlet by Mrs. L. Maria Child. The painstak- 
ing and accuracy of this eminently wise and candid 
woman are too well known to need my commenda- 
tion. I have just now ordered a copy of it to be 
sent to each member of both Houses of Congress. 
I know not how a right-minded person can read it, 
and yet doubt the success of British Emancipation, 
or yet doubt that our slaves, who are far more intel- 
ligent than were the British slaves, would by their 
well-doing reflect high honor upon the policy which 
should free them. 

How grand the opportunity that has come to Con- 
gress I May there be no lack of cither wisdom or 
courage to improve it I The Abolitionists had 
thought to persuade the nation to abolish slavery 
from high moral and religious considerations. But 
this great honor is denied them; and they must bo 
content with however humble a place events assign 
them. It is now for Congress to abolish slavery as 
a military necessity. The slaveholders have them- 
selves placed it at. the disposal of Congress. May 
they not only abolish it, but have so much faith in 
truth, in human nature, and in (.oil. as to trust the 
liberated staves with all the rights of manhood ! 
Then will these trusted ones enable us to make sliovi 
work of tbe war. And then, when the war is end- 
ed, they wilt, with the help of their Southern friends, 
ami also With the help of their more numerous North- 
ern friends, (who by thousands will go down to dwell 
with them, and be their teachers, counsellors and 
comforters, and the guides of their self-help.) make. 
rapid progress in every right direction. And then 
will the whole nation feel joy and pride in llie intel- 
ligence and moralitv ot' these pupils. And then, 
tOO, with her great reluctance to spare their labor, 
she will feel that, if they are tO be Colonised, it nms* 
be because they themselves desire it, rather than bc- 
CAUSa the nation dnes. 

Our unhappy country ! How can it escape ruin [ 
A portion oi our politicians would even r< 

bo Compromise ; and of this portion, sonic would com- 



Q 



THEE LIBEEATOE. 



JANUAEY 3. 



promise on even the New York Herald's terms of 
giving tip all, and accepting the Confederate Con- 
stitution, Another portion, with the President at 
their head, persist in regarding the Rebellion as but 
a riot — «'f rather unusually largo dimensions, it is 
true, Wt, nevertheless, a mere not, and one that is 
to bo quelled at our own convenience and in our 
most agreeable way, and especially without the dis- 
agreeable help of these vulgar blacks. The defeat 
of our immense army on the Potomac may be neces- 
sary, ere this contemptible riot shall swell upon the 
surprised sight of the President into the dignity of a 
war. Another portion of our politicians are amus- 
ing themselves With a variety of schemes, among 
which is Colonization, and are thereby diverting at- 
tention from the great struggle which is entitled to 
undivided attention. Moreover, forgetting the di- 
rection in the Cookery Book, that the hare must be 
caught before he is cooked, they are for colonizing 
before catching the blacks. And how we are ever to 
catchy them, if we continue to drive them from our 
camps, and even to return them to the enemy, and 
persist in the policy of alienating them, until the 
South shall be compelled to identify them with her 
cause by an act of Emancipation, I for one cannot 
see. And then, what is worse than all, the whole 
mass of our politicians have, with very few excep- 
tions, been trained to worship the Constitution, and 
to sneer at that " higher law " whose " seat is the 
bosom of God." They agree with Senator Trum- 
bull, that not even by the necessities of war must we 
allow the Constitution to be jostled. They agree 
with him that " we will have gained but little in sup- 
pressing the insurrection, if it be at the expense of 
the Constitution." Such gentlemen as the Senator 
and the President would not have the country saved, 
unless it can be saved by rule. God multiply those 
who would have it saved any how ! I confess my 
high estimate of the Constitution as a means of sav- 
ing the Country ; and I confess, too, that I see not 
wherein it needs to undergo the change of a line, or 
letter to make it a more effective means. But I 
deeply desire to have every man feel that, whenever 
circumstances arise in which the Country and the 
Constitution can be stood by only at the expense of 
each other, the sacrifice must fall upon the Constitu- 
tion. However precious to any one may be the 
Constitution as a means of saving the Country, let 
him still regard it as but a means, and then he will 
not consent to sacrifice the Country to the Constitu- 
tion. 

Alas! this immeasurable mistake of confounding 
the cry of " Constitution " with the inspiringname 
of our Country ! When in this name there is suf- 
ficient to move every heart, what folly and insanity 
to be summoning our soldiers to battle in the name 
of the Constitution ! Many of them have scarcely 
any idea of its origin or objects. Not one in one 
thousand of them have read it; and not one in ten 
thousand of them cares a fig for it. 
w^-But-even if the Constitution be as worthy as it is 
so extensively^ claimed to be, let .us at least agree to 
desist from worshipping it until the country is saved. 
Great, too, as may be the benefit of your proposed 
Colonization, let us at least agree to defer realizing 
it until the country is saved. Brilliant and novel, 
too, as is the President's idea of swapping^ off direct 
taxes* for negroes, let him be content to joy in the 
bare idea until the country is saved. In the mean 
time, let our statesmen and commanders be moving 
their countrymen by appeals, which arc unspeakably 
more full of inspiration than are any or all of these 
things which I have enumerated. By no such things 
as these did Marco Bozzaris seek to animate his 
brave band. And why should not Americans as 
well as Greeks be allowed to forget all these, and be 
told : — 

"Strike — for your altars and your fires ; 
Strike — for the green graves of your sires ; 
God — and your native land !" 

GERPJT SMITH. 



BULLDOGS VEESUS POODLES. 

To the Editor of the Bradford Advertiser : 

Sir — Blackboard is not to be dealt with by twad- 
dlers, on either side of the Atlantic. All the course 
of his education gives him the superiority of energy 
for evil purposes, which the trained bulldog, with his 
Satanic head and teeth to match, lank wiry limbs 
and switchy tail, has over the curly moppet of 
^- ;-.',=!.- ■ household, whose locks are carved 

i suggestion Oihi lion,- by t.'n.; nega- 
tive process of denuding his unhappy rear, and shav- 
ing his tail into a most ridiculous tuft. Not but the 
hero of the hearth-rug can show erlergy in his way, 
though he keeps clear of bulls. He lords it over the 
kitten, till she is full-grown ; anjjf the guinea-pig .g^es 
in terror of his life. But whe^ the shaveling comes 
in contact with his ferocious rival *« Dest policy is 
hnmility, and speedy recojv^ion of superiority in 
evil. 

"While the English ministers were dawdling with 
the question' going on in America, and viewing it as 
m .\tter on which they might coquette with both En- 
1 .1 and American feeling, comes me the Divine 
fright of Slavery, and brings the subject to a point 
by running his armed vessel with her captured pris- 
oners straight into Southampton. 

Of course this gave a prodigious fillip to all the 
Pro-Slavery zeal in England. An influential char- 
tered company in the metropolis has feasted the 
Southern statesman who, if Theodore S. Fay is a 
credible witness, said " it was hard the South should be 
prevented from importing slaves from Africa, when 
the North was allowed to import jackasses from 
Malta.'* Of course it preserved the remainder of the 
feast, for a cold collation to that other representative 
of the new States, who has " declared in perfect con- 
sistency with the Bible argument of Southern divines, 
that slavery ought to be extended to the white labor- 
ing classes of England." It is wonderful what chanc- 
es are sometimes given to those whose slowness dooms 
them to ultimate loss. Perhaps the English work- 
ing classes will wake up, when these Pro-Slavery 
zealots have got a little further in their efforts to 
bring them to the auction-block. 

The part played by England in the whole affair 
has been disgraceful and melancholy. The idea of 
the abolition of slavery has from the first been 
absolutely scouted in Ejigland, as it could be in the 
^Southern States of-America. Not a single daily 
id it. " Mischievous monomaniac " 
has been the term openly applied to the honorable 
and able individuals who have supported it. By the 
same rule, Wilberforce, Clarkson, John Wesley, and 
perhaps greater and earlier names were mischievous 
monomaniacs. To be a " mischievous monomaniac " 
is the apprenticeship and first introduction to every- 
thing great and good on earth. And if enemies were 
awake, friends were asleep : and even the energies 
of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society ex- 
haled in a senseless attack on Mrs. Beecber Stowe. 
What danger was there that has not been exagger- 
ated, and what bugbear that has not been raised, by 
the slavery-loving classes that bear rule in England ? 
Can anybody point to a single thing that has been 
done there, to aid the cause of the abolition of sla- 
very in America? Has any opportunity been lost 
of throwing scorn on its supporters, and particularly 
on that good and able soldier who would have gone 
the way to put down the nuisance with the least pos- 
sible expenditure of blood, and saved the Bull's Runs, 
past, present, and to come? The result has been 
to raise the question of what is to be done when a 
civil government is manifestly incompetent or traitor- 
ous. It is the converse of the case of Dumourier; 
and instead of the general of an army attempting to 
march on the civil government in aid of the enemy, 
it is what would have been presented if the Conven- 
tion at Paris had been found sending orders to the 
general, that he was on no account to make any or- 
ganization for a levy en masse against the invaders, 
or for threatening operations on their rear. There 
can be but one ending; which is, that General Fre- 
mont will have to be sent to take command of the 
army on the Potomac, and do at last what, with an 
infinite saving of blood and treasure, he would have 
done at first. 

Half-witted dishonesty courts misadventures of all 
kinds, and it is Heaven's business out of the embroil- 
ment to lead honest men to good. A new complica- 
tion has sprung up, which stamps the actual conspir- 
acy for the preservation of slavery with more of folly 
than can be readied without the aid of treachery. 
Jt in true, the British government gave the first pro- 
vocation to ill humor, by its babyish idea of sending 
out reinforcements to Canada in the big ship. Allow 
that it was meant to be irritating; that it was the 
effort of one simpleton to bite his thumb, in hope of 
inducing another to return the compliment. But 
sensible rulers, who had all the advantages at- 
tributed to communication with the great mass of 
common sense in the country, as Thor's drinking born 
had with the sea, should have known better than to 
do an act, which even if allowed to be of doubtful 
illegality, had a direct tendency to drive the Pro- 
Slavery reeling unhappily dominant in England, into 
active alliance with the Southern States. Sum up 



the pro and the contra, and sec what has been gained 
by it. Instead of taking their chances for being re- 
ceived for what they were worth, a halo of romance 
has been cast about the representatives of the sale 
of women to prostitution and the subjection of the 
working classes to the auction -block. Perhaps' 
some of the bishops will take them up; there is no 
reason why they should not, with as little imputation 
on their intelligence or their theology, as when one 
of them lately supported the claims of the planters 
on the ground of their educating their negroes, in the 
face of the fact patent to all men, that to educate oue 
was a criminal offence. 

Yonrs sincerely, 
T. PERRONET THOMPSON. 
Eliot Yale, Blackheath, (Eng.) Dec. 12, 1861. 



®k* SBiJmatoi:. 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 3, 1862. 



ME. SUMNER'S TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY 
OF THE LATE SENATOR BINGHAM. 
In the U. S. Senate, on the 10th ultimo,— the reso- 
lutions in honor of the late Senator Bingham, of Mich- 
igan, being under consideration, — Mr. Sumner spoke 
as follows : — 

Mr. President, there are Senators who knew Mr. 
Bingham well while he was a member of the other 
House. I knew him well only when he became a 
member of this body. Our seats here wm side by 
side, and, as he was constant in attendance, I saw 
him daily. Our acquaintance soon became friend- 
ship, quickened by common sympathies, and eon- 
finned by that bond which, according to the an- 
cient historian, is found in the idem sen/ire de repub- 
lica. In his death I have lost a friend ; but the sor- 
row of friendship is deepened when I think of the 
loss to our country. 

Tf he did not impress me at once by personal ap- 
pearance or voice or manner, yet all these, as we be- 
came familiar with them, testified constantly to the 
unaffected simplicity and integrity of his character. 
His life, so far as it was not given to his country, was 
devoted to the labors of agriculture. He was a farm- 
er, and amidst all the temptations of an eminent pub- 
lic career, he never abandoned this vocation, which 
does so much to strengthen both body and' soul. 
More than merchant, manufacturer, or lawyer, the 
agriculturist is independent in his condition. To him 
the sun and rain and the ever-varying changes of the 
seasons are agents of prosperity. Dependent upon 
nature, he learns to be independent of men. Such 
a person, thus endowed, easily turns away from the 
behests of party in order to follow those guiding prii 
ciples which are kindred to the laws of nature. Of 
such a character our friend was a beautiful example. 
In him all the private virtues commingled, Truth- 
ful and frank, he was full of gentleness and generous 
sympathy. He had risen from humble fortunes, and 
his heart throbbed warmly for all who suffered in 
any way. Especially was he aroused against wrong 
and injustice, wherever they appeared ; and then all 
his softer sentiments were changed into an indomita- 
ble firmness — showing that he was one of those 
beautiful natures where — 



It was this firmness which gave elevation to his pub- 
lic life. Though companions about him hesitated; 
though great men on whom he had leaned aposta- 
tized, he stood sure and true always for the Right. 
Such a person was naturally enlisted against slavery. 
His virtuous soul recoiled from this many-headed bar- 
barism, which had entered into and possessed our 
National Government. His political philosophy was 
simply moral philosophy applied to public affairs. 
Slavery was wrong; therefore he was against it — 
wherever he could justly reach it — no matter what 
form it took — whether of pretension or blandishment. 
Whether stalking lordly like Satan, or sitting squat 
like a toad ; whether cozening like Mephistopheles. 
or lurking like a poodle ; whether searching as As- 
modeus, even to lifting the roofs of the whole coun- 
try, he saw it always, in all its various manifestations, 
as the Spirit of Evil, and was its constant enemy. 
And now, among the signs that freedom has truly 
triumphed, is the fact that here, in this Chamber, so 
long the stronghold of slavery, our homage can be 
freely offered to one who so fearlessly opposed it. 
There was something in our modest friend which 
seemed especially adapted to private life. But had 
he not bee:: a "" ; ''' lan, he-would have been in 
his :■■•■ . od at home one of those 

. for human improvement. 
; among those to whose praise 
^Clarkson h<is testified so authoritatively. " I have 
2had occasion," says this philanthropist, "to know 
rp&ay thousand persons in the course of my travels, 
and I can truly say that the part they took on this 
great question — of the abolition of the slave trade — 
was always a true criterion of their moral nature." 
But he was not allowed to continue in retirement. 
His country had need of him, and he became a mem- 
ber of the Michigan Legislature, and Speaker of its 
House — -Representative in Congress — Governor, and 
then Senator of the United States. This distinguish- 
ed career was stamped always by the simplicity of 
his character. The Roman Cato was not more sim- 
ple or determined. He came into public life when 
Compromise was the order of the day, but he never 
yielded to it. He was a member of the Democratic 
party, which was the declared tool of slavery, but he 
never allowed slavery to make a tool of him. All 
this should now be spoken in his honor. To omit 
it on this occasion would be to forget those titles by 
which hereafter he will be most gratefully remem- 
bered. 

There were two important questions, while he was 
a member of the other House, on which his name is 
recorded for Freedom. The first was on the famous 
proposition introduced by Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsyl- 
vania, for the prohibition of slavery in the Territories. 
On this question he separated from his party, and 
always firmly voted in the affirmative. Had his 
voice at that time prevailed, slavery would have been 
checked, and the vast conspiracy under which we 
now suffer would have received an early death-blow. 
The other question on which his record is so honora- 
ble was the Fugitive Slave Bill. There his name 
will be found among the noes, in noble fellowship 
with Preston King among the living, and Horace 
Mann among the dead. 

From that time forward his influence was felt in 
his own State for freedom, and when, at a later day, 
he entered the Senate, he became known instantly 
as one of our surest and most faithful Senators, whose 
determined constancy was more eloquent for free- 
dom than a speech. During all recent trials, he nev- 
er for one moment wavered. With the instincts of 
an honest statesman, he saw the situation, and ac- 
cepted frankly and bravely the responsibilities of the 
hour. He set his face against concession in any de- 
gree and in every form. The time had come when 
slavery was to be met, and he was ready. As the 
rebellion assumed its warlike proportions, his percep- 
tion of our duties was none the less clear. Slavery 
was, in his mind, the origin, and also the vital part, 
of the rebellion, and therefore it was to be attacked. 
Slavery was also the mainspring of the belligerent 
power now arrayed against the Union ; therefore, in 
the name of the Union, it was to be overturned. 
While he valued the military arm as essential, he saw 
that without courageous counsels it would be feeble. 
The function of the statesman is higher than that of 
the general ; and our departed Senator saw that on 
the counsels of the Government, even more than on 
its armies, rested the great responsibility of bringing 
this war to a speedy and triumphant close. Armies 
will obey orders, but it is for the Government to or- 
ganize and to inspire victory. All this he saw plain- 
ly ; and he longed impatiently for that voice — her- 
ald of Union and Peace — which, in behalf of a vio- 
lated Constitution and in the exercise of a just self- 
defence, should change the present contest from a 
bloody folly into a sure stage of human improvement 
and an immortal landmark of civilization. 

Such a Senator can be ill spared at this hour. 
His simple presence, his cheerful confidence, his gen- 
uine courage, his practical instincts, would help the 
great events which are now preparing; nay, which 
are at hand. But he still lives in his example, and 
speaks even from his tomb. By all who have shared 
his counsels here, lie will always be truly remember- 
ed ; while the State which trusted him so often in life, 
and the neighbors who knew him so well in his daily 
walks, will cherish Ins memory with affectionate pride, 
Marble and bronze will not be needed. If not enough 
for glory, he has done too much to be forgotten ; and 
hereafter, when our country is fully redeemed, his 
name will be inscribed in that faithful company, who, 
through good report and evil report, have held fast 
to the truth: 

" By fairy hands their knoll is rung j 
liy forma unseen their dirge is sung ; 
There Honor acmes, a pilgrim gray, 
To bleu th" turf that wraps their clay ; 
And Freedom shall awhile repair 
Tu dwelt a weening hermit, there." 

[This eulogy by Mr. Sumner was well merited by 
the deceased,] 



K0TI0E TO DELINQUENT SUBSCRIBERS, 

Though by the terms of the Liberator, payment for 
the paper should be made in advance, yet it has not 
only not been insisted upon, but an indulgence of thir- 
teen months has hitherto been granted delinquent 
subscribers, before proceeding (always, of course, with 
great reluctance) to erase their names from the sub- 
scription list, in accordance with the standing rule 
laid down by the Financial Committee. But, in eon- 
sequence of the generally depressed state of business, 
this indulgence will be extended from January 1, 1861, 
to April 1, 1862, in cases of necessity. We trust no 
advantage will be taken of this extension on the part 
of those who have usually been prompt in complying 
with our terms — payment in advance. 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent, 



ANNUAL MEETING 
Of the Massachusetts AntrSlavery Society. 

The twenty-ninth Annual Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society will be held in 
Boston, at Allston Hall, (corner of Trcmont and 
Bromfield Streets,) on Thursday and Friday, Jan. 
23d and 24th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A. M. 
Three sessions will be held each day. 

Though a great change, equally surprising and 
cheering, has taken place in public sentiment at the 
North, on the subject of slavery, since the " SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION" broke out, yet the 
times demand of the uncompromising friends of free- 
dom all the vigilance, earnestness, activity and gene- 
rous cooperation, that it is in their power to give ; 
for upon them devolves the task of creating, deepen- 
ing and guiding that moral sentiment which is tc 
determine the fate of the republic. Their work, as 
Abolitionists, will not be consummated while a slave- 
holder is tolerated on the American soil, or a slave 
clanks bis fetters beneath the American flag. Theirs 
is the truest patriotism, the purest morality, the ni 
blest philanthropy, the broadest humanity. So it 
from having any affinity with, or bearing any likeness 
to the traitors of the South, there is an impassable 
gulf between the parties, as well as an irrepressible 
conflict. Now that, by the treasonable course of 
South, the Government, by the exigencies in which it 
is placed, may constitutionally abolish slavery, and is 
solemnly bound to improve the opportunity, under 
the war power, the duty of the hour is to bring every 
influence to bear upon it, to induce it to exercise that 
power without delay, and thus to speedily crush the 
rebellion, and establish liberty and peace in every 
tion of the country. In this work of humanity and 
righteousness, of reconciliation and union, it is oblig- 
atory upon all cordially to participate. 

It is hoped that the members and friends of the SO' 
ciety will be present in larger attendance than usual. 
A strong array of able and eloquent speakers may 
be safely counted upon, whose names will be duly an 
nounced. 

By order of the Managers of the Society, 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Sec'y. 



OUR THIRTY-SECOND VOLUME. 

"We commence the Thirty-Second Volume of the 
Liberator, offering the heartfelt congratulations of the 
season to all our readers, and trusting that the present 
may prove the year of jubilee to the millions in 
bondage at the South, who are confidently expecting 
that the day of their redemption is drawing nigh. 
Taking a retrospective view of the eventful past, 
and rejoicing in the wonderful change wrought in 
public sentiment, we are mightily strengthened to go 
forward for the perfect accomplishment of the great 
and glorious work to which we consecrated so unre- 
servedly all that was dear to us at the commencement 
of our labors. We should be glad to see our sub- 
scription list greatly extended; and we feel that, if 
absolute independence, unimpeachable fairness, and 
thorough freedom of discussion in its management, 
deserve encouragement and approval, then the Libe- 
rator should be liberally patronized in every part of 
the country. 



SPEECH OP HON. J. M. ASHLEY. 

We have received — printed in pamphlet form — a 
speech delivered at the request of citizens by Hon, 
J. M. Ashley, Nov. 26th, at College Hall, in Toledo, 
Ohio, on " The Rebellion — its Causes and Conse- 
quences." It possesses historical interest and value — 
tracing, as it does, the present Rebellion to the incipi- 
ent measures taken by leading Southern conspirators 
for the dismemberment of the Union as early 
1849 — the first meeting by them having been held in 
May, of that year, at the city of Jackson, in the State 
of Mississippi, upon the suggestion of Mr. Calhoun, 
In 1850, Gen. Quitman, writing to Gov. McRea, of 
that State, and to Gov. Seabrook, of South Carolina, 
argued that "there is no effective remedy for the 
evils before us but secession"; and he proposed to 
" call a regular convention, to take into consideration 
our federal relations, with full powers to annul the federal 
compact, establish relations with other States, and adopt 
our organic law to such new relations." In 1851, 
Gov. Means, of South Carolina, wrote to Gen. Quit- 
man — " There is now not the slightest doubt that the 
next Legislature will call the Convention together at a 
period during the ensuing year, and when that Con- 
vention meets, the Slate will secede. . . . We are sat- 
isfied that South Carolina is the only State in which 
sufficient unanimity exists to commence the move- 
ment. We will therefore lead off, even if we are to 
stand alone." Just ten years from that time, that 
traitorous State made the fatal plunge, dragging down 
with her ten other of the slave States ; and nothing 
prevented her doing so at the period designated by 
Gov. Means but the election to the Presidency of 
that compliant tool of the slave oligarchy, Franklin 
Fierce, who appointed Jefferson Davis, though at that 
time an avowed secessionist, bis Secretary of War. 
The conspiracy went on with fresh vigor, all the re- 
sources of the government being actively wielded to 
ensure its final triumph. The conspirators would 
certainly have attempted to seize the capital, and ta- 
ken the reins of government in 1856, if Mr. Fremont 
had been elected President; but Mr. Buchanan was 
declared — fraudulently declared, beyond all reasonable 
doubt — the successful competitor. "A majority of 
the Cabinet lie called around him were either avowed 
secessionists, or willing instruments in the hands of the 
conspirators;" and, to the end of his administration, 
they left nothing undone to consummate their hellish 
designs — perjured villains, the whole of them ! Mr. 
Ashley fully demonstrates, by facts which cannot be 
controverted, that slavery, and slavery alone, is the 
cause of this Rebellion; that every compromise and 
humiliating concession made by the North to the 
South have but emboldened and made more insulting 
the demands of the traitors ; and that the cleetiou of 
Mr. Lincoln was only the pretext for the outbreak. 
He maintains that " the overthrow of slavery will not 
only end the war, but, beyond all doubt, save the 
Union and preserve Constitutional liberty, by ma- 
king us what we ought to be, a homogeneous peo- 
ple," He is, therefore, for "striking the enemy in 
his most vulnerable point." We have marked some 
vigorous passages in this able and telling speech for 
insertion in a future number of the Liberator. 



Si..vi;i:ri,y Personal. Denying the accuracy of 
the charge by Gov. Andrew against the traitor Mason, 
that he treated John Brown in ini ungentlt'iiuiiily man- 
ner in an interview he had with the martyr, whose 
"soul is marching on," the Courier exclaims, "Give 
the devil Ms flue ! " Is not thai to be somewhat per- 
sonal — we mean, of course, to the old adversary '! 



CAUSE AND OUEE OP THE WAR. 

A Convention of the friends of freedom in Es- 
sex North met in the town hall in Georgetown, Sun- 
day, Dec. 20, 1861, to consider the Cause and Cure of 
the Rebellion. Rev. Mr. Hassell, of Haverhill, was 
chosen President, Henry C. Wright, Secretary, and 
Parker PHlsbury, S. S. Foster, and Moses Wright, a 
Business Committee. 

Convention met at 10, A. M., and spent the forenoon 
in hearing remarks from several, touching the present 
condition of the nation, in regard to the slaveholders' 
rebellion, and to Great Britain. 

Convention met at half-paBt 1, P. M. Parker Pills- 
bury, in behalf of the Business Committee, offered 
the following resolutions : — 

Resolved, That slavery is the only cause of our 
present war, and emancipation the only possible means 
by which peace can be restored, and the Union pre- 
served. 

Resolved, That the present attitude of affairs in 
Washington is such as to excite the deepest apprehen- 
sions and alarm ; and we exhort the people, in their 
primary capacity, to rise up in their majesty and might, 
and compel the governmental authorities to abolish 
slavery as the cause of all our present calamity, or 
hurl them at once from power, and replace them with 
those able and worthy to lead on to a victory that shall 
give to our whole country a millennium of universal 
freedom, by sweeping the last vestige of slavery for- 
ever from the soil. 

These resolutions were discussed by S. S. Foster, 
C. L. Remond, P. Pillsbury, and H. C. Wright, dur- 
ing the afternoon and evening. That slavery is and 
has ever been the one only disturbing, treacherous, 
malignant force of our country, ail admit. From that 
fountain have flowed the commercial, social, religious 
and political strifes between the North and South 
The one fatal error of the Republic has been, from its 
beginning, its effort to join together what Godkatliput 
asunder — Liberty and Slavery — giving to both a legal 
existence, and extending to both alike honor and pro- 
tection. 

The people are now accepting it as a fixed fact, that 
the abolition of slavery is the only possible mean 
restore peace and prosperity to the country. And if 
the present Administration will not execute the will 
of the people, and end their afflictions by striking 
the needed blow at slavery, then it is their riglitand 
duty to alter or abolish that Administration, and place 
in power one that will give to them protection to 
" life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 

These positions were most ably and eloquently 
argued and urged, by Messrs. Remond, Foster and 
Pillsbury. The guilty and fatal complicity of the 
Federal Government with "the sum of all villany 
was shown in revolting colors. The simple question 
is — Shall Liberty or Slavery rule the nation and the con- 
tinent ? The issue of the present civil war will be 
the settlement of that question. 

The convention passed the resolutions unanimous- 
ly, and adjourned, sine die, at half past o'clock in the 
evening. 

Mason and Slidell to be released at the de- 
mand of the British Government. Secretary 
Seward, in a long and elaborate reply to a letter from 
Lord Lyon, demanding in the name of the British 
Government the immediate liberation of the rebel 
commissioners at Fort Warren, concludes it by stat- 
ing that the demand will be complied with, — on the 
ground that Capt. Wilkes, while acting without any 
instructions from his own Government, and while not 
intending any disrespect to the British flag, was tech- 
nically in the wrong in what he did. This decision 
has naturally excited some indignation, a good deal of 
surprise, butapparently far more satisfaction, as a war 
(otherwise inevitable) between the two countries, at 
the present crisis, would be attended with most disas- 
trous consequences on both sides of the Atlantic. 



Blowing Hot and Cold. The Couriei-, of Satur- 
day, said — " We have repeatedly expressed our own 
opinion against surrendering the rebel envoys ; in the first 
place, because we believe we are substantially right, 
a legal point of view ; absolutely right, in a moral point of 
view ; and because we believe, if we do not premaltir 
and tamely yield, Great Britain will, on this special 
point." On Monday, it wholly alters its tone — is "as 
meek as Moses " — and thinks the decision of the Gov- 
ernment, in determining forthwith to release those 
same " rebel envoys," at the demand of England, is 
wise and creditable! So much for being "substan 
tially right, legally, and absolutely right, morally"! 
What contemptible whiffling! 

" Mr. Orator Puff had two voices, you know ; 
The one went up thus, and the other down so." 



Can't be Suited. The Courier — always in a 
querulous and morbid condition, snapping and snarl- 
ing like a dog under the influence of hydrophobia, es- 
pecially if the object of attack is known to have no 
fear of the slave-driver's lash — ridicules Senator Hale' 
recent vehement speech in regard to England and the 
Mason and Slidell affair, and is reminded by it " amaz- 
ingly of the oratorical efforts held sacred to Bunkum," 
and styles it mere "rhodomontade." Mr. Sumner 
made a very temperate and sensible reply to Mr. Hale, 
deprecating his warlike tone, and arguing that it was 
alike premature and impolitic; but this is equally dis- 
tasteful to the Courier, which sneeringly says of Mr. 
Sumner that with him what is "hypothetical is real, 
and what is real is hypothetical"; and every thing 
"a mere matter of speculation, until the thing has 
been sifted through its various channels into the great 
hopper of the Chairman of Foreign Relations " ; wind- 
ing up by surmising that "perhaps Mr. Sumner has 
had some epistolary communication of his own with 
Lord Shaftesbury, the Duchess of Sutherland, or Mrs. 
Beecher Stowe." This is wholly gratuitous but very 
characteristic blackguardism on the part of the Courier. 
Mr. Hale and Mr. Sumner are Anti-Slavery Republi- 
cans; therefore, they are both to be cudgelled — the 
one for being too combative, the other for being too 
moderate — the Courier being neither for war nor on 
the side of peace ! 



Look at ins Backers ! That President Lincoln 
is pursuing a policy, in the treatment of the rebellion, 
which is calculated to end in the discomfiture of the 
Government, and the consequent triumph of the reb 
els, is seen in the pregnant and alarming fact, that his 
warmest eulogists are those journals which most des- 
perately resisted his election, denounced him and his 
party in the vilest terms, and up to the capture of 
Fort Sumter held out every encouragement to the 
South to strike for her independence, rather than sub- 
mit to a Republican administration I The "satanic 
press," all over the North, is prompt to defend him 
against every impeachment, claims to be especially 
loyal in his behalf, compliments his do-no thing-effect- 
ual measures as characterized by sound judgment and 
eminent wisdom, and chuckles over his senseless 
treatment of the slavery question, — still animated by 
as treasonable a spirit, and aiming at as treasonable a 
result, as control the Confederate press generally. 
Alas ! for " honest Abo Lincoln ! " 



Tub most dangerous POBM op thkason — Mask- 
ed loyalty. [See New York Herald, Express, Journal 
of Commerce, Boston Courier and Post, Detroit Free 
Press, and all others of the same stripe. | 



g^* Our readers, we trust, will not fail to give a 
close anil careful perusal of the Letter of tierrit Smith 
to lion. John A. Gurlcy, in relation to the colonization 
of the blacks in Florida; anil also of Mr. Smith's 
Views "ii the Mason and Slidell affair, anil the relative 
position "f the American and English Governments 
respecting it. These may be found on our first and 
fourth pages. It will be seen that Mr. Smith regards 
(be captain of the Trent, and notCapt. Wilkts, as the 
real transgressor to be summarily dealt with ; and he 
regrets that our Government did not so treat the mat- 
ter from the first His strictures were written, of 

course, before Intelligence of the surrender of the 

rebel ambassadors to I In- demands of England. 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 

'The Song or the Contjiauandr — 'O let my peo- 
ple go!' Words and music obtained through the 
Rev. L. C Lockwood, Chaplain of the Contrabands 
at Fortress Monroe. Arranged by Thomas Baker, 
New York : Horace Waters. Boston : O. Ditson 
& Co., 177 Washington street." 

This song and chorus, originating among the 
slaves, and first heard sung by them on their arrival 
at Fortress Monroe, has been noted down, words and 
music, by the care of Rev. L. C. Lockwood, under- 
stood to be the Agent of the American Missionary 
Association among those freedmen, as well as their 
regularly commissioned chaplain. This gentleman is 
doing a most important work, and should be helped by 
all those friends of missions who believe liberty and 
religion adapted mutually to assist each other, and 
who have been driven from cooperation with the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions by its persistent pro-slavery position. We have 
all heard a great deal of the more trivial music of the 
slaves ; let us look into this expressionof their religious 
feeling, combined with their aspiration for freedom. 

"Pbatehs : by Theodoue Pabkek. Boston : Walk- 
er, Wise & Co. 1862." pp. 200. 

During Mr. Parker's ministry at the Music Hall, 
and the latter half of that which preceded it at the 
Melodeon, two of his hearers regularly made phono- 
graphic copies of his prayers and sermons, for their 
own benefit. These labors of love often became ad- 
vantageous to the public also, adding to Mr. Parker's 
manuscript, when one of bis sermons was printed, 
those extemporaneous passages which external cir- 
cumstances, or his own feeling at the moment, caused 
him to interweave with the written discourse. 

The volume now published, in compliance with the 
earnest request of many of Mr. Parker's friends, con- 
tains a selection of forty of these prayers. It is "af- 
fectionately dedicated, by the editors, to the wife of 
Theodore Parker," and is embellished with an accu- 
rate and beautiful portrait of the author, as he appear- 
ed, while in perfect health, in the later years of his 
ministry. 

Many of Mr. Parker's hearers were attracted, im- 
pressed and edified, not less by his prayers than by 
his sermons. These are truly impressive, affecting, 
and suited both to excite devotional feeling and to 
guide it in the right direction. Unsurpassed by any 
minister in true reverence and devoutness of spirit, 
Mr. Parker was unequalled in his appreciation of the 
Heavenly Father as a father. Thanksgiving was al- 
ways a prominent feature of his prayers ; and by him, 
as by no other that I have ever heard, men were 
shown how they might be comforted alike by the rod 
and the staff' of the Good Shepherd. He showed the 
benefit as well as the certainty of retribution, here 
and hereafter; and he showed how this feature of 
God's providence is used for man's benefit; constant- 
ly made to accomplish good; never wasted, or allowed 
to do harm. 

This book, opportunely coming just before the new 
year, is well suited for all who would stimulate and 
guide themselves or their friends to spiritual improve- 
ment. — c. k. w. 

The Loyalty and Devotion of Colored Ameri- 
cans in TnE Revolution and Wah of 1812. 
This is the title of a little tract, just published 
by It. F. Walleut, 221 Washington street, to which 
the widest circulation should be given at this peri- 
od, and to which universal attention is challenged. It 
is a singular fact, ,sh owing an inextinguishable love of 
" native land," that, in spite of all the outrages that 
have been heaped upon them, and the cruel obloquy 
to which they have been subjected, the colored people 
have always been ready to lay down their lives for 
the freedom and independence of the country. On 
every battle-field in our Revolutionary struggle, their 
blood was freely shed, and none endured hardships 
more cheerfully, or fought with more bravery and 
success, than themselves. Here is the testimony of 
Dr. Harris, a Revolutionary veteran, as given by him 
in an address delivered at Francestown, N. H. 1842, 
in relation to their heroism in Rhode Island : — 

" I have another object in view in stating these 
facts. I would not, be trumpeting my own acts; the 
only reason why I have named myself in connection 
with this transaction is, to show that I know whereof 
I affirm. There was a hlach regiment in the same 
situation. Yes, a regiment of negroes, fighting for our 
liberty and independence,— not a white man among 
them but the officers, — stationed in this same danger- 
ous and responsible position. Had they been unfaith- 
ful, or given way before the enemy, all would have 
been lost. Three times in succession were they attack- 
ed, with the most desperate valor and fury, by well 
disciplined and veteran troops, and three times did 
they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserve 
our army from capture. They fought through the 
war. They were brave, hardy troops. They helped 
to gain our liberty and independence." 

Similar was the testimony of Hon. Tristam Burges, 
of Rhode Island, in a speech in Congress in 1828: — 

"At the commencement of the Revolutionary war, 
Rhode Island had a number of slaves. A regiment of 
them were enlisted in the Continental service, and no 
braver men met the enemy in battle ; hut not one of 
them was permitted to be a soldier unti£ he had first 
been made a freeman." 

Gov. Eustis testified in Congress, in 1820, that 
"they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity : 
the gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the black 
regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their val- 
or." 

Even Charles Pinckney, of Smith Carolina, said of 
them — 

" They all entered into the great contest with simi- 
lar views. Like brethren, they contended for the ben- 
efit of the whole : they nobly toiled and bled together, 
really like brethren. To their hands were owing the 
erection of the greatest part of the fortifications rais- 
ed for the protection of our country. In the Northern 
States, numerous bodies of them were enrolled, and 
fought, side by side with the whites, the battles of the 
Revolution." 

Washington gave immediate freedom, in bis Will, 
to his "mulatto man William, calling himself William 
Lee, for his faithful services during the Revolutionary 
war," &c. 

Dr. Clarke, in the Constitutional Convention of 
New York, in 1821, testified as follows: — 

"In the war of the fie volution, these people help- 
ed to fight your battles by land and by sea. Some 
of your States were glad to turn out corps of colored 
men, and to stand 'shoulder to shoulder ' with them. 
In your late war, they contributed largely towards 
some of your most splendid victories. On Lakes 
Erie and Champiain, where your fleets triumphed 
over a foe superior in numbers and engines of death, 
they were manned, in a large proportion, with men of 
color. And, in this wry house, in the fall of 1814, a 
bill passed, receiving the approbation of all the branches 
of your government, authorizing the Governor to ac- 
cept the services of a corps of two thousand free 
people of color. Sir, these were times which tried 
men's souls." 

Commodore Chauncy, writing " on board the Pike, 
off Burlington Bay, July 18th, 1812," nobly said—" I 
have yet to learn that the color of the skin, or the cut 
and trimmings of the coat, can affect a man's qualifi- 
cations or usefulness. 1 have nearly fifty blacks on 
board this ship, and many of them are among my best 

How atnieiom, and despicable has been the treat- 
ment of Ibis loyal and bravo race among USl And 

wini i felly and Injustice on i he pan of the Government 
lo refuse their assistance in " crushing out " the South- 
ern rebellion 1 

MoNTBoea anh othbb Biographical Sketches. 
Boston : Smile & Williams. 1861. 
A neatly printed, well-written, and very enter- 
taining volume of 400 pages. The first thirty seven 
pages are occupied With n sketch of "La Tour in 
Boston," as published originally In l.iltell's Living 
&ge> Fifiy-iwo are devoted to George Brummell, 
lomniouly called Beau Uruiiimell ; twenly-lnur !o Dr. 
Samuel Johnson — "this Samuel Johnson, who once 
stood before King George and talked, was htmsell 

irlually a king among men." The remainder of (he 

volume la devoted to the thrilling history of Jam.ee 
Graham, Marquis of Montroso. A readable hook. 



IMPEISONMEHT OF REV, HE. GORDON. 

Salem, O., Dec. 26, 1861. 
Dear Fhieki> Gauhisun: 

A short time since, I was at Cleveland, to see a 
brother, there confined in the city prison. Heavy 
bars and bolts shut him out from God's pure air. He 
suffers for acting up to the convictions of. his noble- 
nature; for doing the will of God in trying to "res- 
cue the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor." 
What a strange people we are! What an absurd 
spectacle must our nation present to the world at 
large 1 A get of the most heaven-defying tyrants, the 
most blood-stained pirates, that ever trod this earth, 
have, without the least real provocation, set them- 
selves deliberately to work to break the Government 
to pieces ; have trampled on all law, all precedent, all 
right; have taken the Constitution and slapped us in 
the face with it, and then have torn it to shreds and 
trampled it under their traitorous feet; and we take it 
in the most submissive and cringing manner, and 
watch like couchant hounds to catch and return their 
lacerated and bleerling victims to their clutch ! 

Look at the glaring hypocrisy of this nation in 
another aspect! A man by the name of Gordon is to 
be hung sometime in February for importing Afri- 
cans into this country to make slaves of them. 
Another man by the same name (a brother) is now 
lying in prison for trying to redeem Africans from the 
American prison-house ! Can double-dealing and 
brazen hypocrisy go farther? With one breath, the 
nation says to the man of infamy, for trying to make 
slaves — " Thou shalt die ! " To the other, whose no- 
ble instinct prompts him to deliver the panting fugi 
tive from the grasp of the biped bloodhound — " Thou 
shall be cast into prison ; thy property taken from 
thee, and thou shalt be reduced to poverty and want ! " 
The puissant words of Holy Writ bear on no crime 
harder than that of hypocrisy. No people in the 
world's annals have been more guilty of this crime 
than the American people. They commenced their 
career more than seventy years ago, with the scroll of 
liberty waving in one hand, and the scorpion lash of 
slavery vibrating in the other. And what has been 
the product of this double-dealing, this hybrid mix- 
ture ? A monster the like of which cannot be found 
in the earth, or the regions of pandemonium. The 
hideous dragon with seven heads and ten horns spoken 
of in the Apocalypse is a gentle antelope compared 
with it. And, strange to tell, the incarnate fiends 
who have engendered this monstrosity still hold abso- 
lute sway over at least one judge and one attorney in 
the enlightened city of Cleveland, and a dear brother 
is made the victim of their supple mendacity. 

I write to one who knows experimentally what an 
inexorable demon Slavery is ; one who has suffered in 
prison, and who has been near to a martyr's death, for 
fidelity to the poor slave. The hypocritical and mur- 
derous Jews in their day boasted that if they had 
lived in the time of the prophets' martyrdom, they 
would have interposed and saved them. Alas ! how 
every age applies the same Battering unction, and is 
guilty of the same monstrosities! This age shall 
stand not less anomalous and guilty in the ver- 
dict of the great future. We look with amazement 
and horror on the age that burnt the martyrs and 
hung the Quakers. How deeply embalmed in our 
souls' holiest affections are now their memories ! Not 
less in another age will it be with those who now suf- 
fer for the same glorious cause. A rich and commen- 
surate reward is in store for all such. In the great 
and glorious future, the music of their names shall 
sweep the diapason of heaven, and swell the loftiest 
notes in the triumphant chorus of the anthem of ser- 
aphs. 

Thine, for the unmasking of hypocrisy and the ex- 
altation of righteousness, 

JOHN GORDON. 



POSITION OF THE ADMIHISTEATION. 

Notwithstanding the unanimity on the part of the 
people to sustain the Government in its present' war, 
by cheerfully bearing the burdens necessarily incurred 
in the attempt to crush this rebellion — and none more 
so than the anti-slavery men — the time is fast ap- 
proaching, I think, when those known as true, earnest, 
laboring friends of the slave, will necessarily feel 
obliged to withhold their encouragement from the 
Administration, because of its being found inimical 
to the best interests, the cause, justice and humanity 
of the slave. It is already evident, I think, that the 
Cabinet will carry out its war policy — with refer- 
ence to slavery — according to the most approved con- 
servative principles, and which will finally result in 
dividing the Republican party. There is noticable, 
already, a growing discontent among the more pro- 
gressive and the hold-backs or stand-stills ; a strong; 
and increasing current of opposition between the 
representatives of the liberals and illiberals, between 
those composing the advance and rear guards, be- 
tween those who are instinctively and intuitively true- 
to right principles, and those who are seemingly gov- 
erned by nothing higher than mere Yankee expedien- 
cy or selfish policy. 

If the actuating motives of those who have the 
management of our public political affairs at Wash- 
ington are to be those of the latter class, — and it cer- 
tainly does appear so, — then sooner or later we may 
reasonably expect another compromise to be made, 
with all the hateful characteristics of its ugly prede- 
cessors, wherein we shall again be called upon to 
"conquer our prejudices." For it must be apparent 
to every careful observer, that President Lincoln and! 
his advisers, having begun, are doggedly determined to 
continue the further prosecution of the war, with a 
view that, so far as the settlement of the slavery ques- 
tion is concerned, "the most conciliatory and conserv- 
ative measures shall finally prevail." Which fair- 
seeming words, according to our recent popular and 
illegitimate construction, simply mean — at the ex- 
pense of right and justice. If, with all the mental and 
moral light which streams upon us to-day, our rulers 
are willing to yield to the interests of slavery, or al- 
low "the monstrous prejudices and still more dis- 
gusting hypocrisies engendered by slavery," to over- 
ride onr deepest, highest and most sacred convictions 
of duty, right and justice, is it not manifestly our duty 
T<r vvuikIimw an support ifoin suenra cissruT "polifF 
cians that we legitimately can? 

If this war should end without the removal of sla- 
very,— which from present indications is most like- 
ly,— what has the country gained ! At the most, but 
a temporary peace, which must inevitably and at no 
distant day break forth again, when the Btruggle will 
be renewed with increased energy and desperation; 
and the lesson will be again repeated, that peace based 
upon a compromise with sin cannot endure. 

Boston, Dec. 81, 1861. G. A. B. 



Nr.w Mi/sir. Oliver Ditson & Co.. 273 Washing- 
ton street, Boston, have just published the following 
pieces ; — 

Piano Forte Album, a selection of brilliant and fas- 
cinating gems by eminent composers. Among these, 
Kathleen Mavoumeeii, by Beyer. 

Massachusetts Boys. Patriotic Song and Chorus. 
Written by James Otis Sargent. 

The Bonnie Dundee Quadrille, by Charles D'Al- 
hert. 

Delaware '. my Delaware ! Words by Henry W 

Draper; mnsie by John K. Sweney. Patriotic Song, 

dedicated in the Delaware Volunteers. 

Rocklawn Summer Wildwood. Song m- Quartette, 
written and composed u Marshall s. Pike. 

Ellen of Die l-ea. Words by IMwin Hansford; 
movie by Stephen Glover. 



a petition for emancipation bj Congress has 
been received at this oflfoei headed by CM. Luubh, 
without ilw HoitM nft!>- towa tVi'iii w Itich II came 1 . Qtiit r 

names :ire Win. M. Th:iyei\ V.. l>, Bockwood, D:miel 

Whiting, Jonathan Whiting, Henry Daniels and A. 
i ;. Metcalf, W ill any one give us the r< si Ii 



ja_nti^:ry 8. 



THE LIBEKA.TOR. 



3 



LEGTUKE BY E. H. HEYWOOD, ESQ. 

The Lecture before the Fraternity Association, at 
the Tretnont Temple, on Tuesday evening, 24th nit, 
on " Cmnnion Sense," by E. II. IIkywood, Esq. of 
Boston, whs a brilliant and highly creditable effort, 
and applaudingly received. Below is an abstract: — 

Life is fluid. Solidity is relative. The human 
body is personized air. Animal, vegetable, the solid 
globe, are built of air. Spirit is the substance of 
matter. From the enveloping spiritual atmosphere 
comes the world of man, religion, literature, philoso- 
phy, civilization. Pervading human nature, it is 
common sense — the finite soul ; pervading all nature, 
it is the original divine sense — the Infinite Soul. 
Common sense has truth by instinct. It is mother 
wit. intuition, the universal voiced in the particular, 
the race in committee of the whole on the individual, 
and the individual in committee of the whole on the 
race. 

Common sense is one with absolute ideas. In 
ethics as in the affections, the first choice is the best ; 
spontaneity is purity. We float in the universal soul, 
and share its omnipotence. The drop drags the 
ocean. Genius is to see, and see with your own eyes ; 
to lie close to life. Newton lives in the rainbow he 
found tn a ray of light, in the spheres he weighed in 
the scales of bis matchless reason; Angelo in the an- 
gels he wooed from blocks of marble. You trust the 
insect tick of the watch in your pocket, regulated by 
the wheeling planets ; how much more the heart-beat 
echoed in the bosom of God. Revolutions are reve- 
lations. From church, courts, Congress, the case goes 
up to the moral sense of the people. The Reformation, 
Magna Charta, Puritanism, Plymouth Hock, Declara- 
tion of In dependence^ re successive concessions of false 
conservatism to the progressive reason and inevitable 
instincts of man. Tyranny outruns and trips itself. 
Wrong is always a failure. Reform conies up, seldom 
down ; up from the bulrushes, the manger, the plough 
and the printing press, to bring churches and govern- 
ments. Truth rides into Jerusalem on an ass colt. 
The slave can teach you more statesmanship than 
Seward, more religion than Beecher. Better a rail- 
splitter than a hair-splitter. The French Revolution 
of '93 was a revival of civilization to Europe : that of 
'48 throttled slavery with one hand, and overthrew the 
gibbet with the other. Unbiassed sentiment is the 
purest, as in women and children, your household 
gods. Woman is the highest popular divinity men 
worship. In the pulsations of the impartial heart, you. 
may hear the echoing footfalls of approaching truth, 
yet centuries distant. If servant girls, plowboys and 
gravel-tossers are with me in* a moral issue, Wall 
street and Washington must come round. Whoso 
stands in the truth wields the race, though he sup 
with publicans and sinners; for all the thrones of 
earth are below him, and only the throne of Omnipo- 
tence is above him. In the blackest slave, there goes 
^.JSinai, Calvary, Olympus, for with him walk Love, 
Justice, and Universal Freedom. 

But this doctrine does not flatter the people. The 
world are not all saints, nor the church all sinners. 
(Laughter and applause.) The great evils that afflict 
society exist by the choice or consent of the people. 
Private vice fruits in public crime. The flock fol- 
lows the leader over the fence or under it. The man 
disappears in the mass, and the mass disappears in 



nan. Am 

livine Ugh 



the divine right of the multiplication tabic, in the dead 
weight of numbers. Importing the old dogma of the 
Stuarts, they say, not "the King can do no wrong," 
lie is out of fashion ; but "the Majority can do no 
wrong," "the Union can do no wrong." Popular 
rascality may be voted up or down. There is some- 
what in extenuation, however. We have had the 
various opinions of men from the ninth to the nine- 
teenth century to harmonize and direct, a Babel of 
races to unify. Then, democratic freedom has not yet 
cut its wisdom teeth. The citizen wants self-poise. 
America is a nation of pronoun I's, with rarely one 
tall enough to see over himself, Besides, the popu- 
lar vices of this country widely root in one corrupt- 
ing cause, slavery. England, who owes her great- 
ness largely to the democratic tendency of civiliza- 
tion, now blurts across the waves — "Democracy is a 
failure, self-government a Utopia." Yet our trouble 
is not the fault of democracy, but the want of it. 
Order and peace will prevail here only when we enact 
democracy, enact equal rights, strike down this slave- 
holding oligarchy by striking off the shackles of the 
slave. (Applause.) 

Generally, individual virtue loses in the mass. As- 
sociation is on the wave theory of light — two rays 
meeting at a certain angle produce darkness. The 
kingdom of heaven within men, projected into the 
world, becomes Austria, Bedlam, or South Carolina. 
Hull behaves herself without a Metropolitan Police 
Bill — I would like to say as much of Boston. Com- 
mon seftse.unflatters men, shakes them out of shams, 
and sends them home to self and God. The univer- 
sal leveller, it always levels up. Its "seat is the bo- 
som of God; its voice is the harmony of the world." 
Yet common sense respects the integrity of man. 
The capillary column of water balances the ocean; 
so anybody is everybody. Society divides into mate- 
rialists and idealists : these relying on principle, in- 
spiration, reason, will; those on the establishment, 
custom, necessity. The kingdom of religion, poetry, 
art, philosophy, is within you. In Paris, the Deity is 
a Frenchman ; in London, he is a cotton-bale ; in 
Charleston, a slave-driver. The soul is greater than 
society. Truth, speaking from the scaffold or the 
stake, flashes conviction through centuries. An es- 
tablished church is a "suspense of faith." Conform- 
ity is deformity. Why capitulate to sects and parties ? 
Born of nature, why be put out to nurse 1 The Tahi- 
tian chiefs employ slaves to chew their food, but civ- 
ilized lips prefer the first hand method. Law is not 
made, it grows ; not enacted, but acknowledged. You 
haughty husbands, who rob your better halves of all the 
ballot, are only the weather-vanes of the nursery. 
The country makes the Constitution, not the Consti- 
tution the country. In a crisis like this, it matters 
little who makes the laws, if John Brown makes the 
songs. (Great applause.) Force is no guarantee. 
Distrust in the heart is war in the hand. Man is 
the conservative ; buttoning under his coat Church 
and State, he founds a Republic wherever he plants 
his foot. Freedom, faith, courage, love, are the sup- 
porting columns of the temple of concord. 

Society is a materialist — believes in the coat, not 
the man. Whoso looks into a popular sin, gets the 
door slammed in his face. Government is founded on 
force. The Church cowers under the mailed arm of 
the State. The ultimate appeal is muscle, not mind. 
There is sad truth in the joke of the English wit, 
who went to the Sayers and Hcenan fight to see the 
ruling class of the race. This faith in the fist, this 
gospel according to bullies, is a seed of barbarism, 
whose bloody efflorescence in the war system is now 
the nosegay of nations. Yet war is the despair of 
ideas and the soul ; repeals God, and " makes the uni- 
verse a mob of worlds careering round the sky." 

I know the arrows of wit and sarcasm recently 
showered upon the advocates of peace by the most elo- 
quent man in the American pulpit, still hurtle in this 
.air. Nevertheless, I am inclined to believe the peace 
principle, moral force agitation as opposed to the 
sword, a doctrine of common sense as well as of Chris- 
tianity, and some day it will be respectable as well as 
true. Not to play hide-and-seek with you among 
texts, though the argument is impregnable there, the 
character of Christ is decisive on this point. His 
mission being to regenerate society, and his ductrincs 
in hold antagonism with all its organized forces, was 
he right in going to Calvary, or should lie have 
marched at the head of an army as Major General 
Jesus? (Applause) No one denies that the ideas 
of Jesus, culminating in. the cross, have given him 
the dominion of all other religions, and affixed his 
name to the highest civilization of history. 

Lying is one or the "fine arts" of war. They 
call it Btrategyl Ybrktown was won by alio, and 
Washington, told it. John Brown went to Harper's 
Ferry under a false name; but as he was an abolition 



saint, we did not say much about it. All agree that 
murder is the gravest crime man commits; but war 
is only murder multiplied by the nnyority. By what 
ethics, then, is the man a criminal and the mass he- 
roes? Can we "serve God individually, and the 
devil collectively"? War is the tap-root of slavery. 
Abolilionism is not the whole of truth. I would not 
have you men of " one idea." If the whole is great- 
er than a part, to kill a man is a graver sin than to 
enslave him ; for life bases and includes all other hu- 
man rights. The logic of the fathers is inevitable. 
To men born free and equal, life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness are inalienable rights. Then war 
violates love, the divinestlaw of nature, "the bright 
consummate flower " of religion. English Bishops 
pray to be endowed with the spirit of Christ while 
slaying their enemies ; and the New Zealander shows 
his love of a man by roasting him for his dinner; but 
the affection you bear your brother in slaughtering 
him is not apparent. 

But it is objected that the instinct of various lower 
animals is belligerent and carnivorous ; that when the 
Hon and the lamb lie down together, "the lamb must 
be inside the lion "; and hence, man being the king 
of killers, war is natural, foreordained by an imagined 
God of battles. It was gravely argued from this plat- 
form, that because a bird pecks bugs, man mast slay 
man. But if this analogy holds, you must not only 
kill, but eat your brother ; hence, cannibalism also is 
a divine institution; likewise irresponsible murder. 
Still worse — this argument ultimates in practical athe- 
ism ; for if man is under the domination of brutish in- 
stincts, and cannot resist them, there is no power of 
choice, and free agency is a fiction. War is not health, 
but disease, the delirium tremens of the debauched body 
politic. But self-defence, is it right % Certainly, by 
all right means. " Self-preservation is the first law of 
nature." But how much of yourself will you save ? 
Self is composed of soul and body ; to save your life 
by sin, you lose your soul ; to lose your lite for truth, 
you save your soul. I go for the soul. (Applause.) 
You would not do wrong, would not lie, steal, betray, 
to save your life : will you commit the greatest crime 
to live 1 I grant there is something better than life : 
it is honor, it is purity, truth, character. Take a case : 
Col. Corcoran languishes in a felon's dungeon of slave- 
dom. When the President of the rebellion, cracking 
his slave whip over Mr. Lincoln, said, " Hang my 
privateersmen as pirates, and I will hang your offi- 
cers"; when the honor of the government was at 
stake, the question being whether it executes its laws 
because they are laws, or only at the beck of the inso- 
lence that breaks them — from that lone dungeon whose 
only light looks on the gallows, I seemed to hear the 
brave leader of the 69th speak — " I freely devoted my- 
self upon the altar of my country, and am concerned 
for her life, not my own. Honor to me is more than 
life: how much greater the honor of my country 1 
Then, whether I live or die, execute your laws!" 
(Loud applause.) You applaud that, because you 
would have him sacrifice everything before his alle- 
giance to free institutions. There walked this earth 
one who lived his allegiance to that higher and perfect 
realm, where reason is religion, "love is liberty, and 
nature law." His faith in man's integrity infinite, his 
love embracing every nation and all ages, he went to 
the cross, rather than harm a hair of his murderous 
enemies; and, lo! history writes, "The most inspired 
of idealists, the divinest martyr to the human soul, the 
moral law-giver of his race!" (Applause.) But I 
merely wished to bear my testimony against the pre- 
vailing disposition to treat with levity the gravest 
moral issue that has engaged the attention of men 
since Calvary. 

This ideal force, so long banished from American 
politics, now returns to the control of the Republic. 
The hour is at hand — its dawn whitens the dome of 
the capitol — when even the President must see, that 
common sense as well as Cameron is an emancipa- 
tionist. The South is dying of the naval blockade, 
but much faster of the moral blockade of the world. 

Voltaire said, the adjective is the greatest enemy of 
the noun, though it agrees with it in gender, number 
and person. The anti-slavery enterprise is only an in- 
surrection of adjectives against slavery. As in Web- 
ster's phrase, the Revolutipn was fought on a pream- 
ble; so slavery was broken on a sentiment. The 
South did not fear Lincoln, but the Niagara of the 
Liberator — Cheever — and the white plume of Sumner 
behind him. This is not merely a question of politics. 
Politics never originates — is the tail, not the head of 
society. The Abolitionists were responsible for this 
rupture only as geologists are responsible for earth- 
quakes. They were merely the heralds of this Olym- 
pic game, the executors of God's providence. The 
conflict is in the nature of things. The fathers mixed 
slavery with freedom in the Federal cauldron : behold 
now the hell-broth of civil war ! The "irrepressible 
conflict" is older than Mr. Seward, older than Mr. 
Garrison. Before this government crested forth on 
the refluent wave of the Revolution, — before this con- 
tinent, from the ocean, rose beautiful as Venus from 
the Grecian sea, — far back in the counsels of eternity, 
God foreordained liberty, and slavery to perish. 

From a "thirty years' war" of words, these two 
ideas have passed to blows. Children of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, the programme of the Millen- 
nium, we ought to have repudiated slavery on moral 
grounds. The Abolitionists prescribed the only means 
of avoiding the war. Immense as is this darkening, 
threatening cloud, all its holts would have dropped 
harmless into the earth by the " heaven-tipped virtue " 
of emancipation. By the application of the peace 
principle^ which never compromises, the whole cause 
of the war would have been quietly removed. On the 
contrary, let us have no hypocrites ; those who believe 
religiously in a government of force are bound now to 
consecrate their method to the highest moral purpose 
of which it is capable — the death of slavery. 

The old Union is a last year's almanac. It was a 
Union of diplomacy, of red tape, not a Union of ideas ; 
and the States united with red tape are now the un- 
tied States. They were married in law, not in love. 
Slavery broke the Union. Then let the Union be re- 
established on the ruins of slavery ! (Applause.) 
Pluck up this rebellion by the roots, and brandish it in 
triumph over the enemy ! (Loud applause.) 

But what will we do with the slaves % The slaves ! 
let them employ their masters, and pay them honest 
wages. (Laughter and applause.) We will yet have 
the cotton States represented at Washington by black 
faces, instead of black hearts. (Renewed applause.) 
But if secession succeeds, slavery will not. The 
cause which has gone through England, France, Den- 
mark, Holland, Turkey, Russia, — the cause which has 
scaled and captured every throne of Europe, — will not 
be strangled here by a fibre of secession cotton. Com- 
mon sense votes the people's ticket, and every bond- 
man, armed with the wrath and reason of the race, is 
backed by the universe. Hush up earthquakes — 
smother volcanoes — pile VEtna, slavery, war, cotton 
fields, confederacies upon the insurgent Titan, but look 
out for Pompeii and Herculaneum -! For, by the logic 
of history and human nature, the negro " still lives," 
and will march to his freedom. Deeper than society, 
higher than thrones, wider than nations, surges the 
common soul. It reaches down from the ice crowned 
Alpine Autocracy of Russia to lift an empire of serfs 
into justice and liberty; it shakes Austria and the 
Pope out of Italy, and bids Mazzini and Garibaldi 
carry the line of the Caesars to a higher and nobler 
level ; it sends Wiiherforce to the throne of God with 
the broken fetters of the Indias, Cobhett to plead for 
starving operatives, O'Connell to voice the woes of 
stricken Ireland; and, banishing slavery, war, wo- 
man's wrongs, every social evil from this continent, 
redeeming the good old pledge, it will yet make the 
cause of America the cause of human nature. (Great 
applause.) Democracy is not a failure, Christianity 
is not a failure, man ia not a failure. The sky loves 
to be mirrored in the tiniest lea drop, tlie sun puts his 
golden arms around the meanest hovel, the music of 
the spheres is echoed in the shell under the leaden aea. 
So, God smiling on all, beneath (his transient burden 
of human evil, there is a moral response which shall 
yet be the diapason of a universal harmony. 



OUR PEEILS FROM ABROAD. 

[Translated for tho Liberator from tho Pionior of Doc. 1!).] 
The impression which the seizure of Messrs. Slidelt 
and Mason has made in England, confirms the view 
that it may he employed as an occasion of war. In 
Liverpool, a violent indignation meeting was imme- 
diately held, which demanded energetic action on the 
part of the Government. The Times talks of " sweep- 
ing the American fleet from the seas," and it is really 
time to prepare ourselves for the possibility of an ex- 
ecution of this threat. 

If North America was always hated by England as 
a commercial rival, this hate has been latterly aug- 
mented through fear of our growing navy. England 
suffers no rival fleet, if she can annihilate it, and she 
would long since have destroyed even that of France, 
if her neighbor in Paris had not become too danger- 
ous for her. It is precisely this neighbor who will 
do his best, by instigation or intrigue, to bring about a 
war between England and America. Mr. Seward has 
been notified that France and England will pursue a 
common policy in regard to American differences. In 
this community of action, all monarchical Europe 
will, at the decisive moment, whether formally or not, 
unite- Spain has already been indirectly implicated 
in the league by the Mexican invasion. How the 
other powers are disposed may be inferred from the 
fact that at Curacoa, where the United States have a 
coal depot, the Dutch Governor has refused their 
permission to take in coals. In short, it does 
not admit of a doubt, that, if it comes to a war against 
the United States, all monarchical Europe will ap- 
plaud, if it does not participate in it. North America 
is hated as a Republic, ft is abhorred as the protector 
of slavery, and the nations have learned to despise it 
from the unparalleled incapacity which its leading 
politicians have displayed in the conflict with the 
Southern rebels. 

The Parisian Bandit will have an altogether special 
interest in involving England in a war with the 
United States. Many aims at once will flit before 
him. First, he will counton theruin of the Republic; 
second, on the weakening of England; and, third, he 
will lay his hands without let on the continent of En- 
rope and Turkey. Who will then stand in his way? 
Russia is crippled by her internal complications ; 
Austria, by the aid of Italy and Hungary, he holds 
in his control; and the rest "of Germany, with the 
crown of God's grace, is passive or self-surrendering. 
England alone is a serious obstacle to him, and she, 
by a war with America, would be placed in such a po- 
sition that she must be satisfied with any thing in 
Europe. The Bandit himself— omitting revolutionary 
possibilities — would risk nothing by the war with 
America. He would need to contribute to it, outside 
of a small army, merely a portion of his fleet, for 
which he could even secure English subsidies, and 
by means of which he would acquire a right of dis- 
posal in matters on this continent also, while keeping 
his land army in reserve for the mastery of Europe. 
Meanwhile, the invasion of Mexico has become a 
fact, and may furnish the fulcrum for further aggres- 
sion. That it is not directed against Mexico alone, 
everybody, except, perhaps, the " statesmen " at 
Washington, has long perceived; and that it may be 
on hand for the support of the rebels at the South, at 
the proper moment, and must be to them a fresh en- 
couragement, (even though it bring them a halter,) 
does not admit of doubt. The rebels have now a far 
shorter and surer way, when they wish to send am- 
bassadors to Europe, and the desired protectorate out- 
strips them by knocking at their door. 

England has already gone so far as scarcely any 
longer to lake the pains to guard the appearance of 
neutrality, under which she has hitherto concealed her 
hostile feelings for the Northern United States. But 
lately a rebel ship, the Nashville, burnt a new mer- 
chantman from New York on the high seas out of 
heer wantonness, and brought the crew in irons to 
Liverpool. There it was not only suffered to enter as 
the ship of a " belligerent power," but permission was 
denied the crew of the burnt ship to search the free- 
booter for their stolen effects, while the latter, it is 
said, is to be allowed to equip itself thoroughly in mili- 
tary supplies at the port of Liverpool. 

From these facts we may see that the tinder of war 
lies ready on every hand. If the additional news 
be fully confirmed, that Mexico will issue letters of 
marque in American ports against French, English 
and Spanish commerce, then war is inevitably close 
upon us. 

War 1 Is it not a strange word to this part of the 
country, spite of the army of 600,000 men ? Really, 
we have no right to complain that the rebel States are 
recognized as a "belligerent power" in Europe. For 
are they not that ? Are they not the only belligerent 
power in this war for the Union ? The North is not a 
war-making, it is a war-dreading or war-defeating 
power, and the South alone wages veritable war. And 
we fear very much that this North, with its "sense- 
less" and "suicidal" policy, — as the Secretary of 
War styles it in his comical self-impeachment, — is lost, 
if it has to carry on a war against the South and European 
enemies at the same time. If it falls to fighting with 
England before it wearies out the rebels — and that the 
"honest" slaveholder in the White House of course 
does not contemplate — then it will not only lose its 
most powerful auxiliary, the fleet, but the South, 
which alone will then have a fleet, will be made su 
formidable by a supply of arms, &c., as no longer to be 
vanquishable, nay, as to be able to ruin the North. 
Then at last, perhaps, we shall discern that Abraham 
Lincoln & Co. have destroyed the Republic out of 
"patriotism," and the Congress and people have 
" senselessly " and " suicidally " supported them ; but 
repentance will then come too late, even if accom- 
panied by a demand to arm the slaves, a confession 
that the "pestiferous negro " is a better man than all 
the knaves who outrage humanity in the person of this 
victim of their barbarism, and the insight that a time- 
ly and resolute support of the European Revolution 
would have been the only means to render harmless 
the hostility of the monarchies. 

The European Revolution will probably soon be 
forced to belong to the "topics" of our politics, al- 
though the prevailing wisdom thus far ignores it. Mr. 
Seward has informed the ambassadors of England and 
France, " that this government will await the action 
of England and France, and will then meet the ques- 
tion." So it has also awaited the action of the rebels, 
and we have seen how it has met the question. After 
the thieves have broken into the house, it will want to 
close the doors on them. But if we should really en- 
tertain the idea of employing the Revolution as an 
ally, to whom should we address ourselves ? It would 
not he at all strange if we should presently hear of Mr. 
Seward's conferences with the Orleans princes, the 
friends of England. But if he should descend lower, 
he might intrigue with Napoleon's servant, Kossuth, 
who is now beginning again to recommend himself as 
a friend of the Union. The prevailing conservatism 
and ignorance of European affairs could be easily per- 
suaded, that an Italian war against Austria and a Hun- 
garian Revolution would set all Europe in a blaze. 
Experience has shown how, under the a^gis of Napo- 
leon, a revolutionary war may be localized, aside from 
tho consideration that one has nothing to do with Ital- 
ians or Hungarians in order to revolutionize the power- 
ful peoples. An Italian-Hungarian war against Aus- 
tria doeH not break out without Napoleon's permission, 
and is only brought to an end for Napoleonic aims. 
The l'arinian Bandit would employ it to set Italy, like 
Hungary, upon Germany, in the train of the red 
breeches, in order after conquering her to make him- 
self the Dictator of Europe. If North America sup- 
ports Kossuth, it supports Louis Napoleon and wages 
an indirect war against Germany, without in tho least 
attaining its special aim, namely, a weakening of Eng- 
land and of her allies. Would it call up the European 
Revolution, it must (Ireland excepted) address itself 
to those who seek to open the proper crater of the vol- 
cano, and this crater is I'aris. North America, must 
light England close by in Paris, Pulmerslon in Louis 
Napokon. Without :t French Revolution, in the end 
all wuiiM remain in chains; a. free France means a 



free world. We repeat: Give the European revolu- 
tionists, but without delay, the means lo rouse the 
French people, as every other, from sleep, and to re- 
move at Paris the cover of the fiery chimney, and you 
may dispense with all diplomatic expedient*, and 
found a new era for Europe as well as for America. 
In a war where hundreds of millions are squandered, it 
will be good economy to invest a dozen millions in the 
business of Revolution. 



TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION. 

Boston, December 12th, 1861. 
To Frederick U. Tracy, Treasurer, and the As- 
sessors and other Authorities of the city of Boston, 
and the citizens generally, and the Legislature in 
particular : 
An external version of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence has caused our civil war. "All men are 
born free and equal," rendered ivhites and males, 
through ignorance, love of power and selfhood, there- 
by crushing the colored race, making insane those 
who hold them in bondage — thus our civil war, to clear 
away the impediments to an understanding of the 
word Freedom, which knows neither sex nor color. 

" Governments derive their powers from the con- 
sent of the governed." Had this principle been re- 
cognized in its essence, sex alone could not have mo- 
nopolized the right of suffrage. Males, intemperate, 
vicious, one shade removed from guardianship, can 
appear at the polls, ignoring a proper qualification of 
this highly important act. 

Woman, in her womanhood, could never have permitted 
slavery, an institution which blights every tiling she 
holds sacred, through her conjugial and maternal na- 
ture. Even the expense of such a vile system would 
have attracted her economic eye. 

Now, she is to be taxed to bear her part in a civil 
war which she has had nothing to do in creating; 
family ties have been and are still to be ruptured by 
deaths the most aggravating; widows and fatherless 
children are to be thrown upon the world. Man, 
through taxation, is to devise and control the means 
to meet these exigencies, while woman is passively to 
submit to his decisions, though it reduce her property 
minimum of its former value ; so " taxation with- 
out rqiresentation " assumes a deeper significance than 
ever before in the history of our country. 

Shams, cheats, falsities, still continue in our muni- 
cipal affairs, attracting the solemn consideration of our 
best minds, and qualifications for suffrage will yet be 
ecessity, growing out of an enlightened public 
conscience. 

In this period of civil war, in this struggle for a 
higher perception of freedom, in this signal era of our 
country, when bondage after bondage is being remov- 
ed, that bondage may be seen in its true light, when 
our national eagle is spreading her wings over those 
hitherto only nominally protected, woman is beginning 
to take courage, and is willing to bide her time, till 
man shall be morally strong enough to recognize her 
right as citizen in a republic. 

This is respectfully submitted, 

HARRIOT KEZIA HUNT. 
32 Green street. 



SURRENDER OF MASON AND SEIDELL. 

In the Senate, December 26th, Mr. Hale offered a 
resolution that the President be requested, if not in- 
compatible with public interest, to transmit copies of 
all dispatches which have passed between this Govern- 
ment and Great Britain, relative to the seizure of 
Messrs. Mason and Slidell. Said dispatches to be 
communicated either in open or executive session, as 
may be deemed proper. 

Mr. Sumner objected. 

Mr. Hale said that he had understood from the pub- 
lic press and those who held more intimate relations 
with the Administration than himself, — though the 
absence of this intimacy was not his fault as he was 
willing to be as confidential as anybody, — that for 
three or four days past the Cabinet has had under con- 
sideration a proposition fraught with more evil to the 
country than anything that had yet marked its .history, 
and that was the surrender of Messrs. Mason and 
Slidell to Great Britain. By doing this, we would 
yield all we had gained in the war of the Revolution, 
and be humbled to a second rate power. No man 
would go farther than himself for peace, but he would 
not submit to national disgrace and dishonor to obtain 
such a peace. He would favor the arbitration of 
another power, but if a demand has been made by 
Great Britain for the surrender of Messrs/Mason and 
Slidell, war should be declared against her instanter. 
He would make all honorable concessions for peace, 
but a peace involving such a surrender would be in- 
finitely worse than war. His friend from Indiana 
(Lane) had remarked this morning that his State had 
now sixty thousand men in the field, and would double 
that number to maintain the national honor. If this 
Senate should go home after such a surrender and hu- 
miliation, it would be subject to the scorn and indigna- 
tion of the country. He regarded the arrogant de- 
mand of England as a pretext for war. She was de- 
termined to humiliate us first, and fight us afterwards. 
Let our cities and villages be pillaged and burned, but 
let our national honor be preserved. Francis the First 
said after the battle of Pavia that all was lost but honor. 
He (Hale) would pray that this Administration might 
not sacrifice our national honor. Thousands would yet 
come to the field to defend it. If this surrender was 
made, the Administration would meet with such a fire 
in the rear that it would be hurled from power. If we 
had a war with England, it would be for the same cause 
that had sent one king to the block, and another home- 
less and houseless over the world, and one that would 
appeal to men wherever the English language was 
spoken. He believed, too, that if Napoleon had one 
desire over another, it was to wipe out the stain upon 
the French arms at Waterloo. All over Canada there 
were thousands of Irishmen who would rush to arms 
to sustain such a cause as ours. Our principles were 
our great strength, and if war must come, he would 
say let it come, and thank God that we are the instru- 
ments in His hands to work out His own cause. 

Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, said that the Sena- 
tor (Hale) had made a war speech, or what might be 
termed such. For himself he (Sumner) had rather 
consider this grave and important question when it 
was presented in a practical form. The Senator has 
treated the whole matter on hypothesis. He (Hale) 
had said that Great Britain had made an arrogant de- 
mand of this Government. How did the Senator 
know this, or the Senate or the country ? He (Sum- 
ner) did not know it. The Senator bad said he would 
favor an arbitration, — how did he know but what the 
Administration had considered that? The Senator 
was too swift in his conclusions. His (Sumner's) own 
belief was that the matter would be amicably adjusted. 
It was in safe hands, and it would be better for the 
Senate to reserve themselves for facts, and not act 
upon a hypothetical case. . 

The resolution of Mr. Hale was laid over under the 
rule. 

Headquarters Department op the West, ) 
St. Locis, Dec. 19, 1861. j 
General G. B. McClcllan, Commander-in-Chief of 

United States Army : 
General Pope's expedition successfully cut off the 
enemy's camp near Shawnee Mound, and scattered 
them, twenty-two hundred strong, in every direction. 
Took one hundred and fifty prisoners, and most of 
the enemy's wagons, tents, baggage, horses, &c. All 
the insurgents between the Missouri and Osage are 
cleared out. Price is still South of the Osage. 

H. W. HALLECK, Maj. Gen'l Commanding. 

Headquarters, St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 20, 1861. 
To Major General G. B. McClellan, Major General 
commanding the Army : 

A part of General Pope's forces, under Col. J. C. 
Davis and Major Marshall, surprised another camp 
of the enemy, on the afternoon of the 18th, at Mil- 
ford, a little north of Warrensburg. A brisk skir- 
mish ensued, when the enemy, finding himself sur- 
rounded, Surrendered at discretion. We took thirteen 
hundred prisoners, including three colonels and seven- 
teen captains, and one thousand stand of arms, one 
thousand horses, sixty-five wagons, and a large quan- 
tity of tents, baggage and supplies. Our loss is two 
killed and wounded. The enemy's loss is not yet 
known. 

Information received last night from Glasgow states 

that our troops at that place had taken about two tons 

of powder, in kegs, buried on Claib. Jackson's farm. 

This effectually cuts oil' their supply of ammunition. 

11. iv. HALLECK, Major General, 



!'\iiivii\, Mo., Dec. 20. — Yeslenbiy, Sen. Pren- 
tiss, with '100 men, encountered and dispersed '.too 

rebels under Col. Horsey, at Mount Zion, Itoone coun- 
ty, killing and wounding 100, and capturing <55 pris- 
oners, 95 horses ami LOG gUnB. Our loss was only 
three killed mid eleven wounded. 

The rebels burned another train on the North Mis- 
souri Railroad yesterday, and they say thej iutend to 
bum all the ears on the road, m as to prevent its 
being used. 



Great Fire at Antwerp — Twentv Fuwmkk 
Killed. A letter from Antwerp, dated Dec. 3d, says: 

"There was a fearful conflagration at the Napoleon 
Docks last night, causing large loss of life and proper- 
ty. The fire commenced at about half-past five o'clock.^ 
at the large Belgian sugar refinery, and in about half 
an hour the whole buildings were one mass of flames, 
causing the greatest consternation. 

The fire extended with great rapidity to the Entre- 
pot St. Felix, which became also one mass of flames 
at about 8 o'clock in the evening. After great exer- 
tions on the part of the fire brigades, the fire was ar- 
rested, but it is still burning, and the adjoining ware- 
houses are not yet out of danger. We regret to say 
that about twenty firemen, one architect, and the Su- 
perintendent of the Entrepot St. Pelix, have been lost, 
;ind several more persons are missing. The total es- 
timated loss of property is about 10,000,000f. There 
were about 60,000 quarters of wheat, rye, barley and 
seed at St. Felix, besides large quantities of wool, 
sugar and other articles." 

An Earthquake at Arlington Heights. On 
Sunday night, Dec. 22d, about one o'clock, several of 
the soldiers in Camp Leslie, Arlington Heights, were 
startled by a terrific noise, as if a whole regiment of 
cavalry were charging through the camp at full speed. 
The ground trembled and the whole camp were 
aroused, Col. Chormann among the first. 

It proved to be an earthquake ; its usual rumbling 
sound being aided by the frantic pawing and jumping 
of every horse in the camp. Many of the horses 
broke loose, and all were severely shocked ; some of 
them fell to the ground, and altogether there was the 
wildest confusion ever yet seen in camp life. 

Politics of the Generals. Hon. Henry Wil- 
son said in the Senate debate on the West Point bill 
last week : — 

I know there have been complaints that many 
army officers have not their hearts in this contest, but 
it is equally true of many volunteer officers. Of the 
110 Brigadier Generals, 80 have been opponents of 
the present Administration, and all the officers having 
separate commands, with one exception, were oppo- 
nents of the Administration. This is not surprising, 
in view of the circumstances connected with the pre- 
vious management of the army. Many of the volun- 
teer officers came into the field with the belief that 
this war was brought upon the country by the party 
in power, but actual service soon taught them who the 
traitors were, and what was the cause of the war." 

$^* The Canadians — black and white — are arm- 
ing, drilling, and preparing to give the Yankees par- 
ticular "Jesse," in case of war between us and Eng- 
land. The fugitive slaves there are ostentatiously 
ious to meet their old friends of the under-ground 
railroad in battle array. The Toronto Leader says — 

If ever bugle sounds to the battle-field, it will be 
to fight for Canada and the fatherland. And though 
would still hope — sometimes almost against 
hope — that the bitter cup may be passed from us; 
though we may indulge an expectation that prudence 
may for the nonce guide the counsels of Washington, 
and that the maddened hate of the American mob may 
be overruled by the wiser minds of the Republic ; let 
us not cease to feel that the most vigorous defensive 
measures afford the only guarantee for the preserva- 
tion of peace. We must not rely upon the forbear- 
ance of others. Upon our own promptitude and pluck 
everything depends." 

The Colored People Arming. We are glad to 
e that the colored people are moving, and that it is 
likely that in a few days they will complete a strong 
military organization. The colored company in Hal- 
ifax is very efficient, and one of the best there. 
■Montreal Gazette, Dec. 19. 

The colored people in Canada, for the most part, 
are fugitives from the slave States, — sent thither by 
the Northern Abolitionists over the U, G. II. R. It 
! as little for the negro's gratitude as for his ap- 
preciation of the blessings of "freedom," that he 
should thus be showing an inclination to take up arms, 
as it were, to help Jeff. Davis fight his benefactor! 
— Boston Post. [Nonsense — not to " fight his benefac- 
. " but to fight for the flag under which his liberty is 
secured. Why should he not ?] 

The Irish Canadians. Thomas D'Arcy McGee 
declined to speak at a festival of the New England So- 
ciety, at Montreal, a few days ago, and in a letter just 
published, says the Irish inhabitants of the province 
will be found embattled as one man in defence of the 
Canadian Constitution and the imperial connection. 
He says the Irishmen of Canada universally prefer 
Canadian institutions to those of the United States. 

Eloquent Speech. The speech of Conway, of 
Kansas, in the House, on Thursday, was heard with 
unusual interest. Trie ineonSfcat': 
ry and good government was neve; more 

;d or more sharply defined. AccurdiMi, 
slavery must cease to exist before we can look for per- 
manent peace. These views are the more important, 
because Conway is a Baltimorean by birth, who has 
kept up his intimacy with Maryland affairs. Although 
a maiden effort, an old member remarked that he had 
never heard a speech there superior to it in ability, or 
in the effect it produced. — Cor. Gin. Com. Gazette. 

^= During the night of the 18th, the rebels de- 
stroyed the Charleston lighthouse, on Morris Island, 
but did not by this means impede the operations of the 
Federal fleet in sinking obstructions in the harbor. 

The sixteen vessels sunk were the Amazon, Ameri- 
ca, American, Archer, Courier, Fortune, Herald, Ken- 
sington, Leonidas, Maria Theresa, Potomac, Rebecca 
Simms, L. C. Richmond, Robin Hood, Tenedos, 
William Lee. They range from 275 to 500 tons, are 
all old whalers, heavily loaded with large blocks of 
granite, and cost the Government from S2500 to §5000 
each. Some of them were once famous ships : the 
Archer, for instance, the Kensington, the Rebecca 
Simms, and the Robin Hood, once owned by Girard. 
The Tenedos is one of the oldest of all. The sinking 
of the fleet was entrusted to Capt. Charles H. Davis, 
formerly, from 1842 to 1849, chief of the hydrograph- 
ic party on the Coast Survey, and ever since more or 
less intimately connected with it. 

Q^" The South Pacific has just been the scene of 
one of the most appalling disasters in the history of 
ocean narratives. The French transport ship Re- 
source, with six hundred souls on board, was wrecked 
near Valparaiso, and only five or six out of the entire 
number escaped alive, 

Salvage, to the amount of $17,000, has been 
awarded to the negro Tillman, who killed the captain, 
first and second mates of the rebel schooner J. S. 
Waring, and brought her into New York. 

ft^' One of the soldiers in the Massachusetts 
twenty -second regiment has just been paid off' in full — 
$16 60. He sent home to his wife, who resides in 
Middleboro', §16, reserving to himself only 60 cents. 

Sumner's Address. Four editions of this ad- 
dress at the Cooper Institute have been issued, and 
over 22,000 copies sold. A new edition, intended ex- 
pressly for. circulation in England, has just been pre- 
pared, 

^=The Memphis Appeal of the 18th ult. says 
that property to the amount of $2,500,000 has already 
been confiscated by the receivers, and that is only 
about one half the amount of Northern properly in our 
midst. Some reports have already been made of real 
estate, and many others are to be made. 

J^" Col. Corcoran, now a prisoner at Charleston, 
has honorably refhsed a release which the rebels of- 
fered him on condition of promising not to take up 
arms against the South. He says that such a dis- 
charge would not be a parole ot honor, but of dis- 
honor. 

jJi^^The Bangor Times thinks if the patriotic South 
Carolinians, who are burning their cotton fields to keep 
them from the Yankees, would use their Confederate 
bonds to light the fires with, they would enjBy the 
advantages of cheap kindling. 

2^= A cargo of 625 Africans was recently landed 
at Blanzanilla, on the south-west coast of Cuba. The 
story goes that the Governor of the district took a 
bribe of §25,000 to permit them to land. 

2^=* The Peace Society, of England, have forward- 
ed a memorial to Lord Palmers ton, asking arbitration 
in the Trent affair, if diplomacy fails. They say, 
"conciliation would be most worthy of the character 
of a powerful Christian nation ; and England can af- 
ford to he magnanimous in her dealings with a sister 
State, struggling in the agonies of domestic revolu- 
tion." There was a large religious meeting in London 
on the Oth, at which Kev. Newman Hal! made a speech 
that echoed like sentiments. 

2^= A petition largely signed by citizens of all pur- 
ties, praying for the recognition ot Liberia and llayii, 
w;is .sent from New Bedford, Tuesday, to lion, Tims. 
D. Eliot, for presentation to Congress. 

ftj^" Hon. Alfred Ely has been exchanged for Mr. 
Faulkner, and has arrived ;H Washington. 

r • I'.i ii large lire which broke out in the govern- 
ment stables at Washington, last week, some 200 
horses perished, and a quantity of barneea was de- 
stroyed. 

CiMiwm, Dec. 80. The surrender of Masen 
and Slidell, and the suspension of specie nay men 1 by 
the New York banks have produced a feeling of great 
relief in business olrcle*. 

k-£T'A spy reports that, he counted m Dratneavillfl 
tl)Q graves of one hundred and si\ty rebels killed in 

the recent tight there. 

jjg^" The whole number of prisoners taken recent- 
ly in Missouri, by Gen. Pope, is 2600. 



THE TWENTY EIGHTH 

NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY SUBSCRIPTION 
ANNIVERSARY. 

The time for the Annual Subscription Annivkii- 
saiiv again draws nigh, and we look forward to it with 
pleasure, as the means of meeting familiar, friendly 
faces, and listening to earnest words of counsel and 
encouragement. Some say that other agencies are 
now in such active operation, that "the old Abolition- 
ists," as they are called, can well afford to rest upon 
their oars, while others carry forward their work to its 
completion. We cannot view the subject in this light. 
Our mission is the same now that it was thirty years 
ago. Through many and strange changes, we have 
slowly but steadily advanced toward its fulfilment; 
but there are many indications that our work is not 
yet in a state to be safely left to other hands. We 
have been, and we must still be, a fire to warm the 
atmosphere of public opinion. More than a quarter of 
a century ago, the fire was kindled with generous zeal, 
and year after year it has been fed with untiring in- 
dustry and patience. Not all the cold water that poli- 
ticians, merchants, and ecclesiastical bodies could 
throw upon it has sufficed to extinguish the flame, o" 
even to prevent it from spreading. The moral ther- 
mometer can never again fall to the old freezing point. 
In view of this, we thank God, and take courage. But 
who that observes passing ^events, and reflects upon 
their indications, can arrive at the conclusion that the 
fire is no longer needed 1 

It is true that blood and treasure are lavishly ex- 
pended to put down a most wicked and sanguinary re- 
bellion, the proclaimed purpose of which is to extend 
and perpetuate SLAVERY. But the government of 
the United States manifests, in every possible way, a 
vigilant carefulness to protect the claims of Slavery, 
and politicians are continually announcing that the 
war has nothing to do with the cause of the war. 
There are now very few slaveholders who condescend 
to profess allegiance to the government ; yet, small as 
is the remnant of that powerful and unprincipled oli- 
garchy, they still appear to govern the counsels of the 
nation. The honest expression of THE PEOPLE'S 
wishes is required to be suppressed, lest the utterance 
should prove offensive to this arrogant minority, so 
long accustomed to rule the majority. The people are 
full of generous enthusiasm for their country. If th 
polar star of a great idea were presented to them, they 
would follow it with eager courage through suffering 
and death. But it seems to be the aim of politicians 
to create a fog so dense that neither star nor sunlight 
shall glimmer through it to guide the millions, who 
are longing to be led in the right direction. 

Is this a time to let the sacred fire smoulder onj 
altar of freedom ? On the contrary, there has- never 
been a time when it was more necessary to watch it 
with vigilance, and feed it with untiring activity. 

We, Abolitionists, still have unwavering faith that 

a straight line is alwayB the shortest, in morals as 

ell as in mathematics." Politicians are always in 
need of being convinced of this obvious truth; and 
they arc peculiarly in need of it now. Let us, then, 
continue to work for the good old cause in every -way 
that is consistent with our own conscientious convic-. 
tions. Let us meet together, that our hearts may be 
cheered and our hands strengthened for whatsoever 
work the God of the oppressed may call upon us to do. 

All those who have faith in the principles of free- 
dom, all who believe that the effect of righteousness- 
would be peace and security for our unhappy country, 
are cordially and earnestly invited to meet us at the 
usual time and place in Boston, in January next. 

Contributions, and expressions of sympathy, from 
friends at home or abroad, in person or by letter, will 
be most thankfully received; for we have great need 
of both at this most momentous and trying crisis. 



L. Maria Child, 
Mary May, 
Louisa Loring, 
Henrietta Sargent, 
Sarah Russell May, 
HelenHliza Garrison, 
Anna Shaw Greene, 
Sarah Blake Shaw, 
Caroline C. Tliayer, 
Abby Kelley Foster, 
Lydia D. Parker, 
Augusta G. King, 
Mattie Griffith, 
Mary Jackson, 
Evelina A. Smith, 



Mary Willey, 
Ann Rebecca Bramhall, 
Sarah P. Remond, 
Mary E. Stearns, 
Sarah J. Nowell, 

Anne Langai 
Eliza Apthorp, 
Sarah Qm 
Sarah H. Southwick, 
Mary Elizabeth Sargent, 
Sarah C. Atkinson, 
Abby Francis, 
Mary Jane Parkman, 
Georgina Otis, 




Caroline M. Severance, Abby H. Stephensor. 
Elizabeth Gay, Abby F. Manhy, 

Katherine Earle Farnum. 



MASSACHUSETTS A. S. SOCIETY. 

DONATIONS. 

Salem Female A. S. Society, §20 ; Joseph Grant, I j 
Willard Comey, 50c ; S. May, Jr., to redeem 
pledge, Jan. 1861, 25, $16 50 

Collections by A. T. Eoss : 
Portsmouth, N. H., 7 15 ; New Market, do, 90c ; 
Buxton, Me., 1 28 ; Portland, (over expenses,) 
1 65 ; Mrs. S. L. Dennett, 5 ; Hal low ell, 54a, 
Skowhegau 58c ; Cornville, 2 16 ; Athen.s,il 75; 
Palmyra, 1 75 ; East Pittsfield, 2 33 ; New- 
port, 2 06; Hartland, 63; Carmel, 131; 
Etna, 1 48 ; Eucksport, 1 06 ; Ellsworth, 10. 
Wendell Phillips, to redeem pledge, Aug. 1, 5 00 

Mrs. M. M. Brooks, do. do. July 4, 26 06 

E. L. Hammond, do. do. Jan., 1861, 5 00 

EDMUND JACKSON, Tr 



try WORCESTER COUNTY SOUTH— The Annual 
Meeting of the Worcester County (South Division) Anti- 
Slavery Society will be held at Washburn Hall, in Worces- 
ter, commencing on Saturday evening, Jan. 4th, and contin- 
uing forenoon, afternoon and evening, on Sunday, Jan^Sth. 

Parker Pillsburv, Charles L. Remond, Stephen S.~ 
Foster and others will be present to address the meeting. 

Let all the friends of freedom make an effort to be pres- 
ent, to help concentrate a correct moral seutiment upon 
the movers of current events, to tho end that the crisis 
to which we have oome may result in establishing univer- 
sal and impartial liberty throughout tho land. 

JOSIAH HENSHAW, Preside. 

Joseph A. Bowland, Secretary. 



£j^= WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq., will giro the con- 
cluding lecture of the courso before the " Fraternity," at 
Trcmout Temple, on Tuesday evening next. Subject— 
"Tho Times." — Single tickets, 25 cents. 



Eg 5 " GILES B. STEBBINS, of Rochester, N. Y., will 
speak at Music Hall, on Sunday nest, Jan. ii, on "The 
Gospel of Reform, as taught by Man and Nature." 



JEf MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed to 
695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

References.— Luther Clark, M. D. ; David Thayer, M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



DIED — In Dorchester, Dec. 26th, RICHARD CLAP, 
Eso,., aged SI years and 5 months. 

This venerablo man was among the earliest subscribers 
to the Liberator, and continued bis subscription till his 
death. Almost from the formation of tho Massachusetts 
Anti-Shivery Society, he was an officer and member of it, 
and contributed regularly and generously to the Anti-Sla- 
very treasury, and to succor the hunted fugitive slaves. 
Possessing e womanly modesty and childlike s£nplEoHQ of 
Sttftr&eter, he bus, nevertheless, strong in his oonviotfoM of 
duty, ami unswerving in his performance of it, whether lio 
stood alone or with many. " An Israelite indeed, in whom 
there was no guile," he has at last fallen, "like n shock 
of corn fully ripo," leaving behind him the Ugb.1 of* BOhlq 
MHUaplrj and the glory Of a well-spent life. — Ed. Lib. 



PRIVATE tuition. 

IT having been deemed advisable be raanend, bemponuH ■ 
ly, tho Honedale Home Bohool at the expiration of tti« 
present term, annonnoottenl is hereby made, that Mrs. 
A. B. Haywood, one of the Principals, win be pleased t<> 
receive a lew ITowns Ladles into hat family Eta buinte* 
tton in the 1 met Paint- 

iaj, and Mnsio. The term iriU oommenoe on WkmrasnAr, 
Jan. I, 1862, and oontinne FtrtutN H 

For particular*', please address 

A.BBIE B, HAYWOOD. 

Hopodalo, Milford, Mass., Dee. Hi, 1881. 



THE LIBERATOR 



attxv. 



For the Liberator. 

LIBERTY, EQUAL EIGHTS, BROTHERHOOD 

WITH ALL. 

I, 

It was a stirring cry through Franco that rang, 
"Liberty, Equal Rights, truo Brotherhood I" 
Prophetic words ! yet not then understood ; 

For not that lieonso which to action sprang 

Was heaven-horn Liberty, calm, stern, and just ; 

But wild Revenge, for injuries borne long ; 

For ages of oppression, cruel wrong, 

Until tho trampled people could not trust 

Their rulers, nobles, princes, kings, and priests. 

wretched peasants, classed but with the beasts ! 

To rose like beasts, maddened by driver's lash, 

Revengeful, headstrong, ignorant, and rash ! 

" Liberty, Equal Rights, truo Brotherhood ! " 

Wo rid -stirring words, soon were yo quenched in blood. 

II. Liberty. 

America, who in thy childhood brake 

Tho yoko that wronged thy growing strength, awake ! 

Canst thou be free, while slavery taints thy soil? 
Backsliding nation, thou once bravely stood 
For "Freedom, Equal Rights, true Brotherhood" f 

Curse not God's earth with forced and unpaid toil ! 
Does Freedom mean a license to oppress ? 

Does Freedom mean submission to a mob T 
■Will Freedom send a brother in distress 

Back to his self-styled owner? "Will the sob 
Of infancy sold from its mother's arms, 
Of Freedom be unheard, to still th* alarms 
Of Slavery, her foe? Wouldst thou be strong, 
America, restrain this monster wrong ! 

Ill, Equal Rights., 
America, what says thine honored Law? 

" Free, free and equal all mankind are born ;" 

None of God's children may a brother scorn 
Because of race or color. God, who saw 

Fit, in His wisdom, mankind to divide 

In families and nations, loathes the pride 
Of class, or color, that would seo a flaw 

In His appointment — make the skin a plea 
For insults vilo. Did not thy statesmen draw 

From his Son's Gospel inspiration free, — 
" Call no man master ; lo ! I como to break 
Th' oppressor's bonds, and from the tyrant take 

His victims." 0, backsliding nation, turn 

To God, and his just laws no longer spurn I 
FV. Bkotherhood. 
Ame rica, thy pride of skin and race 

Spurns not alono tho hapless, purchased slave, 
But thyffee colored children. The least trace 

Of Afric's blood no brotherhood can save 
From white men's haughty scorn, as set apart. 
Backsliding nation ! where is tho warm heart 

That beats responsive to all human kind ? 
Tho brother's ear pained by a brother's cry? 
The tearful glance from melting Pity's eye 7 

Where tho unprejudiced, expansive mind? 
America, thine is an awful choice ! 
Proud States, now ruined, cry with warning voice, 
" Before too late, repent — avert thy doom ! 
Time and Experience, stern teachers, come ! " 

V. The Future. 
Taught by Experience and Time, and saved 
By counsel from the men thou once hasfc hraved, 
America, thou hast retrscod the road — 

The downward road, strewed with old ruined States — 
And shaken off the heavy, guilty load 

Of slavery. Now no brother, trembling, waits 
Tho man-degrading block, tho hammer's fall, 
That makes God's child a chattel. Cast a pall 
Of dark oblivion o'er thy sinful youth : 

Thou didst pass through a stern baptism of blood ; 

Now "Freedom, Equal Rights, true Brotherhood" 
Of black and white, prove thy maturer growth : 
Holy and precious words ! they raise a State ; 
They make it honored, feared, loved, truly great. 

Jane Ashbt. 
Tentorden, (Eng.) 




a Liberator. 

J^.RTYR OP HARPER'S PERRY. 

a looks sB^^d dreary, as if God with sin were 

■weary ; 
Holy secret tears are falling — sacred souls on God aro 

calling ; 
And all, dear Lord, who fear thee, are drawing closely near 

thee ; 
For thy ways are growing darker, and the times are more 

appalling. 

Look amid the mount of leopards — look amid the dens of 

. lions — 
"Where the Son of the Beloved, where the man whom God 

has moved ; 
Then bring him forth from prison, from his fetters, from 

his irons, 
That man whose holy love must to-day by death be proved. 

Tyrants, who this man have taken, think him not of God 
forsaken ! 
Look ! what light is round him flowing ! see, his sacred 
face is glowing ! 
Angel-thoughts within him waken — he goes forth to death 
unshaken : 
Oh ! Gloria in ExceUis, the faith John Bkown is show- 
ing ! 
That gallows darkly frowning, 'tis but the place of crown- 
ing- 
There the martyr's crown he gaineth, there tho glory on 
him raineth. 
How he longeth for the moment when death, all sorrow 
drowning, 
God no more His lovo restraineth ! 

Who are these the place surrounding, in their wings a 
glorious sounding, 
As impatient for tho time that shall consummate this 
crime ? 
And from these lions' dens, from these serpents in their 
fens, 
They shall bear him unto Heaven's genial clime. 
These are angels of the Lord — the servants of his word — 

Pity molteth through the glory of their eyes, 
As is drawn the noose abhorred, of the twisted Southern 

Round tho neck of tho slave's sacrifice 1 

All around in order dread tho tyrant armies spread, 

In pornp and in terrible array ; 
This harlot nation red with the blood of guiltless dead, 

Feareth not for her own coming day ! 
'Tis come, the moment dread — the cap is o'er his head — 

Heaven shuddereth ! Heli shouteth, " It is done ! " 
He swings dead, dead, dead — the glorious soul has fled 

Of Christ's well-beloved, martyred son ! 

I heard, in visioned sleep, thunders long, and loud, and 
deep, 
Three nights before the time — before the time ; 
And I knew God's voice was there, bidding tho dark South 
prepare 
For judgment on this crime — on this crime ! 
Newport, R. I. S. L. L. 



From the Chicago Tribune. 

THE OLD FOGY'S APPEAL ; 

OR, 

"DO NOT TOUCH THE NIGGER." 

Am — Yankee Doodle. 
Old fogies sing on every hand — 

The little man and bigger : 
Wage war against tho rebel band, 

But, do not touch " tho Nigger ! " 

Strike any othor martial blow, 

And use extremes! rigor; 
But, lest you "irritate the foe," 

Oh, do not touch " the Nigger ! " 
Let every rifle drop a man, 

Whene'er ye draw tho trigger ; 
Aim at what vital part you can, 

Bui, do not touch " the Niggor ! " 

'Tis truo, their slaves a profit yield 

Of tho very " highest figger " ; 
They work them hard in trench and field, 

Bui, do not touch " tho Nigger ! " 



What though thoy arm and drill tho slave ? 

We do not care a fig, ah ! 
Lot tho Confederate banner wave, 

But, do not touch " tho Nigger !" 
Te seamen in the navy, toil, 

From Commodore to rigger ; 
Bombard tho forts, possess the soil, 

But, do not touch " tho Nigger ! " 
Yo fossils ail, at Washington, 

Who "Democrat" or "Whig" are, 
Confiscate what the traitors own, 
. Bui, do not touch " the Nigger ! " 

A million dollars every day 

Is a pretty costly " figger" ; 
But any money let us pay, 

Rather than touch " the Nigger ! " 
The war dyes red our country's dust, 

And every hour grows bigger ; 
But part with dearest friends we must, 

Sooner than touch " the Nigger" ! 
Down with the agitators, then, 

Who running such a rig are, 
The reckless Abolition men, 

Who wish to touch " 



Thus sings the fogy ; of the grave 

Of freedom he's the digger, 
Denies all justice to tho slave, 

And whines, touch not " the Nigger ! " 

But patriots, who, the war to end, 

Would wage it with all vigor, 
Cry, to tho heart tho arrow send ! 

Give freedom to "the Nigger ! " Plebs.* 

* Plebs does not like tho word " Nigger," which occurs 
so frequently above. He never uses it of his own accord, 
and employs it now as a quotation simply, it being a cur- 
rent word with the class represented. 



ANTI-SLAYERY MEETING AT BROMLEY, 
ENGLAND. 

On Tuesday evening, 23d Nov., a very interesting 
meeting of anti-slavery friends was held in the Metho- 
dist Free Church, Devon's lioad, Bromley, England. 
The principal object of the meeting was to hear an ad- 
dress from the Rev. T. M. Kinnaird, {a colored minis- 
ter, formerly a slave,) on behalf of a church and 
schools now in course of erection at Hamilton, West 
Canada, for escaped or liberated slaves, and others of 
the colored race. Joseph A. Horner, Esq., of the Na- 
tional Anti-Slavery League, occupied the chair, and 
among the gentlemen present we noticed the follow- 
ing:— The Rev. T. M. Kinnaird, W. H. Pullen, Esq., 
Hon. Sec. of the Leeds Young Men's Anti-Slavery 
Society, T. G. Horn, Esq., G. Herbert Thompson, 
Esq., (Editor of the Tower Hamlets Express,) Messrs. 
Joseph Harvey, Thomas Harvey, Thomas Buffham, 
R. W. Catt, of Stratford, J. J. Andrew, and Madison 
Jefferson (a gentleman of color). 

The Chairman, who was received with much ap- 
plause, said — My dear friends, we have met here this 
evening to hear an address from a gentleman whom I 
am always gratified to meet, as he is a very able advo- 
cate of the anti-slavery cause. I may remark, (as my 
position here to-night is consequent upon my connec- 
tion with that body,) that the Anti-Slavery League 
have examined into the case of Mr. Kinnaird, and feel 
every confidence in recommending it to the public. 
(Hear, hear.) That gentleman has already collected 
a very considerable sum for his church in Canada, and 
is now desirous of completing the amount as speedily 
as possible. In recommending his cause to your favor- 
able consideration, I can assure you not only of its 
worthiness of support, but that there is every possible 
guarantee that the funds obtained by Mr. Kinnaird are 
duly appropriated to the objects of his mission. (Hear, 
hear.) With regard to slavery, there can be but one 
feeling in an English meeting upon the subject (hear J 
— -£>r, although England has abolished slavery in her 
own dominions, her sympathy with the bondman lias 
not ceased, and the claims of the American slave, 
when brought fairly before the British public, never 
fail to meet with an earnest and warm-hearted re- 
sponse. (Cheers.) If the Americans will not adopt 
anti-slavery opinions, it is not because they have never 
been told better. (Hear.) I am proud to say that we 
have some gentlemen here to-night, who have been 
the means of teaching the Americans better. (Cheers.) 
We have Mr. Kinnaird, himself, who will presently 
address you. We have Mr. W. H. Pullen, Honorary 
Secretary to the Leeds Anti-Slavery Society. He 
will tell you what his Society has told the people on 
the other side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.) I am also 
happy to say that we have here the son of that distin- 
guished and eloquent advocate of the rights of the 
slave, George Thompson, who, as you all know, has 
told the Americans again and again, in a voice of 
thunder, the iniquities of slavery. (Loud cheers.) 
The Anti-Slavery League, which I have the honor to 
represent here to-night, numbers among its council 
many true-hearted veterans in the cause. Mr. George 
Thompson is one of them (hear) ; Washington Wilks 
is another (cheers) ; and Mr. Twelvetrees another. 
(Cheers.) The objects of our League are to coope- 
rate with and assist all other societies in accomplish- 
ing universal freedom, to extend the right hand of 
welcome and of fellowship to all fugitives from Amer- 
ican despotism who reach the shores of this country, 
(hear,) and to show the sentiments of the English 
nation upon the subject of slavery. (Loud cheers.) 
Regarding the war now raging in America, let it be 
understood that the South are emphatically fighting 
for slavery, though I will not say that the North are 
entirely anti-slavery ; but knowing the South to be 
so unquestionably pro-slavery, we cannot but feel a 
sympathy with their opponents to at least as great an 
extent as their own anti-slavery principles go. (Hear, 
hear.) I have now to introduce to you the Rev. Mr. 
Kinnaird, who I trust will receive a warm reception 
at your hands. (Cheers.) 

The Rev. Mr. Kinnaird, who, on rising, was much 
applauded, said he always deemed it a high privilege 
to be permitted to offer a few words, on an English 
platform, on behalf of his oppressed countrymen in 
America. The important object which had brought 
him there to-night grew out of that accursed system 
of slavery. If it were not for that disgraceful institu- 
tion, he did not believe that there would be a single 
countryman of his begging in this country. (Hear.) 
He could hardly be said to be begging now for his 
own countrymen, because, when they reached Cana- 
da, he looked upon them as subjects of the British 
Crown. (Hear.) Canada was the brightest spot on 
earth to the fugitive slave, for it was to him a place of 
refuge from all his hardships and all his wrongs. It 
was the only spot upon the American continent where 
a colored person was recognized as a man, or where 
he could call himself, his wife or his child his own. 
The slaveholder claimed to be a god in his own coun- 
try. In all questions of religion, the slaveholders de- 
sired to be omnipotent. Whatever the master was, 
Roman Catholic, Baptist or Presbyterian, that the 
Blave must be. The slave was not allowed to choose 
with what denomination he should worship. He 
must do whatever his master told him. The negro 
had no appeal from his master's decision. If his 
master decided that he was to be burnt, he was burnt. 
If his master decided that his right hand was to be 
cut off, it was cut off. Mr. Kinnaird then gave some 
particulars of his own slave life and experience, by 
way of proving that these statements were not ex- 
aggerations, but, on the contrary, a true picture of 
the condition of the American slave. Slavery, he 
emphatically declared, was an abomination of the 
blackest dye. The tyrannical and brutal influences 
of slavery were shown in the treatment of those who 
had been possessed of the moral courage to tell the 
Americans the enormity of their crime. Look at the 
influence of slavery even in the Senate, as evidenced 
in that shameful outrage upon Charles Sumner. 
Slavery denied the right of Christ's reign, and 
claimed to reign for itself. Mr. Kinnaird next made 



J-A.2STTJ-A.IIY 3. 



reference to his own visits to Canada, and stated his 
conviction that much could be done to elevate the 
position of the colored man, after his escape from 
bondage had been completed. lie had noticed the 
want of an institution for their secular and religious 
education, by which they might be enabled to assume 
respectable positions in society. He had, therefore, 
come to this country, with a view to complete the es- 
tablishment of a church, a school, and a temporary 
home for colored refugees in Hamilton, West Canada. 
By the erection of an institution combining these 
qualities, the poor fugitive who found his way to 
that spot need not be without food or lodging, and 
the means would be at hand for his education and 
employment. The total cost of the building would 
be £600. He had already collected £120 since his 
arrival in England. The walls of the building were 
now up, and his friends in America wrote to say they 
wanted about £80 more to put the roof on. (Laughter 
and cheers.) Having passed a high compliment to 
the Anti-Slavery League, the Rev. gentleman resumed 
his seat amidst great applause. 

The Chairman said he had now great pleasure in 
calling upon William Henry Pullen, Esq., Secretary 
of the Leeds Anti-Slavery Society, to address the 
meeting. 

Mr. Pullen, who waswell received, said, although 
he was a long way from home, yet, when he was at 
an Anti-Slavery meeting, he was always at home. 
(Hear, hear.) In reference to the doings of the Leeds 
Anti-Slavery Society, he must, of course, feel some 
modesty in speaking of the subject. He might, how- 
ever, state that, although they had commenced on a 
small scale,_they had now greatly extended their ope- 
rations, and frequently held meetings in large halls, 
which he was glad to say were always crowded. 
(Hear.) The Anti-Slavery League was a desidera- 
tum, the want of which had long been felt. He was 
very glad of its formation, and should always feel 
happy to render it his best assistance. (Cheers.) He 
entirely sympathized with the mission of Mr. Kin- 
naird to this country, and hoped he would be speedily 
enabled to accomplish the result he desired. It was a 
good and noble idea to educate and clothe the poor 
fugitives from slaveholding tyranny, and fit them for 
the ordinary paths of life, that they might give the 
lie to the unjust assertion that the black man was in- 
ferior to the white. (Cheers.) 

The Chairman said it was with much pleasure 
that he now called upon Mr. George Herbert Thomp- 
son, son of that distinguished orator, Mr. George 
Thompson, and editor of the Tower Hamlets Express, 
to address the meeting. 

Mr. Herbert Thompson said that, although he 
had come with the intention of listening, and not of 
speaking, he was ready to respond to the Chairman's 
call by a few brief sentences. The Chairman had 
made reference to his father's anti-slavery efforts, and, 
for his own part, he was glad to have an opportunity 
of assuring them how thoroughly he participated in 
that abhorrence of the atrocious crime of slaveholding 
which had been one of the leading principles of his 
father's life. He expressed his thorough approval of 
the cause for which Mr. Kinnaird was pleading, aud 
concluded by moving a vote of thanks to that gentle- 
man in the following terms :— " That the thanks of 
this meeting be given to the Rev. Mr. Kinnaird, to- 
gether with its best wishes for the speedy success of 
his mission to England." (Cheers.) 

Mr. Madisos Jefferson seconded the resolution, 
which was unanimously carried. 

Mr. Kinnaird, in reply, said he was delighted to 
have the opportunity of meeting the son of Mr. 
George Thompson on that occasion. There was no 
man in the ranks of the Abolitionists more honored or 
admired than George Thompson, the veteran friend of 
the oppressed, who had fought by the side of Wilber- 
force, Buxton and Brougham, the triumphant battle 
of Negro Emancipation in the West Indies. 



THE NEWS PROM ENGLAND. 

BT GERRIT SMITH. 

Alas ! that this news should find us still embar- 
rassed, and still diddling with the negro question ! 
Alas! that we should still have one war upon our 
hands, while we are threatened with another ! Had 
we, as we should have done, disposed of this ques- 
tion at the beginning of the war, then would its 
beginning have also been its ending. ]f slavery 
was not, as it certainly was, the sole cause of the 
war, it, nevertheless, was that vulnerable spot in 
the foe at which we should have struck without a 
moment's delay. Instead of repelling the negroes, 
bond and free, by insults and cruel treatment, we 
could have brought them all to our side by simply 
inviting them to it. As it is, the war has grown 
into a very formidable one ; and the threatened one 
growing out of it will be far more formidable; 
whereas, bad we not acted insanely on the negro 
question, we should have dreaded neither. More 
than this, had we, as it was so easy to do, struck in- 
stant death into the first war, we should have es- 
caped the threat of this second one. 

For what is it that the English press threatens us 
with war? It is for compelling the English ship to 
give up the Rebel Commissioners. So it says. 
This is the ostensible reason. But would not Eng- 
land — she who is so famous for clinging to an almost 
entirely unqualified and unlimited right of search — 
have done the same thing in like circumstances ? If 
she would not, then she would not have been her- 
self. Had a part of her home counties revolted, 
and sent a couple of their rebels to America for 
help,_would she not have caught them, if she could ? 
and in whatever circumstances they might have 
been found ? If she says she would not, there is 
not on all the earth one " Jew Apelia " so credulous 
as to believe her. If she confesses she would, then 
is she self-convicted, not only of trampling in her 
boundless dishonesty on the great and never-to-be- 
violated principle of doing as we would be done by, 
but of insulting us by claiming that we ought to be 
tame and base enough to forbear to do that which 
her self-respect and high spirit would prompt her 
to do. 

But perhaps England would not have done as 
we did. Her naval captains have, however, taken 
thousands of seamen from our sbipa — these captains 
constituting themselves the sole accusers, witnesses 
and judges in the cases. It was chiefly for such 
outrages that we declared war against her in 1812. 
The instance of the San Jacinto and Trent is not 
like these. In this instance, there was no question, 
because no doubt, of personal identity. But, I re- 
peat, perhaps England would not have done as we 
did. In a case so aggravated, she would, perhaps, 
nay, probably, have taken ship and all. By the 
way, it may be that we did act illegally in not seiz- 
ing the ship as well as the rebels, and subjecting 
her to a formal trial ; but if in this we fell into a 
mistake, could England be so mean as to make war 
upon us for it ? — for a mistake which was prompted 
by a kind and generous regard for the comfort and 
interests of Englishmen ? Surely, if England is 
not noble enough to refuse to punish for any mere 
mistake, she is, nevertheless, not monstrous enough 
to punish for the mistake, which grew solely out of 
the desire to serve her. 

But wherein have we harmed England in this 
matter? We have insulted her, is the answer. 
We have not, however, intended to insult her: and 
an unintended insult is really no insult. If, in my 
eagerness to overtake tho man who has deeply in- 
jured me, I run rudely through my neighbor's house, 
he will not only not accuse me of insulting him, but 
he will pardon so much to my very excusable ea- 
gerness as to leave but little ground of any kind 
of complaint against me. Surely, if England wore 
but to ask her own heart how she would feel toward 
men in her own bosom, who, without the slightest 
provocation, were busy in breaking up her nation, 
and in plundering and slaughtering her people, 
she would be more disposed to shed tears of pity for 
us than to make war upon us. 

It is not possible that England will make war 
upon us for what we did to tho Trent, and for doing 
which she has herself furnished us innumerable pre- 
cedents, It is not possible that she will 80 ignore, 
nay, so deny and dishonor her own history. I will 

not believe that England, whom I have ever loved 

and honored almost as if she were my own coun- 
try, and who, whatever prejudiced and passionate 
American writers have written to the contrary, 
has hitherto, during our great and sore trial, done 

nothing through her government, nor through the 
great body of her people, to justify the attempt by 
a portion (happily a very Bmall and very unworthy 



portion) of our press to stir up our national feeling 
against her— 3 say, I will not believe that this loved 
and honored England will make war upon us for a 
deed in which we intended her no wrong; in which, 
so far as her own example is authority, there is no 
wrong; and in which, in the light of reason, and, as 
it will prove in the judgment of mankind, there is 
no wrong. She could not make so causeless a war 
upon us, without deeply and broadly blotting her 
own character, and the character of modern civili- 
zation. But, after all, what better is our modern 
civilization than a mere blot and botch if the nation, 
which m preeminently its exponent, can be guilty, 
and without the least real cause of provocation, and 
upon pretexts as frivolous as they are false, of seek- 
ing to destroy a sister nation ?— a sister nation, too, 
whose present embarrassments and distresses appeal 
80 strongly to every good heart ? Moreover, how 
little will it argue for the cause ofhuman rights and 
popular institutions, if the nation, which claims to 
be the chief champion of that cause, can wage so 
wicked a war upon a nation claiming no humbler 
relation to that precious cause ? 

What, then, do I hold that England should do in 
this case ? 

1st. Reprimand, or more severely punish, the Cap- 
tain of the Trent for his very gross and very guilty 
violation of our rights in furnishing exceedingly im- 
portant facilities to our enemy. This our Govern- 
ment should have promptly insisted on, and not have 
suffered England to get the start of us with her ab- 
surd counter claim. This is a case in which not we, 
but England, should have been made defendant. 
It is her Captain who is the real offender. Ours is, 
at the most, but a nominal one. In the conduct of 
her Captain were the spirit and purpose, as well as 
the doing, of wrong. The conduct of ours, on the 
contrary, was prompted by the spirit and purpose of 
doing^ right ; and if, in any respect, it was errone- 
ous, it was simply in regard to the forms of doing 
right. Moreover, the guilt of her' Captain can be 
diminished by nothing that was seemingly or really 
guilty in ours. The criminality of taking the reb- 
els into the Trent was none the less, because 
of any mistakes which attended the getting of them 
out. Nevertheless, England takes no action against 
him. _ Her policy is to have her guilty Captain 
lost sight of in her bluster about our innocent one. 
To screen the thief, she cries, "Stop thief!" Her 
policy is to prevent us from getting the true issue 
before the public mind, by occupying it with her 
false one. 

_ How preposterous is the claim of England to her 
right to make war, because we took our rebellious 
subjects from her ship I The taking of them into her 
ship is the only thing in the case which can possibly 
furnish cause of war. That, unless amply apolo- 
gized for, does, in the light of international law, 
furnish abundant cause of war. 

Did ever hypocrisy and impudence go farther than 
in England's putting America on trial ! Was there 
ever a more emphatic "putting the saddle on the 
wrong horse " ? I overtake the thief who has stolen 
my watch, and jerk it from his pocket. He turns 
to the people, not to confess his theft, but to pro- 
test against my rudeness, and to have me, instead 
of himself, regarded as the criminal ! 

An old fable tells us that a council of animals, 
with the lion at their head, put an ass on trial for 
having " broused the bigness of his tongue." The 
lion (England) was constrained to confess that he 
had himself eaten sheep, and shepherds too. Never- 
theless, it was the offence of the ass (America) that 
caused the council to shudder with horror. " What ! 
eat another's grass ? O shame ! " And so the vir- 
tuous rascals condemned him to die, and rejoiced 
anew in their conscious innocence. 

Moreover, England, instead of turning to her own 
conscience with the true case, has the brazen effron- 
tery to appeal to our conscience with her trumped-up 
case. Which of the parties in this instance needs 
conscience-quickening, is no less certain than in the 
instance of the footpad and the traveller, whom he 
had robbed of his bags of gold. The poor traveller 
meekly asked for a few coins to defray his expenses 
homeward. " Take them from one of the ba^s," 
said the footpad, with an air of chivalrous magna- 
nimity ; but, on seeing the traveller take half a dozen 
instead of two or three, he exclaimed, " Why, man, 
have you no conscience?" England, through her 
subject and servant, entered into a conspiracy against 
America. America, through her subject and ser- 
vant, forbore to punish the wickedness, and simply 
stopped it. And yet England bids us to our con- 
science 1 

Why should England protect her Captain ? Her 
Queen, in her last May's Proclamation, warned him 
that, for doing what he has done, he should " in no 
wise obtain any protection." He had full knowledge 
of the official character of the rebels, and at least 
inferential knowledge of their bearing dispatches 
with them. But, besides that the whole spirit of it 
is against what he has done, her Proclamation speci- 
fies " officers " and " dispatches " in the list of what 
her subjects are prohibited to carry " for the use or 
service of either of the contending parties." 

England did not protect the Captain of her mail- 
steamer, Teviot, who, during our war with Mexico, 
was guilty of carrying the Mexican General Paredez. 
He was suspended. Why does she spare the Cap- 
tain of the Trent ? Is it because she has more sym- 
pathy with the Southern Confederacy than she had 
with Mexico ? — and is, therefore, more tender toward 
him who serves the former, than she was toward him 
who served the latter? But it will, perhaps, be 
said, that we have not demanded satisfaction in this 
case as we did in that. England, nevertheless, 
knows that we are entitled to it; and that she is 
bound to satisfy us for the wrongs she did us, before 
she complains of the way we took to save ourselves 
from the deep injury with which that great and 
guilty wrong threatened us. In this connexion, I 
add, that if, upon her own principles and precedents, 
the Captain of the Trent deserves punishment for 
what he did, she is estopped from magnifying into a 
grave offence our undoing what he did. 

2d. The next thing which England should do is 
to give instructions, or rather to repeat those in the 
Queen's Proclamation, that no more rebel Commis- 
sioners be received into her vessels. 

3d. And then she should inform us whether, in 
the case of a vessel that shall hereafter offend in this 
wise, she would have ,us take the vessel itself, or 
take but the Commissioners. It is true that, what- 
ever her preference, we would probably insist in 
every case in taking the vessel :— for it is not pro- 
bable that we shall again expose ourselves in such a 
case to the charge of taking too little. It is, how- 
ever, also true, that, should she prefer our taking the 
vessel, we will certainly never take less, 

But such instructions and information, although 
they would provide for future cases, would leave the 
present case unprovided for ; and England might still 
say that she could not acquiesce in our having, in 
this case, taken the Commissioners instead of the 
vessel. What then ? She ought to be content with the 
expression of our regret that we did not take the 
mode of her choice, and the more so as that mode 
could not have been followed by any different result 
in respect to our getting possession of the Commis- 
sioners. But this might not satisfy her: — and what 
then ? She should generously wait until this un- 
natural and horrid war is off' our hands ; and if the 
parties could not then agree, they should submit the 
case to an Umpire. If, however, she should call for 
an Umpire now, then, although tho civilized world 
would think badly of her for it, and our own nation 
be very slow to forgive her for it, 1 would, never- 
theless, in my abhorrence of all war, have our Gov- 
ernment consent to an Umpire now. Nay, in the 
spirit of this abhorrence, and for the sake of peace, 
1 would go much farther. If no other concession we 
could make would satisfy England, I would have our 
Governmentpropose to surrender the rebels, Mason 
and Slidell, in case the English Government would 
say, distinctly and solemnly, that it would not itself 
disturb neutral vessels having on board rebels who 
had gone out from England m quest of foreign aid 
to overturn the English Government. An ineffably 
base Government would it prove itself to be should 
it refuse to say this, and yet declare war on tho 
ground of our capture of rebels who were on their 
way for foreign help to overturn our government, 

I spoke of my abhorrence of all war. Our life- 
long opponentBofwar find themselves unexpectedly 

in sympathy with mighty armies. They have tocon- 
fess that they never anticipated a rebellion mi vsal ■ 
still less did they ever anticipate that England 
would be guilty of coming to the help of such 
a Satanic rebellion. 

I have said that England will not go to war with 
us in thecaae of the Trent. Nevertheless, 1 am 
not without: fear that, her Government, will be driven 

in declare war againBt us. The Government of no 



other nation (and this is honorable to England) is 
more influenced by the people. By such an affair 
as the capture of Mason and Slidell, the patriotism 



of the leastrinformed and superficial and excitable 

part of her people is easily and extensively wrought 



urjon. With this part of her people thojjnviolabilify 
of the British flag is more than all earth besides* 
But it is not by that capture, nor by those classes lo 
whom it appeals with such peculiar power, that the 
Government will be moved. If an irresistible pres- 
sure comes upon the Government, it will come 
from those people who long for the cotton and the 
free trade of the South, and who have allowed 
themselves to get angry with the North by foolishly 
misconstruing our high tariff (which is simply a nec- 
essary war measure) into a hostile commercial meas- 
ure. The capture of Mason and Slidell will be 
only the pretext, not the provocation ; only the oc- 
casion, not the cause of the war. 

If England wishes to go to war with us for any 
wrongs we have done her, she shall not have the 
chance — for we will promptly repair the wrongs, at 
whatever sacrifice of property or pride. But if, as 
I still honor and love her too much to believe, she 
wishes to go to war with us at any rate, aud chooses 
this our time of trouble as her time to make us an 
easy prey, then will she be gratified. It will be but 
fair, however, to advertise her that she must not 
take our fighting in the war with the rebels as a 
sample of what will be our fighting in the war with 
herself. The former is fooling. The latter will be 
fighting. On all subjects connected with slavery, 
and therefore in a war about slavery, we Ameri- 
cans are fools. We cannot help it. We have wor- 
shipped the idol so long and so devoutly, that when 
in its all-influential presence, we cannot be men. 
The powers of our moral nature are, however, not 
destroyed ; they are but perverted. And such an 
outrage as the English press threatens us with will 
restore their legitimate use. Our manhood is not 
dead ; it but sleeps. And as it was when the Philis- 
tines fell upon the bound Samson, that the Spirit of 
the Lord came to his help, so, when the English 
shall fall upon the worse-bound Americans, this 
sleeping manhood will awake. And it will awake 
to assert itself, not merely against the English, but 
against the rebels also. And it will do this mighti- 
ly, because it will, at the same time, be asserting it- 
self against its own life-long degradations, and the 
hateful cause of them. Let us but know that Eng- 
land, to whom we have done no wrong, has resolved 
to come to the help of the Pro-Slavery Rebellion, 
and our deep indignation against her, combining 
with our deeper indignation against ourselves, will 
arm us with the spirit and the power to snap the 
" cords," and " green withs," and " new ropes," with 
which slavery has bound us, and to dash to the dust 
the foul idol whose worship has so demented and de- 
based us. Yes, let us hear this month that England 
has declared war against us, and this month will wit- 
ness our Proclamation of Liberty to every slave in 
the land. No thanks will be due her for the happy 
effect upon us of her Declaration of War. No 
thauks will be due her that the Declaration will have 
the effect to save us — to save us by making us anti- 
slavery. No more half-way measures, and no more 
nonsense on the subject of slavery, shall we then 
propose. There will be no more talk then of free- 
ing one sort of slaves, and continuing the other in 
slavery ; but we shall then invite every negro in the 
land, bond and free, to identify himself, " arm and 
soul," with our cause. And then there will be no 
more talk of swapping off taxes for negroes, and no 
more talk of colonizing and apprenticing them. 
Then we shall be eager to lift up the negroes into 
the enjoyment of all the rights of manhood, that so 
we may have in them men to stand by our side, and 
help us make short work with the present war, and 
with that with which we are threatened. 

Owing to the bewitching and debauching influence 
of slavery upon our whole nation, there are, even in 
the Free States, divisions among us in regard to the 
present war. But, should England so causelessly, 
cruelly and meanly force a war upon us, there will 
be no divisions among us in regard to that war: — 
nor, indeed, will there then be in regard to the other. 
And so deep and abiding will be our sense of her 
boundless injustice, that there will never be any 
among us to welcome propositions of peace with 
England, until her war with us shall have reached 
the result of our subjugation, or of her expulsion 
from every part of the Continent of North America. 
Moreover, we shall rejoice to hear of the crushing of 
her_ power every where — for we shall feel that 'the 
nation which can be guilty of such a war is fit to 
govern no where — in the Eastern no more than in 
the Western hemisphere. 



CHANGE IN WASHINGTON, 

To-day treason is bolder in New England, the 
sanctuary of loyalty, than here at the seat of govern- 
ment. The hearts of patriots are gladdened all the 
day, at the signs of fear that show the harmless venom 
of slavery's minions. Liberty is exultant, defiant; 
while slavery crouches and skulks. Night after 
night, martial bands of music fill the air with inspir- 
ing strains to call the champions of freedom, of sena- 
torial dignity, to the balconies, to utter bold denun- 
ciations of slavery as the father whence sprung the 
monster treason. The vast throngs that gather in 
the streets shout loudestwhen the utterance of the or- 
ator is most defiant of the great crime of the country. 

We often see the former haughty advocates of 
" the institution " creeping about the corners of the 
streets, talking in bated breath of the " sad changes " 
from the time when republican meetings were broken 
up by pro-slavery mobs, and to-day, when Jim Lane 
of Kansas, and Owen Lovejoy of Illinois, standing on 
the steps of Willard's Hotel, are rapturously cheered 
when they proclaim themselves the advocates of eman- 
cipation. 

The lecture system has been inaugurated in Wash- 
ington for the purpose of introducing Beecher, Phil- 
lips, Emerson, Curtis and others of like character to 
an audience at the Capital. The lecture room of 
the Smithsonian Institute was duly procured. That, 
of all places, should be the one. There should be the 
theatre of their triumph. Strenuous efforts were 
made to defeat the object, by appeals to Professor 
Henry, but in vain. O. A. Brownson was announced 
to give the first lecture. The press interfered. Bal- 
timore papers raised the alarm, and threatened. 
They even condescended to sneer. The Star of this 
city was shocked. The antediluvian sheet, called the 
Intelligencer, maintained a disgraceful silence. Only 
the Republican spoke in favor, and that earnestly. 
The opposition finally shirked into the darkness of 
night, and spent its force in mutilating the posted 
bills giving notice of'the lecture. The night at length 
arrived, and the room capable of seating 1000 people 
was filled. Mr. Brownson was great, but his audience 
was worthy of the orator and his theme. He was 
bold, kindling as his audience cheered his brave 
sallies, and his heavy blows fell upoa the crest of 
slavery as 

"Tho sword 
Of Michaol smote and fellod squadrons at once." 
Never have the proprietors of that room been so 
startled as by the repeated and continued applause 
that followed every telling blow upon the shackles 
of the slave. The next day was one of congratula- 
tion, and the rooms of the departments were audi- 
ence chambers for republican advocates of liberty, 
who wickedly witnessed with pleasure the tortures 
of the old place men, whose hearts still vcarned for 
the llesh-pnts of Egypt. 

Last Friday night,' Rev. Mr. Storrs, of Brooklyn, 
N. Y., entertained an audience full as larce as that 
of the week before. He was brilliant; and the glit- 
ter of his rhetoric charmed his listeners from the be- 
ginning. Towards the close of his lecture, the tem- 
per of'the multitude was displayed when he alluded 
to American slavery, and cut with his keen blade 
where Brownson had smashed with his ponderous 
weapon. Loud and repeated were the cheers that 
will gladden our hearts till Wendell Phillips shall 
stand in his peerless might to slay the monster in hit 
ancient stronghold. — Washington con: of Ini' 
ent Democrat. 



Just the other Way. The following adver- 
tisement will explain itself: — 

" $500 Reward. Rund away from me on de "th 
of dis month, my massa Julatl Rhett. M;iss;i Rhett 
am five feet 'leveri inches high, lug Bhoulders, brack 
hair, curly shaggy whiskers, low torched an' dark 
face. He make Big fuss when he go Inong de com- 
mon, he talk ver big, and use de name ob de Lord 
all ob de time, ('alls heself ' Suddern gemmen,' 
but I suppose now will try to pass heself off as a 
braok man or mulatter. iMass.-t Rhett has a deep 

scar on his shoulder from a light, scratch 'cross de 
left eye, made by my Dinah when ho tried to whip 
her. lli> neber look people in de face. I more dan 
spec hi' will make track lor Bergen kouutv, in de 
I'ui'i'in land of Jarsay, where I imagine he hab a few 

friends, 

I will gib four hundred dollars for him if alive, an' 

five hundred if anybody show him dead, [f he cum 

lx..;k I: 1;:.- k:n.l ni..y: iv. -,•:■ l.vut much trouble dis 
hile will receive him lubWngly. 

Sambo Rhett. 

Beaufort, S. C, Nov. 9, L861." wit. 



What's the Mattkh? A Recantation.— Jamc* 
Redpath, formerly (lie Kansas correspondent of the 
Tribune, and a man known as belonging to tin; more 
progressive school of Abolition philosophers — a man 
who has been charged with having done almost :m 
much ns any other in fomenting discord between 'li- 
ferent States of the Union — now comes out in a pub- 
lic acknowledgment of past errors, repudiating the 
mischievous doctrines disseminated in former days, 
and announces his retirement as apolitical editor until 
such time aa he shall have "attained a clearer and 
more humane and Christian view of the dulics of the 
freeman to the enslaved." Here is Mr. Uedpath's 
card, published in the Pine and Palm, a newspaper 
devoted to the promotion of Ilaytien colonization : — 

"A Pkeparatory Word. Having become sin- 
cerely convinced (hat many of the political doctrines 
that I have advocated in my writings are dangerous 
and abhorrent to the higher insight: the murjJcrous 
policy, for example, of inciting the shaves to insurrec- 
tion, which 1 have urged repeatedly, and with terri- 
bly mistaken zeal — I wish to announce litre that I 
shall retire from any participation in the political man- 
agement of this journal, excepting for the purpose of 
retracting past errors, until such time as I feel that I 
have attained a clearer and more humane and Chris- 
tian view of the duties of the freeman to the en- 
slaved . 

" I shall confine myself exclusively to the editing of 
the outside pages of the paper. The name of the 
acting editor will be duly announced. The articles 
signed with an asterisk (*) were mine; of these, I 
will retract many ; my associates, who indicate their 
respective writings by the initial l, and by the marks 
t, i, and g, are alone responsible for their thoughts 
thus labelled. / repudiate my war doctrines, utterly and 
former. James Redpath." 

This frank acknowledgment is certainly very noble 
in Mr. Kedpath, and if it is a presage of a general 
conversion from the abolition ranks, there is more 

hope for the country. — N. Y. Journal of Commerce. 

A Convert. We have often been puzzled to know 
how a genuine Abolitionist could at the same time be 
a conscientious man, but we doubt not there are many 
such. The most wofully deluded persons are often 
perfectly honest in their belief, and we regard aboli- 
tionism as an unfortunate and mischievous delusion. 
The ruin-working class of individuals who have here- 
tofore composed the abolition party are in a fair way 
to have their eyes opened by the present crisis, and 
those who are slow to learn may expect to have their 
wits sharpened by the lash of public opinion. It is a 
hopeful symptom, however, to find now and then some 
notorious Abolitionist discovering, like Saul of old, 
the dangerous error of his ways. Such a case is that 
of Mr. Kedpath, whose conversion we take pleasure 
in presenting in his own words, as published in the 
Pine and Palm, a paper of which he has long had 
control.— Evansville (Ind.) Gazette. jThe. Gazette is a 
sheet full of treasonable designs and tendencies.] 



The American Type Setting Machine. We 
learn that Mr. Charles W. Pelt, who is now in Eng- 
land, has received orders for some of his type-com- 
posing machines from responsible parties in the trade. 
Mr. Felt took out -with him credentials of the highest 
character, and this substantial endorsement must be 
very gratifying to those gentlemen who have taken 
an interest in promoting this important enterprise. 

We are glad to know that the first of these machines 
will probably be built in this country, and hope that it 
may continue to be the ease, so that the opportunity " 
will be afforded for employing the labor and capital of--- 
our own country. — Boston Courier. 



PARKER $40 

Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 

THIS ia a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & "Wilson, and Grover & Bakcr-^nd its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of the Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and are ihe best finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in the market. 

f^" Sales Room, 188 Washington street. 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 
Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice, 
Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 
Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massacfruxetta 

Charitable Mechanic Association. 
"Four Parker's Sewixg Machines. This Machine ia 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover & Baker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from $40 to 
$120 each. They are very perfect in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, in such a, 
manner that they cannot get deranged. The feed, which 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, ia simple, pos- 
itive and complete. The apparatus for guaging the length 
of stitch is very simple and effective. The tension, as well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, viz : there b no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to come in 
contact with the dress of the operator, and therefore ho 
danger from- oil or dirt. This machine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge upon 
the back quite flat and smooth, doing away, in a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Parkeb's Sewing Machines have many qualities that 
recommend them to use in families. The several parts are 
pinned together, so that it is always adjusted and ready 
for work, and not liable to get out of repair. It is the 
best finished, and most firmly and substantially made ma- 
chine in the Fair. Its motions are all positive, its tension 
easily adjusted, and it leaves no ridge on the back of the 
work. It will hem, fell, stitch, run, bind and gather, and 
the work cannot be ripped, except designedly. It sews from 
common spools, with silk, linen or cotton, with equal fa- 
cility. The stitch made upon this machine was recently 
awarded tho first prize at the Tennessee State Fair, for its 
superiority. — Boston Traveller. 

JSP Wo would call the attention of our readers to the 
advertisement, in another column, of the Parker Sewing 
Machine. This is a licensed machine, being a combina- 
tion of the various patents of Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and 
Grover & Baker, with those of the Parker Sewing Machine 
Company : consequently, it has the advantage of such ma- 
chines—first, in being a licensed machine ; second, from 
the fact that it embraces all of the most important improve- 
ments which have heretofore been made in Sewing Ma- 
chines ; third, it requires no readjustment, all the vari- 
ous parts being made right and pinned together, instead of 
being adjusted by screws, thus avoiding all liability of get- 
ting out of order without actually breaking them ; and 
also the necessity of the purchaser learning, as with others, 
bow to regulate all the various motions to the machine! 
The favor with which the Parker Sewing Machine has al- 
ready been received by the public warrants us in the be- 
lief that it is by far the best machine now in market. 

South Reading Gazette, JVov. 24, 1SC0. 

The Parker Sewing Machine is taking the lead in tho 
market. For beauty and finish of its workmanship, it can- 
not bo excelled. It is well and strongly made— strength 
and utility combined— and is emphatically tho cheaprst aud 
best machine now made. The ladies are delighted with it 
and when consulted, invariably give Parker's machine the 
preference over all others. We aro pleased to learn that 
the gentlemanly Agent, George E. Leonard, ISs fl : ,-l; 
ington Btreet, Boston, has a largo number of orders for 
these machines, and sells them as feat us tl.oy can be man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding the dullness of the times, and 
while other maanfaoturera have almost wholly suspended 
operations. This (act, of itself, spenks more strongly in 
its favor than any thing we oim mention ; fox were il not 
for its superior merits, it would nave suffered from tin- nn< 
oral depression, instead of flourishing among th,. wreaks of 
its rivals. What w.> tell you is oe Boston ; but go md buy 
one of them, and you "ill gay that "hnlF«f its good qual- 
ities had never been, told you." Everyman who regards 
tin- health sod happiness of his wife should buy on,- q| 
theso machines to assist hor in Lessening Ufa's toilsome 
task.— 3fnr/eW Gtanfts, July 18, 1861. 



JUST PUBLISHED, 

Andjbrvdt of thr t . - |J nwm^- 

ten Son . t, 

AN elaborate Work, entitlftd •■ Relation of the Amort- 
can Hoard o\ lVmiiiis>i»n 1 .rs \\<t Foreign Mission* i„ 

Slavery. ByfJharioe K. Whipple,"- a volume of nearly 
ItoO pages. In doth, 81 mute— ia papi 

Aug. 30. 



■il HE LIBER A T O 11 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EVERY FEIDAY MOKNIUG, 

221 WA3HIHGTOW STREET, HOOM No. 6. 



ROBERT F. WALLOUT, Ckneual Agext. 



E£T TERMS — Two dollars and fifty eonta per annum, 
in uiiviiuiio. 

jjgpFivo copies will bo sent to one address for ten 
dollars, if payment bo made in advanoa. 

ISP" All remittances are to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to tbo pecuniary concerns of tlio paper are to bo 
direeli.il (post paid) to the General Agent. 

£5f Advertisements inserted at tlie rate of five cents por 
line. 

[!2r" The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Libera to it. 

EF" Tho following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, via : — Francis Jackson, Edmund Quincv, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wenoell Phillips. 




"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to. all. 

the inhabitants thereofi" 

" I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil- 
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place of all munic- 
ipal institution!!, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;', 
and that, under that state of things, bo far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of tho subject, not only tho President or 
the United States, but tho Commander of the Arxy, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES From tho instant 

that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in evert wait im which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on tho war, and MUST carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thk 
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."— J. Q. Adams, 



TO. LLOYD GAEEISOK, Editor. 



ffliw ©murtru is the World, mtr fmmtopwn a« all UtittiMtttl. 



J. B. YEEBINTOff & SON, Printers. 



vol. xxxii. :sro. 2. 



BOSTON", FEIDAY, JANUAEY lO, 1862. 



WHOLE 1STO. 1620. 



yymmu. 



THE LAST EFEOET OF ABOLITIONISM 
MUST BE EESISTED. 

Abolitionism is making a last desperate effort to 
realize its insane project, the success of which would 
be the ruin of the institutions and material prosper- 
ity of the country. It knows that now is its last 
chance. Hence no effort is spared. Every influence 
it can command is brought to bear on the Executive 
and Congress, and the military arm, to effect its pur- 
• pose. The military is.urged to force emancipation 
in every district under martial law. Congress is 
called on to decree universal and even unqualified 
abolition ; or to do what would be equivalent to it. 
By one plausible plea after another, thousands who 
are not Abolitionists have been persuaded into the 
absurd belief that emancipation is necessary to the 
restoration of the Union. The danger of its accom- 
plishing its objects is not a small one, and it should 
be met with a resistance commensurate with the 
danger. 

In the outset it is an obvious question, why is not 
every member of Congress, who proposes to abolish 
slavery by act of Congress, not asked what right he 
has to commit Congress to such legislation ? Con- 
gress has repeatedly declared that it could not inter- 
fere with slavery in the States. That was the decla- 
ration in Corwin's proposed amendment to the Con- 
stitution, from the Republican side. Congress must 
act constitutionally. It would be monstrous to sup- 
pose any virtue in that body to transcend that in- 
stiument. This being settled, it would seem that 
■every proposition of emancipation in Congress should 
foe voted down the moment it is made there. * * * 
In punishing rebellion, no animosity should be in- 
dulged against slaveholders, as such. Of the ab- 
stract character of the institution, which it has been 
their social duty to maintain, we will say nothing 
now. But let it be accorded to them, as truth and 
justice demand, that they have acquitted themselves 
well of that duty. The fruits of that productive in- 
dustry, which they have trained and kept in motion, 
have been the staples of a commerce which has bene- 
fited the world — and no part of it so much as the 
North and West of the United States. See what 
awfully desolating results have followed the cessation 
of that commerce ! The Western States of Europe 
are trembling under it. Our own North, momen- 
tarily benefited by a demand for army supplies, does 
not feel it, as it will by and by. But survey the 
We-St — with no choice of an outlet to Europe, save 
through New York — its products at half their for- 
mer price, and all its_ purchases at double that price. 
In fact, the farmer of the West can scarcely raise 
produce at current prices. The gross yield of his 
farm would not pay the wages of the hands neces- 
sary to raise it. No part of the United States is 
more afflicted by the cessation of the Southern trade. 
Men now see the fallacy of all those theories, that 
belittled Southern industry, and the importance of 
Southern commerce with it, to the rest of the Uni- 
ted States. Let us give some credit to the men who, 
while sustaining a system which, though legal, has 
been held up to unsparing odium, have made that 
system productive of so many and great benefits, 
that the withdrawal of them has sent fear and tremb- 
ling through the nations. 

Now, if the Abolitionists should triumph, what is 
it but a decree of devastation against the South ? 
What, when its full purposes are executed, will re- 
main to us there but charred ruins? What will 
Union, with such blasted relics, be worth ? How 
many years will it take, to restore that country after 
it has been blighted by the deadly breath of this 
blast of a sirocco ? 

The truth is, the slave system should not be abol- 
ished — least of all, summarily. Everything should 
be done to avoid this catastrophe. Instead of invent- 
ing pretexts for freeing the slaves, every just means 
should be taken to avert that result. And this can 
be done without remitting any of the vigor necessary 
to the successful prosecution of this war. Up to a 
recent period, every sane man in the country — that 
is, all but the Abolitionists — exclaimed against the 
monstrosity of freeing the slaves on the soil. To 
overrun the country, which we still want to call the 
United States, with hordes of idle free negroes, was 
deemed the raving of a madman. Itshouldjstill be so. 

This last tremendous effort of Abolitionism, by 
one means or other, to free the slaves, and bring 
upon us untold mischief, of which we have now only 
a small foretaste, should then be strongly resisted by 
every man in Congress, who would stand up for our 
Union in its integrity, and would avert distresses 
and afflictions, from which the country would not re- 
cover for half a century. The time is now. Abo- 
litionism is watching its chance, and leaving no stone 
unturned to bring this ruin down upon the country. 
So vigilantly must its every movement be watched. 
If Abolitionism wins this, its last battle, the country 
is ruined. God avert such a calamity! — St. Louts 
Republican of Dsc. 21th. 



Cost of Abolitionism. " What Slavery is cost- 
ing," says the Cliicago Tribune, quoting Mr. Secre- 
tary Chase's Report, "is $897,372,802." 

Nay, good sir, that is what Abolitionism is costing. 
Slavery was here at the birth of the Republic, and 
received the protection of the Constitution and of 
the laws of the United States; while Abolition is 
comparatively a new devil, born of lust and fanati- 
cism, but for which the Union would be prosperous 
and happy. 

Therefore say that Abolitionism is now costing the 
country almost "two millions of dollars per day, be- 
sides a bottomless ocean of blood. — Bergen Democrat. 



TriADDEcs Stevens. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of 
Pennsylvania, who is kicking up such a row in Con- 
gress about slavery, and wishes to free all the slaves 
at the South, in violation of the Constitution, at the 
expense of the loyal Stales— thus saddling us in ad- 
dition to our probable annual expense of $ 105,000,000 
for interest on our war debt in 1863, and* 100,000,000 
for ordinary expenses, making the snug total of 
.5205,000,000, — in addition to this, we say, he would 
add to our direct taxes an interest on the money 

J (aid for slaves at least one hundred and thirty or 
brty millions more, leaving the honest, hard working 
men of the country enslaved by an annual expense 
of three hundred and fifty, or four hundred millions a 
year I But this proposition is as revolutionary as 
Jeff. Davis's Constitution, and those who sustain it 
are as much rebels against the Constitution of the 
Union as the army at Manassas, and deserve to be 
dealt with in the same manner. The former career 
of Stevens has qualified him for the violent course 
he is now urging upon his " confederates." We re- 
member him as a rabid anti-mason many years ago, 
who, by his intrigues in Pennsylvania, embroiled 
that State in civil commotion to an extent that re- 
quired the aid of military force to sustain the con- 
stitutional authorities in opposition to Stevens and 
his abettors, when the " buck-shot war" left him in 
disgrace too deep for any party to reach him wteepl 
ultra Abolitionism. — Boston Post. 



$ tltttivuii 



THE OLD STATE 0T THINGS NEITHER DE- 
SIRABLE NOR POSSIBLE. 

The following forcible and impressive suggestions 
are extracted from the very able speech delivered by 
Hon. M. F. Conway, of Kansas, in the U. S. House 
of Representatives, December 12, 1861 : — 

Let this plan of the Administration for bringing 
back the seceded States on the old basis be realized, 
and we shall be precisely where we were at the com- 
mencement of this struggle. Slavery might possibly 
be satisfied with Mr. Lincoln's policy to-day, but 
what would not to-morrow inevitably disclose ? It 
might possibly, while suffering from the disaster of 
secession, regard its situation tolerably satisfactory 
in the Union on almost any terms. But once re- 
covered from the shock of its defeat, would it not 
again develop its ambitious and aggressive nature 
with as much virulence as ever ? No one can doubt 
it. Hence, should this policy prevail, nothing is 
more demonstrably clear than that the future history 
of this country will realize the very same troubles of 
which we so grievously complain in our past, and 
which culminated in the overwhelming calamity of 
civil war. After the lapse of a little time, when the 
strife of the present hour shall have composed itself 
to rest, the old monster will again come forth from 
his lair. In every State in the South, we shall have 
this measure and that for the benefit of slavery set 
up as a test in all the elections for State Legislature, 
for Governor, for members of Congress, for presiden- 
tial electors, for everything; and those candidates 
will, of course, be chosen who are most ultra in their 
pro-slavery tendencies. If Mr. Holt, or Mr. John- 
son, or Mr. Cariile, or other men like them, do not 
square up to the highest standard of Southern exac- 
tion, they will soon be set aside, and those who do 
will take their places. The presidential election 
will be controlled in the same way. It will be trea- 
son to the South to vote for a Northern man, unless 
he is a " Northern man with Southern principles." 
Their chosen candidate will be the one who gives 
the best proof of his devotion to the South. Here, 
then, will again be generated that species of poli- 
tician known as the " doughface." Those at the 
North who, in times past, ignominiously threw them- 
selves down at the feet of the slaveholders as "mud- 
sills," to pave the edifice of their power, will again 
pass into the service of that " oligarchy." Northern 
servility and Southern arrogance will grow apace; 
and from one demand to another, from one conces- 
sion to another, they will advance until the disorder 
again reaches its crisis, when another explosion will 
ensue, the anti-slavery element will rise into power 
as before by reason of excesses on the other side, the 
whole slave interest will be again imperilled, in con- 
sequence of which it, with, perhaps, its allies, will 
again fly to arms, (its natural resort,) and the coun- 
try will again be involved in the horrors of civil war. 
This is the inevitable action and reaction of our pres- 
ent system. The movement, while slavery lasts, is 
one which proceeds upon natural laws, just as in- 
exorable as the laws which govern the movements of 
the planets. They cannot be couuteracted by any 
sort of political legerdemain. 

Nor does it improve the case in the slightest de- 
gree that all this will be done through men and or- 
ganizations heretofore dear to the people as repre- 
senting a better cause. Circumstances change, and 
men change with them; but principles change not. 
Men may not see, or seeing may not believe. Again : 
men m'ay be willing, for the sake of power, to dis- 
card the principles to which they once stood pledged. 
Or they may never, in fact, have been pledged to 
principles in themselves, but only to certain applica- 
tions of them. 

The resolving force of the war may turn the spirit 
of slavery into a new body, with new head and feet 
and hands. The old personnel of the oligarchy may 
be entirely displaced. Hunter and Mason, and Sli- 
dell and Toombs, and Stephens and Beauregard, and 
Keitt and Pryor, and the whole array of the pres- 
ent, may pass into eternal oblivion, and new names 
be substituted in their stead ; names, it may be, in 
many instances, which have been, aud are even now, 
associated with our own in political action. But 
this will not improve the case. Slavery will be sla- 
very still. Organizations cannot change it, though 
it may change them. Nor can men's names, nor 
party names, change it. It may enroll itself under 
the " Flag of our Union," and turn its face from 
Richmond to Washington. It may gather around 
the purlieus of the White House, instead of the Con- 
federate mansion. It may bow down to Abraham 
Lincoln as the god of its idolatry, rejecting its pres- 
ent idol on the banks of the James river. But it 
will, nevertheless, be sure to come into our Senate 
and House of Representatives; it will be sure to 
come into our electoral college; it will be sure to 
come into our national conventions; and it will be 
sure to be felt wherever it is. It will vote for slave- 
ry. It will vote for slavery first, and for slavery 
last, and always for slavery. If Abraham Lincoln 
would be reelected President, he must secure the 
vote of slavery; for if he does not, somebody else 
will by its aid be elected over him. And it follows, 
as the night the day, if Abraham Lincoln secures 
the vote of slavery, that slavery must, in turn, secure 
the v'ote of Abraham Lincoln. 

Indeed, the tendency of the Government, upon 
the principles which now control its action with re- 
spect to the war, is irresistibly towards such a trans- 
mutation of political elements as will restore the 
Slave Power to its wonted supremacy in the Union, 
with the Administration for its representative and 
agent, however reluctant the latter might be to per- 
form so ignominious a part. * * * * 

I will not impeach the motives of the Administra- 
tion. It is doubtless guided by a sincere desire to 
do, in all things, what will prove to be for the best 
interests of the country. But it is, nevertheless, 
acting upon a most deplorable policy in this respect. 
Principles tontrol events; and its principles in this 
regard cannot fail to develop another woeful cycle 
of national contention and disaster, probably more 
violent, bitter, and fatal than anything in our past 
history. The very opposite course is the one il 
ought to pursue. To liberate the Government utter- 
ly and forever from slavery should be its first and 
paramount object. To accomplish this, it is only 
necessary for it to discard an attenuated abstraction, 
and avail itself of opportunities which God has 
brought to our very doors. The simple act of chang- 
ing in practice the relations of the Government, and 
pursuing the war according to tho law and facts of 
the case, would, in a short time, make the United 
States as completely free from slavery as Canada, 
and place the institution at our feet, and under our 
feet. To recognize the Confederate States for their 
benefit is no part of our duty; but to shape our 
policy to accord with events, and enable us to fulfill 
a high purpose, is what wo are imperatively called 
Upon to 'in. The fiction upon which we are now 
proceeding binds us to slavery ; and hence tho na- 
tional arms, instead of being directed against it, are 



held where they may at any moment be required to 
be turned to its defence. 

The wish of the masses of our people is to conquer 
the seceded States to the authority of the Union, 
and hold them as subject provinces. Whether this 
will ever be accomplished, no one can, of course, 
confidently foretell; but, in my judgment, until this 
purpose is avowed, and the war assumes its true 
character, it is a mere juggle, to be turned this way 
or that — for slavery or against it — as the varying 
accidents of the hour may determine. 

It is well that the bugbear of disunion has passed 
away, and can no longer be used to frighten timid 
souls from their propriety. Every one now sees that 
there cannot be any permanent separation of the 
States of the South from those of the North ; that 
they are wedded by ties of nature, destined to 
triumph over all disintegrating and explosive forces. 

Should the belligerent sections settle down upon 
existing bases into separate political communities, 
the States in the Southern section, along the North- 
ern line, would speedily become free, and eager to 
reunite with the North. Such slaves as could escape 
across the line would do so, and the rest would be' 
conveyed by their owners to the distant South ; and 
as these States became free, they would become an- 
tagonistic to their confederates, and reconciled to 
the old Union ; and no obstacle could prevent their 
return. Thus the southern line of the United 
States would be brought down to the next tier of 
slave States, upon which the same effect would be 
wrought ; and thus the process continued until the 
national ensign would again float unchallenged on 
the breezes of the Gulf. This would effect a restora- 
tion of the Union on an anti-slavery basis. 

So that, even if the present war should cease, a 
new one would immediately begin. Moral forces 
would take the place of physical ones ; and the anti- 
slavery editor and lecturer would appear instead of 
the dragoon and musketeer. The centre of Aboli- 
tionism would in time be transferred from Boston to 
Richmond; and we should see a Virginia "libera- 
tor," in the person of some new Garrison, come forth 
to break the remaining "covenant with death" and 
league with hell." 

The question may be fairly regarded, however, as 
in one sense a question of union. Estrangement 
and war will always exist while slavery survives. 
The extinction of this evil is the only final enr 3 . of 
disunion. The question, therefore, is, whethp^ ( 0RF 
Union shall be a real or a pretended one— whWuer 
freedom shall be its law and peace its fruit, or slave- 
ry its law and war its baleful offspring. A system 
based on slavery is essentially one of disunion. The 
war must, therefore, strike for freedom, or its pro- 
fessions about Union are delusive, and its end will 
be naught but evil. 

Should it fail to do so, then let us cast it out as a 
wickedness and an abomination, and trust the cause 
of Union to other preservatives — to God's provi- 
dence rather than to man's imbecility and treachery. 
War is obnoxious on general principles; and is only 
sanctified as a means to a noble end. It is a treach- 
erous instrument at best ; and in this case there is no 
little danger that it will turn into a thunderbolt to 
smite us to the earth, burying beneath the ruins of 
our constitutional liberty the hopes of mankind. 

Eight hundred thousand strong men, in the prime 
of life, sober and industrious, are abstracted from 
the laboring population of the country to consume 
and be a tax upon those who remain to work. The 
report of the Secretary of the Treasury tells a fear- 
ful tale. Nearly two million dollars per day will 
hardly more than suffice to cover existing expendi- 
tures ; and in one year and a half our national debt, 
if the war continues, will amount to the sum of 
$900,000,000. 

This is the immense sacrifice we are making for 
freedom and Union ; and yet, is it all to be squan- 
dered on a subterfuge and a cheat ? For one, I 
ball not vote another dollar or man for the war un- 
til it assumes a different standing, and tends directly 
to an anti-slavery result. Millions for freedom, but 
not one cent for slavery. 

Sir, we cannot afford to despise the opinion of the 

rilized world in this matter. Our present policy 
narrows our cause down to an ignoble struggle for 
mere physical supremacy, and for this the world can 
have no genuine respect. Our claim of authority, 
based on a trivial technicality about the proper dis- 
tinction between a Federal Government and a mere 
confederacy, amounts to nothing. The human mind 
has outgrown that superstitious reverence for Gov- 
ernment of any kind which makes rebellion a crime 
per se ; and right of secession or no right of seces- 
sion — what the world demands to know in the case 
is, upon which side does the morality of the question 
lie ? Considered as a bloody and brutal encounter 
between slaveholders for dominion, it is justly offeu- 
" 'e to the enlightened and Christian sentiment of the 
age. Yet the fate of nations, no less than of in- 
dividuals, is moulded by the actions, and these by 
the opinions of mankind. So that public opinion is 
the real sovereign after all, and no policy can be 
permanently successful which defies or disregards it. 
The human mind, wherever found, however limited 
in development or rude in culture, is essentially logi- 
cal; the heart, however hardened by selfishness or 
sin, has a chord to be touched in sympathy with suf- 
fering; and the conscience has its " still small voice," 
which never dies, to whisper to both heart and un- 
derstanding of eternal justice. Therefore, in an age 
of free thought and free expression, the brain and 
heart and conscience of mankind are the lords who 
rule the rulers of the world, and no mean attribute 
of statesmanship is quickness to discern, and prompt- 
ness to interpret and improve the admonitions of 
this august trinity. 

Sad, indeed, will it be if those who, in this aus- 
picious hour, arc invested with the responsibility of 
command, shall continue to lack wisdom to compre- 
hend or virtue to perform their duty. This is the 
great opportunity which God has vouchsafed to us 
for our deliverance from that great curse which dark- 
ens our past. Let us not prove ourselves unequal to 
the destiny which its tenders. Oh ! let us not at- 
tempt to rebuild our empire on foundations of sand; 
let us rear it on a basis of eternal granite. Let the 
order of justice, the harmony of God's benignant 
laws pervade it. And no internal commotions or 
outward assaults will afterwards beset it, against 
which it may not rise triumphant and enduring. 

"Thou vampire Slavery, nwn that thou art dead! 
******* Yield to us 
The wealth thy spoetral fingers cannot hold ; 
Bless OS, nml so ili'im.rt to lio in state, 
Embalmed thy lil'eloss body, and thy .shade 
So clamorous now for bloody holocausts, 
Hallowed to peace by pious festivals." 

Thus may the great Republic, so long perverted 
and paralyzed by slavery, stand forth, in the words 
of the Irish orator, " redeemed, regenerated, and 
disenthralled by the genius of universal emancipa- 
tion." 

83f* Tho negro boys about Annapolis have caught 
the " Army Ilynin," and ( Md John Brown's " Glory, 

Hallelujah," from the New England soldiers. As 

for the latter, an Annapolis resident says, "the ne- 
groes are clear carried away with it." 



A REVERS AL OF THE CASE. 

- Extract from an able speech delivered by Hon. J. 
M. Ashley, at Toledo, Ohio, Nov. 26, 1861 :— 

Do you suppose that a Northern conspiracy against 
the government could have been as successfully in- 
augurated, and put into execution, as this Southern 
conspiracy has been — that we could have held Nor- 
thern Conventions, elected Northern State Gover- 
nors on the direct issue of dissolving the Union, or 
compelling the South to adopt such a National Con- 
stitution as we might dictate without the entire South 
being familiar with every movement, and unitedly 
prepared to resist it ? In addition to all this, do you 
believe the South would ever have been guilty of 
voting for Northern men who were her open and un- 
disguised enemies; that they would ever have 
placed them, as we have done, in the most honorable 
and responsible positions in the Government? I ask 
you if you believe it possible for the North, with all her 
boasted knowledge, to have done as the South has 
done for the past twenty years, without every South- 
ern representative, not only understanding every 
movement, under whatever party name or pretext 
they might have been disguised ; but that their entire 
population would also have understood it,and directed 
their representatives boldly to meet the issue at the 
very threshold, and defeat it, not by compromising 
with it, but by meeting the question like men, and 
by an early and proper exposure of the designs of 
the conspirators, nipped their treason in the bud ? 

But this secession movement has been openly ad- 
vocated for years, and its champions have been 
placed by Northern votes and Northern Presidents 
not only in the Cabinet but in the most honorable 
and responsible positions of the Government. If 
able and true men pointed out the danger, as did 
John Quincy Adams, their voices would be drowned 
by the din of commerce and the cry of demagogues, 
who either for the sake of party or office, or the prom- 
ise of office, would in proportion to their ignorance 
denounce with increased vehemence, all such state- 
ments as unqualifiedly false and only made to injure 
their party. For the sake of party and the hope of 
securing some petty office for two or four years, ig- 
norant and corrupt men have usurped in the name 
of the people the management of political conventions, 
and the great interests of the country have been made 
subordinate to the ambitions of men whose whole 
lives gave assurances of their unfitness for responsible 
positions. 

Because of this state of things the North, although 
superior in point of wealth, population and intelli- 
gence, have been made the " hewers of wood and 
drawers of water " for the South. Do you ask when 
this state of things shall forever cease ? 1 answer 
thaf it will cease, as this rebellion will cease, when- 
ever a united people earnestly wills it, and not before. 

That the over prudent, therfimid and the indiffer- 
ent, with the trickster and the demagogue, will join 
with cowardly hunkerism in condemning the manner 
in which I am treating this subject, I do not doubt, 
and I do not object. In my opinion, this is no time 
for honied phrases, and I have therefore called things 
by their right names. This is a war about slavery, 
and you and I know it. The South declare that our 
unconstitutional interference with slavery is the cause 
of this rebellion. For this we are indicted at the. 
bar of public opinion, and required to plead " guilty " 
or not "guilty." Instead of responding promptly, 
manfully, and truthfully, " not guilty," all Hunker- 
dom holds its breath for fear of offending its South- 
ern brethren, and demands that we shall plead to any- 
thing else than that with which we are charged in the 
rebel indictment. Will any lawyer tell me how we 
are to defend ourselves ? What shall be our reply 
to this charge? We may plead all our sins of omis- 
sion and commission, but that will not do. Silence 
on the only distinct charge made in the indictment 
against us is an admission of our guilt. It is all any 
rebel can ask. It is substantially saying to the world 
that the South is right, and the Sorth is wrong. 
Therefore, for one, I plead " not guilty," and " put 
myself upon the country." Suppose, instead of the 
charge of improper interference with slavery, the 
North were charged in the rebel indictment with un- 
constitutionally interfering with the rights of the 
South on the question of the Tariff, or Pacific Rail- 
road, or the question of representation, or any one 
of the many questions which have divided political 
parties in this country — would prudent but timid 
friends be found then, as now, uniting with the po- 
litical trickster and the demagogue in seconding the 
demand of Hunkerism, that we should not only not 
plead to that with which we were charged, but that 
we should not even dissent or publicly allude to the 
matter at issue ? How can a statesman, who is guttl- 
ed by the principles of justice, or even by political 
expediency, demand of any rational people anything 
so irrational or idiotic as debate and answer to charg- 
es without any reference to the subject matter of the 
charges ? 

If this rebellion had resulted from a conspiracy on 
the part of the great body of Railroad corporations, 
or Banks, or Manufacturing interests in the United 
States, because the General or State Governments 
had refused to comply with their demands, do 
you suppose there would have been any such 
hesitation on the part of the Government, as to 
their duty, there has been towards the present 
rebels? The old Bank of the United States 
had a capital of only fifty millions of dollars, 
and yet General Jackson thought its continued 
existence dangerous to tho liberties of the peo- 
ple, because he knew it subsidized the public press, 
controlled party conventions, and, with its gold, cor- 
rupted statesmen, and divided the nation's chosen 
guardians and counsellors. He thereupon crushed 
it out, and the nation applauded him. The number 
of rebel slaveholders in the United States does not 
exceed 350,000 men, women and minor children, all 
told. Of tins number, not more than 200,000 are 
voters, and yet they claim that their capital in slaves 
is worth two thousand millions of dollars. If fifty 
millions of dollars in the hands of a bank were dan- 
gerous to the liberties of the people, how much more 
dangerous are two thousand millions of dollars in the 
hands of slaveholders, who are enemies to the Gov- 
ernment? For the protection of this property, as 
they claim it to be, they have demanded special leg- 
islation and constitutional guarantees which the peo- 
ple would not grant, and because of tho refusal, this 
small but powerful class have made this war upon 
the Government. Suppose the great majority of 
the bankers of the United States (and the bank 
stockholders aro really a more numerous class than 
the rebel slaveholders) were to combine, and de- 
mand an amendment to tho Constitution, granting 
them perpetual charters, with the right to suspend 
specie payment whenever, in their opinion, the in- 
terests of the banks demanded it; and suppose the 
people should refuse to give them such a dangerous 
grant of power, and, because of this refusal, they 
should unite in a conspiracy to destroy the Govern- 
ment by making war upon it as the rebel slaveholders 
are now doing, what would you, us practical men, do 
if (hey, instead of the slaveholders, were the rebels ? 
I know what you would demand, and it would be 
done — the leading conspirators would be arrested, 
and their property confiscated to pay the oxpenses 



of putting down the rebellion, and thus make it impos- 
sible for them to get up another such rebellion. I 
would do the same with the Railroad conspirators, who 
have more wealth and more men interested with 
them than all the slaveholding rebels— I would do the 
same with any combination of men, under the same 
circumstances. The Banking, Railroad and Manu- 
facturing interests of the United States each separate- 
ly controls more wealth than all the conspirators 
now engaged in the rebellion, and their institutions 
are of more importance to commerce — to civilization 
and good government — than all the slaveholders, 
whether loyal or rebel ; and yet, if any one or all of 
these interests were to combine against the Govern- 
ment, what would be their fate ? Would there be 
any division among us or. tho qir^t'crt of cnnHnctintr 
the war against them ? Why then, as practical me: 
should we hesitate as to the course to be pursued 
towards rebel slaveholders ? 



THE BO RDER STATES. 

The leading obstacles which stand in the way of the 
Union cause arise from the views and course of the 
professedly loyal men in the border slave States. 
For all firm and sincere friends of the Union in those 
States, there should be exercised due forbearance and 
cherished earnest sympathy. But it is weakness for 
the people and authorities of the loyal States to al- 
low the men of the border States to prevent the 
adoption of such action as will save them and restore 
the Union. As a rule, sick men cannot safely pre- 
scribe for themselves, especially if their condition is 
at all critical. Thus far the border States have ham- 
pered the limbs of the Government and the free 
States to a great extent. This condition of things 
cannot continue, if the Republic is to be saved. The 
free States furnish the men and the money, and their 
opinions must be properly respected. The North- 
ern millions cannot be expected to pour out rivers 
of blood to blindly follow the advice of men whose 
eyes are greatly obscured by peculiar notions of 
negro property. If the border State Union men ex- 
pect the Northern braves to save them from the ropes 
and bullets of their secession foes, they must allow 
them freedom of action. Samson was powerless 
when deprived of his hair. The Northern giant can 
restore the fabric of the Republic to its original 
beauty and strength, and beat back his ferocious en- 
emies, only by being allowed to breathe the same 
air of freedom in which he was born and reared, and 
to have full liberty to act as exigencies and events 
overwhelmingly indicate. Let us sympathize- with, 
and defend our Union friends in Kentucky and Vir- 
ginia. But to ask the 600,000 brave and loyal sol- 
diers of the free States to be controlled by Kentucky 
advice, is asking what true patriotism and common 
sense will not sanction. If the Union is to be govern- 
ed from Frankfort, it would be even worse than it 
was to allow the democratic party to be governed by 
Virginia. What better is a Frankfort Junto than 
a Richmond Junto ? The dominant party that was, 
followed Richmond philosophy to its own destruction, 
and led the country into the bloody whirlpool of 
civil war. The dominant party that is, will take due 
care not to follow the Frankfort philosophy to its own 
defeat and death, and to the lasting injury of the 
country. Is the action of the Kentucky Legislature, 
requesting President Lincoln to break up his Cabi- 
net at tins critical juncture, weakness, insolence or 
treason ? or a combination of the three ? — Kennebec 
Journal. 

TE EASO N. 

The boast of the South that, in case of a dissolu- 
tion of the Union, they would find active allies all 
through the North, though not realized to the full 
extent of their hopes, was far from being empty 
rhodomontade. The events of the past year have 
conclusively shown that even the Northern States 
contain hosts of men who are secretly aiding the re- 
bellion in every possible way. It is notorious that 
there are spies in Washington, spies in the army, 
and spies even among the clerks in the various exe- 
cutive departments. It is not by any means certain 
that all the army officers holding high commands are 
loyal. The rebels boast that we have now in ser- 
vice enough old army officers that are in favor of the 
South, to prevent our ever winning a decisive victory! 
It has been suggested that the adoption of the 
emancipation policy by the Government would be 
followed by the resignation of a large proportion of 
the officers of the regular army. Such a result 
would, undoubtedly, give rise to much difficulty and 
confusion ; but if it would purge the army of trai- 
tors, it Would be far from unfortunate or inexpedient- 
Much as has been said of the loyalty of Kentucky, 
and much as has been done to keep her in the Union, 
there is room to question the sincerity of her patriot- 
ism. Reluctantly ranging herself upon the strong- 
est side, after months of sham neutrality, during 
which she aided the rebellion to the utmost of her 
power, she is hardly settled in her tardy allegiance 
before she sets up a long howl at the Secretary of 
War, and demands his removal because he is op- 
posed to bolstering up slavery with one hand, while 
we fight the Slaveholders' Rebellion with the other ! 
The Louisville Journal, the organ of her "loyal" 
men, has steadily opposed every warlike act of the 
Government; and especially denounced, with un- 
measured violence, the first proclamation of the 
President, calling for 75,000 men. 

What is true of Kentucky is true, to some extent, 
of other States. It is the worst feature of our case, 
that the Administration is almost compelled to pur- 
sue a time-serving, hand-to-mouth, undecided policy, 
for fear of alienating the loose and uncertain loyalty 
of so many whose adhesion seems of much importance. 
The South have the advantage of united counsels, 
aud a pronounced, outspoken policy. The mob ter- 
rorism, which, for so many years, has been employed 
in driving from the South every man suspected of 
anti-slavery opinions, has made them a unit. 

The time is coming, and may not be far distant, 
when something will be done. The logic of events 
— the stern arguments of necessity — will force the 
wavering to decide, and compel even the constitu- 
tionally timid to throw oil' all hesitation, and ac- 
quiesce, if they do not aid, iu vigorous and decisive 
measures. — Del/a (N. V.) Republican. 



THE 0ASE OP MASON AND SLIDELL. 

To Ihr Editor of (lie Boston Courier: 

If the despatch of Mr. Seward, as has been re- 
marked by an evening paper "took the community 
by surprise," the community has been still more sur- 
prised at its own equanimity. That Mr. Seward 
has made a masterly, and in some respects an incon- 
trovertible argument against our own government, 
is undeniable. If these sentiments had been declar- 
ed earlier, they would have savored more of magna- 
nimity. His countrymen may now put whatever con- 
struction upon theui they may please, but English- 
men will never think of them but as uttered under 
compulsion. We ourselves know the choice to have 
been that, between humiliation, temporary at least, 
and the total loss of our national existence, En- 
gland left hut this alternative. She intended to 



leave no other — and her disappointment will be 
great indeed that her demand has been acceded to. 
When among civilized nations was ever an ultimatum 
thrown down in such peremptory style, without any 
primary proceedings which would justify even the 
use of such a word ? 

There is but one similar instance in modern times, 
and that is a precedent which England has herself 
afforded in her treatment of China. Her motives 
in both eases were similar. China had, by virtue of 
her own revenue laws, seized a quantity of opium 
smuggled into the country by Englishmen for the 
purpose of enriching themselves and of poisoning the 
Chinese, in whose moral and religious welfare that 
philanthropic nation has always taken such a deep 
interest. The choice was given — apology and resti- 
tution, o. war. To the joy of England, the latter 
was accepted. She gained Q® -victory, and crowded 
the hateful drug down the throats of an unoffending 
people, and at the same time opened the ports for her 
cotton goods, all of which was not in the programme, 
but it was well understood to be one great object of 
the war. 

Right or wrong in the affair of the Trent accord- 
ing to our own doctrine, we were right according to 
that of England,- — according to that for which she 
waged against us the war of 1812, and which, al- 
though we carried it to a glorious end, was not so 
successful ss to cause her to give up her pretensions. 
At any other time than this, who can doubt that 
England, if not acknowledging the right of search, 
as exercised on board the Trent, would at least have 
temperately discussed the affair and proposed an ar- 
bitration, rather than to provoke a war because we 
acted on her own previous interpretation of interna- 
tional law rather than upon our own ? We may 
fairly presume that, under other circumstances, she 
would have given due credit to Capt. Wilkes for his 
generous blunder in releasing the ship, passengers, 
and cargo, for their advantage and his own detriment. 
Now, this conduct of his, proceeding from the pur- 
est of motives, is tortured into a technicality for the 
meanest of purposes. 

"Times change, and we change with them." 
Precedents change, too, and this new precedent 
which Mr. Seward congratulates the world upon 
will change when its change will suit England's con- 
venience. It is the part of a bully to kick a man 
ifter he is down. We may think of ourselves what 
.ve please. England will consider us to be down, 
nd her kicks will come faster and faster as cotton^ 
iccomes scarce. Cotton is more than king witjj, 
-i^^tjie God for whose sake she has alrgj 
Lwaj. i.,.; ■-'-^--■■'- 1 - w 

I do not intend all this 
v the "growl" of an old sailorT^nl 
uxury which is always left to poor .. 
esource, but as a warning to look^^ 
head, and not to disregard the black cloud which 
:ems to have passed to leeward, but which may yet 
ant round and catch us aback. Ringbolt. 



THE TEENT AITAIE. 



By the Queen's Proclamation, she had solemnly 
•m joined her subjects not to transport officers, sol- 
liers, or dispatches for either party in our internal 
truggle. Had not the Trent clearly defied this »-__ 
mction ? Had she not taken from a slaveholding 
.ieutral port, wherein hostility to the United States 
is rampant, distinguished emissaries of Jefferson 
Davis, with their suite and dispatches, fully aware 
that they had just eluded our blockade, and were 
then proceeding on an errand of signal hostility and 
peril to the United States ? Can there be a ration- 
al doubt that the commander of the said Trent was 
conscious of the errand of those Commissioriers, and 
deliberately promoting its success ? Can there be a 
shadow of question that, had Canada or Jamaica 
been in rebellion, the Trent an American vessel, her 
•aptor a Briton, Mason and Slidell emissaries of the 
ebels on their way to solicit recognition and assist- 
nce from the Courts of France and Spain, and the 
ase properly brought before Sir William Scott or 
jord Stowell for adjudication, he would have eon- 
emued vessel and cargo as lawful prize of war, and 
: iat the rebel emissaries found on board would have 
>een sent to the Tower if not to the scaffold ? For 
ne, I have no more doubt of this than of my own 
xistence. 

But then, it is fairly if not forcibly urged, times 
iave changed, and the extreme assertions of bellig- 
rent rights over neutrals which werejC.urrent m 
Jritish Admiralty Courts fifty to sixty yea 
re not now upheld in any quarter. What Great 
Sritain did to us in the days of our weakness and 
er maritime dominion, is no conclusive measure of 
.hat she must concede to us in the altered circum- 
tances of 1861. 

Perhaps: And yet it seems hard that belligerent 
aaritime rights, which were so broad and grasping 
vhen we were neutral and England a belligerent, 
'lould have " shrunk to such little measure" when 
i'e are at war and Great Britain a neutral. The 
ule works so unevenly that there is palpable ground 
or suspicion of jockeying or "prestidigitation" in 
the hand that holds and wields it. 

For do but consider this specimen of British logic : 

The Daily News (London) is a Liberal journal, 

usually fair and even friendly toward this country. 

Yet even the News contrives this dilemma, and offers 

us the choice of its horns: 

Mason and Slidell were either belligerent* or they 
were not. But we have denied them the character 
■of belligerents, regarding them simply as insurgents 
or rebels. But, in that character, we can only con- 
template them on an English vessel as refugees from 
ustice at home, and Great Britain never surrenders 
political refugees. Our precedents, therefore, are 
all abroad, and our position untenable! 
The answer to this is very simple : 
Mason and Slidell were not refugees seeking a 
foreign asylum from our pursuing vengeance. On 
the contrary, they were enemies of the United States, 
bound on an important errand of hostility, wherein 
the Trent was their willing accomplice. Had they 
been fleeing from our shores for refuge, intent only 
on escape aud immunity from punishment, they 
would be justly entitled to British asylum and pro- 
tection, as they now arc not. But the assumption 
that, because we do not accord to our rebels belliger- 
ent, rights, thev may be aided by neutral powers to 
any extent, and may thus pursue with impunity on 
the high seas their projects of hostility to tho country 
thev have forsworn, needs but to be illustrated to be 
scouted. Were it tenable, a British merchant fleet 
might be employed in transporting rebel troops from 
Norfolk to Charleston, from Charleston toPensacola, 
from Peusaeola to Galveslon. etc.. etc., throughout 
the contest, and our ships of war must pass them 
without challenge, because we deny them the char- 
acter of belligerents ! Great Britain did not think 
.ho when MoNab burnt the rebel steamer Caroline at 
an American wharf, and her (Jovoimneni 
the act with all its responsibilities. A nation's right 
to pursue and to protect itself against its 
Hows inevitably from its right to exist, and is not Tl- 
tallv all'ccted h\ the character in which it regards 
thOM enemies. Refugees and active agents of a pub- 
lic enemy arc quite distinct characters. — Gueklky. 



6 



THE LIBERA.TOR 



JANUAEY 10. 



OBJECTS OP THE WAE. 

We have received, (says the N. Y. Christian In- 
qtiirer,) the eloquent speech of Hon. Thomas I>. 
Eliot, on the above subject, in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, December 12th. Mr. Eliot represents 
the N-cSv Bedford district of Massachusetts, and his 
grave and sensible views, coming from such a quarter, 
coming from one who was born in a slave communi- 
ty also, are entitled to the most weighty considera- 
tion: — 

Whv, sir, from the beginning of this rebellion, 
we have heard it stated by the traitors that_ they 
have a power peculiar to them in their institution of 
slavery. It was stated here in Congress. We have 
heard 'it from Mr. Keitt and Mr. Stevens here, and 
from Mr. Keitt and Mr. Stevens there. All their 
orators, statesmen, and politicians, are declaring how 
they stand upon this precise power. I have here an 
extract from one of the Southern papers, in which 
it undertakes to go into an argument to show that the 
South can sustain an army of six hundred thousand 
in the field, or one-tenth of their white population, 
without affecting their industrial pursuits at home : 
" Let the slaves work ; we will fight. We will fight, 
and they will produce. We will consume, we will 
protect, and they at home will give us the means of 
carrying on this war." 

Is it not so? Who are fighting our battles? 
Our merchants, lawyers, mechanics , our men of 
business^ our young men of all parties, and of every 
avocation of life, arc fighting our battles. What for? 
To put down this rebellion ; to subdue this treason. 
Why, sir, when the President called for aid— nay, be- 
fore he called, upon the day the attack was made upon 
Fort Sumter, who was there in the land that dream- 
ed of the intense loyalty which lived in the hearts of 
our people? We had been living for nearly fifty 
years in peace; we had been divided among differ- 
ent parties; we had been carrying on the various 
pursuits of life ; we had success and prosperity ; cities 
Bad sprung from the ground in a day ; no nation had 
prospered 'so much as we. Who knew of our loyal- 
ty? We had hated each other as politicians; who 
knew how we would love each other as loyal men ? 
Here, in this House, a Democrat of the Breckinridge 
school said to me, last year, that he would pledge 
himself that there would be from New York no less 
than an army of fifty thousand men who would come 
from their homes to fight against the North. Yet 
what an echo that Sumter gun created I Why, sir, 
it sounded through the North and the East and the 
West, and their startled population jumped to arms. 
It sounded through our valleys, and over our plains ; 
and the deserted plough was left in the half-turned 
furrow by the yeomanry of the land, It bounded 
through our towns, villages; and cities, and the me- 
chanic left his shopf-alid the merchant forgot his un- 
balanced ledger,' and the lawyer left his cases un- 
tried, and, with his clients, "hastened to the field. 
It sounded along the aisles of our churches, and pas- 
tors and people, their prayers and their patriotism 
working to one end, marched to the war. More 
than six hundred thousand men are now in arms. 
They have left their homes, and on the land and on 
the sea are upholding the Hag, and sustaining the 
power, and defending the honor of the Government. 
Mr. Speaker, the relation of master and slave, 
within the several States, in November, 1860\ was 
safe from Congressional interference. The Presiden- 
tial campaign had just closed. Slavery was not to 
be extended. To that extent the Republican party 
had been pledged. But the mad determination to 
rule or to ruin was carried into effect. South Caro- 
lina fanaticism hurried the South into this rebellion 
And now the whole industrial interests of this gen 
©ration have been overturned. Fortunes and busi- 
ness, houses, lands, and homes, and the lives of the 
best men in the land, have been thrown into this war ; 
and yet, when we know that slavery has caused it, 
and when it is plain that in no way can their 
strength be overcome, and our peace secured so 
quickly and effectively as by striking down this 
power they use against us, we are found to hesitate, 
and timidly to halt and to consider 1 

Sir, if we have a right to argue of the ways 
of Providence, we might say without irreverence, 
that the hand of God points to us our duty. Our 
President may act, our Commander-in-Chief, within 
^his province, and the officers under him in command, 
*~ay act, and I believe are called upon to act, by 
jpjisideration of humanity and of patr iotism ; 
. the CounMB*wcfih>h ITi-pTPsToit, 
cSperfbrmecl no small ser- 
rcall upon you to aid me in giving 
fan of the judgment of this House as 
y espect. I am not here to boast of 
the bravery or" the patriotism of Massachusetts sol- 
diers. From the port where I have my home, more 
than fifteen hundred men have been shipped for our 
Navy. From all our .sea-board and island towns 
their skillful and hardy sons are found as masters 
upon the quarter-deck, and as seamen on board our 
ships. From our whole State her young men are 
with the army. More than twenty thousand of her 
sons are in the field, ready and willing, as you know, 
--_ to shed their heart's blood in their country's cause. 
Iff their name, and in their behalf, I pray you to 
call upon the military arm to strike that blow more 
effective for peace and for freedom than armies or 
victories can be, and convert the slave, who is the 
power of the enemy, into the freeman who shall be 
their dread. So shall the sword intervene for free- 
dom ! If I have read the history of Massachusetts 
-aright, that is the intervention her fathers contem- 
plated ! In the early days of English freedom, when 
constitutional liberty was beginning to find a home 
in the hearts of Englishmen, after Hampden and 
Eliot, and their compatriots, had been working in 
the cause, in the days of Charles, a young man, 
in an album which he found in a public library, 
wrote these two lines : 

" Usee manus, inimica tyrannis, 
Enso petit placidam sub libertate quietom." 

" This hand, hostile to tyrants, 

Seeks with the sword quiet rest in freedom." 

They called down upon his head the indignant re- 
buke of an offended king ; but the monarch has died, 
and Sydney has passed away; yet, while Massachu- 
setts shall live, the Hues he then inscribed shall be 
remembered. .In after years, when our forefathers 

Were seeking to find a motto for their State coat-of- 

arms, they could select none that seemed to them as 
pertinent as the last of those two lines; and there it 
stands — 

"Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietetn." 

And now she asks, through the humblest of her 
eons, that the military power of our chief, hostile al- 
ways to rebellion, shall thus with the sword find qui- 
et rest in freedom. 




lie duty of the occasion, demands us all to follow. 
Placed in no situation where it becomes mo to discuss 
his policy, J do not stop even to consider it. The 
only question which I can entertain is what to do, 
and when that question is answered, the other is 
what next to do lo the sphere of activity where it is 
given me to stand. For by deeds, and not by words, 
is this people to accomplish their salvation. 

Let ours be the duty in this great emergency to 
furnish, in unstinted measure, the men and the money 
required of us l'or the common defence. Let Massa- 
chusetts ideas and Massachusetts principles go forth, 
with the industrious, sturdy sons of the Common- 
wealth, to propagate and intensify in every camp, 
and upon every battle-field, that love of equal liber- 
ty, and those rights of universal humanity, which are 
the basis of our Institutions; but let none of us who 
remain at home presume to direct the pilot, or to 
seize the helm. To the civil head of the National 
State, to the military head of the National Army, 
our fidelity, our confidence, our constant, devoted, 
and unwavering support, rendered in the spirit of 
intelligent freemen, of large-minded citizens, con- 
scious of the difficulties of government, the responsi- 
bilities of power, the perils of distrust and division, 
are due without measure and without reservation. 
The Great Rebellion must be put down, and its 
promoters crushed beneath the ruins of their own am- 
bition. The greatest Crime of history must receive 
a doom so swift and sure, that the enemies of Popu- 
lar Government shall stand in awe while they con- 
template the elastic energy and concentrative power 
of Democratic Institutions and a Free People. The 
monstrous character of the crime has never yet been 
adequately conceived, nor is language able fitly to 
describe it. Groundless and causeless in its origin, 
it began and grew up, and continues, under the lead 
and direction of men who had received all the favors, 
and enjoyed all the blessings of our government, and 
who were bound by official oaths to maintan it. 
Reckless of consequences, and determined to ruin 
where they could not rule, they conspired against 
the welfare of nearly thirty millions of people, and 
their countless posterity ; they plunged them, with 
inconceivable madness, into every danger, and suf- 
fering, and sorrow, which can be generated by do- 
mestic war ; and they stand with souls blackened by 
the selfishness and audacious barbarity of the crime 
—red-handed and guilty before God and History, of 
the slaughter of the innocent, and the blood of the 
brave. 

Whether right or wrong in its domestic or its for- 
eign policy, judged by whatever standard, whether 
of expediency or of principle, the American citizen 
can recognize no social duty intervening between 
i)MW9«£f"»ft^ E>U.»*'_!;;try. Hfc may urge reform; but 
he has no right to destroy. Intrusted with the ] re- 
cious inheritance of Liberty, endowed with the gift 
of participation in a Popular Government, the Con- 
stitution makes him at once the beneficiary and the 
defender of interests and institutions he cannot in- 
nocently endanger; and when he becomes a traitor 
to his country, he commits equal treason against 
mankind. 

The energies, wisdom, and patience of the People, 
their capacity for government as a corporate whole, 
and their capacity of voluntary obedience and sub- 
ordination, whether in camp or at home, are now 
on trial. This is no merely local, accidental, tem- 
porary act of insurgency, to be treated by police 
measures, and civil correction. It is WAR, dreadful, 
solemn WAR. The influences, institutions, and ad- 
herents of despotic ideas and systems, reacting 
against the ideas of progression in liberal govern- 
ment, have arrayed themselves against the only peo- 
ple and the only national power where Democracy 
has a citadel and a home on the face of all the earth. 
The despotic element in America, conspiring 
against our country's National Life, anticipated its 
own earliest demonstrations of force by trying to ex- 
tend the conspiracy to the inclusion of all the " na- 
tions who feel power and forget right." Involved 
in this controversy for life, for freedom, and for 
honor, let Massachusetts in following the flag, and 
keeping step to the music of the Union, never fail to 
prove to all the world that in all the characteristics 
of her people, she is to-day as she was of old when 
she it was who Jirst unfurled the flag and pitched the 
tune. Henceforth there will be no one to consider 
how to " reconstruct " the Union, excluding New En- 
gland from the sisterhood of States. Wherever for 
treasure, or heroism or blood was the call they heard, 
the people of New England have responded by open- 
ing the lap of their industry, and by the march of 
their braves. And now when the beauty of our Is- 
rael has been slain in our high places, and when her 
Lee, and Revere, and Kockwood, and Bowman lie 
in felons' cells, and hundreds of her sons wear out 
their hearts in sad captivity, victims of their valor 
and devotion to our Union, one irrepressible impulse 
moves our people and inspires our soldiers in the 
field — one prayer to see the day when an army of 
Loyal Americans shall hammer at the doors of their 
prison-houses, with both hands pledged to the sol- 
emn task of war, and with neither hand averted to 
uphold the Institution which is the cause of all this 
woe ; anil that their bow shall turn not back, and 
their sword return not empty, until the grand deliv- 
erance shall be accomplished. 



ADDRESS OF GOV. ANDREW. 

On Friday last, the annual Address to the Legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts was made by Gov. John A. An- 
drew, and occupied more than two hours in its deliv- 
ery. The following is that portion of it which relates 
to " Our National Cause " : — 

The ultimate extinction of human slavery is in- 
evitable. That this war, which is the revolt of sla- 
very, (checkmated by an election, and permanently 
subordinated by the Census,) not merely against the 
Union and the Constitution, but against Popular 
Government and Democratic Institutions, will deal 
it a mortal blow, is not les3 inevitable. I may not ar- 
gue the proposition ; but it is true. And, while 
the principles and opinions adopted in my earliest 
manhood, growing with every year in strength and 
intelligence of conviction, point always to the policy 
of Justice, the expediency of Humanity, and the ne- 
cessity of Duty, to which the relations of our Gov- 
ernment and People to the whole subject of slavery 
form no exception, so that I have always believed 
that every constitutional power belonging to the Gov- 
ernment, and every just influence of the people 
ought to be used to limit and terminate this enor- 
mous wrong which curses not only the bondman and 
his master, hut blasts the very soil they stand upon, 
— I yet mean, as I have done since the beginning of 
the " Secession," — I mean to continue to school my- 
self to silence. I cannot suspect that my opinions, 
in view of the past, can be misconceived by any to 
whom they may be of the slightest consequence or 
curiosity. Nor do I believe that the faith of Massa- 
chusetts can be mistaken or misinterpreted. The 
record of her declared opinions is resplendent with 
instruction, and even with prophecy ; but she was 
treated for years as the Cassandra of the States, dis- 
liked because of her fidelity to the ancient faith, and 
avoided because of her warnings and her testimory. 
And now, when the Divine Providence is leading all 
the people in ways they had not imagined, 1 will not, 
dare attempt to run before, and possibly imperil the 
truth itself. Let him lead to whom the people have 
assigned the authority anil the power. One great 
duty of absorbing, royal Patriotism, which iB the pub- 



©It* *§ifr ***!»*♦ 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 10, 1862, 



NOTICE TO DELIUQUEITT SUBSOEIBEES. 

Though by the terms of the Liberator, payment for 
the paper should be made in advance, yet it has not 
only not been insisted upon, but an indulgence of thir 
teen months has hitherto been granted delinquent 
subscribers, before proceeding (always, of course, with 
great reluctance) to erase their names from the sub- 
scription list, in accordance with the standing hulk 
laid down by the Financial Committee. But, in con- 
sequence of the generally depressed state of business, 
this indulgence will be extended from January 1, 1861 
to April 1, 186i, in cases of necessity. We trust no 
advantage will be taken of this extension on the part 
of those who have usually been prompt in complying 
with our terms — payment in. advance. 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



A CHANGE OF POSITION, BUT NOT OF 
PRINCIPLE. 

The following paragraph, taken from the rJew York 
Toumal of Commerce, is a fair specimen of the sneering 
spirit daily evinced by that worst of all the pro-slavery 
journals in the land towards the abolition movement 
and its advocates : — 

" The Liberator has taken down the nncient motto 
of Abolitionism which has so long graced, or disgraced, 
the head of its column, ' The Constitution of the United 
States is a league with Death, and a covenant with Iltil.' 
Perhaps we misquote it slightly, but we search in vain 
through the pnges of the Liberator for anything to set 
us right. What has wrought this moral and political 
revolution in the Liberator office we cannot imagine, 
unless repentance is doing its work. For twenty 
years, while slavery has been quietly and peacefully 
cultivating the fields of the South, "while the worst 
term of reproach that could be invented to apply to a 
slaveholder, or to a Northern defender of shivery, was 
Union' Savek, anti-slavery has been boldly denounc- 
ing the American Union, and proclaiming that the only 
exodus of the slave would he over the ruins of the 
Constitution. Behold the change ! So fierce and so 
complete is the overturn of opinions, that the anti- 
slavery men have not only hauled down their disunion 
flag, but are preaching the antagonistic doctrine that the 
only exodus of the Constitution from its present peril 
is over the ruins of slavery. Times change, 
change with them, but who would have believed that 
the Liberator would thus deny its old faith, and add to 
the denial the advocacy of the payment of money 
to loyal citizens as compensation for liberating their 
slaves 1 It does so now weekly, though very weakly 1" 

It is true that, for a few weeks past, we have made 
a change in the motto of the Liberator, as stated above ; 
but how does that prove any inconsistency on our part, 
or indicate any alteration in our views of the pro- 
slavery features of the Constitution of the United 
States, as administered from 1789 fo 1861 1 The Jour- 
nal of Commerce says — " What has wrough this moral 
and political revolution in the Liberator office, we can- 
not imagine." We will try to enlighten it. 

First, as to the position we have taken respecting 
the Rebellion. In the Liberator of Nov. 15 we said : — 

"It is a SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION.— 
Whoever, now, is for protecting slavery, gives en- 
couragement to treason, and his proper place is under 
the Confederate flag, on Southern soil. The Northern 
traitor is he, who, now that the Slave States have put the 
Constitution beneath their feet, claims for their slave prop- 
erty the old constitutional guaranties. No such claim 
hare they the audacity to pretend as any longer in existence. 
They are under a doestitutioii of their c^n fashioning, 
and in boastful and defiant rebellion to uphold it. Is 
he not, then, doubly to be detested, who, while pro- 
fessing to be loyal, here at the North, insists upon giv- 
ing them all those advantages which they enjoyed, while 
' keeping step to the music of the Union ' 1 " 

In the Liberator of Oct. 4 we said : — 

" In declaring the Government to be wholly in the 
right, and the secessionists wholly in the wrong, as 
relates to the precise issue between the parties, the Aboli- 
tionists abate no jot or tittle of. their testimony against 
a pro-slavery Constitution and Union. That Consti- 
tution, could it be enforced, as hitherto, would still be 
"a covenant with death," and that Union, could it be 
maintained as from the beginning, would still be " an 
agreement with hell." 

" When, in all the Southern Confederacy, it is made 
a treasonable act to avow loyalty to the old Union, 
to rally under the star-spangled banner in support of 
the Government, and to claim protection under the 
n Constitution; and when President Lincoln 
and his Cabinet are as completely outlawed in ail the 
South, and would be as ignominiously dealt with, if 
caught, as the most radical Abolitionists; it is appa- 
rent that the relation of things has essentially changed, 
and a new definition of terms is needed. 

Under these circumstances, therefore, with ram- 
pant treason thundering with its forces at the very 
gates of the Capital, it is not only the imperative 
duty, but the glorious prerogative, of the Government, 
under the war power, ' in order to form a more per- 
fect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil- 
lity, provide for the common defence, promote the 
general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty 
to ourselves and our posterity,' to declare the imme- 
diate abolition of slavery throughout the land, and 
give freedom and protection to every loyal person 
found beneath its flag." 

Not to multiply these extracts, in the Libci-ator of 
Oct. 11, referring to the Southern traitors, we said: — 

"Having, then, not only forfeited all claim to consti- 
tutional protection, but subjeeled themselves to the 
penalty of death as traitors, — having perpetrated every 
outrage and sought to inflict every injury in their 
power, — they can make no just complaint if th^war 
power is exercised against their slave possessions 
(which are also stolen possessions) to the fullest ex- 
tent. Did Heaven e*r before vouchsafe to any gov- 
ernment, in time of war, such an opportunity to strike 
its enemies in their most vulnerable point, without 
malice or cruelty, and for the grandest and most benefi- 
cent ends? And now we say to President Lincoln 
and his cabinet advisers — 

' When for tho sighing of the poor, 

And for tho needy, God has risen, 
And chains are breaking, and a door 

Is opening for the souls in prison ; 
If then ye would, with puny hands, 

Arrest the very work of Heaven, 
And bin.it nne.iv the- red bands 

Which God's right arm of power hath riven' — 

if, instead of delivering the oppressed and executing 
judgment, you would leave them in chains in the hope 
and with the design of renewing the ancient 'cove- 
nant with death and agreement with hell,' your dam- 
nation will be equally sure and just I To refuse to de- 
liver those captive millions who are vow legally in your 
power is tantamount to the crime of their original, enslave- 
ment; and their blood shall a righteous God require at 
your hands. Put the trump of jubilee to your lips I " 

These declarations the Journal of Commerce finds 
it convenient to overlook or suppress, in order to ren- 
der plausible its base and unfounded charge that we 
have denied our old faith, and turned recreant to the 
principles we have so long advocated " without shad- 
ow of turning." Had these been honestly laid before, 
the readers of that paper, they would have seen the 
reason for the substitution of our new motto for the 
old one, 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 

The Lite and Letters of Capt. John Brown, 

who was executed at Charlestown, Virginia, Dec. 
2d, 1859, for an armed attack upon American slave- 
ry ; with notices of some of Ids confederates. Ed- 
ited by Richard D. Webb. London: 1861." pp.453. 
This valuable book — an attempt, by one of them- 
selves, to give the British public a faithful porlraiture 
of the life and character of Capt. John Brown — has 
well fulfilled its purpose. The object of the editor 
has been, with little comment or eulogy, to allow 
John Brown to speak for himself, in his conduct and 
conversation, his actions and familiar letters ; and he 
has well performed this task, selecting its materials 
judiciously, from all accessible sources, arranging 
them in a clear and compact narrative, and adding, in 
an appendix, illustrative details and comments by the 
best informed American speakers and writers on that 
subject. The early and private life of John Brown, 
his steadfast purpose (which appears to have been 
formed as early as 1833) of attempting the deliver- 
ance of the slaves, his removal to Kansas in pursu- 
ance of that purpose at a time when the great battle 
for freedom seemed likely to be fought out there, his 
visit to New England in search of aid toward this 
end, his earlier and later preparations for a grand en- 
terprise at Harper's Ferry, his failure in this attempt 
through the treachery of a confederate, the mockery 
of a trial to which he was subjected, the noble pa- 
tience, courage and constancy which he displayed 
when a prisoner and in bonds, the skill and faithful- 
ness with which he used the sword of the Spirit, 
when the carnal weapon would no more avail him, re- 
futing and confounding the defenders of oppression, 
and especially those pro-slavery clergymen who had 
the presumption to offer their services in aid of his 
preparation for death, the details of the judicial mur- 
der perpetrated by the State of Virginia on this 
friend of the poor, and finally the solemn and affect- 
ing scenes of his funeral among the mountains of the 
North — all these are allowed to speak for themselves, 
and to make their own impression upon the reader. 
And most interesting additions to them are found in 
the remarks of Mr. McKim and Mr. Phillips at the 
funeral, and in comments elsewhere by Dr. Cheever, 
and Messrs. Emerson, Parker, Garrison, Johnson and 
Phillips, upon the life and character of John Brown, 
and upon the present and prospective influence of his 
great enterprise in Virginia upon the overthrow of 
slavery. 

The Appendix, with other interesting matter, gives 
letters and extracts of letters from Brown to his wife 
and children in years preceding the enterprise at 
Harper's Ferry, which answer the useful purpose of 
showing that his thoughts and expressions, written 
under the ordinary circumstances of daily life, were en- 
tirely consistent in spirit and tenor with those written 
from prison, and equally indicative of the religious, 
upright and self possessed character of the man. 

A portrait of John Brown opposite the title page 
gives an accurate representation of his appearance in 
mature manhood, before he wore the beard which was 
conspicuous in his later years. 

This book, prepared with good judgment and good 
taste, is not less interesting than valuable. It deserves 
a large circulation, both in Great Britain and here. A 
few copies yet remain for sale at the Anti-Slavery 
Office in Boston. — c. k. w. 

The Continental Monthly, for January, 1862. 
Devoted to Literature and National Policy. Pub- 
lished by J. E. Gilmore, 112 Tremont street, Boston, 
This is the first number of a new periodical, pub- 
lished in Boston and New York. It is filled with im- 
portant and useful articles, which are well written, in 
good taste and judgment. The first article is entitled 
VThe Position," and contains a brief history of seces- 
sre^ii There is an article upon Italph Waldo Emer- 
son, and one on "What shall we do with the Dar- 
kies?" Terms, $3 a year, in advance; two copies 
for S5 ; three copies for §6. 



ANNUAL MEETING 
Of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, 

The twenty-ninth Annual Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society will be held in 
Boston, at Allston Hall, (corner of Tremont and 
Bromfield Streets,) on Thursday and Friday, Jan. 
23d and 24th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A. M. 
Three sessions will be held each day. 

Though a great change, equally surprising and 
cheering, has taken place in public sentiment at the 
North, on the subject of slavery, since the " SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION" broke out, yet the 
times demand of the uncompromising friends of free- 
dom all the vigilance, earnestness, activity and gene- 
rous cooperation, that it is in their power to give ; 
for upon them devolves the task of creating, deepen- 
ing and guiding that moral sentiment which is to 
determine the fate of the republic. Their work, as 
Abolitionists, will not be consummated while a slave- 
holder is tolerated on the American soil, or a slave 
clanks his letters beneath the American flag. Theirs 
is the truest patriotism, the purest morality, the no- 
blest philanthropy, the broadest humanity. So far 
from having any affinity with, or bearing any likeness 
to the traitors of the South, there is an impassable 
gulf between the parties, as well as an irrepressible 
conflict. Now that, by the treasonable course of the 
South, the Government, by the exigencies in which it 
is placed, may constitutionally abolish slavery, and is 
solemnly bound to improve the opportunity, under 
the war power, the duty of the hour is to bring every 
influence to bear upon it, to induce it to exercise that 
power without delay, and thus to speedily crush the 
rebellion, and establish liberty and peace in every sec- 
tion of the country. In this work of humanity and 
rightcousnens, of reconciliation and union, it is oblig- 
atory upon all cordially to participate. 

It is hoped that the members and friends of the So- 
ciety will be present in larger attendance than usual. 
A strong array of able and eloquent speakers will 
be present, whose names will be duly announced. 
By order of the Managers of the .Society, 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Sec'i,. 



Proclaim liberty throughout all the land to 
all the inhabitants thereof," &c. — which, by the way, 
is just as distasteful to that shameless pro-slavery or- 
gan as the other ! Before the rebellion, and while the 
authority of the Constitution was recognized and sub- 
mitted to by the South, we denied the right of the 
Government to make any decree against her slave 
system, because offthe limitation of its power; but 
now that she has withdrawn herself from the Union, 
organized a separate and hostile government, and thus 
can no longer appeal to the old constitutional gtiaran 
ties for protection, — and as she has done this in 
avowed and deadly hostility to all free institution; 
it is not only the right, but plainly the solemn duty 
and exalted privilege of the Government, under the 
war power, in this terrible emergency, as a matter 
of self-preservation, to seek the utter suppression of 
the rebellion through the abolition of slavery, its 
murderous cause. Under these circumstances, with 
what propriety could we have continued our old motto, 
and at the same time consistently denounced the Gov- 
ernment for not proclaiming emancipation? 

j$gf= Since the foregoing was written, the Boston 
Courier comes to us with the following characteristic 
paragraph, evincing the same contemptible unfairness 
and moral stultification as displayed by the Journal of 
Comyierce, and needing no other rejoinder: — 

The Black Flag. A variety of our contempora- 
ries, outside of the city, are noticing the fact, that the 
liberator's old disunion flag, with its motto denouncing 
the Constitution as "a covenant with death, an agree- 
ment with hell," is struck. A New York daily paper 
thinks it now the turn of the Southerners, since the 
Northern disunionhts have surrendered at discretion. 
But we doubt if the mere hauling down of the offen- 
sive Hag of the Liberator will induce prudent men to 
confide in Northern disunionists any the more. In 
tact, they are busier than ever; though with very lit- 
tle to encourage them in the pursuit of their evil ob- 
jects. But we have an idea, that the hauling down of 
the flag in question could have been no voluntary act, 
or prompted by any deference to the patriotic senti- 
ment of the community. Our readers must have seen, 
within a week or two, a statement of the presentation 
of a petition by Mr. Sumner, to secure protection lo 
the freedom of the press. Putting this and that, to- 
gether, it looks as if Mr. Garrison may have bud some 
appropriate intimation; anil that this it is which has 
stirred up Mr. Sumner and the sympathisers to make 
a move lor the freedom of the press, which would be 
otherwise unaccountable. 

The Courier is informed (hat Mr. Garrison has had 
no such intimation as it refers to, and expects to receive 
none; but he remembers that it is not long since the 
Courier required a significant popular inlimalion as to 
its seditious course, and hence its aflccled loyally I 



THE POSITION OF ENGLAND. 

An able and enlightened Russian statesman and no- 
bleman, M. Tourguenelf, exiled from his native land 
in 1825 for his philanthropic efforts to bring about that 
emancipation which the present Emperor bas had the 
glory of measurably consummating, wrote thus in 
1847 concerning England, in his memorial volumes, 
" La Russie et les Russes," vol. hi., pp. 270, 271 : — 

"The influence of England upon the rest of the 
world has been, in general, exceedingly fruitful, benefi- 
cent and useful; it is so still, in consequence of the 
commercial relations of that nation with every people 
on the globe. But the necessities of trade have also 
consequences by no means elevating. It is the force 
of things, it is God that makes commerce ; and the re- 
lations between peoples the farthest removed from one 
another serve as a means of attaining the great end 
of human civilization. Men in general see in them 
only a means of satisfying their love of gain. When 
to this exclusive tendency is added, as in England, an 
excess of products which demands new markets at 
any cost, the most civilized commercial peoples end 
by caring only to sell as much as possible to every- 
body ; they thus come easily into a great indifference 
to tile social and political welfare of the peoples with 
whom they traffic, and are readily disposed to enter into 
alliance with the most detestable governments, provided the 
latter allow them to despoil their oppressed subjects at 
their leisure. 

" We may conelude that the influence exerted by a 
people placed in such conditions cannot hereafter have 
very important results for general civilization." 

Judged by the present attitude of England towards 
this country, her evident desire to fraternize with the 
Southern Confederacy at the expense of four million 
blacks in bondage, the language above quoted bears 
almost the marks of prophecy as well as of philo- 
sophic discernment. M. Tourgueneff has lived to see 
the wish of his life realized in the action of Alexander 
II. in relation to the serfs of Russia ; he may also to- 
day compare, with a melancholy satisfaction, his logi- 
cal forebodings, fifteen years ago, of the future of Eng- 
land, with the present deplorable exhibitions of that 
country. 



The Fraternity Lectures. The lecture before 
the Fraternity, on the evening of Dec. 31st, was giv- 
en by Rev. William S. Studley. His subject was 
" Down South," and he announced that his hour would 
be occupied in familiar gossip in regard to the expe- 
riences of a journey made just before the period of 
Southern secession, through the Atlantic slave States. 
This promise was fulfilled in an entertaining maimer, 
and the experience of the traveller in regard to 
Southern hospitality, and the advantages and attrac- 
tions of Southern travel to a Northern man, was not 
unlike that of Mr. Olmstead, with which the public 
are familiar. 

On Tuesday evening, the concluding lecture of the 
eourse was delivered by Wendell Phillips, Esq., 
to one of the largest and most brilliant audiences of 
the season. The lecturer's appearance on the platform 
was the signal for an outburst of enthusiastic cheers, 
which were renewed when he stepped to the front to 
commence his lecture. He spoke on '* The Times " — 
now so sadly " out of joint." Reviewing the events 
of the past ten months, he found nothing but inca- 
pacity in the Government, and defeat and humilia- 
tion to the national cause. He said he did not wish to 
blame the Cabinet unduly, but the inaction of the last 
ten months had exhausted his patience with them. 
If we had an American for President, instead of a 
Kentuckian, he should hnve more hope ; hut the dan- 
ger was, that in the effort to save Kentucky, the 
Union would be lost. Unless, within ninety days, a 
decisive victory should crown our arms, the Confede- 
racy would be acknowledged by the European pow- 
ers, and the nation would be divided, and the North 
doomed to all the woes that would spring from such a 
division. A victory would save the Union; but the 
stake was too great to be hazarded on the doubtful 
issue of a battle. In this emergency, it was the duty 
of the people to urge upon Congress tho emancipa- 
tion of the slaves, and thus checkmate the European 

governments, and save the Union by drawing to its 
aide the Wends of justice and freedom. 

Wo hope to give a full report next week. 



GEOEGE THOMPSON, ESQ. ON AMERICAN 
SLAVERY AND THE PRESENT CRISIS. 

On Friday, 20th ult., George Thompson, Esq., late 
M. P. for the Tower Hamlets, delivered, in Surrey 
Chapel, Blackfriars road, an oration "On American 
Slavery and the Present Crisis." The audience was 
numerous and highly respectable, and the chair was 
occupied by the Rev. Newman Hall, the respected 
pastor of the chapel. 

The Chairman, in introducing Mr. Thompson, said, 
the present crisis was of the very highest importance. 
They might be on the briuk of an unnecessary, and 
therefore of a wicked war. (Applause.) He regarded 
war either as the greatest of crimes or the sternest of 
necessities, and they ought all to labor strenuously in 
order that it might be averted. They had not, how- 
ever, assembled to hear hiin, and, therefore, he would 
at once give place to their eloquent friend, Mr. George 
Thompson. 

Mr. Thompson, who was received with the great- 
est cordiality, said he appeared before them in the in- 
terests of truth, humanity, and Christian civilization. 
All these were involved in the fratricidal conflict 
which was now raging in America. It was a horri- 
ble and appalling spectacle, and in this country the 
greatest ignorance of the causes which produced it 
existed, The reasons which had been assigned for it 
by our leading public men were entirely erroneous. 
He had been twice in the United States, he had made 
the institutions of the country his special study, and, 
therefore, he had enjoyed the fullest opportunities 
for forming an impartial judgment on the question. 
In opposition to all the theories put forth on the sub- 
ject, he would say that slavery was the sole, sim- 
ple, and exclusive cause of the trouble. (Cheers.) 
But for slavery, the States of America would have 
remained united, and whatever had menaced their 
harmony bad proceeded from (the same cause. What 
sort of thing, he asked, was this slavery ? To be a 
slave was to be a thing, a chattel, to be ranked in the 
catalogue of sale with horses, breeding-cattle and 
swine. Such it was as it now existed in the seceded 
States of America, and it was declared to be the chief 
corner-stone of the new confederate edifice. He did 
not say that every slave was subjected to all the hor- 
rors of slavery, but he would maintain that every slave 
was liable to be subjected to them. 

Mr. Thompson, having depicted with great vivid- 
ness the wretched condition of the four millions 
of slaves in the Southern States, went on to 
say, that with the man who claimed the right 
of enslaving another man, he could hold no par- 
ley. Such a man was a man-thief. (Applause.) It 
was preposterous blasphemy for any man to say that 
he could possess a fee simple in the body of his equal. 
We reason too much about the matter. In the court 
of conscience, one verdict, " Let it be accursed I " had 
always been returned against slavery. (Cheers.) "Hu- 
man beings might be inconsistent, but human nature 
had always been true to herself, and she had uttered 
her testimony against slavery with a shriek ever since 
the monster had been begotten." (Loud applause.) 

Mr. Thompson then rapidly sketched the history of 
slavery in America, and the legislation in regard to it, 
from the time when the first cargo of slaves had been 
landed on the soil of Virginia, in the same year 
that saw the Puritans land on the bleak shores of New 
England, up to the election of Mr. Lincoln as Presi- 
dent. He pointed out that, when the Americans 
threw off the British yoke, and asserted their inde- 
pendence, they proclaimed that all men had an inalien- 
able right to liberty; and he showed that, if this prin- 
ciple had been fairly carried out, it would have swept 
slavery from the face of the whole country. But, in 
the Revolutionary Congress of 1776, Mr. Jefferson's 
original draft of the Declaration of Independence was 
altered, through the influence of the slaveholders, 
and in the Articles of Confederation, adopted two 
years later, the topic of slavery was carefully and ad- 
visedly excluded. (Hear, hear.) Fatal compromises 
had been introduced into the Constitution, and from 
them had resulted that hideous host of evils, which, 
for seventy years, had covered the body politic with 
" wounds, and bruises, and putrifying sores." 

Mr. Thompson then proceeded to discuss the ques- 
tion whether secession was justifiable, and said the 
right claimed by South Carolina and her rebel con- 
federates to secede under the Constitution was a pal- 
pable absurdity. (Cheers.) The revolutionary' right 
of secession was undeniable, but then it was to be 
recognized by the people, the nation, and not by the 
sworn servants of the Constitution. No government 
provided for its own dissolution ; so that, while there 
was always a revolutionary right of secession, there 
could never be a constitutional right. If the sugges- 
tion of Kentucky had been adopted, it would have 
been competent for a convention to have allowed South 
Carolina and her confederates to secede; but, as the 
offer had been declined, nothing was left to the Presi- 
dent but to uphold the Constitution which he had 
sworn to maintain. (Cheers.) » 

The lecturer having shown how the South had al- 
ways maintained an ascendancy in the councils of the 
State, and having described the circumstances under 
which Mr. Lincoln had been elected, contrasted his 
opinions on slavery with those of Jefferson Davis. 
Davis believed in the divine right of treating the ne- 
groes as an inferior race, and of keeping them hi bon- 
dage. Mr. Lincoln, on the other hand, had declared 
that slavery was immoral. The worst charge that 
had been brought against Mr, Lincoln was that he had 
suppressed his own predilections in favor of freedom ; 
that, having taken an oath to maintain the Constitu- 
tion, he had adhered to it, and had not sacrificed the 
prerogatives of his position to carry out his own be- 
nevolent intentions. The truth was, that he would 
have rendered himself liable to impeachment if he had 
proclaimed the abolition of slavery. Besides, the 
proclamation would have been impracticable ; and, 
even if it had been practicable, he was not sure, under 
the circumstances of the country, that it would have 
been the most Christian thing to have issued it. 

Mr. Thompson then argued that, although the war 
was not carried on by the North for the abolition of 
slavery, yet that the triumph of the North would great- 
ly conduce to that sublime result. (Cheers.) The 
Union, he observed, was nothing to him ; but the abo- 
lition of slavery was of the very highest importance. 
(Cheers.) He would not, he said, decide under what 
circumstances war might be justifiable, and he simply 
recognized the existing war as a fact. But, inasmuch 
as he believed that the cause of freedom would be 
benefited by the success of the North, he hoped it 
might conquer, and he wished it God speed. (Loud 
cheers.) 



uudefensible. When she was menaced with secession, 
she did not arm ; when the secession was an accom- 
plished fact, she did not arm ; nay, when her custom- 
houses, her arsenals and armories were seized, she 
did not arm. But, at last, when the Star of the WeBt 
was fired upon, and when South Carolina would not 
allow a bit of Union bunting to float over her fortress, 
then the twenty-two millions of people had determined 
to arm and to defend their Constitution. (Cheers.) 

Mr. Thompson then showed that the secession hadi 
been long contemplated, and he condemned Mr. Bu- 
chanan for his conduct in favoring the designs of the 
South. He next glanced at the present position of the 
anti-slavery party in the North, and said it had of 
late greatly increased. (Loud cheers.) He regretted 
that, in this country, the minds of the public had been 
corrupted by the untruthful and one-sided articles 
which had appeared in some of the journals, and ex- 
pressed an opinion that if it had not been for this cir- 
cumstance, a universal fcfcling of sympathy with the 
North would have been manifested. (Ches-rs.) He 
earnestly prayed that war might be averted, and he 
hoped that the clergy would use their endeavors, as 
Mr. Hall had done, to promote the continuance of 
peace. He trusted that the sorrowful event whielt 
had clothed them with mourning outwardly, and for 
which, too, they all inwardly and sincerely mourned, 
ould have some effect in allaying She war feelmg, 
and in promoting good will between the two countries. 
Most sincerely did they all sympathize with her Ma- 
jesty in her great affliction, bereaved as she was of 
her friend, and counsellor, and husband. He trusted; 
the event would be fraught with issues in favor of 
peace, and he thought the Minister of the day would 
incur a heavy, a criminal responsibility who advised: 
thai lone, sorrowing woman to put her sign manual to 
a declaration of war against America. (Loud cheeps.) 
Mr. Thompson concluded his most eloquent ad- 
dress, which occupied one hour and three quarters ia 
the delivery, by reciting the following verses, which 
he had composed when the misunderstanding about 
the Oregon boundary had occurred with America. 
The first stanza had been writteu for the tune of " Goti 
save the Queen," and the others for the most popular 
national air hi America; — 

! may the b;.Eoan race 
Heaven's mos&tj'e soon embrace. 

Good will to man ! 
Hushed be the battle's sound. 
And o'er the earth around 
May joy and, peace a&ound 

Through every land ! 

! then shall come She glorious day 
When swords and spears shall perish. 

And brothers John and Jonathan 
The kindest thoughts shall cherish. 

When Oregon ne mope shall fill 

With angry darts oar quiver, 
But Englishmen with Yankees dwell 

On the far Columbia rives. 

Then let us baste these bends to Knit, 

And in the work be handy, 
ThaS we may Wend " Ged save the Queen, "" 
With " Yankee Dosdle Dandy ! " 
(Great cheering.) 

The Rev. W. £L Boxxeh m»ved tsat a vote af 
thanks should be given to Mr. Thompson for his rnosB 
eloquent lecture. lis confessed he was afraid, how- 
ever, that the progress of the anti-slavery party ia the 
North was not as rapid as Mr. Thompson supposed'. 
He also paid a high compliment to the chairman for 
the efforts he had made to promote pease. 

Dr. M'Gowan, in seconding the motion, related 
some interesting reminiscences of Mr. Thompson's 
visit to the United States in 1-834. He eulogized 
the efforts Mr. Thompson had then made to spreads 
anti-slavery principles, remarking that New York bads 
then been as pro-slavery as Liverpool was now. It 
gave him pleasure to confirm Mr. Thompson's state- 
ment, that the anti-slavery party was becoming pow- 
erful in the Northern States. 

The motion was carried with acclamation. 

Mr. Thompson briefly acknowledged the compli- 
ment, and a vote of thanks having been given to the 
Chairman, the proceedings terminated. 



Mr. Thompson then adverted to the affair of the 
Trent, and said that, on the abstract merits of the ques- 
tion, it would be presumptuous for him to offer a de- 
cided opinion. As the highest legal minds were at 
work on the question, he* would not lay down any 
dogma of his own ; but it seemed strange that those 
who were so anxious to go to war with America, were ' 
so ready in their gratuitous condemnation of the North 
for going to war with the South. (Cheers.) Our flag 
had been insulted, it was said. But no blood had been 
shed ; the two men, who were notorious traitors to the 
Government, had been seized and taken out. The 
ship had been allowed to go on with the cargo and the 
passengers. -By this act, it was said our flag had been 
insulted; and the Time Of that very day (old them 
that war was the only alternative, if the Americana 
did not apologise, and surrender the prisoners— that 
the dispute was quite out of the category of arbitration, 
Well, if that was so, how could thev deny lo the North 
the right of maintaining its Constitution, and of de- 
fending the honor of its ling ? {Cheers.) We had not 
got. Mr. Lincoln's answer, ind yal the newspapers day 
by day were predicting WW, and saying everything 
which was calculated to bring it about. (Applause.) 
America had good reason lo he offended a! the tone of 
the articles which appeared in our journals. What, 
he would ask them, hud been the conduct ol the North 
to the Smith 1 For ft lung period, to her (HsgNtea, she 
had considered the South the petted child of the 
Union, and conceded demands which had been ulleilv 



DIPLOMATIC JESUITEY. 

Editor Liberator, — I desire to caution Aboli- 
tionists against joining the cry of demagogues and' 
traitors against England. When the whole facts come- 
to be known, and the case is stripped of all diplo- 
matic glosses and of all the disguises which timid? 
and false men have thrown around it to cover thehr 
own blunders, we shall find that it has been the ab- 
surd theory of our own Government that has brought 
upon us this humiliation. 

The right of search is a " belligerent " right. For 
fifty years, it has been universally recognized as set- 
tled international law, that neutral ships can be 
searched only by "belligerents" — tlmt is, by one of 
two parties at war. A state ©f belligerency involves 
two parties, both, as towards other nations, "bellige- 
rents." Our Government has uniformly assumed : 
that there is no war; of course, that there are no bel- 
ligerents ; of eourse, again, that neither party has- 
" belligerent " rights as towards other nations. Then,. 
surely, we had no right to stop and search the Trent. 

In his letter to Lord Lyons, Mr. Seward speaks of 
the existence of an " insurrection ," a "domestic 
strife," and says that an arrangement was entered into- 
with the British Government in reference to this " lo- 
cal strife," — thus treating it as exceptional, and not 
governed by the laws of nations as applied to war ;. 
and yet his whole letter assumes for the United States- 
"belligerent" rights. 

Let me refer briefly to' one of the absurdities of his 
theory. He says — "Mason and McKarland are citi- 
zens of the United States, residents of Virginia ,\ 
Slidell and Eustis are citizens of the United States, 
residents of Louisiana." It follows, then, that Jeff" 
Davis and Yancey are also citizens of the United. 
States. Mason and Slidell, then, are only private citi- 
zens, bearing private letters from Jeff Davis, one cit- 
izen of the United States, to Yancey, another citi- 
zen. Most clearly, on this theory, Capt. Wilkes had 
no more right to seize Mason and Slidell than he would 
have to seize any passengers on board of any of the 
British mail steamers leaving Boston or Now York- 
every week. And yet Mr. Seward gravely discusses 
his live questions, the first of which is — "Were the 
persons named and their supposed despatches contra- 
band of war?" Their "despatches," on Seward's- 
thcory, were only private letters, and the law of na- 
tions docs not know "contraband persons." 

I only throw out these hints. The fact is, Capt. 
Wilkes had no right to search the Trent. We luul 
not the manliness to say so, except under threat. 
Hence our humiliation. F. W. B. 



J^=" The Courier, referring to the lecture of Mr. 
Phillips on Tuesday evening last, at Tremont Tem- 
ple, with owl-like gravity asks, " Is not this Treason * " 
Is the interrogator a fool > Or, rather, is he not a 
fool i The sole object of the lecture was to stimulate 
the Administration, by sharp and merited criticism of 
its indefinite and timorous policy, to show more ener- 
gy and decision in putting down Southern treason, by 
availing Itself of the only method of success — name- 
ly, the proclamation of freedom lo all wtio will rally 
under the national flag, without regard to race or 
color. Of course, secession in spirit and purpose M 

the Courier is. to the full extent of every demand of 
the rebellious slave oligarchy, (though whipped into 
assumed loyalty as a matter of cowardice am! tveossi 
ty,)itis nothing better than rank "treason," in its 
opinion, for Mr. Phillips, or any one else, in urge the 
Government to do something effectual to put down 
this "slaveholders' rebellion-" Tho loyalty of tho 
Courier consists in doing what in it lies to drug the 
Government with opiates — to discourage Mid resent 
every proposition for more decisive action — to recom- 
mend and applaud a do-nothing policy— to basely m ,i- 
lign every uncompromising friend of freedom at tho 
North, who is at all prominent, and lo puss unnoticed 
all the atrocities of the Southern conspirator- 
tor to what, extent their treachery may be 

The "treason " of Wendell Pliil%8 Is tnw I 

the loyally of the I trtMOB 



J^V^TIARY lO. 



THE LIBERATOR 



MEETING AT WORCESTER 

The Annual Meeting of the Worcester County 
(South Division) Anti-Slavery Society was held in 
Worcester on Saturday evening, Jan. 4th, and Sun- 
day, day and evening, Jan. 5th. On account of the 
sudden severity of the weather, the attendance was 
not as large as could have been desired ; still 
quite respectable, and the audiences were of the most 
interested and attentive character, so that the meeting 
was one of hopeful encouragement to the members 
and friends of the Society. 

The absence of the venerable President, Josia.u 
Henshaw, {detained by family illness,) whose cus- 
tomary presence has heretofore aided and cheered 
the younger workers, was noticahly felt by the other 
members, as was also the absence of Samukl. May, 
Jr., (unavoidably detained by business,) wiio for more 
than twenty years has hardly before been absent from 
our annual gatherings. 

The chair was occupied by James A. Wiiutlk, 
one of the Vice Presidents, and the time of the va- 
rious sessions was occupied by earnest addresses and 
discussions from Parker Pills-bury, Charles E>, Re- 
mond, Stephen S. and Abby K. Poster, and Joseph A. 
How land. The pro-shwery character of the Govern- 
ment and its subordinates in their position and con- 
duct of the present war was properly criticised, and 
while all the speakers urged the duty and necessity 
of immediate emancipation, all united in denouncing 
any cal! for emancipation predicated upon the selfish 
issue of safety to the whites or to the government, 
as also any sclieme that proposes to compensate or to 
give a "(i fair pecuniary award" to those myth- 
ical personages, the ''loyal slaveholders," as in vio- 
lation of our fundamental principles ami ancient testi- 
monies, that have so long demanded unconditional 
emancipation as a measure of justice to the slave, a 
slight recognition of his God-given rights, and a de- 
nial of the right of property in man. The duty of the 
nation to repent of and put away her great sin, be- 
causcof its sin, without waiting for her dire necessi- 
ties to compel the righteous act, was clearly and forci- 
bly set forth ; and the fear was expressed that the 
day of repentance ami reform might come too late to 
save the nation from the doom of utter destruction 
which its fearful guilt merits. 

Quite a number of resolutions were offered and 
discussed, and the following were adopted . — 

Resolved, TIrat there is nothing in the present as- 
pect of our public affairs to warrant any abatement of 
our zeal and efforts in the anti-slavery cause. On the 
contrary, although the times are full of hope, they are 
also full of the most imminent peri! to the interests of 
fcoth races, and demand of us the utmost vigilance 
and the most untiring efforts for the unconditional 
and entire eradication of that root of national bitter- 
ness which is the ultimate cause and only sustenance 
■of the present alarming rebellion. 

Resolved, That it is a sad and dangerous mistake 
" to suppose with Mr. Everett and other prominent 
statesmen, that this stupendous rebellion is the result 
of sectional pride or disappointed ambition. On the 
contrary, it has manifestly sprung from no such temp- 
orary or arbitrary cause, but is the result of two dis- 
tinct ami necessarily conflicting states of society, one 
of which must inevitably waste and eventually de- 
stroy the other. Hence every attempt on our part to 
end the war without cither exterminating the Slave 
Power or acknowledging the independence of the 
Confederate States, exhibits a degree of mental stu- 
pidity and moral blindness alike derogatory to the 
head and heart of a civilised community. 

Resolved, That the proposition which is made by 
some to compensate the loyal slaveholders in case of 
the abolition of slavery by the Federal Government, 
makes it imperative on us to renew the testimony 
•which we have uniformly borne for more than a quar- 
ter of a century against compensated emancipation, 
as a practical recognition of the right of property in 
man; as a dangerous precedent of compounding with 
felony; as grossly unjust to the innocent parties 
who must necessarily be taxed to reward the guilty ; 
as a gratuity to those who sacrifice no real interest, 
pecuniary or otherwise; and as imposing additional 
burdens upon the country, already overwhelmed with 
debt, for the benefit of those, who, equally with all 
other slaveholders, have nourished and sustained that 
system which is the guilty cause of all our national 
troubles. 

The following were chosen as officers for the ensu- 
ing year :— 

President — Josiah Henshaw, of West Brookfield. 
Vice Presidents — Samuel May, Jr., Leicester; Adin 
Ballou, Milfbrd ; Moses Sawin, Southboro' ; Adeline 
H. Howland, Worcester; Clark Aidrich, Upton; 
Moses Buffum, Oxford; Adams Foster, Holden; Jas. 
A. Whipple, Worcester. 

Treasure)' — Sarah E. Wall, Worcester. 
Auditor — Alfred Wyman, Worcester. 
Secretary — Joseph A. Howland, Worcester. 
Executive Committee — Abby Kelley Poster, Sarah F. 
Earie, Sarah M. Whipple, Isaac Mason, Worcester ; 
Abijah Allen, Esek Pitts, Miilbury ; E. D. Draper, 
Milford; Maria P. Fairbanks, Millvilie ; Nancy B. 
Hill, Blackstone ; Sylvester C. Fay, Southboro' ; 
William Doane, Charlton. 

It was voted to request the publication of the pro- 
ceedings in the Liberator and Standard. 

JAMES A. AVHIPPLE, Vice President. 
Joseph A. Howlakd, Sec'y. 



ANTI-DESPOTIO MEETINS. 

Pursuant to public notice for a meeting to take into 
consideration the case of the Rev. George Gordon, 
how in Cleveland Jail, the people of the town of Sa- 
vannah and vicinity met in the Baptist Church in 
that place, on Monday evening, Dec. 16th, 1861. 

On motion, Mr. D. Hart was appointed Chairman, 
and John D.Wright, Secretary. The meeting was 
then opened with prayer by Rev. W. Bruce. Dr. J. 
Ingram was called upon, who made a brief state- 
ment of the object of the meeting. A series of reso- 
lutions was then read, and on motion to adopt, the 
Rev. I. N. Carman, pastor of the Baptist Church, re- 
sponded to a call, and supported them in a brief and 
able address, followed by the Rev. J. McCutchen, 
pastor of the Congregational Church, Ruggles, Rev. 
A. Scott, pastor of the Presbyterian Church, and Rev. 
W. Bruce, of the United Presbyterian Church, Sa- 
vannah, each in brief and eloquent addresses, at the 
close of which, the following resolutions were adopted : 

Whereas, the Rev. George Gordon, President of 
Iberia College, extensively and favorably known to 
this community, and pastor of the Free Presbyterian 
Church of this place, has been tried at the recent ses- 
sion of the U. S. Court on a charge of "obstructing 
Access under the Fugitive Slave Act," and convict- 
ed, as we believe, and as the facts prove, upon testi- 
mony wholly one-sided and vindictive, sentenced to 
pay a fine of $300, costs, and six months' close con- 
finement within the walls of a common jail; and be- 
lieving that the proceedings in his case have been 
marked with a degree of barbarism that disgraces the 
enlightenment of the age, disclosing a pitiable syco- 
phancy to that power which is now in arms against 
our Government, threatening its very existence ; and, 
furthermore, that the prosecution lias been charac- 
terized by a degree of bitterness we did not antici- 
pate from the former relations of the man, has fol- 
lowed him to his prison cell, assailed his character, 
hitherto above reproach, and while sweeping with one 
fell swoop of fine and costs the little property which 
would have brought the comforts of life to his declin- 
ing years, has essayed to strip him of character, and 
thus render him poor indeed; therefore, 

Resolved, 1st, That we tender to the Rev. George 
Gordon our heartfelt sympathies for the deplorable 
issue in his case ; and whatever may be our individual 
difference of opinion with regard to complicity or non- 
eomplieity iu the charge, we hold that such a proceed- 
ing in our present national crisis is a gratuitous con- 
cession to that power to which we have not yet had 
the courage to rise superior. 



2d. That from a long and favorable acquaintance 
with Mr. Gordon, we have confidence in his veracity 
as a man, his piety as a minister, his practical philan- 
thropy, and his earnest efforts in the cause of truth. 

Sd. That the Fugitive Slave Act is contrary to the 
Constitution of the United States, contrary to natural 
justice, to reason, to the precepts and teachings of the 
Gospel of Christ, and therefore by all Christian ju- 
rists is declared null, and imposes no legal or moral 
obligation on the citizen. 

4th. That with his case we hope may terminate a 
long line of humiliating concessions, many from citi- 
zens of the North: embracing in the catalogue, the 
frequent surrender of cherished principles ; compelled 
to suffer without redress unmitigated cruelties, brand- 
ings, whippings, prisoners' tears, and martyrs' groans ; 
that the cell now hallowed by his presence may wit- 
ness the solitary pinings of the last victim of the 
Slave Power. 

The meeting was large, and conducted with singu- 
lar unanimity of feeling and interest to the close. 
DAVID HART, Chairman. 
Jons D. Wright, Secretary. 



LETTER PROM MR. PILLSBURY. 

Leominster, Jan. 7, 1802. 
Deak Friend Garrison — It seems long since I 
have written for the Liberator. The little I have sent 
in the last two years to the public, through the ink- 
stand, has been via the Bugle and lb« Standard. 
Through the former, while it continued, and the lat- 
ter, since ; and my field of labor has been mainly 
New York, and the States farther west. 

Now, I am where I ever love to be, in my own old 
native State of Massachusetts. Some tin n s, when in 
Old England, I would wish I had bcui horn there; 
but of late, unlike the Scripture estimate of wine, I 
am induced to say, " the New is better " ! True, we 
in the New have, hitherto, little claim on Old England 
for grace or favor, on account of any superior anti- 
slavery excellence; though, bad as we are, it seems to 
me we do not deserve worse than th^ Confederate 
States. Great Britain, however, appears to think 
otherwise. Sometime, perhaps, she ni.iy change her 
mind. 

But what are we to think of Gov. Andrew at such 
a crisis as this? "Schooling himself la silence," on 
questions involving all the interests of two hemis- 
pheres, for the two existences, temporal and eternal ! 
And we are to do the same, or violate his official 
counsel and private example. Washington wisdom 
has not yet won my respect to that high degree ; nor 
do the revelations of the Potter and Van Wyck Com- 
mittees persuade me that honesty and integrity are 
more a monopoly there, than wisdom and statesman- 
ship, or military skill. And so, with all due deference 
to Gov. Andrew, I do not propose to "school myself 
to silence " for some time yet. 

One year ago, Mayor Wightman and his mob en- 
deavored to "school" the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society " to silence," by a system not strictly Lancas- 
terian nor Pesfcalozzian ; and he succeeded so well, 
that I could have wished the Governor had left that 
branch of the " public education " in hands that have 
proved themselves so fully competent to their work. 
To their work, I repeat; for, surely, such work, at a 
time like this, should be wholly theirs, if done at all. 

Mr. Remond and myself have had excellent meet, 
ings in several of the best towns in Essex county, with- 
in the last month, and in several instances have been 
urged to repeat our visits. Instead of " silence," the 
people, as well as God, and all Holiness and Humanity, 
demand of us, that we "cry aloud, and spare not" — 
which, in obedience to all these voices, as well as the 
call of conscience, I, for one, am still impressed to do. 
And it almost seems to me, (though 1 would not 
abridge freedom of speech or song,) that those happy 
persons who deem their work done, and that now they 
have only to "stand still and see, and sing the salva- 
tion of God," had better, perhaps, "school themselves 
to silence " about it, (if they can) — and then we, who, 
less fortunate than they, have still an important work 
to do, can labor to far better purpose. We work for 
millions of slaves yet in bonds ; while the government 
at Washington is determined to hold them thus, should 
it cost seven hundred thousand brave men's lives, and 
the moneyed and moral bankruptcy of all the rest of 
the nation ! PARKER PILLSBURY/. 



SLAVES USED FOR INSURRECTIONARY 
PURPOSES. 

The following is, in full, an order of Gen. Halleck, 
of which a telegraphic summary has already been pub- 
lished : — 

Headquarters Department of the Missouri, ) 
St. Louis, Dec. 18, 1861. ( 

Col, 13. G. Farrar, Provost-Marshal General, Depart- 
ment of the Missouri, St.. Louis: 
Colonel; From your verbal statements, and the 
written communication submitted by you yesterday, I 
am informed that there are some sixteen negro men 
confined in the city prisons in your charge, and adver- 
tised for sale under a statute of this State. You have 
stated the facts of the case, as you understand them ; 
have culled my attention to the statute of this State 
on the subject, and to the Law of Congress of last ses- 
sion, and have asked my orders as to how you shall 
proceed in this matter — whether to release these men 
from custody, and to place them outside of your par- 
ticular jurisdiction, as a military officer in charge of 
the prisons, in accordance with General Orders, No. 3, 
of this Department, or whether the Sheriff, who, as I 
understand, is now under your orders, is to proceed 
and sell the said negro men, as he has advertised, and 
as is directed by the statute of this State, if said statute 
has not been modified or changed by the law of the 
last session of Congress. 

As I am informed, most of these negroes came with 
the forces under Major- Gen era! Fremont, from South- 
western Missouri, and have either been used in the 
military service against the United States, or are 
claimed by persons now in arms against the Federal 
Government; but that none of them have been con- 
demned in accordance with the act approved August 
6, 1861, and that no proceedings for such condemnation 
have ever been instiluted. 

As I understand the matter, the statute of this State 
creates the presumption that these men are slaves, and 
if not called for within three months from the date of 
the advertisement of the sheriff, they are to be sold as 
Javes. It would seem that the act of Congress ap- 
proved August 6, 1861, if constitutional, overrules this 
statute so far as this presumption is concerned. This 
of Congress cannot be regarded as unconstitution- 
al until decided to be so by the United States Supreme 
Court. 

It results, then, as it seems to me, that these ne- 
groes are held in custody without the authority of law, 
and contrary to General Orders, No. 3; and you are 
hereby directed to release them from prison. It ap- 
pears, however, that they have received from the 
Quartermaster's Department certain articles of cloth- 
ing required for their immediate and pressing necessi- 
ties, with the promise that they would pay for the 
clothing so delivered to them with their labor. They 
will, therefore, be turned over to the chief of the Quar- 
termaster's Department in this city, for labor, till they 
have paid the United States for the clothing and other 
articles so issued to them at the expense of the Gov- 
ernment. 

This order will in no way debar any one from en- 
forcing his legal rights to the services of these negroes. 
Such rights, if any exist, can be enforced through the 
loyal civil tribunals of this State, whose mandates will 
always be duly respected by the military authorities 
of this department. Military officers cannot decide 
upon rights of property or claims to service, except so 
far as may be authorized by the laws of war or the 
acts of Congress. When not so authorized, they will 
avoid all interference with such questions. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. HALLECK, 
Major- General Commanding. 

In pursuance of these directions, the Provost-Mar- 
shal General issued an order in respect to these ne- 
groes, of which the material portion is as follows : — 

"Being the property of rebels, and having been 
used for insurrectionary purposes, it is ordered that 
they be released from prison, and placed under the 
control of the Principal Quartermaster of this Depart- 
ment, for labor, until further orders." 

General Halleck lays down the correct principle, 
which the House has voted to have added as a new 
article of war, that army officers have no right to ad- 
judge the question that one man is the slave of anoth- 
er, and no right to deliver up persons claimed as slaves. 



Physical Culture. "Lewis's Gymnastic Month- 
ly, and Journal of Physical Culture," comes to us in a 
new and improved form for the January number, and 
is even more elegant than before. It opens with 
practical lessons in the use of those peculiar assis- 
tants in physical development winch are the inven- 
tions of Dr. Lewis, the bag of beans, the ring, and the 
gymnastic crown. These are illustrated by very 
faithful wood cuts, 'which give very accurate ideas of 
the various positions and motions which have been 
found best adapted to the end in view. This number 
also contains a report of the commencement exercises 
of the first class in the new system, at which Presi- 
dent Felton of Harvard College presided, and deliver- 
ed the diplomas. These graduates are highly com- 
mended as able teachers of physical health in any in- 
stitution, and we are told that all entered at once into 
lucrative situations in this capacity. 



EdT" The Christian Examiner, for January, is 
received, with the following table of contents: — 
I. The Sword in Ethics. II. Bernay's Chronicle of 

Sulpicius Severus. III. The Mind's Maximum. 
IV. Mrs. Browning. V. Milman's History of Latin 
Christianity. VI. Passages from the Life of Schleier- 
macher. VII, Review of Current Literature. 

The Examiner is published on the first of January, 
March, May, July, September, and November, by the 
proprietor, at Walker, Wise & Co.'s Bookstore, 245 
Washington street, Boston, in numbers of at least 156 
octavo pages each, at four dollars a year, payable in 
advance. 



Relief of Fugitives in Canada. An Associa- 
tion has been formed in the town of St. Catherine's, 
Niagara District, Canada West, to relieve such fugi- 
tive slaves as may be suffering from sickness or desti- 
tution. It is called — " The Fugitive Aid Society of 
St. Catherine's." The officers are the following: — 

Charles H. Hall, President ; Benjamin Fletcher, 
Vice President; Christopher Anthony, Secretary; H. 
W. Wilkins, Assistant Secretary ; William Hutchinson, 
Treasurer. 

Committee : Harriet Tubman, Mary Hutchinson, 
John Jones, Wm. H. Stewart. 

This Association may be relied on as worthy of con- 
fidence by those who wish to help the fugitives in Can- 
ada, many of whom are undoubtedly in need of such 
aid. Contributions, either in clothing or money, may 
be sent to Robert F. Wallcut, Anti-Slavery Office, 
221 Washington Street, Boston, or to Rev. William 
Burns, St. Catherine's, Canada West, 



"Is Memoriam." Testimonials to the Life and 
Character of the late Francis Jackson, Esq., by 
William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Sam- 
uel May, Jr., as delivered at the funeral obsequies ; 
and also by Rev. William R. Alger, L. Maria Child, 
and the press; just published in a neat tract of 36 
pages, by R. F. Wallcut, Anti-Slavery Office, 221 
Washington Street, Boston. Price 5 cents. No doubt 
there are many who would like to obtain it. 



^—The Discourse on "England and America," 
by Rev. Dr. Furness, of Philadelphia, which we have 
printed entire on our last page, is exceedingly perti- 
nent to the hour, and admirable in its treatment of the 
subject. Wc are glad to Bee it in pamphlet form, 



'riends of the godlike Anti-Slavery Cause, 
remember that the Twenty-Eighth National A. S. 
Subscription Anniversary, under the auspices of the 
Ladies, is to be held at Music Hall, on Wednesday 
evening, Jan. 22d, and be ready to give your attend- 
ance and donations, to the extent of your ability, It 
will unquestionably be a very interesting occagion. 

" Remember those in bonds se bound with them." 



LETTER OF GEN. HALLECK TO MR. BLAIR. 

Headquarters Department of Missouri. 
Hon. Frank P. Blair, Washington : 

Yours of the 4th inst. is just received. Order No. 
3 was in my mind clearly a military necessity. Un- 
authorized persons, black or white, free or slaves, 
must be kept out of our camps, unless we are willing 
to publish to the enemy everything we do or intend 
to do. 

It was a military and not a political order. I am 
ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to 
fugitive slaves which my superiors may give me, and 
to enforce any laws which Congress may pass, but I 
cannot make law and will not violate it. 

You know my private opinion on the policy of con- 
fiscating the slave property of rebels in arms. If 
Congress shall pass it, you may be certain I shall en- 
force it. Perhaps my policy as. to the treatment of 
rebels and their property is as well set out in order 
No. 13, issued the day before your letter was written, 
as I could now describe it. 

Yours, truly, H. W. Halleck. 



From Port Royal. A correspondent of the New 
York Times writes from Port Royal on the 23d ult., 
stating that, iu the district of Beaufort alone, which 
is but a small portion of the territory occupied by our 
troops, there are 16,000 slaves whose masters have 
Med and left them to their own management. From 
all quarters along sixty miles of coast, and farther in- 
teriorly than our troops have penetrated, the negroes 
are struggling to escape from bondage, and flock in 
crowds to our lines, and in small boats around our 
ships. The correspondent says ; — 

"I have talked with drivers and field-hands, with 
housemaids and coachmen and body-servants, who 
were apparently as eager to escape as any. I have 
heard the blacks point out how their masters might 
be caught, where they were hidden, and what were 
their forces. I have seen them used as guides and 
pilots. I have been along while they pointed out in 
what houses stores of arms and ammunition were 
kept, and where bodies of troops were stationed. In 
a few hours, I have known this information verified. 
I have asked them about the sentiment of the slave 
population, and been invariably answered that every- 
where it is the same. 

" The slaves have, in various instances, assisted in 
the capture of their masters — have also, several times 
of late, asked to be armed, which was not originally 
the case. Colonies of them have been established, not 
only at Hilton Head, but on Otter Island, in St. Hele- 
na Sound, and at the mouth of Edisto Inlet. At all 
these places, they are protected either by gunboats or 
by the guns of the batteries put up by the rebels, but 
now occupied by Union forces. 

"Gen. Stevens is pursuing a very good plan with 
the negroes who come to him for protection. He 
makes them all work, which they do cheerfully and 
readily, upon the promise of receiving wages. Instead 
of allowing them soldiers' rations, as is done at Hilton 
Head, he gives them bacon and corn, just such fare as 
that to which they have been accustomed, although in 
larger quantities. They appear to be well satisfied 
with the arrangement, which has the advantage of 
being much more economical." 



Mason and Seidell given up. Mason and SH- 
dell, the arch traitors, have been given up to the Brit- 
" ih authorities. On Wednesday, last week, at 11 
o'clock, A. M., they, with their Secretaries, were qui- 
etly put on board the steam-tug Starlight, at Fort 
Warren, and conveyed to Provincetown, where they 
arrived at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. There they 
were transferred to the British 18 gun sloop of-war 
Rinaldo — which had arrived from Halifax — and in the 
course of an hour, they were speeding across the 
ocean. 

On takinglcave of Col. Dimmick, Mr. Mason, some- 
what affected, said, "God bless you, Colonel, God 
bless you I" and cordially shook hands with him. Mr. 
Slidell shook hands with the Colonel, and said, "Un- 
der whatever circumstances and in whatever relations 
in the future we may meet, I shall always esteem you 
as a dear friend." 

During the morning many rebels thronged the rooms 
of Messrs. Mason and Slidell to get their autographs, 
and Mr. Mason's hand was so unsteady as to bo noticed 
through the window outdoors. Some of the political 
prisoners said to Mason : " We hope when you get to 
England you will represent our case, imprisoned on 
this island for no offence save differing from others in 
political opinions." lie replied that if ever he arrived 
in Europe, he would faithfully represent their case. 

The weather on that day was very mild, but between 

x and seven o'clock in the afternoon, there was a 
sudden rain squall. From that time, the windcontin- 

:l to increase and the temperature to fall, until it 
blew almost a hurricane, which continued through the 
night. In this city, chimneys were blown down, 
many windows broken, slates torn from roofs, signs 
blown down, awnings torn, buildings partially un- 
roofed, trees torn up, &c. About 180 feet of the roof 
of the Eastern Railroad freight depot, East Boston, 
dislodged, and some damage done to a portion of 
the good* stored therein. In Salem, one building on 
Essex street was partially unroofed, a chimney on the 
Lawrence building blown down, &c. 

Similar disasters arc reported from all the towns 
around Hoston ; but the wind being off' shore, there 

ere probably but few marine disasters. 

It appears, therefore, that old Boreas and Neptune, 
on receiving the rebel commissioners in trust, treated 
them in accordance with the medical prescription, 
" When taken to be well shaken." Though bound 
for Halifax, the Rinaldo has not been heard from. 



The Lecture of Wm, Wells Brown. This 

gentleman gave his lecture on " Wit and Humor," at 
the Congregational lecture-room last evening, to an 
appreciative audience. We do not hazard anything in 
saying, that those who failed to attend lost one of the 
richest treats of the season. Never have we seen any 
number of people better amused or more thoroughly 
interested. Until the close of the lecture, those gather- 
ed were kept in a state of anticipated suspense as to 
what was next coming 1 The lecture was so full of 
hits and amusing reflections on affected and hypo- 
critical foibles, that the crowd were kept in a grin 
from the opening to the close of the affair. After the 
lecture was over, a number of gentlemen interested 
themselved in an endeavor to secure the repetilion of 
the lecture, or another from the same individual, and 
we learn that the talented gentleman will return on 
Christmas, anti lecture in Continental Hall. No doubt 
a large audience will greet him there, for he richly 
deserves a great success for his pleasing efforts. — Daily 
Guardian, Paterson, (N. J.) 

It will be seen, by a notice in another column, that 
Mr. Brown is to give a lecture on " The Black Man's 
Future in the Southern States," in the Meionaon in 
Boston, on Sunday evening next. He deserves and 
we trust will draw a crowded house on the occasion. 



Mr. Greeley's Lecture. Horace Greelev de- 
livered a lecture last week in Washington, at the 
Smithsonian Institution, his subject being " The Na- 
tion." He said the misfortunes of our country had 
been caused by its reluctance to look its antagonist in 
the eye. Slavery is the aggressor, and has earned a 
rebel's doom. Save the Union, and Jet slavery take 
its chance ! He was opposed to compromise, because 
it implied concession to armed treason ; and expressed 
his belief that the present contest would result in en- 
during benefits to the cause of human freedom. 
President Lincoln, Secretary Chase and several Sena- 
tors and Representatives were on the platform. The 
lecturer was frequently applauded. — Washington corr. 
N. Y. Tribune. 

Hon, Owen Lovejot's Speech. At a serenade 
in Washington lately, Mr. Lovejoy used the following 
language : — 

"A certain individual, in the olden time, who was 
head and shoulders above his contemporaries, was 
made king, and who, by refusing utterly to destroy his 
enemies according to the divine command, lost his 
crown. I hope that no gentleman of later days, re- 
sembling him iu height and station, will, by following 
his example, share his fate." 

The "Old Dojuinion." Virginia, during the 
usurpation of Cromwell, declared herself independent 
of his authority, when the usurper threatened to send 
a fleet to reduce the colony". Fearing to withstand 
such a force, the colonists despatched a messenger to 
Charles II. — then in exile in Flanders — inviting the 
royal outcast to be their king. He accepted the in- 
vitation, and on the very eve of embarking for his 
throne in America, was recalled to the crown of Eng- 
land. In gratitude for Virginia loyalty, he quartered 
her coat of arms with those of England, Scotland and 
Ireland, as an independent member of the British 
Empire, and the coin establishes these facts. Hence 
the origin of the phrase, " Old Dominion." 

Treason at Washington. A telegram from 
Fortress Monroe says the arrival in this country of a 
British bearer of despatches in connection with the 
Mason and Slidell rtffair, was known in Richmond on 
Tuesday morning. How did they get the news'? 

Through the same channel they get news from the 
loyal States every day, viz : the three hundred secession 
clerks, who, according to the Potter Investigating 
Committee, are now criminally employed by the heads 
of Departments at Washington! The names of Jive 
hundred were reported by that Committee, and only 
two hundred have been dismissed 1 In case of a war 
with England, will the British subjects now in the 
service of our Government be retained in the same 
manner to betray the country 1 — Transcript. 

^=" Commander Williams, of the Trent, has had 
a dinner given him by the Royal Western Yacht 
Club, and "improved the occasion" to make one of 
the fussiest and most foolish speeches ever made after 
dinner in England. In regard to Miss Slidell's con- 
duct at the arrest of her father, the Commander talks 
more like an enamored Orlando than a British sea- 
dog. " She did strike Mr.' Fairfax," he said ; " but 
she did not do it with the vulgarity of gesture attrib- 
uted to her. * * In her agony, she did strike him 
three times in the face. / wish that Miss Slidell's little 
knuckles had struck me in the face. I should like to 
have the mark forever ! " So it seems that the Com- 
mander's ill-feeling toward Fairfax is envy, after all. 

Government Agent at Port Royal. Edward 
L. Pierce, Esq., of Milton, has been appointed by Sec- 
retary Chase, Agent at Port Royal to collect cotton 
and care for the contrabands. Mr. Pierce's experience 
and success with the negroes at Hampton attracted 
the attention of Government, and he has accepted the 
appointment, at the solicitation of Mr. Chase, not 
without reluctance. His stay there cannot, however, 
be extended beyond a period of three months. 

(KIT" General Sherman, writing from Port Royal 
to a Senator, says, that if he had issued a proclama- 
tion immediately on landing, offering protection to all 
slaves that should enter his lines, he might have had 
ten thousand about him by this time ; but he expresses 
the conviction that the course he pursued was the 
best, and says the time has not yet come for such a 
proclamation to have its full effect, and will not come, 
perhaps, for two or three months yet. [Bosh!] 

83?=* The troops at Port Royal are losing more of 
their number by sickness than would have fallen in 
battle, had they been employed to fight one. They 
have to work hard in a climate little favorable to 
Northern men, although there are thousands of negroes 
ready to do their work at low rates. But it would be 
an infraction of the Constitution to hire them, and so 
the soldiers' constitutions are spoiled. Nice way to 
operate, that! — Traveller. 

The Charleston Mercury has a despatch, stating that 
a large force of Federals had landed on the North 
Edisto, and the seizure of railroad station No. 4 on the 
Charleston and Savannah railroad. 

Sixteen war vessels are reported at Ship Island. 

A destructive fire had occurred at Richmond, burn- 
ing the Theatre anil other valuable property. 

Ed^ Civil war has affected St. Louis like a stroke 
of palsy. More than 60,000 inhabitants have left that 
city within a year; an immense number of houses and 
stores are vacant, and all business, except government 
contracts, is at a dead stand. 

&^= The law for the protection of slave property 
in New Mexico has been repealed by an almost unani- 
mous vote of both Houses. 

J^= The threat to hang Col. Corcoran raised a se- 
rious emeute among two Irish regiments in the rebel 
service at Charleston, who became so excited that 
they had to be removed to Sullivan's Island. The 
lovely and amiable ladies of Charleston's first families ' 
only are anxious that Colonel Corcoran should be 
hanged. They say he is a fit subject for the rope, and 
for nothing else. The gentlemen are not quite so 
virulent as their wives and daughters. 

Swearing Allegiance to the Rerels. The 
Norfolk Day Book of the 12th ult. says — "Fifty or 
sixty of the Federal prisoners confined at New Or- 
leans have taken the oath and joined the Confederate 
army for the war. There were 500 in all." 



'Nearly one hundred emigrants from Missouri, 
their households and negroes, have reached 



with 
Texas. 

^=* General Lane, of Kansas, is making prepara- 
tions for the active campaign on which he will soon 
enter. The government has been prompt in giving di- 
rections for aii the necessary supplies. 

J^= The greater portion of Greenville, Alabama, 
was destroyed by fire on the 17th of December. The 

loss is estimated at $50,000. 

Bijr* A Fortress Monroe letter in the Philadelphia 
Tnguirer states that one of the prisoners who recently 
arrived there from Richmond says that four Federal 
prisoners were shot at various times by the rebel sen- 
tinels for amusement 1 Private Buck of the New York 
Thirty-Eighth was shot while removing his blanket 
from a broken pane of glass in the window, where he 
had put it to keep out the cold air. The wounded 
prisoners now held by the rebels have all been released 
unconditionally. 

J[^~ The Richmond Examiner says: "An almost 
general stampede of slaves on the eastern shore is said 
to have taken place, in consequence of the enemy's in- 
vasion into Accomac and Northampton. It is estima- 
ted that there are about ten thousand slaves in those 
counties — out-numbering, as they do, the whites in 
Northampton— and this large amount of property is, of 
course, at the entire mercy of the enemy." 

^=" It is stated that contrabands are arriving daily 
at Frederick, Md., and are sent to Gen. McCiellans 
headquarters. At least one third of the slaves of Lou- 
don county have made their escape, anil some from 
Fairfax, Farquicr and Culpepper occasionally turn up. 

All the Federal prisoners, including Col. Cor- 
coran, formerly at Charleston, were removed to Co- 
lumbus the 1st inst. They were met at the depot by 
the guard of the city, and conducted to the jail. 

_ A special despatch to the Chicago Tribune 
from Cairo says that tiOO sub-marine batteries have 
been planted by the rebels between Columbus and 
Memphis. A gentleman who witnessed their experi- 
ments says they were entirely successful. 

2tgT~ Real eBtate in the vieinily of Washington sold 
Ins' Week at an advance of one hundred per cent. 
upon prices offered a month ago. 



Good 1— Senator Wilson has introduced the follow- 
log bill from the Military Committee of the Senate :— 

Whereas, Officers in the military service of the 
United States have, without the authority of law, and 
against the plainest dictates of justice and humanity, 
caused persons claimed as fugitives from service or la- 
bor to he seized, held and delivered up; and whereas, 
such conduct has brought discredit upon our arms and 
reproach upon our government; therefore 

Be it enacted, &c, That any officer in the military 
or naval service of the United States, who shall cause 
any person claimed to be held to service or labor by 
reason of African descent, to be seized, held, detained, 
or delivered up to, or for any person claiming such 
service or labor, shall be deemed guilty of a misde- 
meanor, and shall be dishonorably discharged, and for- 
ever ineligible to any appointment in the military or 
naval service of the United States. 

Meeting in Oberlin. John Brown's death was 
commemorated in Oberlin by ameetingof the citizens, 
held in the College Chapel on the 2d Dec. The meet- 
ing was also called to consider the case of the Rev. 
George Gordon, recently sentenced in the U. S. Dis- 
trict Court for obstructing United States officers, 
whose speech we published. Hon. James Monroe 
acted as Chairman, and R. Brown as Secretary. The 
meeting was largely attended. Speeches we're made 
by Principal E. II. Fairchild, T. B. McCormick, J. 
M. Fitch, Samuel Plumb, Esq., and J. M. Langston, 
Esq. Resolutions were adopted commending the 
bravery of John Brown, and pledging sympathy and 
aid to Gordon. A collection of nearly fifty dollars 
was taken up for the relief of the prisoner, a large por- 
tion of which was contributed by the whilom " Ober- 
lin Rescuers." — Cleveland Leader. 

A Slave Tragedy. A Louisville correspondent 
of the Chicago Times writes that at Nashville, Tenn., 
on the morning of the Hth of last month, a brisk, 
sprightly negro woman, the property of Mrs. Polk, 
servant in her house, procured a sharp knife, 
and having proceeded to the bed in which lay three of 
her own children, from two to six or seven years of 
age, cut their throats, and when they had breathed 
their last, placed them decently beside each other, 
called to a fellow-servant to come and see what she 
had done, and then cut her own throat. The true rea- 
son of this tragedy was that Mrs. Polk had threatened 
to sell the woman " down South." 

An Old Offender. Win. H. Ross, a well-known 
colored man of this city, was hailed by the night- 
watch Thursday night, and responded by running off. 
He was caught, however, and the Mayor yesterday 
ordered him thirty-nine, and to be confined till Tues- 
day. The negro in question is called "an old offen- 
der" by the police, and has, through their instru- 
mentality, been ordered 1,000 lashes in the course of a 
not very extended life. — Richmond paper. 

Unsettled. The question of the status of Edward 
S. Gentry, who is claimed to be both a white man and 
a darkey, was still further argued before Judge Wm. 
H. Lyons, yesterday, but no decision was rendered. 
The Mayor condemned Gentry to some penalty as a 
colored person, and he appealed to Judge Lyons to 
determine his standing.— Richmond Examiner. 

To be sold into Slavery. Alec Taylor, an 
emancipated slave, was brought before the Mayor yes- 
terday for remaining in the State contrary to law ; 
and it being proved that one year since he had been 
tried and allowed one month to vamose the ranche, 
the Mayor sent htm before the Hustings Court, 
hieh tribunal will, no doubt, in pursuance of law, 
order him to be sold into perpetual slavery. The 
prospect before the darkey is gloomy or gay, as he 
may choose to regard it. — Ibid. 

A Yankee Captain. When Capt. Lyon, of the 
brig Daniel Trowbridge, was taken on board the 
Sumter, his private effects, quadrants, charts, &c, 
were demanded. He said quietly to his captor— a 
rather shabby looking officer— that *he supposed he 
must give up these things, and that he could give him 
a clean shirt, if he wanted it. For this offensive re- 
mark, he was put in irons for thirty-six hours. He 
was obliged to give his word of honor not to tell any 
thing regarding the force of the Sumter, &c, and he 
is keeping his word better than the rebels would do.— 
New Haven Palladium. 

The Black: Flag. The Memphis Avalanche advo- 
cates the " Black Fiag " idea in the following ferocious 
language : — 

We unhesitatingly say that the cause of justice, that 
the cause of humanity itself, demands that the black 
flag shall be unfurled on every field : that extermina- 
tion and death shall be proclaimed against the hellish 
miscreants who persist in polluting our soil with their 
crimes. We will stop the effusio'n of blood, we will 
arrest the horrors of war, by terri^slaughter of the 
foe, by examples of overwhelming *nd unsparing ven- 
geance. 

g^ = A Massachusetts firm, engaged in the manu- 
facture of shoes, is now filling an order for three 
thousand pairs of brogans, to be forwarded to Fortress 
Monroe for the use of the contrabands at that station. 
The sizes for men range from eleven to sixteen, and 
in one instance, a special order was given for a pair 
of twentys. 

&^= There are now more heavy guns in position in 
New York harbor than there were at Sebastopol 
when attacked, or than are now in the world-renowned 
fortifications of Cronstadt. The fire of two hundred 
and fifty guns can be simultaneously concentrated at 
one point upon a fleet attempting the passage of the 
Narrows. 

&£?=■ The rebels propose to confiscate the estates 
formerly owned by President Thomas Jefferson, now 
in possession of Uriah P. Levy, an "alien enemy." 

8^= General Phelps, of Ship Island, is, we under- 
stand, a native of Vermont, was graduated at West 
Point, and has served for many years in the armv in 
the Southern States and elsewhere. In the Mexican 
war, as a captain, he distinguished himself by his 
bravery, and won commendation from General Scott. 
He has through life been noted for his oddities. 

E3?= The Charleston Mercury calls upon the cotton 
planters and factors to destroy all the cotton they pos- 
sess m the regions likely to be visited by their North- 
invaders. It assigns two reasons for this sage ad- 
vice — first, that it can be of no earthiy use to them- 
selves ; and second, that it might be made of use to 
the Federal Government. 

_ Gen. Price promised his army that it should 
take its Christmas dinner in St. Louis. This prom- 
ise was fulfilled, but not exactly in the sense he in- 
tended. ^ Thirteen hundred of his soldiers were in 
St. Louis on Christmas day, as prisoners of Gen. 
Pope, but none as victorious rebels. 

_ On Friday night of last week, the residents in 
the neighborhood of Newtown Creek, Brooklyn, N. 
Y., were startled by a loud report, resembling thun- 
der, succeeded by a glare of light, caused by an ex- 
plosion at the immense Kerosene Oil Works at New- 
town Creek, near the Flushing Plank road. There 
were, at the time, over three thousand barrels of oil 
on the premises, and these becoming ignited, exploded, 
scattering the fire in all directions. The works were 
built about five years ago, and were the largest in the 
country, costing, when finished, over $400,000. 

Eruption of Mt. Vesuvius. The following, 
from Naples, Dec. 11, is the latest reference to this 
event which we find in our foreign files: — 

"The village of Torre del Greco is in imminent 
danger of being destroyed by the burning lava. 
Shocks of earthquakes continued to be felt, and 
chasms have opened in the earth, forming perfect 
gulfs. 

The houses are falling in Torre Greco, and all com- 
munication between the places in the vicinity of the 
mountain is interrupted. 

In the Bay of Naples, the sea has receded to a dis- 
tance of 50 metres (160 feet.)" 

Death of Prince Albert. His Royal Highness 
Prince Albert, consort of Queen Victoria, died in 
London on the 15th ult., after a brief illness of typhoid 
fever, which was not considered dangerous until two 
days before it resulted in death. He was more illus- 
trious by his virtues than by his position. For twen- 
ty-one years he was in the eye of the English nation, 
and in every respect he sustained himself as few men 
in his situation have ever done. Forbidden, by his 
position, to interfere in politics, he occupied himself 
in superintending the education of his children, nine 
in number, all of whom are still living to mourn the 
loss of their father. 



THfi TWENTY EIGHTH 

NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVEEY SUBS0EIPTI0U 
ANNIvEESABY. 

The fime for the Arnl'al Scbscrution Anniveb- 
sary again draws nigh, and we look forward to it wifh, 
pleasure, as the means of meeting familiar, friendly 
faces, and listening to earnest words of counsel and 
encouragement. Some Bay that oilier agencies are 
now in such active operation, that "the old Abolition- 
ists," as they are called, can well afford to rest upon 
their oars, while others carry forward their work to its 
completion. We cannot view the subject in this light. 
Our mission is the same now that it was thirty years 
ago. Through many and strange changes, we have 
slowly but steadily advanced toward its fulfilment; 
but there are many indications that our work is not 
yet in a state to be safely left to other hands. Wo 
have been, and we must still be, a fire to warm the 
atmosphere of public opinion. More than a quarter of 
a century ago, the fire was kindled with generous zeal, 
and year after year it has been fed with untirin« in- 
dustry and patience. Not all the cold water that poli- 
ticians, merchants, and ecclesiastical bodies could 
throw upon it has sufficed to extinguish the flame, oj 
even to prevent it from spreading. The moral ther- 
mometer can never again fall to the old freezing point. 
In view of this, we thank God, and take courage. But 
who that observes passing events, and reflects upon 
their indications, can arrive at the conclusion that the 
fire is no longer needed ■? 

All those who have faith in the principles of free- 
dom, all who believe that the effect of righteousness 
would be peace and security for our unhappy country, 
are cordially and earnestly invited to meet us at the 
MUSIC HALL, IN BOSTON, 
On Wednesday Evening, Jan. 22. 

Contributions, and expressions of sympathy, from 
friends at home or abroad, in -person or by letter, will 
be most thankfully received ; for we have great need 
of both at this most momentous and trying crisis. 



L. Maria Child, 
Mary May, 
Louisa Loring, 
Henrietta Sargent, 
Sarah Russell May, 
Helen Eliza Garrison, 
A nna Shaw Greene, 
Sarah Blake Shaw, 
Caroline C. Thayer, 
Abby Kelley Foster, 
Lydia D. Parker, 
Augusta G. King, 
Mattie Griffith, 
Mary Jackson, 
Evelina A. Smith, 
Caroline M. Severance, 
Elizabeth Gay, 



Mary Willey, 
Ann Rebecca Bramhall, 
Sarah P. Remond, 
Mary E. Stearns, 
Sarah J. Nowell, 
Elizabeth Von Arnim, 
Anne Langdon Alger, 
Eliza Apthorp, 
Sarah Cowing, 
Sarah H. Southwich, 
Mary Elizabeth Sargentf 
Sarah C. Alkinsgn^-S 
Abby Francis,'' 
Mary Jane Parkman, 
Georgina Otis, 
Abby H. Stephenson, 
Abby F. Manley, 



Katherlne Earlc Farnu 

GROVELAND AND HAVERHILL— In conse- 
quence of the inclemency of the weather, when Mr. Pills- 
hiiry gave his lectures, two weeks since, iu Groveland and 
Haverhill, he has been invited to re-visit those places, 
and will again lecture in Groveland on Tuesday evz.mxg 
xt, (14th inst.) and on Wednesday evening, loth inst., 
Haverhill ; lectures commencing at 7 o'clock. 



LECTURE AT THE MEIONAON.— William Wells 
Brown will deliver an address on "The Black Man's Fu- 
ture, in the Southern States," at the Meionaon, (Tremont 
Temple,) on Sunday evening next, Jan. 12, to commence 
at half-past 7 o'clock. Admission 10 cents, to defray ex- 
penses. 

ST WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON will deliver a Lee - 
tare on "The Abolitionists, and their Relations to 

the Win,'' in the Cooper Institute, New York, on TUES- 
DAY EVENING nest, Jan. 14th. 



03P" A. T. F03S, an Agent of the American Anti-Slave- 
ry Society, will speak on 'TBfc-^Par," in 

Cummington, Sundajv .Tan. 12. 

Johnstown, N. Y., " ** 1&,. 



E^- E. H. HEYWOOD will speak at Neponset, Sunday 
evening, Jan. 19. 



MARRIED— In this city, Dec. 30, Charles H. Morse, 
Esq., of the War Department, Washington, D. C, formerly 
of Cambridge, to Mrs. Laura A. Haskell, of Boston. 

Dec. 31st, by Rev. A. G. Laurie, Mr. Jesse D. Hawses, 
of Boston, to Miss Augusta A. Stone, of Charlestown. 

In Washington, (D. C.) Sept. 5th, Mr. Wm. Augustj 
Gibsos to Miss Kate Marshall. 

In Auburn, N. Y., Dec. 2Gth, Mr. Alvan Wallace to 
Miss Anna Cora Barrett. 



DIED — In Durham, N. H., Jan. 1, Miss Margaret 
Blydenburgh, in the 74th year of her age. 

The deceased was very early in giving her sanction and 
assistance to the Anti-Slavery cause, and she adhered to it 
with rare fidelity to the end. She was among the first to 
dissolve her connection with the church, for the slave's 
sake and as a matter of conscience. Although almost com- 
pletely isolated from society — partly as a matter of choice, 
and partly for want of sympathy and unity with her in the 
circle of her acquaintance — she kept her mind thoroughly 
informed as to the events of the day, and watched them with, 
anxious interest as to their bearings upon the liberation of 
those in bondage. In her Will she has generously remem- 
bered the cause of the oppressed — in what manner, and to 
what extent, will be mentioned in due season. She pos- 
sessed rare business talent, a strong, clear and active mind, 
great decision of purpose, and remarkable independence. 
We shall lose an old and appreciative subscriber to the 
Liberator by her removal. 



JK^-Ward Eleven, by the retirement of Charles! 
W. Slack, Esq., has lost the services of one of the most 
valuable of the School Committee, who, during his 
term of office, has won the respect of all his associates 
and the regard of the various teachers who have been 
brought in contact with him. The teachers of the 
Everett District, of which Mr. Slack was Chairman, 
availed themselves of New Year's Day to send him a 
beautiful floral tribute of their respect., accompanied 
by a letter which was justly complimentary. — Boston 
Saturday Gazette, 



COLLECTIONS BY A. T. TOSS. 
Woare, N. H., 1 66 ; Watt Randolph, Vt., $1 70 ; 
Randolph Gentry 3 j East Bethel, 2 17 ; IYt.li, 
ol)o; Suowsvillo, 1 20 ; Mtlo Spear, 1 ; Jacob 
Spear, 2; W.Brookflold,* 60 j J. M. Cobarn ( 50oj 
West Roxbury, 2 38 ; North field, 1 76 ; B«> 
wool, 101 ; Rev. DIf. BUm, i ; Monlmollw, 
(over espouses of hull,) 48o i DaayiUa Breen, 
tiia, Pcaohain, 3 50 ; St. .Icihiisliury, (over ex- 
penscs, 1 80 ; V,. Whipple, 86o ; Luke Uustcll, 
5 ; West Concord, 2 MS ; McIiimom K-ills, 1 30; 

Ryogate, .1 2fi ; Toiislmm, :s .'ni ; Washington, 
tSo; Newbury, 70o i Bradford, i 40 j Oroyiftn, 
N.ll., 7Sej DnvttlouoiV, Vt., i 36 i Ksue, 
N. H., « 20. 



In Brookllne, Mass., Deo. 20th, Emma Wii.lard, wife of 
John C. Wyman, and daughter of the late Dr. George 
Willard, of Usbridge, Mass. There may not be many 
among our readers to whom this announcement will be a 
grief, so strictly private was all of the life which has jnst 
closed, and so secluded had its later years been made by 
long and slow disease. The few, however, who had the 
happiness of knowing Mrs. Wyman, will feel a pang to 
think that a spirit at once so true, so tender and so strong 
has passed awny forever from earth and earthly commu- 
nion. A character of uncommon equipoise of qualities, 
a well-cultivated mind, a refined taste, a heart full of sym- 
pathy, and swift to go forth to meet love and friendship, 
juinetl to great personal beauty and an irresistible charm of 
manner, the fitting abode and expression of the soul within, 
secured to her the admiration of all who knew her slightly, 
and the warm affection and tender friendship of all who knew 
her well. From her girlhood she made herself one with the 
Anti-Slavery movement, and her interest in it remained 
fresh and warm to the last. Her life, christened by many 
sorrows, and made heavy by long years of suffering, was 
solaced and sustained, as it passed and at its close, by every 
tender office that love and friendship oould bestow. And 
she dwells in the memory of those that knew her best and 
loved her most as an example of complete and rounded wo- 
manhood, who, while sho yet walked on earth, was but a 
little lower than the angels, — .4. 5. Standard. 

In Aurelius, K. Y., Nov. 23, Mary Otis, daughter of 
Esaao T. ami Abby C Chase, aged one year, 10 mouths 
and 15 days. 

'• Kdd her, O Father ! in thine arms, 
And tat her henceforth be 

A messenger Of lovo between 
erring hearts and thee." 



Our c 



PRIVATE TUITION. 

IT having been deemed ndvi.mhlo to suspend, temporari- 
ly, the llope.inle Home School at the expiration of the 
present term, announcement is hereby made, that Mrs. 
A, is, llAvwoon, one of the Principals, will M pleased t>^ 
rouolvo R few Young Ladies into her fnniily tor InMnio- 
tionluthe !'■■■ i, /'■■.■:,,-/,, Drmwmaand Paint. 

The term will oonunenoe on Wkhsespav, 
Jan. 1, 1S62, and continue Fifteen Wekks. 
For particulars, please address 

ABB1E B. IUYW00D. 
Hepedale, Milford, Mass., Deo. 10, 1S01. 



JOHN S. ROCK, 

ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 

No. ti Tuumont Sthket, - - Boston, 




THE LIBERATOR 



J^ISTTJ^HY lO. 



5 fastened never- 



For tho Liberator, 

LIBERTY. 

BY DANIEL PARKER. 

Up your hats, now ! bondmen, shouting ! 
Your relief no longer doubting ! 
Oiaina are breaking, fetters falling, shout for freedom 
evermore ! 
Shout your hallelujahs stunning, 
Now you see your masters running, 
Arid you feel your chains are broken, to 
more. 
Courage, now ! long-suffering mother ! 
Patient, father, sister, brother ! 
Head your freedom- proclamations in the blazing war- 
torch ligb t ! 
See the cannons blazing — roaring ! 
Up your freedom's stars are soaring I 
Now the morning light has broken through your long and 
gloomy night. 
Spite of Pharaohs or devils, 
And all like besetting evils, 
Through red seas of blood and carnage you to liberty must 
come ! 
Courage, now ! your sun shines brighter ! 
Friendly hearts are beating lighter, 
And to promised land they bid you, God and freedom wel- 
come home. 
From his Northern mountain eyries, 
On a wing that never wearies, 
Swoops the eagle to the swamp-land, pouncing on tbB ven- 
om ed snake : 
With the monster bold he battles, 
Fearless both of fangs and rattles, — 
Firm he grips with beak and talons — grips that only death 
can break. 
Out from bondage that life crashes, 
Scarred with whips and bull-dog tushes — 
Hope ne'er quenched by wounds nor failures, you shall 
come to light and life. 
Truth, though crushed, stands by forever, 
Fires and failures quell it never, 
Always bright and brighter rising through grim war's 
mad, bloody strife. 
Latent through long decades waiting, 
Hope survives its worst Delating, — 
Now it rises, glows and brightens, like a jewel in the 
Angels on the war-blasts riding — 
O'er its destinies presiding — 
Swear by God there's peace no longer till to you there's 
justice done ! 
" "Powers above the work are doing, 

Long this storm has there been brewing, 
Now a God-send down it showers chances grand and gl< 
ous. 
Now, you men in highest station ! 
If you'd avoid a just damnation, 
Bender justice ! free the bondman ! Thus salvation 1 o 
thus ! 
Clear your throats, and speak like heroes ! 
Stoop no more to knaves and Neros ! 
Drop your eyes and pale no longer, putting manhood all 
to shame ! 
Never had men better chances ; 
Onward as the race advances, 
In immortal verse and story to secure a deathless fame ! 

In this land was Freedom planted, 

Here its natal hymns were chanted, 
Here its destiny is onward till its work all know and do. 

Men and fame may vanish ever, 

All else go, but that go never ! 
Of this, God's truth, be ye mindful, and to God and man 
true! 

Courage, now ! no longer falter ! 

Bring the traitors to the halter t 
Slavery must now bo banished, live or die, from shore to 
shore. 

Bitterly snail all repent it, 

Who are -Working to prevent it 
Sure as God lives Im^U**^ monster vanish here forever- 



BtU. 



more. 
&<*, Dec, 1861. 



For the Liberator. 

WAR. 

Air — " America. 
What blast blows o'er the land, 
Through every isle and strand. 

Sounding afar — 
Booming through every vale. 
Borne on the midnight gale, 
Bending each hill and vale ? 
----- - 'Tis Civil War ! 

Our Country, 'tis for Sore, 
Land of the brave and free, 
In this dark hour, 
That War's loud trumpet bray. 
Men meet in deadly fray ; 
Arms clash ftem day to day. 
Mid cannons' rear. 

They are as common foe, 
Banded to overthrow 

Fair Freedom's fane : 
Bebels from "Disk's Land," 
A traitoroBS, coward band^ 
Wasting with ruthless hand. 

Greedy »f gain. 

What prompts this rebel crew 
These wa.ntoa aets to do ? 

Who will reply ? 
/Slavery .' that fiend from hell. 
Suffered ea earth to dwell, 
God's image bay and sell, . 

None can deny. 

Sbame eo a nation's gailt. 
Where this dread scourge is fell, 

Draiaing its blood ; 
Come to the rescue, then, 
From every mountain glen, 
Acquit yourselves like men, 

Trusting in 6od t 

Congress has power to-day 
For aye to wipe away 

Slavery's foal stain ; 
In God's name, then, wo say, 
Do it ! without delay. 
Strike the blow while you may, 
Break every chain ! 
Bnmnoy, N. H., Dec, 25, 1861. G. W. Rogers. 



For the Liberator. 

TETJTH' S MARTYE. 

BY B. BURGESS, Y. D. M. 

.. dare encounter common ill, 
And mingle in the battle's din, 

To give me nerve, to give me will. 
For sorrow is life's discipline. 

I dare to battle for tho right, 

I dare proclaim unwelcome truth ; 
To be myself a man, and fight 

Till earth regain her sinless youth. 
I dare the battle ! let it come ! 

I give my name, my toil, my life ! 
for a voice to wake the dumb, 

A mightier arm for such a strife ! 

for some power to stir my soul, 
To make each sense a rushing host, 

.And cause the tide of battle roll 
From heart to heart, from coast to coast t 

What though our blood in torrents flow, 
Our ashes mingle with the clay ? 

From out that dust shall harvests grow. 
That blood produce an arm'd array ! 

That harvest shall the millions feed, 
That, host eternal .warfare hold, 

Till ev'ry fettered slave is freed, 
And tyrants sink to depths untold ! 

yo whose hearts are cased in steel, 
Go, sull'er with tho tortur'd slave ! 

Go, blued and die, and ye will feel, 
And bless the shelter of the grave ! 



I love tho freshness of the Spring, 

I love the Poet's magic page, 
I love the rocks, and flowers that cling, 

Like youthful memories on ago ; 

But, far above, I love the man 

Who dare obey what conscience tells, 

To free the outcast from his ban, 

Though worlds oppose, though Fate rebels. 
Boston, Jan. 1, 1862. 



®Ju 



X » t 1 , 



ENGLAND AND AMERICA. 
A DISCOURSE 

DELIVERED BY 

WILLIAM H. FURNESS, 

Minister of the First Congregational Unitarian Church, 

Philadelphia, 

Sunday, December 22d, 1861. 

James 3: 11 — "Doth a fountain send forth at the same 
place sweet water and bitter?" 

In the great voyage upon which we and all that 
we hold dear are embarked, we have suddenly drifted 
on to a storm -tossed sea, where the billows rage and 
battle with one another, a perfect maelstrom ; for here 
and now two deep, strong currents, running in oppo- 
site directions, liave met, and the foundations of the 
world are trembling with the violence of the concus- 
sion. The one current clear and sweet with the im- 
perishable and life-giving element of Freedom, the 
other thick and bitter with the foul corruption of Hu- 
man Bondage, — both sent forth from the same spring. 
Two hundred and forty-one years ago this day, the 
first company of Christian freemen landed at the 
North. Two hundred and forty-one years ago this 
very year, the first company of slaves was brought 
to the Virginia shore, and the blessing and the curse 
came from the same source. England is the fountain 
of Northern Freedom and of Southern Slavery. Eng- 
land is the spring that has sent forth sweet water 
and hitter. 

This December day is, indeed, a most memorable 
anniversary. "We may well pause, and ponder the 
events which it recalls, insignificant as they were at 
the time of their occurrence, but momentous in the 
consequences which are now flowing from them 
with such fearful activity as we witness, involving 
revolutions, broad and deep, in human affairs, the ex- 
tent of which no human wisdom can foresee. We 
naturally turn to the events which the day calls to 
mind, and revert to their origin. 

England, I repeat, bestowed these two gifts, Liberty 
and Slavery, on this new world. Liberty she gave 
reluctantly. The men who brought it hither were 
driven by persecution from her shores. And that 
they were enabled to preserve the sacred gift amidst 
the horrors of the wilderness was owing to no foster- 
ing help of hers. She cared not if they perished. 
Not until they began to grow In numbers and in 
strength did she take any notice of them, and then she 
extended her arm only to make them feel its oppres- 
sive weight, and to crush the liberty which her out- 
cast children had brought to these shores. 

But that other and fatal gift of African bondage 
she fastened on this Northern continent with a will- 
ing hand, in opposition to the wishes, the conscience, 
and the humanity of these then infant colonies. In 
the original draft of the Declaration of our National 
Independence, it was formally stated, as you know, 
as one of the causes justifying that Declaration, 
that the British King had insisted upon establishing 
this accursed interest upon this soil; accursed in- 
deed, because, while it brought material wealth, its 
inevitable effect was from the very first to corrupt the 
hearts of the people by so iniiaming the lust of gain 
and of power -*«. to deprave their natural sense of 
justice" and humanity. 

Such is briefly the record of the past in regard 
to the relation to this country of British power acting 
through its civil organization. And now, after two 
centuries and a half, England is again, to all appear- 
ances, preparing to assume the position of protecting 
the bondage of the African in this land. Flinging be- 
hind her the great pledges she gave of her obligations 
to the cause of human freedom by the abolition of 
the slave trade, more than fifty years ago, and by the 
emancipation of the West Indian colonies thirty 
years ago, she is committing herself to an alliance 
with the flagrant rebellion against God and man, 
which threatens, not only the existence of this na- 
tion, but Human Eights everywhere. Already her 
influence has wrought to infuse into this atrocious 
treason against mankind the strength which alone has 
enabled it to live to this hour. Long before this, the 
slaveholders' revolt would have come to a miserable 
end, had it not been animated by the hope, that with 
the rich bribe of Southern cotton, it would soon be 
able to purchase the powerful help of English recog- 
nition. This was one of the two grounds of reliance 
upon which the Southern leaders dared to commit 
the overt act of treason. Who believes that they 
would have ventured to perpetrate the outrage, save 
in the confident expectation of Northern sympathy 
and foreign recognition, the recognition of England 
most especially ? The hope of the first, of the sym- 
pathy of a Northern party, was blown to atoms by 
the first gun discharged against Fort Sumter. And 
the hope of the other, the recognition of England, 
would have been shivered in like manner, if England, 
true to her grand position as the abolisher of the 
slave trade and the emancipator of slaves, had held 
herself grossly insulted by so much as the faintest 
hint of a proposition to recognize as a sister nation 
a community formally planting itself upon the lawful- 
ness of buying and selling human beings. She 
should have scorned the idea, as she would the propo- 
sal to reinstate the Algerines, or to acknowledge the 
independence of any colony of buccaneers. This, 
and nothing less than this, she owed instantly to her 
own fame. Let it be that she had no love for us of 
the North, that republican institutions looked weak 
and vulgar in her eyes, and that the spectacle of our 
Northern prosperity had made no impression upon 
her; let it be that she was utterly insensible to the 
enthusiastic hospitality with which the whole people 
of the free States had just received her young Prince ; 
still she owed it to herself, to every event in her great 
history which has attested her love of liberty, and 
which has given her so commanding a position in the 
affairs of mankind, — she owed it to God and man to 
repel with instant and crushing contempt the insult- 
ing suspicion that she could give countenance to a 
movement which, under the thinly woven pretexts 
which any child could see through, of an alleged 
right of secession and of the sovereignty of States, 
undertakes to reverse the eternal law of natural right, 
and to make human beings, not what God Almighty 
made them to be, but chattels and brutes. Had she 
done so at the very first, had she given the world to 
understand, at the very first symptom of this outbreak, 
that for no material consideration could the Southern 
attempt to nationalize human bondage receive from 
her any tiling hut her most emphatic condemnation, 
that attempt would have been overwhelmed with 
speedy and signal failure. 

Indeed, if, immediately upon the emancipation of 
her West Indian colonies, England had made it the 
condition of the continuance of her friendly relations 
wi tli these United States, that we should follow her 
example and in like manner emancipate our bonds- 
men, it would only have been in accordance with the 
noble stand she had taken as the champion of human 
rights. But this, I suppose, was too much to be ex- 
pected. The least, however, she could do, standing 
where she stood, was to see to it that no new effort 
was made to perpetuate the bondage of the African. 
Identified as she was with the cause of tho slave, 
she should have frowned down at once the idea of 
receiving into the sisterhood of Christian nations a 
community deliberately basing itself on the violated 
rights AY man. And had she done this, the attempt, 
I repeat, would have been crushed in.the bud. 



But this England did not do. On the contrary, at 
the breaking out of the Southern rebellion, wholly 
untouched by the fact of twenty millions of people 
rising up as one man against the outrage, England at 
once began to contemplate the idea of giving the 
hand of national fellowship to the slaveholding confed- 
eration as something more than a possibility, and 
forthwith placed herself in the posture of waitingand 
watching for an opportunity to put the idea into exe- 
cution. And she lias availed herself of the short- 
comings of the North to excuse herself for her own 
dereliction from the duty which she owed, not lo us, 
but to herself and to mankind. Because this Gov- 
ernment, instead of closing the Southern ports, block- 
aded them, and thus virtually conceded to the South- 
ern conspirators a belligerent character, England 
pleaded that she only followed our example in regard- 
ing them in the same light. And because the free 
States have not even yet ventured fully and squarely 
to assume the anti-slavery position to which the 
South has driven them in the great struggle, England 
and Englishmen ask, with an air of the greatest in- 
nocence, "How can you of the North expect us to 
sympathize with you? You are not, you say your- 
selves, contending against slavery." Whatever we 
of the North are contending for or against, however 
imperfectly we may state our side of the case, there 
cannot be the shadow of a doubt as to what the one 
purpose of the slave Stales is. That purpose is just 
as plain as it is barbarian. Although the English 
people know nothing else about our part of the world, 
they cannot be ignorant of that. And if they cannot 
sympathize with our policy or no-policy, much less 
can they sympathize with the aim of the South ; that 
is, if they have any true sympathy to bestow or to 
withhold. Although they have no love to give us, 
they can have nothing but abhorrence for the unholy 
enterprise of the Southern slavemasters, if their ha- 
tred of slavery be as strong as they profess, and as 
their whole history justifies us in supposing it to be. 
But, instead of manifesting any opposition to the 
Southern movement, instead of evincing the slightest 
repugnance to it, England takes without a blush the 
ground of neutrality; a ground which, in a contest 
like the present, is an absolute impossibility. Neutral- 
ity between Freedom and Bondage ! That is, in 
plain words, England, that she may get the cotton 
that she lias learned how to turn into bread, claims 
to be neither for God nor for the Devil. 0, friends, 
it is no more possible for nations, though they have 
ruled the seas for a thousand years and girdled the 
globe with the ensigns of their power, — it is no more 
possible for them than it is for individual men to 
take neutral ground between freedom such as ours, 
and the inhuman bondage for which the South con- 
tends; between the eternal law of natural justice and 
the violation of that law, without incurring the guilt 
of complicity with the violator. Whoso is notfor the 
Right, which is now so ruthlessly assailed, is against 
it. And England may profess and protest as much 
as she chooses, her influence is working, and will 
continue to work as it has already worked, to strength- 
en the blood-stained hands which are striving to rend 
in pieces the God-written charter of Human Eights. 
In form, she may stand aloof; in fact, she is making 
herself an accomplice in the crime. Blinded by her 
commercial interests, she has taken a false and most 
perilous step, perilous to her own character; a step 
which it will be no easy thing for her to retrace, be- 
cause as it is with individuals, so it is with nations : 
when once they commit themselves toaposition, their 
pride instantly blindfolds them to their error, binds 
them to it as with chains of iron, and then goes be- 
fore them and drags them to their fall. 

That we should see things as they are is the im- 
perative necessity of the hour; and therefore, for the 
sake of the truth, to which, now when every thing 
else threatens to fail us, we can alone look for guid- 
ance, the position of that nation, our amicable relations 
with which are in peril of being interrupted, must be 
seen and understood. We must not be misled. We 
must not be blind. We must see things as they are. 

In what I am saying, I have not the shadow of a 
desire to stir up any animosity against our mother 
country. I have n'ever yet heard of any other people 
from whom I could wish in preference that we had 
been descended. I have and can have no national 
prejudice to gratify. I share in common with mil- 
lions of the people of the North in the sentiment of 
veneration for England, which we drew in with our 
mother's milk, and which one lineage, and one lan- 
guage, and one priceless literature have tended to 
strengthen with our growth. 

Neither have I the slightest disposition, in view 
of the present state of our relations with England, to 
act the part of an alarmist. I do not believe that the 
great majority of the people of this country have any 
desire but to remain at peace with every other na- 
tion. I do not believe that one particle of disrespect 
towards the flag of England had share in the act 
which has just kindled the Old Country into a flame; 
and therefore, I do not believe that any thing that has 
yet occurred will be recounted or appealed to as ajus- 
tifying cause of war. But I cannot help seeing that 
England has taken a false position, false to her own 
honor, a position nominally neutral, but in fact and 
from the necessity of things, committing her to 
an alliance with a rebellion against the Eights of Hu- 
manity. She has placed herself, however vehement- 
ly she may disclaim it, in an attitude hostile to the 
North. It forces her at this moment to be the pro- 
tector of rebels and slaveholders. Had she taken the 
high ground upon which it was due to her own his- 
tory that she should stand, no rebel commissioners 
would have dared to set foot upon a deck of hers ; or 
when they had, and had been taken as they have 
been, she would have shared our satisfaction in the 
seizure of traitors to God and man, and made a spe- 
cial acknowledgment to our Government for the res- 
cue of her flag from dishonor. Thus false, I say, is 
her position, that she is forced, whether with her 
will or against it, to take sides with this great treason. 
Although nothing that has as yet occurred may be 
considered to justify war, so long as England stands 
where she is, there is perpetual danger that we shall 
be brought into bloody collision with her. 

Notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary, up 
to the present hour there has -existed far and wide 
throughout these free States, a love of England, strong 
and deep, second only to the love we bear our coun- 
try. How could it be otherwise? England is the 
native soil, the birthplace of this American nation. 
Thence, as from its original fountain, we drew our 
national life. Our intellectual being has been built up 
out of the strong and costly material of English 
thought. The soil of that country is our classic ground. 

Nothing more decisively reveals the deep interest 
we have in England than our extreme sensitiveness to 
English opinions of us. Men care little for judgments 
upon them by those whom they neither re- 
spect nor love, to whom they are wholly indifferent. 
What travellers from other countries, France or Ger- 
many, coming among us, say or write about us, re- 

ves little of our regard, however wise and just it 
may be. But the remarks of English travellers in- 
stantly attract our attention, and an importance is at- 
tached to them out of all proportion to their worth. 
It is true, we have become a little hardened to English 
criticism, as it was very desirable we should be. The 
time lias been when it seemed as if. the American 
character were losing all pretensions to dignity or 
ilf-respect, so sensitive were we to what Englishmen 
and Englishwomen said of us, and into such unmanly 
exhibitions of chagrinand indignation were we driven 
by any word of slight or ridicule from English lips. 
It seemed at one time as if we depended for our very 
existencowpon what was thought of us in that quar- 
ter. I do not think that in all history can he found 
any parallel to the strong affection of the people of this 
free North for England. It is native to us. Two 
ars and occasional misunderstandings, such as will 
sometimes occur nmong the nearest of kin, have not 
been able to extinguish it. 

And of late years, we have been insensibly (.'rowing 
in the belief that the affection we have so long and so 
fervently cherished for the old country was recipro- 



cated ; that, as we had so long looked with admiring 
eyes upon England, England was beginning to regard 
this country with a new and kindly interest. We 
flattered ourselves that our rapid growth and unex- 
ampled prosperity, and the many and valuable contri- 
butions which this country has made to the arts of life, 
were beginning to tell in our favor, and win for us her 
cordial respect, and that she was really learning to re- 
gard us with something of the affection which we 
cherished for her ; that she was finding out that life in 
this quarter of the world was not altogether mean and 
vulgar. And when she sent her young Prince to visit 
us, we took it as a signal token of her respect. With 
what heartiness he was received, you all freshly re- 
member. So far as his reception by our people was 
concerned, there was nothing, until he entered a slave 
State, to remind him that he had passed the bounda- 
ries of the dominions of his mother. Indeed, so hearty 
was that reception, that some of us were so romantic 
as to expect that the Prince and his attendants would 
carry back such a report of the goodwill towards Eng- 
land, so cordially expressed by these Northern States, 
that a marked advance would instantly be made by 
the people of the old country in their regard for us, 
and that we should soon thereafter find that they were 
at least improving in their geographical knowledge, 
and were finding out where Washington stands, and 
New York and Boston. But it seems now that the 
Prince and his attendant noblemen took all our atten- 
tions as the due of their rank, and never interpreted 
them as the signs, which they simply were, of our ven- 
eration, not for their tinsel stars and ribbons, but for 
the great English nation, whose representatives these 
persons were. In fact, some of the leading political 
writers of England eneeringly attributed the enthu- 
siasm with which the Prince was welcomed here, not 
to any regard for England, but to an American fond- 
ness for shows. 

Not only the slight impression which the warmth 
of that welcome made upon the English mind, but 
uch that has occurred since : the interpretation of 
our legislation, as though it were intended to put an 
affront upon her, and as if England, in all her laws 
of trade, had always been studiously careful of the 
interests of other nations ; and particularly her bear- 
ng towards us since the breaking out of our pres- 
ent great national trouble, forces upon us the mortify- 
ing conviction that England does not love us, that she 
has never dreamed of reciprocating our fervent re- 
gards. While our evident and rapidly growing power 
has awed her into bating her breath in the expression 
of her contempt, she has not been able to conceal 
not only that she has not loved us, but that she re- 
gards us with secret dislike. She has not been able to 
hide her desire that this Republic should be broken up. 
We need not have waited for a state of things like 
the present, to disclose to us the feelings with which 
the English people have looked upon us. We might 
very safely have inferred their dislike of us from the 
ignorance in which they have persisted in wrapping 
themselves up in regard not only to our political in- 
stitutions, but even to the most obvious facts of our 
geography. When we have committed any offence 
against good manners, and betrayed any vulgarity, 
they have been quick to note and to publish it, but 
English eyes have been studiously averted from the 
map of the United States. They have been too much 
annoyed by its size to bear to examine its details, or 
to take note of those features of it which, with our 
institutions and our blood, make it the map of One 
Nation, One and Indivisible. The English are pre- 
eminently an enlightened people. They ransack eve- 
ry department of human knowledge. What is there 
that escapes them ? Their gross ignorance of this 
country, then, can be accounted for only upon the sup- 
position that it is a subject for which they have no 
fondness, but a positive aversion. 

And when we pause over this English dislike of us. 
the reason of it soon becomes apparent. Although 
it may be creditable to our good nature, it is mortify- 
ing to our sagacity that we should ever have over- 
looked it. How could it possibly have been other- 
wise than that England should regard us as she has 
done? The existence of a populous and prosperous 
Eepublic, — of a great successful country, without 
throne, without a nobility, without an established 
church, — how could we ever have been so foolish 
to imagine that such a spectacle could be pleasing in 
the eyes of those, in whose very blood it is to believe 
that without kings, lords, and bishops, any decent 
civilization is impossible ? 

My friends, the prosperity, the existence of this 
country, with its free, democra;ic institutions, is a 
standing menace to every form of monarchical gov- 
ernment in Christendom, and it furnishes all living 
under such forms, who feel their oppressive power, 
with an impregnable ground of opposition. Why, if 
it were not for the horrible bondage which we have 
cherished within our borders, the like of which for 
barbarity exists in no other Christian country, even 
the most despotic, and which has palsied our influence. 
we should long since have revolutionized every na- 
tion inEurope; and this not by any active interference 
in their affairs, but by the bare fact of our existence, 
What oppressive mode of government could have 
stood before the fact of millions of human beings 
living here, in such freedom and unprecedented ac- 
tivity and rare harmony as our social institutions 
foster ? Is it any wonder that England does not like 
us? How thoughtless in us to imagine that sr 
should ; or that the prospect of our overthrow could 
fail to give her satisfaction I Of alt the nations of 
the earth, she is most susceptible of our influence, be- 
cause we both have one language, and are of one 
blood. It is impossible that she should regard us 
with the cordiality which she would be sure to feel for 
us, were we upholding a form of society like her 
own. The more we have loved and revered England, 
thus showing that neither wars nor differences of any 
sort have been able to extinguish our goodwill to- 
wards her, and in this respect proving that our lib- 
eral institutions do not encourage the growth of na- 
tional prejudices, the more difficult has it been for her 
to return our friendship. 

I have dwelt thus somewhat at length upon the re- 
lations in which we stand to our mother country, be- 
cause the perils and portents of the hour render them 
deeply interesting. It is well to know our friends. 
Wc are threatened with war by England. It would 
be a great calamity.. And although, as I have already 
remarked, I do not believe that the special circum- 
stances that occasion the threat are sufficient to justi- 
fy its execution, it is needful that we should under- 
stand the temper of that country towards us. Eng- 
land occupies, as we have seen, a false position to- 
wards these Free Northern States. And in relation 
to us, we have seen she has no goodwill to spare. That 
she has, with all her mighty armament, a growing 
aversion to war, we may believe. If such a long and 
terrible experience of bereavement and debt as she 
has had in the bloody nrt has been lost upon her, we 
may well despair of the education of nations. At 
least that England will not precipitate a war, we may 
reasonably trust. But we are not permitted to put 
any reliance upon her kindly feeling towards us. It 
rill become our government to use the utmost caution, 
because we can count upon no goodwill of hers to put 
the best construction upon any indiscreet word. 
Having no love for us, England will be slow to be- 
lieve that we can have any consideration for her. 
Already the English Press is talking as if we had an 
intention of picking a quarrel with her I as if, what- 
ever might be our intentions at other times, we could 
entertain such unutterable folly now, or have any but 
the most anxious desire, at this most painful juncture, 
to maintain friendly relations with all foreign govern.' 
lentS. Such bring the spirit of the English people, 
although the present cloud may pass, God only knows 
how soon another and darker cloud may arise, especi- 
ally in such a stormy time, ami so long as England 
maintains her present ground, which, however stren- 
uously she may affirm to be a ground of peace, com- 
mits her to the side of the Kobullion. 

must also be fully seen by us, that Ihe fierce and 
terrible conflict which has arisen on this soil concerns 
not so much any local and temporary interests of ours 



ae those sacred principles of Justice and Liberty, 
which, in the eternal nature of tilings, most deeply 
concern all nations, every human being. Our Maker 
has so fashioned us, that nothing takes so mighty a 
hold upon us as Justice ami Freedom. They meet 
the deepest and most essential want of our nature. 
These it is that only give attraction to human histo- 
ry, value to human life. And since the world began, 
never has there been a conflict in which the purest 
Eight and the blackest Wrong have been so directly 
opposed to one another, with scarcely any side issues 
to complicate the bloody controversy, as in this strug- 
gle in which we are now engaged. It must needs he 
that it will, as it proceeds, command the attention of 
mankind as no other war has ever done. It cannot be 
otherwise than that men will hold their breath as they 
look on, and see the powers of darkness and of light in 
deadly conflict. That other nations should altogether 
stand aloof seems hardly possible. We have the 
deepest interest in the strife, butit is profoundly inter- 
esting to the whole race of man. The well-being of 
the world is at stake, and it is not impossible that the 
world may plunge into the strife. It must be borne in 
mind, too, that the impression has gone abroad among 
the ignorant foreign masses, that the Republic, never so 
strong in manhood, never so worthy of honor as at 
this hour, is tottering to its fall. Every foul bird of 
prey then will be whetting its beak. Where the car- 
cass is supposed to be, there the vultures will be gath- 
ered together. 

And, therefore, the responsibility that is laid upon 
i, who are summoned to do battle for God and hu- 
man liberty, is unspeakably solemn ; and we must see 
to it that we do not belittle and dishonor the great 
Cause in the eyes of the world by any short-sighted 
policy, by any time-serving expediency. It is no 
time to postpone and evade. We must confront the 
sacred issues, and rise, every soul of us, to the height 
of the great argument. Especially, before it will be 
too late, we must, as we can, make England see the 
false position she has taken, and retreat from it. 
Sore as may be her need of the Southern staple, and 
blind as she now seems to be to everything but that, 
and savagely as, from recent accounts, her old thirst 
of conquest and power is beginning to stir her proud 
people, she cannot yet be prepared to assume delib- 
erately and in form the Protectorate of African bon- 
dage. We may at least hope that she will range her- 
self, where alone she properly belongs, on the side 
of human freedom, when the great North, standing 
erect now in its strength, shall, with a bold hand, fling 
out into the heavens the glorious banner of Universal 
Emancipation. In the meanwhile, let no man of us 
be blind to the solemnity of the time. It call's for all 
our thoughtfuln ess and all our manhood. We need 
the inspiration of faith, — faith in God and in man ; we 
need faith in prayer that, beyond the power of words, 
should kindle an undying flame in our hearts. May 
God prepare this offering now, the spirit of self-sacri- 
fice, of holiness, and of humanity, upon the altar with- 
in, and keep it burning there forever! 



COMMEMORATIVE MEETING. 

A meeting in' commemoration of the martyrdom of 
John Brown was held at the house of Dr. Knox, 59 
Anderson street, Boston, on Monday morning, Dec. 
2d. The meeting was organized by the choice of J. 
H. Fowler, of Cambridge, President, John Oliver, of 
Boston, Vice President, and Dr. Knox, Secretary. 

IiEMAItKS OF DR. KNOX. 

Mr. President, — I rejoice that so goodly a number 
have met to pay homage to the memory of the good 
old Puritan, the hero of Harper's Ferry, and the mar- 
tyr of Virginia's Charlestown, the firing of whose 
gun has evoked a better hope for the down-trodden 
slave of America, and in fact the world over, than the 
firing of the first gun at Concord; therefore, keep 
the day! And now that he who was chairman of 
the Senate Committee of Inquisition is foiled, not- 
withstanding that most ignoble star of the Star Cham- 
ber is safe at Fort Warren, notwithstanding that Bun- 
ker Hill and Faneuil Hall are now laughing in the 
day of his calamity, keep this day sacred ! 

If the army are singing the name of John Brown, 
it is only an incident growing out of the preservation 
of the old Union, cemented with innocent blood. The 
Government has never intimated the heart-love for 
African liberty as is now demonstrated in the border 
slave States. But this is not the time or place for this 
train of thought. The theme on this occasion is the 
martyrdom of John Brown. Why is it that such gen- 
eral indifference to holding this meeting prevails, that 
a public building cannot be obtained for it? Is it 
because such a meeting was mobbed, one year ago, 
by the Mayor of this city ? or is it because the gov- 
ernment is fighting for emancipation? If the latter, 
how can the greater be contained in the less? 

I have but one regret. I regret that this meeting 
is not held under other auspices. Faneuil Hall should 
be thrown open, and the most able minds and eloquent 
lips should speak commemorative words. All periods 
of the world's history have witnessed martyrs, and 
the cause for which they died has partaken of a 
brighter light and hope proportionate to the great laws 
of human progression. The scene closes with John 
Brown in the ascendant; for where or when did a 
braver or more loving heart cease to beat on the scaf- 
fold ? Not a murmur escaped his lips. 

In conclusion, I only proposed to say a few words, 
expressive of my good will ; to throw a few of mem- 
ory's fresh and fragrant flowers on the grave of the 
martyr at North Elba. 

HEMAEK3 OF MR. OLIVER. 

Mr. President, — I did not come here to speak, but 
to hear what might be said in honor of the brave old 
martyr of Harper's Ferry. I am happy to pay my 
homage to the memory of John Brown ; and I wish, 
in a special manner, to express my thanks and grati- 
tude to Dr. Knox for holding this meeting, as it forms 
a connecting link in this important history. 

I feel that John Brown is worthy of homage for this 
reason, if for none other — that he gave his life for a 
different race and another people, with which I am 
identified. This, sir, makes his memory more dear to 
the hearts of the colored people. 

Ecmarks were made by Henry Williams, who had 
been for thirty years a slave. He expressed his heart- 
felt thanks for the privilege of the meeting. He loved 
the name of John Brown, and loved to hear people 
speak and read about him ; for he truly felt that he had 
done great good to bis people that were in bondage. 

Miss Williams made a few interesting remarks, and 
then the meeting was closed by Leslia Knox, aged 
eight years, repeating an original hymn, written on 
the martyrdom of John Brown. 

The meeting was adjourned to meet in the same 
place one year from to-day, unless some public build- 
ing could he obtained. 



another remarkable prophecy. 

The following extract is taken from a volume, pub- 
lished in Boston by Bela Marsh, in 1809, entitled, 
" Twelve Messages Irom the Spirit of John Quincy 
Adams." It is the Spirit of Washington speaking : — 
We are able to discern the period rapidly approxi- 
mating when man will take up arms agaJMt his fol- 
low-man, and }ro forth to contend with the tncmicH 
of Republican Liberty, and to assert, at the point of 
the bayonet, those riyhts, of which so large a portion 
of their fellow-creatures arc deprived. Again will 
the soil of America be saturale.d with the blood of 
freedom-loving children, and her noble monuments, 
those sublime attestations of patriotic will and de- 
termination, will tremble, from base to summit, with 
the heavy roar of artillery, and the thunder of can- 
non. The trials of that internal war will far exceed 
those of the War of the Revolution, while the cause 
contended for will equal, if not excel, in sublimity 
and power, that for which the children of '76 fought. 
But when the battle-smoke shall disappear, and 
the cannon's fearful tones are heard no more, then 
will mankind more fully realize the blessings out- 
flowing from the mighty struggle in which they 
so valiantly contended ! No longer will their eyes 
meet with those bound in the chains of physical 
slavery, or their ears listen to the heavy sobs of 
I he oppressed child of God. But over a land dedi- 
cated to the principles of impartial liberty, the King 
of Day will rise and set, and hearts now oppressed 
with care and sorrow will rejoice in the blessings of 
uninterrupted freedom. 

In this eventful revolution, what the patriots of 
the past failed to accomplish, their descendants will 
perform, with the timely assistance of invisible pow- 
ers. By their sides the heavenly hosts will labor, 
imparting courage and fortitude in each hour of de- 
spondency, and urging them onward to a speedy and 
magnificent triumph. Deploring, as we do, the ex- 
istence of slavery, and the means to be employed to 
purge it fi'om America, yet our sympathies will cul- 
minate to the cause of Eight and Justice, and give 
strength to those 

Who seek to set the captive free, 
And crush the monster, Slavery. 
The picture which 3 have presented is, indeed, a 
hideous one. You may think that I speak with too 
much assurance when I thus boldly prophesy the dis- 
solution of the American Confederacy, and, through 
it, the destruction of that gigantic structure, Human 
Slavery ! But this knowledge was not the result of 
a moment's or an hour's gleaning, but nearly half ji 
century's existence in the Seraph Life. I have care- 
fully watched my country's rising progress, and 1 am 
thoroughly convinced that it cannot always exist un- 
der the present Federal Constitution, and the pres- 
sure of that most terrible sin, Slavery ! 

Yon, respected friend and brother, have been 
called to many important offices in the Councils of 
the Nation. With the spirit of unflinching firmness 
have you sought to guide it aright, and to maintain 
the honest, well-intended principles of ihe Founders 
of the Government. Persecutions yon dared, threats 
you defied. Fearlessly you strove for the triumph 
of Humanity's principles, for which a just reward 
will be meted out to you in tins yonr everlasting 
home, and glory and unalloyed happiness will illu- 
mine your celestial pathway through the spheres of~ 
progression. 

Let ns hope and pray for the deliverance of our 
beloved country ; and also, while we hope and pray, 
let us remember to art I Let us enlist in this war of 
principle, and, with unswerving fortitude and devo- 
tion, — the spirit of love reigning in onr hearts, — 
carry it forward, nntil we have attained a conquest 
over slavery, and every evil which follows in its 
train. 



ENGLISH PEELING TOWAKDS AMERICA. 

The following resolutions were passed at a meeting 
held in Glasgow City Hall, (Scotland,) I2th Dec, 
1861, moved by Rov. Fergus Ferguson seconded by 
Mr. John Knox : — 

Resolved, That as friends to the universal abolition 
of slavery, who have at all times sympathized with 
the advocates of impartial liberty in the United States 
of America, we express our deep sympathy with them 
n this time of severe trial; anil wc earnestly entreat 
.he citizens of the Federal St:itos, agreeably to tin- 
principles set forth in the Declaration of American In- 
dependence, to concede the JUBt claims of four millions 
of people holdeu in bondage in the Southern States, 
and now proclaim them vukk. 

Resolved, That, deploring ihe existence of civil war 
in Ihi' United States of America, we fervently pray 
that wisdom, forbearance and a just, appreciation of 
international rights may be given to the (iovcrninents 
of Great Britain and A.merioa, so that friendly feel- 
ings may continue to subsist between nations so iden- 
tified by lineage mid language, ami by whom so much 
may he accomplished ii.r the advancement of the best 
interests of mankind. 



$40 



PARKEE 



$40 



Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 

THIS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the virions pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal At the last Fair of the Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and are ihe best finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in the market. 

Iiy Sales Room, 188 "Washington street. ^ 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 
Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice. 
Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 



IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 

Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massachusetts 
Charitable 3lccknnic Association. 
"Form Parker's Sewixg Machixbs. This Machine ij 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elisis Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover & Baker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from $40 to 
$120 each. They arc very perfect in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving tbe manufactory, in sneh a 
manner that they cannot get deranged. The feed, which 
is a. very essential point in a good Machine, is simple, pos- 
itive and complete. The apparatus for guaging the length 
of stitch is very simple and effective. Tbe tension, as well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, viz : there is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to come in 
contact with the dress of tbe operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This machine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge upon 
the back quite flat and smooth, doing away, in a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Pakker's Sewtsg Machines have many qualities that 
recommend them to use in families. The several parts are 
pinned together, so that it is always adjusted and ready 
for work, and not liable to get out of repair. It is tbe 
best finished, and most firmly and substantially made ma- 
chine in the Fair. Its motions are all positive, its tension 
easily adjusted, and it leaves no ridge on the back of tbe 
work. It will bem, fell, stitch, run, bind and gather, and 
tbe work cannot be ripped, except designedly. It sews from 
common spools, with silk, linen or cotton,* with equal fa- 
cility. Tho stitch made upon this machine wss reeently 
awarded tbe first prize at the Tennessee State Fair, for its 
superiority. — Boston Traveller. 

fcgT We would call tho attention of our readers to the 
advertisement, in another column, of the Parker Sewing 
Machine. This is a licensed machine, being a combina- 
tion of the various patents of Howe, Wheeler A Wilson, aod 
Grover A Baker, with those of the Parker Sewing Machine 
Company: consequently, it has the advantage of such ma- 
chines — first, in being a licensed macliiue ; second, from 
the fact that it embraces all of tbe most important improve- 
ments which have heretofore been made in Sewing Ma- 
chines ; third, it requires no readjustment, all the vari- 
ous parts being made right and pinned together, instead of 
being adjusted bjr screws, thus avoiding all liability of get- 
ting out of order without actually breaking tli em ; and 
also the necessity of the purchaser learning, as with others, 
how to regulate all tho various motions to tbe mueJrtno. 
The favor with which the Parker Sowing Machine bas al- 
ready been received by tbe public warrants ns iii tbe be- 
lief that it is by far the best machine now in market.— 
South Ilcadiwj Gazette, Nov. 24, 1800. 

Thb Parker Bbwibs MaCBtHl is taking the lead in the 
market. For beauty and finish of its workmanship, it can- 
not be excelled. It is well and strongly made — strength 
and utility combined — ami is empliutieallv tho dUajMrt Sffidi 
best machine now made. The ladies an delighted with it, 
ami when consulted, Invariably give Parker's maehint the 
preference overall others. We are pleased to lean thai 
the gentlemanly Agent, fiEORGI S. LSOHAKS, 186 Wash- 
ington street, Boston, has a largo number of orders for 
those machines, and sells them ns fa.st as they can be mnn- 
ufaotured, notwithstanding to* dullness of the times, and 
while other maiHil'aeiut'ors have almost wholly- suspended 
operations. This fat, of iianlf, «S*tJn mule stroiicly i„ 
its favor tlmn any thing we oan iue.it ton ; for wore it not 
for its superior merits, it would have Milleml from thegen- 
snil anr/Ksslon, Instead of nourishing among me snaami of 

its rivals. Win. I .wo loll von hi no lie! ion ; but gv and buy 
mo of thorn, and you will say that " half of its good ,nnil- 
liwhad never boon told you." I. DOgudj 

iho b«*lth an. I hftppmass of his wifc ah.«sJd buy one of 
those inaolmu's (o as.-i.-l, her in lessening life's toilsome 
ask.— JtoWoW Qmxttttj July i.- 



'.«J HE I, I T? E II A T O R 

— IS VtillUSHKl) — 

EVEEY FRIDAY MOBNING, 

— AT — 

221 WASHINGTON STRKET, BOOM. No. G. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Gkxkral Agent. 



II2F" TERMS — Two dollars and lifty cents per an mini, 
in advance. 

jiQp"Five copies will bo sent to ono address for ten 
DOLLARS, if payment be made in advance. 

£gT All remittances are to bo made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of tbe paper arc to bu 
directed (post paid) to the General Agent. 

Et^" Advertisements inserted at the rato of five cents per 
line. 

g5f The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The LniiiiiATOit. 

(TJ?~ The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Ommiittec, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz : — Fuascis Jackso.v, Eumuxd Qdincy, Edmkxd 
Jackson, and Wk.vdell Phillips. 



WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 




"Proclaim Libsrty throughout all tb.3 land, to r,ll 
the inhabitants thereof." 

" I lay tins down as the law of nations. I say that mil- ' 
itary authority takes, for tho time, the place of all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST'S 
und that, under that state of things, so far from its being 
true that tho States where slavery exists have tho exclusive* 
management of tho subject, not only tho Phebident or ' 
the L'siteij States, but tho UOMHAITDEB of the Anvr, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES From the instant 

that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slaver;-, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it bo a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording! to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes the 
tlace of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."— J. Q. Adams. 



mv (Emmtvy U ilu itfovM, mux 0«mitevwtt «*'* #1 ItotfeiiuT. 



J. B. YERRINTON & BON, FrinterB. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 3. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JANUAEY 17, 1863. 



WHOLE NO. 1621. 



Ufitge of <$\)\m$m\L 



"A TREASONABLE MEMORIAL." 

On our third page may be found a well considered 
mid carefully drawn Petition to Congress, signed by 
William Cullen Bryant, William Curtiss Noyes, and 
oilier highly respectable citizens of New York, asking 
that body to abolish slavery, under the war power, for 
the cogent reasons therein set forth. The hysterica!, 
pseudo-loyal, rabidly pro-slavery, and venomously hy- 
drophobic editor of the Boston Courier is thrown into 
convulsions at its appearance, and raves about it in the 
following Bedlamitish strain, which indicates that a 
straight-jacket might prove serviceable : — 

Though we consider the whole emancipation or- 
ganizaubn utterly contemptible, as a practical thing, 
—that is to say, "that they would be routed by the 
force of two-thirds at least of the people of the free 
States, should it ever come to a decisive question — 
yet by secret and indirect action they are doing 



■S t \ 1 1 i l « » » *. 



"WHEN WILL THE TIME COME?" 



nite mischief to the cause of the country. They 
and their abettors have brought the war upon us, 
and they have exerted themselves to the best of 
their ability, since it began, to aggravate it, and to 
prevent any possibility of ending it. They are re- 
solved to destroy, if they can, the last vestige of hope 
for the future Union of the States. An emancipa- 
tionist, of course, is an enemy to the Constitution, 
and of course to the Union — since only by returning 
to a sacred regard for the Constitution, could any ra- 
tional mind expect the restoration of the Union, 
either now, or at any future time. 

And vet here and elsewhere, as opportunity is found 
— and this class of sentimental disorganizes is al- 
ways on the look-out to seek it — some from a maudlin 
philanthropy, others for the want of something else 
to do— and others still who see that with a restored 
Union their political schemes for personal promotion 
are at an end ; for then those who have been active 
in withstanding the restoration will be seen in all 
the naked deformity of their purposes, and will 
be detested accordingly — this class of men are 
constantly at work. But iu concert with sober 
views on this point, such as ought to regulate the 
opinions and action of every sober friend of his 
country, we see in the Chicago Times the following 
paragraph, well worthy of profound consideration : 
"Treason at Home. A Democratic paper at 
Flint,. Michigan, makes a startling disclosure upon, it 
dechfres, perfectly reliable authority, to the effect that 
a secret political society has been organized in that 
city, in pursuance of a general plan designed to em- 
brace the whole North, and upon which numerous so- 
cieties have already been organized elsewhere, whose 
single purpose is to make the war the engine of com 
plete and entire emancipation. The Flint paper states 
that the society in that place is considerable in num- 
bers. We ourselves know the place to be a hot-bed of 
Abolitionism." 

This undoubtedly refers to the " Emancipation 
League," a meeting to inaugurate a branch of 
which took place in this city a few weeks ago, and 
which was so complete a failure, so far as any sym- 
pathy was manifested with it, except by the stereo- 
typed list of old abolitionists. To the same purpose 
is the outrageous memorial to Congress, printed, 
drawn and signed by just the same set of men in 
New York, so far as we recognize their names at all. 
These are the proper inmates for Fort Lafayette and 
Fort Warren ; and if they and such as they had been 
sent there in the beginning of our troubles, the 
breach might soon have been healed. 

And what a ridiculously dishonest recital the me- 
morial shows! — to say nothing of its bad English, of 
which at least Mr. Bryant, who heads it, ought to be 
ashamed ; but when cant in morals gets possession 
of the man, cant in the use of language is its natu- 
rally perverse way of making it manifest. It begins 
by pretending that it expresses the wishes of the peo- 
ple of the United States. This throws aside altogeth- 
er the people of fifteen of the States, because they 
notoriously are in utter opposition to any such idea. 
And we should infer that the object of the memorial 
was to present dissolution as practically effected, 
and that the people of the United States were the 
citizens of the free States only, — if emancipation 
were not the plea urged, — that is, by force of arms, 
for there is no other way,- — to attempt the Quixotic 
enterprise of setting the slaves free. And how ? 
Against the unanimous and resolute sentiment of the 
South— against the no less determined opposition of 
two-thirds of the North — against the adamantine ob- 
stacle of the only possible- means of effecting it — 
that is, the army, led by men who will fight only for 
the Union and the Constitution, and against emanci- 
pation and emancipationists, if to such a point 
comes, as it may. Can it be done by the breath of 
Congress ? Acts for such a purpose would be treat- 
ed as they would deserve, with derision and con- 
tempt. By the order of the Administration ? . The 
Government has taken a stand — and were there any 
doubt about it, it must take a stand— utterly in oppo- 
sition to the request of tins petition, directly, unquali- 
fiedly, constitutionally, or it cannot itself stand. 

This memorial declares that we have departed 
from the " sounding generalities " of the Declara- 
tion of Independence. They were departed from 
and therefore rejected by the settlement of the Con- 
stitution under which we have lived. It declares 
that this departure has been caused by our attach- 
ment to the Union, and our conscientious fidelity to 
those with whom we have voluntarily made it. It 
proposes, therefore, to break away from that attach- 
ment and to violate that fidelity, contrary to our 
pledges and our consciences. It falsely declares 
that this departure has given birth to a mighty power, 
— which had in fact been born a hundred and fifty 
years before, — and has consigned a class of persons to 
slavery, who had been in slavery a hundred and fifty 
years before " the solemn and undying truth" be- 
fore, unknown was declared, and, consequently, be- 
fore our departure from it. It falsely declares that 
the power in question "for three-quarters of a cen- 
tury has disturbed the peace and harmony of the na- 
tion" — when it is notorious that no trouble whatever 
arose from it, until within a third part of that period, 
and then in resistance to the very men and their 
abettors who have signed this memorial. And the 
togje of the. memorial is— that we are released, upon 
these manifestly false statements, from every obliga- 
tion to tolerate any longer a Constitution, to which 
we were so long by " an overshadowing attachment 
to the Union, and by conscientious fidelity to those 
with whom we had voluntarily united" for the pur- 
poses specified. 

Bv breaking up and destroying the whole, wc are, 
according to this impudent, seditious, and treasonable 
memorial, to " complete the work which the Revo- 
lution began " — which Revolution ended in establish- 
ing those principles, upon which the nation enjoyed 
unexampled happiness and prosperity, until Messrs. 
Bryant, Goodeli, Cheevcr, Sumner, Garrison, Gree- 
ley, Phillips and the rest began the nefarious work, 
which has loosened the foundations of the Republic, 

and through which it will sink to everlasting ruin 
uulew; their designs are brought to il Speedy close. 



day* 



This is the Sabbatical year — the year of jubi- 1 their atrocious rebellion, the Government cannot be 
Are our leaders so infatuated that "they do not permitted to do to crush it. — Norristown (Pa.) Olive 
it ? Will weeping angels yet say, " O that I Branch. 
hadst known the things that belong to thy I 



To the many urgent demands from every quarter 
of the North, that a proclamation should be made 
by the President, or an act passed by Congress, at 
once and forever freeing every slave in the rebel- 
lious States, the answer given by officials in and 
out of Congress is, " The time has not yet come." 
It is not at all contended that under no such circum- 
stances would such an act be constitutional, or de- 
served by the rebel States; it is even admitted that 
the day may come when it must be done ; and few 
can be found who do not say that slavery has re- 
ceived a shock from which it can never recover, that, 
it may not last longer than the war. If the Union 
or slavery must end, every Northern man says sla- 
very must be the victim. To save the country, we 
would not hesitate to destroy the system. Thus all 
admit the right of the President or Congress to de- 
stroy slavery to save the country. The only ques- 
tion is, whether the time has yet arrived when it is 
either proper or necessary to destroy the institution. 
Let us inquire into this reply. What is it ? It 
is the old cry of the pro-slavery party, to which the 
fathers of this country gave place in the formation 
of our Constitution. " When the wisest statesmen of 
the Revolution declared that slavery must be abol- 
ished, or it would ruin the nation, the reply was, 
Yes, it is an evil, but it is so interwoven into our 
social and commercial organism that we cannot at 
once remove it; the time has not come yet, but it 
will die out in time, by the natural course of events, 
and the inevitable laws of progress. From that day 
to the present, the cry has been kept up, " It is an 
evil we all deplore, and none realize it so deeply 
and acknowledge it more candidly than do the slave- 
holders, who best know its mischief; but the time 
has not come yet. What would they do with all 
these ignorant, idle and helpless slaves let loose in 
their midst? What should we do to be overrun 
with such a population of paupers and thieves ? The 
time has not come when we can see how to rid our- 
selves of the evil, without doing more damage to the 
country and the slaves themselves than would be 
compensated by this emancipation." This has ever 
been the wail of those who have opposed the move- 
ments of the anti-slavery party ; and now, when the 
country is suffering from a war as purely the out- 
growth of slavery as the oak is of the acorn, it again 
breaks foith with renewed earnestness. It is the 
last resort, now as heretofore. Whenever arguments 
and force have failed in our elections or in Congress, 
and the beloved institution was likely to be damaged 
in spite of its champions, the mourners have begun 
to go about the streets, lamenting the dire evil, and 
anxious to see it removed ; but " the time had not 
yet come," and, oh I what unminglcd sorrow would 
follow if we should press the matter now! only wait 
a little, and it would go down of its own weight. 

The men who thus bewail immediate emancipa- 
tion are not unknown to history. They have al- 
ways oppesed the efforts put forth to remove the 
monster; have always voted to favor it. If they 
have ever written or spoken against slavery as the 
vilest and most malicious crime ever perpetrated— 
hateful, cruel, and only ruinous — they have been 
sure to wind up with the doleful lamentation, "they 
could see no way yet to get rid of it; it would not 
do to remove it now." Thus the Herald, the World, 
the Times, and a host of quasi -religious sheets, that 
were more anxious to get pay for what they did, 
than to do what was necessary and right, have im- 
posed upon the people, and actually sustained what 
they professed to be anxiously endeavoring to re- 
move. 

And when, pray, may we expect that the time 
will come ? It had not come when our Constitution 
was formed ; it had not come when the anti-slavery 

{>arty were pressing their arguments most vigorons- 
y; ifc had not come when Wilmot offered his pro- 
viso ; nor when the Fugitive Slave Law was passed ; 
nor when John Brown went down to Virginia; nor 
when the Territorial question was discussed ; and 
even now, when the subtle fiend has well nigh crush- 
ed the nation in his huge fold, and is straining every 
muscle to accomplish his work, the time to break his 
back, to dissever his head, is not come. If the time 
has not now arrived, when, pray, in the judgment of 
these gentlemen, will it come ? If when avery nat- 
ural and artificial bond is ruptured, when every 
compact is broken ; when the slaveholders have 
sought foreign aid ; despised our entreaties and de- 
fied^ our arms; and sought by years of well-directed 
efforts to enlist foreign interference against us and 
our republican institutions; if when in cold blood 
they have murdered our brethren, and carried their 
heads on their bayonet points through the streets of 
their villages; if when all this is done, and all that 
is conceivable is done, by the slaveocracy, if now the 
time has not come when we shall be free, nay, re- 
quired to strike the shackles from every bondman in 
rebeldom, when will it be proper ? What more can 
they do ? Only one thing is left, viz., our complete 
extermination. Already have they made us poor, 
degraded us in the eyes of every nation, and blocked 
the wheel of every enterprise. With these men, 
the time will never come to let the oppressed go free, 
until, like Pharaoh, they can no longer endure the 
divine judgments which involve them in stupendous 
ruin. They have no aversion to doing wrong, so 
long as it pays. They have no real aversion to sla- 
very ; they rather love it as a condition gratifying to 
their love, of power and lust. Who, judging from 
the past, could come to any other conclusion ? If 
there is any such time, it will be when every in- 
fluential man is in favor of emancipation, which will 
never be. 

Let no man listen to this deceitful cry, "Thou 
shalt not surely die." As there is a God in heaven, 
" in the day thou eatest thereof, thou shalt surely 
die." And now how sad must be the hour when the 
avenging angel drives us from our beautiful Eden, 
to walk amidst briers and thorns, and gain our living 
by the sweat of our face I O Herald, Times, and 
World, when will ye cease to prophesy smooth 
things, and cry peace and safety, when sudden de- 
struction is at the door ? To daub with untempered 
mortar, and heal the hurt of our people slightly? 
Alas! that we have such leaders, who, without the 
excuse of blindness, with open eyes lead tho people 
into the ditch I To the American people we say, 
For eighty years you have followed this counsel, and 
where has it led you ? Into the foulest war ever 
known. And where may it be expected to land 
yon? In the most disastrous ruin ever known to 
history. What greater calamity could have resulted 
from ilie counsels of the lovew of justice, and free- 
dom? Had their voice of warning been regarded, 
we should long since have removed slavery without 
war. Were their counsels to prevail now, our war 
would terminate in a very few months, and Ihe na- 
tion bo saved. To many the day appears dark, and 
groWS darker. It will never grow lighter until we 
recognize the fact that tin- time has come, the set 
time has folly come, to favor our land, and let the 

opp'essel go free. It is now upon us. liluriuu:. 



peace, but now are they hid from thy eyes ? 
American Baptist. 



DO THE SLAVES WANT THEIR FREEDOM? 

Let the slaveholders themselves answer this ques- 
tion. 

In the light they have themselves given us, we 
can learn how much importance is to be attached to 
their present bragging, when the combined promises 
and threats of 30,000" or 40,000 armed white men 
induce a few hundred wretched, unarmed slaves to 
fight on their side, generally, without doubt, with no 
prospect but that of being immediately shot if they 
refuse. 

Judge St. George Tucker, of Virginia, Professor 
of Law in the University of William and Mary, 
published a letter to a member of the Virginia Legis- 
lature, in 1801. In the course of it, he says :— 

" The love of freedom, sir, is an inborn sentiment. 
At the first favorable moment, it springs forth and 
defies all cheek. Whenever we are involved in war, 
if our enemies hold out the lure of freedom, they will 
have in every negro a decided friend." 

In a debate in the Virginia Legislature, in the 
winter of 1831-2, Mr. Moore said :— 

" I lay it down as a maxim not to be disputed, 
that our slaves are now, and ever will be, actuated 
by a desire for liberty. They will always be disposed 
to avail themselves of a favorable opportunity for as- 
serting their natural rights. It may safely be assumed 
that wherever the slaves are as numerous as the 
whites, it will require one-half of the effective force 
of the whites to keep them quiet." 

On the same occasion, Mr. McDowell (since Gov- 
ernor) of Virginia said: — 

" Sir, you may place the slave where you please, 
yon may oppress him as you please, you may dry up 
to your uttermost the fountains of his feeling and the 
springs of his thought ; but the idea that he was bom 
free will survive it all. It is allied to his hope of im- 
mortality ; it is the ethereal part of his nature, which 
oppression cannot reach." 

In the same debate, Mr. Preston said : — 

"My old friend (Mr. Bruce) has told us that the 
Virginia slave was happy and contented. Mr. 
Speaker, that is impossible. Happiness is incom- 
patible with slavery. The love of liberty is the rul- 
ing passion in man, and he cannot be happy if de- 
prived of it." 

In the same debate, Mr. Gholson of Virginia said 

" The love of freedom, and the prospect of obtain 
ing it, would inflame their hearts and inspire revolu- 
tion." 

MeCall, in his History of Georgia, alluding to the 
slaves, says : — 

" This class of people, who cannot be supposed to 
be contented in slavery, would grasp ivith avidity at 
the most desperate attempts that promised freedom." 

The Rev. J. D. Paxton, of Virginia, who was 
reared in the midst of slavery, and had himself been 
a slaveholder, published a volume of Letters on 
Slavery, in which he thus states the result of his ob- 
servation :— 

" The slaves — man, woman and child — arc long- 
ing for freedom." 

William T. Allen, son of a Presbyterian clergy- 
man in Huntsville, Alabama, published a statement 
in 1839, in which lie says : — 

" It is slavery itself, and not cruelties merely, that 
makes slaves unhappy. Even those that are the 
most kindly treated are generally far from happy. 
The slaves in my father's family are almost as kind- 
ly treated as slaves can be, but they pant for liberty." 

The editor of the MaryviUe Intelligencer, Tenn., 
in a paper published October, 1835, says: — ■ 

" We of the South are surrounded by a dangerous 
class of beings. It is the consciousness that a ten- 
fold force would gather from the four corners of the 
United States, and slaughter them, that keeps them 
in subjection. To the non-slaveholding States we are 
indebted for a permanent safeguard against insurrec- 
tion. Without their assistance, the white population 
of the Southern States would be too weak to quiet 
that innate love of liberty which is ever ready to act 
itself out." 

From the above statements, it is evident that there 
is an immense latent force at the South ready to wel- 
come liberty. Which side, in this great struggle, 
will have practical wisdom enough to avail them- 
selves of this ineradicable human instinct ? 



ATTACK ON OUR SOLDIERS BY ARMED 
NEGROES, 
A member of the Indiana 20th Regiment, now en- 
camped near Fortress Monroe, writes to The Indian- 
apolis Journal on the 23d : 

Yesterday morning, Gen. Mansfield, with Drake 
de Kay, Aid-de-Camp, in command of seven com- 

Sanies of the 20th New- York German Rifles, left 
lewport News on a reconnoisance. Just after pass- 
ing Newmarket Bridge, seven miles from camp, they 
detached one company as an advance, and soon after 
their advance was attacked by GOO of the enemy's 
cavalry. 

The company formed to receive cavalry, but the 
cavalry advancing deployed to the right and left 
when within musket range, and unmasked a body 
of seven hundred negro infantry, all armed with 
muskets, who opened (ire on our men, wounding two 
lieutenants and two privates, and rushing forward 
surrounded the company of Germans who cut their 
way through, killing six of the negroes and wounding 
several more. The main body, hearing the firing, 
advanced at a double-quick in time to recover their 
wounded, and drive the enemy back, but did not 
succeed in taking any prisoners. The wounded men 
testify positively that they were shot by negroes, 
and that not less than seven hundred were present, 
armed with muskets. 

This is, indeed, a new feature in the war. We 
have heard of a regiment of negroes at Manassas, 
and another at Memphis, and still another at New 
Orleans, bufe did not believe it till it came so near 
home, and attacked our men. There is no mistake 
about it. The 20th German were actually attacked 
and fired on and wounded by negroes. 

It is time that this tiling was understood, and if 
they fight us with negroes, why should not we fight 
them with negroes too ? We have disbelieved these 
reports too long, and now let us fight the devil with 
fire. The feeling is intense, among the men. They 
want to know if they came here to fight negroes, 
and if they did, they would like to know it. The 
wounded men swear they will kill any negro they 
see, so excited are they at. the dastardly act. It re- 
mains to be seen how Song the Government will now 
hesitate, when they learn these facts. One of the 
Lieutenants was shot in the back part of the neck, 
and is not expected to live. 



in the Commons, and in the Lords the Royal Princcsf 
and the Bishops are against it." 

Would it not be plain that foreign friends had 
made a great mistake, and we might justly say to 
them, " Call ye 'this backing up your fellows ?" 

Or, suppose again, that in the contest upon the 
Corn Laws — a year, we will say, before the final de- 
cision — our friends abroad had said, " It is nonsense 
to talk of England being in favor of Free Trade. 
If England were polled at this moment, two-thirds 
would be against it. A few fanatics make a great 
noise, but they are not England. And three-fourths 
of those who join have no pure moral motive. They 
have all some reason of their own, political or com- 
mercial. It is an attempt to play with a irreat moral 
principle, and degrade the vaunted immutability of 
justice. Therefore, let the hungry masses starve, 
till the barrier can be broken through by a rush of 
men with pure moral motive." Could there be a 
better way to prop the Corn Laws ? 

Hoping that this may lead to further opportuni- 
ties, I have great satisfaction in thinking on the 
classes before whom the question will be laid by its 
appearance in your pages, and remain, 
Yours, verv sincerely, 

T. PERRONET THOMPSON. 

Eliot-vale, Blackheath, Dec. 27, 1801. 



ARMING OF SLAVES BY THE REBELS. 

A certain class of politicians and presses have 
made a great ado about Mr. Cameron's policy of 
using the slaves of rebels to help put down the 
rebellion. They shut their eyes, however, to the 
absolute fact, that the rebels themselves arm slaves 
to fight against the Government. No paper in the 
country has so violently denounced the Secretary 
of War as the Louisville Journal, and yet that pa- 
per publishes the fact of slaves being used by the 
rebels to man their guns without a word of dissent. 
A letter published in that paper, descriptive of the 
shelling of Camp Iloskins by the rebels, under 
Gen. ZollicofTer, which took place on tho 3d of De- 
cember, says : 

" The enemy threw about one hundred shells, hut 
not one of us was at all hurt. Most of their shells 
exploded before they reached us, their halls passing 
over and to the right and left of us. Gen. Schoepff 
would not allow us to reply, as we had not then re- 
ceived our rifled pieces. The silence with which wc 
received their first fire must have vexed them. We. 
could distinctly eee that Nos. I, 2 and 3 at one of their 
guns were darkeys ; many other durkei/s were seen through 
glasses among the chivalry. We only fired one shell 
from a little' howitzer Col. Iloskins had in his camp, 
which killed or wounded an officer. We saw him 
fall from his horse, and four men carry him from the 
field." 

Here is more testimony which cannot be dis- 
proved : — 

"New Orleans, Nov. 24.— 2^,000 troops were re- 
viewed here today by Gov. Moore and Gens. Lnvell 
and Haggles. The line wns seven miles long. There 
was one regiment of 1 ,400/refl colored men. The military 
display was grand. One company displayed a blank 
flag." — Louisville. Courier. 

Another account states that there are several 
colored regiments, composed of both freemen and 
slaves, and commanded by colored officers. They 

were not, permitted to go on picket guardj but per- 
formed every other duty of soldiers, 
What flic rebels may dp with impunity to sustain 



GENERAL THOMPSON ON SLAVERY, 

We give in our paper of to-day two articles on 
the question of American slavery, both appearing in 
the Bradford Advertiser, and both from the pen of 
General Thompson, formerly the member for Brad- 
ford. We regret that he is not so still. Though 
one of the articles appeal's anonymously, we happen 
to know that it was written by the gallant officer. 
The other is in the form of a letter to the Editor of 
our Bradford Contemporary, and is signed by Gen- 
eral Thompson. Both contributions from the Gen- 
eral's pen will be found in another part of our paper. 
Those who, like ourselves, have for a long period 
of years read and admired the writings of General 
Thompson, could easily have detected his pen in 
the above article. For acuteness iu controversy, 
and a quaint raciness of style, he has few, if any, 
rivals in the present day. 

But admiration of a writer does not necessarily 
imply concurrence in his views, and we differ much 
from the gallant General's sentiments in relation to 
tbe Federalists and slavery. He is disposed to view 
the conduct of the Northern States, in connection 
with the cruel bondage of 4,000,000 human beings 
in the Southern States, in a much more favorable 
light than wc can bring ourselves to do. Justice 
and right are, we firmly believe, in this, as they are 
ultimately in every case, but other terms for sound 
policy. Had the Northern States only made the ex- 
tinction of the " domestic, institution " — in other 
words, the emancipation of 4,000,000 sable bond- 
men in the Southern States — a part of their pro- 
gramme when they .undertook the suppression of 
11 the rebellion," they would have enlisted an amount 
of moral support, in the shape of sympathy in their 
favor, which, we. feel assured, — with the accompani- 
ment of the Divine blessing, which there would 
have'been every reason to expect, — would have in- 
sured the success of their enterprise long ago. But 
they repudiated the idea of the abolition of slavery 
having anything to do with their controversy, or, 
rather, their war with the South ; and now they are 
righteously reaping the reward in the successful re- 
sistance of the Southern States, of their unrighteous 
conduct. 

So long as we clung to the conviction that the 
Northern States would make the annihilation of sla- 
very in the Southern States part of their programme, 
we gave them all our sympathy, and all tho aid as 
well, which it was in our power to render to 
them. But from the moment we saw that they 
regarded the " peculiar institution " as a thing too 
sacred to be touched, wc ceased to assist or even to 
sympathize with them. Nor can we understand 
how Gen. Thompson, whose anti-slavery principles 
and feelings are as strong as our own, can reconcile 
his ardent friendship for tho Northern States, and his 
anxiety to see " the rebellion " put down, with his 
decided anti-slavery principles. We have said, that 
the gallant General is one of the most accomplish- 
ed controversialists of the present day. We should 
like to see a specimen of his dialectical ingenuity in 
the endeavor to vindicate Ins consistency in this 
matter. 

So far as we are concerned, we hold, and ever 
have held, that slavery in every form, aiul under 
any conceivable class of circumstances, is an evil 
and a wrong. American slavery is the most enor- 
mous wrong, the most colossal iniquity on which the 
sun ever gazed; and we repeat now what we have 
deliberately said before, — that rather than Ameri- 
can slavery should be indefinitely perpetuated, wo 
should exultingly witness a thousand Unions perish. 
— London Morning Advertiser. 

To the Editor of the London Morning Advertiser: 

Silt, — The notice of coy letter to my old constitu- 
ents, in your paper of tho 2(>th, gives nie an oppor- 
tunity of renewing a correspondence with yourself 
which in times past has made a subject of pleasant 
memory. 

The fallacy I charge on some of the professing 
enemies of slavery Is, that they ileal with countries 
as if they were single, individuals, and not, compound 
bodies, in which all imaginable parties struggle, and 
each gets uppermost when it can. 

Comparison will be the briefest illustration. Sup- 
pose that in the struggle in England fo put down the 
Slave Trade, (at the' inomenl , say, when Wilberforee 
had conoluded Ms four hours' sneeoh, and been put, 

down by a majority.) foreign friends had gone about. 
saying, " It is sheet- hypocrisy lor England to talk 
Of wauling to put down the SI; 

it wants no such thing. Thei 



ME. SUMKER OH TEE TRENT AFFAIE. 

" The feature of Congress to-day," says the Wash- 
ington correspondent of the New York World, " was 
the speech of Senator Sumner on the surrender of 
Slidell and Mason. The Senate galleries were crowd- 
ed to repletion, while the floor was occupied by 
large numbers of notables, including the Austrian 
and French Ministers, and several representatives 
of the other legations. Lord Lyons was not present. 
After the conclusion of the speech, Mr. Sumner was 
congratulated by M. Mercier, the French Minister, 
and several other diplomats." He fully sustains the 
action of the Government in giving up Mason and 
Slidell. The points he makes and decides are three : 
First, that the seizure of the men, without taking the 
ship, was wrong, because a navy officer has no right 
to substitute himself for a judicial tribunal; second, 
that the ship, even if taken, would not have been 
held liable on account of the rebel emissaries, inas- 
much as neutral ships are free to carry all persons 
not apparently in the military or naval service of 
the enemy ; and, third, that dispatches are not con- 
traband of war. The speech is one of masterly abil- 
ity, and concludes as follows: — 

If I am correct, in this review, then the conclusion 
is inevitable. The seizure of the rebel emissaries 
on board a neutral ship cannot be justified according 
to our best American precedents and practice. 
There seems to be no single point where the seizure 
is not questionable, unless we choose to invoke Brit- 
ish precedents and practice, which beyond doubt led 
Captain Wilkes into the mistake which he commit- 
ted. In the solitude of his ship he consulted familiar 
authorities at hand, and felt that in following Vattel 
and Sir William Scott, as quoted and affirmed by 
eminent writers, reinforced by the inveterate prac- 
tice of the British navy, he could not err. He was 
mistaken. There was a better example ; it was the 
constant, uniform, unhesitating practice of his own 
country on the ocean, refusing to consider dispatch- 
es as contraband of war—refusing to consider per- 
sons, other than soldiers or officers, as contraband of 
war; and protesting always against an adjudication 
of personal rights by the summary judgment of a 
quarter deck. Had these well-attested precedents 
been in his mind, the gallant captain would not, even 
for a moment, have been seduced from his allegiance 
to those principles which constitute a part of our 
country's glory. 

Mr. President, let the rebels go. Two wicked 
men, ungrateful of their country, are let loose with 
the brand of Cain upon their foreheads. Prison 
doors are opened; but principles are established 
which will help to free other men, and to open the 
gates of the sea. Never before in her active history 
has Great Britain ranged herself on this side. Such 
an event is an epoch. Novus sceclorum nascitw ordo. 
To the liberties of the sea this Power is now commit- 
ted. To a certain extent, this cause is now under 
her tutelary care. If the immunities of passengers, 
not in the military or naval service, as well as of 
sailors, are not directly recognized, they are at least 
implied ; while the whole pretension of impressment, 
so long the pest of neutral commerce, and operating 
only through the lawless adjudication of a quarter- 
deck, is made absolutely impossible. Thus is the 
freedom of the seas enlarged, not only by limiting 
the number of persons who are exposed to the penal- 
ties of war, but by driving from it the most offensive 
pretension that ever stalked upon its waves. To 
such conclusion Great Britain is irrevocably pledged. 
Nor treaty nor bond was needed. It is sufficient 
that her late appeal can be vindicated only by a re- 
nunciation of early, long continued tyranny. Let 
her bear the rebels back. The consideration is am- 
ple ; for the sea became free as tins penitent Power 
crossed it, steering westward with the sun, on an 
errand of liberation. 

In this surrender, if such it may be called, our 
Government does not even " stoop to conquer." It 
simply lifts itself to the height of its own original 
principles. The early efforts of its best negotiators 
— the patriot trials of its soldiers in an unequal war 
— have at length prevailed, and Great Britain, usual- 
Iv so haughty, invites us to practise upon those prin- 
ciples which she has so strenuously opposed. There 
are victories of force. Here is a victory of truth. 
If Great Britain has gained the custody of two 
rebels, the United States have secured the triumph 
of their principles. 

If this result be in conformity with our cherished 
principles, it will be superfluous to add other consid- 
erations of policy ; and yet 1 venture to suggest (hat 
estranged sympathies abroad may be secured again 
by an open adhesion to these principles, which already 
have the support of the Continental Governments of 
Europe, smarting for years under British pretensions 
on the sea. The powerful organs of public opinion 
on the Continent are with us. M. llautcfenili. 
whose work on the laws of nations is the arsenal of 
arguments for neutrals, has entered into this debate 
with a direct proposition for the release of these 
emissaries as a testimony to the true interpretation 
of international law. As a journal, which of itself 
is an authority, the Revue des deux MondeS hopes 
that the United States will let. the rebels go, simply 
because it would be a triumph of the rights of neu- 
ls to apply them ("or the advantage of a nation 



The Congress of Paris, in 1856, where were as- 
sembled the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, 
France, Austria, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia and Tur- 
key, has already led the way. Adopting the early 
policy of the United States, often proposed to for- 
eign nations, this Congress has authenticated two im- 
portant changes in restraint of belligerent rights; 
first, that the neutral flag shall protect enemy's goods 
except contrab-ind of war, and secondly, that neutral 
goods, except contraband of war, are not liable to 
capture under an enemy's flag. This is much. 
Another proposition, that privateering should be 
abolished, was defective in two respects; first, be- 
cause it left nations free, to employ private ships un- 
der a public commission as ships of the navy, and, 
therefore, was nugatory; and, secondly, because if 
not nugatory, it was too obviously in the special in- 
terest of Great Britain, which, through her com- 
manding navy, would thus be left at will to rule the 
sea. No change can be practicable which is not 
equal in its advantages to all nations ; for tbe Equal- 
ity of Nations is not merely a dry dogma of intex= 
national law, but. a vital national sentiment common 
to all nations. This cannot be forgotten-; and every 
proposition must be brought sincerely to this equita- 
ble test. 

But there is a way in which privateering can be 
effectively abolished without any shock to the equali- 
ty of nations. A simple proposition that private prop- 
erty shall enjoy the same immunity on the ocean 
which it now enjoys on land, will at once abolish 
privateering, and relieve the commerce of the ocean 
from its greatest perils, so that, like commerce on 
land, it shall be undisturbed except by illegal rob- 
bery and theft. Such a proposition will operate 
equally for the advantage of all nations. On this 
account and in the policy of peace, which our "gov- 
ernment has always cultivated, it ha? been already 
presented to foreign governments by the United 
States. You have not forgotten the important paper 
in which Mr. Marcy did this service, or the recent ef- 
forts of Mr. Seward in the same direction. 

In order to complete the efficacy of this proposition, 
and still further to banish belligerent pretensions, con- 
traband of war should be abolished, so that all ships 
may freely navigate the ocean without being exposed 
to any question as to the character of persons or 
things on board. The Right of Search, which, on 
the occurrence of war becomes an omnipresent ty- 
ranny, subjecting every neutral ship to the arbitrary- 
invasion of every belligerent cruiser, would then 
disappear. It would drop as the chains drop -from 
an emancipated slave ; or rather it would only exist 
as an occas ion al agent, under solemn treaties, in the 
war waged by civilization against the slave trade ; 
and then ifc would be proudly- -•■cognized as an hon- 
orable surrender to the best interests,^ humanity, 
glorifying the flag which made it. '"~"-^_ i 

With the consummation of these reforms in mari-~ 
time law, not forgetting blockades under internation- 
al law, war would be despoiled of its most vexatious 
prerogatives, while innocent neutrals would be ex-- 
empt from its torments. The statutes of the sea, 
thus refined and elevated, will be the agents of peace 
instead of the agents of war. Ships and cargoes will 
pass unchallenged from shore to shore: and those 
terrible belligerent rights under which the commerce 
of the world has so long suffered, will *■■.--.■ .» 

troubling. In this work our >"■"■■■ 
It had hardly proclaimed its o« 
fore it sought to secure a simil 
the sea. It had hardly made a -sstitutiou for its 
own government before it sought to establish a consti- 
tution similar in spirit for the government of the sea. 
If it did not prevail at once, it was because it could not 
overcome the unyielding opposition of Great Britain. 
And now the time is come when this champion of 
belligerent rights " has checked his hand and chang- 
ed his pride." Welcome to this new alliance ! 
Meanwhile, amidst all present excitements, amidst 
all present trials, it only remains for us to uphold 
the constant policy of the republic, and to stand fast 
on the ancient ways. 



A NOBLE SPEECH, 



which has ever opposed and violated thorn. 

But this triumph is not. enough. The sea-god will 
in future Use his trident less; but the same principles 
which led to the present renunciation of early pre- 
tensions, naturally conduct to yet. further emancipa- 
tion of the sea. The work of maritime civilization 
is not; finished. Ami here the two nations, eqnally 
endowed by commerce, and matching each other, 
while they surpass all other nations, in peaceful 
ships, may gloriously unite in setting np new pillar 



lYade. Il is clear which shall mark new triumphs, rendering the ocean 
e hostile majorities I a highway v( peace, instead o( a field ^i' blood. 



Rev. Newman Hall made a noble speech in favor 
of peace before 3000 working-men in Surry Hall, 
London, on the 9th. He concluded as follows: — 

Once more, working-men, I beseech you, do what 
you ean to allay the unreasonable, unchristian war 
spirit that now prevails. Ponder on wdiat 1 have- 
said, and, in opposition to much that you hear and 
read, let. my arguments, if you deem them valid, per- 
suade you to do your utmost for the preservation of 
peace. I am not one of those who condemn war 
under all circumstances; but I consider in this case 
war would he most wicked. I am not. one of those who 
advocate peace at any price ; but I do earnestly plead 
for peace now, and I ask you all to help. Let each 
do what, he can to roll back the tide of angry pas- 
sion. O! by all the untold horrors of angry war; 
by the tenfold terribleness of a war between brothers ; 
by the sufferings of a negro race, wdio look on with 
alarm lest you should join their oppressors to rivet 
their chains; by the aspirations of the long down- 
trodden people of Hungary and Italy, whose enemies 
will exult if the great champions of freedom contend 
with each other, instead ol making common cause 
against, tyranny ; by the interests of the world, which 
will look on aghast to see its civilizers and evangel- 
ists engaged in mortal combat, instead of prosecuting, 
in holy rivalry, enterprises of benevolence; by the 
principles of Christianity ; by the example of Jesus ; 
by the law of God — I beseech you cast in your influ- 
ence on the side of peace, and loudly proclaim, '• UV~ 
wiU have no war with America." [Loud aiuT repeat- 
ed applause.] 

On the same subject, the London Star says : — 

" The blatant outcry for immediate submission or 
instant war is meeting with a check which those 
who raised it did not reckon upon. The clear com- 
mon-sense of the English people, who desire nothing 
more than that right should be done, is not to be 
misled by any amount of rhetorical artifice and halt- 
ing casuistry. It is proof, too. against those wicked 
appeals to pride and hatred so industriously made iu 
order to raise a clamor which it was hoped might 
drive the Government into a war with the Federal 
Union. 

Although the general opinion remains steady in 
condemning the conduet ot't'apl. Wilkes as contrary 
to international law. and an aggression on the rights 
of nations, every day multiplies proofs that it is not 
considered as sullieieut cause of war, or at any rate 
that it is a proper ease to which to endeavor to ap- 
ph the principle of arbitration, as proposed by Lord 
Clarendon at the Paris Congress, and solemnly 
adopted by that body. 

War with America could not be carried on fbf 
three months without causing sharp distress anil 
provoking loud discontent in every poor man's home. 
It. would be a war eMending to even baKoi's shop 

and every cottage oupboartl. It would be a war 

smiting wiih hunger, and perhaps with death, thou- 
sands utterly powerless over the causes of quar- 
rel, but not so powerless to avenge themselves on its 

promoter.-." 



io 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JANTJAEY 17. 



GEORGE THOMPSON. 

About the silliest and least excusable, the most 
graceless and baseless of the popular falsehoods per- 
sistently kept aitoat, because they are supposed to 
promote the interest of the utterers, runs thus : " The 
British aristocracy fomented the Abolition incitement 
in this country in order to distract us and break up 
the Union : now that they have effected their first 
purpose, they side with the slavehoMmj; rebels, in 
order to complete our national ruin." The simple 
fact that the British aristocracy never dW favor Abo- 
lition disposes of the whole fabrication. There are 
liberal aristocrats, just as there are white negroes; 
but the Aristocracy, as a class, never busied them- 
selves in any way' with American slavery. Even 
the emancipation of the slaves in the British West 
Indies— in which Mr. Calhoun affected to discern a 
plot for our overthrow— was wholly impelled by the 
Commons — it was suggested, struggled tor, and car- 
ried by the arguments, 'contributions, entreaties, votes, 
of the great middle class, and preeminently by the 
Dissenters, who were in good part hostile to slavery 
far in advance of even a respectable handful of the 
Aristocracy. The Government was finally con- 
strained to yield to these democratic influences winch, 
under the newly reformed Parliament, it was not 
gifting enough to defy and persistently defeat: hence 
the act of Emancipation which has reflected so much 
unfading" glorv on the British name. The smallest 
share of credit for that noble act— the credit of ceas- 
ing to resist it when resistance could no longer avail 
—is all that is clue to the Aristocracy. 

George Thompson was one of the early apostles 
of abolition among us, and was libelled, defamed, and 
mobbed in consequence. Though always of the most 
advanced Liberal school of British politicians, he 
was roundly abused when among us as a tool of the 
Aristocracy — which was about as sensible as to style 
Lloyd Garrison or Wendell Phillips an emissary of 
the slaveholders. 

Mr. Thompson recently gave a lecture on the 
American struggle at Leeds, England, wherein he 
evinced more knowledge of the subject than any 
British speaker or writer of the time — a knowledge 
that is explained by his intimate personal acquaint- 
ance with this country. He evinces throughout the 
most entire and ardent sympathy with the Natior 
in its grapple with the Rebellion : but this is not all 
bis views and statements are characterized by great 
caution and moderation. Witness the following ex- 
tract from his lecture : * * * 

[The extract printed by the Tribune is the first of 
the passages quoted from Mr. Thompson's speech on 
our third page.] 

This surely is not the language of a fanatic, of a 
nxrrow-m'mded bigot, but of a sensible, moderate, 
considerate statesman. And such has been the 
spirit evinced by the great body of British abolition- 
and advanced Liberals. They have spoken 
„ s 'Ood word for us when all other voices were 
blended in one common howl of hostility and aver- 
sion : they have declared our cause that of Humani- 
ty and Civilization when Ministers and leading jour- 
nalists conspired to betray the public mind with ir- 
relevant statements and the interposition of false and 
misleading issues. Whatever the future may have 
in store for us, we shall remember the British aboli- 
tionists as the firmest and most considerate of the 
European defenders of our National cause. — iV. Y. 
Tribune. ^^ 

fg$=- The speech of George Thompson, Esq. (a 
name dear to American abolitionists), which occupies 
a large portion of the first page, entitles that eloquent 
champion of liberty to the gratitude of every one 
■who has at heart the preservation of free govern- 
ment on this continent. If he were not the most 
generous of men — if the love of a great and noble 
cause did not lift him above all personal vindictiye- 
ness, surely we might expect now to hear his voice 
prominent in the roar of that tide of British dispar- 
agement of the North which comes swelling across 
the Atlantic. No other Englishman was ever so ma- 
ligned by the American press; no other could find 
in* his personal experience such plausible excuses for 
taking sides against us in this crisis of our country's 
fate. °But, forgetful of the insults heaped upon him 
by Americans in former years, — the slanders of the 
press, the fierce bowlings of the mobs which put his 
fife in peril — he steps forth now to vindicate the 
American ■ i3« the people ofGreat Britain. 

"'■■-■ of all trre*peculiar features 

a ■..v.rtuiieufc, his familiarity with all 
■ ^T'Uj.jm rebellion and with evury 
■■ movement, and above all, 
tiffin to Republican institutions, 
:.nt degree to explain to 
m the mysteries of the deadly 
. :.veen slavery and freedom in this country. 
Such speeches as that which we this week print can- 
not fait to exert a powerful influence in Great Bri- 
tain, and it will be a shame if the American press is 
not prompt to recognize their value and to do justice 
to their eloquent author. — National A. S. Standard. 

- DR. BE0W5SQB 0N LOYAL HAKMOKY. 

In a i-ecent review of an article by Archbishop 
Hughes, Dr. Orestes A.Brownson makes the follow- 
ing earnest remarks:— 

" Whatever tends to keep the North divided, and 
to prevent the loyal States from entering into the 
contest with the hearty sympathy and co-operation 
of their whole population, is really and undeniably 
aid and comfort given to the enemy, and is therefore, 
under the Constitution of the United States, virtual- 
ly, if not formally, treason. 

Party divisions, and especially party rivalries and 
animosities, are now mistimed and mischievous. They 
weaken the friends of the Union, and strengthen the 
hands of the rebels. We know, and can afford to 
know, until the rebellion is crushed out, no party di- 
visions, and no division but that between loyalists 
and rebels. Hushed should be all party strife be- 
tween loyal men, and even the usual odium theologi- 
cum should be suppressed. All loyal men — Protes- 
tants or Catholics, Democrats or Abolitionists, wheth- 
er black or white, red or yellow— who are prepared 
to stand by our common country, and defend it, 
need be, even to the last gasp, are our party, are 
our friends, our brothers, and we give them our 
hand and our heart. If there are differences be- 
tween us to be settled, we will adjourn them till w. 
have put down the rebellion, saved the Union, and 
made it sure that we have a country, homes, and 
firesides that we may enjoy in peace and safety 
and when that is done, perhaps it will be found that 
most of those differences have settled themselves, or 
at least, wherein personal or political, not worth re- 
viving We must be united, and not like the mad- 
dened Jews, when their chief city was beleaguered 
by the Roman cohorts, and Roman battering-rams 
were beating down the walls of their citadel, divided 
into factions^ and wasting, in spilling each other's 
blood, the strength needed to save our national exist- 
ence from destruction. 

This is no time for an Archbishop or any other 
man to make war on Abolitionists, and to crack 
stale jokes about an ' Abolition Brigade,' and the 
valor or want of valor of its suggested Brigadier. 
Such things are untimely and mischievous. The 
very existence of the nation is threatened, and threat- 
ened, not by Abolitionists or their sympathizers, but 
^_hy the slaveholding aristocracy of the South, and 
their dupes, tools, aiders, and abetters, in the loyal 
States — men who have no Abolition sympathies, but 
as stron" antipathy to all Abolitionists as John Ran- 
dolph of Roanoke had to sheep, which made him say 
that he would at any time go a mile out of his way 
to give one a kick. The danger that threatens ui 
is not on the side of the Abolitionists, but on the side 
of the friends and supporters of slavery, and very 
ordinary wisdom would counsel us, if we are true men. 
to face the danger where it is— not where it is not. 
There is no use in trying to gain credit with the loyal 
North by saying the" Union must be sustained, and 
with the disloyal South by vituperating Abolitionists, 
and denouncing as Abolitionists all who would not 
indeed overstep the Constitution to abolish slavery 
but would abolish slavery as a means of saving the 
Constitution. No man can now be suffered to 
1 Good Lord and Good Devil.' He must choose ei- 
ther the Lord's side or the Devil's side, and take th< 
consequence of success or failure. 

- ' Under which king, Bezonian ? Speak or die !' 



ggp 1 We see by our English papers that Rev. J. 
Sella Martin, the well-known colored minister of this: 
city, is making a very agreeable impression abroad. 
He has lectured in several towns, including old Bos- 
ton, on the subject of the American war, with much 
acceptance. In London, a soiree was given in his 
honor by the Hon. Arthur Kmnaird, M. P., which 
was attended by many distinguished persons. A 
lccommendatory note was read from Kev. Dr. Kirk 
of this city, anil a " brilliant, oralion," it is staLcd, 
was delivered by Mr. Martin, in advocacy of the 
cause of our Government. — Boston Journal 



%lt %ihttHtttv. 



No Union with Slaveholders I 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 17, 1862. 



ANNUAL MEETING 

Of the Massachusetts Anti"Slavery Society, 

The twenty-ninth Annua! Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti -Slavery Society will be held in 
Boston, at Allston Hall, (corner of Trcmont and 
Bromfield Streets,) on Thursday and Fkiday, Jan. 
23d and 24th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A, M. 
Three sessions will be held each day. 

Though a great change, equally surprising and 
cheering, has taken place in public sentiment flt the 
North, on the subject of slavery, since the " SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION" broke out, yet the 
times demand of the uncompromising friends of free- 
dom all [lie vigilance, earnestness, activity and gene- 
rous cooperation, that it is in their power to give; 
for upon them devolves the task of creating, deepen- 
ing and guiding that moral sentiment which is to 
determine the fate of the republic. Their work, as 
Abolitionists, will not be consummated while a slave- 
holder is tolerated on the American soil, or a slave 
clanks his tetters beneath the American flag. Theirs 
is the truest patriotism, the purest morality, the no- 
blest philanthropy, the broadest humanity. So far 
from having any affinity with, or bearing any likeness 
to the traitors of the South, there is an impassable 
gulf between the parties, as well as an irrepressible 
conflict. Now that, by the treasonable course of the 
South, the Government, by the exigencies in which it 
is placed, may constitutionally abolish slavery, and is 
solemnly bound to improve the opportunity, under 
the war power, the duty of the hour is to bring every 
influence to bear upon it, to induce it to exercise that 
power without delay, and thus to speedily crush the 
rebellion, and establish liberty and peace in every sec- 
tion of the country. In this work of humanity and 
righteousness, of reconciliation and union, it is oblig- 
atory upon all cordially to participate. 

Among the speakers expected are Wm. Lloyd Gar- 
rison, Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Parker 
Pillsbury, Samuel May, Jr., Rev. Wm. R. Alger, 
Henry C. Wright, Rev. J. M. Manning, Rev. A. A. 
Miner, Hon. N. H. Whiting, F. B. Sanborn, J. S. 
Rock, Esq., Giles B. Stebhins, and others. 

At the opening session, Thursday morning, Wen- 
dell Phillips, Rev. Wm. R. Alger, and others, will 
speak. An early and full attendance is earnestly re- 
quested- At the evening session, ten cents admission 
will be charged to defray expenses. 

By order of the Managers of the Society, 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Sec'y. 



THE TIMES. 

A LEOTUEE 

Delivered in the Fraternity Oourse, at Tremont 

Temple, Boston, Tuesday Evening. Jan, 7th, 

BY 

WENDELL PHILLIPS, ESQ. 



THE TWENTY EIGHTH 

NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY SUBSCRIPTION 
ANNIVERSARY. 

The Ladies who have for so many years received 
the subscriptions of their Mends to the Cause, ask the 
favor of their company, as usual at this time of the 

AVEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 22d, 
IN MUSIC HALL, BOSTON. 

As it is quite impossible for us to send invitations to 
all, even in this vicinity, xoho hate slavery, and who 
desire to aid in its entire abolition, and, if possible, by 
moral and peaceful means, we would say to all the 
friends of justice and freedom, that they may obtain 
special invitations (without which no person is admit- 
ted ) at the Anti-Slavery Office, 221 Washington street, 
and of the ladies at their respective homes. 



L. Maria Child, 
Mary May, 
Louisa Lorbig, 
Henrietta Sargent, 
Sarah Russell May, 
Helen Eliza Garrison, 
Anna Shaw Greene, 
Sarah Blake Shaw, 
Caroline C. Thayer, 
Abby Kelley Foster, 
Lydia D. Parker, 
Augusta G. King, 
Mattie Griffith, 
Mary Jackson, 
Evelina A. S7nith, 



Mary Willey, 
Ann Rebecca Bramhall. 
Sarah P. Remand, 
Mary E. Stearns, 
Sarah J. Nomll, 
Elizabeth Von Arnim, 
Anne Langdon Alger, 
Eliza Apthorp, 
Sarah Cowing, 
Sarah H. Southwick, 
Mary Elizabeth Sargent, 
Sarah C. Atkinson, 
Abby Francis, 
Mary Jane Parkman, 
Georgina Otis, 
Caroline M. Severance, Abby H. Stephenson, 
Elizabeth Gay, Abby F. Manley, 

Katherine Earlc Farnum. 
The friends of the Cause in distant cities, or in 
country towns, with whom we have been so long in 
correspondence, are earnestly entreated, for the sake 
of the Cause, at this moment of deep and anxious inter- 
est, — when the unstinted contributions of our Northern 
people to defeat the wicked and rebellious designs of 
Slavery make it difficult to raise money in large 
sums, — to kike up collections in their respective neigh- 
borhoods, using all diligence to make the amount of 
smaller subscriptions supply any deficiency the times 
may occasion in the larger ones. Now should be the 
time of our most devoted effort; and abundant oppor- 
tunities are afforded us for reaching the consciences 
and hearts of the people with a power and to a de- 
gree never before known. It is hoped that no town, 
which has ever manifested an interest in the cause of 
freedom, will be unrepresented now; and that no in- 
dividual whose heart is in unison with ours on this 
subject will be found wanting to our list. We hope to 
welcome as many as possible at the evening Recep- 
tion ; — at all events, to receive their subscriptions by 
letter. 

JfJT" The Germania Band has been engaged, and 
their beautiful music will add to the attractions of the 
occasion, 

j^= Each invitation must be inscribed with the 
name of the guest, as last year, before presenting at 
the door. Cloaks and shawls may be left in the care 
of attendants at the entrance. 

£g^"" If in any case a donation or subscription can- 
not he forwarded in season for the Anniversary, it 
will be included in the list of acknowledgments, if 
sent as soon afterwards as circumstances permit. 

to the friends of the slave. 

We trust that all those who believe we ought to 
" remember those in bonds as bound with them," will 
bear in mind our Reception at the Music Hall, Jan. 
22d, and will give us aid, either in person, by proxy, 
or by letter. 

One party is talking of subjugating slaveholders, 
and another of compromising with slaveholders ; but 
who, except the "old Abolitionists," fully recognizes 
the rights of the slave, and our duty towards him, as 
our brother, in the sight of God? While politicians 
look at emancipation only as a "necessity of war," 
and seem to consider colored men and women as so 
many horses or mules, to be disposed of as may best 
suit their convenience, it is evident that a great moral 
work still needs to be done, before this guilty nation 
can be imbued with principles of justice and feelings 
of humanity towards those whom they have so long 
oppressed. Help us to do this righteous woik, we 
pray you ! 

In behalf of the Committee of Anti-Slavery Ladies, 
L. MARIA CHILD. 



8^"" Gen. Simon Cameron on Monday resigned the 
Department of War, and Hon. Edwin M. Stanton was 
promptly nominated to fill his place. Much specula- 
tion exists as to the cause of this resignation. The 
New York Times represents that it was Mr. Lincoln's 
act, and that no one was more surprised at it than Mr. 
Cameron himself. The Hunker papers rejoice in the 
nomination of Mr. Stanton. Instead of "drifting" 
towards an Emancipation policy, the President seems 
to lie actively working against that, policy. The army 
authorities, too, seem to be far Jess anxious that the 
rebels shall run than that the slaves shall not. 



Mit. President, and Ladiks and Gentlemen: 

We have been told that this is the closing lecture of 
this course, — a course, the marked ability and earnest- 
ness of which must have done much to educate the 
public mind. Fourteen months ago, in November, I 
had the honor to open the one which preceded this. 
I believe I then expressed the almost unanimous 
feeling of the Northern States when I welcomed 
Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United 
States with the siueerest confidence and good-will. 
Nine_months ago, in April, at the Music Hall, I enjoy- 
ed the satisfaction — rare to me — of speaking in the 
name of the majority of New England, when I said 
Amen and God-speed to the purpose of the Cabinet in 
lifting the guage of battle which the South had thrown 
down to us at Sumter. Nine months have passed 
since — nine long, weary, eventful months. What 
record have they borne to the history of these United 
States'? The people, with a patriotism and readiness, 
with an energy and enthusiasm, which find hardly a 
parallel in history, have placed at the command of 
their Government everything : money without stint ; 
armies that almost equal the fabulous levies of Asia. 
We have levelled every barrier of civil right; we 
have annihilated every mark of constitutional liberty ; 
and over the broad, unfenced surface of the Empire, 
the Cabinet has wielded the sceptre of despotic pow- 
er. Twenty millions of people have raised a hun- 
dred millions of doliars, and their credit has hardly 
oscillated on the exchange. We have mills that could 
almost recloth our army every three months; prodi- 
gal harvests ; armories full of workmen, crowded with 
weapons; and yet, to-day, ten months since the inau- 
guration of the Cabinet, these rich, active, well-fur- 
nished, twenty millions of people, stand checkmated, 
having gained no one advantage worthy of note, their 
capital besieged by ten millions of -enemies, whose 
credit could not command a dollar on any exchange of 
the world ; who have neither a granary to feed nor 
mills to clothe their army ; and whose rare statesman- 
ship, whose singular, unmatched ability holds an un- 
filing people, and a fettered race quiet while threat- 
ened by such a foe. Ten months, of which the his- 
tory is hardly anything but disaster and disgrace ! 
Ten months — its first epoch marked by the flag that 
never feared a foe lowered to an insurrection, then 
contemptible, at Sumter; its second epoch by a flight 
which gave us the jeers of the world for a comment; 
and the third, by the stars and Btripes trailed in too 
ready, humiliating submission to the threats of the 
mother land. Ten months, such as the world never 
saw, of the willingness of millions to pour out treas- 
ure and blood ! Public opinion has stood behind the 
Cabinet with the heartiest enthusiasm and support. 
From every section, from the pulpit and from Iiteia- 
ture, every voice has been Godspeed and auxiliary. 
From the press came that most remarkable of all ut- 
terances, perhaps the most eloquent that the exigency 
has called out — " The Rejected Stone," from the pen 
of a native Virginian, published in this city by Walker 
& Wise, and analyzing, illustrating, exhausting the 
question, with a home knowledge, with an earnestness, 
which no other expression has reached. The pulpit 
has done its work with remarkable fidelity. From 
Maine to the Mississippi, from the humblest local pul- 
pit to the broadest metropolitan see, from the com- 
monest utterances to the largest religious press, the 
voice has all been in support of the Government. 
And I may say, in passing, that nothing shows more 
emphatically how much the unfaithfulness of the pul- 
pit for thirty years has forfeited its natural influence 
on the intellect of the people, than the very little 
fluence which this unanimous utterance, in such a 
critical hour, has had upon the policy and the hearts 
of the people. Ten months — nothing is its record ! 
We have not yet turned the first flank of the foe. 
More than that, the Cabinet has neither made nor met 
a question. I call it the Apology Cabinet. It is the 
only Cabinet in the history of the nation whose whole 
record is a series of apologies. Sumter ! — why did it 
fall? In long columns, with elaborate excuse, with 
minute detail, the Cabinet will tell you why. Norfolk 
Navy Yard and Harper's Ferry ! — why were they 
lost? Listen! and if you will listen long enough, 
the Cabinet will elaborately explain how. Manassas ! 
a disgraceful defeat — why? If you will be patient, 
sit down and stay a week, the Cabinet will convince 
you how necessary and inevitable and beneficial it 
was, without anybody's fault. Mason and Slidell on 
board a British gunboat instead of in a Massachusetts 
fort ! Listen ! and the three columns of Mr. Sec- 
retary Micawber, ever waiting for " something to turn 
up," will explain to you exactly why. (Laughter.) 
The Apology Cabinet! 

Understand me. I mean to find no excessive fault 
with the Administration. They are in due course of 
being educated; but, unfortunately, it takes too long. 
Every hour is big with the fate of the Union, and 
meantime, the scholars at Washington have not got 
beyond the first form. If we had an American for 
President, and not a Kentuckian, we might have had 
the satisfaction of knowing, -that in the effort to save 
Kentucky, we had not lost the Union — in the vain ef- 
fort to save Kentucky, we had not lost the Union. I 
have addressed many audiences in the different cities 
during the last ten months. We have all waited 
with matchless patience for the action of this body of 
men to whom the helm of State has been entrusted. 
They have raised an army such as the world never 
saw. England, with her thousand years of history, 
with her flag given to the battle and the breeze for so 
many centuries, by forced impressment and pinched 
levies, cannot put one man in ten in the field, to what 
the patriotism of these Northern States has furnished 
the Government. So much the Cabinet has done. It 
waits for the people to do more. For one, with no in- 
tention of disrespect, with -no bitterness of criticism, 
I must say, these ten months have exhausted my pa- 
tience with the Cabinet at Washington. (Applause.) 
I place no further reliance on them. 1 do not assume 
to divide the guilt of these ten months of inaction — 
whether to the Administration or the people. History 
will settle that. History will assign the rightful 
measure of responsibility to the masses and to their 
leaders. All I have to say, here and now, is, that in 
my opinion, if History shall find that the heedless in- 
capacity of leading men, that the mousing and ill- 
timed ambition of the Administration, that the fact 
that we had a man for President who could not open 
his eyes any wider than to take in Kentucky, and 
statesmen for the Administration who could see noth- 
ing at present but their chances for the Presidency, — 
if History shall find the verdict that this caused our 
national disasters and humiliation, posterity will 
henceforth divide the curses that have usually been 
monopolized by Aaron Burr and Benedict Arnold. 
The treason which attempts the surrender of West 
Point is attended with less bitter results than that 
heedless incapacity, than that ill-timed am hi lion, 
which obliges a nation to such humiliation, and brings 
us into our present jeopardy. Everybody agrees, 
that this last month, we could do nothing else than 
surrender the Commissioners to Great Britain. Blon- 
din on his tight rope is in no condition to resent an 
insult; neither is this nation in a condition to hazard 
a war with Great Britain. There could nothing else, 
nothing better be done, than to surrender the Com- 
missioners, in our present condition. But who brought 
us to this condition ? Who wasted the enthusiasm of 
hist summer 1 Who kept half a million of men idle 
since the first day of October? Who omitted to put 
on the banner of the Union that motto which would 
have checkmated ovvry Emperor anil Cabinet of Eu- 
rope, by an appeal to the sympathise and conscience 
of the people, and thus barred them from daring lo 
insult the great and distracted Republic .' 1 throw 



my share of the humiliation of these last twenty days 
on the heads of those men, who, having in their hands 
the tools of conquest, the means of saying to the des- 
potism of Europe, "Thus far, and no farther," for the 
past six months, have wasted both time and means — 
I care not why, but wasted them, until we stand to- 
day where we are. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I for one, therefore, expect 
nothing from the Cabinet at Washington. So far as 
they are concerned, the game is up; the Union is 
severed; the men who were murdered at Baltimore — 
their lives are half WHsted. We have poured out two mil- 
lion a day, and we have purchased nothing but disgrace, 
except this sublime uprising, which shows the omnip- 
otence of self-government, and whose whole merit 
belongs to the people. If there is no resort else- 
where, if there is no appeal to any other part of 
the Government, the cause is closed, the verdict is 
rendered, and the Court may adjourn. 

Let me tell you why I think so. But before that, 
let me say a word personal to the party with which I 
have been associated. I say it with all seriousness; 
and for the next three months, there is no American 
who can afford to be anything but serious. Men and 
their faults, their ambitions, their successes, their vir- 
tues, sink to nothingness before the majesty of the 
issue. In the next three months, I more than half 
expect disunion ; two confederacies; a North subju- 
gated by events, smarting under defeat, bankrupt in 
statesmanship and character. Some of us have said — 
I may have said — in times past, that Democracy was 
on trial here. It was a mistake. Democracy has 
never been on trial. Except in our Northern State 
Governments, we have never had a Democracy in this 
country. We have had an attempt at a free govern- 
ment, an attempt at free institutions, poisoned, tainted, 
conditioned on a toleration of the system of slavery. 
The Abolitionists have said for thirty years, and ev- 
ery thoughtful man on the other side of the water 
has echoed the sentiment, that it was a grave ques- 
tion whether the public and its leaders in the free 
States had not been so demoralized, so much weaken- 
ed in their moral sense, so much dulled in their ap- 
preciation of the responsibilities of self-government 
by the influence of slavery, as to make it impossible 
for us to survive any great crisis. The anti-slavery 
party of these free States have again and again aver- 
red their confident belief that the slavery question 
was so radical that this Union could not endure it and 
live. We have often said, that it was a singular and 
melancholy fact, that the monarchic institutions of 
Great Britain, a ship of State burdened with millions 
of debt, with vast evil institutions, with a Nobility and 
anEstablishedClmrch, was still able to endure for 
fifty years, and outlive the storm of anti slavery agita- 
tion ; and as long ago as during the life-time of Dr. 
Follen, it was the sad but confident belief of many 
leading men in the anti-slavery party, that this Re- 
publican community had been so poisoned by sixty 
years of compromise and submission, as to render 
such a result almost hopeless here. It bids fair to be 
prophecy sadly fulfilled. Before I pass on, however, 
in view of that summer upon which we soon shall 
enter, and which, I think, unless somebody more po- 
tent than any yet in power bestirs himself, will see us- 
with two Confederacies, let me say one word about 
that disunion sentiment which I have so long repre- 
sented. 

We advocated disunion, we planned disunion, not, 
understand us, because we undervalued Union, be- 
cause we did not see how broadly it ministered to 
peace, to commercial prosperity, to large material 
life, to the development of the noblest manhood, to 
the real and most perfect freedom of the black 
race, provided it could be an honest Union. The 
Union against which we protested was a Union 
bought by submission to slavery. It was a Union 
that meant slavery in the Carnlinas, and gags in 
New York. It was a Union that meant Massachu- 
setts with the right to say so much, and only so much, 
as South Carolina would permit. It was a Union in 
which no man dared to follow out the logical infer- 
ences from right and wrong, because he ran against 
great national institution, in the presence of which, if 
he had any hopes of political advancement, or pub- 
lic favor, he must be silent. It was a Union whose 
fundamental conditions violated justice — a Union 
whose cement was the blood of the slave. It was such 
Union that we opposed ; and when, in the spring of 
the last year, Slavery unfurled her banner against 
that Union — when, laying a corner-stone of the 
slave trade and bondage, she announced her purpose 
to take possession of Washington, and dictate terms 
to the nation — mark you ! not secession. The Gulf 
States never read to us the programme of secession. 
The first plan, threat, proposal, was to take possession 
of Washington, — to prevent the inauguration of Lin- 
coln, — to demand the recognition of Europe as the 
United States of America, — to call the roll of their 
slaves on Bunker Hill, — to dictate peace in Faneuil 
Hall. It was a conspiracy to govern this belt of the 
continent. It was a conspiracy to put at the head of 
the Union the guiding star of American slavery. 
When that phase presented itself to the public, when 
Lincoln — the only act that will immortalize his 
name, the only act that gives the world evidence that 
he did not leave his conscience and his brains in Ken- 
tucky when ho removed to Illinois — when Mr. Lin- 
coln said, "The flag of Sumter shall never be low- 
ered by an order signed with my name," — when the 
North rose in arms to support that declaration, and' 
from the Atlantic to the Mississippi rang out the de- 
fiance to this Southern confederacy based on slave- 
ry, we, like our fellow-citizens, said "All hail lo the 
North ! sleeping, but not dead. The North — of 
which no man dreamed — who has been resting on 
her musket since Bunker Hill — but at the first sound 
of a worthy challenge starts up ready for the bat- 
tle. (Loud cheers.) The North, that men thought 
cankered with gold, bought and smothered with cot- 
ton, the North, that springs to arms for an idea, and 
sends her message to every hovel in the Carclinas, 
that the pledge of '76 shall yet be a reality, and all 
men on the continent shall be as God created them, 
free and equal." (Prolonged applause.) When that 
voice came from nineteen States, and twenty millions 
of people, — that the corner-stone of the Union should 
be justice, — we dropped our prejudice ngainst a 
Union big with such a purpose. Like all of you, we 
placed at the service of the country and the Cabinet 
any little item of influence that might be in our hands, 
and for ten long months we have waited to see what 
that Administration and that Cabinet would do. They 
have trailed the banner we gave them in the dust 
and blood of every possible humiliation. They have 
left no bright spot on the history of 1861 ; no act of 
the Government at thought of which an American 
must not put his hand upon his lips and his lips in 
the dust. If the nation lives, it is the untaught en- 
ergy of the people which has shown the world, that 
outside of Washington there is still a Democracy 
vital and sufficient for the hour. (Applause.) 

What is, as far as any man can learn it, the pur- 
pose of the Government ? As far as we can learn it 
from any net, from any official source, it is to recon- 
struct this nation on the basis of '89. It is to put bnck 
all the institutions of the country where they were on 
the 1st of January, 1860. The only property which 
the Administration will not touch is the pretended 
right to a slave. Charleston herself may be ruined; 
wo may stop up the harbor which God's own hand 1ms 
scooped, and blot out of existence a great city; but 
one single slave that walks upon its dust, the Govern- 
ment is not brave enough to touch. The Govern- 
ment stands to-day with no avowed purpose whatever, 
but to put this nation where it was on the 4th of March, 
I860. Every man with his eyes open, from Charles 
Sumner downward, has said again and again, that 
there was not strength enough in twenty Stfttoe to 
save slavery and the Union; and every voice from 

Europe, of impartial judgment, echoes the sentiment. 

In ten months the Cabinet 1ms announced its choice of 
the alternative, anil to-day stands pledged to save sia- 
very. How? There is but one will in tins nation. 
1 look upon the Cabinet and the President as Absorbed, 
swallowed up, hidden, "covert," as the law calls a 



wife— "covert" by Gen. McClellan. The Cabinet— 
those of them who are not plotting for the Presidency 
of a Union that has so little chance to exist,— are wait- 
ing for Mr. Secretary Micawber; the President is 
dumb ; and there is no living man in the Government 
but General McClellan. He announces that within 
thirty days, he expects to crush this rebellion. Lying 
on a bed of sickness, to be raised by the providence of 
God into ordinary strength, he announces that in thirty 
days he means to give us a victory so decisive, so im- 
mediate, that it will pi'ai-:ica!ly be an end of the war. 
Grant it! If he does mi, he saves the Union. (Ap- 
plause.) If he does so, he puts France and England 
on their good behavior. (Applause.) But, mark you ! 
you are hanging your Union — and I value it as much 
as you do, as much as any man does ; I know the mo- 
mentous interests we served when we bought Florida, 
and rounded the nation to the Gulf. Large interests of 
peace, broad reasons of trade, strong considerations of 
a well-fortified neighborhood — I know the strength of 
that necessity which led Jefferson to override the Con- 
stitution and buy the Mississippi. Peace, trade, the 
interests of the West,— I know the gain, I recugnize 
the temptation, which bowed the ambition of Webster 
to that scheme of Texan annexation which was politi- 
cal suicide. It was to complete, to make harmonious, 
to make impregnable, the Union. I recognize all these 
interests. Within sixty days from to-day, if we have 
success, immediate, decisive, unmixed, covering us 
with glory from Port Royal to Memphis, from the 
Potomac to New Orleans, the Union is safe. (Ap- 
plause.) But, Mr. President, it is a momentous game. 
"On the nice hazard of one doubtful hour," as Hot- 
spur says, — twenty million of people, who have spent 
two million of dollars a day, and sent their sons by half 
millions to die by disease and the bullet, — "on the 
nice hazard of one doubtful hour" hangs the whole 
determination of such a question. Why should it 
be so? Why were no other attempts, no proba- 
ble success, no other chances evoked in October ? 
Why are we crowded up to this great, last danger ? 
What if we do not succeed, if we have but half-and- 
half success ? Does any man believe we shall wholly 
succeed ? With a hundred thousand men at Washing- 
ton, who have been looking in the faces of a hundred 
thousand on the other side of the Potomac for months, 
with a scattered army, which has never met a South- 
ern foe without finding him superior in numbers, is it 
absolutely certain, beyond all question, that we shall gain 
nothing but victory ? Are you quite sure, are you ab- 
solutely confident that nowhere in the broad circle, 
hemming in, like the hunter's, Memphis, New Orleans, 
East Tennessee, the Potomac, Port Royal, Mobile, — 
driving the foe in together, — is it absolutely certain 
that nowhere we are to meet a check ? If we do, if 
our success is mixed, if our victory is uncertain, if out 
of four battles we lose two, if we are driven back, if 
we stand on the 4th of March anywhere as we stand 
to-day, if we tide over to April, and have not crushed 
out the insurrection, what thoughtful man doubts that 
Spain, France, England, who even now keep their 
fleets afloat in the Mexican Gulf, and at Halifax, 
with an army in Canada — who doubts that these 
powers will acknowledge the Confederacy ? And 
Mr. Seward told Mr. Adams, in his private note, 
six weeks ago, that the recognition by either or all of 
these States would mean nothing but war with this 
Republic; and if the eight or nine States in rebellion 
have kept us ten months at bay, does any man believe 
that these States are sufficient to subjugate them when 
France and England stand on their Bide ? 

Ladies and Gentlemen, I say to you what I believe 
to-night — sixty days settle whether we are to have one 
Union or two; and there is a vast meaning in those 
two Unions. There was a time when 1 think — I may 
be mistaken, every man is liable to be, but I think 
there was a time when we might have divided ; when, 
if the North had withdrawn, or the South, it might 
have been possible to have two confederacies, and peace 
between them. But to-day, angered, at war, smarting 
with mutual injuries, with hate that will not die out 
for two generations, two Unions mean no tariff, two 
such Unions mean bankruptcy at Lowell, bankruptcy 
at Lawrence ; two Unions mean an almost total, a 
very radical change of the manufacturing and me- 
chanical interests of these nineteen States ; two Unions 
mean a frontier stretching from the Potomoc to the 
Gulf, and every ten miles a smuggler ; two such Unions 
mean John Brown in every Northern village, and fear 
in every Southern Harper's Ferry that he attacks ; two 
such nations mean war all along the border — races the 
most ingenious and persistent, ours and the South, 
carrying on a constant, bloody, bitter strife, until per- 
haps in thirty or fifty years natural laws kill slavery. 
It strikes me that hazard is too great to lay upon the 
power and the capacity of Gen. McClellan. If the 
Cabinet rests wholly on him, we have got something 
to do to save this Union of ours. What right have 
we, Mr.' President, to claim the control of this Union ? 
What right have we to say that these our Northern 
States are entitled to a preponderance in the past ? 
No right but this — that we are the better — not that we 
are the stronger, that we are the better civilization. 
What right has England to rule India? The right of 
conquest is too bare, without real basis. Her right 
is that her sceptre is civilization, thought, humanity, 
and her subject is barbarism. Why should we claim 
that our institutions have a right to govern this Union? 
The ground is that they create men — broader, strong- 
er, betler, nobler, higher men. Thus far, we have not 
shown it. On this seventh day of January, I take the 
liberty to say to a Boston audience, the South has 
shown the better right to succeed. She has shown 
more statesmanship than we have. With wonderful 
skill, she has held eight millions of unwilling people 
quiet, four millions of slaves quiet, marshalled large 
armies, larger in proportion than any State ever raised, 
and gathered them from a reluctant people. She has 
coined finances out of nothing, and bread out of stones, 
she has made ten millions overmatch twenty. 
A Voice — I don't believe that doctrine, for one. 
Mit. Phillips— Welt, my friend, facts are hard 
things; I wish it was not true. She has subsidized 
every press and every court in Europe. Whence 
conies it? I am not, mark you! saying that her 
means are moral. I speak only of ability, efficiency. 
How does South Carolina subsidize the Times f In 
the same way that she bought the North on the Texas 
question. She spread Texas scrip over nineteen 
States ; worth nothing, paper, when she gave it away ; 
worth seventy cents on a dollar when Northern votes, 
so bought, had made Texas a part of the Union. She 
has subsidized the literature and sources of opinion in 
Europe in the same manner — with Confederate scrip, 
by the million — worth nothing to-day — worth a hun- 
dred cents on a dollar, perhaps, for a while — long 
enough for shrewd men to realize — if the Thunderer 
of London and the Despot of Paris can make that 
Confederacy a fact, instead of a myth. She, like a 
sagacious pilot, has weathered every storm until to- 
day, and deserves to succeed. She is true to her idea, 
Slavery. She makes everything bend to it. Our 
idea is Liberty. Instead of proclaiming it, living by 
It and for It, our Government is trying to tread on 
eggs, without breaking them. (Laughter and applause.) 
Our Government dare not whisper the idea on which 
it rests. Hardly a political meeting dare speak of the 
sore that consumes the body politic. The North sends 
her armies into the field, and the only thing Ihey have 
done for ten months is to catch negroes and find out 
owners for them. We have not yel vindicated our 
title to govern by the exhibition of a civilization and 
earnestness of ideas superior to the South. 

I know, ladies and gentlemen, this is unwelcome 
truth ; hut is there any other way in explain our posi- 
tion ? Certainly, we have not conquered. The stars 
and snipes do not float over New Orleans. Richmond 

is not beuetged, and Washington is. Beauregard ran 
ride a hundred miles in either direction, and General 

McClellan cannot. Explain for me the problem. 

Twenty millions of people, with wealth that Knows no 
limit, and yel thus we stand to-day. Now, it seems lo 

me that our trial of Demowacy— our mixed, half- 
way, conditional trial of Democracy, — lias proved this, 

lhal it. does mil. breed leaders. This war was not he- 
gun bj statesmen ; it has UOl been Qawled oil by (hem. 



The Administration was forced into its position by the 
people, and the people must carry it forward. We 
have three things to do. We must avoid war with 
England ; we must avoid an insurrection of the Blares ; 
and wc must write something on our banner, that will 
appeal to the people of Europe against the CabinetB. 
How do you propose to check the palpable and unmis- 
takable plan of Great Britain and France to acknowl- 
edge the Southern Confederacy within four months ? 
McClellan proposes to check it by victory. God speed 
him 1 (Loud cheers.) He proposes to check it by en- 
camping in Richmond. God speed him ! (Renewed 
cheering.) He proposes to cheek it by putting ttie 
stars and stripes over New Orleans. I say, Amen ! 
(Loud applause.) If he will only do it, there ih noth- 
ing more necessary ; we have conquered, and there is 
an end; and although I shall regret, for one, that it 
was possible to reconstruct the Union of '89, I shall 
bow my head, and confess that he has done it. But I 
doubt his ability. I do not believe in the possibility of 
doing it within ninety days. It seems to me no sane 
man, wiio has looked at the last ten months, can be- 
lieve it. And if we do not gucceed in that time, it is 
death. By the first of April, that Southern Confed- 
eracy will be acknowledged. There is one exception, 
one other contingency. The slaves may rise. There 
may be an insurrection. These blacks, of whom the 
complacent white man is constantly asking, "What 
shall we do witli them ? " may rise up and say, "We 
have concluded to do something for ourselves ! " Yes, 
it is possible. It would be the foulest blot on states- 
manship ; it would indicate a deplorable defect in our 
civilization, to say of twenty millions of people, rich 
and well fed, armed to two-thirds of a million, that 
they could not pilot the slave to safety, without his 
murdering his master, and burning from New Orleans 
to the Potomac. It would be bankruptcy to national 
character; it would be a blot such as seventy more 
years of successes would hardly erase. We must 
ivoid that. For our character, still more for hunian- 
ty's sake, we must prevent it. We must avoid war 
with England. It is useless to boast. We cannot now 
fight England. We cannot fight England when she 
speaks the sentiments of Christendom, and when she 
stands behind those twelve States in rebellion. She 
will not move until she moves with France, and Spain, 
and possibly the rest of Europe at her side; and you 
know, every one of you that thinks, that the Despots 
of Europe, naturally, constitutionally, inevitably — 
those of them that are not fit for a mad house — hate, 
dread and envy this Republic. The Earl of Shafts- 
bury, we are told, has said so in a public meeting in 
Great Britain. It is natural they should; we must 
take it for granted they do. I appeal to every man 
before me, familiar with English literature, familiar 
ith English politics for the last thirty years, whether 
it is not a foregone conclusion, that the Tory party of 
Great Britain, much more that of the Continent, dread, 
and would seek every honorable means to destroy, this 
Republic. On the fourth of March, we shall have 
been one year at war; on the first of June, we shall 
have been fifteen months at war ; and if Europe is 
able to say — " You have tried it and cannot succeed ; 
you have done your utmost; you have neither states- 
manship nor armies worthy the name; this fratricidal 
strife, this disgrace to civilization, this destruction of 
the markets of the world, this starvation of the indus- 
try of Europe, must cease " — why should she not say 
so ? I tell you an open secret, when I tell you that 
many a member of Congress at Washington expects 
it? McClellan may be victorious. That is one way. 
There is a better. Do you remember that Daniel 
Webster said, " There is something sharper than bay- 
onets, there is something stronger than thrones " ? 
"It is," he says, "that public opinion which follows 
the conqueror home from the scene of his ovation, 
which tells him that the world, though silent, is indig- 
nant; which denounces against him the indignation of 
an enlightened age; which turns to bitterness the cup 
of his rejoicing; which stings him with the conscious- 
ness that he has outraged the opinion of mankind." 
To that public opinion we can appeal. Let these nine- 
teen States say to the world this — " We have struggled 
for ten months to treat this rebellion as an ordinary in- 
surrection; to preserve untouched the social arrange- 
ments of every State. We find ourselves unable. We 
recognize the central disease from which these troubles 
spring. We pronounce it a struggle betwixt Freedom 
and Slavery, nnd the Government announces, after a 
long and patient trial, that this is a war for Liberty, 
that only impartial Liberty can save the Union, 
and hence of necessity, it proclaims that every 
man that sees the stars and stripes shall be free ! " 
(Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.) Let McClel- 
lan put that upon his banner, so broad that it can be 
seen in London, and Earl Russell will write no more 
haughty notes to Mr. Seward. We shall checkmate 
any Cabinet in Great Britain. If my Lord Palmer- 
ton will not carry out the designs of peace toward such 
a North, my Lord Derby will succeed him ; and that 
religious, and slavery, enlightened middle class which 
has not been heard from at present, which finds no 
voice in " Blackwood's Magazine," or in the "Edin- 
burgh Review," will say to Earl Russell — " In the 
name of Clarkson and Wilberforee, hold your tongue ! 
(Cheers.) These brothers of ours on the other side 
the Atlantic are engaged in a struggle which means 
Magna Charta. In the name of John Milton, of 
Hampden, and Wilberforee, our hearts go out to them. 
God save the great Republic!" (Loud applause.) 
There is no other appeal possible for the people of this 
continent; and it seems to me that we have too much 
at issue to trust it to the single expectation of military 
victory. I am willing to wait as long as any man for 
the drill of Gen. McClellan. I am willing to wait un- 
til he has made an army as perfect as that of the great 
Napoleon. But I know an army already drilled ; 
drilled by a hundred years of bitterest oppression; 
every drop of their blood in earnest; covered hy God 
with black faces, so that you may know them at a dis- 
tance, and always to be trusted (applause) ; I know an 
army that are spies at every hearth-side of the South ; 
they will make every step safe while he walks to New 
Orleans; and whether Manassas is a barrier on one 
aide or Richmond on the other, he shall find between 
him and every Southern cannon a hundred thousand 
at least of friends in the very territory he invades. 

Yon may think I speak this merely as an Abolition- 
ist. I allow, with perfect readiness, that my chief 
interest in politics springs from my sense of the jus- 
tice which this country owes to the victim race. (Ap- 
plause.) I want to see a Democracy educated to the 
level of the Roman boast, that it pulls down the op- 
pressor, and lifts up the oppressed. (Applause.) I 
want to see a religion in the North that recognizes the 
responsibility of strength to protect weakness. I want 
to see a sense of justice planted in the soul of every 
American citizen, so that of our mere motion we shall 
be willing and desirous of metcing out this justice to 
the negro. But I confess that, to-night, I do not 
speak from that motive. I speak from a broader 
motive — as an American citizen, charged with the 
welfare of all races, white and black, foreign and 
native. (Applause,) I speak from what I thought 
I had torn up by the roots — pride in the flag 
which floated over our fathers' heads. (Renewed ap- 
plause.) I confess I shall feel humiliated if, three. 
months hence, at the bidding of hostile nations, this 
Union is severed in halves. I shall live, I hope, to 
make my reckoning with (he men who have betrayed 
us the hist six months, for during all that time, this 
Union might have been placed beyond the ranch of 
contingency. There was that in the enthusiasm, in 
the strength of the people, which would have placed 
us beyond the contingency of expeditions to Savannah, 

to Port Royal, to Beaufort, and nobody knows vlu-re- 
Why, the merchants of BoetQD would have taken the 
blockade of the Mexican Cult, Charleston, Savannah, 
and New Orleans, on conlract, on the tiisl <]^\ of July, 
and finished it by the first day of October. (Laugh- 
ter and applause.) 

I know nothing (hat the Cabinet has done hut hold 
iiir people back ; and I confess thai to my mind, there 

is infinitely more danger today in red tape llian in 
despotism; infinitely more dunger from the men who 
think Of nothing but routine. limn those who are ready 



lOO 



THE LIBERATOR 



JUNE 20 



For the Liberator. 

THE SOLDIEK'S LETTEE. 

" From your Ed " 

That was all of it I read : 
Had there been no other word, 
All her being 'twould have stirred. 
Think not that, with curious eye, 
Such fond missive I would spy ; 
Only these three words I read — 
"From your Ed." 

" From your Ed " 

Tenderly the words I read. 
From the field of bloody strife, 
Where full many a brave, young life 
For our holy cause is given ; — 
Ah ! they wait in yonder heaven ; 
Fallen, we'll not count as dead, 
Such as Ed. 

" From your Ed " 

lighter grows the maiden's tread : 
Ah ! thank God, he's living yet ! 
Tears of joy her eyelids wet. 
And her woman's heart beats fast : 
"Gainst the letter, come at last, 
Eer sweet lips press that, instead 
Of her Ed. 

"From your Ed" 

Ah ! her cheek is growing red : 
He who penned that missive brief, 
Could he guess her glad relief? 
She baa seen in dreams, at night, 
Upturned faces, ghastly white ; 
Yet her brave, though girlish heart 
Ever hides its cruel smart ; 
Hints not love is mixed with dread 
For her Ed. 

"From your Ed" 

Who the far-off shores must tread 
Of that sunny, sin-cursed land, 
"Where our noble, patriot band 
Seek the tyrant to o'erthrow, 
While the hearts that love tbem so 
Bleed, as that young heart has bled, 
For her Ed. 

" From your Ed " 

We are stranger 8, — yet I said, 
Angels, guard him safe from harm, 
Keep his heart all true and warm, 
Bring him safely hack once more ! 
Then, all doubts and heart-ache o'er, 
May that gentle maiden wed 
With her Ed. 



TEE WEST AND TEE WAE, 

A SERMON, 

Delivered before the Twenty-Eighth Congregational So- 
ciety, at Music Hall, Boston, June 8, 1862. 

BY REV, DANIEL FOSTES. 

-1 Cor. 14 : 20. 



Sherhorn, June 3,1862. 



E. D, Morse. 



For the Liberator. 

PUT OUT TEE LIGET! 

Written on eading that the Military Governor of North Caro- 
lina had forbidden the educaticnof the Negroes. 
P ut out the light ! ye know it does not suit 

Oppression's purpose that the light should shine : 
If man ye would degrade into a brute, 

Ye must crush out the soul — that part divine ; 
Ye must extinguish even the faintest ray 

Of knowledge, lest it burst upon his mind — 
Lest it illumine with the blaze of day 

The soul encompassed with death's gloom Go, bind 
(Soul-strangling Thugs !) your fetters round him tight ; 
And bid your servile tools put out the light ! 

Put out the light ! Tyrants, blot out the sun, 

And quench the brilliancy of every star ; 
TJ rag down the Omnipotent firm hishigh throne — 

Justice annihilate 1 then none shall war 
Against the wrong. Oppression, born of hell, 

Dark, grim and terrible, shall rule o'er all, 
T he crown'd and sceptred ; and his baleful spell 

All living things shall feel — his cursed thrall 
S hall bind the Universe ; all fair things blight :— 
Ye who can wish for this, put out the light ! 

Andover. Richard Hinchcliffe. 



TO GEEEIT SMITH. 

Written on reading his Speech before the Judiciary Commit- 
tee of the New York Legislature, Feb. 3, 1862. 
I dare not speak of thee, in idle rhyming, 

As one might of another ;— 
Thou, whose great soul with all things good is chiming, 

The world's most loving brother ! 
Thou, in whose heart the most melodicus measures 

Keep sweetest tune and time ; 
Yet I have nought, from all my little treasures. 

To give thee but my rhyme. 

For, when my heart with beautiful emotion 

Is lifted high, and higher, 
Thrilled with thy thoughts, from o'er the Alps and ocean 

As with electric fire — 

It is but meet to find some sweet oblation, 

With reverence to bring 
Unto thy feet, thou living revelation 

Of what the mountains sing ! 

' 'And I have nothing, save a little blossom 

Gathered beneath the snow, 
Upon St. Gothard's palpitating bosom, 

Where Alpine roses blow. 
Beyond a thousand dimpling dells and fountains, 

I see the glaciers gleam — 
O'er the white vesture of the Alpine mountains 

Eternal rainbows beam. 

I look — the hills are towering in the distance, 

Where the immortal Three 
Swore a great oath, that, with the Lord's assistance, 

Their country should be free. . 

And the Alps heard it, while at their foundations 

The very roses smiled — 
They thought how God bad given to the nations 

The freedom they denied. 

Therefore, a little Alpine flower I find thee — 

A messenger of light — 
Unfolden on the mountains to remind thee 

It is not always night. 
The buds of freedom, through thy spirit breaking, 

Begin to burst in bloom, 
And Liberty shall have its full awaking 

O'er Slavery's tearless tomb. 
Thy life has been a beautiful evangel 

To all the weak and lowly ; 
For the oppressed thou art a guardian angel — 

A psalter high and lowly. 

The soul of Switzerland upsprings to meet thee j 

She stretches out her hand 
Across the mountains and the seas, to greet thee, 

And lure thee to her land. 
Zurich, (Switzerland.) Mart H. C. Booth. 



PATEIOTISM. 

"Tie not a local spot of earth, 

That, in the patriot's breast, has worth ; 

'Tis not a section — East or West, 

Or North or South— that he loves best. 

No 1 'tis his country, as a whole, 

That claims allegiance of his soul ! 

And what's a country? 'T is not land, 

With climate either stern or bland. 

It is not hills, vales, streams and trees, 

But of far greater worth than these. 

It is a people's aggregate ; 

A commonweal — of low and great ; 

A nation — based on human claims 

To life, to freedom, and to aims 

For highest happiness for all, 

Unchecked by tyranny and thrall. 

'Tis where just laws o'er all preside ; 

Where arts and sciences abide ; 

Where every one, by honest toil, 

Sees plenty round his homestead smile, 

"lis where the pulpit, press, aod school 

Enlighten, and to virtue rule. 

'Tis where true liberty abides — 

Licentiousness instinctive hides. 

'Tis where with pride men contemplate 

The annals of forefathers great ; 

While gratitude and love arise, 

And woo their spirits in tbe skies, 

To prompt and guide to deeds like theirs, 

And msdiate the Patriot's prayers . 



" la understanding be men 
This exhortation, addressed by one of the great- 
hearted and resolute reformers of his day, to those 
who were struggling after the true life, is always ap- 
propriate, and peculiarly so to ourselves, now in the 
midst of a desperate contest for a free and united 
fatherland. If we are to succeed in this struggle, we 
must do it by the influence of a manhood broad in 
apprehending our situation, and unflinching in ad- 
herence to Justice and Right. 

It is seven years since the attempted seizure of 
Kansas by the propagandists of slavery broke up the 
old political parties, and aroused the whole nation to a 
sense of an "irrepressible conflict" between Freedom 
and Slavery. Hitherto, the Slave Power had been 
always victorious. God's prophets and apostles did 
not cease, day nor night, to lift up their voice, telling 
the people of their sins, and calling to immediate re- 
pentance. And although to self-seeking, blinded poli- 
ticians it seemed but a 1 -" rub-a-dub agitation" which 
they excited, it was nevertheless true that God 1 
word, through the despised Abolitionists, was " sharper 
than a two-edged sword," and mightier than Church 
or Party or State. Before the might of that word the 
great men, the leaders of our political parties, have 
gone down in hopeless defeat to their graves ; parties 
have been dissolved, churches destroyed, and tbe na- 
tion revolutionized. 

You remember well the fear all true men felt, when 
Kansas was opened by the Government to the med- 
itated invasion of the Slave Power, lest another Slave 
State would be made on her broad and fertile prairies, 
and that in spite of all that tbe friends of Freedom 
could do. You all thank God to-day, that He has 
shown us the inherent weakness of Slavery and the 
might of Freedom, through the very measure we so 
much dreaded, — designed as it was to perpetuate and 
extend the dominion of the Slave Power in the coun- 
cils of the Government. Hardy freemen from the 
Northern and Western States, with Bible and rifle 
in hand, went to Kansas to find there a home, well 
knowing that schools, and churches, and prosperous 
industry, and a free press — essential to their home — 
could not coexist with slavery, and therefore deter- 
mined that slavery should not he established in Kan- 
sas. Nor did such men come only from the Free 
States. Judge Conway, the Representative of Kansas 
in Congress, and one of the ablest as well as truest 
men in the service of Freedom, — Col. Montgomery, 
whose name is a terror to the stavenolding rebels of 
Missouri, and many others in humble life whom I 
know very well as uncompromising in their hatred of 
slavery, — came to the scene of the all-important strife 
from the South. They knew from bitter experience, 
better than we could from theory, the treason and 
crime of slavery. 

Five years ago I went to Kansas, there to labor as 
a radical Abolitionist; not only to get a borne for my 
family, not only to build up there a true Christian 
church, but to inspire the people, as far as I might, 
with an irresistible resolution to wrest that fair her- 
itage from tbe grasp of the Slave Power. And as I 
pause to-day, and look over the events that crowd 
these years, so full of great results, I am lost in won- 
der at the victory Freedom has won there, and at the 
consequences of- that victory to our country and the 
world. The first three months of my residence I 
spent in the service of the Free State cause in taking 
the census of Southern Kansas. They were months 
of arduous toil, of danger, of great privation, unrecom- 
pensed, save by the consciousness of well-doing. 
And yet the lessons of that experience I shall never 
forget. I met the pioneers of Kansas iu their log 
cabins and in conventions, when the great question of 
interest always was, "How can we defeat the border 
ruffians and the Government officials in their efforts to 
fasten slavery upon us?" Ever and anon, the most 
illiterate "squatter" would grow eloquent, as the 
great thoughts touching a common and universal hu- 
manity roused to its intensest force the life within 
him. Those noble aims and grand purposes which 
first showed the world the hero of our age, in the 
simple-hearted old man, who lived only to destroy 
slavery, and for that end cheerfully died on the gal- 
lows at Charlestown, were ielt by many of tbe bum- 
ble pioneers of Kansas; and thereby Kansas was.ena- 
bled to present so firm a front against slavery that 
Freedom triumphed, in spite of all the Government 
at Washington could do to aid the Slave Power in 
gaining possession of the new State. 

In Kansas, the slaveholders first openly attempted 
to accomplish their purposes in direct violation of all 
legal forms. They sought by brute force to execute 
the behests of Missouri lodges of border ruffians upon 
tbe freemen of Kansas. It was the commencement 
of that great revolution, amidst the throes of which 
American slavery is about to be destroyed. It was a 
great school in which a new order of statesmanship 
was taught. Whigs and Democrats became, there, un- 
known terms. All men were openly arrayed in favor of 
slavery to be established by force and fraud, or against 
its establishment in Kansas. The next step was in- 
evitable, and taken at once — to wit, that slavery was 
detestable everywhere. So when John Brown went 
with his chosen band, and took a dozen slaves from 
Missouri, and marched openly with them through 
Kansas, he found himself in the midst of a people 
who would not permit the United States Marshal and 
his posse to interfere with this " organized emancipa- 
tion." Capt. Brown felt no fears for the safety of his 
dark-skinned proteges till he got into Iowa, and there 
found a Democratic party, the members of which called 
him a thief, and as such tried, some of them, to ar- 
rest him. In that Kansas school, Jim Lane was 
changed from a hoosier Democrat into an Abolitionist. 
There have been thousands of such "remarkable con- 
versions " in Kansas, which we would earnestly com- 
mend to the attention of the Publishing Committee of 
the American Tract Society. But the attempt to en- 
slave Kansas signally failed. Its failure ingulphed 
the great Democratic party, and .destroyed the pres- 
tige of the South, as the Russian campaign did that 
of the Great Napoleon. From the election of Jami 
Buchanan in 1856, the slaveholders, realizing that the 
sceptre of dominion was departing from their grasp, 
began actively and generally to prepare for rebellion 
and tbe establishment of a great Southern slavehold- 
jng nation. Skillful use they made of the four years 
with their opportunities, furnished them by the Imbe- 
cile they had put into the Presidential office. 

A little more than a year ago, they opened the civil 
war for a slave empire, in the bombardment of Sum- 
ter. You know how tbe cannon of South Carolina 
then and there sounded the death-knell of slavery ; 
how it roused the whole nation to such a sense of 
nationality and patriotism as had been hitherto all 
unknown. At the very time the President's procla- 
mation calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers 
was issued, I started on my return to Kansas, after a 
winter's labor in the East in behalf of the thousands 
lelt destitute by the famine of 1861. From New 
York to the Mississippi river, I passed directly through 
the most sublime uprising of a nation against a great 
and mighty oppression this age has ever witnessed. 
At New York, I saw the people compel the craven 
Herald, News, DayBook, and Journal of Commerce to 
profess a loyalty they were incapable of feeling. At 
every station where the crowded cars stopped, the peo- 
ple were gathered, and Borne one was called upon to 
address them. At Chicago the enthusiasm was at 
white heat. I spent Sunday there, and that young 
giant of the West was turned into a military camp on 
that day. Everywhere the question was asked, what 
shall be done with slavery, the cause of this war? 
And everywhere the answer came from the people's 



heart and soul, "Destroy the accursed thing!" I 
reached Kansas, anil found there a people, crushed 
under poverty and want, organizing ten regiments, 
and sending ten thousand men into the field for the 
express and openly avowed purpose of fighting against 
slavery and for a free fatherland. From Centralia, my 
Kansas home, out of a population of three hundred, 
twenty young men went into the army as crusaders 
in the holy cause of freedom. . Some of our Kansas 
troops have been in almost every battle in Missouri, 
and with the great South-Western army in all the 
splendid achievements that army has wrought. Some- 
have been under the command of purse- 
proud, pro-slavery men, like. Sturgis and Denver; 
but the aim of the soldiers enlisted in Kansas has 
been, and still is, to destroy slavery. The effects of 
this feeling have been more marked in Kansas than 
elsewhere, because we have been trained by tbe bor- 
der ruffians and the worse United States officials, for 
years, to a realizing sense of the character of Ameri- 
can slavery. Facts show the wonderful progress of 
the Abolition doctrines in Kansas. The full average 
of the American prejudice against tbe negro race 
went to Kansas with nearly all the settlers who emi- 
grated thither. Nay, the feeling was naturally stronger 
there than in most new communities, and for obvious 
reasons. We bordered on Missouri, and received all. 
or nearly all, our merchandise and accessions ovei 
great highways passing directly through Missouri. 
East and south of us were Slave States; west and 
north of us an unoccupied wilderness; yet, such have 
been the saving effects of border ruffianism in Kansas, 
that the whole State has been thrown open to the 
colored refugees from Arkansas and Missouri, who 
have escaped by thousands from those States, and 
now reside among us, scattered through the whole 
State as hired help among the farmers. They are 
well treated, and work as well and as faithfully as any 
other help that we can hire. Tbe slave-hunter dares 
not show his face openly in the State of Kansas. The 
Centralia College, of which I had charge last winter, 
and of which I expect again to have charge, on my 
return, is open to colored children on the same terms 
as it is to white children. The pulpit which I there 
occupy is open to any colored speaker who can stand 
therein, and speak to tbe edification of the people, just 
as freely as it is to me. 

But why should I speak of Kansas or the West, in 
connection with this war, and not rather of the whole 
country ? Thank God for the lesson which this year 
has taught us, that we are a people of one great na- 
tion, and that the animating idea and inspiration of 
our nation are to be, impartial justice and universal 
liberty. The East has shown just as great a heroism 
and as earnest a loyalty as the West. The people 
have willed and determined the overthrow of slavery 
and in this case, most assuredly, the voice of the 
people is the voice of God. Our rulers and many of 
our generals may lack faith, and walk or stumble 
rather by a most short-sighted statesmanship. But 
the people are being born again, — translated from the 
kingdom of pro-slavery darkness into the marvellous 
light of a genuine democracy. The Commissioners 
sent by the Illinois Convention to take the vote of the 
Illinois regiments on the monstrous pro-slavery Con- 
stitution, framed for that State last summer, find even 
the regiments raised in Egypt, almost to a man, 
against the infernal injustice which would outlaw the 
colored man in Illinois. Those men have -learned, 
through this war, what slavery is, and by that knowl- 
edge you will find them henceforth going forward. 
The proclamation of Fremont was received by the 
people with an enthusiastic approval, and if it had 
been endorsed and applied by the Government, would 
have ended shivery and the rebellion together, ere 
this. The policy of Hunter is obviously the policy of 
the people. Governor Stanly, by common consent, 
as well as by the approval of the Herald and the 
Courier, stands forth as the enemy of freedom, and 
consequently the enemy of his country. 

Let us see now what is already established by the 
last year's experience. 

1. The fidelity and capacity of our colored fellow- 
citizens at the South. We have been told by the 
vocates of slavery that the negro is naturally inefficient 
and untrustworthy. The past year has shown to the 
world the entire maliciousness and falsehood of this 
constantly reiterated charge. Fremont, Montgomery 
Blunt, Lane, Burnside, Banks, Hunter and all others 
who have sought information from tbe only genuine 
loyalists of the South, the colored people, have al- 
ways found them true-hearted and efficient allies, 
Burnside would have been wrecked on the coast of 
North Carolina, but for tbe services of a slave who 
came to him with an accurate knowledge of the 
passages in the harbor, and the distribution of all the 
rebel forces on the main land. He offered bis services 
General, who had the good sense to accept his 
offer. And now that pilot, erewhile a slave, but now 
by tbe act of General Burnside a freeman, is the 
friend and companion of the noble son of Rhode 
Island, who declares in the full gratitude of his great 
heart, that so long as he himself has a crust. of bread, 
this colored brother shall have the half of it. Yet, if 
the local laws of North Carolina are to be enforced by 
Gov. Stanly, as he declares must be done, that com- 
panion of General Burnside, who led our forces to 
the splendid victories they gained, must be given up 
to the rebel from whom he escaped, when the misera- 
ble sneak goes through the pitiful form of taking the 
oath of allegiance. One of the most daring and im- 
portant feats of this whole war was performed by the 
slaves who took the Planter from the shelter of the 
guns of Sumter and Moultrie, and delivered her to the 
commander of our fleet, — an act lor which Congress 
has conferred upon them half the worth of the rich 
prize so adroitly wrested from the grasp of the Charles- 
ton rebels. Banks was saved from a surprise, by the 
overwhelming onslaught of Jackson's army, — a sur- 
prise which must have proved fatal, — by the timely 
warning of the faithful slaves, who rushed into his 
camp with news of Jackson's rapid approach in sea- 
son to save his army from destruction. Fremont and 
other commanders have trusted the slaves, and by so 
doing have been kept informed of the movements of 
the enemy. The surprise at Pittsburg Landing, 
which came so near proving fatal to our heroic South 
western army, would have been impossible but for 
the insane policy of the commander of that depart- 
ment, in forbidding our friends to come within tbe 
fines. The inglorious blunder of McClellan, in per- 
mitting the escape of the rebel army from Manassas, 
is owing to the same insane policy of shutting our 
friends out of our camp. How was it that Napoleon, 
in all his wars, was always enabled to discover all the 
movements of his enemies ? He fought as the repre- 
sentative of tbe people against absolute despotism 
Such* at least was the accepted opinion in all his wars, 
except the invasion of Hayti and Spain. Hence the 
people everywhere flocked to his camp with full and 
accurate intelligence of the movements of his ene- 
mies. Would n't it have been a " masterly strategy ' 
if he had pursued the policy of some of our Gen- 
erals, by driving them ignominiously from his lines? 
I speak intelligently, when 1 say thaf/the colored peo- 
ple of the free and loyal States would have furnished 
as many and as brave soldiers, in proportion to their 
numbers, for this war, as we have done, if they had 
been permitted to enlist and fight by the Government. 
You have the testimony of Mr. Vincent Colyer, 
whom Governor Stanly has driven from his fifteen 
hundred colored pupils at Newhern; and you have 
the testimony of all the other teachers and missiona- 
ries sent to Fortress Monroe and Port Royal and 
Beaufort and other places, to look after and help the 
freed colored people gathered at those points, — testi- 
mony which unequivocally establishes the fact that 
these slaves long to be free, that they are glad to 
work, and are docile, grateful and faithful. West 
India Emancipation was to be followed by fire and 
sword, eonrlngration and ruin. So the slaveholders 
and their allies prophesied. The experience of more 
than twenty years has proved the falsehood of their 
predictions, and shown that the negro has just as 
much human nature as the white man, 
2. The Power of Freedom. 



This war is demonstrating to the world again the 
lesson or truth so often proved in the past, that 
freedom is one cause of invincible strength, while sla- 
very is inevitable weakness and defeat. The Nether- 
lands, set free and raised to newness of life by the 
Gospel, the printers' type and a world-wide com- 
merce, ranged under the banner of the great William 
of Orange, hurled themselves against the mighty 
power that Charles V. had established on absolute 
despotism ; and after a struggle of such heroism as the 
ages have rarely witnessed, they shattered that colos- 
sal monarchy, and established the Dutch Republic, as 
the precursor and promise of Europe's ultimate free- 
dom. The despised Puritans of England, at all times 
a small minority of the people, wrought out a heroic 
revolution, which dethroned the Stuarts, and estab- 
lished a constitutional government, through which 
truth and justice have made steady progress for 
nearly two centuries. And this great work they ac- 
complished because Cromwell, Hampden, Pym, 
Milton, Bunyan and others, the leaders of that party, 
were inspired and made invincible by the genuine love 
of freedom. So, in the Revolution, Adams, Washing- 
ton, Jefferson, Green, Henry, Franklin, Jay, and their 
compatriots, resolved to be free, were "invincible 
against any force Great Britain could send to subju- 
gate them." We have been called " mudsills," 
and taunted with cowardice by the slaveholders for 
thirty years. They have assumed to ther 
the heroism and honors of chivalry. They have told 
us that the South could conquer the North in every bat- 
tle, with odds as five to one against them. Well, they 
have tried it, and the result is seen to be, that the 
soldiers of freedom are to-day, as of old, the invincible 
Ironsides, before whosestalwart blows the forces of tbe 
Slave Power go down in hopeless and irretrievable 
rout. And Freedom has shown not only the might of 
her soldiers, but the magnitude of her resources 
While the South, cursed with slavery, has sunk into 
hopeless bankruptcy, in this one short year; the 
North and West, blessed with freedom, have devel- 
oped new resources, and moved on calmly with all 
their gigantic industries ready to furnish men and 
money, good over the world to any amount necessary 
to destroy this rebellion, and bless the dear Fatherland 
with universal freedom. Five hundred thousand 
men are fighting for freedom — at least are doing 
this as far as the government will permit. To wives, 
parents, children, brothers, sisters and friends, left be- 
hind, they weekly freight the mail with a precious 
tonnage of letters, filled with love and patriotism, and 
abhorrence of slavery. And these precious gospel 
leaves, scattered far and wide over our whole country, 
will yet be sure to bear with them to the people's heart 
the power of God unto the salvation of the American 
nation. 

3. The certain execution of God's law against 
Wrong. 

The law of God denounces the severest retributions 
against the sin of oppression. We have seen Ameri- 
can slavery, well called " the sum of all villanies," 
made the corner-stone of the Southern policy, ruling 
the Federal Government, controlling the American 
pulpit, and exercising authority over the commerce of 
the land. The statement of Abolitionists, unheeded 
by the nation for thirty years, that slavery led to the 
worst barbarism and licentiousness that ever cursed 
the earth, has been so demonstrated the past year, 
that all men are compelled to see it. Garrison and 
Phillips have never painted tbe horrors of slavery, and 
its savage and immoral influences, in colors so vivid as 
this year's experience has done. Words are inade- 
quate to the expression of the truth here. I was made 
a radical Abolitionist twenty years ago by the moral 
degradation which I saw to be the result of slavery in 
Kentucky, where I was at that time. It turns men 
into fiends, and sinks humanity to the lowest depths of 
vice and cruelty that men can reach. How ourwoum 
ed soldiers have received treatment at the hands 
of the rebel soldiers, that would have disgraced the 
original savages of the continent I And what a terri- 
ble judgment has been meted out this year to tbe 
South ! Desolation, famine and bankruptcy have fall- 
en upon the cities and towns of the rebel States. 
When I came through Missouri, a few weeks since, 
I was profoundly impressed with the evidence of ruin 
that rose before me on the whole line from the Mis- 
souri to the Mississippi. So it is with the whole land 
cursed with the rule of the rebel desperadoes. St. 
Joseph, Hannibal, Kansas City, Richmond, Charles- 
ton, Mobile, Memphis, New Orleans, have been deso- 
lated. God's law has executed itself in a wonderful 
way. The North has compromised and supported 
slavery. The great commercial houses of the North 
engaged in Southern trade, and for the profits of that 
trade upholding extreme pro-slavery doctrines, have 
been plunged into hopeless bankruptcy. Tbe churches 
and clergymen who have earned an unenviable noto- 
riety by persecuting Abolitionists, now find themselves 
covered with shame and confusion of face. And the 
whole North is burdened with debt and taxation, and 
filled with sorrow at the terrible bereavements which 
this war has brought home to every generous 
heart. And what is all this but a renewal of God's 
command made to us, the people, with all the empha- 
sis of Sinai, "Proclaim liberty throughout all the 
land, unto all the inhabitants thereof " — " Undo tbe 
heavy burdens, break every yoke, and let the op- 
pressed go free " f 

Oh, my beloved country ! so richly dowered by the 
hopes and sympathies and prayers of the good and 
the true all over the world 1 God grant that thou 
mayest know in this thy trial-day "the things that 
make for thy peace" I 



the light of principles, were the lessons of the discus- 
sions. The shame and guilt of our national preju- 
dice against the black man, and the right of all, irre- 
spective of color, to equal treatment, were brought* 
up forcibly and eloquently. 

A Memorial to Congress in behalf of the abolition 
of slavery was adopted with great unity of feeling. 

C. D. B. Mills, Wm. Denton, F. Douglass, E. An- 
drews, George Pryor, Benjamin Fish, P. D. Moore, 
Lucy N. Coleman, G. B. Stebbins, J. H. W. Toohey, 
E. Wheeler and others, spoke, and the audience gave 
excellent attention. 

Each session brought an increase of numbers, and 
on Sunday the floor, galleries, stairs, all available 
space, were filled. A ram kept awny the crowd who 
usually fill the yard, and hear as they best can through 
open windows. 

The practice of past years, of leaving each speaker 
on the closing day to take up such subject as he might 
choose, unresWtined by any order of business, was 
adhered to. 

A paper on Physical Education was read by Mrs. 
Choate, of Auburn ; several excellent addresses on 
religious reform, spiritual culture and growth, were 
heard with well-sustained interest. Frederick Doug- 
lass spoke at the close, briefly but eloquently, on 
"What shall we do with the black man?" After 
which the meeting ended with singing the "John 
Brown Song." 

A report of several admirable speeches would be 
valuable. I send an abstract of the resolves and me- 
morial herewith, and, at the request of the Meeting, 
make this informal sketch, rather than a regular and 
formal abstract of its doings. 

Yours truly, G. B. STEBBINS. 

N. B. The next Meeting will open on Friday, 
June 5, 1863. G. B. S. 



WATEEL00 YEAELY MEETING OP FEIENES 
OF HUMAN PEOGEESS. 

Rochester, (N. Y.,) June 5, 1862. 
W. L. Garrison : 

My Friend, — I am just home from the Fourteenth 
Yearly Meeting at Waterloo, which has been well at- 
tended, successful, and full of interest. 

On Friday morning, May 30th, a goodly number 
gathered in the grassy yard of the Friends' meeting- 
house at Junius — one of those plain structures, void 
of all "worldly vanity " in the shape of architectural 
ornament, in which Quakers met for worship in years 
fast going by. Green fields and blooming orchards 
were on every side, and the shrill scream of the loco- 
motive heard in the distance, told of the rush and 
whir! of the world of action. 

Philip D. Moore called the meeting to order, and a 
Committee soon nominated P. D. Moore for Chairman, 
G. B. Stebbins and Phebe B. Deane for Secretaries, 
and Stephen Shear as Treasurer. 

A Business Committee to prepare resolves and plan 
the conduct of the meeting was chosen: C. D B. 
Mills, Frederick Douglass, Catharine A. T. Stebbins, 
Seymour Reed, Lucy N. Coleman, Rhoda DeGarmo, 
Israel Fisk. 

After speaking by different persons, an hour's ad- 
journment gave time for a pic-nic beneath the trees in 
tbe yard ; and at the opening of the afternoon session, 
resolves were reported from the Committee, and at 
once taken up for examination, after the reading of 
several interesting letters from absent friends of the 
Meeting. 

The rebellion, in its relation to slavery, and its 
bearings on the character and condition of the peo- 
ple, occupied a large portion of the first two days. A 
wish was expressed to take up other topics, but this 
was so absorbing, bo wide in its range, so fills the hour, 
that it seemed most near and vital of all, and the ut- 
terances on its moral bearing and its golden opening 
for Freedom were of high value and signal interest. 

There seemed a desire, unanimous and earnest, 
that slavery should die; a feeling that it was the 
deadly foe to peace and safety. The wording of some 
resolutions culled out some differences of opinion as 
to the amount of blame resting on people or Govern- 
ment, and the mode of condemning or criticising; but 
the resolve passed heartily, and with very little ex- 
pression of dissent. 

The danger of departure from Divine laws — the 
primal gospel in the soul— the glory of moral couriige 
to decree the doom of slavery — the need of acting in 



RESOLUTIONS, 

Adopted at the Yearly Meeting of the Friends of Human 
Progress, at Junius, N. Y. 

1. Resolved, That the principles which, as Friends 
of Progress, we inscribe on our banner, — the peerless 
worth, transcendent majesty, and vital, all-sovereign 
authority of the truths of the Soul, the laws of Rea- 
son, the ordinances of Verity and Justice, the require- 
ments of Virtue, the superlative claims of Charac- 
ter, — far enough from being cold, lifeless, or bar- 
ren abstractions, recondite and well-nigh inaccessible, 
buried away in abysses of dim and dubious specula- 
tion, are warm and living realities, all fruitful, radiant 
with light, patent to the earliest thought of man, more 
evident and certain than alt else beBide, the primal 
scripture, oldest and completes! bible, lamp for the 
feet through all the labyrinths of time, succor and 
solace to the souf, talisman of accomplishment, and 
standard evermore of all effective doing and success. 

2. Resolved, That these truths, always pertinent 
and apposite, always full of vital bearings, and charged 
with most benign guidance and blessing for men under 
whatever circumstances and in every age, are espe- 
cially pertinent and vital and pregnant here and now, 
in the circumstances of this hour, and the exigencies 
upon which our nation is to-day east, and require, 
therefore, to be proclaimed and urged home upon the 
attention of the people with an emphasis, directness, 
and force of application correspondent to the formida- 
ble and felt peril* of the position. 

3. Resolved, That the importance of these truths, 
the fatally ruinous consequence, amid whatever at- 
tention to other matters, of their neglect or denial, has 
very signal and painfully near illustration in the atti- 
tude of our nation at this hour — a nation and govern- 
ment murdeiously assailed of rebellion, involved in 
perils the most direct and fearful, compelled to strug- 
gle at immense expenditure of blood and treasure for 
the mainrenanee of its existence, held day after day and 
month after month on the very brink of ruin, yet un- 
daring to speak itself, delivered and free, by uttering 
the word Liberty, held spellbound and prostrate by 

cantation of parchment Constitution and statute En- 
actment, as before all truth, all justice, and even 
the national life itself, juggle even in the midst of its 
rebellion and fierce exterminating onslaught, of sup- 
posed inviolate rights of slavery. 

4. Resolved, That while we hail more than willingly 
whatever bright and hopeful signs the time affords — 
evidence of increasing sobriety on the part of con- 
siderable numbers up and down through the land — 
awakened attention, under the recent startling events 
in our history, to the inherent nature of slavery — 
growing recognition of its essential character as crime 
and atrocity — conviction that it must and determina- 
tion that it shall at any hazard be extinguished — indi- 
cations of disposition of manly and humane attitude 
on the part of some of the commanding Generals in 
their relation to the negro, beneficent act of emanci- 
pation by the General Government throughout the 
FVderal District — and remaining hopeful still that, 
through the events of this, terrible war, liberty for the 
slave shall yet be wrung from this unwilling nation, 
we yet remember that our relations are primarily and 
most of all to simple Truth and Justice; that never, 
in the sphere of human conduct, are we to sit supinely 
waiting what the providential issues may bring ; and 
so we still bear our testimony for the slave, and call 
upon this nation and government, now as never before 
responsible for slavery, now as never before imperil- 
led and involved by its continuance, instantly to wipe 
out the guilty curse, to wash its hands of the blood 
of the crushed millions, and penitently bid them, in 
God's name, be free. 

6. Resolved, That for a government to affiliate 
with oppression, to extend recognition, fellowship and 
protection to slavery, is at the outset to make itself 
the accomplice of treason, partner with rebellion, — 
to break up and annihilate all true grounds of distinc- 
tion between loyalty and justice and their opposites, — 
to put itself exposed perpetually to factional revolt 
like the present, wide-spread and violent, and tie 
its hands forever, while in that attitude, against the pos- 
sibility of effectual resistance and repression. 

6. Resolved, That the attempts still widely and in 
official quarters avowed and persisted in, to re-estab- 
lish on its old basis tbe Union, — basis of fellowship 
and guarantee to slavery, — is the attempt to repeat, 
and, under the circumstances, aggravating ten-fold its 
infatuation and its guilt the old mistake, and intrinsi- 
cally wrong, and a crime as it is pronounced by late 
events in our history, to be from this time forward an 
utter fatuity ; the only Union henceforth possible, or 
even desirahle, or even worthy of toleration, the Union 
of freemen for the maintenance of justice and free- 
dom. 

7. Resolved, That with indignation and shame we 
witness the renewal and prosecution, with unwonted 
rigor, of slave-hunting in the midst of the Federal 
Capital ; and, mortifying and humiliating as is the ad- 
mission, we are yet compelled to believe that even 
now the government and nation have not suffered 
enough at the hands of the rebellion to be divorced 
and emancipated from its terrible idolatry of slavery, 
and insane and criminal hope of still propitiating the 
monster, or at least regaining its indulgence and tole- 
rant favor. 

8. Resolved, That we hail the proclamation of 
David Hunter, declaring emancipation to the slaves 
throughout the limits of his military district, with 
great gratulation and joy, — a proclamation worthy to 
be made, honorable to his judgment as a commander, 
to his qualities of heart as a man ; and we can only 
here testify our sorrow and indignation, that the exec- 
utive head of the nation should show himself so sig- 
nally unfaithful to humanity, so lacking in just com- 
prehension of the crisis, so subject to the influence of 
detestable border State dictation, us to interpose with 
his disavowal, and rescind the operation of this benign 
proclamation, 

9. Resolved, That in the desolating warnow raging 
in our country, we recognize a just retribution, visited 
on the people as the sure and awful result of their 
oppression of a race subjugated by our fathers, and 
attempted); made menial not only by governmental 
statutes, but by social restrictions fed mid nourished 
by uunaturat teachings that the negro is not an 



equal man and brother, alike eligible to place and 
position, not only by and for himself, but with and for 
us. 

10. Resolved, That the time has gone by for a 
people professing progress to set hounds which any of 
the human family are forbidden to pass, because of 
the color of the skin, the texture of the hair, or the 
form of the features ; and that it becomes the emphat- 
ic duty of every refotmcr who has learned the first 
letter in the alphabet of justice, to insist upon the en- 
tire emancipation of this oppressed people from all in- 
vidious restrictions, either social, ecclesiastical or po- 
litical. 

MEMORIAL. 

To the Congress of the United States: 

The "Friends of Human Progress," assembled in 
their yearly meeting, at Junius, near Waterloo, Seneca 
county, New York, in view of the unhappy condition 
of our country, scourged by a terrible civil war, re- 
spectfully and earnestly offer their views and de- 
liberate judgment as to the cause of this war, and the 
means whereby it may and ought to be brought to a 
close. 

Slavery is its Cause. This nation is but illus- 
trating anew the lesson that history teaches, that Sla- 
very is always the element of danger in the State; — 
and this in the nature of things, since permanent 
Peace, Union and Order are impossible, save through 
obedience to those Divine Laws of Justice, Free- 
dom and Fraternity, which Slavery repudiates. 

Slaveholders plotted this rebellion ; slaveholders 
opened this war, and lead in its conduct with desperate 
malignity. By an evil necessity, inherent in the sys- 
tem they uphold, it must either rule or ruin. Hence 
this foul rebellion. 

Our sons and brothers and loved ones have gone 
forth freely in_ our country's defence, and we are 
grieved and heart-sick to see them the victims and 
sufferers in the guilty waste of precious life, and the 
gratuitous exposure to exhausting labors and fatigues, 
results of a weak tenderness towards Slavery in the 
conduct of this war on the part of the Government. 

It is shameful that a wicked prejudice, created and 
fostered by Slavery, — and which rebel slaveholders 
now rejoice to find their ally, — prevents tbe accept- 
ance of the proffered aid of the negro, and flings all 
the burthen and peril of the war on the Northern 
soldier. It is folly without parallel to refuse the help 
of the only friends tbe Government has in large por- 
tions of the South. It is base ingratitude to drive 
back those friends into cruel hands. 

In presence of national law, and of the necessities 
of war, rebels have no rights. The first gun fired 
against Fort Sumter shattered the fetters from the 
limbs of every slave in the rebel States, under the 
same principle by which that base act made all its 
perpetrators and abettors outlaws. 

No legal or constitutional barrier stands in the way. 
As to the few loyal slave-owners in the Border States, 
if they be truly loyal, they will share any sacrifice to 
which the ending of slavery may subject them, as 
their ready offering for their country's safety ,—espe ■ 
cially when, in the light of a few years of freedom, the 
sacrifice will be found more seeming than real, and 
when Government stands ready to make them such 
compensation as may be its share of indemnity for a 
common complicity with the slave system. 

Under the war-power there is ample authority for 
the total ending of Slavery, — so necessary to the 
safety, even the very existence of our nation. 

We wish peace, but it is only possible with freedom, 
broad and impartial as the right of all, irrespective of 
race. 

We wish safety and a high future for our country, 
imperilled by the wickedness it has nursed and nur- 
tured in its midst. 

We therefore ask that, in this crisis, yon will use 
your abundant powers to decree the emancipation of every 
with a high faith that Divine Wisdom has so or- 
dered, that it is always safe to do right. 

In behalf of the meeting as its earnest and unani- 
mous expressien, 

PHILIP D. MOORE, Chairman- 
G. B. Stebbiks, ) Secreiarj£s _ 
Phebe B. Dean, ) 



SPIEITUAL STEENGTH AND SPIEITUAL 

UNION. 

The following, which is the conclusion of an article 

n A. J. Davis's Herald of Progress, June 7, contains 

i most important truth, however mixed with an error 

or two of circumstance. — c. k. w- 

A little time may be profitably spent in consider- 
ing the phi osophy of feeding. George B. Cheever, 
for example: What supplies the spiritual strength 
of that man ? Do you think it is Moses, off* of whom 
he doubtless believes himself to be dining every day ? 
Not at all. In that respect he is as much mistaken, 
probably, as you are. I know, dine with him and 
he will serve you up, Moses raw, Moses roasted, Mo- 
ses boiled, and Moses broiled; and for supper he 
will but change the order of the dishes: but his 
spiritual strength is not from thence. That man is 
a hunter of the wild beasts which infest the pleasant 
places of men, and his spiritual bread is the humani- 
ty which points his weapon. It is the living inspi- 
ration of a present need which is his daily bread for 
daily work. The shape of the loaf is nothing. 
Christmas-cake, moulded by bakers' art into the 
form of Santa-Claus, is still cake, and is just as grate- 
ful to the urchin's stomach and helpful to his growth 
as in another form. What matter though Cheever 
bake his in the form of all the Patriarchs? It ia 
not the form of the gingerbread, but the fact that 
nourishes. Those who live on the mere form of the 
ancient plum-cake do not grow. 

Then again, (with how many others') he supposes 
himself to belong to the Presbyterian Church — to a 
church of mere beliefs anil forms, a church external. 
What efficiency there is in him, or in any other liv- 
ing soul, is from membership with the church inter- 
nal and universal — the church of the first-born 
whose names are written in heaven, and the church 
of the last barn, whose deeds upon the rarth express 
their love of man. It is a demonstrable law of the 
soul, that sincerity of love with respect to any noble 
purpose under the sun conjoins all who are in the 
same love. Said Jesus, " Where two or three are 
gathered together in my name, (that is to say, in the 
love of my purpose,) there am 1 in the midst." But 
Jesus did not found the Presbyterian Church, nor 
did he furnish the material out of which John Cal- 
vin constructed it. He simply revealed the church 
that is — the church whose foundation is human na- 
ture, whose ordinances are the laws of the soul. To 
this church all true men are indebted for their 
strength in the truth : and it will be blessed for 
them when they become conscious of the lint. 
When men come to fraternize through their reason 
as well as through their instincts; when the bond of 
brotherhood is strong from without as well as within, 
encircling the whole manhood, then will be realized 
the church triumphant. 

A recognition of this fact of the omnipotent and 
invisible Church as the source of all human greatness 
is among the pregnant lessons of the day. The 
common magnetism of a great and noble purpose; 
mark how it unites! Where, for example, were the 
" two or three " even, to meet with William Lloyd 
Garrison as Jesus at the beginning ? Every man- 
founded Church rejected him. Himself a Calvinist, 
he but proposed the peaceful measures openly pro- 
fessed by the Quakers, and that church "forsook him 
and fled." To all external seeming, the man was 
alone. For the emergency , the visible Church in all 
its forms was powerless for good, mighty for evil. 
There was no help for it ; the very first thing for the 
man to do was to leap its harriers for that broadest 
Church whose b;ise is the common humanity, whoso 

fower is inspiration, ami whose apostles are ideas. 
n this Church; George H. Cheever and William 
Lloyd Garrison are brothers. Here, inspired bv a 
common purpose, they worship at a common altar, 
doing manful work for a common cause. Here, and no- 
where else on earth or in heaven, can these two 
commune together with Jesus. Outside of the sa- 
cred halo of this divines) purpose, love to man, these 

men were aliens and strangers. Seen only from 
Calvin's platform, Garrison was an infidel. In the 
great. Church— the Church of the present, the past 
and the eternal tiilurc. of all the generations of 
men now upon the earth, he is an elder brother." 
II. T. 11. 






THE LIBERATOR 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EVERY FRIDAY M0RKIITG-, 

221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM Ho. 6. 



ROBERT P. WALLCUT, Gknkeai. Agent. 



E5f TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
in advance. 

jj^~ Five copies will be sent to ono address for ten dol- 
lars, if payment is made in advance. 

5SP~ All remittances are to be made, and all letters 
relating to the pecuniary concerns of tlio paper are to be 
directed (post paid) to the General Agent. 

8^" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents 
per line. 

JEF" Tho Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

E^~ The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
{,»per, viz: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed- 
kond Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr, 




" Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
tho inhabitant thereof." 

" I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil- 
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place ef all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE RK.ST ; 
and (bat, under that stato of things, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive- 
management of the subject, not only the President of 
' the Uniteh Status, but tho Commander of the Armt, 
j HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
| CIPATrON OP THE SLAVES. ♦. . . From the instant 
j that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
! civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfere!* 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power, ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
bas power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thh 
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to ema*. 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J. Q. Ami , 



TO. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



©nr towiry i% tfte WmW, mix i&fmvXsmm *» «tt Urtanfeiua. 



J. B. YERRIHflW & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 26. 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JUNE 27, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1644. 



Uinp tai Wfptmmn* 



MAYOR WIGHTMArT vs. GOV. ANDREW. 

The following ridiculous and impudent letter from 
Mayor Wightman to the President is published in 
the Philadelphia Inquirer: — 

Mayor's Office, City Hall, Boston, ) 
May 23d, 1862. $" 

Sir, — I am induced to write you this from a sense 
of duty, for the purpose of repudiating, in the mo'st 
emphatic manner, the idea that the" Governor of 
Massachusetts is authorized to speak for the loyal 
citizens of the State in proposing any conditions in 
regard to the question of slavery, as affecting a 
further requisition by you for volunteers. There 
may, possibly, be small sections, or towns, in the 
commonwealth, where the doctrine of (-mancipation 
and arming the slaves is regarded 'with tavor, and 
might be made an excuse for non-enlistment; but 1 
assure your Excellency that, in Boston, and, I be- 
lieve, in a large majority of the other cities and 
towns in the State, the mingling of questions in re- 
lation to slavery with the crushing out of the pres- 
ent rebellion, is viewed with the strongest feelings 
of disapprobation, while the efforts you' have made 
to resist the interpolation of this discordant element, 
and to restore the Union on the basis of the Con- 
stitution, as evinced in your appointment of Gov- 
ernors Johnson and Stanly, yonr sustaining of Gen 
eral McClellan, and your general conservatism in all 
the essential matters pertaining to the conduct of the 
war, has given hope and confidence to every Union- 
loving heart in our State. 

Notwithstanding the opinions of the Governor, I 
believe that Massachusetts may be relied upon for 
any call you may make upon her patriotism in the 
present emergency, and that her citizens generally 
have no sympathy with those who are agitating the 
question of emancipation at this time, and I am con- 
ndentthat if this subject was introduced in conform 
ity with the views of Governor Andrew, it would 
produce a serious, if not an irreparable, injury to 
the cause of enlistment. 

I beg you, therefore, to make your requisition 
upon the State of Massachusetts with confidence in 
the loyalty and devotion of her citizens, and with 
the assurance that Boston will as cheerfully respond 
in the future as in the past to any demand of the 
Government. Trusting that you will continue to be 
firm and resolute in your endeavors for the restora- 
tion and welfare of our common country, and in ig- 
noring all other issues which tend to prevent the ac- 
complishment of this great object, I have the honor 
to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, 
JOSEPH M. WIGHTMAN, Mayor. 

His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, Washington, D. fj. 



OUR COUNTRY, RIGHT OR "WRONG. 

The editor of the New York Observer, writing 
from Columbus, Ohio, where he has been attending 
the sessions of the (Old School) General Assembly 
of the Presbyterian Church, comments as follows 
upon the suggestion of Governor Andrew to the 
Secretary of War, that enlistments in Massachusetts 
would be discouraged and retarded, if the soldiers 
understood that they were forbidden to fire into the 
enemy's magazine: — 

" While we were in session, we received the pa- 
pers containing the response of the Massachusetts 
Governor Andrew, to the call for troops. We read 
it out here in Ohio with shame and deep regret. In 
the midst of a loyal, patriotic people, who are will- 
ing to give their all to their country, it was most 
humiliating to read from the Governor of the Old 
Bay State, that if the President would do so and so, 
and if this, that and the other thing could be done, 
&c, &c, then his people would come up to the help 
of* the Government! Shame on such patriotism! 
Away with such half-way patriots when we are at 
war ! What if Governor Tod, of Ohio, should pre- 
scribe the conditions on which he would send his 
troops, and Morgan, of New York, make other con- 
ditions, and Curtin, of Pennsylvania, put in his ifs 
and huts, what would become of the country and tbe 
cause ? I confess myself ashamed of the position 
which the Massachusetts Governor takes, anfl trust 
that the patriotic press of Boston will utter the in- 
dignant sentiment of a misrepresented people. Let 
us give no quarter to disloyalty, whether it shows its 
miscreant head in the East or the West, the North 
or the South. * Our country, our whole country,' 
is the motto of every right man." 



• 



GOV. STANLY IN NORTH CAROLINA. 

Newbern, N. C, May 31, 1862. 

The abolitionists are finding considerably more 
difficulty in making their living under Guv. Stanly 
than under Gen. Burnside. 

Since the arrival of this discreet, conservative and 
firm-minded man, one week to-day, we have had 
four successive acts of bold policy, which, if he does 
nothing else, will do more than repay the govern- 
ment for sending him here. 

These acts may be enumerated thus : 

First — Closing the schools for the negroes. Nev- 
er before the arrival of that crazy abolitionist, dubbed 
with the title of " Doctor " Colyer, was there such 
a thing heard of as a negro learning to read. The 
impudence of a woolly-headed urchin running up to 
a white boy and saying, "Aha, I am learning to 
read, too," which is now heard constantly, was 
never thought of. More than one of our old citi- 
zens have been heard to declare, that, if it was not 
for the military, " the fellow that taught them would 
have his neck stretched." Well, all this was brought 
to a close on Wednesday by Governor Stanly very 
quietly hinting to Colyer, that there was a law of 
North Carolina that made Buch a teacher liable to 
six months in the State prison; and telling him 
that it would be a necessity laid upon him as Gov- 
ernor to apply that law to friend Colyer, if com- 
plaint should chance to be made against him. The 
result was, "Brother" C. closed his schools, amid 
many wailings, lamentations, sobbings, rubbings of 
noses, &t\, to say nothing of extra smells and per- 
fumes that evening. 

Second — The next good rap the Governor gave 
this class of abolitionists was to make them return 
the stolen negroes they were harboring in their 
houses, and trying to run North. Nicholas Bray, a 
man of mild and gentlemanly deportment, applied 
to Governor Stanly for redress, he having lost tw 
darkey women — one a very lively looking brunette 
of rapturous sixteen, for whom a man famous fo 
his fraternization ideas hail offered the nice fat sum 
of $1500. The Governor at once helped Bray, anil 
told him to take his property wherever he could find 
it. He did so at once, carrying one home in his 
barouche, although she feigned sickness, and giving 
Colyer's resting-place a good overhauling for the 
other. 



That night, however, a party of soldiers from one 
of the Massachusetts regiments — i'ree love rights men 
— and true to their principles, went to this poor 
man's house, broke open his door, frightened his sen- 
sitive wife, because she had heroically assisted her 
husband in the capture of his property, stole once 
more his slave girl, set fire to his bouse and decamp- 
ed. 

The next day, the Governor sent word to all the 
captains in port, that if they took away a single ne- 
gro North, their ships, on their return to Newbern, 
would be confiscated. 

That same afternoon, H. II. Helper, who has 
been a constant hanger on the army ever since its 
arrival here, and getting his living out of the fat 
crib of the United States Government, pretending to 
be on secret service, burning bridges, &c, wrote an 
impudent letter to the Governor, presuming to criti- 
cise his conduct for the before mentioned acts. For 
this he was very quietly requested to report himself 
in New York as soon as possible, Dan Messenger, 
our gallant Provost, giving him an additional quietus 
in the shape of an extra shot, telling him that if he 
(Messenger) found him in Newbern after the de- 
parture of the next steamer, he would send him to 
jail, and feed him on tough beef. Helper cleared 
that afternoon, as did Colyer also ; and so your city 
will have two more pets for Greeley to lubricate. — 
Correspondence of the New York Herald. 



HUNTER'S PROCLAMATION. 

It is yet uncertain whether Hunter has, or has not, 
issued the dangerous proclamation attributed to him; 
but, however that may be, the Government has no 
small share of bad fortune in quite a number of its 
officers. What was General Fremont in Missouri ? 
What is General Jim Lane? What are several 
others? Let the public derangements these impru- 
dent persons have caused answer. We have always 
held that the President is not entirely superior to 
" party influences," and no one will say that facts 
to sustain that conviction have not happened. Still, 
Abraham Lincoln is one of the best Chief Magis- 
trates the Republic ever had ; the whole North is 
with him by reason of his merit ; and though his 
party has had much to do in provoking the rebellion 
which he is now so energetically putting down, his- 
tory will vindicate himself as having been one of the 
most constitutional Presidents the country has pro- 
duced. His proclamation, counteracting the pre- 
sumed one of General Hunter, exhibits him to the 
people in the old resplendent light in which Andrew 
Jackson more than once appeared. The document 
is eminently Jacksonian. It speaks so high and so 
intrepid a regard for the Union, that Jefferson Da- 
vis himself cannot but commend it. There can be no 
mistake as to its grand constitutional sentiments. 
These are plainly set down, and Abraham Lincoln 
declares himself " for the responsibility." The na- 
tion has reason to exult in such a proclamation. It 
is a new, honest, and powerful pledge to it, that the 
fundamental laws of the land will suffer no rupture. 
To be sure, the Abolitionists are horrified by it : but 
such a thing is a great eulogy on the message, for 
that herd of fanatics are inveterate rebels to the in- 
tegrity of the Union. It is not too much to say 
that this document will dispel more treason in the 
South than fifty thousand men; for it will convince 
it that conquest is not the aim of the North, and 
that he whom it took to be a" nigger-worshipper " 
is as true a President as the hero of New Orleans 
himself. We ourselves firmly opposed Mr. Lincoln's 
election. This we did in view of his political char- 
acter, which was a dangerous one; but he has now 
our support, because the Constitution is his guide. — 
Boston (Catholic) Pilot. 

We have no refutation for the statement that the 
Abolitionists have had a bold hand in easting the 
fires of rebellion among the people of the South. 
They have ever been a herd of ungovernable' and 
unconscionable fanatics. If they have not taught 
the right of State secession, they have wickedly pro- 
pounded that the Constitution is a league with hell ; 
and they have often violated the national laws, out 
of insane enthusiasm for the black. It is certain, 
too, that they have desired a complete rupture be- 
tween the two sections of the country, — on the prin- 
ciple that such a fact would inevitably lead to negro 
emancipation ; and it is undoubted that they are ac- 
tually using all their means to have the war inde- 
finitely continued, from the hope that slavery it may 
at last completely destroy. These concessions 
against Abolitionism we freely make ; impeachment 
founded on them we shall never refuse to urge; 
against that ism we would this instant commend the 
rigors of military law — for it is an ism of extreme- 
danger to the Republic, which nothing but iron rule 
can suppress ; and no one who reads our columns can 
hesitate to acknowledge that this has always been 
the course of The Pilot. Certainly, the Abolitionists 
themselves will make no denial of that nature. 
They have always admitted our antagonism, and it 
shad not be turned away from them. All this we 
speak from principle, (! !) without, respect either to 
party or persons. — Ibid. 



brothers and sisters. It is my deliberate opinion 
that, in their present state of ignorance, the slaves 
rather fear than desire emancipation. They only 
regard their appetites and comforts. They are well 
housed, well dressed, and well fed. They appear 
to want no more. These facts constitute no excuse 
for slavery, but I mention them as tending to show 
that statesmen had better let the ' nigger' alone at 
present, and address themselves to suppressing this 
great rebellion." 

2£gp=* To think of such a cold-blooded and menda- 
cious scribbler being entrusted with a military com- 
mand, however suhordinate, to carry on the war (?) 
for the suppression of " the slaveholders' rebellion"! 
And the army is cursed with multitudes of such. 



j?*l*(tt »0 . 



Disunionists Defined. Hon. Andy Johnson, 
Military Governor of Tennessee, in a speech at Co- 
lumbia, on the 2d inst, said: — 

" An Abolitionist is a Disunionist. A Disunionist 
is a Secessionist. A Secessionist is a Disunionist. A 
Disunionist is an Abolitionist. Therefore a Seces- 
sionist is an Abolitionist. There is not a particle of 
difference between them. Here is the nation tossed 
and rent almost in twain by these unprincipled and 
ambitious office-hunters. Now there is a great mid- 
dle class who lie between these extremes, who must 
come up and save the Union. The mass of the 
Southern people are for the Union. The great mass 
of the Republicans are opposed to the Abolitionists. 
The body of the people everywhere will prove true 
to the Union. All this slavery talk is a mere pre- 
text, whose flimsiness is transparent." 



The Southern Slaves— What, a Federal Offi- 
cer Says of Them. — Colonel Gibson, of the Forty- 
ninth Ohio Regiment, recently wrote a letter from 
Tennessee, from which the following is an extract: 

"In this region, every one owns one or more 
slaves. Here, as elsewhere, where I have been, the 
slaves arc well treated and well provided for. They 
appear happier, and certainly live and dress better 
that the poor whites or the i'mc negro of Ohio or 
the North. Thev all supposed we were about to 
liberate them. This lie had been trumpeted in tho 
South, and hundreds of honest people besides slaves 
believed it. But the negro here instinctively dreads 
the North. They love the South, and are "devoted 
to their masters. 

I have witnessed some touching scenes between 
exiled masters, returned to their homes and their 
faithful slaves. It is strange how few try to escape 
or run away. I doubt, if twenty have come to the 
army with which I have been connected since last 
September. About the farm-houses anifin the city, 
tin; white children and the black play together like 



CONFISCATION AND LIBERATION. 

SPEECH OF HON. GEORGE W. JULIAN, 

Of Indiana, in the U. S. House of Representatives, May 
23, 1862/ 

The House having under consideration the bill to 
confiscate the property and free from servitude the 
slaves of rebels — 
Mr. JULIAN said: 

Mr. Speaker : Before closing the debate on the 
measures of confiscation and liberation now before 
us, I desire to submit some genural observations 
which I hope may not be regarded as irrelevant to 
these topics, or wholly unworthy of consideration. 
I do not propose to discuss these particular measures. 
I deem it wholly unnecessary. I believe everything 
has been said, on the one side and on the other, 
which can be said, and far more than was demand- 
ed by an honest. search after the truth. Certainly, 
I shall not argue, at any length, the power of Con- 
gress to confiscate the property of rebels. I take it 
for granted. I have not allowed myself, for a single 
moment, to regard the question as opeu to debate, 
nor do I believe it would ever have been seriously 
controverted, had it not been for the infectious in- 
fluence of slavery in giving us false views of the Con- 
stitution of the United States. It was ordained " to 
form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure 
domestic tranquillity, provide for the common de- 
fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." 
I lake it for granted that our fathers meant to con- 
fer, and did confer upon us, by the terms of the Con- 
stitution, the power to execute these grand purposes, 
and made adequate provision for the exercise of that 
power. I feel entirely safe in indulging this rea- 
sonable intendment in their favor; and I hand over 
to other gentlemen on this floor, and in the other eud 
of the Capitol, the ungracious task of dealing with 
the Constitution as a cunningly devised scheme for 
permitting insurrectons, conniving at civil war, and 
rendering treason to the Government safer than loy- 
alty. 

Sir, I have little sympathy for any such friends of 
tbe Union, and I honor the Constitution too much, 
and regard the memory of its founders too sacredly, 
to permit myself thus to trifle with the work of their 
hands. Tbe Constitution is not a shield for the pro- 
tection of rebels against the Government, but a 
sword for smiting them to the earth, and preserving 
the nation's life. Every man who has been blessed 
with a moderate share of common sense, and who 
really loves his country, will accept this as an ob- 
vious truth. Congress has power — 

" To declare war ; to grant letters of marque and re- 
prisal ; to make rules concerning captures on hand and 
water; to raise and support armies; to provide and 
maintain a navy ; to make rules for the government 
and regulation of the land and naval forces ; to pro- 
vide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws 
of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel inva- 
sions ; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into effect the foregoing powers." 

Here we find ample and express authority for any 
and every measure which Congress may see fit to 
employ, consistently with the law of nations and the 
usages of war, which fully recognize the power of 
confiscation. And yet for long, weary months we 
ve been arguing, doubting, hesitating, deprecating. 
As to what is called slave property, we have been 
most fastidiously careful not to harm it. We have 
seen a lion in our path at every step. We have 
seemed to play the part of graceless stipendiaries of 
slaveholding rebels, seeking, by technical subterfuges 
and the ingenious arts of pensioned attorneys in 
desperate eases, to shield their precious interests from 
all possible mischief. So long have we been tug- 
^ i the harness of our southern taskmasters, 
that even this horrid conspiracy of rebel slave-mas- 
ters cannot wholly divorce us from the idea that sla- 
very and the Constitution are one and inseparable. 
Sir, while I honor the present .Congress for its great 
labors and the many good deeds it has performed, I 
must yet count it a shame and a reproach that we 
did not promptly enact an efficient confiscation bill 
in December last, which would have gone hand in 
hand with our conquering legions in the work of 
trampling down the power of this rebellion, and re- 
storing our bleeding and distracted country to the 
blessings of peace. Many thousands of dear lives 
and many millions of money would thus have been 
spared ; for which a poor atonement, indeed, can be 
found in the learned constitutional arguments against 
confiscation, which have consumed so much of the 
time of the present session of Congress. 

Mr. Speaker, this never ending gabble about the 
sacredness of the Constitution is becoming intolera- 
ble; and it comes from exceedingly suspicious 
sources. We find that just in proportion as a man 
loves slavery, and desires to exalt it above all " prin- 
cipalities a'nd powers," he becomes most devoutly 
in love with the Constitution as he understands it. 
No class of men among us have so much to say 
about the Constitution as those who are known to 
sympathize with Jefferson Davis and the pirate 
crew at his heels. It will not be forgotten that the 
red-handed murderers and thieves who set this re- 
bellion on foot went out of the Union yelping for the 
Constitution, which they had conspired to overthrow, 
through the blackest perjury and treason that ever 
confronted the Almighty. I remember no men who 
were so zealously on the side of the Constitution, or 
so studiously careful to save it from all detriment, as 
Breckinridge and Burnett, while they remained 
nominally on the side of the Union. Every grace- 
less miscreant who has wallowed in the filthy mire 
of slavery till he has outlived his own conscience, ev- 
ery man who would be openly on the side of the 
rebels if he had the courage to take his stand, ev- 
ery opponent of a vigorous prosecution of the war, 
by the use of all the powers of war, will be found 
fulminating his dastardly diatribes on the duty of 
standing by the Constitution. I notice, also— and 
I do not mean to be offensive— that the Democratic 
leaders who have recently issued a semi-rebel ad- 
dress from this city, are most painfully exercised 
lest the Constitution shoidd suffer in the hands of 
the present Administration. 

Mr. Speaker, 1 prefer to muster in different com- 



pany. I prefer to show my fealty to the Constitu- 
tion by treating it as the charter of liberty, as the 
I foe of rebellion, and as amply armed with the pow- 
er to save its own life by crushing its foes. Sir, who 
are the men in whose behalf the Constitution is so 
persistently invoked? They are rebels, who have 
defied its power, and who, by taking their stand 
outside of the Constitution, have driven us to meet 
them on their own chosen ground. By abdicating 
the Constitution, and conspiring against the Govern? 
ment, they have assumed the character of public en- 
emies, an 1 have thus no rights but the rights of war, 
while in dealing with them we are bound by no 
laws but the laws of war. Those provisions of the 
Constitution which define the rights of persons in 
time of peace, and which must be observed in deal- 
ing with criminals, have no application whatever to 
a state of war, in which criminals acquire the char- 
acter of enemies. The powers of war are not un- 
constitutional, because they are recognized and pro- 
vided for by the Constitution ; but their function ami 
exercise are to be regulated by the law of nations 
governing a state of war, and "not by the terms of 
the Constitution applicable to a state of peace. 
Hence I must regard much of this clamor about the 
violation of the Constitution on our part as the sick- 
ly higgling of pro-slavery fanatics, or the poorly dis- 
guised rebel sympathy of sniveling hypocrites. We 
must fight traitors where they have chosen to meet 
us. They have treated the Constitution as no long- 
er in force, and we should give them all the conse- 
quences, in full, of their position. By setting the 
Constitution at naught, they have rested their case 
on the naked power of lawless might; and, there- 
fore, we will not give them due process of law, by 
trying, convicting, and hanging them according to 
the Constitution they have abjured, but we wilt give 
them, abundantly, due process of aw, for which the 
Constitution makes wise and ample provision. 

I have referred, Mr. Speaker, to the influence of 
slavery in giving us false views of the Constitution. 
It has also given us false ideas as to the character 
and purposes of the war. We are fighting, it is said, 
for the Union as it was. Sir, I should bj glad to 
know what we are to understand by this. If it 
means that these severed and belligerent States 
must again be united as one and inseparable, with 
secession forever laid low, the national supremacy 
vindicated, and the old flag waving over every 
State and every rood of the Republic, then I agree 
to the proposition. Every true Union man will sav 
am;n to it. But if, by the Union as it was, we are 
to understand the Union as we beheld it under the 
thieving Demojrajy of the last Administration, with 
such men as Davis, Floyd, Mason, and their God-for 
saken confederates, restored to their places in Con 
gress, in the army, and in the Cabinet; if it means 
that the reign of terror which prevailed in the 
southern States for years prior to this rebellion shall 
be re-established, by which uuoffending citizens of 
the free States can only enter " the sacred soil " of sla- 
very at the peril of life ; if, by the Union as it was, 
be meant the Union with another James Buchanan 
as its king, and Chief Justice Taney as its anointed 
high-priest, steadily gravitating, by the weight of its 
own rottenness, into the frightful vortex of civil war; 
then I am not for the Union as it was, but as I be- 
lieve it will be, when this rebellion shall have worked 
out its providential lesson, I confess that I look ra- 
ther to the future than the past; but if I must cast 
my eye backward, I shall select the early administra- 
tions of -the Government, when the chains of the 
slave were crumbling from his limbs, and before the 
Constitution of 1789 had been mutilated by the ser- 
vile Democracy of a later generation. 

Mr. Spaaker, this clamor for the Union as it was 
comes from men who believe in the divinity of sla- 
very. It comes from those who would restore slavery 
in this District if they dared ; who would put back 
the chains upon avevy slave made free by our army ; 
who would completely re-establish the slave power 
over the national Government as in the evil days of 
the past, which have culminated at last in the pres- 
ent bloody strife, and who are now exhorting us to 
" leave off agitating the negro question, and attend 
to the work of putting down the rebellion." Sir, the 
people of the loyal States understand this question. 
They know that slavery lies at the bottom of all our 
troubles. They know that but for this curse, this 
horrid revolt against liberty and law would not have 
occurred. They know that all the unutterable ago- 
nies of our many battle-fields, all the terrible sorrows 
which rend so many thousands of loving hearts, all 
the ravages and desolation of this stupendous con- 
flict, are to be charged to slavery. They know that 
its barbarism has moulded the leaders of this rebel- 
lion into the most atrocious scoundrels of the nine- 
teenth century, or of any century or age of the 
world. They know that it gives arsenic to our sol- 
diers, mocks at the agonies of wounded enemies, fires 
on defenceless women and children, plants torpedoes 
and infernal machines in its path, boils the dead 
bodies of our soldiers in cauldrons, so that it may 
make drinking cups of their skulls, spurs of their 
jaw bones, and finger joints as holiday preseuts for 
" the first families of Virginia" and the"" descendants 
of the daughter of Pocahontas." They know that it 
has originated whole broods of crimes never enacted 
in all the ages of the past, and that, were it possible, 
Satan himself would now be ashamed of his achieve- 
ments, and seek a change of occupation. They 
knowthat it hatches into life under its infernal in- 
cubation, the very scum of all the villanies and 
abominations that ever defied God or cursed his 
footstool. And they know that it is just as tmpossi- 



... mpi 
ble for them to pass through the fiery trials of this 
war without feeling that slavery is their grand an- 
tagonist, as it is for a man to hold his breath, and 
live. 

Sir, the loyal people of these States will not. only 
think about slavery, and talk about it, during the pro- 
gress of this war, but they will seek earnestly to use 
the present opportunity to get rid of it forever. Noth- 
ing can possibly sanctify the sufferings through 
which we are called to pass but the permanent es- 
tablishment of liberty and peace. If this is not a 
war of ideas, it is not a war to be defended. As a 
mere struggle for political power between opposing 
States, or a mere question of physical strength or 
courage, it becomes impious in the light of its horrid 
baptism of fire and blood. It. would ~*nnk with the 
senseless and purposeless wars between the despot- 
isms of the Old World, bringing with it nothing of 
good for freedom or the race. What I said on this 
floor in January last, I repeat here now, that the 
mere suppression of this rebellion will be an empty 
mockery of our sufferings and sacrifices, if slavery 
shall be spared to canker the heart of the nation 
anew, and repeat its diabolical deeds. Sir, the peo- 
ple of the United States, and the armies of the Uni- 
ted States, are not the unreasoning machines of ar- 
bitrary power, but the intelligent champions of free 
institutions, voluntarily espousing the side of the 
Union upon principle. ■ They know, as docs the civ- 
ilized world, that the rebels are lighting (o diffuse 
and eternize slavery, and that that, purpose must, be 
met by a manly and conscientious resistance. Tliev 
lecl that 

" Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." 
and that nothing can " ennoble fight " but a " noblo 



cause." Mr. Speaker, I can conceive of nothing 
more monstrously absurd, or more flagrantly recreant, 
thin the idea of conducting this war against a slave- 
holders' rebellion as if slavery had no existence. 
Tiie naadusss of such a policy strikes ma as next to 
infinite. Here are more than a million of men call- 
ed into deadly strife by the struggle of this black 
power to diffuse itself over the continent, and strike 
down the cause of free government everywhere, de- 
luging these otherwise happy States with suffering 
and death without parallel in the history of the 
world; and yet so far has this power perverted the 
judgment and debauched the conscience of the 
country, that we are seriously exhorted to make 
still greater sacrifices, in order to placate its spirit 
and spare its life. I thank God that such a policy is 
simply impossible. The hearts of the people of the 
free States, and of the soldiers we have sent into the 
field, beat for liberty, and without their love of lib- 
erty, and the belief that it is now in deadly peril, the 
rebellion would have triumphed, just as the struggle 
of our fathers, in 1776, would have ended in failure, 
'f it had been possible to make them ignore the 
great question of human rights which nerved their 
arms and fired their hearts. 

My colleague, [Mr. VooiiHEEa,] in his speech the 
other day, was quite eloquent in his condemnation 
of the financial management of this war, and quite 
painstaking in his effort to show the magnitude of 
the debt it is creating. He would do well to re- 
member that when Mr. Chase took charge of the 
Treasury, the Government could only borrow money 
by paying one per cent, per month, while United 
States six per cent, bonds are now at two per cent, 
premium over American gold. As to the immense 
burden which this war is heaping upon us, it has 
been chiefly caused by the mistaken policy of ten- 
derness_ towards the rebals, and iinmunity'for their 
pet institution ; and this policy has been steadily and 
strenuously urged by my colleague and his Demo- 
cratic associates. It has been far less the fault of 
the Administration than of some of our commanding 
generals, and of conservative gentlemen in both 
Houses of Congress, who have sought by every 
means in their power to accommodate the war policy 
of the Government to the equivocal loyalty of the 
border States. Many precious lives and many mil- 
lions of money were sacrificed by the military policy 
which neither allowed the army of the Potomac to 
march against the enemy, nor go into winter quar- 
ters, during the dreary months which preceded the 
order of the President, directing a combined move- 
ment on the 22d of February last. The poliev of 
delay, which has also sought to spare slavery, was 
never accepted by the President of his own choice, 
but under the influence of those both in and out of 
the army in whom he reposed confidence at the time. 
I rejoice now to find events all drifting in a differ- 
ent direction. I believe rebels and outlaws are to 
be dealt with according to their character. I trust 
slavery is not much longer to be spared. Congress 
has already sanctioned the policy of gradual aboli 
tion, as recommended by the President, who himself 
recognises slavery as the grand obstacle to !___._ 
We have abolished slavery in this District, and thus 
branded it with national reprobation. We have 
prohibited it in all national territory, now owned ( 
hereafter to be acquired. We have enacted a ne 
article of war, prohibiting our army from aiding L 
the recapture of fugitives, and I trust we shall 
promptly repeal the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, or 
at least suspend its operation during the rebellion. 
We have given freedom to multitudes of slaves 
through our confiscation act of last July, and by re- 
ceiving them into our camps, and retaining them in 
our service. We have enacted the homestead bill, 
which at once recognises the inalienable rights of the 
people and the dignity of labor, and thus brands the 
Slave Power as no act of the nation ever did before. 
Since that power has ceased to dominate in Congress 
we are perfecting, and shall soon pass a bit? for 
the construction of a Pacific railroad, and another 
for the abolition of polygamy in Utah. Our watch- 
words are now — Freedom, Progress. 

Those patriotic gentlemen who have been anxious 
to hang " abolitionists," as equally guilty with the 
rebels, are changing their tune. We are reconsider- 
ing the folly of dealing with rebels as "misguided 
brethren," who must not be exasperated; amf while 
we shall not imitate their barbarities, we are learning 
to apply to their case the gospel of " an eye for an 
eye, and a tooth for a tooth." We are waginc war 
in earnest ; we are beginning to love freedom almost 
as dearly as the rebels love slavery; we are anima- 
ted by a measure of that resentment which the rebel- 
lion demanded in the very beginning, and has con- 
stantly invoked during the progress of the war ; and 
when these troubles are passed, the people will honor 
most those who have sought to crush the rebellion by 
the quickest and most desperate blows, and who, in 
the language of Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, 
have been willing to " recognise all men, even black 
men, as legally capable of that loyalty the blacks 
are waiting to manifest, and let them light with God 
and nature on their side." The proclamation of 
General Fremont, giving freedom to the slaves of 
rebels in Missouri, has done more to make his name 
a household word than could all the military glory 
of the war; and 1 rejoice that, while the PresTdent 



saw fit to revoke the recent sweeping order of Gen- 
eral Hunter, he took pains to couple that revocation 
with words of earnest warning, which have neither 
meaning nor application if they do not recognise tbe 
authority of the Executive, in bis military discretion, 
to give freedom to the slaves. That tliis authority 
will be executed, at no very distant moment, I be- 
lieve most firmly. The language of the President 
obviously implies it, and foreshadows it among the 
thick-coming events of the future. Conservatives 
and cowards may recoil from it, and seek to post- 
pone it ; but to resist it, unless Congress shall assume 
it, will be to wrestle with destiny. 

Mr. Speaker, I shall support the two measures of 
confiscation and liberation now before us, for tho 
same reason which led me to support the confiscation 
bill of last July. They look in the right direction, 
and I am glad to sec any advance step taken by 
Congress. But I shall retain, at any rate, my faith 
in the President, and in that logic of events which 
hows, amid all the seeming triumphs of slavery, 
that the anti-slavery idea has neon steadily and sure- 
ly marching towards its triumph. The victories of 
slavery, in fact, have been its defeats. It triumphed 
in the Missouri Compromise of 1S20; but that 
triumph, by begetting now exactions, kindled and 
diffused an unslumbering anti-slavery sentiment 
which kept pace with every usurpation of its foe. 
It. triumphed in the annexation of Texas, but, this, 
by paving the way fur the Mexican war, nunc folly 
displayed its spirit of rapacity, and led to an organ- 
ized political action against, it which finally secured 
the control of tho Government, It triumphed in 
I860, in the passage of the Fugitive Stave A, 'I, the 
Texas Boundary Bill, the overthrow of tbe Wilmol 
Proviso, and the inauguration of the policy of Popu- 
lar Sovereignty in our Territories, which afterwards 
bTOUghl forth -such bloody iVuils in Kansas. But 
these incisures, instead Of glutting the demands of 

slavery, only whetted its appetite, and brought upon 
it tlio roused and intensified hostility of the people. 



it triumphed in the repeal of the Missouri restric- 
tion ; but this was, perhaps, the most signal defeat in 
the whole history of its career of aggression and law- 
lessness, completely unmasking its real character and 
designs, and appealing to both conservatives and 
radicals to combine against it. It triumphed again 
in the Dred Scott decision and the election of James 
Buchanan as President; but this only enab ed slave- 
breeding Democracy to grow to its full stature, and 
bud and blossom into that perfect luxurrance of di- 
abolism through which the Republican party mount- 
ed to power. Slavery triumphed, finally, when it 
clutched the national Treasury, sent our navy into 
distant seas, plundered our arsenals, fired on our flag, 
and sought to make sure its dominion by wholesale 
perjury, treason, rapine, and murder; but all this 
was only a grand challenge to the nation to meet it 
in mortal combat, giving us the right to choose any 
weapons recognised by the laws of civilized warfare. 
Baffled and overborne in all its previous encounters, 
slavery has now forced upon the nation the question 
of liberty or death; and I cannot doubt that the 
triumphs of freedom thus far will be crowned by 
final victory in this grand struggle. The cost of our 
victory, in treasure and blood, and the length of the 
struggle, will depend much upon the madness or the 
wisdom which may dictate our policy ; but 1 am sure 
that our country is not so far given over to the care 
of devils as to allow slavery to come out of this con- 
test with its life. To believe this, would be to take 
sides with " the fool " who " hath said in his heart, 
there is no God." 

The triumph of ant'-slavery is sure. In the day 
of its weakness, it fa;ed proscription, persecution, 
violence and death, but it never deserted its fliw. 
It was opposed by public opinion, by the press, by 
the religious organizations of the country, and by 
great political parties, which it fina'ly rent in twain 
and trampled under its feet. It is now the master 
of its own position, while its early heroes are taking 
their rank among " the noble of alt ages." It has 
forced its way into the presidential chair, and rules 
in the Cabinet. It dictates the legislation of Con- 
gress, and speaks in the Courts of the Old World. 
It goes forth with our armies, and is every hour more 
and more imbuing the soldiers of the Republic with 
its spirit Its course is onward, and while 

"The politic statesman looks back with a sigh, 
There ia doubt in hi3 heart, there is fear in his eye"; 

and even those slimy doughfaces and creeping things 
that still continue to hiss at "abolitionism," betray 
a tormenting apprehension that their day and gen- 
eration are rapidly passing away. In the lio-ht of 
the past, the future is made so plain that " he that 
runs may read." In the year 1850, when the Slave 
Power triumphed through the "-final settlement" 
which was then attempted, I had the honor to hold 
a seat in this body; and I said, in a speech then de- 
livered, that — 

" The suppression of agitation in the non-slavehold- 
ing States will not and cannot follow the ' peace mea- 
sures ' recently adopted. The alleged death of the 
Wilmot Proviso will only prove the death of those 
who have sought to kill it, while its advocates will be 
multiplied in every portion of the North. The cove- 
nant for the admission of additional slave States will 
be repudiated, while a renewed and constantly increas- 
ing agitation will spring up in behalf of tbe doctrine 
of ' no mire slave States.' The outrage of surrender- 
ing free soil Co Texan slavery cannot fail to be followed 
by the same results, and j ust as naturally as fuel feeds 
the flame which consumes it. The passage of the 
Fugitive Slave Bill will open a fresh wound in the 
North, and it will continue to bleed just as long as the 
law stands unrepealed. The existence of slavery in 
the capital of the Republic, upheld by the laws of Coih 
gress, must of itself keep alive an agitation which will 
be swelled with the continuance of the evil. Sir, these 
questions are no longer within the control of politicians. 
Party discipline, presidential nominations, and the 
spoils of office, cannot stifle the free utterance of the 
people respecting the great struggle now going on in 
this country between the free spirit of the North and 
a domineering oligarchy in the South. Here, sir, lies 
the great question, and it must be met. Neither acts 
of Congress nor the devices of partisans can postpone 
or evade it. It will have itself answered. I am aware 
that it involves the bread and butter of whole hosts of 
politicians; and I do not marvel at their attempts to 
escape it, to smother it. to bile it from the eyes of the 
people, and to dam up the moral tide which is forcing 
it upon them. Neither do I marvel at their firing of 
guns and baejh malian libations over ' the dead body of 
the Wilmot.' Such labors and rejoicings are by no 
means unnatural, but they will be followed by disap- 
pointment. It is vain to expect to quiet agitation by 
continued concessions to an institution which is becom- 
ing every hour more and more a stigmi to the nation, 
and which, instead of seeking new conquests and new 
life, should be prepvring itself with grave clothes for 
a decent exit from the world ; concessions revolting to 
tbe humanity, the conscientious convictions, the relig- 
ion, and the patriotism of the free States." 

Sir, I speak to-day in the spirit of these words, 
uttered nearly twelve years ago, and verified by 
time. A small band of men in Congress braved pub- 
lic opinion, the ruling influences, of the time, and 
every form of proscription and intimidation, in stand- 
ing by the cause which was overwhelmingly voted 
down. But although outvoted, it was not conquered^—" 
" It is in vain," says Carlyle, " to vote a false image 
true. Vote it, and revote it, by overwhelming ma- 
jorities, by jubilant unanimities, the thing is not so * 
it is otherwise than so, and all Adam's posterity, vot^ 
ing upon it till doomsday, cannot change it." 

The history of reform bears unfailing witness to 
this truth. The cause which bore the cross in 1S50 
wears the crown to-day. " No power can die that 
ever wrought for truth," .while the political graves 
of recreant statesmen are eloquent with warnings 
against their mistakes. Where are those Northern 
statesmen who betrayed liberty in 1820 ? They are 
already forgotten, or remembered only in their dis- 
honor. Who now believes that any* fresh laurels 
were won in 1850, by the great men 'who sought to 
gag the people of the free'States, and lav the slab 
of silence on Jhose truths which to-day write them- 
selves down, along with the guilt of slavery, in the 
flames of civil war? Has any man in the whole 
history of American politics, however deeply rooted 
his reputation or godlike his gilts, been able' to hold 
dalliance with slavery and live ? 1 believe the spirit 
of liberty is the spirit of God, and if the giants of a 
past, generation were not strong enough to wrestle 
with it, can the pigmies of the present ? It has beeu 
beautifully said of Wilberforee that he « ascended 
to the throne of God with a million of broken 
shackles in his hands, as the evidence of a life well 
spent." History wilt take care of his niomorv ; ;md 

when our own bleedins oovntry shall again "put on 
the robes of peace, end freedom shall have leave u. 

gather up her jewels, she will not search for them 
among the political lossils who are now seeking to 
spare the. rebels bv pettifogging their eanse in^the 
name of the Constitution, while the Slave Power is 
feehng for tin' nation's throat. No; God is not to 
In- mocked, .Justice is suiv. Tlio defenders of sla- 
very and its despicable apologists will iv nailed bq 
the world's pillory, and the holiest shrines in tho 
temple of American liberty will be rescued for those 

who shall most faithfully do battle against this rebel- 
lion, as a gigantic oonsptraoy against the rights' o| 
human nature and the brotherhood of our race. 



102 



THE LIBERATOR 



JUNE 27. 



GENERAL LANE AT (JOOPER INSTITUTE. 

On Wednesday evening, 4th inst., 'Gen. Lane, of 
Kansas, appeared before an immense crowd at Coop- 
er Institute. Wo give a portion of his speeeh> wMcb 
is characteristic throughout : — 

If there is anything that to "me, Wow-, is more dis- 
graceful Hum all Others to manhood, womanhood, and 
childhood, it is Northern reference for. the institu- 
tion of slavery. [Applause.] I do not forget the 
place and the people to whom I speak, the city of 
New York-, that to this Government is a power be- 
hind the throne more powerful than the throne it- 
self; and if here 1 could, by giving up my life, incul- 
cate a fair and candid spirit concerning the institu- 
tion of slavery, God knows how willingly I would 
die. Had the people of New York, a year ago, de- 
clared to the Government, or to the President, " We 
instruct you to issue a proclamation to the slave 
States, saying, You must within thirty days lay 
down your arms, or I will free all your slaves," that 
proclamation would have been issued, and the war 
ended long ere this. 

Why has this war been so long kept up? That 
it ini«ht preserve the institution that inaugurated it. 
It commenced in the fall of 1855 on the plains of 
Kansas. Every slave State, save Maryland and 
Delaware, had an army on the plains of Kansas, 
that liberty might be killed. How did we save Kan- 
sas ? A handful of men, weak and feeble, with a 
few Sharpc's rifles, did it. We said to slavery, 
« You have brought this trouble upon us, and you 
shall cease to exist in Kansas." We also said to 
those whose shackles were stricken off, " Take 
Sharpe's rifles, and fight with us." A man madi 
like us, and with hands like ours, said, " Here, Gen 
eral, we want to fight for freedom," and we gave 
him the gun, knowing he would fight as well as we. 
[Applause.] 

1 have three children, and I suppose most of you 
have children; if not, you expect to have. This 
war has been a dreadful calamity upon ns, and I 
don't want my children to suffer from such a war. 
I look upon it as cowardly to entail upon our chil- 
dren an intestine war such as this. It is upon us 
so far as operations of armies go. [Applause.] If 
we permit a vestige of slavery to remain within the 
boundaries af the Union, we insure a civil war upon 
our children. Go with me to the State of Delaware. 
There are 1,200 slaves in Delaware; is she any 
nearer being a free State than if she had 100,000 ? 
Look at her Bayard and Saulsbury ! I have noth- 
ing to say about them, except that they would sink a 
thousand Unions like this rather than peril their in- 
stitution and their political party. In Western Vir- 
ginia, the people voted ten to one in favor of eman- 
cipation. They framed a constitution ; and yet 
they dared not embody a resolution in favor of eman- 
cipation, however gradual. Why? They are afraid. 
How about North Carolina ? I am not a believer 
in special Providence; but I do believe it would 



No, that ain't wWt i ttiean ; a place where they se'.l 
stocks.; aVi'd vvWh the President .believes lie can 
cina^K'ipaft 1 . thw slaves without seriously affecting the 
V>rice ol' United States stocks, he'll do it. Why, the 
longer we carry on this war, apparently, the more 
money we've got. I have always believed that a 
hand stronger than ours is protecting this country, 
and I will not believe that He will permit this rebel- 
lion to clot'e without establishing on every foot of 
this continent freedom, freedom where lie can be 
worshipped, and worshipped intelligently. [Ap- 
plause.] We have our work to do, and no one has 
a greater responsibility than the people of New York. 
Cast aside your fear, your reverence for slavery. 
Write upon your banner, " Emancipate," and eman- 
cipation follows. That done, what will restrict our 
power? We will then have peace, permanent peace. 
All my efforts are pledged, all my energies shall be 
exhausted to secure the emancipation, either imme- 
diate or gradual, of every slave. We want freedom 
for all, for the white race and the black race. [Ap- 
plause] 

G0VEKN0K STANLY OF H0ETH CAE0LIHA. 

The course of this person has caused far more 
sorrow and indignation than anything that the reb- 
els could have done. Just as, by the benevolent ex- 
ertions of Dr. Colyer, aided by the noble, efforts of 
Gen. Burnside and his officers and men, the colored 
people were beginning to learn how to live, and 
were obtaining the rudiments of knowledge ; just 
as the children were beginning to exult, that they, 
too, as well as the white children, were to learn to 
read, and they were learning that not all white men 
were slave drivers or masters, this Gov. Stanly 
comes, and sweeps it all away with a stroke of his 
pen — closes the schools, by which the darkness of 
the soul was being enlightened ; drawing around 
him the men-stealers, and hounding them upon 
their prey ; exercising dictatorial powers, by banish- 
ing a citizen for daring to tell him the truth — and 
all under the excuse of the laws of the State. Laws 
of the State, quotha V By what law of the State of 
North Carolina was this man sent as Military Gov- 
ernor ? By what law of that State does lie hold 
his position ? If he professes such reverence for 
these laws, why does he hold his office one moment? 
By what law of that State does he expatriate a citi- 
zen for addressing him a respectful letter? Have 
we lavished our blood, have we given our citizens, 
have we spent our property for this, that when we 
have conquered, the kidnapper and slave catcher 
may enter and seize their poor shrinking victim ? 

Is this the feast to which we are invited ? If it is, 
let us know it, and we fancy that less Massachusetts 
men 'will respond to the call for troops in the future 
than there has in the past. President Lincoln mis- 
took his man. The course of this tyrant has been 
against every sentiment and expression of his that 
he has uttered. He has repeatedly said, that no 
slave that became free in consequence of this war 



»&<*»t 0*. 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JUNE 27,1852. 



have been well, if, after Stanly had put his hand to' should be sent back into slavery. We have no 
that order, the earth had opened, and he had been doubt but that this Stanly will either be ordered to 
sent — down. [Laughter.] Look at it in all its de- alter his course, or to leave the scene of his labor 
formity ! A President appoints a Governor — a » where he has caused more evil than he can ever re- 
President who has repeatedly declared that noj trieve. Let him go to California again from whence 
slave, once within our lines, shall be sent back to j he came, to raise more mobs to put down Union 
slavery — and this Governor declares that he is com- meetings. He will learn before he dies, that this 



pelled', by the laws of slavery, to issue an order repul- 
sive to every sentiment of humanity. 

Find me a Democrat in Washington, who was 
born such, and he is one who declares Stanly's or- 
der is all right. A Democrat in New York does the 
same thing. There is a class of Democrats who 
love Democracy a great deal better than they do 
the Union. I suppose there is no man who will 
deny that slavery is in direct conflict with the civil- 
ization of the age. Emancipation is now a necessity. 
You may as well come to it, because the slaves have 
snuffed freedom, and they are worthless after that, 
as slaves. It may have occurred to you, while I am 
speaking, to say, What will you do with them ? It 
is upon us — the emancipation of every slave is upon 
us — and we must not blink. W T hat will you do 
with them? 

We have in Kansas 17,000 families. Four thou- 
sand slaves have recently emigrated from Arkansas 
and Missouri into Kansas, and yet we all get along. 
I have aided 2,500 slaves to emigrate this year, 
and it has not been a very good year for negroes ei- 
ther. [Laughter.] When they first come into 
camp, thev look down, but after a while they look 
and act like men. It is truth that all the reliable 
information I received in Missouri, I received from 
slaves. 

I have said that, so soon as we can do it, these 
two races should be separated, for the good ol both — 
not now, not till we educate them and prepare them 
for self-government. I am not quite as anxiour -- 
you, to get the negroes out of South Carolina 
would like to see South Carolina forever dedicated 
to that race. [Applause.] I'll guarantee^ then 
would be no .more secession in South Carolina, if 
that was so. [Renewed applause.] Educate them 
where they are. 

'■But," say you, "how about cotton?" New 
York is the great metropolis of the country, and I 
believe there are measures now, before the Con- 
gress of the nation, which will make New York the 
metropolis of the world ; and we hope the Pacific 
Railroad Bill will be passed, thus, connecting the 
East and the West, and effecting that result. You 
won't get cotton ! If you want to increase it, break 
dpwn the monopoly held by slaveholders! Do you 
say, how break it down ? Why, if" these men don't 
want to ttay and work with free labor, let them 
come away, and make room for northern men who 
know how to make money out of free labor. [Ap- 
plause.] The slave will increase the product quad- 
uple when made free. As a slave, he has no incen- 
tive to work — give him his pay, and he works as 
other men work. But, says one, "I don't know 
about arming the slaves." 1 should not have said 
so, perhaps, in conservative New York, but the 
time is coming when that, too, will be a necessity. 
The army of the rebellion will be scattered in a 
few weeks, but they will exist in guerilla bands. In 
Missouri, there has been no organized army in three 
months; yet that State is suffering more than ever 
from guerillas. How long, and how much did it 
did it take to destroy the handful of Seminoles se- 
creted in the glades ? Years, and millions of dol- 
lars. 

Is not the guerilla system branded by all nations 
as murderous? Well, it will exist; and how will 
we meet it ? 

I propose to meet it by setting the slaves of those 
rebels tree, and setting them to hunt them out. [Ap- 
plause.] 

When we get these guerillas cleared out by the 
use of the slaves, I would like to see every traitor 
who has to die, die by the hand of his own slave. 
Let the slave whom he has oppressed do thejob. A 
traitor to the best government on the earth would 
find fault with the hand that strikes him dead. 
— ~-He_pught to be thankful that he's permitted to die. 
[Laughter.] The tories of the revolution lived a 
life of hell ; and how much worse will be the con- 
dition of those who are permitted to live after their 
traitorous doings? A Northern traitor! The mis- 
erable slave of slavery ! It's a vocation. 0,1 wish 
that I was forgiven for the crime of having once in 
my heart reverenced the institution of slavery. [Ap- 
plause.] The devotee of slavery is a human fiend ! 
There is no crime he will not commit for slavery. 
Why, a thousand of these fellows would march over 
into Kansas, and if they killed an unarmed pioneer, 
or a defenceless woman, or a little child, they claimed 
a great victory. How would you like to see South 
Carolina come into the Union with the same statm 
as she had before ? Who would like to see South 
Carolina come into the Union as she went out of it ? 
I have a vote to cast on that subjeatjn behalf of 
Kansas; and when he who speaks to you casts a 
vote in favor of that, he will never again face the 
gallant people of Kansas. [Applause.] And first, 
then, we will emancipate the slaves — the slaves of 
rebels, if you say so; for you can commence where 
you please, for I know it will result in the freeing of 
every slave in every slave State. I tried that in 
Missouri. [Laughter.] I said to my officers and 
men, '-The slaves of traitors are confiscated." I 
issued no proclamation. [Laughter.] 

I got to a certain point in Missouri one day with 
the Kansas Brigade. That night the negroes came 
into camp, and the next day we all came away to- 
gether. I had no time to discuss legality with the 
masters. I believe Congress will pass that law, and 
all you have got to do is to petition the President — 
brave, honest old Abe Lincoln — [great applause] 
— and he'll do that thing, and, in the opinion of the 
speaker, he is right anxious to do it. [Applause.] 
I believe, and always shall, why he modified the 
proclamation of the gallant Fremont — [tremendous 
applause,] — and that of Hunter— [applause] — was, 
that he wants to do it himself. He wants to write 
the slaves all free in hia own homely Btyle. £Ap- 
plause.] You've got an institution in this city — 
what do you call it f [A voice — " Herald,'" " Herald."} 



war is not to uphold the slave-catcher or the pander — 
that the thousands of noble men who are risking 
their lives, and enduring hardships and privations, 
did not enter the service of their country to build 
up the institution of slavery — that the loyal and 
free North and West are not pouring out their trea- 
sure like water, that rebels may recover their lost 
property in man. And others of the same stamp as 
this Governor Stanly may learn the same lesson. 
Those who uphold him, and who bandy coarse jests 
and brutal remarks upon the noble man who gave 
his earnest endeavors to teach these poor ignorant 
beings to be men and women — they will learn this, 
and the shame of their words will haunt them to 
their graves. — Old Colony Memorial. 



800EPI0H STABLY, 



The name which the indignant O'Connell used to 
give to Lord Stanly will much better apply to the 
cruel wretch whom the Government, by some mis- 
take, has appointed Military Governor of North 
Carolina. He is a scorpion or scourge of the most 
malignant sort. His first act on arriving within 
sight of his seat of power was to disperse the chari- 
table schools which the benevolence of the North 
had gathered in that benighted State ; his second 
was to deliver up the fugitive slaves who had es- 
caped to our camps, to their owners, whether loyal or 
disloyal ; his third was to expatriate in the most arbi- 
trary manner an eminent and useful citizen of the 
State, who dared to make a few simple suggestions 
of policy; and the fourth will be, we presume, the 
ordering of Burnside to evacuate his tents, surren- 
der all the property he has seized, and betake him- 
self and his Yankees to Rhode Island or some other 
part of New England. 

Stanly perpetrates these outrages in the name of 
the local law of North Carolina, which he alleges he 
was sent to execute. But his plea is false in the 
first place, and invalid in the second. He was not 
deputed to enforce the local laws of North Carolina. 
Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, from whom he 
must have received his instructions, declares that he 
would not belong to an Administration which could 
authorize or sanction such nefarious proceedings as 
those of Stanly. It was, however, needless for him 
to make the disavowal ; for no one with a grain of 
sense could suppose that the government would 
stultify itself so far as to despatch an officer to en- 
force local laws which would deprive that officer 
himself of all right to act. Stanly holds his place 
under the military necessity created by the circum- 
stances of the times ; the position of Military Gover- 
nor is not known to the Constitution of the United 
States; neither is it known to the laws of North 
Carolina. On the contrary, the only Governor those 
laws recognize is Gov. Clark, a secessionist; and 
consequently, if Governor Stanly's business is to en- 
force the local laws, he must quit his appointment at 
once, and hand over his commission to Gov. Clark, 
and assist Clark in expelling Burnside and his forces. 
Our troops are in the State in opposition to tiie lo- 
cal law, so far as there is any, and according to 
Stanly's logic they ought to depart incontinently, or 
be sent away, just as Mr. Helper was sent away. 

Nay, worse than that ; if the local laws of North 
Carolina arc to be enforced at all, they must be en- 
forced in all their length and breadth ; the penalties 
prescribed for their infringement must be executed ; 
and the hundred and more white men and women 
who have been engaged in the laudable task of 
teaching the colored people must be punished for 
their temerity. The laws of North Carolina ordain 
that any one who shall "teach a slave to read or 
write, or sell or give him any book or pamphlet, 
shall be punished with thirty-nine lashes or impris- 
onment, if the offender be a free negro; but if a 
white, then with a fine of two hundred dollars." 
Now, Dr. Colyer and his scores of male and female 
assistants have made themselves amenable to these 
penalties. Each one of them should be fined in the 
sum of two hundred dollars; the free negroes who 
have assisted them should receive their thirty-nine 
lashes on the back, administered by Scorpion Stan- 
ly ; and all the volunteer soldiers from R-hode Island, 
New York and New Hampshire, who have made 
themselves accomplices in the crime, should be pro- 
portionately punished. 

The audacity of this Military Governor seems to 
be sufficient to carry him to these lengths. In his 
zeal for executing the local laws of North Carolina, 
he does not scruple about violating the general laws 
of the United States. It is a law of the United 
Slates that speech shall be free ; but Stanly threat- 
ens to expatriate every citizen and dismiss every of- 
ficer who shall express an opinion of the propriety 
of his acts. It is also a law of the United States 
that " all officers or persons in the military or naval 
service of the United States are prohibited from em- 
ploying any of the forces under their respective com- 
mands for the purpose of returning fugitives from ser- 
vice or labor, who may hare escaped from any person 
to whom, such service or labor is claimed to be due, 
and any officer who shall be found guilty by a 
court-martial of violating this article, shall be dis- 
missed from the service." But Stanly, an officer in 
the military service of the United States, arrests and 
returns these fugitives, not by couples or dozens, but 
by the hundred. More than that, too; he erects 
himself into a supreme dictator, orders all departing 
vessels to be searched for contrabands, and threat- 
ens such as harbor them with confiscation if they 
are. found. 

Are the laws of the Union to be set at nought in 
this manner ? Is this miserable tool of the North 
Carolina Secessionists to bo allowed to continue his 
malignant outrages ? Our error, from the beginning 
of this war, has been the want of decision and con- 
sistency in the prosecution of it.' — N. Y. Eve. Post. 



FOURTH OF JULY! 

It hns been the invariable custom of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society to commemorate this 
National Anniversary ; not, however, in the boastful 
spirit and inflated manner of those who rejoiced in a 
Union with Slaveholders, and who could see no con- 
tradiction, in such a Union, to the great principles 
of the immortal Declaration of Independence of July 
4th, 1776. Our celebration has ever been with the 
distinct and simple purpose of recalling to the mind 
and impressing upon the heart of the people the 
great "self-evident truths, that all men are created 
equal, and are endowed by their Creator with an inali- 
enable right to Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Hap- 
piness." 

Confident that our repeated testimonies on these 
National Anniversaries have been as good seed, sown 
upon soil long indeed stubborn and unyielding, but at 
length fertilized, and now full of promise of a gl 
ous harvest, — soon, we truBt, to be gathered in,— 
again invite and summon the friends of Freedom, of 
every name and age, and whether living within or be- 
yond the bounds of this our honored Commonwealth 
to meet with us, as aforetime, and in even greater 
numbers than ever before, at the beautiful and well- 
known ERAMINGHAM GROVE, on the ensuing 
Fourth of July. 

We need say nothing of the beauty and many at- 
tractions of the spot, whether for adults or for the 
young. The day and the occasion constitute the real 
claims upon our attention, and to these let the Anti- 
Slavery men and women of Massachusetts, and of 
New England, respond fitly, ns they so well know 
how to do. 

The Boston and Worcester Railroad Go*, will convey 
passengers to and from the Grove, upon their main 
road and its branches, on that day, at the following 
rates of fare : — 

From Boston, Worcester, and Millbury, 70 cents 
for adults, 35 cents for children. 

From Grafton, adults, 60 cents, children, 30 cents. 

From Milford, Milford Branch, (except Holliston,) 

Northboro', Marlboro', Needham, Grantville, Corda- 

ville, Southboro', and Westboro', 50 cents for adults, 

25 cents for children. 

From Natick, Holliston, and Ashland, adults 40 
cents, children 20 cents. 

Trains will run to the Grove, as follows : — 
Leave Boston at 9.15, and Worcester, at 9.40, A. M. 
stopping at way stations; from Millbury, regula 
morning train ; Milford, at 7.10, or 9.40; Northboro' 
at 7 ; Marlboro', at 7.24, or 10.15. 

Returning, leave the Grove at 5.15 for Boston 
and Worcester; at 6.15 for Milford and Northboro' 
branches. 

Admission fee to the enclosure of the Grove, for 
those not coming by the cars, adults 10 cents, chil- 
dren 5 cents. Those who come by railroad admit- 
ted free, 

^= The House at the Grove will be open for Re- 
freshments. 

In ease of rain, the meeting will be held in Wa- 
verley Hall, opposite the railroad depot at South 
Framingham. 

Addresses from well known advocates of the cause, 
with Songs, and such recreation as this attractive 
place affords, will occupy the day. Among the speak- 
ers expected are Wsi. Lloyd Gaebison, Wendell 
Phillips, Andrew T. Foss, Chableb C. Bor- 
lbigh, E. H. Hbvwood, Wm. Wells Bbown, John 
S. Rock, Esq., Rev. Daniel Foster of Kansas, and 
others. 

SAMUEL MAY, Jr., 1 

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Committee 

E. H. HEYWOOD, ]■ of 

HENRY O. STONE, f Arrangements. 

CHARLES A. HOVEY, J 



and devilish. Still, the writer persists in saying that 
"the anomaly of two allegiances," — only "the anoma- 
ly," mark you! — " haB converted crowds of honest 
people into traitors, who seem to themselves not 
merely innocent, hut patriotic"! And be magnan- 
imously adds — "If a man loves his own State, there- 
fore, and is content to be ruined with her, let ub shoot 
him, if we cm, but allow him an honorable burial in 
the soil he fights for." This language is alike sneer- 
ing, deceptive and contradictory; for why should we 
shoot a man for simply loving his own Shite 1 And 
what hns that to do with the question under considera- 
tion ? Here is what all the rebellious States solemnly 
agreed should be the basis of the Union, the test of 
true loyalty, and the standard of State obligation : — 
Federal Constitution, Art. VI., § 2. 
"This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and 
all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the 
authority of the United States, shall be the supreme 
law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall 
bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of 



THE TH0EN THAT BEAES HAWS. 

In the Atlantic Monthly, for July, is an article en- 
titled " Chiefly about War-Matters, by a Peaceable 
Man," which is noticeable only for its flippant and 
heartless treatment of the present tremendous na- 
tional convulsion. Portions of it, as originally writ- 
ten, the publishers have felt obliged either to suppress, 
or to disclaim in sundry foot-notes. It is a descrip- 
tion of a visit made by the writer * to Washington and 
to Gen. MeClellan's camp, last March, — a visit made 
apparently for no other purpose than to demonstrate 
his secession proclivities, or, at least, his incapacity 
to comprehend the nature and necessity (philosoph- 
ically speaking) of the struggle now rending the na- 
tion asunder. He has not one cheering word to say 
of the government, nor a condemnatory sentence in 
relation to the rebellion. He writes automatically, as 
though his veins were bloodless; still, obviously with 
a purpose, and that to whitewash the conduct of the 
traitors. Standing on the soil of Virginia, in Alex- 
andria, he says : — 

"I tried to imagine how very disagreeable (!) the 
presence of a Southern army would he in a sober 
town of Massachusetts ; and the thought considerably 
lessened my wonder at the cold and shy regards that 
are cast upon our troops, the gloom, the sullen de- 
meanor, the declared or scarcely hidden sympathy 
with rebellion, which are so frequent here." 

No doubt such a "presence" would prove "very 
disagreeable," but what is the design of such a trite 
remark ? 

"No rogue e'er felt the halter draw, 
With good opinion of the law" ; 

and it is scarcely to be expected that the Southern 
rebels, intent on overthrowing the government, will 
greet the Northern army sent to reduce them to sub- 
mission, with smiles and cheers! But w»uld the 
writer have the army to' withdraw on that account, 
and the rebels to be permitted to have their own way f 
We are inclined to think that he would, on the whole, 
judging from this specimen of his patriotism. It 
seems questionable whether he would evince even the 
pluck of Dogberry, — supposing'hc stood in the Presi- 
dent's place, or at the head of the army, a most ab- 
surd supposition indeed !— by commanding "all va- 
grom men to Btand in the prince's name," but he„ 
would be pretty sure to "take no note of them, but 
let them go, as none of the prince's subjects." Here 
is the hardest thing he finds it in his heart to say of 
the rebels : — 

"Undoubtedly, thousands of warm-hearted, sym- 
pathetic, and impulsive persons have joined the rebels, 
not from any real zeal for the cause, but because be- 
tween two conflicting (!) loyalties, they chose that 
which necessarily lay nearest the heart." 

But how is the army to discriminate between per- 
sons possessing these "sweetest and most generous 
qualities," and the other rebels who possess them 
not 1 ? And where but on Southern eoil, and in the 
Calhoun school, is any such nonsense ab that of " two 
conflicting loyalties" gravely advanced? For, po- 
litically speaking, the paramount duty of the citizen 
is to the general government; and the State which is 
in rebellion has no valid claim upon his loyalty. The 
assertion of the writer, that " there never existed any 
other government against which treason was so easy, 
and could defend itself by such plausible arguments (!) 
as against that of the United States," savors strongly 
of the secession sentiment, and is singularly menda- 
cious in a time like the present. It is a Buchanan 
Democrat who thus strikes at the foundation of the 
American government — the government of the peo- 
ple, as against the government of dynasties; and he 
doea it in the Bervice of the most abhorrent form of 
treason that the pages of history record ! Now, it is 
untrue that there are any "plausible arguments" to 
be adduced in defence or extenuation of such treason ; 
for it is characterized by everything perfidious, brutal 

* Understood to bo Nathaniel Hawthorne, tbo author of 
" The Soarlot Lottor,'' &a. 



any State to the contrary notwithstanding." 

Having wantonly and perfidiously risen up in rebel- 
lion against the Constitution, in a murderous and 
piratical spirit, not to gratify State love, but to show 
their hatred of free institutions, and to guard and per- 
petuate their thousand times accursed slave system, 
what claim have these traitors to any sympathy or 
apology beyond what is due to the worst felons of tin 
human race? To talk of "an honorable burial" for 
such, is to confound all moral distinctions. 

The writer proceeds to State that he visited the 
tavern in Alexandria in which Colonel Ellsworth was 
killed, and thinks that the assassin Jackson and his 
victim must have almost simultaneously " met on the 
threshold of the spirit-world, and perhaps came to a 
better understanding (!) before they had taken many- 
steps on the other side." 

He then says that, driving out of Alexandria, he 
"stopped on the edge of the city to inspect an old 
slave-pen, which is one of the lions of the place, but 
a very poor one " — too poor to elicit one word re- 
specting its horrid design, or a single congratulation 
that it has had its day. 

Meeting a party of contrabands, "escaping out of 
the mysterious depths of Secessia," — which fine lan- 
guage means escaping from whips and chains, and 
compulsory and unpaid toil, and mental ignorance and 
moral debasement, — he found them to be "unlike the 
specimens of their race whom we are accustomed to 
see at the North," but "far more agreeable." Whether 
it was because they " were so rudely attired, as if 
their garb had grown upon them spontaneously," or 
because "they seemed a kind of creature by them- 
selves, not altogether human," or for both of these rea- 
sons, we are left in doubt. It is plain, however, that 
the well clad, intelligent, educated, independent col- 
ored people at the North are not at all to his taste. 
We must take his word for it that he " felt most kindly 
towards these poor fugitives," and his confession of 
uncommon stupidity or stoical indifference in "not 
knowing precisely what to wish in their behalf, nor in 
the least how to help them"!! There's a philoso- 
pher, philanthropist, and patriot for you — of the gen- 
uine democratic stripe! "A fig for your kindly feel- 
ings," might the escaping fugitives say to him. ■ He 
says be would not have turned them back, and yet 
"should have felt almost as reluctant, on their own 
account, to hasten them forward to the stranger's 
land " I A nice balancing of considerations, truly ! 
But the fugitives, it seems, had no difficulty whatever 
iu determining, "on their own account," whether to 
remain in the house of bondage or to come out of it ; 
for they were marching hopefully on, showing ex- 
ceeding good sense in coming to such a decision. 
"My prevalent idea," says the writer, "was, that 
whoever may be benefitted by the results of this war, 
it will not be the present generation of negroes," We 
beg leave to doubt whether he has any idea about it, 
beyond the prejudice engendered by negrophobia. It 
is remarkable how hopeful and cheerful are the ne- 
groes of the South, in view of the great struggle now 
going on ; and we rely far more upon their unlettered 
instinct, in this matter, than upon the scholarly skep- 
ticism of this dealer in "words, words, words." 

The rebel barbarities seem to excite his facetious- 
ness ! Here is what he says : — 

" If the report of a Congressional Committee may 
be trusted, that old-fashioned kind of goblet [an ene- 
my's skull] has again come into use, at the expense of 
our Northern head-pieces-, — a costly drinking-cup to 
him that furnishes it! Heaven forgive me for seem- 
ing to jest upon such a subject ! — only, it is so odd, 
when we measure our advances from barbarism, and 
find ourselves just here!" 

But while thus disposed to indulge in merriment 
where others are shudderingly affected, — and while 
taking care to indulge in no epithets condemnatory of 
the traitors and their savage deeds, — he readily brands 
John Brown, of immortal memory, "whose soul is 
marching on," though " his body lies a-moulderi:ig in 
the grave," as a "blood-stained fanatic," and coolly 
declares that " nobody was ever more justly hanged " ! 
Nay, more — "any common-sensible man, looking at 
the matter unsentimentally, must have felt a certain 
intellectual satisfaction in seeing him hanged, if it 
were only in requital of his preposterous miscalcula- 
tion of possibilities " ! The publishers of the Atlantic 
Monthly are constrained to append the following note 
to this brutal assault: — " Can it be a son of old Massa- 
chusetts who utters this abominable sentiment? For 
shame ! " 

Alluding to the treasonable sentiments still cher- 
ished and avowed by may residents and visitors of 
Washington, the writer says: — 

" If the cabinet of Richmond were transferred to 
the Federal city, and the North awfully snubbed, at 
least, and driven back within its old political limits, 
they would deem it a happy day. /( is no wonder, and, 
if we look at the matter gem ronxl y, no an pardonable crime. 
Very many people hereabouts remember the many 
dynasties in which the Southern character has been 
predominant, and contrast the genial courtesy, the 
warm anil graceful freedom of that region, with which 
they call (though I utterly disagree with them)' the 
frigidity of our Northern manners, and the Western 
plainness of the President." 

This has an air of treasonable sympathy about it, 
notwithstanding the parenthetical dissent thrown in. 
No genuine loyal man would write thus. 



IKTEEYIE^" WITH THE PRESIDENT OK 
EMANCIPATION. 

A delegation from the Religious Society of Pro- 
gressive Friends, consisting of Thomas Garrett, Alice 
Eliza Hambleton, Oliver Johnson, Dinah Menden- 
hall, Wm. Barnard, and Eliza Agnew, appeared be- 
fore the President on Friday morning, 20th inst., 
to present a memorial, praying him to decree the 
emancipation of the slaves. The deputation was in- 
troduced by Senator Wilmot, and accompanied by 
Messrs. Kellcy, Davis and Campbell of the Pennsyl- 
vania Delegation in the House. Mr, Wilmot having 
announced the objects of the delegation, Oliver John- 
son said : — 

Mr. President : We appear before you by your 
kind permission, not to solicit office for ourselves or 
our friends, nor to ask for any party or personal fa- 
vor, but in the interest of the country and of humani- 
ty. Our clients are 4,000,000 slaves, who cannot 
speak for themselves, but only lift up their chained 
hands in mute but agonizing supplication for the free- 
dom which it is in your power in this solemn crisis of 
the nation's fate to confer upon them. 

Mr. Johnson then read the Memorial, as follows : — 
To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : 
The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in 
Yearly Meeting assembled at Longwood, Chester 
Co., Pa., from the 5th to the 7th of Sixth month, 1862, 
under a solemn sense of the perils besetting the country, 
and of the duty devolving upon them to exert what- 
ever influence they possess to rescue it from impend- 
ing destruction, beg leave respectfully but earnestly to 



be constrained to strike for the overthrow of Blavery 
as the only way of putting down the rebellion. The 
inaction of those who really desire emancipation, and 
their failure to make their voice heard in Washington, 
leaves those who administer the government to doubt 
whether they would be sustained in pursuing an anfi- 
Blavery policy. The advocates of half-way measures, 
on the other hand, arc clamorous, making their voices 
to be heard, day by day, by the President and his con- 
stitutional advisers. It is believed that if the senti- 
ment existing at the North in fnvor of emancipation 
were only organized, concentrated and brought to hear 
upon the government through the legitimate channels, 
it would sweep everything before it. But while the 
politicians are busy with their schemes, the mass of 
the honest-hearted people, at work upon their farms or 
in their shops, take no sufficient measures to make 
their influence felt by the government. Memorials 
for emancipation should go up to the President and 
Congress from every county and town in the free 
States; and the religious denominations of the land 
should send deputations to Washington, beseeching 
those in authority, if they would save the country 
from utter destruction, to proclaim the emancipation 
of those in bonds. The White House ought to be be- 
sieged, every day, by the earnest men and women 
who see that the only way of salvation and peace is 
the way of universal liberty. 

The Progressive Friends have Bet a good example. 
May it be extensively followed. * 



The Continental Monthly — Devoted to Litera- 
ture and National Policy — No. I., Volume II. — July, 
1862. Table of contents :— 

1. What Bhall he the end? Rev. C. E. Lord. 2. 
Bone Ornaments. Charles G. Leland. 3. The Molly 
O'Molly Papers. No. V. 4. Glances from the Senate- 
Gallery. 5. Maccaroni and Canvas. No. V. Henry 
P. Leland. 6. For the Hour of Triumph. 7. In 
Transitu. 8. Among the Pines. Edmund Kirk. 9. 
Was He Successful ? Richard B. Kimball. 10. New- 
born as it was and is. 11. Our Brave Times, 12. The 
Crisis and the Parties. Charles G-. Leland. 13. I 
Wait. 14. Taking the Census. 15. The Pelopon- 
nesus in March. 16. Adonium. 17. Polytechnic In- 
stitutes. Charles G. Leland. 18. Slavery and Nobil- 
ity, vs. Democracy. Lorenzo Sherwood. 19. Watch- 
ing the Stag. An unfinished Poem, by the late Fitz- 
Jaraes O'Brien. 20. Literary Notices. 21. Editor's 
Table. 



The Puli-it and Rostrum, Supplement 1, con- 
tains a Sketch of Parson Brownlow, written by The- 
odore Tilton for the Independent, and his speeches at 
the Academy of Music and Cooper Institute, New 
York, fully reported in short-hand by Charles B. Col- 
lar. Fublished in neat pamphlet form by E. D. Baker, 
135 Grand street, New York — price 10 cents. 

"Amono the Pines." The remarkably interest- 
ing and thrilling articles, descriptive of life among 
the poor whites of South Carolina, which have been 
published in the pages of the Continental Monthly, have 
just been published in a 12mo. volume, by Charles 
T. Evans, 532 Broadway, N. Y. That this work will 
be extensively read, there is no doubt. The author, 
who evidently describes facts winch have fallen under 
his notice, wields a graphic pen, and is destined to 
take a high place in the ranks of American authors. 



t forth, for the consideration of President Lincoln 
That they fully share in the general grief and rep- 
robation felt at the seditious course pursued in opposi- 
tion to the General Government by the so-called 
" Confederate States " ; regarding it as marked by all 
the revolting features of high-handed robbery, cruel 
treachery, and murderous violence, and therefore ut- 
terly to be abhorred and condemned by every lover 
of his country, and every friend of the human race. 

That, nevertheless, this sanguinary rebellion finds 
its cause, purpose, and combustible materials, in that 
most unchristian and barbarous system of slavery 
which prevails in that section of the country, and in 
the guilt of which the whole land has long been deep- 
ly involved by general complicity ; so that it is to be 
contritely recognized as the penalty due to such per- 
sistent and flagrant transgression, and as the inevitable 
operation of Die law of eternal justice. 

That thus heavily visited tor its grinding oppression 
of an unfortunate race, " peeled, meted out, and trod- 
den under foot," whose wrongs have so long cried 
unto Heaven for redress — and thus solemnly warned of 
the infatuation as well as exceeding wickedness of en- 
deavoring to secure peace, prosperity and unity, while 
leaving millions to clank their chains in the house of 
bondage — the nation, in its official organization, should 
lose no time in proclaiming immediate and universal 
emancipation, so that the present frightful effusion of 
blood may cease, liberty be established, and a perma- 
nent reconciliation effected by the removal of the 
sole cause of these divisions. 

That in his speech delivered at Springfield, before 
his election to the office of Chief Magistrate, the Presi- 
dent expressly declared : " A house divided against 
itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot 
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do 
not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect 
the house to fall — but 1 do expect it will cease to be 
divided. It will become all one thing, or all the 
other." 

That this Society, therefore, urgently unites with a 
wide-spread and constantly increasing sentiment, in be- 
seeching the President, as the head of the nation, cloth- 
ed with the constitutional power hi such a fearful emer- 
gency, to suppress the rebellion effectually by the re- 
moval of its cause, not to allow the present golden op- 
portunity to pass without decreeing the entire abolition 
of slavery throughout the land, as a measure impera- 
tively demanded by a due regard for the unily of the 
country, the safety and happiness of the people, the 
preservation of free institutions, and by every consid- 
eration of justice, mercy, and peace. Otherwise, we 
have fearful reason to apprehend that blood will con- 
tinue to flow, and fierce dissensions to abound, and ca- 
lamities to increase, and fiery judgments to be poured 
out, until the work of national destruction is con- 
summated beyond hope of recovery. 

The President said that, as he had not been furnish- 
ed with a copy of the memorial in advance, he could 
not be expected to make any extended remarks. It 
was a relief to be assured that the deputation were not 
applicants for office, for his chief trouble was from that 
class of persons. The next most troublesome subject 
was slavery. He agreed with the memorialists, that 
slavery was wroDg, but in regard to the ways and 
means of its removal, his views probably differed from 
theirs. The quotation in the Memorial, from his 
Springfield speech, was incomplete. It should have 
embraced the next sentence, in which he indicated his 
views as to the effect upon slavery itself of the resist- 
ance to its extension. That sentence he recited as 
follows: "Either the opponents of slavery will resist 
the farther spread of it, and place it where the pub- 
lic mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course 
of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push it 
forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the 
States, old as well as new, North as well as South." 
The view of the subject presented in this entire pas- 
sage had been very deliberately expressed, and he had 
never retracted it, nor felt any disposition to do so. 
If a decree of emancipation could abolish slavery, 
John Brown would have done the work most effectu- 
ally. Such a decree surely could not be more binding 
upon the South than the Constitution, and that cannot 
be enforced in that part of the country now. Would 
a proclamation of freedom be any more effective ? 

The President having put this interrogatory as 
though he desired an answer, Mr. Johnson said : 

" True, Mr. President, the Constitution cannot now 
be enforced at the South ; but you do not on that ac- 
count intermit the effort to enforce it, and the memo- 
rialists are solemnly convinced that the abolition of 
slavery is indispensable to your success." 

The President said that he felt the magnitude of 
the task before him, and hoped to be rightly directed 
in the very trying circumstances by which he was sur- 
rounded. 

Wm, Barnard addressed the President in a few 
words, expressing sympathy for him in all his em- 
barrassments, and an earnest desire that he might, 
under divine guidance, be led to free the slaves, and 
thus save the nation. He referred, by way of illus- 
tration, to the appeal of Mordecai to Queen Esther, 
praying for her interposition witli the King for the sal- 
vation of his nation from destruction. " For if thou 
altogether boldest thy peace at this time, then shall 
there enlargement and deliverance arise to the Jews 
from another place ; but thou and thy father's bouse 
shall be destroyed : and who knowest whether thou 
art come to the kingdom for such a time as this ? " 
Esther, in response to this earnest appeal, exerted her 
influence successfully for the salvation of a whole peo- 
ple. He hoped the President would be led by the 
influence of the Divine Spirit to exert the power 
placed in his hands for the liberation of those in bonds, 
and for the salvation of the country. In that case, 
nations yet unborn would rise up to call him blessed, 
and, better still, he would secure the blessing of God. 

The President responded to the remarks of Mr. 
Barnard very feelingly and impressively, observing 
that he was deeply sensible of his need of Divine as- 
sistance. He had sometimes thought that perhaps 
he might be an instrument in God's hands of accom- 
plishing a great work, and he certainly was not un- 
willing to be. Perhaps, however, God's way of ac- 
complishing the cud which the memorialists have 
in view may be different from theirs. It would 
be his earnest endeavor, witli a firm reliance upon 
the Divine arm, and seeking light from above, to do 
his duty in the place to which he had been called. 

The deputation thereupon withdrew, much gratified 
by the character of their reception. 

What Influence, if any, the presentation of the Me- 
morial may have exerted upon the mind of the Presi- 
dent is known only to Him in whose hands are t* 
hearts of all men, rulers and ruled. It is not, how- 
ever, too much to say, that members of Congress and 
others at Washington, who have the cause of freedom 
at heart, have been not a little gratified by the ap- 
pearance at the Capital, for such an object, of a dep- 
utation from one of the religions bodies of (he land. 
One distinguished member of Congress said, that if 
all the churches of the country, or the major portion of 
ibcni, would only follow the example of the Progres- 
sive Friends, the President and Congress would soon 



MAY0E WIGHTMAN'S LETTEE. 

MABLnoiio', (Mass.,) June 23, 1862. 
To his Excellency, Abkaham Lincoln, President of 
the United States : 
Sib, — " I am induced to write you this from a Bense 
of duty, for the purpose of repudiating, in the most 
emphatic manner, the idea that" Joseph M. Wight- 
man, Mayor of Boston, " is authorized to speak for 
the loyal citizens of this State." 

"There may possibly be small sections" in some 
of the' cities "in the Commonwealth," there probably 
is in Boston a rather large "section," soon to be for- 
gotten, of whom this Mr. Wightman may be the (to 
be still more speedily forgotten) oracle. But "las- 
sure your Excellency " that he, and such as he, do 
not understand the spirit of Massachusetts, and have 
no right to speak of her intentions. There are " sec- 
tions," happily growing more and more insignificant, — 
part mob, part money, — that tried, soon after your 
election to the Presidency, to suppress free speech in 
this State, and of their views this official has, there is 
go63 reason to believe, thorough and intimate knowl- 
edge. There is a "section," unhappily not "small," 
in our metropolis, who have so little regard for our 
State " Constitution as it is, and the enforcement of 
the laws," — men whose "higher law," scorning all 
constitutions, is the " lower law," — as openly and defi- 
antly to ply an iniquitous and criminal traffic. To 
this section Mr. Wightman was largely indebted for 
his election and reelection as Mayor of Boston. Let 
him speak for them, but not for glorious old Massa- 
chusetts. 

It is my privilege, sir, to live in the very heart of 
the Commonwealth, in a community instinct with the 
overflowing life of that free labor, whose right and 
whose might this great contest is to vindicate and to 
settle, — farmers, who patiently and perseveringly till 
the soil; mechanics, who make the crowded work- 
shops resound with the din of their self-reliant, un- 
flagging industry. I am surrounded by families, who 
have given up ungrudgingly husbands, sons, brothers, 
to swell the hundreds who from this "rural district" 
rallied at their country's call. My present and my 
past experience enable me, I think, to appreciate the 
feeling of the old Bay State as well as those who have 
trodden for years the pavements of the city. So far 
as influence is concerned, it is no more preposterous in 
me to criticise Joseph M. Wightman than it is for 
Joseph M. Wightman to criticise John A. Andrew — 
so ludicrously insignificant is this Mayor's influence 
beyond the beats of las own policemen. And I tell 
you, sir, that those who speak through him no more 
represent the sentiment of Massachusetts this day, 
than did the tory addressers of Thomas Hutchinson in 
the days which ushered in the Revolution; that they 
neither make our history, (except it be a part of its 
least creditable part,) nor do they comprehend it, since, 
like the old Bourbons, they (politically) "learn noth- 
ing and forget nothing." Idolators of gold, their past 
subserviency to that Southern slaveholding arrogance, 
which, grown bolder and bolder by the servility of such 
as they, and counting on their cooperation, plunged 
this country into civil war, is as ready as ever to re- 
peat itself, should the future permit. But Massachu- 
setts — (I am now saying only what everybody here 
knows,) has banished them from her councils, and 
bidden them an eternal farewell. "Her citizens gen- 
erally," (to quote Mr. AY. again,) "have no sympa- 
thy " with them. 

Gov. Andrew was probably premature, but he cer- 
tainly was only premature in his reply to the requisi- 
tion of the Government for more recruits. This State 
will not long continue to protect slavery in a war 
which slavery (misled by confidence in the power of 
its "natural allies" in the North) voluntarily and in- 
excusably began. "John Brown's course may haw 
been wrong, but John Brown himself was right," 
wrote John A. Andrew to a John Brown commemora- 
tive meeting, and as this sentence expressed precisely 
the feeling of our State, she elected the man who 
wrote it her Governor. In estimating her position, 
will you believe, sir, a city mayor, who saved his re- 
election by a diminished and in no wise commanding 
majority, or her large-hearted adopted son, whom she 
re-chose her Chief Magistrate by a two-thirds vote ? 

Be assured, sir, how muchsoever we here in Massa- 
chusetts may wish that some measures could have 
been different, we believe that President Lincoln 
"himself is right," We confide in your integrity, 
patriotism and wisdom. Free labor trusts her repre- 
sentative in the Presidential Chair. The "mudsills" 
will not believe that he can or would betray. 

" Confide in the loyalty and devotion " of our State. 
She " will as cheerfully respond in the future as in 
the past," true to her oft-avowed and long-cherished 
principles, and believing that the President whom she 
helped elect will be true to them also. 

" Trusting that you will continue to be firm and 
resolute in your endeavors for the restoration and wel- 
fare of our common country, and in ignoring " all ad- 
visers " whose counsels tend to prevent the accom- 
plishment of this great object," and whose uiisceml- 
ency in our nation " would produce an irreparable 
injury to the cause " of liberty and law, I remain, 
With sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, 
Your obedient servant, 

WM. C. TENNEY. 
E^= [ Mr. Tenney is the Cnitariun minister at 
Marlboro'.] — Ed. Lib, 



^= We are indebted to Hon. Henry Wilson for a 
large and handsomely illustrated volume, entitled " Re- 
port upon the Colorado River of the West, explored 
in 1867 :nul 1888 by Lieutenant Joseph C. Ives, Corps 
of Topographical Engineers, under the direction of 
the Office of Explorations and Surveys, A. A. Hum- 
phreys, Captain Topographical Engineers, in charge. 
By order of the Secretary of War." It is accompan- 
ied with numerous maps, and representations of the 
most sublime and interesting objects in nature, in that 
wonderful region. 

We also acknowledge with thanks the receipt, 
from the lion. John 1\ Hale, of Vol. XI. of the Sen- 
ate Document rntithJ. " Reports of Explorations and 

Surveys tQ ascertain the most practicable and eco- 
nomical route for a railroad from the Mississippi River 
to the Pad lie Ocean." — a work of the highest value 
and beauty, recording the labor of toot years in our 
Western wilds by the pioneers of an unborn civiliza- 
tion. The inception of the present Undertaking, so 
vast are its proportions, goes baoV to (lie days of Jef- 
ferson Pavis, Secretary of War, and furnishes another 
example of one who budded better than he knew. 



/ 



JUNE 537. 



THE LIBERATOR. 



103 



"PARSON BEOWNLOW" AKD THE ABOLI- 
TIONISTS. 

[Extract fien <m Aildwss to the Cithern vf Cmcinmti, 
on their Relations to Institutions, JMen and Measures, 
in the preset Crisis. Delivered vt Turner's Hull, May 
5, 1862. By Okson S. Murray.] 

****** 
W. G- Brownlow In Knoxville is comparatively a 
harmless being. W. G. Brownlow in Cincinnati is an 
instigator of mobs and murder. Mobbing and murder 
in Tennessee are at home, and in place — in Ohio, 
they are away l'roni home, and out of place. Mobbing 
anil murder in a slave Stale are legitimate, and in cha- 
racter — in a free State, they are illegitimate, and out 
of character. 

Why does W. G. Brownlow want "Abolitionists 
hung, their bodies buried in a ditch, and their souls 
sent to hell " !* Because he is a slaveholder ; and be- 
cause Abolitionists want the abolishment of the slave- 
holding institution, which is the prime instigator, the 
ultimate cause of mobs and murder, of anarchy, war 
and ruin. Herein is manifest the difference between 
him and them — a difference which the citizens of Cin- 
cinnati, and of Ohio, and of the people who would 
constitute a republic, will do well to consider and heed. 
He, a slaveholder, wants men abolished — wants moral- 
ity abolished — wants righteousness abolished. Aboli- 
tionists want the abolishment, not of men, but of the 
institution which makes men immoral, makes men un- 
righteous, makes men murderous. This is the differ- 
ence. Calling attention to it cannot be too often re- 
peated. Its consequence cannot be too strongly illus- 
trated. Brownlow, Torquemada-like, would destroy 
men for their convictions, their sentiments. Aboli- 
tionists would destroy the institution that makes such 
a brute of Brownlow. 

Does this preacher "know what manner of spirit 
he is of" t And do they who sustain him with "im- 
mense applause," while he is " breathing out his 
threatenings and slaughter," know what is involved 
in what they are doing ? Brownlow's is the same 
assassin-spirit that struck down Sumner in the U. S. 
Senate. They who cheer him on do the same work 
which was done by Douglas and Keitt, who stood by 
the blood-thirsty Brooks, to see that he did his assassin- 
•work effectually, and to see that'the assassin received 
aio harm from his struggling victim. Brownlow's is 
the identical spirit that stoned Stephen at Jerusalem. 
They who applaud hini in it do the work that was 
■done by the "young man Saui," holding the clothes 
of the mob while they perpetrated the murder. 
Brownlow's is the same infernal spirit that crucified, 
and otherwise tormented to death, the other Christian 
martyrs, and then made persecutors of Christians ; — 
that inspired Peter the Hermit; — that animated the 
first Inquisitor General of Spain, who, according to 
Davenport, during sixteen years, gave eight thous- 
and eight hundred victims to the flames, and condemn- 
ed ninety thousand to perpetual imprisonment and 
other severe punishments ; — the same spirit that burnt 
Servetus on a green wood-pile. Brownlow's is the 
identical animus that has moved the mobbing, shoot- 
ing and hanging of Northern citizens throughout the 
Southern States, — the plotting against President 
Lincoln's life, — the firing down of the Federal flag at 
Sumter, — the using of Northern skulls for drinking- 
cups and washing-dishes, — the employment of savages 
to scalp our soldiery, — the besieging of the National 
Capital,— the throttling of the U. S. Government. 
Abolitionists don't lay these sins to the charge of the 
men — they charge them on the execrable institution 
that makes such brutes of men. They call for the 
abolishment, the eradication, the extinction of the in- 
stitution ; for the salvation of the men. 

Parenthetically here, there is a very able political 
writer in the West, who declares to us that there is 
no such institution as slavery in existence — that there 
never was, and I suppose of course never can be, such 
an institution in existence. It is said he has written 
a book to establish this position. The book has not 
fallen into my hands. While he was editing a paper, 
in which his readers were not permitted to reply to 
' him, his assumption in words was, that " slavery is not 
an institution, bat\sa.re!ation." Well, Abolitionists go 
for the abolishment of such a relation. He likened the 
relation to that of husband and wife, and, if my mem- 
ory be correct, to that between parent and child. 
Well, if husband can put wife on auction-block with 
child, and wife and child with dogs and pigs, and sell 
them together for gold that will get him the gratifica- 
tion of his lusts, all Abolitionists worthy of the name 
or true to the nature, go for the abolishment of such a 
relation also. No matter whether gods or men have 
joined things thus together — Abolitionists say, let 
them be put asunder. 

Thus much for the thing, call it "institution," or 
call it " relation." So much for such a defence of it by 
such a perversion of words — by such an exhibition of 
perverseness in the use of the English language. 

But, to return to the " Parson " and his patrons — 
his sympathizers and backers. Why is it, how is it, 
that this pious personage publicly puts himself forth 
in full propensity, in the city of Cincinnati, for killing 
Abolitionists — at least, for instigating the killing of 
them? And why is it, and how is it, that he gets 
"immensely applauded" and lauded in the city of 
Cincinnati for making such an exhibition of himself? 
It is not that, on the part of the Parson and his pat- 
rons, there is natural enmity toward the men who are 
Abolitionists. It is not that those men hate these men, 
as men, and want to kill them. It is not that the Ohio 
river runs between them, — for the haters of the Abo- 
litionists appear to be on both sides of the stream ; at 
least, the sympathizers with the hatred appear to be 
the wrong side. There is no reason in nature — no 
good reason — why men born in Virginia should hate 
men born in Vermont. The malicious hatred, then, 
the brutal malignity, is not to be laid to the charge of 
the men — it is chargeable to the murderous institu- 
tion — otherwise, the illegitimate " relation." 

Brownlow certainly is admirable pluck, or he would 
not have suffered so much for so bad a cause as that 
of his favorite institution,. His Southern brethren 
are pluck too, or they would long ago have abandon- 
ed so bad a jub as they have undertaken against the 
Abolitionists. The family quarrel between Brownlow 
and his brethren is an affair of filial fidelity. These 
children of slavery are divided in their views — there 
is disunion among them — as to the policy to be pursued 
in nourishing and cherishing their alma mater. Brown- 
low's radical brethren think they have waxed fat, and 
can venture to kick. They proudly, scornfully, dis- 
dainfully protest against longer playing the part of 
paupers, and begging help for the maternal support. 
Brownlow and his Border-State brothers are conser- 
vative and modest in their pretensions. They are 
more than willing to have the help of their neighbors 
in keeping the old brute clad, and hiding the shame 
of her nakedness before the surrounding world. 

Now, I am among those who protest against help- 
ing longer to clothe the old beggar and harlot. In- 
stead of helping to make her respectable and comfort- 
able, and to protract her life-giving energies for mul- 
tiplying her kind, 1 would uncover her nakedness, and 
turn her out in the cold, to shiver, and starve, and die. 
For this, Brownlow wants me hung. So he says ; 
for I am an Abolitionist. And this is what he wants 
done with Abolitionists, particularly and especially 
the original ones, — and I am among the original ones. 
He regrets that a hundred of these could not have 
been disposed of many years ago, by this process, not 
then conceivable, in the imperfect development of fac- 
ulties and facilities for providing refined treatment. 
Such a conception was for no previous stage, no ante- 
cedent specimen, of human development. It was for 
W. G. Brownlow, in the year one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-two of the current era in the West, 
to give the world such an idea of what our glorious 

* The following is the language he is reported to 
have used in his Ohio speech : — 

"If, fifty years ago, we had taken one hundred 
Southern 0re-«UeM and one hundred Abolitionists, 
and banged them up, and buried them in a common 
ditcb, and sent their souls to hell, we should have had 
none of this war." 



Constitution means when it says, " There shall be 
no cruel and unjust punishments inflicted." 

Nothing is more legitimate than that Brownlow 
should have such propensities, and manifest them. It 
is but an outburst of filial affection. I have said that 
Brownlow has pluck. So has John C. Heenan. So 
has my small bull-terrier, who has Napoleon Bona- 
parte for a namesake. It may be that Brownlow lias 
.a conscience. If he has, it is one of the strongest 
arguments yet against the institution that has given 
him sueh a conscience. Who shall say that Badahung, 
Brownlow's coadjutor in making "merchandize of 
slaves and the souls of men," has not a conscience 
too? The lordly Southrons, the sovereign sons of 
the South, have boasted of their institutions for pro- 
ducing men of superior parts — of transcendent quali- 
ties. Is this Reverend descendant from one of the 
second families of Virginia, who has on these claims 
received such distinguished attention and regard from 
the citizens of Cincinnati, a specimen ? 

I was saying he would have been after a hundred 
of the original offenders who have been stripping his 
mother naked, and showing her shame to the world. 
It may not be quite modest in me to presume I was 
among trite jSrri hundred to put their hands to this 
work. But I was at it more than thirty years ago; 
and expect to continue at it while I live, and slavery 
lasts. Such identity as mine with original Abolition- 
ism must be my apology for making my appearance 
personally, when Abolitionists are menaced as they 
have been recently in Cincinnati. I was a mobbed 
Abolitionist before Wendell Phillips — not because I 
was a belter man, but because I was older. My name 
stands alone for my native State, among others for 
other States, enrolled on the original parchment, un- 
der the designation of the " National Anti-Slaveky 
Convention," organized in Philadelphia in 1833. A 
lithograph copy of the Declaration then put forth — a 
Declaration that wilt in no way suffer in future history 
by the side of the American Declaration of Inde- 
pendence — has hung in my room ever since, and can 
be seen and read there to-day. That is the flag I fight 
under; and it is no rag, and the enlistment extends 
during the war. 

[In regard to exploits of relatives in the war of 
1812, 1 could say something, to go with what was said 
by Brownlow on that matter; and it is a pity if 
there be any points of union between us, we should at 
such points be disunited. One incident, from seve- 
ral on sides paternal and maternal : On the paternal 
side — to say nothing of my father, going through 
the neighborhood, rallying volunteers, and going with 
them to meet the British at Pittsburgh — a brother 
of his, a volunteer in the battle of Queenstown, in a 
bayonet engagement, when one of the enemy's drilled 
veterans had adroitly wrenched his bayonet from his 
musket, turned the breech, and broke his way entirely 
through the enemy's ranks ; and then wheeling about, 
made his way back, in the same manner, into his own 
ranks.] 

To give you a little more of the experience of those 
who don't want to be hung, by the side of the experi- 
ence of those who want to hang them, or to have them 
hung. [Possibly, the experience of those who have 
stood up for freedom my be as salutary to you, if not 
as savory, as that of those who would "strike" free- 
dom "down."] Allow me, then, to inform you that, 
through my efforts, riding on horseback through the 
snows of the Green Mountains, the first State Anti- 
Slavery Society was organized, auxiliary to the Na- 
tional Society. Furthermore, this right hand penned 
the first resolution passed by a State Legislature, and 
sent to Washington, instructing Senators and request- 
ing Representatives to use their endeavors for the 
abolishment of slavery and the slave-trade in the 
District of Columbia and the United States Territo- 
ries, and the suppression of the inter-State traffic 

The passage of this resolution was procured by the 
aid of Col. Jonathan P. Miller, a member of the House 
in the Vermont Legislature, from the town of Berlin. 
Miller was another of these offenders, who should 
long ago have been hung, if Brownlow and his kind 
are to be gratified at the expense of the laborers for 
the deliverance of those who pine in bondage and 
pant for freedom. Miller of Vermont, like Randolph 
of Virginia, was proud of having in his veins the 
blood of the American Aborigines. He, or his brother, 
used to boast that his great grandmother was a full- 
blood Pequot squaw. He left his class in the Vermont 
University ,'foregoing his diploma, to get out as agent, 
carrying aid to the Greeks, in their struggles for free- 
dom. Not content with feeding them and strengthen- 
ing them for their struggle, he seized a sword, and went 
with them to the field of conflict. He was, I think, 
in the battle of Missolonghi. He told me of standing 
hand to hand against a Turk six feet high. Miller 
was only of Napoleon's height ; and was no whit Napo- 
leon's inferior in courage and intrepidity. He was ter- 
rible in onset, with lightning celerity and lion power. 
Thoughtlessly, I asked him how it went with him and 
the Turk. He turned the conversation without tell- 
ing. It was plain he did not want to tell how it fared 
with a foe to freedom, with Jonathan P. Miller for an 
antagonist. My first acquaintance with him was on 
this wise: — I was at Montpelier lecturing on Anti- 
Slavery, at the time of the annual assembling of the 
State Legislature. At the close of a meeting held in 
the Congregational meeting-house, when I reached 
the bottom of the pulpit stairs, a man came rushing 
toward me through the crowd, and exclaiming, " Mur- 
ray, I came here to fight you; but I believe you are 
right; give me your hand! Now, if you have any- 
thing to lay before the House ou the subject, bring it 
to me in the morning, and I will see it through." 
This was Col. Jonathan P. Miller. Such was our in- 
troduction to each other. I can never forget that 
frank and manly avowal, and that hearty grasping of 
my hand. In the morning I drafted a resolution, and 
carried it to him. Miller was the man for the sub- 
ject, and it was the subject for the man. He used 
but few words, but they were with electric power. 
When he obtained permission to introduce the mea- 
sure, he electrified the House, and it went with accla- 
mation. This, if my memory be correct, was the 
first "fire-brand" of the kind thrown into Congress 
from a State Legislature. It was in 1833, I think— I 
have not now the record at hand A generation has 
passed away before Congress has got about any earnest 
action on the subject, otherwise than to trample under 
their feet these instructions and petitions from their 
constituents. Long ago, a direct vote of the people, 
uninfluenced by corrupt politicians, would have abated 
that national crime and disgrace. 

When Samuel J. May, an Anti-Slavery lecturer, 
was afterward mobbed in the Montpelier Court-House, 
and stones were thrown through the windows, Col. 
Miller, being in the audience, hoisted a window that 
had been smashed in with stones, and sat himself 
quietly in it. No more stones were thrown through 
that window. It is well for such as Davis and Beau- 
regard that Miller is asleep among the mountains of 
Vermont. Suffer me to suggest here, that with Jessie 
Benton Fremont in the White House, and John C. 
Fremont and some living Jonathan P. Miller in the 
field — accompanied by such as Sigel, and a few like 
Foote with gunboats and Monitors, a work would soon 
be done that would extract the bile — would pump the 
poison — from the stomachs of those who are howling 
for Abolitionists to be hung. 



Thh Atlantic Monthly, for July, is received. 

The following is its table of contents : — 

1. Some Soldier- Poetry. 2. Froudc's Henry the 
Eighth. 3. Why their Creeds Differed. 4. Presence. 
y. Chiefly about War Matters. 0. The Minute Guns. 
7. Originality. 8. Ericsson and his Inventions. 9. 
Moving. 10. Methods of Study in Natural History. 
11. Lyrics of the Street. 12. Friend Eli's Daughter. 
13. Taxation no Burden. 14. The Poet to his Read- 
era. 16. The Children's Cities. 16. Reviews and 
Literary Notices. 17. Recent American Publications. 

Terms, $3 per annum, or 25 cents a number. Tick- 
nor & Fields, Publishers, 135 Washington Street, Bos- 
ton. This periodical has now a national reputation, 
which is not oidy well sustained, but heightened, by 
each succeeding number. 



From the Dedham Gazette. 
THE PORT ROYAL EXPERIMENT. 

Edward L. Pierce, of Milton, who was appointed 
Special Agent of the Treasury Department for the 
management of the abandoned plantations at Port 
Royal, including the support and control of the con- 
trabands, has submitted his final report to Secretary 
Chase, and the supervision of affairs has been trans- 
ferred from the Treasury to the War Department. 
When the position of Special Agent was accepted by 
Mr. Pierce, he expected that the duties of the com- 
mission would terminate in three months ; but the en- 
larged field of operations and the protracted military 
movements of the Government have prevented the 
earlier transfer of this important department. Mr. 
Pierce has at last been able to arrange matters, so that 
the military superintendent, Gen. Saxton, will imme- 
diately on his arrival at Port Royal assume the direc- 
tion of affairs. During the last week, Mr. Pierce has 
visited Washington, and submitted his report; and, 
after making a flying visit to his home, has returned 
to Port Royal for the purpose of formally transferring 
the commission to the charge of the military super- 
intendent, and may be expected home in the course of 
three weeks. Mr. Pierce is entitled to great credit for 
the excellent manner in which lie has discharged the 
delicate and responsible duties of the position to which 
he was so unexpectedly called, and we have no doubt 
that the signal success of this important movement is 
in a great measure owing to his earnest, unwearied 
and judicious labors in its behalf. 

As much interest has been expressed in the progress 
and result of this experiment, we give the following 
summary of results and the closing remarks of the 
Agent, which our readers will find well worthy of pe- 
rusal. 

Mr. Pierce states that seventy men and sixteen wo- 
men are engaged in missionary work among the ne- 
groes, under the auspices of the Treasury Depart- 
ment. The number of plantations under the care of 
these persons is 189, having upon them 9,050 Africans, 
classified as follows : 309 mechanics and house ser- 
vants, not working in the field; 693 old, sickly, and 
not able to work ; 3,619 children not useful for field 
labor, and 4,429 field hands. The latter are classified 
as full, three-quarters, one-half, and one-quarter hands 
— according to their capacity for labor; 3,202 are full 
hands, 295 three-quarter hands, 597 half hands. 335 
one-quarter hands. Fresh arrivals, to the number of 
about 200, have been distributed among the plantations 
since the above enumeration was made. Besides, ne- 
groes in camp are not included. With their families, 
they number about 2,000. They have been instruct- 
ed, however, and cared for like the rest as far as possi- 
ble. An accurate account is kept of the amount of 
labor performed by the negroes, which is summed up 
as follows :— 

" The aggregate result makes (adding the negro 
patches to the corn-fields of the plantations) 8,314 
12-100 acres of provisions (corn, potatoes, &c) planted, 
5,489 11-100 acres of cotton planted— in all, 13,795 
23-100 acres of provisions and cotton planted. Add- 
ing to these the 2,394 acres of late corn, to a great ex- 
tent for fodder, cow-pens, &c, to be planted, and the 
crop of this year presents a total of 16,189 23-100 
acres. The crops are growing, and are in good condi- 
tion. 

The sum of §5,479 has been distributed among 4,030 
negroes in payment for labor on the plantations. The 
rate is $1 per acre for cotton." 

The following is the concluding portion of the re- 
port : — 

" The educational labors deserve a special statement. 
It is to be regretted that more teachers had not been 
provided. The labor of superintendence at the begin- 
ning proved so onerous, that several originally intend- 
ed to be put in charge of schools were necessarily as- 
signed for the other purpose. Some fifteen persons, 
on an average, bad been specially occupied with teach- 
ing, and of these four were women. Others having 
less superintendence to attend to were able to devote 
considerable time to teaching at regular hours. Near- 
ly all gave some attention to it, more or less, according 
to their opportunity and their aptitude for the work. 

The educational statistics are incomplete, only a part 
of the schools having been open for two months, and 
the others having been opened at intervals upon the 
■rival of persons designated for the purpose. At 
present, according to the reports, 2,509 persons are be- 
ing taught on week days, of whom not far from one- 
third are adults taught when their work is done. But 
this does not complete the number occasionally taught 
on weekdays and at the Sunday schools. Humane 
soldiers have also aided in the case of their servants 
and others. Three thousand persons are, in all proba- 
bility, receiving more or less instruction in reading on 
these islands. With an adequate force of teachers 
lis number might be doubled, as it is to be hoped it 
ill be on the coming of autumn. The reports state 
that very many are now advanced enough so that even 
if the work should stop here, they would still learn to 
read by themselves. Thus the ability to read the 
English language has been already so communicated 
to these people, that no matter what military or social 
vicissitudes may come, this knowledge can never per- 
ish from among them. 

There have been forwarded to the special agents the 
reports of the teachers, and they result in a remark- 
able concurrence of testimony. All unite to attest the 
universal eagerness to learn, which they have not 
found equalled in white persons, arising both from the 
desire for knowledge common to all, and the desire to 
raise their condition, now very strong among these 
people. The reports on this point are cheering, even 
enthusiastic, and sometimes relate an incident of as- 
piration and affection united in beautiful combinations. 
One teacher, on his first day's. school, leaves in the 
rooms a large alphabet card, and the next day returns 
to find a mother there teaching her little child of three 
years to pronounce the first letters of the alphabet she 
herself learned the day before. The children learn 
without urging by their parents, and as rapidly as 
white persons of the same age, often more so, the pro- 
cess being quickened by the eager desire. One teach- 
er reports that on the first day of her school, only 
three or four knew a part of their letters, and none 
knew all. In one week seven boys and six girls could 
read readily words of one syllable, and the following 
week there were twenty in the same class. The cases 
of dulness have not exceeded those among whites. 
The mulattoes, of whom there are probably not more 
than five per cent, of the entire population on the 
plantations, are no brighter than the children of pure 
African blood. In the schools which have been opened 
for some weeks, the pupils who have regularly attend- 
ed have passed from the alphabet, and are reading 
words of one syllable in large and small letters. The 
lessons have been confined to reading and spelling, ex- 
cept in a few cases where writing has been taught. 

There has been great apparent eagerness to learn 
among the adults, and some have progressed well. 
They will cover their books with care, each one being 
anxious to be thus provided, carrying them to the 
fields, studying them at intervals of rest, and asking 
information of the superintendents who happen to 
come along. But as the novelty wore away, many of 
the adults, finding perseverance disagreeable, have 
dropped off. Except in rare eases, it is doubtful 
whether adults over thirty years, although appreciat- 
ing the privilege for their children, will persevere in 
continuous study so as to acquire the knowledge for 
themselves. Still, when hooks and newspapers are 
read in negro houses, many, inspired by the example 
of their children, will be likely to undertake the labor 
again. 

It is proper to state that while the memory in color- 
ed children is found to be, if anything, livelier than in 
the white, it is quite probable that further along, when 
the higher faculties of comparison and combination are 
more to be relied on, their progress may be less. 
While their quickness is apparent, one is struck with 
their want of discipline. The children have been re- 
garded as belonging to the plantations, rather than to 
a family, and the parents, who, in their condition, can 
never have but a feeble hold on their offspring, have 
not been instructed to training their children into 
thoughtful and orderly habits. It has, therefore, been 
found not an easy task to make them quiet and atten- 
tive at the schools. 

Through the schools, habits of neatness have been 
encouraged. Children with soiled faces or soiled cloth- 
ing, when known to have, better, have been sent home 
from the schools, and have returned in better condition. 
In a few cases, the teachers have been assisted by 
negroes who knew how to read before we came. Of 
these there are very few. Perhaps one may be found 
on an average of one or two to three plantations. 
These, bo far as can be ascertained, were in most cases 
taught clandestinely, often by the daughters of their 
masters, who were of about the same age. A colored 
person among these people who has learned to read 
does not usually succeed so well as a white teacher. 
He is apt to teach the alphabet in the usual order, and 
needy special training for the purpose. 

The Sabbath schools have assisted in the work of 
teaching. Some three hundred persons are present at 
the church on St. Helena in the morning,to be taught. 
There are other churches where one or two hundred 
attend. A part of these, perhaps the larger, attend 
some of the day schools, but they comprehend others, 
as adults, and still others coming from localities where 
schools have not been opened. One who regards spec- 
tacles in the light of their moral aspects can with dif- 
ficulty find sublimer scenes than those witnessed on 
Sabbath morning on these islands, now ransomed to a 
nobler civilization. 

The educational labors have had incidental results 
almost as useful as those which have been direct. At 
a lime when the people were chafing the most under 
deprivations, and the assurances made on behalf of the 
Government were most distrusted, it was fortunate 
that we could point to the teaching of their children 
as a proof of our interest in their welfare, anil of a new 
and better life which we were opening before them. 

An effort hfll been made lo promote clean and health- 
ful habits. To that end. weekly cleanings of quarters 
were enjoined. This effort, where it could be proper- 



ly made, met with reasonable success. The negroes, 
finding that we took an interest in their welfare, ac- 
ceded cordially, and in many cases their diligence in 
this respect was most commendable. As a race, it is 
a mistake to suppose that they are indisposed lo clean- 
liness. They appear to practise it as much as white 
people under the same circumstances. There are dif- 
ficulties to obstruct improvement in this respect. 
There has been a scarcity of lime and (except at too 
high prices) of soap. Their houses are too small, not 
ailbrding proper apartments for storing their food. 
They are unprovided with glass windows. Besides, 
some of them are tenements unfit for beasts, without 
floor or chimneys, One could not put on a face to ask 
the occupants to clean such a place. But where the 
building was decent or reasonably commodious, there 
has been no difficulty in securing the practise of this 
virtue. Many of these people are examples of tidi- 
ness, and on entering their houses one is sometimes 
witness of rather amusing scenes, where a mother is 
trying the effect of beneficent ablutions on the heads 
of her children. 

The religious welfare of these people has not been 
neglected. The churches, which were closed when 
this became a seat of war, have been opened. Among 
the superintendents there were several persons of cleri- 
cal education, who have led in public ministrations. 
The larger part of them are persons of religious ex- 
perience and profession, who, on the Sabbath, in week- 
ly praise meetings and at funerals, have labored for 
the consolation of these humble believers. 

These people have been assured by the Special 
Agent, that if they proved themselves worthy by their 
industry, good order, and sobriety, they should be pro- 
tected aga|nst their Rebel masters. It would be wast- 
ed toil to attempt their development without such as- 
urances. An honorable nature would shrink from 
his work without the right to make them. Nor is it 
possible to imagine any rulers, now or in the future, 
who will ever turn their backs on the laborers who 
have been in the service of the United. States. 

Special care has been taken to protect the property 
of the Government on the plantations. The cattle 
had been taken in such large numbers by the former 
owners, and later by the army, the latter sometimes 
slaughtering fifty or more head on a plantation, that 
the necessity of a strict rule for the preservation of 
those remaining was felt. For that purpose the Spec- 
ial Agent procured orders from the military and naval 
authorities', dated respectively April 17th and 2Gth, 
forbidding the removal of 'subsistence, forage, mules, 
horses, oxen, cows, sheep, cattle of any kind, or other 
property, from the plantations, without the consent of 
the Special Agent of the Treasury Department, or or- 
ders from the nearest General Commanding.' No 
such consent has been given by the Special Agent ex- 
cept in one case, as an act of mercy to the animal, and 
in another where he ordered a lamb killed on a special 
occasion, and has charged himself with the same in his 
account with the Department. Your instructions, 
which expressed your desire to prevent the deteriora- 
tion of the estates, have in this respect been sedulous- 
ly attended to. The Superintendents have not been 
permitted to kill cattle, even for fresh meat, and they 
have subsisted on their rations, and fish and poultry 
purchased of the negroes. 

The success of the movement, now upon its third 
month, has exceeded my most sanguine expectations. 
It has had its peculiar difficulties, and some phases at 
times, arising from accidental causes, might on a par- 
ticular view invite doubt, which vanished however at 
once by a general survey of what had been done. 
Already the high treason of South Carolina has had a 
sublime compensation, and the end is not yet. The 
liurches which were closed have been opened. No 
uaster now stands between the people and the words 
vhich the Savior spoke for the consolation of all peo- 
ples and all generations. The gospel is preached in 
fullness and purity, as it has never before been preach- 
ed in this territory, even in colonial times. The read- 
ng of the English language, with more or less sys- 
tem, is being taught to thousands, so that whatever 
military or political calamities may be in store, this 
precious knowledge can never more be eradicated. 
Ideas and habits have been planted, under the growth 
of which these people are to be fitted for the responsi- 
bilities of citizenship, and in equal degree unfitted for 
any restoration to- what they have been. Modes of 
administration have been commenced, not indeed 
adapted to an advanced community, bntjust, paternal, 
and developing in their character. Industrial results 
have been reached which put at rest the often reitera- 
ted assumption that this territory and its products can 
only be cultivated by slaves — a social problem which 
has vexed the wisest, approaches a solution. The ca- 
pacity of a race, and the possibility of lifting it to civ- 
ilization without danger or disorder, even without 
throwing away the present generation as refuse, is be- 
ing determined. And thus the way is preparing by 
which the peace to follow this war shall be made per- 
petual. 

Finally, it would seem that upon this narrow theatre, 
and in these troublous times, God is demonstrating 
against those wli > would mystify His plans and thwart 
His purposes, that in the councils of His infinite wis- 
dom lie has predestined no race, not even the African, 
to the doom of eternal bondage." 



REV. SAMUEL J. MAY'S REPORT. 
A large and very respectable assi/mblag:; of our citi- 
zens filled the City Hall on Saturday evening, to listen 
to the report of Rev. Samuel J May, of his mission 
among the sick and wounded in the various hospitals 
at Washington, Yorktown and White House, in the 
capacity of agent to distribute articles of comfort on be- 
half of the Ladies' Relief Society of this city. The 
report was interesting, and quite satisfactory in its de- 
tails, and exhibited the faithfulness with which the 
reverend gentleman discharged the important duties 
assigned to his charge. A large majority of the au- 
dience present were ladies, who have taken the most 
lively interest in this Good Samaritan work, the relief 
of our sick and wounded soldiers in the hospitals. It 
would require more space than we can appropriate this 
.orning to follow the reverend gentleman through his 
lengthy report of his mission, and we must content 
ourselves with a brief notice of it, especially as so 
large a number of our citizens heard it from his own 
lips. 

He was astonished at the patience exhibited by the 
sufferers, and the sights that met his eyes would re- 
main fresh in his memory to his latest day. Thou- 
sands of soldiers crowded the hospitals in all horrible 
forms of suffering. Some shot through the head, the 
lungs, the chest, and various parts of the body ; others 
'ng one, ami in many instances both eyes carried 
away by the bullets of the enemy, and yet they lived 

lingering and patient with.hope. It was delightful 
to the heart of the philanthropist to see how eagerly 
the soldiers desired that the greatest sufferers were at- 
tended to first, forgetting their own wants and fore- 
going their own claims in pity and out of sympathy 
for their fellow- comrades in suffering. He counselled 
that the good work commenced by the Ladies' Relief 
Society be continued, and that articles of comfort in 
the way of good leather-soled slippers, colored flannel 
Bhirts, and the like, be provided, as they were- the 
most needed by the sick and wounded soldiers. The 
articles of concentrated milk and soup were the most 
acceptable, and of the greatest service in the hospitals. 
The soldiers were very grateful for the nourishment 
dealt out to them in the way of bread and milk, as it 
reminded them of their homes. He stated that the 
Twelfth regiment had been in no important affair since 
the disastrous battle of Bull Run, except a few slight 
skirmishes ; but the next battle would be the Battle of 
Despair, and our regiment will undoubtedly be in it, 
and its disastrous consequences will be the wounding 
of hundreds, lie counselled the continuance of sup- 
plies, as they would undoubtedly be needed. Especial- 
ly was food wanted of that nature that would be quick- 
ening to their appetites, 

Mr. May answered the several questions put to him 
to the satisfaction of inquiring parties, and the success 
of his mission seemed to be highly gratifying and sat- 
isfactory throughout. The Reverend gentleman was 
taken sick at the stomach before he concluded his re- 
port, and was obliged to take Ids seat by an open win- 
dow, where several ladies attended upon him, and 

ughl to revive him. Owing to this fact, a motion 
was made to adjourn the meeting, and after a vote of 
thanks to the speaker,»the meeting was dismissed. 
— Syracuse Courier and Union. 

g^= A correspondent of the same paper, referring 
to Mr- May's Report, pays him the following merited 
tribute : — 

" The fidelity and earnestness with which that mis- 
sion was performed, and the genuine philanthropy 
which prompted it, commended the generous hearted 
man to my warm applause. The results of his mis- 
sion were alike cheering to the friends of the poor 
soldier, to whose wants the Reverend gentleman con- 
tributed, and whose pains and griefs he assuaged to 
the extent of his ability. He was the man of all others 
to perforin this labor of humanity anil mercy on the 
fields of death and carnage. The bosom ol no man in 
our beautiful and active city throbs with a larger 
heart; there is not one in our midst whose large be- 
nevolence is more unselfish anil disinterested; his 
kind demeanor, his pure Christian character, and his 
humane and generous impulses — all point him out as 
a most suitable person to perforin the work in which 
he engaged on going to the Potomac. If I were in 
the situation of the poor soldier, whom he described, 
as having both bis eyes shot out, and bis body riddled 
with bullets, with every prospect of death before him, 
1 know of no man whose brotherly kindness, whose 
gentle ministrations ami whose wise and holy counsels 
would be more apt to relieve the gloom of "the nar- 
row house," and make my transit from time to eter- 
nity a pathway of hope, anil happiness and peace, than 
the Reverend gentleman, to whose description of the 
wounded, the dying and the ih/iul who were brought 
from the battle-field, 1 have this night listened." 

Still, the writer holds Mr. May and the Abolition- 
ists as fearfully responsible for the warl 1 1 



GOV. STANLY AND THE LAWS OF NORTH 
CAROLINA. 

Gov. Stanly will not allow negroes at Newbern to 
be taught to read and write, because the laws of North 
Carolina forbid it. 

Let us see how this scrupulous functionary respects 
that fundamental law, the Constitution of North Car- 
olina. 

On the 31st of May, he directed the following note 
to be sent to Mr. Helper, a native-born citizen of 
North Carolina :— 

Office of the Provost Marshal, 1 
Newbern, N. C, May 31, 1862. J 

II. H. Helper, Esq. : 

Sir — I am instructed by his Excellency the Military 
Governor of the State of North Carolina, to inform 
you that he requires you to leave this department in 
the first vessel going North. 

lam, very respectfully, yours, 

Dan. Messenger, Provost Marshal. 

Now, the Declaration of Rights of North Carolina 
declares : 

" That no freeman ought to be taken, imprisoned, or 
disseized of his freehold, liberties or privileges, or out- 
lawed OR EXILED, or in any manner destroyed or 
deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by the 
law of the land." 

And the Constitution of North Carolina declares : 

" The Declaration of Rights is hereby declared to 
be part of the Constitution of this State, and ouaht 
never to be violated ON ANY PRETENCE WHAT- 
EVER." 

Gov. Stanly is only a specimen of that numerous 
class of politicians whose vision never embraces any 
laws except those which advance the interests of 
slaveholders. — Cleveland Leader. 



Gen. Butler and the Women. The order of Gen. 
Butler in relation to the women who insult our sol- 
diers in New Orleans has been sharply criticised. A 
gentleman just returned from that city, where he has 
resided ever since the war broke out, says we can 
have no conception of the indignities our brave fel- 
lows were compelled to suffer at the hands of these 
fiends in petticoats. AH sense of shame and decency 
appears to have departed out of them. They rival 
the most degraded street- walkers, not only in ribaldry, 
but in obscenity. Women who have been regarded as 
the pattern of refinement and good breeding, indulge 
in language towards our officers and men which no 
decent journalist would dare to put into print. Pre- 
suming upon the privileges of the sex, they not only 
assail them with the tongue, but with more material 
weapons. Buckets of slops are emptied upon them as 
they pass; decayed oranges and rotten eggs are hurl- 
ed at them ; and every insult a depraved fancy can 
invent is offered to the hated Federals. 

The forbearance of our troops, this gentleman says, 
is wonderful. They endure the jibes and persecu- 
tions of these unsexed wretches with a philosophy that 
none can overthrow. But the nuisance was fast be- 
coming intolerable. The offenders were presuming 
upon the chivalry of the troops to commit physical 
assaults. Something like the order of General 
Butler became imperative. If women pretending to 
be decent imitated the conduct of " women of the 
town," it was proper that something like the same 
punishment should be meted out to them. — Albany 
Evening Journal. 

2^° In the British Parliament, a false and brutal 
construction has been placed upon the order of Gen. 
Butler, respecting this class of women, and he has 
been severely denounced by Palmerston and others. 



_ ij^The following is related of the Yankee soldiers 
and Secesh viragos at Norfolk: — "At Norfolk, a wo- 
man passing by two Union soldiers, gathered hastily 
her robes close to her side to prevent her garments 
being polluted by touching a soldier's coat. The sol- 
diers stopped, and one said loudly, 'Ah, but a nice 
kind of woman is that; don't you see" she has got 
som-j contagious disease, and is afraid we Union sol- 
diers shall catch it from her?' The Secesh female 
looked mad enough at this interpretation of her folly. 
Another soldier passing on the sidewalk was also met 
by a similar Secesh woinan, who deliberately marched 
into the street to avoid contact with him. ' Excuse me, 
Midanv,' said the soldier, ' bat L a.m ■& Union soldier, 

d not a Sacesh soldier, such as you have been used 
to, and so I am not lousy.' " 



Q^" An apology is made for refusing the use of 
Gen. Lee's mansion in Virginia as a hospital for the 
use of our wounded soldiers, who are lying in the mi- 

raatic swamps around it, on the ground that it is out 
of regard to the associations with the memory of 
Washington, and not to the property of a traitor. The 
apology is worse than the original act. No property 
is too sacred to be used for the benefit of human be- 

_ i. King David took the shew bread from the altar, 
and was held blameless. The Catholic Church, in 
the early periods of Christianity, took pride in selling 
the sacred vessels of the churches for the ransom of 
slaves. To make such an excuse as the above for 
holding a fine house sacred from human use, is con- 
temptible. Were Washington himself alive, he would 
blush at the conduct of his descendants. — New Bed- 
ford Standard. 



$3^* Some of the loyal- border State members did not 
ike the vote of the House, by which Robert Small 
and his heroic brother contrabands were awarded one 
half the value of the Steamboat Planter, which they 
ran off from Charleston harbor, and delivered to the 
U. S. fljet. Mr. Crittenden was particularly outraged 
at the "unconstitutionality" of the proceedings. 
When the rules were suspended for the purpose of 
taking up the bill, that gentleman took up his hat and 
left the hall, followed by some of the other loyal Ken- 
tucky members. At the door, a friend expostulated 
with him, but the testy old gentleman pushed matter- 
ing by. Only nine voted against the bill, among them 
Vallandigham, of course, and Philip Johnson of Penn- 
sylvania. Many of those who opposed confiscation 
and emancipation on»the ground of unconstitutionality 
a moment before, voted to grant Robert Small his 
freedom and half the value of the Planter, thereby 
confirming the right of Robert and all other loyal 
South Carolinians to confiscate vessels and slaves, a 
power they deny Congress and the President. 



Secretary Welles on Fugitives. Secretary 
Welles has addressed the following letter to Commo- 
dore Rowan, commanding the flotilla in the North 
Carolina Sounds ; — 

Navy Department, Washington, Jane 8, 1862. 

Sir,— In your dispatch of the 17th ult. allusion is 
made to a conversation with Mr. Brooks, at Elizabeth 
City, N.-C, relative to his efforts to obtain a favorite 
servant, supposed to be with the Uuitud States forces. 
As similar applications may frequently be made, it is 
proper to remind you that persons who have enlisted 
in the naval service cannot be discharged without the 
consent of the Department, and that no one should be 
"given up" against his wishes. 

Very respectfully, Gideon Welles. 

Captain J. C. Rowan, Commanding Naval Forces, 
North Carolina Sounds. 



Horrible Accident in Bridgewater. A boil- 
er explosion occurred in the iron works of Lazell, 
Perkins & Co., in Bridgewater, about nine o'clock 
on Monday morning, killing six workmen, and more 
or less injuring several others. 

Messrs. Lazell, Perkins & Co., who have a store at 
No. 28 Broad Street in this city, were apprised of the 
accident by telegraph, and have sent a surgeon to at- 
tend the wounded. 

The boiler was attached to the forge shop, which is 
a short distance from the railroad depot. 

The names of the killed are William Carson, Thorn- 
Casey, Dennis McCarty, Johu Davan, Felix Kelly 
and John Pickett. 

Samuel Washburn was mortally wounded ; 

Wiley, dangerously ; and John Crosslcy, A. D. Rob- 
inson, Charles T. Hall, Jeremiah Lynch and Frank 
Casey,- seriously. 

All these men, we understand, were at work inside 
the forge shop, about a large trip-hammer. The 
building was badly damaged, one end being blown out 
and the roof shattered. The iron works are very ex- 
tensive, and form a group of buildings near the rail- 
road, the forge-shop being in the centre. They are 
kept in operation all the time for government, aud em- 
ploy a large force of men. 



Picked up at Sea. Capt. Conway of the brig 

Drunimoud, arrived on Monday from Aspinwall, re- 
ports: June 15, lat. 25 20, long. 79 40, 180 miles 
from land, picked up an escaped slave from Havana, 
and brought him to this port. He bad been six days 
in a canoe, without food or water. He talks but little 
English, and says he came from Africa to Havana in 
a slaver about two months ago. 



JjTjT 1 " The President has approved the act passed by 
Congress to secure freedom in all the Territories of 
the United States. The bill consists of a single sec- 
tion, and provides — " That from and after the passage 
of this act, there shall be neither slavery nor involun- 
tary servitude in any of the Territories of the United 
States now existing, or which may at any time here- 
after be formed or acquired by the United States, oth- 
erwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the par- 
ty shall have been duly convicted." 



"ONTO RICHMOND"— OUR ADVANCE BE- 
GUN 1 

Despatches from Gen. McClellan, June 25, state — 
" The enemy are making a desperate resistance to 
the advance of our picket lines. Kearney's and one 
half of Hooker's divisions are where I ,want them . . . 
Our men are behaving splendidly ;. the enemy are 
fighting well, also. This is not a battle — merely an 
affair of II eintzel man's corps supported by Keyes, and 
thus far all goes well, and we hold f±rery foot of 
ground we have gained. If we succeed in what wo 
have undertaken, it will be a very important advan- 
tage gained. Loss not large thus far. The fighting 
up to this time has been done by Gen. Hooker's divi- 
sion, which has behaved as usual — that is, most hand- 
somely." 

Gen. McCleilan's last despatch, June 25 — 5, P. M., 
says — " The affair is over, and we have gained our 
point fully, with but little loss, notwithstanding the 
strong opposition. Our men have done all that could 
be disired.' The affair was partiatlially decided by 
two guns that Capt. Deerusy JDusenbnry] brought 
gallantly into action, under very difficult circum- 



WOMAN AND THE PBESS. 

On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held in 
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new 
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While 
none questioned the value and the need of such an instru- 
ment in the Woman's Rights cause, the difficulties that 
would endanger or even defeat the enterprise were fully 
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should 
be made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable 
an object, we insert and call attention to tbe following 

PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL : 

When we consider that there is scarcely a party, sect, 
business organisation or reform which is not represented 
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting 
one half of humanity, should have no organ, in America, 
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par- 
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread 
attention in this country than in any other, while in no 
other country can the double power of free speech and a 
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap- 
pears stranger from the fact that conservative England has 
successfully supported a journat of this sort for years with 
acknowledged utility. 

America needs sueh a journal to centralize and give Im- 
petus to tbe efforts which are being made in various direc- 
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs it most 
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the 
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both a* act- 
md sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to 
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na- 
tion, white so many others are forced by the loss ot hus- 
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup- 
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, are 
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which 
will leave to that of woman the most prominent place 
henceforth. 

To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish 
a Woman's Journal, based" on the motto, "Equal Rights 
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all 
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur- 
nish an impartial platform for the free discussion of these 
interests in their various phases. It will aim to collectand 
compare the divers theories promulgated on the subject, 
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made in behalf of 
women, in this country and elsewhere, and to render all 
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time 
it will neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro- 
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com- 
prise reviews of current social aud political events, arti- 
cles on literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton, 
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature — 
short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful 
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will be open, 
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers on tbe sub- 
jects of which it treats, under the usual editorial discretion, 
only requiring that they shall accept, a priori, the motto of 
the paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion. 

Among the contributors already secured to the Journal 
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Maiia 
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady 
Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Elizabeth Palmer 
Peabody, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, 
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higgjrfsou, Moncure D. Conway, 
Theodore Tilton, and William H~. Channiog ; and other 
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains 
will be spared to enlist the best talent in the country, and 
to make the paper one of literary merit as well as practical 
utility. 

The Journal will be issued semi-monthly, in octavo form, 
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars per annum, the first number 
appearing on the 1st of October next, and will be publish - 
id in Boston. 

Subscriptions will be received from this date by agents o t 
oe Journal, or by the Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2 , 
to be paid on the receipt of the first number of the Journal .. 
'n this connection, we would earnestly solicit the co-operation 
f friends' of woman throughout the country, in extendin g 
the subscription list of the Journal, and thus placing it on 
that permanent basis which will insure its continued util - 
ty and success. Those interested in the enterpriss^are re - 
spectfullyrequested to communicate with-the editors-at th a 
above address. 

A discount of twenty-five per cent, will be made to agents . 

Agents will please return all prospectuses with name s 
before the 15th of July. 

MARY L. BOOTH, 

MARIE E. ZAKRZEWSKA, M. D. 

Boston, May 15, 1862. 



^ ESSEX COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY CONVEN- 
TION AND PIC-NIC.— By invttation-of Rev. ElamBurn- 
bam, the friends and lovers of freedom-will hold an Anti- 
Slavery gathering on his premises, in Hamilton, on Sunday, 
tbe sixth day of July, commencing at 10 o'clock in the 
forenoon. Should the day prove favorable, it is confident- 
ly expected that alarge concourse will bo present from th e 
surrounding towns. 

It is proposed that all attending should furnish their 
own refreshments, the place b^iug at some distance from 
the village, in the south-easterly part of the town. 

Parker Pillsbury, C. L. Reiiukd and other speakers 
are expected to address the Convention. 

GP" NASHUA, N. H. — Parker Pillsbcrt will give 
two addresses on "The Country and the Times," in Nash- 
ua, (N. H.) Town Hall, on Sunday afternoon and evening, 
22d instant, at tbe usual hours of public assembly. 



BT E. II. HEYWO0D will speak in* Qtu'ncy, i 
June 29, at half-past 10 o'clock, A. M., and at half-past 
2, P. M. 



jg^" The P. 0. address of Mrs. Caroli>tR H. Dall is 
changed from No. 5 Ashland Place, to Medford, Mass. 

Books, pamphlets, and matters requiring literary atten- 
tion, may be left with Walker, Wise <fc Co., 245 Washington 
street, Boston. 



J^" NOTICE. — All communications relating to the busi- 
ness of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and with 
regard to tho Publications and Lecturing Agencies of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, should be addressed for tho 
present to Sauuel Miv, Jr., 221 Washington St., Boston. 



J^" HANDBILLS of the Fourth of July Celebration 
at Framingham Grove have been seat to friends in many 
places, who will please help forward the meeting by post- 
ing them in their respective towns, 



OT REMOVAL. — DISEASES OF WOMEN AND 
CHILDREN.— Margaret B. Brows, M. D., and Wit. 
Symington Brown, M. D., have removed to No. 23, 
Chaunoy Street, Boston, whoro they may be nonsuited on 
tho above disoascs. OQice hours, from 10, A. M., to 4 
o'clock, P. M. 3 m March 28. 



JKJf" The trial of Apple ton Oaksmith, formerly of 
Portland, On a charge Of fitting nut a vrssid fur the 
slave trade, was concluded before the U.S. Circuit 
Court in Boston, on Saturday, 11th inst., und a ver- 
dict of "guilty" rendered. 



ST MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed on 
fi05 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

References,— Luther Clark, M. D.; David Thayer, M. D. 

Offloe hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



Ijy SUMMER RESORT— Rovno Hn.i, Hotel, Xohtii- 
amim'on, Mass.— Terms— $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per 
week. 

'* Here Nature is clothed in her most attractive gnrb ; 
aud woods, glens, brooks and flowers, eaoh oontribatoa It) 
part to make Round Hill a delightful spot lor alt, whether 
In vaiids seeking lienitu, or others swMhiug tor pleasure." 

Home Journal, 



104 



THE LIBERA-TOP?, 



e i t g 



For the Liberator. 

JOHN BBOWU AVENGED. 

Said ye, " John Brown is dead " ? 
Even so the murderers said 

At Cavalry ; 
Nor was the boast more vain 
Than theirs who here grew fain, 
Exulting thoy had slain 

Their enemy. 

For as that cross of shamo 
Forever thence became 

Earth's holiest shrine ; 
So most t ii i.-- gallows tree. 
Redeemed front infamy, 
Become to bond and free 

A sacred sigu. 

And he that en it hung, 
Mocked by the tamoting toragm 
And tearless eye, 

To pay bis itgosty, 

Math plaeked from that dsath-ftre* 

Ad imniortxlity 

That cainnoi die. 

Tliongji. Bo trke fstoin given 
"Wiidh sh&uie atai wrartb, ifo hins 

With honor rife : 
"Where gusJB, witih shadd'ring >rea«!b. 
Sees buS the beau oS death, 
Be fonnd, through deathless faith, 

A tree of life. 

Kot even dead to earth - 

Say, be hath gained) new birtb 

Through martyrdom ; 
And buried, though be bo,. 
Forever speaketh hay 
Saying to the slaie, "Ee free ! 

\oar koor has come ! " 

And come indeed it! bath, 
The day c£ nighfceows- wrath; 

On Tyranmy ; 
Armies paepare Ms tomb, 
And trump and ejunnon's booio 
SroolaiiEi tii' impending doom- 

Of Slavery. 

Quiet hath the reefieatbg come :; 
The o'erpushed pendulum 

Swings buck am ewe. ; 
And Freedom, stung lf» sir if 8' 
For her imperilled life. 
Avenges to the 1im5b- 

Her martyxs- s"ia'ih' : - 
How. shall their stripes and -th*ia3-, 
Now shall their dy&ig pains,, 

Be recompensed ! 
Ten thousand aaisoreaat lives-, 
'Sen thousand widowed wwes-,, 
With thraldwn's broken gyves* 

Balanced against. 

Tfoa to uha- gaslfey la*w3 
"Where Treason's impious hand! 

Strikes Freedom down ! 
See ! from the oaSragei jSortih;, 
From flood and field and hearth^, 
A miiliBnr foes- leap forth 

For one John Brown ! 

iet the profane stand baefe I 
Kod roleth, and they laok 

The; skill to read 
The writing »a the wall, 
€tf proud Oppression's fall. 
And freedom to the ibrali 

By Him deereed. 

Aye — not ia aimless wrath 
He chastens, though His path 

Be in the storm ; 
The sky shall clear again. 
And from this blood* ram, 
O'er all yon slave-cursed plain 

Shall spring Reform. 



Benjamin H. Clark. 



JUNE 27 



ill* IBiftuotfl*. 



For the Liberator. 

OHIVALEY. 

A mailed horseman rode along a plain, 

Thick forests scowled on it, and castles grim ; 

Knights fought upon it as their trade and gain ; 
Slaves tilled it from the centre to the rim. 

Each warrior there was lawgiver and law — 
His sword, the oracle of right and wrong ; 

His wealth, what he could grapple with the claw 
Of force, and wrest from the surrounding throng. 

The man in mail said, musing on the scene, 
" I, too, am one of these, and wear a sword ; 

But 'tis not mine — to Bight belongs its sheen, 
Its every stroke to Justice and the Lord." 

He raised it then for Beauty in distress ; 

For Honor threatened, stricken Piety ; 
And roughly strove, as best he knew, to bless 

The world — and this was ancient Chivalry. 

In later days stood up a strong, kind man, 

In Freedom's land, of Freedom slothful grown, 

And smote injustice with the Christian ban 
Of honest words, "and even smote it down, — 

And bent his life to lift the poorest low : — 

Some laughed, some called his work philanthropy; 

Bot in his breast, and on his thoughtful brow, 
There beamed the glory of all Chivalry. 

Troy. o. 

For the Liberator. 

TO TEE PEESIDEUT OP THE UNITED 
STATES. 

0, Abraham Lincoln ! from your sleep awake ! 

Will ye still be like Pharaoh of old, 
Until the judgments of the Lord shall shake 

Our nation's fabric from its tottering hold ? 

Speak but the word the Lord to thee hath given — 
" Release my people from their bondage sore," 

Ere shall go forth from out the throne of Heaven 
The appalling mandate that was heard of yore. 

How long shall we in anxious hope remain? 

Alas ! our fear already drowns our hope : 
Undo the heavy burdens and the chain, 

And from the weary slave remove the yoke. 

Spare,' too, more blood, more sacrifice of life ; 

Our land already heaves with sighs and groans ; 
Thy word alone can end the bloody strife : 
Heed thou the orphan's and the widow's moans ! 
New Bedford, June 18, 1862. d. h. 



From the New York Independent. 

THE TEAITOE'S HOME. 

Vritten after a visit to the desolate house of James M. Mono; 
On Mason's home the sunlight falls, 

But not as Once it fell ; 
Grim shadows cloud the cheerless walls, 
And the east wind to the west wind calls 
Through the broken casements and ruined halls, 

As it echoes the traitor's knell. 
Thick crowding fancies throng my brain, 

While thoughtful hero I stand ; 
I people these ancient rooms again, 
Light forms move swift to a music Btrain — 
But I feel a blight of a deathless stain, 

The clasp of a traitor's hand. 

And here, where beauty decks the earth, 

A traitor's feet have trod ; 
Here had that hellish treason birth 
That perilled freedmen, blackened worth, 
Brought ruin to the cotter's hearth, 

And dared the wrath of God. 

Liberty ! methinks I see 

Thy gleaming banners oome ; 

Thou free-horn mother of the free, 

We consecrate to heaven and tlioo 

This "mated soil,'' no more to bo 

The coward -traitor's home. 

Winchester, (Va.) 1862. Mks. M. A. Dbnison. 



HOPE, TRUST AND PATIENCE. 

The time is fit hand when all true-hearted American 
citizens should take courage. The "sum of all villa- 
nies" is soon to be among the "tilings that were. A 
new era dawns on our glorious Republic. Freedom 
will be the rule, and no longer, as in times past, the 
exception. North, South, East and West shall ugain 
join hands, when the nation will emerge from its un- 
told disgraces and sacrifices into dignity and splendor. 
" There is a Divinity which shapes our ends," and we, 
the people, President, military chieftains, slavehold- 
ers, rebels, the legislature and judiciary, bogus Demo- 
crats and vacillating Republicans, may "rough-hew" 
them as we will, still God in his inapproachable light 
and majesty reigns, and through His providence over- 
rules and disposes. Never through pulpit, through 
press, through the teachings of the schoolB, through 
literature or art, did a people enjoy a fairer opportu- 
nity to study the evidence in all parts of this agitated 
land of the presence of Divine superintending power. 
Amidst such unparalleled efforts in eighty years to 
organize society with us, and to erect a nation in a 
wilderness, scarcely has the Church been able to pre- 
serve the great truth that God rules and reigns. Ac- 
tors and instruments, as we have all been in this great 
business, with faces turned earthward, with, brains, 
arms and hands intent on the conquest of material 
nature, there now comes a cessation from these la- 
bors. Nature has in part yielded up her stores of 
wealth to industry. A period of reflection succeeds 
a period of activity, and out of the clash of arms and 
ideas will arise, it is hoped, a new era, in which 
broader and higher views of man's rights and destiny 
shall receive a more hearty recognition. Then will 
this people be great and free, respected at home and 
abroad, united, brave, powerful and just. Democracy 
in its noblest and best sense shall rule the country, no 
longer divided against itself. 

Short of a result so glorious, no American citizen 
should rest satisfied. Short of this, to be a nation 
without perpetual faction and anarchy is impossible 
with us. Without a result like this, no expenditure 
of blood and treasure can ever be worth the cost. 
Who of us will consent to reestablish the United 
States of the last quarter of a century? None but 
traitors. And who believes that a result so desirable 
can, by any possibility, — even with all the wisdom of 
Kentucky and Abraham Lincoln, — be reached short of 
the use of the Constitutional and legitimate means 
possessed by our Government to crush or to create and 
use any and all powers to this end ? 

Till this rebellion is made to bite the dust, no whole- 
some word can bear more frequent repetition than 
that which should be proclaimed in thunder tones, 
that slavery is the cause and root of the rebellion ; and 
no theory based on a knowledge of facts can be so 
tenable as that which avers that slavery and rebellion 
must sink together into a common grave. 

Thank God, the sufferings of the nation in one 
short year are fast producing this conviction. In the 
loyal Northern States it is all but unanimous. In the 
pseudo-loyal Border States, the conviction is fast 
growing; and in the Cotton States, even, it cannot 
now be a matter of indifference, with all their insan- 
ity. A few more rebel barbarities in the heat of des- 
peration; drinking cups and keepsakes wrought out 
of the bones of our noble dead ; the butchery of 
wounded soldiers; poisoned wells and treacherous 
torpedoes; cruelties to the imprisoned, at which even 
barbarism .itself should blush, — these and many*more 
wickednesses, too gross to be recorded, pass in review, 
and remind us that something sterner than a " military 
necessity " will yet arm the Government with power 
to overthrow this accursed rebellion by the speediest 
means. With slavery abolished in the District of 
Columbia — an event of itself at any time of the highest 
significance — and prohibited entrance to the Territo- 
ries, the provision for the suppression of the foreign 
stave-trade, the confiscation question in Congress, pro- 
clamations of freedom by Generals and the revocation 
of the same, the experiment of free labor at Port 
Royal, and last, though not least, the insulting appli- 
cation of the Fugitive Slave Law in the District, 
which the people had fondly thought forever free by 
act of the present Congress, — all these are fast open- 
ing the understandings of the people to the true cause 
of our troubles. A few months more of rebellion, 
coupled with the observation and reflection of the 
people, with the help of conventions and mass meet- 
ings all over the North and in the States which now 
show signs of returning loyalty, and the President may 
feel warranted to declare a definite policy in this direc- 
tion, and bring about unity of action between himself 
and his generals at the head of the armies. 

Seeing that the course of events is tending to this 
end about as fast as Providence usually works, we can 
afford "to labor and to wait." In the mean time, 
questions will arise. Individuals and organizations 
will look at them in the light of their respective pro- 
clivities; some will fasten upon details, the more 
querulous will make themselves cognizant of the 
phrase which indicates the method, and it will become 
to such matter of immense importance whether the 
slave finally gets "abolishment" or abolition. Still, 
all will observe and think and work finally to the 
same end, only differing as to means to which in this 
stage of the "abolishment" of slavery we can afford 
to be indulgent. To the more philosophically inclined, 
questions reaching into the future will all the while 
suggest themselves ; but, so fast as philosophy be- 
comes practical, it will be seen that but one question 
at a time can receive undivided attention, and that the 
future will bring with it its own light to guide us, or 
those who come after us. 

To end this rebellion, and make the country free 
and united, is the only question now. Let the " Union, 
the Constitution, and the Laws," be as ever the watch- 
words with both soldier and citizen ; but let the 
Union be one in reality, the Constitution with a free 
and not with a slaveholder's interpretation, and the 
Laws bear with equal justice. While the struggle 
with rebellion goes on, let the names of Fremont, 
Hunter and Sigel remind us of the true significance 
of the "stars and stripes," destined as we may fondly 
hope to wave over a nation that shall be free indeed. 
Let us be patient, but not idle, while the contest lasts, 
and remember that not more to military power than 
to the revolution of opinion should be credited the 
suppression of the rebellion, and the final restoration 
of peace under democratic rule in its broadest sense. 

P. S. Since the above was written, the country 
has another example — in the earliest attempt of Gov. 
Stanly at the performance of his official duties in 
North Carolina — to add to many others which prove 
that no reliance can be placed upon professions of loy- 
alty among slaveholders or their sypathizers. They 
are of the same stripe wherever found, whether in 
border or cotton States. Their problem always was, 
is, and ever will be, to get under that kind of govern- 
ment—regardless of form or name — in which their 
views shall make the controlling element in which 
they can best rule or ruin, while they secure the am- 
plest protection to their beloved "institution." 

It is idle to talk of union, in contradistinction to se- 
cession slaveholders. Neither are to be trusted. Both 
have been trained under the same influences, and are 
equally selfish and despotic in their tendencies. The 
country cannot prosper while the occasion exists for 
these two classes of men. What happened at New- 
born only goes to show what they will do when not 
restrained. No wonder that the foremost nations of 
Europe call us "belligerents" and refuse sympathy 
to the North. Why should these nations fail to dis- 
cover that we are fighting for an immortal truth, 
while neither people nor government have, up to this 
moment, had courage to openly proclaim either a 
cause for or a policy toward this infernal rebellion? 
France and England, and we as a people in our con- 
sciences, know that the rebellion is not uncaused. It 
will be well for Hie Northern mind, when it fully 
awakes to the fact of the more than iron grasp wM** 



the slaveholder yet has upon it. The sooner we 
break away from the delusion, that an act of justice 
on the part of this nation, to a greatly oppressed peo- 
ple within its borders, can be held by any, except 
slaveholders and traitors, to be a violation of the Con- 
stitution — torn to tatters and trampled upon by these 
very traitors and their abettors in rebellion — the sooner 
we shall have the respect from abroad we so much 
crave. This country, hereafter, will never be broad 
enough to hold within its embrace, as it has done, the 
two incompatible elements of freedom and slavery. 
One or the other must die. When and which shall 
it be 1 W. 



ESSEX COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 



meeting of the Essex County Anti-Sla- 
was held at Century Chapel, in Essex, 



The annual 
very Society 
June 16, 1862. 

The meeting was called to order by C. L. Bemond, 
the President. In the absence of the Secretary, Jo- 
seph Merrill of Dauvera was chosen Secretary pro 
tern. 

It was then voted, that a Committee to nominate 
officers be appointed by the chair. 

Joseph Merrill, Warren Low of Essex, and Henry 
Elwell of Manchester were named as this Committee, 
and accepted by the meeting. Before this Committee 
withdrew for consultation, C. L. llemond declined to 
be a candidate for President. 

Henry C. Wright presented the following resolu- 
tions for the consideration of the meeting : — 

Whereas, Congress has the constitutional power to 
establish a "uniform rule of naturalization"; and 
whereas, there are but two classes of persons in the 
nation, recognized by the Constitution — i. e. aliens 
and citizens; and whereas, the slaves are all citizens 
or aliens; and whereas, if aliens, Congress has power 
to naturalize them, and to declare them citizens; and 
whereas, if being born in the nation and under the 
Constitution makes a man a citizen, and entitles him 
to the rights and privileges of citizenship, the slaves 
are entitled to such rights and privileges ; therefore, 

Resolved, That it is the constitutional right and 
moral duty of Congress at once to pass an act, declar- 
ing the slaves citizens of the United States, and to se- 
cure to them the rights and privileges of such citi- 
zenship. 

Resolved, That it is the constitutional right and 
moral duty of Congress, by special enactment, to de- 
clare every person under its jurisdiction, without re- 
gard to color or condition, competent to sue and be 
sued, and to bear witness in all the courts of the 
United States, in whatever State such courts may be 
held. 

H. C. Wright commented briefly on the above, and 
was followed in an eloquent manner by A. T. Foss. 

Afternoon Session. Mr. Pillsbury presented 
four resolutions for the consideration of the meeting, 
as follows : — 

1. Resolved, That, as Abolitionists devoted to the 
great work of overthrowing slavery, we renew and 
repeat our old pledge, " No Union with Slaveholders." 
No support of any administration, or government, 
that permits slavery, on any portion of its soil — and 
we value this war only as we believe it must lead to 
Emancipation by order of the Federal authorities, or 
to a dissolution of the Union, whiclj must speedily 
produce the same result. 

2. Resolved, That the war, as hitherto prosecuted, 
is but a wanton waste of property, a dreadful sacrifice 
of life, and, worse than all, of conscience and charac- 
ter, to preserve and perpetuate a Union and Constitu- 
tion which should never have existed, and which, by 
all the laws of justice and humanity, should, in their 
present form, be at once and forever overthrown. 

3. Resolved, That any reconstruction of the govern- 
ment on the former basis, or any basis that permits 
the holding of a single slave, in any State, District or 
Territory, or a war waged for such a purpose, should, 
and eventually will, consign us, as a people, to the 
scorn and execration of all the decent and virtuous 
among mankind, throughout the nations of the earth. 

4. Resolved, That a church and ministry that could 
practise as well as sustain and sanctify the slave sys- 
tem, through successive generations, breeding, buy- 
ing and selling slaves, robbing them not only of 
wages, but of education, of marriage, and alt the rights 
and privileges of human beings, and could then al- 
most instantaneously become soldiers to butcher and 
be butchered by their fellow-communicants and breth- 
ren, are a church and ministry that have too long de- 
ceived the nations : by their unfaithfulness and 
falsehoods, they are, to a fearful extent, the cause 
of our present national calamity; and since, even 
now, while we are so terribly suffering the Di- 
vine displeasure, they fail to proclaim righteousness 
and repentance, the doing of justice and loving mercy, 
irrespective of all " military necessities" or political 
expediencies, they prove that, as an institution, they 
should be utterly and forever repudiated, along with 
the slave system they have so long and so faithfully 
served and supported. 

After the resolutions were read, Mr. Pillsbury made 
a very able appeal to the people to wake to the alarm- 
ing state of affairs. 

H. C. Wright then spoke on the barbarities of sla- 
very, and the indignities and insults practised on our 
wounded and dead soldiers. 

The Business Committee reported the following 
names as officers for the ensuing year : — 

President — Richard Plumer, of Newburyport. 

Vice Presidents — D. P. Harmon, Haverhill ; Moses 
Wright, Georgetown; Edward N. Andrews, Essex; 
William Ashby, Newburyport; Thomas Haskell, 
Gloucester; D. L. Bingham, Manchester; Elam Burn- 
ham, Hamilton; John" Cutler, Danvers; J. N. Buf- 
fum, Lynn ; William Jenkins, Andover ; Joshua P. 
Ordway, Groveland ; Pratt, Rockport. 

Executive Committee — Maria S. Page, Danvers ; John 
B. Pierce, Lynn ; Lucy P. Ives, Salem ; Mehitable 
Haskell, Gloucester; Joseph Pierce, Manchester; 
Joseph Merrill, Danvers ; Ingalls K. Mclntyre, Sa- 
lem. 

Treasurer — J. W. Roberts, Danvers. 

Corresponding Secretary — Sarah P. Remond, Salem. 

Recording Secretory— Margaret E. Bennett, Glouces- 
ter. 

Voted, That these officers be accepted. 

C. L. Remond. made an eloquent and stirring 
speech. 

Evening Session. Called to order by Thomas 
Haskell, in absence of the President. The resolutions 
of Mr. Pillsbury were again read, and A. T. Foss spoke 
on them. He took exceptior^to the second resolution. 
Mr. F. said, we stand here, to-day, to reassert the 
strong sentiments we have heretofore asserted. We 
recant nothing. We say now, the Constitution is "a 
covenant with death and an agreement with hell," 
Mr. Garrison did right to burn it, in the presence 
of two thousand people, as he did a few years ago 
at Framingham. 

A Voice— Why is Mr. Phillips in favor of the Union 
now ? 

Mr. Foss replied— In so far as the nation is at wRr 
with Blavery, Mr. Phillips approves, and does right. 
Shall we not rejoice in every right action, even if 
those who do these right acts are guilty of doing many 
wrong ones ? Approving the right does by no means 
imply countenancing everything done, however wrong 
it may be. 

Mr. F. alluded to the instincts of man as worthy of 
notice. The instincts of slaves tell them this war is 
to bring them freedom; and, notwithstanding all the 
discouragements they meet with on the part of the gov- 
ernment, they still cling to the idsft. One poor igno- 
rant slave, believing the appellation in so common use 
at the South to be part of the Yankee name, prayed, 
" Lor' bress the damned Yankees 1 " 

The old Union is dead: of this there is the same 
evidence that there was of the death of Lazarus. If 
not dead, why appoint a military Governor of North 
Carolina 1 

Wo have not backed down from our principles. 



There is great Anti-Slavery gain. We have not gone 
down, but the people have conic up. 

H. C. Wright followed in a few remarks. He 
thought it evidence of some life to excite the hearty 
disapproval of slaveholders. The Constitution now 
empowers Congress to abolish slavery ; therefore, it 
is an Anti-Slavery document. Let the feeling of death 
to slavery be put forth first on the ground of justice 
and right, and then on the ground of expediency. Let 
it be asked, what is this war for ? Is it for liberty 1 

Sumner's letter, in palliation of President Lincoln, 
was called for, and read in part. 

ParkerPillsbury followed, and asserted that Lincoln 
is the greatest slaveholder in the nation— i. e., he 
holds the greatest number in bondage. In proof of 
this, he cited the revoking of Hunter's order which 
freed the slaves in his department. "No Union with 
Slaveholders ! " must still be our watchword. 

He considered Abraham Lincoln justifiable from his 
position in prosecuting a waragainst slaveholders who 
are attempting to overthrow this government; but he 
would not have him bo crouching before the Slave 
Power as to offer to deliver up seventeen pirates to 
regain Col. Corcoran. 

Mr. P. read from the Anti-Slavery Standard a letter 
from the Washington correspondent of that paper, (a 
Republican,) in which he laments the want of policy 
on the part of the government. 

Mr. P. read Burnside's and Goldshoro's proclama- 
tion to North Carolinians, in which they say, " We 
are Christians as well as yourselves." He warned the 
people against settling down into a feeling of security, 
as if all were going on prosperously, for the attempt 
will certainly be made to reinstate the Democratic 
party, and, if successful, much that has been done by 
this administration would be undone. Beware of the 
Knights of the Golden Circle, and the like secret as- 
sociations, plotting mischief to this government. He 
wished us to remember, that though 

" Cannon balls may aid the truth, 
Thought 's a weapon stronger." 

He referred to a lecture of Mr. Phillips, entitled " The 
Lost Arts," and hoped Mr. Phillips would include re- 
pentance. He alluded to a Virginian employed in 
constructing one of our government vessels, who, in 
an important part, where great strength was required, 
introduced plaster so painted and polished off as to re- 
semble iron, which was the material required. This 
imposition was discovered, however, in time to pre- 
vent disaster. Our fathers, when they laid the ship 
of state, instead of good iron, introduced a preparation 
of plaster in the form of compromises with slavery ; 
and now, when the old ship lies in scattered fragments, 
Abraham Lincoln, instead of constructing a ship of 
sounder materials, is out with all his jolly-boats, try- 
ing to pick up the fragments to set out as before. 

Voted to accept the resolutions of H. C. Wright and 
Parker Pillsbury. 

Voted, That the next meeting of this Society be 
held at Haverhill, three months from this day. 

Voted, That this report be sent to the Liberator 
for publication. Adjourned. 

EICHARD PLUMER, President. 

Margahet E. Bennett, Rec. Sec. 



And if, as our honored friend, Ciiahleb Sumner, 
his recent letter more than intimates, the President 
is at heart on the side of Liberty, and so near the 
kingdom, let us rally in unwonted numbers, on the 
Fourth of July, at Framingham, and swell the current 
so strong that Washington may feel its power, and 
Abraham Lincoln find his tongue loosened, and his 
pen moving to write the immortalVord— EMANCI- 
PATION I o. W. S. 



MEETING OF COLORED CITIZENS. 

Pursuant to a call through the public journals of 
Buffalo, N. Y"., a large and highly respectable number 
of colored citizens of that place assembled at the old 
Court House, on Sunday evening, 18th ult., together 
with a large number of our white citizens, for the 
purpose of commemorating the " Emancipation of 
Slavery in the District of Columbia." The meeting 
was called to order by Mr. George Weir, Jr., and pur- 
suant to previous arrangements, was presided over by 
Mr. N. D. Thompson, supported by a number of Vice 
Presidents. The meeting being duly organized, on 
motion, the Secretary, Mr. John H. Burch, read the 
call upon which the meeting had assembled, together 
with a series of resolutions adopted at a prior meet- 
ing, and also the Act of Emancipation. The audience 
then joined in singing the following hymn, written for 
the occasion by Mrs. Nancy M. Weir: 

We meet, Lord, to offer thee 
Unnumbered thanks and praise ; 

The District of Columbia's free 
Through thy prevailing grace. 

The Morning Star of Liberty 

In this great act we see ; 
Freedom's bright day is soon to be : — 

Columbia's soil is free ! 

No more the scars of servile chains 

On human limbs shall be, 
Within the limits of thy bounds, 

Columbia's land is free ! 

God bless the Nation's honored Chief! 

Tby servant may he be, 
Who wisely has advised relief, 

Columbia's soil to free. 

May those who now in bondage sigh 

Rejoice with us to see 
The good old Stars and Stripes on high — 

Thank God ! Columbia's free ! 



LETTER FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 

Newbehn, N. C, June 13, 1862. 

To the Editor of the Boston Journal: 

Considerable surprise is manifested at the unwar- 
ranted and scurrilous correspondence of the New 
York Herald from this place, relative to Gov. Stan- 
ly's proceedings. Its slurs at General Burnside are 
ridiculous as well as strictly untrue in their reflec- 
tions, and the attack upon Massachusetts soldiers has 
not the slightest foundation or excuse. What could 
have instigated the writing of such a tissue of mis- 
representations is what causes the greater wonder, 
unless the writer should prove to be some resident 
Secessionist who thus found vent for his rage over the 
exceeding good nature of the military leader here. 

Now here are the facts relative to this affair: 
Among Mr. Bray's considerable body of negroes 
were two young females, who were valued at $2,500. 
Mr. B. got track of these two. He captured one, 
and the other escaped narrowly, and is now far away. 
The one captured was married, and after her return 
to her master's house, her negro husband determined 
to release her. He visited the premises, as Mrs. 
Bray asserts, accompanied by five soldiers who had 
the letter "M" and a bugle on their caps, and they 
suited" her, set fire to an outhouse a long dis- 
tance from the house of Mr. B. (not his residence as 
asserted by the correspondent), and took away the 
slave. The house set fire to was an old building not 
worth a farthing, and it was fired by the negro, 
probably in a not very commendable spirit of re- 
venge. 

As to the soldiers, there is not a regiment here 
from Massachusetts that wears a cap after the style 
described. But one infantry regiment here (not 
from New England) numbers its companies down 
farther than " K," (ten companies,) consequently the 
letter "M" is not on the cap of any Massachusetts 
or New England soldier. [It should be understood 
that these letters indicate the company which the 
soldier belongs to.] This was investigated at the 
time, as some violent Secessionists undertook to as- 
sert then that it was "Massachusetts thieves" that 
took the negro away, but it was plainly settled that 
there was no proof that a soldier from the Common- 
wealth had been there, and there was only the as- 
sertion of this Mrs. Bray, that any soldiers had been 
to her house at all. 

Now this woman who had been so troubled by the 
sight of soldiers, is the same who has for a long time 
made a practise of regularly calling upon Mr. 
Colyer, the Superintendent of the Poor, for her al- 
lowance of provisions. She would drive up in a two 
horse team, secure her plunder and drive away, al- 
ways with the air of an offended princess if any one 
failed to treat her with distinction. She thus sponged 
the United States Government, when her husband 
owned a large plantation, with nearly fifty acres un- 
der cultivation, and was able to furnish her with her 
carriage and two horses. And again, when a cer- 
tain gentleman who was investigating the above cir- 
cumstances called upon her, she, in her frantic mode, 
offered him five hundred dollars to put out of the 
way the same negro, who was the husband of her 
runaway slave. Such are the facts, and still more 
may be forthcoming to prove the inconsistencies of 
these immaculate people. SCOUT. 

|5T For the " scurrilous correspondence" here referred 
to, see " Befuge of Oppression." 



nomination, being a Chaplain in the 1 8th Mississip- 
pi regiment. Not long after the Ball's Bluff affair, 
lie took dinner with a clerical 'brother' in Lees- 
burg, who at heart wan a Union man. After din- 
ner he remarked to a young lady that he wai going 
to Ball's Bluff after trophies. He wanted some 
bones of the Yankee soldiers, in order to make fin- 
ger rings, &c, to carry as presents to some of his fe- 
male friends in Mississippi. One man boasted to 
our informant that he had a Yankee skull slung un- 
der his wagon by two strings, using it for a ' tar cup ' 
to the vehicle. These arc merely .specimens of the 
hundreds of instances which are well known occur- 
rences in the vicinity." 



Lord, with 

The praise va 
Let every one i; 

Columbia hut 



U><1 h 



.rt and voice, 
give to thee ! 
truth rejoice ! 
is free ! 



After which, the throne of Grace was fervently ad- 
dressed by the Rev. A. S. Broken borough. The Rev. 
George Weir then read a select portion of Scripture, 
and preached a very able and interesting sermon from 
these words— "Righteousness exalteth a nation, but 
sin is a reproach to any people." The remarks of the 
reverend gentleman were listened to with the strictest 
attention throughout the entire discourse, which was 
an effort worthy the head and heart of the venerable 
author. At the close of the sermon, a unanimous 
vote of thanks was tendered by the meeting, and 
briefly responded to by the speaker. The following 
resolutions were then offered by Prof. Hall, and unani- 
mously adopted: — 

Resolved, That as we find from history that in East 
Asia and Africa the arts and sciences flourished in 
their greatest grandeur and perfection of any peri- 
od or country known to man ; we therefore recog- 
nize in the African race, untrammeled and free, a ca- 
pacity for improvement and progress equal if not sur- 
passing any other race now inhabiting this globe. 

Resolved, That, whereas, the ministry and churches 
of the Northern States have cooperated with the 
Southern churches and ministry in extending and 
prolonging this great national sin, we therefore call 
on the ministers and churches in the land to ap- 
point a special day of humiliation, fasting and prayer 
to Almighty God that he would forgive them this great 
sin, and from henceforth forever blot it out from the 
book of his remembrance. 

Resolved, That this meeting- appoint a Committee 
to draft a resolution of thanks to Congress and" the 
President for their noble and philanthropic action in 
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. 

Resolutions of thanks were then presented to the 
Sheriff and his assistants for the use of the Court 
House, and to the press of the city for having kindly 
given gratuitous notice of the meeting. The congre- 
gation then joined in singing the closing hymn, enti- 
tled " The Captive's Song," written by Mrs. Weir. 
The benediction then closed the exercises of the 
evening. * 



"HARMONY GROVE." 

" Roll on 4he Liberty Ball ! " 
True, we are not at our next annual gathering, in 
God's beatuiful temple, to celebrate the abolition 
of American Slavery ; but are we not nearer, may we 
not hope much nearer, that joyful event, than our 
doubts will allow us to believe? God grant it may be 
so! Let us be as hopeful as we can, and at the same 
time remember that there was never an hour in our 
warfare when we should labor with more zeal and 
faithfulness. 

Suffer not, for a moment, the thought that we may 
lay o-'ir armor by, or in the least relax our efforts for 
the sighing captive. On every hand we stilt meet 
with the latent hatred of the negro, and of the faith- 
ful advocates of his race. The Government and 
Church are still in the "gall of bitterness." We 
must, therefore, reiterate our testimony, and preach 
from place to place the " unsearchable riches " of uni- 
versal, unconditional and immediate emancipation. 



A Clerical Falsifier. Lieut Kennett, su- 
perintending the United States ordnance depart- 
ment at Nashville, Tenn., in the discharge of his 
duty had occasion to examine the premises of that 
hot-bed of rebellion, the " Southern Methodist Pub- 
lishing House." One of the clerical managers took 
the lieutenant into the basement, where machinery 
had been placed for manufacturing certain parts of 
confederate ordnance, and began explaining that 
certain bolts and screws were used in stereotyping, 
and this and that in the printing business, and soon 
through quite a list of articles. After the reverend 
had finished his explanation, the lieutenant said to 
him, " I judge, sir, by your white cravat and dress 
that you profess to be a clergyman ; now let me tell 
you, sir, that every sentence you have uttered is a 
tissue of falsehoods ; J have been educated for the 
ordnance department, and I know where every one 
of those bolts, nuts, and screws belongs on a gun- 
carriage. Good morning, sirl" 



Preachers. Parson Brownlow is not very com- 
plimentary to gentlemen of" the cloth." In a late 
speech at Cincinnati he said: — 

The worst men in the Southern Confederacy 
are Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian, and Episcopa- 
ian preachers. They drink and swear week days, 
and preach Sundays. When they became secesh, 
they bade farewell to honesty, truth, and decency. 
The Confederacy originated in lying, stealing and 
perjury. Floyd did the stealing, the common mas- 
ses the lying, and fourteen Senators from the cotton 
States the perjury — the latter class while still re- 
taining their seats in the United States Senate, and 
laking a pretence of observing their oaths, but at 
igfat, till twelve o'clock, holding secret meetings, 
sending dispatches to their respective States to pass 
ordinances of secession, to seize forts, &c, &c. 

" Among other instances illustrating the spirit 
prevailing among the Southern elergv, Mr. Brown- 
low said that the. pastor of the First Presbyterian 
Church in Knoxviile called a Union prayer-meeting 
to pray that Gen. Burnside's fleet might sink, and 
the blockade be raised. The same minister had 
said (hai he would rather use a Bible printed and 
bound in hell than one from the North. Also that 
Jesus Christ was born on Southern soil, and that all 
his apostles were Southern men, except Judas Iscar- 
iot, who was a Northern man. This was said openly, 
from his pulpit on Sunday." 



Brutalized Clkkoymen.— The Washington 
Republican says : — 

In all the outrages at Lcosburg, ihe etiTgynien 
of that, vicinity, with one exception, fully sympa- 
thized. Rev. Samuel Cornelius is one of these reb- 
el divines, Be is a member of the. Baltimore Con? 
ference of the Meihodisi Episcopal Church, and is a 
blatant secessionist. The Presbyterian minister is 
lni \t; ith r Kvm.l Bacesctcnisl namid KIv 
listinguished hhnsell'hy his outrage* He, also, is a 
Methodist, though of the Southern wing of I lie fo. 



Peppery Letter from a Nashville She 
Rebel. The following peppery letter was written 
by a Nashville girl to her John, who is a prisoner at 
Camp Morton, Indiana : — 

" John, I want you to tell me about the fight, and 
how many Lincoln devils you killed. I would like 
to be there and seen them Lincoln devils keel over. 
It would have done my soul good to have seen them 
fall by the thousands. John, as you are a prisoner, 
and cannot have the pleasure of Lincoln hirlands, I 
believe I will take your place, and I tell you what 
I would kill live yankees, I will do more for them 
than Morgan has done for them. I tell you Morgan 
is tearing up the burg for them ; he is doing the 
work for them. John, I wish I was a man, I would 
come there and I would soon get you out of that lin- 
coln hole. I would tar there hearts out, and then 
cook them and make them eat them; but I will do 
all I can for you, and when they come into Shelby 
I will get some of their skelps and hang them up in 
my room to look at. I will be for Jeff Davis till the 
tenessee river freezes over, and then be for him and 
scratch on the ice — 

Jeff davis rides a white horse, 

Lincoln rides a mule, 
Jeff davis is a gentleman, 

And Lincoln is a fule. 

I wish I could send them lincoln devils some pies, 
they would never want any more to eat in this 
world. May Jeff, ever be with you. This is from 
a good southern rights girl — from your cousin 

Marianne." 



THE NEW TORE JOURNAL OP COMMERCE. 

In a recent number of this miserable pro-slavery 
and secession print, the editorial vials of wrath were 
poured upon the head of Mr. George Thompson, to 
whose speeches on the other side of the Atlantic the 
present crisis is attributed. As a specimen of the 
writer's veracity, we may state that the alleged quid 
pro quo for his first American trip, when his life was 
hunted for, and a reward of $5,000 was offered for 
his apprehension, was an immediate seat in Parlia- 
ment for. the Tower Hamlets, procured him by ihe 
government. The facts are these: Mr. Thompson's 
return to England was in 1835 ; his election for the 
Tower Hamlets was in 1847 ; the immediate seat in 
Parliament was therefore twelve years afterwards. 
On that occasion, moreover, he defeated one of the 
then ministers, Major General Fox, the Master- 
General of the Ordinance, and who was also a son- 
in-law of King William the Fourth. In 1851, Mr. 
Thompson again visited the United States, which 
journey led to the loss of his seat for this same, the 
largest borough constituency of the United Kingdom. 
Mr. Thompson was always in opposition to the gov- 
ernment, and never received a favor at the hands of 
either Whig or Tory. How can we believe such 
writers, even 

"when they should state the thing that's true"? 

There is a secondary sense in which the wrath of 
man is made to praise God's servants as well as God 
himself. Mixed with this compound of folly and 
lying is a remarkable testimony to the truth that the 
measure for the abolition of slavery in the District 
of Columbia, and the admission of colored persons 
in the American postal service, are fruits of the mar- 
vellous eloquence of our gifted countryman during 
his two transatlantic visits. We hope he will ere 
long reap his crowning glory in the abolition of 
slavery throughout the entire American continent. 
— Clerkenwell (London) News. 



SONG OF THE SECESSION WARRIOR. 

BLIGHILY ALTERED FROM THE CHOCTAW. 

I made a spur of a Yankee jaw, 
And in New Orleans I shot his squaw — 
Shot bis child like a yelping cur, 
lie had no time to fondle her. 

Hoo ! hoo ! hoo t for tbe rifled graves ! 

Wah ! wall ! wan ! for the blasted slaves ! 

I scraped his skull all naked and bare, 
And here 's his scalp with a tuft of hair .' 
His heart is in the buzzard's maw, 
His bloody bones tbe wolf doth gnaw. 

Hoo ! hoo ! hoo ! for the Yankee graves ! 

Wah ! wah ! wah ! for the blasted slaves ! 

With percussion caps we filled each gun, 
And put torpedoes where he'd run ; 
And with poisoned bullets and poisoned rum 
Helped him along to kingdom come. 

Hoo ! hoo ! -hoo ! for the Yankee graves ! 

Wah ! wah ! wah ! for tbe blasted slaves ! 
— Knickerbocker for June. 



8^=- "Ah, how fortune varies!" Captain W. H. 
Harris, whose name is signed to the following " Notice 
Extraordinary," is now a prisoner in the Federal 
camp, under Gen. Dumont, at Nashville : — 

" Notice Extbaordinary. We, the undersigned, 
will pay five dollars per pair for fifty pairs of well-bred 
hounds, and fifty dollars for one pair of the rough-bred 
bloodhounds that will take the track of a man. The 
purposes for which those dogs are wanted is to chase . 
the infernal cowardly Lincoln bushwhackers of East 
Tennessee and Kentucky (who have taken the ad- 
vantage of the bush to kill and cripple many good 
soldiers) to their dens, and capture them. The said 
hounds must be delivered at Captain Hanner's Livery 
Stable, by the 10th of December next, where a mus- 
tering officer will be present to muster and inspect 
them. F. N. McNart, 

W. H. Harris. 

Camp Crinfort, Campbell Co., Tenn., Nov. 16." 



TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER OF THE REBELS 
IN THE LATE BATTLE. 
A member of Battery A, New York Artillery, in 
Casey's division, which is known as the "Napoleon 
gun battery," which was in the front line of the first 
day's battle before Richmond, has written to a relative 
in New York a thrilling description of the carnage in- 
flicted upon the rebels Dy the fire of that battery, from 
which we make an extract : — 

" The destruction was horrible. Our spherical case 
shot are awful missiles, each of them consisting of a 
clotted mass of seventy-six musket balls, with a charge 
of powder in the centre, that is fired by a fuse the 
same as a shell. The missile first acts as a solid shot, 
ploughing its way through masses of men, and then, 
exploding, hurls forward a shower of musket balls, that 
mow down the foe in heaps. Our battery threw 
twenty-four of these a minute, and as we had the exact 
range of every part of the field, every shot told with 
frightful effect. But the enemy were not at all 
daunted. 

They marched steadily on, and hailed a perfect 
tempest of balls. upon us. Why we, as well as our 
horses, were not every one shot down, will forever re- 
main a mystery to me. We did not mind the leaden 
hail, however, but kept pouring our case shot into the 
dense masses of the foe, who came on in prodigious 
and overwhelming force. And they, fought splendid- 
ly, too. Our shot tore their ranks wide open, and 
shattered them asunder in a manner that was frightful 
to witness ; but they closed up again at once, and came 
on as steadily as English veterans. 

When they got within 400 yards, we closed our case 
shot and opened on them with canister, and such de- 
struction I never elsewhere witnessed. At each dis- 
charge, great gaps were made in their ranks — indeed, 
whole companies went down before that murderous 
fire; but they closed up with an order and discipline 
that was awe-inspiring. They seemed to be animated 
with the courage of despair blended with the hope of 
a speedy victory, if they could by an overwhelming 
rush drive us from our position. 

It was awful to see their ranks torn and shattered 
by every discharge of canister that we poured right 
into their faces, while their dead and dying lay in piles, 
close up, and still kept advancing right in the face of 
that fire. At one time three lines, one behind the 
other, were steadily advancing, and three of their flags 
were brought in range of one of our guns shotted with 
canister. 

Fire! shouted the gunner, and down went those 
three flags, and a gap was opened through them, and 
the dead lay in swaths. But they at once closed up 
and came steadily on, never hailing or wavering, right 
through the woods, over the fence, through the field, 
right up to our guns, and sweeping everything before 
them, captured every piece. 

When we delivered our last fire, they were within 
fifteen or twenty paces of us, and as all our horses had 
been killed or wounded, we could not carry off a 
gun." 



S^=* Another writer describes the following scene : 
"The wounded were left on the field all night, and 
to hear their cries for water and help was most ago- 
nizing ; and, to add to their sufferings, toward morn- 
ing it commenced raining. One poor fellow, belong- 
ing to a North Carolina regiment, who was wounded 
in three places, called me to him, saying— ■■ For God's 
sake, get assistance, and take me where I can have 
my wounds dressed— 1 have been lying here ail night, 
and am cold.' Procuring the assistance of an officer 
of the California regiment, we took the poor fellow 
where he could be properly cared for. Others w?re 
taken care of as soon as possible, and you can hardly 
imagine the grateful looks bestowed upon us for this 
unexpected kindness. They were too much exhaust- 
ed lo talk much, hut appeared to be surprised at 
receiving such good treatment. 

The next morning, (Sunday,) we were ordered to 
the other side of .the woods, only a short distance, and 
halted. Here we had aii opportunity to see the havoc 
our firing hail made in their ranks. The ground was 
literally covered with dead and wounded; and of all 
the scaly individuals I ever saw, these were the 
worst— dressed in all slyles and colors, some without 
hata, and some without shoes. They lav in all posi- 
tions ; some in the act of firing, some just loading, 
others retreating, due had loaded his 'musket, and 
was sitting on a log, tnking aim, when he was struck 
by a bullet. The muzzle ot his gun dropped, Booking 
the bayonet into the ground, which lelt him in his 
position sitting on the log stone dead, li took us 
three days to bury the dead, which was done M dig- 
ging a trench and hiving then) three or four deep, 
they lay in heaps on the ground, it appeared as if 
y belonged in soma other nation, $« differmt did 
■ look from our mot. They were dressed in ■ dirty, 
gray elnih of ihe poorest <|uiiliiy, some of which look- 
ed as if it had been through a tan-pit From prison- 
era we learned thai they attempted three timet to 
charge on our battery, but no sooner did ihev oome 
into line, than our grape and canister mowed them 

down in heaps. Old Magrudcr said. ' Boy«, we must 
lake thai haiiery!'" Htu „:■ couldn't see ii in -i-it 

light, and so didn 't let them lake it. Magrudw turn 

ed away m despair, saying. -All hell couldn't stand 
Ihe lire of that brigade,' meaning I Ionium's." 



JANUAEY 17. 



THE LIBEEATOE 



11 



to trust every power to tlie Government necessary 
for the salvation of the Union. My idea of Democ- 
racy is this: it must rest on educated masses. Un- 
like despotism, it. cannot rest on anything else. That 
very element of Democratic institutions makes it safe 
to trust Government, in an emcrf-ency, with the 
gravest powers. France cannot trust them — she is a 
wreck, as she stands to-day, when she does. Germa- 
ny cannot; Austria cannot; Italy cannot; England 
hardly could; but we can. As John Adams said— 
" The reason why George Washington was not 
Cromwell was because we would not permit it." ?o, 
today, you trust your Government with despotic 
powers ; and the reason why no man becomes a Na- 
poleon Bonaparte is because there are twenty million 
of men, Yankees, to ask htm why; — educated, self- 
sufficient, strong-hearted men, who know their rights 
and mean to maintain them. And these twenty mil- 
lions of men would have put this Union beyond 
doubt, if they had had a man, not a Keiituckian, to 
lead them the last ten mouths. 

Sow, I iTiako no complaint of Abraham Lincoln. 
No man can be broader than his cradle. (Laughter.) 
Unfortunately, he was born in Kentucky ; and slavery 
had produced such a state of things in this nation that 
it was not possible to choose for President an unmixed 
loyal Northern man. That spirit of compromise which 
had been inoculated in our blood ever since '89, obliged 
us to choose such a man, and the result is, the history 
of the last months. I do not blame him that he is not 
a Daniel Webster, an Oliver Cromwell, a George 
Washington, or any one else. Incapacity is no man's 
fault. What I dread is, that a man in the wrong place 
should baulk and defeat twenty million of people. 
Woe to such influence ! He is in the hands of abler, 
deeper men than himself. Woe betide those who 
stand beside him, with some little title to the name of 
statesmen, if, years hence, one race shall rise up and 
find that it has been baulked of its highest ambition 
and the other of its dearest hope I 

But it is no longer Gen. McClellan and the Cabinet. 
Ever since the 4th of December, we have had another 
tribunal. Congress is sitting. The representative of 
the public sentiment is in Washington. Men fresh 
from the midst of us are there, endowed with the pow- 
er to cope with this rebellion. AsJohn Quincy Adams 
says — Government — the Senate and the House of 
llepresentatives, to whom the Constitution gives the 
power to make war, have therefore inevitably, as a 
matter of course, an unlimited power to carry it on as 
they please. It is a power conferred by the Consti- 
tution — a constitutional power, but not one limited by 
the Constitution. It is a despotism. Every dollar, 
every musket, every right of the nation is in the hands 
of Congress. The principle is, that when the ship is 
in danger, the captain may throw the cargo overbonrd 
to save the hull. So, to-day, in this storm and con- 
vulsion, Democracy vindicates its title to be a Gov- 
ernment. It would not otherwise be so. To the 
hands of its great functionaries, it entrusts des- 
potism for national safety. Recollect, liberty dots 
not mean universal suffrage. Louis Napoleon wns 
chosen by universal suffrage. Liberty does not mean 
the ballot-box and primary schools. Liberty does 
not mean the grog-shops of Boston at liberty to choose 
its Mayors. (Applause.) Liberty means institutions 
anchored in the habits of the people, become a part 
of their moral and intellectual nature, sufficient for 
any crisis that can come over a country. When 
France, in her great revolutionary convulsion, met 
the eye of Napoleon Bonaparte, seeking a throne, 
there were no institutions to check him ; only twen- 
ty-five millions of unorganized, uneducated, half-crazy 
Frenchmen, and he put them under his right hand — 
of course he could. But we are taught, from the very 
cradle up to the Presidency, every one of us, to be 
part of and preside over public meetings, initiate and 
work all the machinery of civil government — to op- 
pose, not individuals, but well-planned institutions and 
old habits, to all efforts of tyranny. We are a nation, 
the institutions of which guarantee liberty. Why, a 
Yankee baby, six months old, is ready to manage a 
town-meeting. ( Laughter. ) He inherits it. If a 
dozen Yankees, or five hundred, find themselves on 
the prairies, they extemporize a Constitution or a 
State. No other race could do it. The correlative 
of that power is, that it is safe to trust government 
with the gravest despotism. Lancets, knives and 
surgeons' saws are terrible instruments — dangerous. 
"What is the use of surgeons ? It is, that when you 
need lancets, somebody knows how to use them. Just 
so with Democracy. It is a government that, when, 
for a moment, despotism is necessary, it can be safely 
exercised. AsJohn QuimyAdamssays, therefore, Con- 
gress has the power — let her use it. Let Congress to- 
morrow abolish slavery in every State by *au au- 
thority equal to the Constitution, which says there 
shall not be nobles in any State. Let her add to it 
that every loyai man shall he compensated for any 
loss that he can show ; and we cover two great dan- 
gers. If there is a Unionist at the South, who is not 
a negro, we search him out. The magnet of compen- 
sation draws him to the surface; he shows himself; 
he finds his voice. Those men trembling to-day at 
Eichmond and Norfolk, those dumb friends of ours in 
northern Arkansas, in the upper counties of Alabama, 
at Macon, at Columbus, in every small town of the 
South, if they knew that a people strong enough to 
enforce their will, and capable of finding it out, had 
proclaimed that the success of the Union troops should 
be to them safety, would (if there be any such) make 
themselves known. Then, on the other hand, we say 
to Europe, " Let four thousand miles of salt water 
roll between you and us ; we can manage this quarrel." 
On a sound basis, I do not want the advice nor the 
sympathy of Great Britain. On a sound basis, I have 
no fear of her thousand frigates, or of her hundred 
thousand soldiers. On a sound basis, this nation is 
equal to anything. The brains of nineteen millions of 
Yankees, with a territory four times as large as France, 
make no second rate power. If we can only survive 
this war, we are safe. If Jefferson Davis is not able 
to say — "There are nineteen millions of people who 
w anted to be accomplices with me in slaveholding, and 
I would not let them ; there are nineteen millions of 
Yankees who were willing to sink the Declaration of 
Independence, provided only they could have cotton 
enough lo keep Lowell going, and I held them as fish 
to my hook as long as I wanted thein, and then I 
tossed them, half-dead, into the sea" — if we do not go 
out of this war bankrupt in statesmanship and bank- 
rupt in character, I have no fear for the future of the 
nation. But there is a better hope, there is a nobler 
aim, there is a more glorious destiny for us in the 
ninety days that are coming. We can override this 
Cabinet. We can at least ask Congress to do its duty. 
We can at least ask of the Government that it shall 
show Democracy equal to the struggle. To-day is the 
accepted time ! To-day is the hour of our salvation ! 
It is madness to trust bo much to the vigor of one 
brain, to the uncertain fate of a single great battle. 
If you do, I fear that venerable man,* who still, in 
our own city, the oldest of ourstatesman, lies on a bed 
of sickness, who, ahoy, saw the formation of the Union, 
needs to live only a hundredth part of the years we 
wish him, to see its end. 

It ia too great a stake for a single card. I ex- 
hort you, therefore, not as I usually have done, 
for the negro, but for the honor of the fathers, 
let us show ourselves worthy of our blood. If no 
other State speaks, make Massachusetts utter her 
voice. We have always been the brain of the 
Union — elaborate ideas for her now. Massachusetts 
has the greatest stake in this issue. Her million 
of men grow nothing, almost, on her barren acres and 
her granite ; we have only cunning fingers. The cus- 
tomers of the South and West are our wealth. Our 
cousins across the Atlantic are this day cheating them 
out of our hands. Children of Hancock, of Adams, 
of Jay, of the statesmen of J 7<i, show that you value 
your government, and have the sagacity to preserve 
it! Checkmate Europe; inspirit, give courage to 
yonr Cabinet; make your army's expense win some- 
thing ; let the year 18(>2, by its successes, blot out the 

* Hon. Josiah Quincy, Sen. 



disaster and the disgrace of '61 ; and if wo can never 
bring back those Commissioners, if we can never wipe 
out that stain on the flag of the Union, for Heaven's 
sake, let us put ourselves in such a condition that no 
Lord Russell of Great Britain, no aristocrat of Eu- 
rope, can dictate terms a second time to the nineteen 
States of this Union ! {Loud applause.) This week, 
this fortnight, has been sad enough. You know its 
record. The seaboard dictates submission because of 
mercantile interests, and the country bows its head, 
with ill-concealed grief, to the very power that for 
sixty years has claimed the right to stand on our quar- 
ter-decks, any time, and take anybody therefrom. 

Bear with me a moment, while I tell you why I 
differ from the popular view of this question. I allow 
the surrender was unavoidable. In our present cir- 
cumstances, we could not fight England. Let them 
bear the shame whose shuffling policy has brought 
us to this necessity. But let us not deceive our- 
selves as to its real significance or the world as to our 
reasons for doing it. We did it because we could not 
help it, because we were not in a condition to resent 
the ins-ult; not because international law, or any 
National pledge or course in times past, required it. 
No President would have dared or dreamed of 
doing it from 1800 to 1800. Let us, fellow-citi- 
zens, so bestir ourselves that no President will again 
be obliged to do it. So much for our reasons ; and I 
think our wisest, most dignified way would have 
been frankly to have said so, in the face of the world, 
and sent the Commissioners to England. 

Now for the meaning and consequence of the act. 
For one, I do not see that our surrender of these 
men, in present circumstances, binds England to any 
principle of international law heretofore disputed, or 
that, by accepting it, she relinquishes any of her for- 
mer pretensions. Earl Eussell simply demands " cer- 
tain individuals," forcibly taken from on board a Brit- 
ish s-hip, " pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage." 
Now, that statement, and that only, binds the British 
Government. No matter what the Times has said — 
what French journals or British speakers have said. 
The British Government rests its case on Russell's 
despatch. Observe its language — "certain individu- 
als." It is very significant, he no where even allows 
that they are Americans. They are "four persons," 
"four gentlemen," "certain individuals." Now, sup- 
pose our Government, instead of running with such 
undignified haste to surrender, (the only business 
they have not dawdled over for months since they 
came into office,) had replied — " Yes ; certain indi- 
viduals were so taken ; they are Ainerican citizens. 
We took them as you have often taken British sub- 
jects from the decks of our ships, merchant and na- 
tional, pursuing lawful and innocent voyages, in time 
of peace, without your having resort to any judge or 
tribunal." It is by no means evident, nan constat, as 
the lawyers say, from anything in Russell's despatch, 
that his Government would not have admitted the 
exception, the precedent, or at least submitted the 
question to arbitration. As Earl Russell's letter 
stands, Great Britain has a right, clear and undisput- 
ed, to demand the surrender of individuals forcibly 
taken from her ships. That is the general rule. The 
plaintiff always brings his action on general princi- 
ples of law, and claims all he can, leaving it to the 
defendant to plead the exceptions. To this rule of 
Russell's there are several exceptions. England claims 
the right to take her subjects at any time from any 
deck. All nations claim the right to take an enemy's 
soldiers from neutral decks in war time. To bind 
England to any new principle, we should have re- 
plied claiming the exception ; and if she then still 
claimed the men, spite of lier own practice, she must 
have been held to have renounced her pretensions. 
But she will, as the case stands, take a British sailor 
this year or next from a Boston brig, whenever she 
wants him; and I do not see anything in Russell's 
despatch to forbid it. 

Again, I except to the whole argument of Mr. Sew- 
ard on its merits, as well as that the nation knows it 
is only a pretext to serve a turn. It is absurd to say 
that any nation is bound always to act on the side she 
has usually chosen of disputed rules of international 
law. International law is common sense as recognized 
by nations ; it is natural j ustice as nations now under- 
stand it, not as any one man or one nation fancies it. 
Hence, while so considerable a maratime nation as 
Great Britain excepts to any rule of that law, the 
question is open, and any nation has the clear right to 
act on either side she sees best at the time. Indeed, 
the only way to make those governments which main- 
tain a cruel practice surrender it, is to let them feel 
the smart of it from other hands. Now, the question 
whether a government may arrest its citizens any- 
where, at any time, is open. England keeps it so. 
Practise it on her, as we rightfully may, till she sur- 
renders it. So as to Mason and S Udell being or not 
being belligerent, England cannot urge that question ; 
she so considers them. So of this talk of refugees, 
like Kossuth and Mazzini, under the British flag. 
Everybody knows Mason was no refugee ; he was the 
public agent of a strong government passing to his 
post; in no sense whatever a refugee, and he would 
disdain the excuse. If we subjugate the South, Davis 
and his officers may become refugees, and then this 
question may come up; but not yet. So of their not 
being contraband because men are not contraband, or 
only soldiers are, certain decisions and treaties having 
so affirmed. This is all idle. International law is no 
fantastic relic of feudalism or curious old machine, 
painfully adapted to new times, like some other laws. 
It is common sense, as national emergencies call it 
into action. Now, why are soldiers contraband '< Be- 
cause they are tools of an enemy — helps to him. The 
same reason makes agents, ambassadors, contraband. 
A wily agent, passing from land to land, may do a 
belligerent more harm than forty colonels or a 
thousand men in arms. A blue or red coat, or metal 
buttons, do not make contraband. It is the hostile 
purpose and probable use of a person or thing. Let 
us not smother our sense with the dust of such tri- 
fling. We are dealing with a code that knows no 
basis but common sense, not fanciful, arbitrary, or ob- 
solete distinctions. This is the way Sir Wm. Scott, 
who created so much international law to meet new 
circumstances, did and would have looked at this case. 
No ; England claims the right to take her subjects 
from our decks while at peace with us, and does not 
condescend to tell us why she wants them. That 
right she refused even to discuss with Webster, as late 
as 1842. That, therefore, the practice of a great na- 
val power, is allowable, to-day, in international law. 
We may therefore claim the use of such a rule, when 
we need it, however much, on general principles, we 
may wish to see it changed. Jackson or either Ad- 
ams would have said so, and might have put this Nota 
Bene at the bottom of such an answer — " Consult 
the record of the Chesapeake and Leopard, off Hamp- 
ton Roads, June '22, 1807." All our disgrace hitherto 
was domestic. Our flag, lowered at Sumter, might 
be atoned by its triumphantfolds floating over Charles- 
ton ; the flightat Manassas by McClellan encamped in 
Richmond This last disgrace reverses our arms, and 
hacks off our spurs in the temple of the world's knight- 
hood. There is no cure for that humiliation but in 
twenty millions of people using their brains to make 
themselves strong enough to prevent any nation on 
earth from repeating the insult. (Loud applause.) I 
wish to be a citizen of a great, strong, righteous 
State. (Renewed applause.) I wish to be a citizen of 
that country which our fathers won, acting on those 
principles which they announced, and able to set the 
world at defiance. (Cheers.) Hitherto we have done 
so. The next fifty years promised that neither Rus- 
sia nor Great Britain could stand up in our presence. 
The contemptible root of bitterness, American bond- 
age, has poisoned the future of this Republic, and 
your contented, subdued politicians are waiting for 
the victory of a single General to save all that Han- 
cock and Washington, all that Adams and Jay, all 
that the Revolution and the war of 1812 have handed 
down to us. Let us demand of the Senate and House 
of Representatives that they conquer with a better 
cannon than that of McClellan, with a nobler army 
than any you have yet raised. When I meet yon 



again, I hope I may bo privileged to meet you in the 
face of a triumphant country, with the starB and 
stripes covering only free men, and owning from Bos- 
ton to New Orleans, from the Atlantic to the Gulf. 
May God grant that you wake up in time 1 (Loud ap- 
plause.) 

ANOTHER SPEE0H BY GEORGE THOMPSON 

A second lecture on the American Question was 
delivered at Leigh, Lancashire, (England,) to a large 
and deeply interested audience, by Georuk Tiiomi- 
son, Esq. It was very able, lucid, sensible, and elo- 
quent. So crowded are our columns this week, that 
we can find room for only the following extracts : — 

"Let us survey the theatre of that civil war which 
is now raging so fiercely on the other side the At- 
lantic. It is a war between the States which main- 
tain slavery and the States where slavery has no ex- 
istence. It is a war between the North and the 
South. It is a war between nine million on the one 
side and eighteen million on the other. It is a war, 
on the one side, for national existence — for the main- 
tenance of government — for the preservation of the 
Constitution devised and founded by the fathers of 
the Republic — for the supremacy of law — the punish- 
ment of treason, and reintegration of the States : and 
on the other, for the establishment of an empire based 
upon the absolute and perpetual degradation of one 
race for the benefit and exaltation of another race. 
The South is fighting for slavery and nothing else. 
The North is fighting for the Union, the Constitu- 
tion, the honor of the national flag, the limitation, 
within certain bounds, of the institution of slavery, the 
rccstablishment of the authority of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, and its own freedom from the domination of 
the Slave Power which has hitherto ruled the entire 
country. The North is in the right, the South is in 
the wrong. In the cause of the South are united all 
the elements of cruelty, despotism and irreligion, 
white in the cause of the North is bound up every- 
thing that is precious to man in connection with his 
freedom, progress, and future welfare. Looking upon 
the war as inevitable and irrepressible, looking to the 
combatants engaged in it with reference to their an- 
tecedents, their character, and their objects; looking 
to the results which would follow from a victory by 
the South, and those which would crown the success 
of the North, I must say, ' God speed the North I ' 
And this I must say without being the admirer, the 
friend, or the advocate of war. I hate war. I hold it 
to be unholy, and, to the followers of Christ, unlaw- 
ful. I know and deplore the passions, excesses, cru- 
elties and crimes of war ; but if war there must be, 
d if success on the one side must be followed by the 
establishment of the reign of slavery, while success 
the other will be the defeat of a vile confederacy 
of despots, and the deliverance of a race from bond- 
age, I cannot but desire that the final issue may be 
that which will promote justice, and ensure the free- 
dom of the oppressed. (Cheers.) * * * 

"Just before I came to this meeting, I glanced at the 
contents of a speech made by Lord Russell at New- 
castle the night before last. His lordship expresses 
hi3 belief that the North will be unable to bring the 
South either to surrender or to submit. In this opin- 
ion I concur. That the North will, in the end, what- 
■ may be their temporary reverses, prove the 
stronger party, I have no doubt. Should the North 
be determined to prolong the war, the resources of the 
South may be exhausted, and their country be over- 
and occupied by the victorious troops of the 
North ; but I do not believe that the South will atany 
stage of the war, surrender, or, when overcome, sub- 
mit to the authority of the North. One event might 
greatly change the aspect of affairs. That event 
would be the entire abolition of slavery in the South. 
(Cheers.) This would necessitate the inauguration of 
a wholly new state of things, and deprive the rebels 
of the South of that for which they have gone to 
war, for which they are now fighting, and for which 
they will contend to the last, Why, then, it may be 
asked, does not Mr. Lincoln proclaim emancipation ? 
It is, of course, impossible for me to state Mr. Lin- 
coln's reasons for not doing so, but I may conjecture 
some of those reasons. He may think that such an 
act would altogether transcend his constitutional pow- 
ers. He may think that it would lose him the support 
he now receives from the slave States which are yet 
in the Union, but might be driven out of it by such a 
measure. He may think it would be an act of injus- 
tice to the Unionists within the seceded States. He 
ay think, also, that he would alienate large numbers 
of persons in the North, who, while earnestly support- 
ing him in carrying out the declared objects of the 
war, would not sustain him in a measure of wholesale 
and univeral emancipation. Or, Mr. Lincoln may 
have serious doubts both as regards the practicability 
and safety of that measure which, doubtless, many in 
the United States would rejoice to see him adopt. 
It is within my knowledge, however, that very many 
of the most sincere and uncompromising Abolitionists 
of the United States are of opinion that, though the 
war is not ostensibly and declaredly for the abolition 
of slavery, it is as practically and really an abolition 
war as if it had been officially declared to be one ; 
while, at the same time, the war, in its progress, is 
more and more educating the people of the North into 
the conviction that the interests of the country, as well 
as the claims of humanity and justice, require the 
utter extirpation of slavery from the soil of their 
country. Moreover, they deem it probable that the 
exigencies of the war at some future stage will fur- 
nish some pretext to those who direct it on the part 
of the North, to abolish slavery in the exercise of that 
power which is always vested in those who have the 
chief military command. For myself, I do not look 
to official utterances so much to learn the views and 
policy of the Government, as to form a judgment re- 
specting the influence of the popular sentiment upon 
the minds of the Government. For eight and twenty 
years, I have watched with anxiety the spread of 
anti slavery opinions in the United States. My ob- 
servation of the growth of those opinions goes back 
to the time when John Quincy Adams stood alone 
upon the floor of Congress, as the advocate of the 
right of petition, and when Edward Everett, the Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, recommended to the Legisla- 
ture of the State the passage of laws to prohibit free- 
dom of speech and publication on the question of sla- 
very. When I look at the present state of public 
opinion at the North, I am constrained to exclaim — 
1 What hath God wrought!' Yes, I know how few, 
comparatively, are Abolitionists from a genuine and 
thorough conviction of the sinfulness of slavery, and 
a sincere desire to give the slave his rights because 
he is a man. I know, too, how various are the mo- 
tives which lead hosts of men at the North, at the 
present moment, to denounce slavery. I do not won- 
der, therefore, that the Administration at Washington, 
held back by constitutional considerations, and better 
informed than we can be respecting the real state of 
public opinion, should pause ere by any act of theirs 
they proclaim the war one for the extinction of sla- 
very. In the meantime, I rejoice at the change that 
has been effected. I rejoice to see the improved 
tone of the public journals of the country. I re- 
joice, above all, in the knowledge that by every blow 
that is struck, some damage is done to that institu- 
tulion which, but a few short months ago, seemed to 
rest on immutable foundations. 

" Let it not be forgotten, that this war on the part of 
the North has been caused by a wide-spread and trea- 
sonable combination for the overthrow of a National 
Government — the division of an empire — the prostra- 
tion of the most cherished institutions of a great 
people, and the building up of a powerful State upon 
principles more odious, impious, inhuman and atheis- 
tic than were ever adopted at the formation of any 
previous government on the face of the earth. The 
objects sought to be obtained by the South explain 
the objects which are sought by tho North. The lat- 
ter are contending for national existence. With 
them, ' To be or not to be,' is the first great, qurs- 
t ion. Our Government, shall il. sluml or fall? Our 
Constitution, shall it be vindicated, or left to bo tram. 



pled in the dust? Our common country, shall its in- 
tegrity be preserved, or shall its fairest and sunniest 
portions be surrendered, henceforth, to support a gov- 
ernment based on principles the reverse of their own, 
and in alliance with the enemies of human freedom 
throughout the world 1 Thank God ! the Unionists 
of America can only gain their ohject by the accom- 
plishment of ours. Union without slavery, or entire 
and perpetual separation, are the only alternatives. 
Once I feared a compromise ; now, I believe the day 
of compromise is past. The ferocity, infatuation and 
madness of the South forbid it. The spirit, determi- 
nation and awakened conscience of the North forbid 
it. The circumstances and necessities of the war 
forbid it, and the future peace and welfare of the 
country forbid it. 

" I should like to say a few words respectingthe real 
strength and numbers of that party at the South with 
which the North is at this moment contending. The 
South has always been ruled by a few thousands of 
wealthy slaveholders. Their slaves, which were 
themselves wealth, and the capital of the country, 
were the producers of that which brought to their 
owners additional riches, and enabled them to live in 
luxury and idleness, devoting themselves to pleasure, 
politics and war — war being the means of extending 
their slave territory. After their slaves who tilled 
the soil, overseers, merchants, brokers and agents did 
the rest. Education in the South has always been 
confined to the children of the wealthy. The rest of 
the Southern white population is poor, ignorant, vi- 
cious and degraded. The slavocracy of the South 
have been the gentry, landholders, knowledge-hold- 
ers, office-holders, and rulers of the country. I have 
explained by what means they acquired; and, until 
the election of Mr. Lincoln, retained, the control of 
the affairs of the entire country, and secured all their 
sectional and selfish objects through their predominant 
influence, and always at the cost of the resources and 
reputation of the North. A portion of these men 
have succeeded in calling into existence the Southern 
Confederacy. They have staked every thing upon 
the issue of the conflict. I believe that, were it pos- 
sible to arrive at a knowledge of the real sentiments 
of all the people at the South, it would be found that 
the majority desire the restoration of the Union, even 
though its restoration should involve the overthrow of 
ilavery. Unhappily, however, the secessionist war 
party is the controlling party, and are able to suppress 
the true opinions of the rest of the people. The time 
will come, nevertheless, when the millions of poor 
whites, when the helpless women, when the free col- 
ored people, and when the slaves themselves, will be 
able to speak out. There is a body of men in the 
free States who have yet to be called into action. I 
refer to the hundreds of thousands of the colored pop- 
ulation, multitudes of whom are fugitives from sla- 
very. If the war should continue, they have an im- 
portant part to play in this crisis, and will not be found 
wanting. Nay, they are even now ready and eager 
to assist in demolishing that system of oppression of 
which they have been the victims, and under which 
many of their dearest friends still groan. Recogniz- 
ing the war in America as a fact, and having carefully 
.tudied the history of its causes, and its probable re- 
sults, I must declare my conviction that it is likely to 
eventuate in the overthrow, at no distant day, of that 
nstitution which for more than seventy years has been 
the disgrace of the American republic. More, I do 
not deem it necessary to say. The white race will 
take care of themselves. Respecting the future wel- 
fare, prosperity and greatness of the North, I have no 
fears. My sympathies are with the enslaved, and my 
humble prayer is, that when the smoke of battle shall 
have passed away, when the sword of civil war shall 
have returned to its scabbard, and the heavens are 
once more clear, we may behold upon the continent of 
America four million of emancipated slaves, and a 
government whose Constitution shall prohibit all fu- 
ture traffic in the bodies and the souis of men." 



H0TI0E TO DELIHQUEHT SUB80EIBEES. 

Though by the terms of the Liberator, payment for 
the paper Bhould be made in advance, yet it has not 
only not been insisted upon, but an indulgence of thir- 
teen months lias hitherto been granted delinquent 
subscribers, before proceeding (always, of course, with 
great reluctance) to erase their names from the sub- 
scription list, in accordance with the standing hulk 
laid down by the Financial Committee. But, in con- 
sequence of the generally depressed state of business, 
this indulgence will be extended from January 1,18(51, 
to April 1, 18(32, in cases of necessity. We trust no 
advantage will be taken of this extension on the part 
of those who have usually been prompt in complying 
with our terms — payment in advance. 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



FORM OF PETITION TO OOrJGRESS. 

CIRCULAR. 
The undersigned, having prepared with care, and 
after mature deliberation, the accompanying petition 
on the subject of "Emancipation," recommend it to 
the public for general adoption and circulation. Copies 
may be obtained from either of the subscribers. 
NewYork, December, 1861. 

W. C. Bryant, Wm. Curttss Noyes, 

II. A. Ilartt, M. D. J. W. Edmonds, 
.Tames McKaye, Oliver Johnson, 

Wm. Goodetl, J. E. Ambrose, 

Sam'l R. Davis, Edward Gilbert, 

Nathan Brown, Mansfield. French, 

Edgar Ketcham, Andrew W. Morgan, 

Andrew Bowdoin, James Wiggins, 
John T. Wilson, Geo. B. Cheever, D.D., 
S. S. Jocelyn, J. R. W. Shane, 

Theodore Tilton, Dexter Fairbanks, 
James Freeland, Samuel Wilde, 

Charles Gould, Alexander Wilder, 

Wm. C. Russell. 

PETITION. 

To the President of the United States and to Congress : 

The people of the United States represent : That 
they recognize as lying at the very foundation of our 
government, on which has been erected the fabric of 
our free institutions, the solemn and undying truth, 
that by nature all men are endowed with an unaliena- 
ble right to liberty. 

That so far as this great truth has been in any 
respect departed from by any of our people, or by 
any course of events, the toleration of such depar- 
ture has been caused by an overshadowing attach- 
ment to the Union, and by conscientious fidelity to 
those with whom we had voluntarily united in form- 
ing a great example of free government. 

That such departure — whether willing or unwilling, 
whether excusable or censurable — has nevertheless 
given birth to a mighty power in our midst — a power 
which has consigned four millions of our people to 
slavery, and arrayed six millions in rebellion against 
the very existence of our government; which for 
three-quarters of a century has disturbed the peace 
and harmony of the nation, and which has now armed 
nearly half a million of people against that Union 
which has been hitherto so dear to the lovers of free- 
dom throughout the world. 

That by the very act of the Slave Power itself, we 
have, all of us, been released from every obligation 
to tolerate any longer its existence among us. 

That we are admonished — and day by day the con- 
viction is gathering strength among us — that no har- 
mony can be restored to the nation, no peace brought 
back to the people, no perpetuily secured to our Union, 
no permanency established for our government, no 
hope elicited for the continuance of freedom, until sla- 
very shall be wiped out of the land utterly and forever. 

Therefore, we who now address you, as co-heirs 
with you in the great inheritance of freedom, and as 
free men of America, most earnestly urge upon the 
President and upon Congress — 

That, amid the varied events which are constantly 
occurring, and which will more and more occur during 
the momentous struggle in which we are engaged, 
such measures may be adopted as will ensure emanci- 
pation to all the people throughout the whole land, and 
thus complete the work which the Revolution began. 



Special Notick. Contributions of articles I'm- the 
re fresh meat- table, at the Twenty-Eighth Anti-Slavery 
Subscription Anniversary, should be sent to the Anti- 
Slavery Office, 221 Washington street, until 2 o'clock, 
P. M., of Wednesday, the 22d ; from that hour to 6, 
P. M., directly to the Music Hall. 



IJfj^"* There is one clnsa of men, says the Now York 
Tribune, who arc now getting their deserts; tho Yan- 
kees who have married Southern plantations, or other- 
wise taken up their residence ami cast in their lot with 
(he slave drivers. Contempt and ruin are their meri- 
ted portion, 



THE PATH OF SAFETY, 

The time seems rapidly coming for decision of the 
great question whether this nation is to be saved or 
dashed in pieces. Saved it can be only by repentance 

id reform. Whether or not McClellan shall gain 
that promised group of decisive victories for which 
we have been so long waiting, unless slavery is ut- 
terly overthrown, and the rights of man constitution- 
ally established in its place, there is no peace, quiet- 
ness or prosperity in store for this country. It is 
preposterous and utterly impossible to suppose that 
either side will consent to such quietude. While a 
slaveholding power remains, it must seek to extend 
and fortify its tyranny. While a single friend of jus- 
tice and freedom remains, he must exert himself in de- 
fence of justice and freedom, in opposition to the in- 
cessant invasions of a system of tyranny bo thorough 
and so shameless. Until slavery is exterminated, our 
battle remains to be fought. Until the existing war 
is turned against slavery, no decisive progress is made 
towards the overthrow of the rebellion, or the reestab- 
Hshment of law and order. Until the Government 
shall begin a systematic assault upon that which is at 
once the weak point of the enemy and the cause and 
object of their hostile movements, every day is so 
much lost time, every appropriation is treasure wast- 
ed, every life lost is lost by the fault of the Adminis- 
tration,. and every battle is a series of murders. And 
if this fatal neglect of duty is continued until the fail- 
ure of the North to succeed causes the recognition and 
aid of the South by European nations, the whole situ- 
ation will become still more complicated, and still more 
perilous. 

If the Captain is deaf or heedless in time of extreme 
danger, the crew should repeat and emphasize their 
demand upon him to save the ship. It seems plain 
that Seward and Lincoln will go in the right direction 
only as they are driven. Let urgent calls be made 
upon Congress, therefore, by men and women in all 
parts of the country, to do that one thing which alone 
can save us — Emancipate every slave. Let such safe- 
guards be added to the measure as Congress may 
deem necessary ; but let this one thing be done with- 
out delay. It is our one thing needful.— c. k. w. 



ftj^* The crowd of matters pressing upon our col- 
umns for months past must be our excuse for not hav- 
ing earlier noticed the excellent sermon of Rev. S. J. 
May, preached at Syracuse, N. Y., last Thanksgiving 
day. This notice must not be longer postponed by 
waiting till we have room for extended comments. 
His thanksgiving is uttered in view of the fact that 
the progress of slavery has been arrested, and that 
we have not been suffered to continue the quiet tole- 
rance of so great an iniquity. The lesson which he 
enforces' is, that we should use this occasion to destroy 
slavery altogether. Let all the people say, Amen ! 



jjg^* The Post and Courier here, and the Journal of 
Commerce in New York, agree in frequently repeating 
the sentiment, that the overthrow of slavery would be 
as ruinous to the country as the triumph of the South- 
ern rebels. Not now, any more than in the time of 
Jesus, do we find grapes on thorns, or figs on thistles. 



A Woistht Appeal. A colored man named Levi 
Ward has called upon us, whose simple story, which 
seems to be well sustained by vouchers, illustrates 
what a colored man can do under the greatest difficul- 
ties. He with his family were slaves in Somerset 
county, Maryland. By extra labor, economy and per- 
severance, continuing over a period of sixteen years, 
he bought his freedom for §1300. He then went to 
work to secure the freedom of his wife and two chil- 
dren, for whom he was to pay §1400. By his own la- 
bor, and by the contributions of the benevolent, he has 
already secured all but §310 — his wife and one child 
being now free. He is now in this city endeavoring to 
secure the balance, in which we hope he will succeed. 

Ward has worked for the Hon. William EL Seward 
among others since his freedom, who gave him the 
following letter: — 

" I am satisfied that Mr. Levi Ward's statements are 
true, and that he is worthy of confidence and sympa- 
thy in his efforts to buy the freedom of his two chil- 
dren. William H. Seward. 

Auburn, Aug. 29, 1860." 

The above letter, the original of which we have 
seen, is endorsed by Gov. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. 
Ward also has letters from other distinguished gentle- 
men, including some who have employed him. He is 
a fine specimen of what is called down South " a smart 
negro," able to turn his hand to anything, from mak- 
ing a garden to navigating a vessel. He professes to 
be familiar with all the bays and creeks in Chesapeake 
Bay, having sailed over those waters for several years. 
Those upon whom he calls cannot fail to be interested 
in his simple history. 



Rev. Dr. Cheever in Washington. Rev. Dr. 
Cheever's address last night was listened to and vo- 
ciferously applauded by an immense audience. His 
subject was the Justice and Necessity of Immediate Mili- 
tary Emancipation, and I do not think such severe and 
biting sarcasm upon the management of the war has 
been uttered here or elsewhere since it began. He 
insisted, with his peculiar and effective energy, that 
slavery was annihilated by the act of rebellion"; that 
the Government could only crush the insurrection by 
conquering the Rebel States, and reducing them to 
Territories ; that our armies were acting only as a po- 
lice force, to guard the ghost of an institution which 
had now no existence under our Government; that 
the loyal slave States, by their negative position, 
were delaying the progress of our arms more as friends 
than they could as open enemies; that we should arm 
the slaves, and sweep from the hands of rebellion all 
that could aid it, and proclaim, if not by the President, 
then by Act of Congress, the freedom of every indi- 
vidual in the land who yields allegiance to the country. 
The address will be published, and excite a very gen- 
eral sensation, especially because it was delivered 
within sound of the Capitol and of the White House, 
and was received with such evident approbation by 
the great audience who heard it. — Washington corre- 
spondent of the Boston Traveller, Jan. Ib7/i. 



Another Eight in Kentucky. — Prestonburg, Ku., 
January lltk. Capt. J. B. F«v, A. A. G. ;— I left 
Pointaville on Thursday noon with 1100 men, and 
drove in the enemies pickets two miles below Preston- 
burg. The men slept on their arms. At 4 o'clock 
yesterday morning we moved towards the main body 
of the enemy at the forks of Middle Creek, under 
command of Humphrey Marshall. The skirmishing 
with his outposts began at 8 o'clock, and at 1 o'clock, 
P. M,, wc engaged his force of 2500 with three cannon 
posted on tho hill. We fought them until dark, hav- 
ing been reinforced by about 700 men from Pointaville, 
and drove the enemy from all his positions, lie cur- 
ried oil' the majority of his dead, and all his wounded. 
This morning we found 27 of his dead on the field. 
His killed cannot be less than ISO. We have taken 'S< 
prisoners, 10 horses, and a quantity of stores. The 
enemy burnt most of his stores, and tied precipitately 
in the night. To-day 1 have crossed (he river, and 
am now occupying Prestonburg. Our loss is two 
killed, and twenty-live wounded. 

(Signed,) J. A. Garfield, 

Col. Commanding Brigade. 



EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 
That the people may have an opportunity to examine 
tho reasons presented in this criwht of our country's affairs 
for emancipating the slaves, 

A COURSE OF SIX LECTURES 
will be delivered, under the auspiceflof the Emancipation 
League, in 

TREMONT TEMPLE, 
as follows : 
Tuesday, Jim. 21, by ORESTES A. BROWKSON. 

Subject—" .Abolition of Slavery." 
Wednesday, Jan. 29, by M. D. CON WAY, a native of Vir- 
gin",. 

Subject — " Liberty, challenged by Slavery, ha* the right 
to choose tiie weapon. Liberty's true weapon is Free- 
dom. '' 
Wednesday, Feb. 5th, by FREDERIC DOUGLASS. 

Subject— "The Black Man's Future in the Southern 
States." 
Wednesday, Feb. 12th, (to be announced.) 
Wednesday, Feb. 19tb, (to be announced.) 

Organist - - JOHN S. WRIGHT. 
Tickets, admitting a gentleman and lady to the course, 
$1, for sale by James M. Stone, 22 Bromfield street, and by 
J. H. Stephenson, 53 Federal street, and at Tremont Tem- 
ple. 

Door3 open at G 1-2 o'clock, and the Lectures will coin- 
mence at 7 1-2 o'clock. 



IW OLD COLONY A. S. SOCIETY— The next quar- 
terly meeting of this Society will be held in Abington Town 
Hall, on Sunday, 19th inst., at 10 o'elock, A. BE 

Parker I'illsbury, Charles L. Reinond and others will bo 
in attendance. 

" Rule, or Ruin " has been long the Southern cry.- Give 
us Sli-very, or give us Death, is its last variation ! How 
shall it be met by the North ? is the mostjfearful question 
ever submitted to this generation. How shall it be met by 
the Abolitionistsof the Old Colony ? Let a mass meeting of 
them at Abington be prepared to answer ! 

BOURNE SPOONER, President. 

Samuel Dyeh, Sec'y. 



H^- AARON M. POWELL, Agent of the American 
A. S. Society, will speak at the following places in the State 
of NewYork :— 



Feb. 1. 



NEW YORK STATE ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTIQ. 
JEgp" The Sixth Annual Anti-Slavery Convention fort: 
State of New York will be held in ALBANY, at Associ- 
ation Hai.l, on FRIDAY and SATURDAY, February 
7th and 8th, commencing at 10 1-2 o'clock, A. M. Three 
sessions will be held each day. [Particulars next week.] 



Dover Plains, 


Tuesday, 


Washington, 


Thursday, 


Verbank, 


Friday, 


Washington Hollow, 


Sunday, 


Clinton Hollow, 


Tuesday, 


Salt Point, 


Thursday, 


Pleasant Valley, 


Saturday, 



Pkpartiirk of the Rurnsidk ExpisnmoN. The 
Burnsido expedition sailed from Fortress Monroe on 

Saturday and Sunday last. It is supposed that the 
destination of the expedition is Pamlico and Albemarle 
Sounds. A few days will remove all doubl in the 
matter. There are five Mnssachusctls regiments in 

the expedition. 



S*~ CHARLES LENOX REMOND will speak at the 
Twelfth Baptist Church in Southac Street, (Rev. Mr. 
Grimes's,) on Monday evening, Jan. 20. Subject: The 
Pcople of Cobr— Their Relation to the Country, and their 
Duties in the present Crisis. 



^~ A. T. F03S, an Agent of the American Anti-Slave- 
ry Society, will speak on "The War," in 

Johnstown, N. Y., Sunday, Jan. 19. 



HP" E. H. HEYWOOD will speak in the Unitarian 
Church at Ncponset, Sunday evening, Jan. 19. 



DIED — In Pembroke, Mass., Dec 28, of typhoid fever, 
Moses Bbown, youngest son of Samuel and Maria Brown, 
aged 2G years. 

Seldom doth tho dark messenger fold h\s wings over one 
of greater promise, one more universally beloved and la- 
mented. Gifted by nature with a mind of no ordinary ca- 
pacity, well-cultivated by a liberal education, (being a 
graduate of Dartmouth College,) and frequent social inter- 
course, with a remarkably high-toned and conscientious 
principle, and a kind heart going out in sympathy to 
the down-trodden and oppressed, these noble, traits served 
to render him? an. object of peculiar int-— est, a star of un- 
common brightness. Alas! it has gone down ere it had 
reached its meridian height, and fond bearts are left to 
mourn his absence, though they would nc 
for, through faith in his Redeemer, "death lost its sting, 
and the grave its victory," and another soul is safely an- 
chored in the haven of eternal rest — another redeemed 
ono gathered early to our heavenly Father's fold. e. 

[Most deeply do we sympathize with the aged parents, 
devoted brothers and sisters in their afflictive bereavement 
in the death of the promising young man whose symme- 
try of character is so truly though briefly portrayed 
above. He had been a reader of the Liberator from earli- 
est youth, which he highly approciated, and jjbieii, we 
trust, was no small instrumentality in makiqg nf m what he 
was — one to be esteemed and loveaTor his virtues, and ad- 
mired for his talents.]— y. 

In Rockport, Jan. i, Lilue, second daughter of L. B, 
and Eveline Pratt, aged 7 years. 

" Farewell ! if ever fondest prayer 

For others' weal availed on high, 
Mine will not all be lost in air, 

But waft thy name beyond the sky. 
'T were vain to speak, to weep, to sigh : 

Oh ! more thau tears of blood can tell, 
When wrung from guilt's expiring eye, 
Is in that word — Farewell ! Farewell ! " 

Death of Rev. J. W. Lewis, Hatti. By a letter in. 
tho Pine and Palm, we learn of the death of Rev. John W. 
Lewis, at Hayti, on the 29th of August. He went to Hay- 
ti, it tuny be remembered, at tho head of a company, soma 
of whom seemed to be earnest Christians, and who, having 
been members of different churches in this country, united 
themselves together, in church relations, just before start- 
ing for Hayti. Mr. Lewis was to be their pastor, and, it 
was expected, would perform other missionary labor there. 
Ho was much respected in Hayti, and his death is sin- 
cerely regretted by the government and people. 



IMPROVEMENT IN 
Champooing and Hair Dyeing, 



v\ 



' WITHOUT SMUTTING." 



MADAME CAETEAUX BANNISTER 

TOULD inform the public that she has removed from 
L 223 Washington Sireet, to 

No. 31 "WINTER STREET, 
where sho will attend to nil diseases of the Hair. 

She is sure to cure iu nine cases out of ten, as she has 
for many years made the hair her study, and is sure there 
are none to excel her in producing a new growth of hair. 

Her Restorative differs from that of any ono else, being 
mndo from the roots and horbs of the forest. 

Sho Champoos with a bark which does not prow in this 
country, and which is highly beneficial to the hair before 
using tho Restorative, and will prevent the hair from 
barbing grey. 

Sli« nlso has another for restoring grey hair to its natu- 
ral color in nearly all eases. She is not afraid ,to ^ufttk jjf 
her Restoratives in any part of the world, as they are u-*ed 
In every olty in tho country. They are also packed for hot 
customers to take to Europe with them, enough to last two 
Or throe years, as they often say they oan got nothing 
abroad like them. 

MADAME CARTEAtJX BANNISTER, 
Ho. 31 Winter Street, Boston. 



The Life and Letters of 

CAPTAIl JOHN BROWN, 

"ITrilO was Executed :it Charleston,, Virginia, Peoeui- 
y\ ber 2, 1869, for nu Armed Attook noon Amoriean 
Slavery : with Notices of some of his Confederates. BdiM 
by RICHARD D. Wbbb.— This very valuable ami intonating 
work, which has mot with a most favorablo recoptiou nud 
ready sale in England, has been oarelully prepare 
of tho moat intelligent mid experienced friends . : 
in the old world. For sale at the Anti -Slavery Ottne in 
Boston, --! Washington street, Room No. 6, A 
York, :U No. 6 Bookman street, j and in Philadelphia at 
No. Kb) North Tenth sireet. 



PRIVATE TUITION. 

IT having been deemed advisable to raenend, temporari. 
ly, the llo|H(t:i]e Home Sehool at the expivntion of the 

preeeat term, aaanwtoeinanl is hereby made, iimt Mrs 

A. I> 11 m H.ioi., oil> of the Principal!", will bo pleased ro 
receive * few Swung Ladles Into ber family (br EBatrae- 

:.ion in the fcirjliitti, fi ..„,/ J\„ nt . 

'y.y, and Mn.\i,: Ihe lei in * inunwueoa 9/l 

iim. !, LStiJ, and oontinu< ■ H 

For purtionliir.--, pioMti il 

B ii n rTOOD 
UonodaJe, Hllford, > [0, [881 



1Q 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JANTJAEY 17. 



C t « J| 



"ON TO FREEDOM!" 

There lias been a cry, " On to Richmond ! " and still 
mother cry, " On to England ! " Better than either is tho 
iry, " On to Froedom!" — Charles Sioinkk. 
On to Freedom ! On to Freedom ! 

'Tis tho everlasting cry 
Of tho floods that strivo with Ocean, 
Of the storms that smite the sky; 
Of the atoms in the whirlwind, 

Of the seed beneath the ground, 
Of each living thing in Nature 

That is bound ! 
'T was the cry that led from Egypt, 

Through the desert wilds of Eilom : 
Out of Darkness— Out of Bondage— 
" On to Freedom ! On to Freedom ! " 

! thou stony-hearted Pharaoh, 

Vainly warrest thou with God ! 
Moveless, at the palace portals, 

Moses waits, with lifted rod ! 
! thou poor barbarian, Xerxes, 

Vainly o'er tho Pontic main 
Flingest thou, to curb its utterance, 

Scourge or chain ! 
For the cry that led from Egypt, 

Over desert wilds of Edoni, 
Speaks alike through Greek and Hebrew : 

" On to Freedom ! On to Freedom ! " 
In the Roman streets, from Gracchus, 

Hark ! I hear that cry outswell ; 
In tho German woods, from Herrmann, 

And on SwiUer hills, from Tell ! 
Up from Spartacus, the bondman. 

When his tyrants' yoke he clave ; 
And from stalwart Wat the Tyler, 

Saxon slave ! 
Still the old, old cry of Egypt, 

Struggling out from wilds of Edoni, 
Bounding down through all the ages : 

" On to Freedom ! On to Freedom ! " 

God's own mandate : " On to Freedom ! " 

Gospel-cry of laboring Time ! 
Uttering still, through seers and heroes, 

Words of Hope and Faith sublime ! 
From our Sydneys, and our Harapdons, 

And our Washington, they come ; 
And we cannot, and we dare not, 

Make them dumb t 
Out of all the shames of Egypt, 

Out of Darkness— out of Bondage — 
L " On to Freedom ! On to Freedom ! " 

A. J. H. Dugaxnb. 
New York, Dee. 25, 1861. 



RESPONSE. 

Inscribed to the National Hymn Committee. 

BY St. NORTON. 

A voice from the people comes sounding along, 
" Give us, oh give us, a National Song ! 
Words that shall thrill through the hearts of met 
Music to breathe them o'er hill-top and glen ;— 
Spirit of Poesy, speed it along — 
Give us, oh give us, a National Song ! " 
What say the poets throughout the land ? 
List, the response to the People's demand ; 
" Never — for ever — for ever — never," 
Answers the Muse for every endeavor. 
" Never for over while Slavery reigns, 
Never till broken for ever its chains, 
Never till righted this terrible wrong, 
Call on tho Muse for a National Song. 
"Crush out Rebellion — crush out its cause, 
Give to the white and black similar laws, 
Give to tho bondman a right to his life. 
Give to the husband a right to his wife : 
Wait for tho triumph of freedom — and then 
ill for a National Anthem again. 

; t>e dashing of ocean's shere, 

.;: lakes and the cataract's roar, 
Ana • . —.^prairies and mountains grand, 

i the orange groves of a Southern land, 
And through tho old forest, dark and dim, 
Shall 3weep a worthy National Hymn ; 
And the song of the angels be heard again — • 
' Peace on earth, and good will to men.' " 



SLAVERY OR DEATH. 

Fools who have from Union fled — 
Fools whom pride has oft misled — 
Welcome to your new-made bed, 
"^"—-v Made for Slavery. 

How's the «3-J, and now's the hour — 
See tho walls of Pickens lower ; _ 
Stay the spread of Freedom's power ; 

'Stnblish Slavery. 
Ye who love the traitor knaves, 
Ye who sell your souls for slaves, 
Ye who spurn the patriots' graves, 

Fight for Slavery ! 
Who for human ri{;ht3 and law 
Freedom's sword shall dare to draw, 
Dare for Freedom stand or fa', 

Make him turn and flee. 
By oppression's woes and pains, 
By your sons in servile chains, 
By the blood that fires your veins, 

Let them not be free. 
By your altars and your fires, 
By the strength of your desires, 
Heed not tho graves of your sires ; 

Die for Slavery. 
Lay the bold reformer low ; 
Freedom falls with every foe ; 
Slavery 's in every blow, 

Liberty must die. 

From the Boston Pilot, 

OLD "WINTER. 

A snow-plume of white on the wings of the breeze, 
A diamond mail on the bare coated trees, 
A whir of dead leaves as the wind whistles by, 
A fresh gleam of light to the blue of the sky — 
Pile up the good fire, boys— ring cheer upon cheer, 
For jolly old Winter is King of tho year ! 
Then cheer, let us cheer, boys— each blast that floats by 
Is strength to the life-blood, and light to the eye ; 
Before we bad travelled life's pathway as now, 
When the sunshine of childhood was bright on each brow ; 
The Queen of the Springtime might do for us then, 
But jolly old Winter 's tho monarch for men ! 
~ Hurfuh,"boy"s, hurrah ! There's a life in his breath, 
That would shako its grim spear from the whito hand of 

Death ; 
The kiss of his lips bids tho brave heart rejoice, 
And the pulse rushes free at tho sound of his voice; — 
See ! over the grey hills the Autumn has flown, 
And Winter, King Winter, has mounted his throne ! 

No longer the Summer will woo us to rest, 

With the birds in her hand, and the buds on her breast,— 

Tho wind of tho North rushes down to the strife, 

And our spirits awake to tho contest of life : 

Old Time has full many a chief at his call, 

But jolly old Winter is King of them all ! 

Then cheer once again, boys — and send, as it rings, 
One prayer to the throne of Hie great King of kings, 
That so we may live, as the seasons roll on, 
When the flowers of our Summer are withered and gone, 
We may smile with as hearty a gladness as now, 
When the snows of life's Winter are whito on eaoh brow ! 
South Quincy, December, 1861. Ma rib. 



THE RAINBOW. 

God of the fair and open sky ! 

How gloriously above us springs 
The tented dome of heavenly blue, 

Suspended on the rainbow's rings! 
Each brilliant star that sparkles through, 

Each gilded cloud that wanders freo 
In evening's purple radiance, gives 

The beauty of its praise to thee ! 



"THE SWORD IN ETHICS." 

The slate of war in which we now are, nntl in 
the maintenance of which the country ia perfccily 
united — for most of the few who have been accus- 
tomed to oppose war are now silent upon that subject, 
and the voice of the remainder is as a whisper amid 
the roar of Niagara — has brought out a large crop of 
eennons and essays in justification of the use of the 
sword. These apologies for war of course vary very 
widely, both in positive sufficiency of argument for 
the end proposed, and in candor towards the advocates 
of peace. Some, like Henry Ward Hcceher, are con- 
tent to rest their cause upon transparent sophisms, 
deliberately presenting the wolf and the tiger as valid 
precedents for the soldier, and symmetrically filling 
out their plea by misstatement of the position of 
peace-men ; while others attempt a justification of tin 
sword by serious appeal to philosophy and religion, 
with neither bitterness nor unfairness to those who 
think differently. The ablest production of this latter 
class that I have seen is an article in the Christian Ex- 
aminer for January, entitled — " The Sword in Ethics." 
The closing sentence of this article is as follows ; — 
"Man may lawfully use no other sword than that 
which pure Heaven puts into his hand; but the sword 
that Heaven gives, if he make it not sharp against 
those that deserve its edge, wilL become sharp against 
himself." 

Thoroughly agreeing in both parts of this state- 
ment, and rejoicing in the rare opportunity of meet- 
ing so just and .candid an opponent, I propose to give 
a fair and full abstract of the course of the Examiner's 
argument, and to give, as far as it can be done in such 
brief space, the reply made to it by Non-Kesistance. 
The writer begins by referring to the laws of the 
material world, and of the lower orders of the animal 
creation. He thinks it plain that Nature is no non-re- 
sistant, since every one of her laws is a force that cuts 
its own way, with never a " By your leave," nor the 
least offer to desist in case of objection made. Among 
the lower animals, the class, the genus, the species, 
that lacks vigor to support and protect itself, ceases 
from off the earth. Taking creatures by kinds, it is 
the inexorable rule, that those which cannot make 
good a place for themselves shall have no place. 

Consequently, in the construction of any creature, 
Nature has always in mind the thought of self-preser- 
vation, commonly of direct self-defence, and works 
this, generally largely and openly, into its organization. 
The question arises, Does nature desist from this 
portion of her plan on arrival at man ? True, he has 
no ostensible natural weapon ; hut why ? Because 
he is to command the use of all. Moreover, in this 
apparent deprivation there is a definite purpose, one 
that Nature has always very dearly at heart; that, 
namely, of compelling man to an exercise of his un- 
derstanding. She makes self-preservation a mental 
discipline, and will allow her best-beloved to be safe 
only as he is intelligent. One might as well argue 
against clothing from the nakedness of man's cuticle, 
as against his use of weapons from his want of fangs 
and claws. 

But the above question, our author thinks, has 
broader and more sufficient answer. Nature never 
does abandon any leading idea. Accordingly, having 
once found the idea of self-defence in her hands, we 
may be sure that it is never cast aside. With higher 
organizations, there are higher expressions of every 
leading thought; and therefore, on arriving at man, 
we find that the provisions for defence partake of the 
general elevation, and are, for the most part, much 
removed from a beastly simplicity of biting and 
scratching. For physical defence, man is weaponed 
in part by the power and cunning of the hand, but far 
more by that command of natural forces which the 
finer cunning of understanding confers upon him. 
For subtler encounters, he has the powers of the eye 
and the voice. These, then, are man's natural wea- 
pons; body for the defence of body, and mind for the 
defence of mind. 

Man, therefore, having a higher nature, has a higher 
order of weapons than the brute. The question then 
arises, Why should he not trust to these alone for 
protection? The answer, the writer thinks, is easy. 
In all defences, you necessarily use a weapon not only 
fit for you, as a man, to employ, but appropriate also 
to the foe or danger that threatens you. Powder and 
ball are the proper weapons against wolves ; therefore 
the use of the rifle is not intrinsically unsuitable to a 
man. The only question then is — Is ever a fellow- 
man one of those foes against whom the rifle may be 
turned 1 

Our author answers his own question thus : When- 
ever a man is a wolf, as too many men are, then 
weapon against wolf is weapon against him. Is it de- 
clared, on the other hand, that men cannot properly 
be called wolves ? Let us see ! What is a wolf? or, 
in other words, what is that fact in the wolf-nature 
which of right exposes the creature to odium and 
deadly assaults Not the fact that he is a four-footed 
animal of the canine family ; but simply that he is a 
lawless depredator and destroyer. The wolf is shot, not 
as a beast, but as a beast of prey ; and the men of prey 
are in the same category with him in the fulness of 
that fact which alone condemns him to death. It is the 
habits and purposes, not the anatomy, against which 
the sword is turned ; it is base and bloody dispositions 
thatjustify the recriminations of battle. Wolf is wolf 
to us only as he is a murderer of the flock ; man is 
man to us only as he is human, not inhuman. 

To these general provisions (our author proceeds) 
nature has added the force of a special commandment. 
Nature's ordinances arc instincts; and the instinct of 
the human race points undividodly to defence of your 
own person and rights, and st ill more, and with added 
dignity, to protection of those whom nature has left in 
some degree defenceless — babes and children, disabled 
persons, weak minorities, and women. Moreover, 
muscular resources are specially provided to meet the 
demands of this instinct. The man who sees a child 
or a woman brutally assaulted feels the tides of force 
streaming towards his hands, and doubling their 
strength ; the bidding of the highest authority to in- 
terfere, and the power to interfere with efficacy, burn 
along every artery, thrill down every sinew ; and 
who shall gainsay them ? Who shall gainsay, unless 
he be prepnred to show that Nature is superfluous, 
irrational, wicked ? 

To object to these instincts as "brutal" is a misuse 
of language. By a figure of speech, we call those ac- 
tions or impulses of men brutal which are unnaturally 
base, fierce or obscene ; hut it will not do to assume 
that whatsoever instincts man has in common with 
brutes are bad ; in other words, that a part of his na- 
ture is unnatural. All that brutes do is not, in the op- 
probrious sense, brutal. The insfinct of resislance in 
man, as in the inferior animal, has just that dignity 
which is afforded by the affections which support and 
surround it, 

It is, however, asserted that human life is inviola- 
ble ; that under no circumstances can it be touched 
without blame. Is this true ? 

If a man swallow arsenic, does Nature say, "Hu- 
man life is inviolable," and therewith dismiss him 
without consequences? Nature takes life in mere 
fidelity to physiological law : can hnmnn life be ame- 
nable to this, and not amenable to the more sacred 
law of justice? Nature draws her line and says — " On 
one side is life, and on the other death"; may not 
justice, speaking by the hearts and working by the 
hands of innocent men, in like manner draw her 
bounds, and utter her solemn warning, " Pass this 
limit, and you pass forbearance"? If nature may 
thus commission a stone,she may thus, with yet more 
reason, commission man. 

Thus capital punishment is shown to be justifiable. 
The Slate and every social hody is bound to indicate, 
and to indicate with emphasis, a more precious esti- 
mate of justice, freedom, and the honor and innocence 
of man and woman than of mere physical life; and, 
failing flagrantly to do this, it. is eie long weighed in 
the balances, and found wanting. 



But perhaps the final intrenchment of the extreme 
upholders of peace is found in the doctrine that evil 
must not he rendered for evil, or in the yet stronger 
demand that good shall be rendered for evil, and en- 
mity met only with love. 

But what is a doing evil ? To confront perfidy with 
peril, is that evil ? To apply the great laws of retri- 
bution, is this a doing of evil? If so, the universe, it- 
self is chargeable with guiltiness ; for it is the law of the 
universe that danger, danger to life and limb, danger 
to the top of menace, shall confront iniquity. Either, 
therefore, the universe is in fault, or the principle of 
making wrong-doing dangerous to the wrong-doer 
stands vindicated. 

It is the crime itself, not the pains and penalties 
which oppose it, that is hurtful to the criminal. To 
do wrong is the worst that can befal any man ; next 
worst it is, not to be directly punished for the wrong, 
having done it. 

The highest service we can over render a human 
being is to breed and incite him to virtue ; the next 
highest service is to dissuade him from purposed 
vice ; but these being excluded, the only remaining 
service is to oppose with impassable barriers a 
ricked will, to which reason and right are no barrier. 
If, to withhold success from accursed purposes, you 
meet them with the most biting, inexorable edge of 
resistance, you still bless where you smite, and are in 
finitely kinder to the culprit than he to himself. To re 
move any of the perils necessary to hold in check in 
cipient iniquity is cruelty instead of kindness. The 
hope of impunity is the nurse of crime, and one suc- 
cess breeds a thousand attempts. We therefore betray 
and injure our brother when we make it safe, or less 
than utterly unsafe, for him to become a villain. 

To the objection that, since prevention of crime 
destroys not the intent, it cannot benefit him by whom 
the criminal intent is cherished, our author rejoins 
that the objection is not true ; that, by walling up the 
doors of opportunity, we tend more and more to stifle 
criminal wishes, and thus to help the growth of the 
natural (though tardy) crop of good; while submission 
and forbearance to evil may so encourage tyranny as 
to bear all the fruits, though they want all the animus 
of hate and injury. Confidently affirming this, he 
nevertheless willingly admits that Mercy will common- 
ly come bringing tender counsels ; that love is oftenest 
shown by long-suffering and meekness; that life is 
precious, and not to be lightly taken ; and that men 
err far more frequently by over-suddenness of wrath 
than by excess of charitable forbearance. Yet the 
Italians and ourselves have erred otherwise ; they 
yielding too much to the Bourbons, and we to the 
slaveholders. 

As to peace between nations, excellent and desira- 
ble as it is, there are discriminations to be made. 
There is a living, and there is a dead peace ; the one 
obtaining where justice prevails, the other where it is 
disregarded and undesired. These stand to each 
other as yea and nay, as life and death, as heaven and 
hell. Not to distinguish between them is to elect the 
worse ; while to choose the true peace is so to deny 
and abhor the false, that war, with all its fearfulness, 
shall be incomparably less fearful. War is worthy of 
all good men's choice, in comparison with a peace of 
■-perfidy and corruption. 

Peace is indeed precious when it means intelligent 
communion in justice. But if any one affirm that jus- 
tice is less precious than the outward circumstances of 
peace, he is a traitor not only to right, but to peace 
herself; since true peace foltows after purity, and 
only as it is worthy can be enduring. There is a dead 
peace ; but upon the heels of death treads decay, and 
its soldier, the worm. No allegiance therefore to 
peace can there be without due recognition of the fact 
that war, whenever it takes place in needful vindica- 
tion of justice, is honorable, noble, sacred, so far as the 
champions of justice are concerned. Therefore, a Peace 
Society that respects outward peace only or chiefly is 
the very Judas of the time, not only selling God's jus- 
tice for a price, but in the end hanging its cause and 
itself on a tree. 

For wars in and of themselves we have no word 
either of praise or extenuation. Wars are great evils ; 
but barbarous tyranny, and the submissions that flat- 
ter and perpetuate it, are great crimes. And between 
evils and crimes there is but one choice. 

Consider, further, the preventive function of war. 
Possible war is the gage of actual peace. The alter- 
native Right or Fight secures right, and saves from the 
necessity of fighting. On this basis reposes the State, 
with every civil means of adjustment and red 
Legislature, jury, bench, the binding codes and rites 
that secure men and women from perpetual liability to 
naked contact with savage passions and brutish appre- 
hensions, all rest, as their basis of security, upon no 
other foundation. A nation is a nation only as it is 
religiously banded and bound to support a social order 
against all assault. Hence the sacredness of law. 

Love and terror are the two powers which uphold 
civilization. Terror in the service of love holds the 
world together. Terror serving love and guided by 
reason is our only safeguard from constant risk and 
dread of hostility. Society begins there where two 
men say, implicitly or otherwise, " We two will guar- 
antee each other's defence, and between us reason and 
right shall be for a law." And this pact, widened, 
reads, " We twoscore, or twoscore thousand, will up- 
hold the law of reason and justice over such a terri- 
tory; it shall be binding on all within that limit; 
we pledge to good understandings and rational modes 
of adjustment our total and united force." 

Without some arrangement like this, there must be 
constant danger and constant fear. What is so pre- 
cious as a permitted forgetfulness of violence, ob- 
scenity and outrage? But observe that, if love and 
reason will enlist terror in their service, they shall be 
served of it; but if they refuse, terror will become 
the soldier of confusion, and will scare away the sanc- 
tities and refinements it might have championed. 
Which is the better? 

We counsel, therefore, a frank acknowledgment of 
the dignity of the military calling, when worthily em- 
braced; of the honorableness and sacredness of war 
in the vindication of justice, else trodden under foot ; 
of the constant uses of possible (which must some- 
times be actual) war, as the guardian of a noble 
peace ; and we counsel the final abolition of the Peace 
Society, except in so far as it seeks peace by the pro- 
motion of justice. Let the sword be baptized, not 
broken. Let charity, faith, intelligence, wield it; not 
wantonness and outrage. 

Now comes the question of limits. First, only fire 
is to be met with fire — only the sword quelled by the 
sword— only the destroyer visited with destruction. 
Rightful war is always defensive, for ourselves or 
others. It is only the armed hand of injustice which 
justice with irresistible hand may smite. Secondly, 
in all preparations against violence and crime, the aim 
must be the prevention of ill deeds ; their punishment 
or open resistance being simply an inferential result, 
upon failure of the primary aim. Thirdly, so far as 
the use of these hindrances con be superseded by pos- 
itive attractions toward reason, right and good, super- 
seded they must be. Finally, forbearance is to be 
held in perpetual honor. Love, having in vain done 
its utmost to cause continuance of public and private 
rectitude, that is to say, of noble peace, by mild in- 
ducements, is yet to wait, trusting somewhat to the 
ministries of time, and somewhat accepting as a bur- 
den to be borne. Let it wait, with brave wisdom; 
yet, while staying its hand from blows, not withhold 
it from preparations. Always there are allowances to 
be made ; always there is a call for tolerance, endur- 
ance and forgiveness. Nevertheless, when impersna- 
sible wrong has stilled its conscience, gathered its 
force, taken death in ifs hands, and now comes to de- 
stroy forever your power of reasoning ami bearing 
with it — then, when fruitful, noble waiting is no lon- 
ger possible — then may you, must yon, strike the as- 
sailant with the same weapon, and with the same vio- 
lence, which he seeks to use against you. Never till 
then may you; but then, brave and true heart, you 

MUST. 

The Examiner's article cuds with flu 1 sentence winch 
I have quoted at the commencement of £htB notice. 



Its author has chosen to sum up his argument for war, 
in words which an opposer of war, yes, even a Non- 
Resistant, can thoroughly accept an<l adopt. Heartily 
and thoroughly agreeing in that final statement, and 
in very many of the previous statements of this able 
and candid writer, I shall attempt, in another article, 
to show wherein his main argument is unsound. — 



A THANKSGIVING SEEMON. 

To Rev. Linus H. Shaw, 

Minister of the First Parish in Sudbury, Mass. : 
A friend has sent me a copy of your Thanksgiv- 
ing Sermon, upon which I propose to make some com- 
ments, not because I consider it particularly good, or 
bad, (though it has excellencies and defects,) but be- 
cause I consider it a fair expression of the average 
ideas of the great body of ministers 'and people at the 
present time. 

You give (p. 4) as the position of the Abolitionists, 
that "it (slavery) should be destroyed at once, by 
law, or by force, or by whatever way it may best be 
done; but that it be done entirely and immediately." 
You also say, that " no person who knows what an Ab- 
olitionist is, can name more than five or ten persons 
in all our free States who are persons of distinction 
and influence." I will not stop to criticise either of 
these propositions, though I think you greatly under- 
rate their influence,or that of the truths they inculcate. 
You say, p. 10, "If we would find the root and 
germ of our present war, we must go hack to 1620, 
when the cargo of slaves landed at the mouth of 
James river, and also to the landing of the Puritans 
at Plymouth, two plants opposite in their name, oppo- 
site in their nature, opposite in all theirfruits and con- 
sequences, planted in the same national field, growing, 
as it were, side by side." You say also, p. 11, 
in asking for the cause of the present state of things, 
that it is the natural and necessary growth of the two 
antagonistic principles; that it has taken this long 
period to grow and develop themselves, and reach 
their maturity. You also say, p. 14, 16, that you do 
not cast any particular blame upon the South ; that it 
is in their circumstances. All this is right. There is 
no controversy between you and the Abolitionists as 
to the "cause," the "germ," the "root," and necessa- 
ry fruit. The whole controversy lies in the treat- 
ment of the disease. 

The few Abolitionists say, remove the cause, and 
the effects will cease. But all the other doctors, 
of whatever stripe, either of law or divinity, say, 
touch not the cause. Among these you mention, p. 5, 
Washington, Jefferson, Henry, Franklin, Randolph 
and Clay, of former times, and say there are many 
now. You endorse this mode of treatment yourself. 
You refer us, p. 12, to 1787-'9, when our Constitution 
was formed by wise. men. You say, p. 14, " Tiiis nat- 
ural result of slavery could have been averted but in 
one way, and that is, by keeping it where the fathers left- 
it." Had this been done, all our present war, and a 
vast proportion of our national troubles, would have 
been avoided ; for slavery, in one way or another, has 
been the prolific source of most of these troubles." 
The italics are mine. 

Now you have had all but about half a dozen of the 
great, wise and influential men, and nearly all the lit- 
tle and uninfluential ones, and you have not been able 
to stop the " natural and necessary" growth of this 
cause and consequent effect. Not a very high recom- 
mendation of your course of treatment. 

To illustrate : There is a healthy flow of blood 
through the system. Something poisonous orantago- 
nistic may be introduced or get into the system, which 
will produce a disease or a sore. It takes time to de- 
velop it; the part swells, and is inflamed, and causes 
irritation to the system. Physicians are called. Dr. 
Garrison says, expel the cause. It is now nearly to a 
head, lance it, lake out the core, it will then heal 
soundly. But all the other great and wise doctors, 
from Washington to Lincoln and Shaw, say no; let 
the cause remain ; it will be painful to lance the sore 
and remove the core; just bring it back to its incipi- 
ent stage, when there was comparatively but little in- 
flammalion and pain; counteract the laws of cause 
and effect so that it shall never come to a head. But, 
after all, you seem to have some forebodings that Dr. 
Garrison's mode may yet be resorted to as a last re- 
sort, as a measure of necessity, not of right; you do 
not intimate that you would go so far. 

You claim to be a religious teacher, a minister of 
the gospel, and yet you have given no intimation 
that in this whole tampering with slavery, from first to 
last, there has been any moral wrong, any sin against 
God, or any injustice to the slave, which should be 
repented of and forsaken. 

You have, in your discourse, well and conclusively 
shown, that the Constitution being the standard, the 
South lias no cause of complaint. Page 9: "So far 
as the constitutional rights of the Southern States are 
concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omit- 
ted, of which they can complain." 

This reminds me of a prayer I heard from the put- 
pit last summer. The minister, in order to set himself 
and congregation right at the court of Heaven, told the 
Lord that "We are not to blame for this war, for we 
have been ready to compromise and compromise with 
the rebels." Another asked the Lord, " If consistent 
with His will, in his own time and way to put an end 
to slavery,* which is the cause of all this trouble." 
When does the Lord wish men to repent? So far 
as your sermon shows, you do not wish either the 
Lord or man to do more than to keep slavery within 
constitutional limits. 

I have been an Abolitionist for nearly thirty years. 
My first and great reason is, because eternal justice and 
right towards the slave demand it. Second, the best 
interest of the slave-owner demands it. I now have 
two additional reasons. It is the shortest if not the 
only way to put an end to the rebellion. It is the only 
way permanent peace can be secured. Without abo- 
lition, the two antagonistic forces will still be in opera- 
tion, and like causes will produce like effects. 
Yours, 
Auburn, N. H. BENJAMIN CHASE. 



SOUTH 0AE0LINA ITEMS. 

The Port Royal correspondent of the Chicfigo 
Tribune Bays: — 

UKIIKI, SOI.DIEKR SHOT. 

I do not remember whether in my last I acquaint- 
ed you with the fact that several of the soldiers at 
Fort Walker were shot for refusing !o fight, or rather 
for declaring that they would nut fight. This was 
before our arrival. Two or three are believed to 
have been shot down by their officers the day of our 
victory : and during the lime they were building the 
works, an average of fifty men were at work with 
ball and chain, lor attempting to escape. These 
were the non-slaveliolding recruits, called "crack- 
ers," who were forced into the Southern army; and 
that the So ut/ier a army is full of such, I do not the 
least doubt. Much must be deducted from the state- 
ments of the negroes, but not so much in matters of 
tltis sort as you may imagine. On all points which 
could be tried and tested and compared with known 
facts, they have been strangely truthful. 
THE CONTRABAND BILLY. 

While in occupancy of the Seabrook plantation, 
with our company, during the past week, Iliad long 
conversation with "Billy," the body servant of an 
officer of tho Beaufort Guerillas, who were posted 
on the Island. He is intelligent and smart — a mu- 
latto. By the way, 1 had underrated the general 
intelligence of the negroes here. Even the field 
hands have ideas of their own as to how, why and 
what. They make common cause, and what "Billy" 
hears read from the newspapers at li is master's table, 
becomes common property in the "quarters" with 
Gumbo and Cuil'ee, within twenty-four hours. All 
hints, all expressed mistrust, even hidden fear on the 
part of whites incautiously exposed, is caught by the 
watchful ears of men and women who have long 
hoped and looked for an event like the present. 
Even the looks and actions of confident masters are 
translated by the watchful eye of supposed trusty 
servants, and are promulgated among the " hands." 

THE TRUSTY "WILLIAM. 

Talk of " trusty servants who will fight for their 
masters"! the thing is a monstrous absurdity. If 
such people exist among the slaves, they do not exist 
in South Carolina. There is no such thing. Pinck- 
ney, after his hasty flight to the main, resolved 
to return and burn his buildings, some full of corn 
and cotton. (He owned Pinckney Island, which lies 
right opposite the Seabrook place, and we made 
visits there, containing three fine plantations, work- 
ing about 400 slaves.) His trusty negro William, 
who had driven on Espetango plantation for over 
thirty years, and whom he had taken with him to 
the main, discouraged him by saying " The Yankees 
are all around tho Island, master, and they will 
catch you; let me go." William came with full in- 
structions in regard to ascertaining our force, and 
how to proceed, etc., etc., much of which he detailed 
to me, but Mr. Pinckney has not seen William since. 
" I am old," said William to me, " but I want to die 
rather than go back to Master Pinckney." 

IF THE SLAVES ONLY KNEW THEIR STRENGTH. 

Set it down once for all, if the negroes only knew 
their strength, we should have no need of Northern 
soldiers to put down this rebellion. Jfc would be de- 
stroyed by flames, lighted by those who are vaunted 
to be ready to die for its promoters. 

"Master," said "Billy" to me, not in reply to 
any question of mine, but of his own accord, "there 
are a groat many of the rebel soldiers who will not 
fire a shot at your troops when you advance upon 
them." " Do you think so ? " " Why ? " " Indeed, 
sir, I know it. I have heard several say so in Mas- 
ter Scriven's command, (the Guerillas.) and several 
were shot at the Fort, because they ran away, and, 
when brought back, declared they would not fight 
the Union men. None of the ' crackers' will fight 
you. They had enough men to make a company at 
work with ball and chain for the same reason, and 
more down in the, black-hote at the Fort, all for that 
very same reason. Master Scriven and Master Du- 
pont used to talk about it, and say they were afraid 
some of our company wouldn't fight either." 

The above, somewhat improved into English, is 
the exact language of one of the intelligent mulat- 
toes who had ample opportunity to know, and its 
sentiments are corroborated in every conversation 
with the necrocs. 



HOW JOHN BEfflfl SAVED THE CAPITAL. 

The Washington correspondent of the Boston Jour- 
nal tells the following singular story of the way in 
which John Brown's invasion of Virginia became the 
remote cause of the salvation of the federal capital : 

When the marines dashed up fo the door of the 
engine house, where Virginia chivalry quailed, they 
seized not only John Brown, but a quantity of pow- 
der, within the building, which he had brought from 
Pennsylvania. After Brown and his party were se- 
cured, the powder was placed in one of the buildings, 
where it remained till April last. When the United 
States troops found that Virginia forces were pre- 
paring to make a descent upon the ferry for the 
purpose of capturing the arms, they looked about for 
ammunition. Tlicy did not dare to visit the maga- 
zine, for there were sharp eyes which watched every 
movement, and an attempt to take, powder from 
there would precipitate an attack. Then it was 
that John Brown's powder was valuable. It was in 
small packages, and where it could be taken and 
distributed unbeknown to any outsiders. It was 
placed in the different buildings, the trains were laid, 
and just as tho Virginians thought the prize was 
theirs, they found that the flames wcro ahead of them. 
It was designed that the several thousand stand of 
arms there stored should be distributed in li.dl inmre. 

where, as you know, the outbreak immediately oc- 
curred, and that thence a descent would lie made 
upon Washington. So John Brown's powder Baved 
the capital. All of this will appear, I am informed, 
with satisfactory evidence, in the. report of the com- 
mitters appointed to inv^stigato the Harper's Ferry 
affair. 

" John TSrmvn's body lies a mouldering in tho grave, 
But liis soul is mimming on." 



to prefer freedom to slavery ! And here, Mr. Editor, 

let me contradict a report which has appeared jn 
your columns as well as elsewhere, thai the contra- 
bands In I bis region are unwilling to work, and have 
many of them run back to their masters. 

Both statements, involved in this report, are un- 
true. The, contrabands are, as a general thing, will- 
ing to labor, though complaining much that tin- Gov- 
ernment docs not pay them wages, as (hey had been 
led to expect. But 1 speak from personal observa- 
tion when 1 Hay they are anxious for any employ- 
ment reasonably remunerative. My tent door has 
been besieged with applications from boys and men, 
desiring fo be servants. I was over-persuaded, at 
last, to take a contraband youth into my service for 
a few days, who proved diligent, faithful and indus- 
trious beyond my expectations. I had engaged 
another servant for the place, who yaeterday arrived, 
but 1 have seen enough of this poor African lad to 
know that some of his race, at least, are skilful, 
truthful and energetic. On board the U. S. flag-ship 
Minnesota, there is a boat's crew of contrabands. I 
was assured by one of the officers the other day, 
when visiting the frigate, that this crew excelled in 
fidelity, and was the only one which needed not an 
officer to accompany them when they went ashore, 
as not a man of them would get drunk or desert. 

As to their returning to rebeldom, it would not 
have been a matter of surprise if some few of a race 
proverbially affectionate had returned to their for- 
mer homes and masters, (no doubt some of them 
kind ones,) and, above all, to their kindred left be- 
hind when they fled ; but after thorough inquiry, I 
cannot hear of one such instance, ami am assured by 
those who are in a position to know, that not one 
such case has occurred. I have been thus particular 
in this refutation, because here the colored race are 
being tested as to their desire for freedom and 
adaptedness to it. The question is one which mnrt 
and will soon interest the whole nation, and a de- 
cision cannot long be postponed.— Correspondent of 
the lioston Traveller. 



THE CONTRABANDS IK KANSAS, 

We find in one of the most pertinacious of our 
pro-slavery journals, The World, a letter from a 
correspondent at Fort Scott, Kansas, containing 
some statements respecting the negroes liberated 
in connection with the recent march of Gen. Lane's 
brigade into Missouri, which are so remarkable that 
we transfer them to our page, as follows : — 

" I propose to state the present condition of the 
2000 liberated by the march of the Kansas army. 
These negroes were owned principally by secession- 
ists, but where the question was of freedom or sla- 
very for themselves, the negroes failed to make any 
such distinction ; and when they sought our camp 
they were protected, and no questions were asked 
as to the political status of their former masters. 
Families came in — sometimes three generations in a 
single wagon ; sometimes a man and woman came 
in, leaving all family ties to secure personal liberty, 
daring untold dangers, enduring fatigue, starvation, 
perils by night and greater dread by day, never 
feeling safe till they knew they were in the Kansas 
camp. One day, as we marched from Osceola, we 
saw three men riding at full speed across the prairie. 
As they approached, we saw that one was a negro, 
and the others white men in pursuit. Fast came 
the slave, but the whites steadily gained, and one 
was in the act of catching the fugitive, when a bor- 
derer dashed out from the column and raised his 
Sharp's rifle. ' About face ' went the slave-catch- 
ers, and a ride ball sang an ominous warning in 
their ears as they made off. 

But night is their great time. Sixty came to 
camp in one evening, and, as Gen. Lane observed, 
' It wasn't much of a night for niggers neither.' AVe 
put the able men to work immediately, driving 
teams, cooking, grooming the horses, and doing all 
the extra duties of the brigade. Each officer en- 
gaged one as a body-servant, instead of taking a 
soldier from his duty. In this manner they earned 
from eight to ten dollars a month. 

Parsons Moore, Fisher and Fish, chaplains of the 
brigade, started hist month with a train of negroes, 
to establish them on Kansas farms. After "three 
weeks, these gentlemen returned to headquarters, 
having found comfortable situations for every man, 
woman and child under their charge. Many were 
hired as farm hands, house servants, etc., at wages 
from 88 to Si 2 per month; and the least effective 
secured places for the winter, where they will be 
sure of food and clothing, with good chances for lu- 
crative employment when spring opens. The fugi- 
tives are generally shrewd and industrious, and the 
farmers of Kansas gladly avail themselves of this 
supply of laborers. This is an assertion utterly at 
variance, with the general impression. It is, never- 
theless, literally true. In Slavery, one can hardly 
imagine a more shiftless, indolent "being than a Mis- 
souri negro. But the change from Slavery to Free- 
dom effects an instantaneous and complete revolu- 
tion in his character. AVith tho consciousness of 
liberty comes the necessity for exertion, and effort 
is born of necessity. The slave who worked care- 
lessly felt that he had no interest in the result of his 
labor; no amount of industry would benefit him, 
and he naturally did as little as he could consistent 
with safety. But when he is a free man, he rises 
equal to the emergency. This has been the case 
wherever my experience, has extended. There is 
not a man who has been liberated by this brigade 
but is abundantly able and willing lo'take care of 
himself. In every case we have found the slave fl 
for freedom." 

There can be no question, wo think, respecting 
the truth of thia writer's report.. No doubt these 
negroes are able to support themselves ; nor is there 
any doubt that freedom will awake in them a desire 
for industry and its benefits, unknown fo /hem while 
slaves. — N, Y. Tribune. 



]- '" '•"! it he bnl.Ilv said," exclaims the Inde- 
pendent, " that the slaves of rebels arc the nation's 
frccdmeu ! " Weeelmilie en, adding that when 
the nation comes to that, point, the rebellion will 
eease. like the ceasing of a frightful dream. A'. ) . 
Tribane. [And let all the people say, " Amen!"] 



Conversation with a Contbaband at Hil- 
ton Head. In speaking to Israel yesterday, I am 
afraid I made him uncomfortable for the rest of the 
day. Said I — 

" Do you like stopping here better than on the 
plantation ? " 

" Oh I yes, sir," he said promptly. 

" What will you do when the soldiers leave 
here?" At this question, the look of surprise 
which passed over Israel's face was irresistibly droll. 
He finally replied — 

" I'd go wi' 'cm ' " 

" But suppose they won't let you ?" I said. 

" Den 1 jump into de boat ! " 

" Ah ! " I answered, " they might put you out 
again ! " 

It was evident that no such contingency had pre- 
sented itself to his mind before. He simply ejacu- 
lated, with great emphasis, as if overwhelmed with 
astonishment and fear at the bare idea — 

" Christ A'mighty !" 

I asked him what he was afraid of, and he replied, 
" If Massa Elliott Garrard catch me, might as well 
be dead — he kill me, certain." I reassured him of 
his safety before we parted. — Correspondence New u 
York Times. 



CONTRABANDS. 
Foutki'ss Mokroe, January ?, 1862. 

Every day brings fresh arrivals of the fugitives 
from bondage. As the enemy withdraws, a portion 
of his property is destroyed by fires, and lliu.s lakes 
to itself wings of smoke and 'flame and flies awaw 
ami other "property," household chattels, takes to 
itself' legs, and runs off to the forties* as ful as 
possible. Ungrateful beings, to desert masters ami 
mistresses who have been so kind, and to leave a 
stale of servitude which South-Side clergymen de 

ctare to be almost Elysiuml Wliai igrioranl fools, 



$40 PAEKEE $40 

Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 
rrmiS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
I Machine, made and licensed under tbe patents of 
Howe, AYheeler & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of the Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and are the best finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in tbe market. 

|gP Sales Room, 188 "Washington street, 

■ GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 

Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice. 

Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 

Report of the Judges of the last' Fair of the Masvtchusc'ts 
Charitable Mechanic Association. 
"For/it Parker's Sewing Machines. This Machine is 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover & Baker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Macliine. They are sold from S40 to 
$120 each. They are very perfect in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, in such a 
manner that they cannot get deranged. The feed, which 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, is simple, pos- 
itive and complete. The apparatus for ganging the length 
of stitch is very simple and effective. The tension, as well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, viz: there is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to come in 
contact with the dress of the operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This machine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge upon 
tho back quite flat and smooth, doing away, iu a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Parker's Sewing Machines have many qualities that 
recommend them to use in families. The several parts are 
pinned together, so that it is always adjusted and ready 
for work, and not liable to get oat of repair. It is tho 
best finished, and most firmly and substantially made ma- 
chine in the Fair. Itsmotions are all positive, its tension 
easily adjusted, and it leaves no ridge on the back of the 
work. It will hem, fell, stitch, run, bind and gather, and 
the work cannot be ripped, except designedly. It sews from 
common spools, with silk, linen or cotton-, with equal fa- 
cility. T\iq ttitrk made upon this machine was recently 
awarded the first prize at the Tennessee State Fair, for its 
superiority. — Boston Traveller. 

Ji3f Wc would call the attention of oar readers to the 
advertisement, in another column, of the Parker Sewing 
Machine. This is a licensed machine, being a combina- 
tion of the various patents of Howe, Wheeler A Wilson, and 
Grover & Baker, with those of the Parker Sewing Machine 
Company; consequently, it has the advantage of such ma- 
chines — first, in being a licensed machine ; second, from 
the fact that it embraces all of the most important improve- 
ments which have heretofore been made in Sewing Ms - 
chines; third, it requires no readjustment, all tho vari- 
ous parte being made right and pinned together, instead of 
being adjusted by screws, thus avoiding all liabilityof get- 
ting oat of order without actually breaking them; and 
also the necessity of the purchase* learning, as with others, 
how to regulate all the various motions to the machine. 
Tho favor with which tho Parker Sewing Machine has al- 
ready been received by tho public warrants us in the be- 
lief that it is by fur the best machine now in market. — 
South Reading Gazttte, Nov. 24. 18U0. 

Tut; I'.MiNiai Si:wi\<; MaQBIKU is taking fhe lead iu the 
market. For beauty ami finish of its workmanship, it can- 
not be excelled. It is well and strongly made — strength 
and utility combined — and is emphatically the cJtt aprst and 
best machine now made. The ladies are delighted with it, 
and when consulted, invariably give Parker's machine the 
preference overall ethers. We are pleased to learn thai 
the gentlemanly Agent, Ghorqe E. Leonard, 188 Wash- 
ington street, Boston, has a large number of orders for 
these machines, and sells them as Fast aa they can be mao- 
ufaotured, notwithstanding the dullness of the times, and 
while other manufacturers have almost "holly suspended 
operations. This filet, of itself, speaks move strongly in 
its favor than any thing we can mention ; for were it net 
for its superior merits, it would have sum-rod From the gen- 
eral depression, instead of flourishing among the wricks of 
its rivals. What we tell you is no fiction ; but go and buy 
one of thorn, and you will say that "hall' of it$ good qval- 
itieshnd DOVai been told you." 1'very niiin W09 
tho health am! happiness of Ma wife should i raj 
theM machines to assist her iu Lessening life's toilsome 
<l»sk. —J/„ ,-/.', re 1 Qnxttte, JiU$ 18, 1S<;1. 



Diseases of Women and Children. 



si 



WM, SYMINGTON BKOWN, M. D,, ami 
Mrs, MARGARET B. BRO^ Y I 
Wl'l ripened an office "< ".'7 1 Washington Street, 



Boston, iiml will dovoio BpeolaJ attention to the 

h-ciiiuu'iii of tho aliovo diseases, 

OffiOB Hours, from IU. a. m., to i, r. ||, 

Boston, Oct. i, 1861, s m 



'>; HE I. IBERATO R 

— IS 1'UB1.1S1I1:1> — 

EVERT FRIDAY MORNING, 

221 WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM Wo. 6. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



f^* TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
in advance. 

§^" Five copies will bo sent to one addross for ten 
dollars, if payment bo made in advance. 

JE^* All remittances are to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be 
directed (post paid) to the General Agont. 

E^~ Advertisements inserted at the rate of live cents por 
line. 

E^"Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

fg^"The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, rl/, : — Francis Jackson, Edmoxd Qcincy, Eojiund 
Jackson, and Wbndell Phillips. 




"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof." 

" I lay thiH down as the law of nations. I nay that mil- 
itary authority tikes, for tho time, the place of all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ; 
and that, under that stato of thingn, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of the subject, not only tbe President or 
the Usiteo States, but the Oommawder of the Arkv, 
HAS POWER TO RUB It THE UNIVERSAL BMAK- 

CTPATION OF THE SLAVES From the instant 

that the slaveholding States become tbe theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, jn every way im which it can bb interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power, ... It is a war power. I 3ay it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by tbe laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes the 
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."--J. Q. Aimjub, 



WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



Cfltor ffimmfrtj te tUs WoxU, <mv <&m\\tv\jmm m all tWmtluMl. 



J. B. YEERINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 4. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JANUARY 24, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1622. 



Bring* tff Gppttjjttton. 



A MYSTEEY UNSOLVED. 

The Liberator furnishes its explanation of the dis- 
use of its motto. It seems to amount to this, namely, 
— that, whereas the Constitution is now abrogated 
in relation to the South, " a covenant with death, 
an agreement with hell " no longer exists. Conse- 
quently, that tenderness of conscience, for which 
abolitionists in general and the Liberator in particu- 
lar are distinguished, rendered proper the hauling 
down of the flag in question. This, it will be per- 
ceived, assumes the dissolution of the Union as a fact 
accomplished, and is as treasonable, though not quite 
so irreverent and profane, as the Liberator's old use 
of Scriptural language. But will this assumption 
answer? Is there not a covenant with Kentucky — 
an agreement with Maryland? Is not the declared 
policy of the Government to restore all things, to the 
utmost jot and tittle, under the Constitution, inter- 
fering with slavery only just so far as the unavoida- 
ble necessity of the case may demand ? If, therefore, 
on any such theory as the Liberator professes, it has 
lowered its treasonable Black Flag, it is surely 
leaning on a broken reed. 

It denies, however that it has received any inti- 
-.j»ation, appropriate to its seditious character ; which 
leaves Mr. Sumner's movement for the freedom of the 
press still unaccounted for. Nor does it speak well 
for the vigilance of the Government, while they are 
in the way of sending imputed traitors to State pris- 
ons, that they should overlook the very worst traitors 
in the land — -the source of " all our woe." By way 
of retort to our suggestion, however, Mr. Garrison 
favors us with a personal recollection of his own, and 
says " he remembers that it is not long since the 
Courier required a significant popular intimation as 
to its seditious course," &c. There was certainly a 
brief period, many months ago, when every news- 
paper known to be in favor of maintaining the Con- 
stitution and the Union in their integrity was ex- 
posed to insult by a faction which has subsequently 
made its true character evident in the eyes of all men 
— aud perhaps from other earnest but misguided per- 
sons, who have since seen their error. Intimations, 
a few, and always anonymous, certainly came to us 
then, which were treated with the contempt which 
such cowardly attempts deserved. But at the same 
time, we had other more gratifying intimations, grow- 
ing stronger and stronger, until they became faith- 
ful assurances, that if any attack threatened the of- 
fice, of the Courier, thousands would be instantly 
there, reaxly for its defence, and prepared. 

Happily nothing of the sort ever occurred; but 
we, too, remember an incident of the time, which 
Mr. Garrison's reference to his own recollections 
induces us to bring forward, and which always seem- 
ed to us to have a highly humorous turn to it. 
There was, it is said, a sort of conference of a cer- 
tain set of persons, about "mobbing the Courier." 
They had become somewhat brave in words, and it 
feemed almost likely that they might actually pass 
some resolution on the subject, when one of the com- 
pany spoke up and said, " Yes, boys, we'll mob the 
Courier certainly, — but all things in order — let's be- 
gin with the beginning. We must go to Garrison's 
paper first — that has been preaching open treason 
for these twenty-five years, — and when we have put 
that down, we can then take into consideration the 
case of the Courier, which has always been in op- 
position to the unconstitutional doctrines of Garrison 
and all his crew." Thereupon, the meeting dissolved. 
— Boston Courier. 



Our abolition neighbor, the Transcript, thus an- 
nounces a very bad, but very silly course of lectures; 

Emancipation League. — The course of lectures 
before this League, advertised in our columns, will be 
delivered by some of the ablest advocates of emanci- 
pation. See the advertisement. 

Upon referring to the advertisement, we see that 
the first lecture is to be delivered by thai pure and 
peaceable divine, Dr. Cheever ; the second, by that 
weathercock of politics anil religion, O- A. Brownson; 
the third, by M. D. Conway, said to be " a native of 
ia," — we suppose to remind us of tbe proverb 



about the ill bird and its own nest; and the fourth, 
by the negro, Fred Douglass. 

The Transcript sets these forth, including the re- 
maining two lecturers, not yet ascertained, as "some 
of the ablest advocates of emancipation." Let us 
hope that nothing serious will happen in consequence 
of their efforts; but we give them this notice gratui- 
tously, because we forbade the appearance of their 
advertisement in our columns formerly, and as they 
have not called for the money paid at our counting- 
room in advance, according to request, intending, 
as we understood, to bring a suit for failure to fulfil 
a contract, we wish to square the account- — Ibid. 



TREASON RAMPANT IK BOSTON. 

Treason is still rampant in Boston, as well as in 
Charleston, South Carolina, and we may ask where 
are the authorities that such treason is tolerated 
here, when thousands of the sons of Massachusetts, 
on the line of the Potomac, and on the Southern 
seaboard, are risking their lives to put it down ? 
The Liberator once paraded at its head, "the Con- 
stitution is a covenant with death, and an agree- 
ment with hell." This was as strong with treason 
as any words ever littered by Yancey or Rhett, or 
any other minion of Secession. In all probability, 
the District Attorney gave the Liberator notice that 
this offending was too rank in the nostrils of this 
loyal people to be longer continued with safety. 
The Liberator complies, and erases the words, but 
with a dexterous sleight-of-hand the same treason 
now leers out of these other words at the head of its 
columns, "No Union with Slaveholders"; which is 
inculcating a spirit of disloyalty to that Constitution 
whose unbroken integrity makes a Union with slave- 
holders a legal necessity. Yet the Liberator remains 
unrestricted in its circulation through the mails, un- 
im prisoned for its treason. Let the authorities 
again show their sword of justice, if they would save 
the property and the lives of Massachusetts men now 
imperilled to undo the treason these men have ac- 
complished. 

We must also pay our most gracious compliments 
to Mr. Phillips, as he stands in the same category 
with those who are warring on the Constitution and 
the legal authorities of the United States. He at- 
tacks all things and constituted powers vehemently. 
He attacks the Generals for making no advance ; he 
attacks the Cabinet for being an Apology Cabinet; 
he attacks the President for not being a man; he 
attacks these gentlemen in power as men whose 
memories would sink to the infamy of Burr and Ar- 
nold ; he attacks them for giving up Slidell and Ma- 
son ; he attacks the North as bankrupt in character 
and in money; and, above all the rest, he comes out 
and acknowledges the crime which we have so long 
imputed to him and to the anti-slavery party of the 
country, that of treason, by saying that " the anti- 
slavery party had hoped for and planned disunU/n, be- 



cause it would lead to the development of mankind and 
the elevation of the black man." He commends the 
South in this manner, by saying that she " deserved 
to succeed because she had exhibited better statesman- 
ship and more capacity for contest." These words 
are listened to in Boston, by Boston audiences, and 
they are applauded. On the line of the Potomac 
these words uttered would consign him to Fort La- 
fayette; in Boston they consign him to the Elysium 
of the Abolitionists. 

By Congressional assumption of power, by the 
influence of our Greeleys, Bryants and Clieevers, of 
New York, and Garrisons and Phillipses of Boston, 
there is serious danger of Secession becoming revo- 
lution, and of the utter thwarting of all the attempts 
which have been made, and may be made, for the 
restoration of the Union. But the loyal men of the 
North must stand firm, and the right will prevail. 
— Boston Post. 



Constitutional Dutie3. In renewing my sub- 
scription, I can but express my gratitude to you for 
the faithful discharge of your duties as public jour- 
nalists. In view of all that is now being enacted, 
what real patriot does not mourn that your counsels 
have" been so disregarded for tbe last eighteen 
months ? Had those counsels prevailed, peace now 
would have been achieving its most splendid vic- 
tories; the sum of human happiness would have 
been larger than ever before. But the Abolitionists 
say that it is the Lord's doings, that His ways are 
marvelous in our sight. Do you believe that ? Can 
you believe that they and their twin brothers in 
crime, the Secessionists of the South, can escape 
their own guilt by laying it to tbe Lord ? If so, 
then all guilt is banished from the earth, and Provi- 
dence is responsible for all the wickedness commit- 
ted. But this is not so; every intelligent being is 
responsible for the natural consequence of his own 
acts. By this rule, some men of the North are just 
as responsible for this war as the South. We to- 
gether have made a Constitution. We have pros- 
pered beyond all expectation under that instrument. 
When slavery became unprofitable in the North, the 
slaves were sold to the South, and the cash paid for 
them. Now, shall we turn right about, and carry 
on the war to liberate the slaves of the South ? 
- — Letter of a subscriber of the Journal of Commerce. 



MEN, NOT SLATES. 

There are four millions of black people in the re- 
bellious States of this republic. A portion, and pos- 
sibly the whole of them, are, in the providence of 
God, to be freed from their subjection to white mas- 
ters, and brought under the control of the Federal 
Government. Its duty to them may be complicated 
and manifold ; the relation to such a people is a new 
one, and time and events must define it in all its 
bearings. But one thing is plain — one thing, as a 
starting-point, admits of no doubt, needs no hesita- 
tion: Let us forget that these blacks ever were 
slaves, and remember only that they are men. With 
this as our first principle, we cannot go far wrong. 

As the strength of a chain is in its weakest part, 
so the power and the virtue of a government are in 
its protection of the rights of the weakest and hum- 
blest of the people. To strike a man when he is 
down is the part of a bully and a coward; and this 
is as true of a State as it is of an individual. To 
wrong a man because he has been a slave, and can- 
not assert his own rights, is to act in the spirit of a 
slaveholder. It is only to strike a man when he is 
down. Let us not, if we can help it, be guilty of this 
meanness. 

He who has been a slave may be helpless. Is that 
a reason why we should rob him ? He may, degrad- 
ed and enervated by bondage, be a fit subject for 
peculiar care and peculiar training. Is that a reason 
why our guardianship should be only a mitigated 
form of slavery? If* we do not at first see our duty 
clearly to these people, our sight will be anointed if 
we can remember that we are dealing with men 
whom we would raise to all the dignity of manhood, 
and forget that they have been slaves, belonging to 
a despised race, worth so many cents a day as labor- 
ers. The mistake would be as fatal as that of Car- 
dinal Xim.en.es, who, that he might redeem the In- 
dians from bondage, and make them Christians, pro- 
cured the importation of heathens from Africa for 
the Spanish colonies, and made them slaves. It is 
the spirit of slavery that we must rid ourselves of, 
and not merely a particular form of it. 

It is this error into which Congressional legislation 
seems likely to fall. Wherever, in the Southern 
country, the war strikes a blow, the Federal forces 
are met by a people who welcome their coming as 
deliverers ; who, abandoned by those who have 
hitherto controlled them, hold up their hands, yet 
numb from the manacles that have just dropped from 
them, and ask, in their helplessness, " What will you 
do with us?" There are two answers: " Slaves! 
■we will take care of you!" or, "Men, be men, and 
take care of yourselves!" If their helplessness ap- 
peals to us, let not their manhood be dumb. To the 
oppressed and weak of all other nations, we offer an 
asylum and a welcome. To the Irish, the English, 
the French, and the Germans, driven from home and 
want, we have ready work for ready hands; all that 
benign laws, free schools, free churches, and the 
rights of free citizenship can give, we offer freely to 
them and their children. We do not stop to ask how 
deep the wounds are that the brand of suffering, of 
starvation, and of tyranny has stamped upon their 
souls for centuries. We do not seize upon and bind 
them over to an apprenticeship of five or five-and- 
twenty years, appropriating some small pittance of 
wages, held in our hands, for their maintenance, till 
such time as we shall think they may become fit to 
be the free citizens of a republic. We appropriate 
no far-off region for their colonization, but leave 
them to dissolve into the surrounding mass, trusting 
to our own strength to absorb theirs, and to neutral- 
ize their weakness. Shall we trust ourselves less, 
and be less kind to that more unfortunate class 
among ourselves, hitherto isolated from all those pe- 
culiar blessings that have made our country the most 
favored of all the earth ? There is nothing in their 
character, their intelligence, or their conduct, past 
or present, that demands that they should be made 
an exception in the treatment we extend to the poor 
of all the earth; and we only propose to do so in 
their case because they have been the oppressed of 
our own countrymen, and because, in tolerating the 

freat injustice of which they have been guilty, we 
ave learnt to govern ourselves by their spirit. We 
are consenting to perpetuate, in some measure, the 
crime of which they have been guilty, because these 
slaveholders have been our masters also, and have 
instilled into us their own contempt of the blacks. 
We shall achieve our own emancipation as we work 
out theirs, and justify our own manhood as we recog- 
nize theirs, and any other COtiree is only an evidence 
that we liave not yet broken even our own bonds. 
The country is not yet agreed that the abolition 



of slavery is justifiable even as a war measure. 
There are well-meaning people who question the 
constitutional right to confiscate the property in 
slaves; but there should be no doubt as to the con- 
stitutional and natural wrong of reducing to a new 
slavery those who may fall into our hands. If we 
cannot make men of stives, surely nothing can justi- 
fy us in making slaves of men. If the Federal forces 
find Beaufort District in the possession of black men, 
and no others there to claim ownership of houses 
ami land?;— or, only such as have earned by rebellion 
the penalty of confiscation — then it is no business of 
such forces to inquire into the past condition of those 
loyal laborers found in possession. They are men, 
and women, and children, living in their own hom,;s, 
to whose labo" th.at soil is peculiarly necessary, whose 
wealth that labor has created, understanding and 
fitted for its production, acclimated by birth to that 
climate, asking only now the protection of our laws, 
and ready, under any equable system, to go to work 
as free laborers. By what law of God or man do 
we tear them from their homes, and consign them to 
a new servitude ia some region to be yet redeemed 
from the wilderness?" Why should we desolate a 
whole section of country by banishing from it the 
needed labor already on the spot ? We pride our- 
selves on our practical character, while we propose 
to outrage common sense by removing the labor 
which, we are told, is alone fitted for that locality, 
from a region whose industry is already organized 
and producing vast results, to one where it may not 
be needed to all, aud where, at any rate, a genera- 
tion or two must pass away before there can be any 
results whatever, except, perhans, a bare subsistence 
for incompetent colonists. We pretend to know 
something of political economy, and welcome the 
laborer from evury quarter of the globe even to our 
most populous cities, and yet propose to banish from 
our richest lands the sparse, but proper, labor, which 

nder the worst system gets from them hundreds of 
millions of dollars every year. And, as if this gigan- 
tic blunder were not enough, we propose to found 
new colonies by an enforced system of serfdom, a 
system of apprenticeship, the to-be-continued of sla- 
very, concentrating in new communities all tbe vices, 
all the discontent, and all the evils, so far as the 
blacks are concerned, with new ones added, which 
slavery has engendered ! And this, the mere feculum 
of a pro-slavery prejudice, the unreasonable and un- 
reasoning hatred of a race that owes us nothing but 
the remembrance of centuries of wrong, is called 
statesmanship ! If it were not so wicked, one could 
laugh at its utter foolishness and blindness. But it 
is as unworthy of us as Christians as it is as discredi- 
table to us as freemen- 
No; let us treat the blacks as men — simply as 

an. If we remember that they have been slaves 
at all, let it only be that we may listen to that ap- 
peal to our humanity. Extend to them all the ad- 
vantages of free labor, and the free institutions we 
so cherish for ourselves and our children ; give to 
them the right of the " pursuit of happiness " in 
their own way; secure to them the right of a fair 
day's wages for a fair day's work ; aud welcome them 
to common justice and a common toil. We may 
safely listen in this matter to the dictates of common 

mse, and leave the event of simply doing right to 
follow. — New York Independent. 



NEGKOES FOE SOLDIERS. 

In a speech before the Legislature of Vermont, at 
its last session, Geo. Butler declared that, in the event 
of a foreign war, " we would arm every man on the 
continent, be he white, grey, blue, or black." The 
statement was welcomed with vociferous applause by 
the audience, who seemed to have no horror of a 
piebald host composed of such constituents. But 
since, when men have coolly considered the proposi- 
tion, some have gravely raised the question as to the 
capacity of negroes to make good soldiers. The insane 
cry, so rife a few years ago, " Put none but Ameri- 
cans on guard," is now rendered by many people : 
" Put none but white men men on guard." The 
former slogan has lost its charm. It has been found 
that Irishmen and Germans are loyal, and will fight ; 
that they will do " to put on guard." Perhaps ac- 
tual trial will show that black men may be trusted, 
too. But are negroes fit for brave and efficient sol- 
diers ? 

There is no instance, that we remember, of regu- 
lar and protracted warfare between negroes and 
whites, save in the island of Hayti. We shall not 
now discuss the political aspects of the Haytien Rev- 
olutions, but barely examine them, to discover what 
light they shed on the question which has been 
raised. Napoleon attempted to reduce the emanci- 
pated slaves on the island to slavery again. They 
fought out a bloody conflict with him in the defence 
of their rights, and worsted him. Toussaint L'Ou- 
verture, the great leader of the blacks, who showed 
the highest qualities of a general and statesman, was 
of pure negro descent ; was a slave in the capacity 
of coachman, when the Iiaytien troubles first began. 
He gradually rose from the most subordinate posi- 
tion to that of leader and Liberator of his fellows. 
His chief lieutenants and coadjutors were blacks, or 
of mixed descent. Before L'Ouverture gained the 
command, the blacks fought in predatory, guerilla 
bands, plundering, burning, and murdering; but he 
organized them into regular military organizations, 
disciplined them, and curbed their fierce and vindic- 
tive passions. The French veterans founil them a 
stubborn enemy, contesting every inch of ground, 
and finally driving them back into the sea. 

When Napoleon determined to subjugate the blacks 
in Hayti, he made the most formidable preparations. 
The fleet was composed of twenty-one frigates and 
thirty-five other vessels of war — exceeding the Port 
Royal expedition. The fleet bore one of the most 
valiant of armies. It was composed of French vet- 
erans who had served in Italy, in Egypt, on the 
Rhine, numbering more than 30,000 men, under the 
command of Leclcrc, brother-in-law of Napoleon. 
Toussaint's forces numbered 16,000 men. When he 
saw the hostile fleet, he exclaimed to his officers, " We 
must perish ; all France is coming to St. Domingo." 
With skilful strategy, however, the negro general 
retired from the seaports to the mountains. After 
considerable parleying and manecuvcring, Leclerc 
advanced on Toussaint with an army of 25,000 men. 
His advance guard under the command of Rocham- 
beau, son of the Frenchman who commanded the 
French auxiliaries in our Revolution, was met in a 
ravine at Conleuvre by the black army, and repulsed. 
Dr. Beard thus describes the conflict : — 

" The impetuosity of the French attack was checked 
by the bravery of the resistance. The troops in am- 
bush pressed forward on the flanks and in the rear of 
the French, who everywhere presented a bold front to 
the assailants. The retrenchment having been ojiencd, 
the conflict became bloody and obstinate. Now the 
victory inclined to this side, now to that. * * * With 
such fury did the conflict rage, that arms were thrown 
aside, and combatants, seizing each other, struggled 
for life and death. The field of battle was covered 
with slain. A decisive effort was necessary. Putting 

himself at the head of hi* grenadiers, Toussaint rushed 
to the attack, and drove Itocharnbeau over tbe river, 
where in the morning the fight had begun." 



That is very decent behavior for negroes under a 
negro leader, matched against the elite of Napoleon's 
soldiers ! In the siege of Crete- a- Pierrot, trie same 
determined, steady courage was displayed by the 
blacks. The French made the first assault on the 
4th of March, 1802. They rushed forward to the at- 
tack with bravery aud enthusiasm, but were hurled 
back discomfited. Thegenerai-in-chief, Debelle, was 
wounded as well as brigadier-general Devaux. 
Tiie division fell ba.'k with a loss of 400 men. Soon 
another assault was made. General Boudet was 
wounded. When his division was on the point of 
perishing, that of General Digua came up. That 
general was struck down; only one general officer 
kept the field. The blacks charged, and the French 
were again repulsed. This second attack cost them 
800 men. Preparations for a third attack were 
made. The . stronghold was regularly invested. 
Fresh troops were brought up, and partial successes 
obtained. Encouraged by them, Rschambeau was 
emboldened to attempt to carry a battery, but failed 
with the loss of 300 men. Tiie garrison finally cut 
its way out with the loss of less than half its number, 
leaving to the assailants only a pile of -ruins. The 
contest was finally renewed elsewhere. By the bas- 
est treachery, Leclerc entrapped Toussaint, whom 
he could not vanquish in the field. But other lead- 
ers were found. Tiie French army was decimated 
by disease, and by its contests with an active foe. The 
splendid army was completely reduced, and Napo- 
leon was compelled to send out another army of 
20,000 men. But he still failed of his purpose. The 
blacks rose throughout the island under the command 
of Dessalines, Christophe and Ferrou, ravaged the 
Interior, laid waste the coasts, and invested the 
Frenchmen at Cape Francais, and they were finally 
compelled to capitulate. ILtving expelled the in- 
vading foe, Dessalines, once a slave himself, proceed- 
ed to organize a government, of which he became 
the head. 

These are some salient points of the contest in 
SUyti. The negroas minifested fortitude, courage 
and enthusiasm through the long war. They were 
intrepid in attack, steady and uuflinching when as- 
SAilerl. They met face to face the best troops the 
world had then, and proved themselves " foemen 
worthy of their steel." Tiiey were organized and 
led by negroes who had just been freed from sla- 
very. The history of the Hiytien Revolution is 
positive proof that negroes have made good soldiers. 
— Burlington (Vt.) Times. 



QUIETISM. 

There have been in all periods a class of persons 
who, either from natural disposition or from person- 
al or class interest, hive been opposed to all innova- 
tion upon established institutions or usages, and 
averse to all change in the constitution of soeiety. 
We miy call them Q delists. Tuey are forever 
praying for peace and harmonv. They deprecate 
all discussion and agitation. They miy acknowl- 
edge the existence of alleged evils, but beg that 
these ravy not be disturbed in their day. " After us 
the deluge. Let us eat and drink, mirry and give 
in mirriago, and let our descendants look out for 
themselves. As for this Noah who goes about preach- 
ing so much of his righteousness, and finding fault 
with our way of living, and predicting soma terrible 
disaster which is soon to overtake us, hs is only a 
noisy fanatic, seeking popularity with the misses 
whom he deludes by his talk. He ought to be put 
down, and not be allowed to create all this strife and 
discussion, and overturn the founditions of society, 
aud disturb the peace and repose of his betters." 

Such is a specimen of the arguments in all ages 
of the Q iietists. Some of them are honest, and 
some are dishonest. Tne former might be suffered 
to babble away, for they could never exert any in- 
fluence on the general current of aifairs. Tuey 
could pore over their books, or retire to their coun- 
try scats, lamenting over the unsettled state of af- 
fairs, and deploring the passions of men, but they 
are of" no particular consequence. It is only when 
interested men take up the same strain, and seek to 
prolong the existence of bad institutions in religion, 
government or society, that it is worthy of notice, 
and the necessity and duty of discussion and agita- 
tion need to be boldly asserted and practised. 
' The Northern friends of slavery have been the 
greatest quietists in this country from the beginning. 
Both the sincere and the insincere have endeavored 
to prevent discussion, to put down agitation, to stifle 
the voice of those who were seeking to arouse tho 
people to its injustice, and to the disasters which 
must reside from a persistence in maintaining it. All 
through the pro-slavery and anti-slavery agitation of 
the last thirty years, this has been one of the weap- 
ons in the hands of slavery, and one it has wielded 
with no little effect. Time and again have the peo- 
ple been deluded by the cry of quietism. The tiger 
has withdrawn his claws and concealed his teeth for 
a brief period when the popular sense of his ferocity 
and danger seemed growing so strong as to endanger 
his ease and safety, and then his keepers have cried 
out, " What a handsome animal he is ! What 
smooth fur, aud pretty stripes, and soft tread, and 
meek look he has ! There is no harm in him. Let 
him alone." And so the people have been quieted, 
and the tiger has revived his nature, and has gone 
on devouring men and women, and seeking further 
prey for his insatiable appetite. And those who 
have declared his true character, and warned against 
his continuance in the land, have been stigmatized 
with the most opprobrious epithets, the vilest preju- 
dices have been excited against them, until the name 
of Abolitionist has become one of more terror than 
that of the tiger himself they have sought to destroy. 

And so we have come down to our times. And 
the savage beast slavery has developed its nature to 
the fullest extent, by seeking to rend the country in 
twain, and involving us in a civil war with all the 
untold and imaginable evils that accompany it. 
Having failed in establishing its lair in the national 
government, it has resolved to build a den for itself, 
and to enclose a forest where it may roam and riot 
at pleasure. And arc there quietists still ? Are 
there men who, when we are engaged in this deadly 
struggle, in which cither liberty or slavery must 
triumph, bid us refrain from discussion, forget the 
causes which led to this lamentable strife, aud con- 
duct the struggle without reference to the causes in 
which it had its origin ? One would deem it impos- 
sible. If in the war of the Revolution one calling 
himself a patriot American had stood up in Faucnil 
Hall, after the battles of Lexington and Bunker 
Hill, and after the Declaration of Independence, 
and urged on tho people to continue the struggle 
against Great, Britain till independence was achieved, 
but for the future to make no mention of the causes 
of the contest in which they were engaged, of the 
tyranny of the mother country, of her hostility to 
the- interests of America, of her intention by all 
means to prevent our growth and prosperity, would 
not the sound common sense of our fathers have 
hooted him from the platform, and would he not, 
have been a marked man, suspected as regarded Ins 
fidelity to the cause ever a.fl.er ? 

Equally absurd it is at the present day to carry 
on l he present contest, and ignore the causes which 



I have led to it. If we would conduct the struggle to 
a successful issue, if we would establish the final 
triumph of liberty over slavery, of democratic over 
class and privileged institutions, we must keep con- 
stantly in view the causes of the war. If we do not, 
if we suffer ourselves to be deluded by the cry of the 
Quietists, if we forget that it is slavery against which 
we are fighting, we shall, before we know it, have 
the old palliative proposed, we shall have some new 
compromise, some new concession to slavery pre- 
sented as a means of settling our difficulties. We 
may thus secure a superficial and transient truce, 
but we shall leave the cause of the war, the same 
sources of discord, of trouble, and of war that have 
brought the present evils upon us, as a doubly bane- 
ful legacy to our descendants. Let us not be so 
cowardly as that. Let us probe the matter to the 
root for ourselves. Let us continue to keep in mind 
the great cause of our national troubles, and resolve 
that there shall be no more compromise with it or 
concession to it. And let us look with distrust upon 
the Quietists who every little while are raising their 
soft voices amid this struggle of great principles and 
ideas, and begging us to forget all principle, and only 
seek for peace. All such are either incapable of ap- 
preciating tiro magnitude and the character of the 
struggle in which we are engaged, or they are base- 
ly seeking to deceive the people, to blind their sense 
of justice, to administer an opiate to their con- 
sciences, and in reality to aid and sustain the exist- 
ence and the evils of human slavery. — New Bedford 
Republican Standard. 



MANUFA<JTUKING PUBLI0 OPINION IN 
FAV0E OP THE SOUTH. 

The slaveholders of the Southern States have one 
characteristic of the children of this world in a very 
high degree. They are wise in their generation. 
Tney have been preparing for their great secession 
for years with all the subtlety of the serpent; and 
they have, as one means of securing aid and comfort 
for their cause, sought and obtained a strong feeling 
in their favor in Britain and her dependencies. By 
artful representations that the secession movement 
was for liberty and free trade, when it was really 
for slavery, they have secured many powerful advo- 
cates; and they have been, it is believed, skilful in 
the use of still more direct inducements to manufac- 
ture public opinion in favor of their cause. 

The results of this engineering are obvious. In 
the West Indies, for instance, British neutrality is 
very one-sided. Everything-that can be done with- 
out transgressing the law of nations, is done~fbr 
Southern belligerents; and everything, within the 
same limits, against Northern belligerents. This is 
not very extraordinary, seeing the frequent inter- 
course between the West Indies and tbe Southern 
States, and the aristocratic pro-slavery feeling which 
almost everywhere prevails among officials and offi- 
cers. 

The leading paper of Britain, and perhaps of the 
world, followed by a host of satellites, has gone 
thoroughly for the South and against the North, in 
a way that is a perfect disgrace to British fairness. 
Everything that tells in favor of one side is magni- 
fied and set in the most favorable light, whilst every- 
thing injurious to the other " is set in a note-book, 
learned and conned by rote, to east into her teeth." 
The unanimity, vigor, patriotism and self-sacrifice of 
the Northern States are sneered at and misrepre- 
sented in a manner worthy of Meplnstophiles him- 
self; whilst their every error, weakness and fault, 
is made the most of. It is not, however, surprising 
that the Times should take the pro-slavery side; it 
always has done so. In all questions respecting 
West India slavery, it has been on the side of the 
merchants, planters and capitalists ; and when their 
views conflicted with humanity and justice, the 
Times was always in antagonism with both. Tiie 
unscrupulous character of the " leading journal," in 
this respect, has been the subject of remark for 
many years ; and it is one of the reproaches of Eng- 
land that such a wrong-principled paper should be 
its prominent organ. The" Times, we believe, can- 
not be bribed with Secession gold ; but its instincts 
are on the side of aristocracy, slavery and cotton, 
versus human rights and human freedom ; and those 
instincts are shown in the present struggle, in the 
most malignant manner. It is doing its very best 
to incite the British nation to war with the United 
States at this time, as the best opportunity for over- 
throwing what it calls " unbridled democracy" — aid- 
ing slavery and other aristocratic institutions, and 
obtaining cotton to promote commerce and manu- 
factures. 

It is in Canada, however, that the greatest triumphs 
of Secession intrigue in ay be seen. The West In- 
dies — on account of near neighborhood, long mutual 
acquaintance, and frequent intercourse — was, doubt- 
less, predisposed to favor the Suuth. Eigland has 
the powerful inducements of free trade and cotton 
to draw her sympathies in that direction ; but the 
intercourse and interests of Canada were all with 
the North, and to have secured as much as they have 
done of public opinion here, in favor of Dixie, shows 
no little ability in manufacturing public opinion on 
the part of the knot of clever Secessionists who have 
been residing for some months in Canada. — Montre- 
al Witness. 



we are in danger of negro equality ! " Hardly, Mr. 
Smith. We imagine you would say: " Boyths, do 
your duty, thoot the athathins." The soldiers from 
Southern Indiana do not know why receiving aid 
from negroes in the army any more puts them on an 
equality, than such aid as Mr. Smith receives in 
Washington makes equality there. — Ind. American. 



CALEB B. SMITH ON AKMIHG THE SLAVES. 

In his speech at the Prentice dinner at Washing- 
ton, Hon. Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, 
said of the Cochrane Cameron proposition to arm 
the slaves : — ■ 

"Putting arms into slaves' diands ! If this be at- 
tempted to any extent, the whole world will cry out 
against our inhumanity, our savagery, and the sym- 
pathies of all mankind will be turned against us as 
they were against the blacks, who murdered and 
drove the French from Hayti. And if it be attempt- 
ed, the soldiers in the army from Southern Indiana, 
Illinois, ail Maryland, Kentucky, Delaware, Penn- 
sylvania, nearly all, and from Now York south of 
the Erie Canal, with the strong regiments from New 
Jersey, will, before God, protest against being thus 
puton an equality with negro soldiers in their ranks." 

All very nice, Hon. Mr. Smith, with your sons 
comfortably housed around you in fat. offices in Wash- 
ington, guarded by 200.000" soldiers who sleep in the 
innd and eat army biscuits ! You theorize bravely 
about the soldiers in tho army from Southern Indiana, 
while you know not a whit about their feelings. 
' Negro equality,' forsooth ! Do you protest before 
God against being put on an equality with the ne- 
gro who docs chores for you anil your dear sons in 
Washington? Be assured, Mr. Smith, that the sol- 
diers have just as good sense as you have, and will 
not flare up if negroes lire put between them and 
bayonets, a bit more than the Hon. Smith's family 
would if their hoolbhek and t.heir cook should thrust 
their sable persons between the aforesaid Smith fam- 
ily and an armed assassin, or perchance a scout 
from tho rebel army. Wouldl.hu Smiths feel their 
dignity so endangered (hat they would say, a Boys, 

you black rascals, stand back ' We BOOrO to be skiv- 
ed by the negroes, lost Southern Indiana should say 



HON. CHARLES SUMNEE. 

The intelligent Washington correspondent of the 
Anti-Slavery Standard writes that paper under date 
of Dec. 3, that Mr. Sumner is doing a brave work 
in the Senate : — 

" Scarcely a day passes on which he does not give 
slavery a hard blow. The members from New Vir- 
ginia, or Kanawha, have taken his attacks upon the 
institution in very bad humor. Each of them has 
made a bitter speech against slavery^-agitation and 
Abolitionists. When Senator Carlisle hadlTni34 
his speech the other day, a Republican Senator re- 
marked quietly, " A poor exchange for Mason !" 
The fact is, you can't cure a man educated under 
the influence of slavery of his love for the institution, 
though he may have no pecuniary interest in it for 
years. The ignorance engendered by slavery is not 
to be overcome at once. 

" Mr. Sumner is now a leading man in the Senate, 
occupying the position for which his talents eminent- 
ly fit him. The pro-slavery Senators complain some- 
times that he keeps the picture of slavery constantly 
before their eyes, but, to tell the truth, it is very 
pleasant to an outsider to see these old tyrants 
obliged to sit still for awhile, and hear things uttered 
on the subject of slavery which it is very unpleasant 
for them to hear. It will do them good, and wheth- 
er it will or not, Sumner will not give them rest- 
To see men like Bright and Powell sit still when 
Charles Sumner charged Baker's murder on slavery 
was worth at least ten years of anti-slavery priva- 
tions. The pro-slavery interest in the Senate is 
quite respectful, and does not indulge in the old time 
bluster and parade." 

Washington, January 9, 1862. 

The speech of Mr. Sumner in the Senate to-day, 
on the Trent affair, was a masterly and exhaustive 
exposition of the triumph of American principles as 
applied to international law. In all his arguments 
and illustrations, he left our respected mother Eng- 
land "out in the cold." He demonstrated that, by 
;-ti other leading European Powers, the American 
^.rjtrine had been recognized and admitted for many 
y rarsyavuLtha^Englaud alone had opposed it. The 
inconsistency orTri"e^^rv<.'rii - --[iiiUicm of England, 
with her policy in all the past was tuTMBJByaJUlii 
trated, and the conclusion, that Great BritamT 
stopped from any future assertion of her doctrine in 
reference to the right of visitation and search was 
brilliant and effective. The speech was impressive- 
ly delivered. The galleries of the Senate were 
densely crowded. Notwithstanding the inclemency 
of the weather, the ladies' gallery was filled to over- 
flowing. Mrs. Vice President Hamlin aud a party 
of her friends occupied seats in the diplomatic gal- 
lery, which was also filled. Secretaries Chase and 
Cameron occupied seats on the floor of the chamber, 
where were also the French, Russian, _4«**i»n, 
Prussian, Dmish and Swedish Ministers. Lord 
Lyons was not present, as etiquette required that he 
should not be there on such an occasion. M. Mer* 
cier, the French Minister, occupied a seat nest to 
Mr. Bright, and exchanged salutations with Mr. 
Sumner at the conclusion of the speech, as did also 
most of the other foreign dignitaries. 

Mr. Sumner's speech has created a marked im- 
pression on the public in regard to himself. It has 
removed much prejudice that existed against him, 
and added greatly to his reputation as a profound 
statesman. Tiie impression prevailed that, with all 
his learning, his extraordinary acquirements and 
splendid talents, he could not avoid the introduction 
of his peculiar views in reference to slavery : and on 
account of the strong anti-slavery proclivities of 
England hitherto, and the sympathy heretofore from 
this cause existing between leading English politi- 
cians and our own anti-slavery men of Mr. Sumner's 
class, it was apprehended by many that he would be 
inclined to lean towards Great Britain in this con- 
troversy. His course to-day was, therefore, an agree- 
able surprise. Tiie absence of any allusion in his 
speech to the negro question demonstrated his abil- 
ity ami willingness to rise superior to the one idea 
attributed to him, and the scathing exposition of 
British inconsistency in regard to the right of search, 
and the dignified rebuke he administered to England, 
exhibited his capacity to regard public affairs with 
the eye of a genuine statesman. 

The applause accorded to this really great produc- 
tion is universal and unqualified.— Washington cor- 
respondent of the New York Herald. 



GLEAMS OF M0BNLNG LIGHT. 

" It now seem?," says the Worcester Transcript, 
as if we could already catch the first gleam of the 
breaking day of emancipation. Already public sen- 
timent is indicating its unmistakable tendency to- 
wards the removal of the great cause of all our 
troubles. The Yankees may be anything else one 
chooses to call them, but they are not fools. If the 
best way to carry on this war is by striking at slav- 
ery, they will find it out, and they will not submit 
to have it carried on by any but the best way. Al- 
ready, men who wait till they are sure they can move 
in a majority, and others who move bec&Uai 
ity is moving, are beginning to feel 
the platform where the few des| 
move because duty bids them, and not it' 

they stand alone, so that they BW rtgfei, n.iw bjmu 
this long while standing. Already they are begin- 
ning to say, "Down with slavery, if it is the stumb- 
ling block in the way of the lvesiablishnient of the 
Union ! " And such is the response of the people to 
these words that it will soon require more courage 
not to say than to say them. 

Our army is now upon enemies* territory. It i 
surrounded by tens of thousands of slaves who were 
deserted by their terrified masters. It must extend 
to them the rights of which they have been deprived. 
It must accept their services, and make the most of 
them. And the moment this is done, the 30,000 slaves 
around Beaufort, are more terrible to the rebels than 
an army with banners. They arc 30,000 missionaries 
lo carry the gospel of emancipation to the millions 
of their fellow-bondmen, who have so long been kept 
from the light aud knowledge which alone are nec- 
essary to mike them tVeemcn. 

And the blow which has fallen upon South Caro- 
lina impends with equal certainty over all the rebel 
States. One after s another, they must fall before 
the Northern invaders, and slavery cannot survive 
in thu presence of an army of freemen." 



&2P* The U. S. Senate, after an Executive session 
of three hours on Friday, confirmed tbe nomination 
of Mr. Cameron as Minister to Russia, by a vote of 

21 against 14. 



14 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JAUSTTJ^IRY 24. 



%\it ffifonatflt'. 

Ho Uaiou with Slaveholders! 
BOSTON, TODAY, JANUARY 24, 1862. 



MR. GARRISON'S SPEECH AT NEW YORK. 

The Abolitionists and their Relations to the "War, 

( Phonograph ically reported by As drew J. Gkahab.] 
[revised by the lecturer.] 

■William Lloyd G-arrisox lectured at the Cooper 
Institute, in the city of New York, on Tuesday eve- 
ning, 14th hist, on " The Abolitionists, and their Re- 
lations to the War." Previous to the lecture, a lady 
[Mrs. Abby Hutchinson Paton] modestly advanced 
from one of the seats on the platform, and placed a 
bouquet of fragrant flowers beside the speaker's desk, 
and also an ivy wreath. The tribute was noticed by 
the audience with an outburst of applause. Among 
others present on the crowded platform were ltev. 
Dr. Tyng, Superintendent S. A. Kennedy, Rev. Mr. 
Sloan, and others of prominence. 

At 8 o'clock, Mr. Garrison arrived, escorted by 
Mr. Theodore Tilton, who, after announcing a forth- 
coming lecture by Davis, the contraband, introduced 
the orator of the evening, as follows : — 

SPEECH OF THEODORE TILTON. 

Ladies asd Gentlemen, — I put myself, for a 
moment, between you and him, [pointing to Mr. Gar- 
rison,] because I have been asked, and honored in the 
asking, to give to a genuine Yankee a genuine Yan- 
kee welcome; and I know not how to do it better 
than just to make the old-fashioned sign of the right 
hand, which is the Yankee token of good fellowship, 
and in your name to offer it to William Lloyd Gar- 
bison. (Applause.) 

Mr. Tilton thereupon extended his hand to Mr. 
Garrison, who forthwith advanced, and was cordially 
welcomed. Mr. Garrison spoke as follows : — 

SPEECH OF WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 
Ladies and Gentlemen, — No public speaker, on 
rising to address an assembly, has any right to pre- 
sume that, because at the outset he receives a cour- 
teous and even warm approval, therefore they are pre- 
pared to endorse all his views and utterances. Doubt- 
less, there are some points, at least, about which we 
very wjdel^trrrrer ; and yet, I must frankly confess, I 
Snw of no other reason for your kind approval, 
this evening, than that I am an original, uncompro- 
mising, irrepressible, out-and-out, unmistakable, Gar- 
risonian Abolitionist. (Enthusiastic applause.) By 
that designation, I do not mean one whose brain is 
crazed, whose spirit is fanatical, whose purpose is wild 
and dangerous; but one whose patriotic creed is the 
Declaration of American Independence, (loud cheers,) 
■whose moral line of measurement is the Golden Rule, 
whose gospel of humanity is the Sermon on the 
Mount, and whose language is that of Ireland's Lib- 
erator, O'Connell — " I care not what caste, creed or 
color slavery may assume. Whether it be personal 
or political, mental or corporeal, intellectual or spir- 
itual, I am for its instant, its total abolition. I am for 
justice, in the name of humanity, and according to 
the law of the living God." (Cheers.) 

Hence, what I wrote many years ago, I feel proud 
once more to affirm : — 

' ' I am an Abolitionist ! 

I glory in the name; 
Though now by Slavery's minions hissed, 

And covered o'er with shame. 
It is a spell of light and power — 

The watchword of the free; 
Who spurns it in the trial-hour, 

A craven soul is he ! " 



(Applause.) 

I know that to be an Abolitionist is not to be with 
the multitude— on the side of the majority — in a pop- 
ular and respectable position; and yet I think I have 
a right to ask of you, and of all who are living on 
the soil 6T the Ejm^irje^-&ta1e7aTt6^ot^fne - peopIe of the 
je", why it is that you and they shrink 
frornTne name of Abolitionist? Why is it that, while 
you profess to be opposed to slavery, you nevertheless 
desire the whole world to understand that you are not 
radical Abolitionists ? What is the meaning of this ? 
Why are you not all Abolitionists ? Your principles 
are mine ! What you have taught me, I adopt. 
What you have taken a solemn oath to support, as 
essential to a free Government, I recognize as right 
and just. The people of this State profess to believe 
in the^Xteclaration of Independence. That is my 
Abolitionism. Every man, therefore, who disclaims 
Abolitionism, repudiates the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. Does he not? "All men are created equal, 
and endowed by their Creator with an inalienable 
right to liberty." Gentlemen, that is my fanaticism — 
that is all my fanaticism. (Cheers.) All I ask is 
that this declaration may lie carried out everywhere 
in our country and throughout the world. It belongs 
to mankind. Your Constitution is an Abolition Con- 
stitution. Your laws are Abolition laws. Your insti- 
tutions are Abolition institutions. Your free schools 
are Abolition schools. (Cheers.) I believe in them 
fill; and all that I ask is, that institutions so good, so 
free., .so noble, may be everywhere propagated, every- 
where accepted. And thus it is that I desire, not to 
esr.se the South, or any portion of her people, but to 
bless her abundantly, by abolishing her infamous and 
demoralizing slave institution, and erecting the tem- 
ple of liberty on the ruins thereof. (Loud applause.) 
I believe in Democracy; but it is the Democracy 
which recognizes man as man, the world over. 
( Cheers. J It is that Democracy which spurns the fet- 
ter and the yoke for itself, and for all wearing the 
human form. And therefore I say, that any man who 
pretends to be a Democrat, and yet defends the act of 
aaaking man the property of his fellow-man, is a dis- 
sembler and a hypocrite, and I unmask him before the 
universe. {Loud cheers.) 

We profess to be Christians. Christianity — its ob- 
ject is to redeem, not to enslave men! Christ is our 
Redeemer. I believe in Him. He leads the Anti- 
Slavery cause, and always has led it. The Gospel is 
the Gospel of freedom ; and any man claiming to be 
a Christian, and to have within him the same mind 
that was in Christ Jesus, and yet dares to hold his 
fellow -man in bondage, as a mere piece of perishable 
property, is recreant to all the principles and obliga- 
tions of Christianity. (Applause.) 

Why js it, men of the Empire State, that there are 
no slaveB here? Four millions of people, and not a 
single slave among them all ! On what ground was 
slavery abolished in the State of New York? On 
-tlae-raerc sr»und of policy or expediency, or -because 
it was ar, immoraJiJy, a crime, an outrage, and there- 
fore not to be tolerated by a civilized and Christian 
people ? Hfcwse I affirm that the people of this State 
are committed to radical,'" ultra" Abolitionism. And 
so I have a right to expect everywhere a friendly 
hearing and a warm cooperation on the part of the 
people when I denounce slavery, and endeavor to 
bring it to the dust, and to take the chains from those 
who are laboring under the lash of the slave-dri 
You have abolished slavery, because it can havi 
rightful existence here. You allow no man to decide 
whether he can humanely hold a slave. So of Mas- 
sachusetts, so of New England, and so of the nine 
teen free States. Slavery is pronounced a curse by 
them all. Every man before the law is equal to every 
other man; and no man may lay his hand too heavily 
upon the shoulder of Ids brother man, except at his 
peril. 

In the very generous notice of this lecture last Sun- 
day, by Henry Ward Beecher, he said that he fully 
accorded with me in my principles, which strike at 
the foundation of slavery. AH slavery is wrong, Un- 
just, immoral and unchristian, and ought to termi- 
nate, but he expressed some difference of opinion in 
regard to my methods for its abolition. I am confi- 
dent that, upon further reflection and investigation, he 
will find my methods of Abolition are as unexcep- 
tionable as my principles. My method is simply this: 



when I see a slaveholder, I tell him he is bound by 
every consideration of justice and humanity to let the 
oppressed gi» free. That is God's method, and 1 
think there can be no improvement upon it. (Ap- 
plause.) And when 1 find an accomplice of the slave- 
holder sustaining him in his iniquity, I bid him re- 
pent, and demand that he bring forth fruits meet for 
repentance. That is my method. (Renewed ap- 
plause.) 

Now I say that if we are right in establishing our 
itisiitutions upon the foundations of equal liberty, we 
have a right to endeavor to propagate those institu- 
tions all over the country and throughout the world. 
We have a right to say to those in the slave States, 
" Your system of slavery is inherently wrong and 
dangerous. Regard your slaves as men, treat them 
as such, establish free institutions, substitute for the 
lash a fair compensation, and you will be blest, won- 
derfully blest." Have I not a right to say this? Is 
it not a natural, God-given, constitutional right? On 
the other hand, they have a perfect right at the South 
to endeavor to proselyte us in regard to their institu- 
tions; and I think they have done their best — that 
is, their worst — in that direction. 

I never have heard any complaint in regard to the 
unlimited freedom of speech on the part of Southern 
slaveholders and slave-traffickers. We are told by 
pro-slavery men here, that we have no right to discuss 
this matter ! They point us to our national compact. 
They gravely tell us to remember that, at the organ- 
ization of the Government, the slave States were iu 
existence, and came into the Union on terms of equal- 
ity, and, under the compact, we have no right to criti- 
cise or condemn them because of their holding slaves. 
Now, my reply to them is, in the first place, that no 
compact of man's device can bind me to silence when 
I see my fellow-man unjustly oppressed. (Applause.) 
I care not when or where the compact was made, or 
by whom it was approved. My right to denounce 
tyrants and tyranny is not derived from man, nor 
from constitutions or compacts. I find it in my own 
soul, written there by the finger of God, and man 
can never erase it. (Applause.) I am sure that, if it 
were your case ; if you were the victims of a com- 
pact that denied the right of any one to plead for your 
deliverance, though you were most grievously op- 
pressed — though your children and wives were for 
sale in the market, along with cattle and swine — you 
would exclaim, "Accursed be such a compact! Let 
none be dumb in regard to our condition I" 

My reply again is, that the compact, bad as it is in 
its pro-slavery features, provides for the liberty of 
speech and of the press, and therefore I am justified 
in saying what I honestly think in regard to slavery 
and those who uphold it. The Southern slaveholders, 
I repeat, have always exercised the largest liberty of 
speech. They have denounced free institutions to an 
unlimited extent. Is the right all on one side ? May 
I not reciprocate, and say what I think of their slave 
institutions t Yes, I have the right, and, by the help 
of God, I mean to exercise it, come what may. (Great 
applause.) 

The times are changing. Yes, it is spoken of with 
exultation, — and well it may be as a cheering sign of 
progress, — that even Dr. Brownson has been able to 
speak against slavery in the city of Washington, with- 
out being in peril of his life ; that even Horace Gree- 
ley and George B. Chcever have been permitted to 
stand up in the Capital of their country, and utter 
brave words for freedom ; and nobody mobbed them ! 
(Applause.) And I am told it is expected that my 
eloquent friend, and the friend of all mankind, Wen- 
dell Phillips, (cheers,) will also soon make his ap- 
pearance at Washington, to be heard on the same sub- 
ject, without running any great personal risk. This 
is something to boast of! And yet I must confess, 
that I feel humiliated when I remember that all this 
is rendered possible, under our boasted Constitution, 
only because there is a Northern army of 150,000 sol- 
diers in and around the Capital ! (Applause.) Take 
that army away — restore. the eld state of things — and 
it-would not be possible for such speeches to he made 
there ; but while we have Gen. McClellan and 150,000 
Northern bayonets in that section, a Northern man 
may say aloud at Washington, "Let the Declaration 
of Independence be applied to all the oppressed in the 
land," and his life is not specially endangered in so 
doing! (Cries of "Hear, hear!") If that is all we 
have to boast of now, what has been our condition 
hitherto ? 

Now, I maintain that no institution has a right to 
claim exemption from the closest scrutiny. All our 
Northern institutions are open for inspection. Every 
man may say of them what he pleases. If he does not 
like them, he can denounce them. If he thinks he 
can suggest better ones, he is entitled to do so. No- 
body thinks of mobbing him, nobody thinks of throw- 
ing rotten eggs and brickbats at his head. Liberty ! 
why, she is always fearless, honest, open-hearted. 
She says, as one did of old, " Search me and try me, 
and see if there be anything evil in me." But, on the 
other hand, we are not permitted to examine Southern 
institutions. O no ! And what is the reason? Sim- 
ply because they will not bear examination 1 Of 
course, if the slaveholder felt assured that they could, 
he would say, " Examine them freely as you will, I 
will assist you in every way in my power." Ah! 
"'tis conscience that makes cowards of them all!" 
They dread the light, and with the tyrant of old they 
cry, " Put out the light — and then put out the light ! " 
That is their testimony in regard to the rectitude of 
their slave institutions. 

The slaveholders desire to be let alone. Jefferson 
Davis and his crew cry out, "Let us alone! " The 
Slave Oligarchy have always cried out, " Let us 
alone ! " It is an old cry— 1,800 years old at least— it 
was the cry of those demons who had taken possession 
of their victims, and who said to Jesus, "Let us 
alone ! Why hast thou come to torment us before the 
time?" (Laughter and applause.) Now, Jesus did 
not at all mistake the time ; he was precisely in time, 
and therefore he bore his testimony like the prince of 
emancipators, and the foul demons were cast out, but 
not without rending the body. The slaves of our 
country, outraged, lacerated and chained, cry out 
agonizingly to those who are thus treating them, " Let 
us alone ! " — but the slaveholders give no heed to that 
cry at all ! Now, I will agree to let the slaveholders 
alone when they let their slaves alone, and not till 
then. (Applause.) 

" Let this matter rest with the South ; leave slavery 
in the care and keeping of slaveholders, to put an end 
to it at the right time, as they best understand the 
whole matter." You will hear men, claiming to be in- 
telligent, talking in this manner continually. They 
do not know what idiots they are ; for is it anything 
better than idiocy for men to say : " Leave idolatry to 
idolaters, to be abolished when they think best; leave 
intemperance to drunkards ; they best understand all 
about it ; they will undoubtedly, if let alone, in God's 
own time, put an end to it (laughter) ; leave piracy to 
be abolished by pirates; leave impurity to the lieen- 
tioua to be done away ; leave the sheep to the con- 
siderate humanity of wolves, when they will cease to 
prey upon them ! " No, this is not common sense ; it 
is not sound reason ; it is nothing but sheer folly. Sal- 
vation, if it comes at all, must come from without. 
Those who are not drunkards must save the drunken ; 
those who are not impure must save the impure ; those 
who are not idolators must combine to put down idol 
try ; or the world can never make any progress. So 
we who are not slaveholders are under obligati 
combine, and by every legitimate method endeavor to 
abolish slavery ; for the slaveholders will never do it 
if they can possibly help it. Why do you send your 
missionaries abroad ? Why do you go to the isles of 
the sea, to Hindostan and Burmah and other parts of 
the heathen world with your meddlesome, impertinent, 
disorganizing religion 1 Because you affirm that your 
object is good and noble ; because you believe that the 
Christian religion is the true religion, and that idolatry 
debases and deludes its votaries ; and to abolish it, or 
to endeavor to do sn, is right. And yet you have no 
complicity with heathenism abroad. Nevertheless, 
your missionaries are there, endeavoring to effect a 
thorough overturn of all their institutions and all their 



established ideas, so that old things shall pass away, 
and all things become new. But how is it in regard 
to slavery ? You haoe something to do — aye, a great 
deal to do with it. You ought to know precisely 
where you stand, and what are your obligations in re- 
lation to it. Only think of it! Under your boasted 
Constitution, two generations of slaves have been 
driven to unrequited toil, and gone down into bloody 
graves ; and a third generation is going through the 
same terrible career, with the Star Spangled Banner 
floating over their heads I This is by your complicity, 
men of the North ! Oh, how consentingly the North 
has given her sympathy to the South in this iniquity 
of slaveholding ! How everywhere the Anti-Slavery 
movement has been spit upon, and denounced, and 
caricatured, and hunted down, as if it were a 
beast, that could not be tolerated safely for an hour in 
the community ! What weapon has been left unused 
against the Abolitionists of the North ? How thor- 
oughly have the people been tested everywhere, both 
in Church and State, in relation to the slave system of 
the South! But" Wisdom is justified of her children." 
The Abolitionists serenely bide their time. The 
verdict of posterity is sure; and it will be an honor- 
able acquittal of them from all the foul charges that 
have been brought against them by a pro-slavery 
people. 

I do not think it is greatly to the shame of Abolition- 
ists that the New- York Herald cannot tolerate them. 
(Laughter and applause.) I do not think it at all to 
their discredit that the Journal of Commerce thor- 
oughly abominates them. (Laughter.) I do not think 
they have any cause to hang their heads for shame be- 
cause the New-York Express deems them fit only to be 
spit upon. (Applause.) I do not think they have any 
reason to distrust the soundness of their religion be- 
cause the New- York Observer brands them as infidels. 
(Applause.) Capt. Rynders is not an Abolitionist. 
{Great laughter.) The Bowery Boys do not like Abo- 
litionism. (Laughter ) And as it was eighteen hun- 
dred years ago, so we have had, in this trial of the 
nation, the chief priests and scribes and Pharisees on 
the one hand, and the rabble on the other, endeavor- 
ing by lawless means and murderous instrumentali- 
ties to put down the Anti-Slavery movement, which is 
of God, and cannot be put down. (Applause.) The 
slaveholders who have risen in rebellion to overthrow 
the Government, and crush out free institutions, are 
the mood of mind, and ever have been, to hang 
every Abolitionist they can catch. I hold that to be 
a good certificate of character — (applause) — and when 
I add, that the millions of slaves in bondage, perish- 
ing in their chains, and crying unto Heaven for de- 
liverance, are every ready to give their blessings to 
the Abolitionists for what they have done, and when 
they run away from their masters come to us who are 
represented to be their deadliest enemies, it seems to 
me we have made out our case. Such Abolitionism 
every honest, humane, upright and noble soul ought to 
endorse as right. 

And, besides, I say it is a shame that we should any 
longer stand apart — I mean we of the North. What 
are all your paltry distinctions worth ? You are not 
Abolitionists. O, no! You are only Anti-Slavery ! 
Dare you trust yourself in Carolina, except, perhaps, 
at Port Royal? (Laughter.) You are not an ultra 
Anti-Slavery man; there is nothing ultra about you. 
You are only a Republican ! Dare you go to New 
Orleans ? Why, the President of the United States, 
chosen by the will of the people, and duly inaugurated 
by solemn oath, is an outlaw in nearly every slave 
State in this Union ! He cannot show himself there 
except at the peril of his life. And so of his Cabi- 
net. I think it is time, under these circumstances, 
that we should all hang together, or, as one said of old, 
we shall be pretty sure, if caught, to hang separatelj', 
(Laughter.) The South cares nothing for these nice 
distinctions among us. It is precisely, on this mat- 
ter of slavery, as it is in regard to the position of 
Rome respecting Protestantism. Our Protestant sects 
assume to be each one the true sect, as against every 
other, and we are free in our denunciation of this or 
that sect as heretical, because not accepting our par- 
ticular theological creed. What does Rome care for 
any such distinction ? Whether we are High Church 
Episcopalian or Methodist, Quaker or Universalist, 
Presbyterian or Unitarian, we are all included in un- 
belief, we are all heretics together; and she makes 
no compromise. Just so with slavery. If we avow 
that we are at all opposed to slavery, it is enough, in 
the judgment of the South, to condemn us to a coat of 
tar and feathers, and to general outlawry. 

I come now to consider what are the relations of 
the Abolitionists to the war. Fourteen months ago, 
after a heated Presidential struggle with three candi- 
dates in the field, Abraham Lincoln was duly and 
constitutionally chosen President of the United States. 
Now where are we ? At that time, who doubted the 
stability of the American Union ? What power in the 
universe had we to fear? Was it not pronounced 
impossible for any real harm to come to us? How 
strong was our mountain, and how confident our ex- 
pectations in regard to the future ! And now our coun- 
try is dismembered, the Union sundered, and we are 
in the midst of the greatest civil war that the world 
has ever known. For a score of years, prophetic 
voices were heard admonishing the nation, "Because 
ye have said, We have made a covenant with death, 
and with hell are we at agreement; when the over- 
flowing scourge shall pass through, it shall not come 
unto us ; for we have made lies our refuge, and under 
falsehood have we hid ourselves. Therefore, thus saith 
the Lord God, Judgment will I lay to the line.and right- 
eousness to the plummet ; and the waters shall over- 
flow the hiding place ; and your covenant with death 
shall be annulled, and your agreement with hell shall 
not stand." And now it is verified to the letter with 
us. In vain are all efforts to have it otherwise. " He 
that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh, the Lord shall 
have them in derision." " Though hand join in hand, 
yet shall not the wicked go unpunished." Yes, 
America! "Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, 
and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence 
will I bring thee down, eaith the Lord." 

Who are responsible for this war? If I should go 
out into the streets for a popular reply, it would be, 
" The Abolitionists " — or, to use the profane vernacu- 
lar of the vile, " It is all owing to the d — d Abolition- 
ists, (Laughter.) If they had not meddled with the 
subject of slavery, everything would have gone on 
well ; we should have lived in peace all the days of our 
lives. But they insisted upon meddling with what 
doesn 't concern them; they indulged in censorious 
and harsh language against the slaveholders ; and the 
result is, our nation is upturned, and we have immense 
hostile armies looking each other fiercely in the face, 
and our glorious Union is violently broken asunder." 
Let me read an extract from the New York Express, 
(laughter,) for your express edification : — 

"Our convictions are, that Anti-Slavery stimulated, 
and is the animating cause of this rebelli™. If Anti- 
Slavery were, now, removed from the field el' action, Pro- 
Slavery woidd perish of itself, at home, in its own contor- 
tions." (Laughter.) 

Well, I do not think I can make a better reply to 
such nonsense than was made by your Chairman, in a 
brief letter which he sent to the annual meeting of 
the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at West Ches- 
ter, a few weeks ago, and by his permission I will 
read it : — 



" My opinion is this : There is war because there was a 
Republican party. There was a Republican party because 
there was an Abolition party. There was an Abolition 
party because there was Slavery. Now, to charge the war 
upon Republicanism is merely to blame the lamb that, stood 
in the brook. To oharge it upon Abolitionism is merely to 
blame the sheep for being tbe lamb's mother. (Laughter.) 
Hut to charge it upon Slavery i3 to lay the crime flat at 
the door of the wolf, where it belongs. (Laughter.) To 
end the trouble, kill the wolf. (Renewed Inuglitcr.) I be- 
long to the party of wolf-killors." (Applause and merri 
ment,) 



And let all the people say, Amen ! (Cheers.) 
But consider the absurdity of this charge. Who 
are the avowed Abolitionists of our country ? I have 
told you they occupy a very unpopular position 
ciety ; and, certainly, very few men have yet had the 
moral courage to glory in the name of Abolitionist. 



they have overturned the Government! They have 
been stronger than all the parties and all the religious 
bodies of (he country, — stronger than the Church, and 
stronger than the State! Indeed! Then it must be 
because with them is the power of God, and it is the 
Truth which has worked out this marvellous result. 
(Cheers.) 

How many Abolition Presses do you suppose exist 
in this country ? We have, I believe, three or four 
thousand journals printed in the United States; and 
how many Abolition journals do you suppose 'there 
are? (Laughter.) You can count them all by the 
fingers upon your hand ; yet, it seems, they are more 
than a match for all the rest put together. (Loud 
cheers and laughter.) This is very extraordinary; 
but, our enemies being judges, it is certainly true. 
And now, what has been our crime? I affirm, before 
God, that our crime has been only this : we have en- 
deavored, at least, to remember those in bonds as 
bound with them. I, for one, am guilty only to this 
extent : — I have called aloud for more than thirty 
years to my beloved but guilty country, saying: — 

"There is within thy gates a pest, 
Gold, and a Babylonish vest ; 
Not hid in sin -concealing shade. 
Rut broad against the sun displayed ! 
Repent thee, then, and quickly bring 
Forth from the camp th' accursed thing ; 
Consign it to remorseless fire, 
Watch till the latest spark expire ; 
Then strew il3 ashes on the wind, 
Nor leave one atom wreck behind. 
So shall thy wealth and power increase ; 
So shall thy people dwell in peace ; 
On thee th' Almighty's glory rest, 
And all the earth in thee be blest ! " (Cheers.) 

And what if the Abolitionists had been heeded 
thirty years ago ? Would there now be any civil war 
to talk about? (Cries of "No.") Ten years ago? five 
years ago? one year ago? And all that time God 
was patient and forbearing, giving us an opportunity 
of escape. But the nation would not hearken, and 
went on hardening its heart. Oh ! how guilty are 
the conspirators of the South in what they have done ! 
How utterly unjustifiable and causeless is their rebel- 
lion ! How foul and false their accusations against 
the Government, against the Republican party, against 
the people of the North ! Utterly, inexcusably and 
horribly wicked ! But let us remember, to our shame 
and condemnation as a people, that the guilt is not all 
theirs, I assert that they have been encouraged in 
every conceivable way to do all this for more than 
thirty years — encouraged by the press of the North, 
by the churches of the North, by the pulpits of the 
North, (comprehensively speaking.) Abolitionists 
have been hunted as outlaws, or denounced as wild 
fanatics; while the slaveholders have been encour- 
aged to go on, making one demand after another, 
until they felt assured that when they struck this blow, 
they would have a powerful party at the North with 
them, to accomplish their treasonable designs ; and it 
is only by God's providence we have escaped utter 
ruin. (Loud applause.) Therefore it is that the vials 
of Divine retribution are poured out so impartially. 
We are suffering; our blood is flowing, our property 
is melting away — and who can see the end of it ? 
Well, if the whole nation "should be emptied, I should 
say : " Oh ! give thanks unto the Lord ; for he is 
good, for his mercy endureth forever!" Our crime 
against these four millions of slaves, and against a 
similar number who have been buried, cannot be ad- 
equately described by human language. Our hands 
are full of blood, and we have run to do evil ; and now 
a heavy butrigbteousjudgmentisuponus ! Let us rev- 
erently acknowledge the hand of God in this; let us 
acknowledge our sins, and put them away ; and let 
each man put the trump of jubilee to his lips, and 
demand that the chains of the oppressed shall be bro- 
ken forever ! (Cheers.) 

"The Abolitionists have used very irritating lan- 
guage"!- I know it. I think, however, it must be 
admitted that that charge has been fully offset by the 
Southern slaveholders and their Northern accomplices ; 
for, if my memory serves me, they have used a great 
deal of irritating language about the Abolitionists. In- 
deed, I do not know of any abusive, false, profane, ma- 
licious, abominable epithets which they have not ap- 
plied without stint to the Abolitionists — besides any 
amount of tarring and feathering, and other brutal out- 
rages, in which we have never indulged towards them ! 
(Laughter and cheers.) Irritating language, forsooth ! 
Why, gentlemen, all that we have said is, " Do not 
steal," " Do not murder," "Do not commit adultery," 
— and it has irritated them ! (Applause and laughter.) 
Of course, it must irritate them. The galled jade will 
wince. John Hancock and Sam Adams greatly irri- 
tated George the Third and Lord North. There was 
a great deal of British irritation at Lexington and Bun- 
ker Hill, and it culminated at last at Yorktown. (Loud 
cheers.) Well, it is certain that a very remarkable 
change has taken place within a short time. They 
who have complained of our hard language, as applied 
to the slaveholders, are now for throwing cannon balls 
and bombshells at them! (Laughter and applause.) 
They have no objection to blowing out their brains, 
but you must not use hard language ! Now, I would 
much rather a man would hurl a hard epithet at my 
head, than the softest cannon ball or shell that can be 
found in the army of the North. (Laughter.) As a 
people, however, we are coming to the conclusion that, 
after all, the great body of the slaveholders are not ex- 
actly the honest, honorable and Christian men that we 
mistook them to be, (Applause.) It is astonishing, 
when any wrong is done to us, how easily we can see 
its true nature. What an eye-salve it is ! If any one 
picks our pocket, of course he is a thief; if any one 
breaks into our house, he is a burglar; if any one un- 
dertakes to outrage us, he is a scoundrel. And now 
that these slaveholders are in rebellion against the 
Government, committing piracy upon our commerce, 
confiscating Northern property to the amount of hun- 
dreds of millions of dollars, and plunging the country 
into all the horrors of civil war, why, of course, they 
are pirates — they are swindlers — they are traitors of 
the deepestdye ! (Cheers and laughter.) Ladies and 
gentlemen, let me tell you one thing, and that is, they 
are just as good as they ever were, (Cheers.) They 
are just as honest, just as honorable, and just as Chris- 
tian as they ever were. (Laughter.) Circumstances 
alter cases, you know. While they were robbing four 
millions of God's despised children of a different com- 
plexion from our own, stripping them of all their 
rights, selling them in lots to suit purchasers, and traf- 
ficking in their blood, they were upright, patriotic, 
Christian gentlemen ! Now that they have interfered 
with us and our rights, have confiscated our property, 
and are treasonably seeking to establish a rival con- 
federacy, they are downright villains and traitors, who 
ought to be hanged by the neck until they are dead. 
(Lai*ghter and cheers.) 

"Abolitionists should not have intermeddled with 
their affairs," it is said. " We of the North are not 
responsible for slavery, and it is a very good rule for 
men to mind their own business," Who say this ? 
Hypocrites, dissemblers, men who are condemned out 
of their own mouths. They are those who are always 
justifying or apologizing for slavery, who are in relig- 
ious fellowship with these traffickers in human souls, 
who claim political affinity with them, and who give 
constitutional guarantees that fugitive slaves may be 
hunted and captured in every part of the North, and 
that slave insurrections shall he suppressed by the 
strong arm of the national government, if need be ; 
and yet they have nothing to do with slavery 1 Hypo- 
crites and dissemblers, I spurn you all ! When I see 
a man drowning, if I can throw him a rope, I will do 
it; and if I would not, would I not be a murderer ? 
When I see a man fallen among thieves, and wounded 
and forsaken, if I can get to him with oil and wine to 
bind iij) his wounds, I am bound to do it; and if I re- 
fuse, I become ns base as the robber who struok him 
down. And when I see tyranny trampling upon my 
fellow-man, I know of no law, human or divine, which 
binds me to silence. 1 am bound to protest against it. 
(Cheers.) 1 will not be dumb. It is my business to 
meddle with oppression wherever I see it. (Apptft' 



makes his appearance. It reigns in Hungary until 
Kossuth conies forward, — in Italy, until Garibaldi 
lakes the field. (Loud cheers.) No trouble until 
the Abolitionists came forward ! The charge is false, 
— historically untrue. Witness the struggle that took 
place at the formation of your Constitution, in regard 
to the slavery guarantees of that instrument. What 
is the testimony of John Qutncy Adams on that point? 
He says : — 

" In the articles of Confederation, there was no guaran- 
ty for the property of the slaveholder — no double repre- 
sentation of him in the Federal councils— no power of taxa- 
tion — no stipulation fur the recovery of fugitive slaves. 
But when the powers of Government came to be delegated 
to the Union, the South— that is, South Carolina and 
Georgia — refused their subscription to the parchment, till 
it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which 
fumigation eould purify, no quarantine could eitinguish. 
The freemen of the North gave way, and the deadly venom 
of Slavery was infused into the Constitution of Freedom." 

And so at the time of the Missouri struggle in 1820. 
There were no Abolitionists then in the field ; yet the 
struggle between Freedom and Slavery was at that 
time so fierce and terrible as to threaten to end in a 
dissolution of the Union. (Chcens.) Oh! no stain of 
blood rests on the garments of the Abolitionists. They 
have endeavored to prevent the awful calamity which 
has come upon the nation, and they may wash their 
hands in innocency, and thank God that in the evil 
day they were able to stand. (Applause.) 

No, my friends, [his fearful state of things is not of 
men ; it is of Heaven. As we have sowed, we are 
reaping. The whole cause of it is declared in the 
memorable verse of the prophet: "Ye have not 
hearkened unto me in proclaiming liberty, every man 
to his brother, and every man to his neighbor : be- 
hold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the 
sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine." That is 
the whole story. This is the settlement day of God 
Almighty for the unparalleled guilt of our nation ; and 
if we desire to be saved, we must see to it that we put 
away our sins, "break every yoke, and let the oppress- 
ed go free," and thus save our land from ruin. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Be not deceived : — this rebellion is not only to eter- 
nize the enslavement of the African race, but it is also 
to overturn the free institutions of the North. The 
slaveholders of the South are not only opposed to 
Northern Abolitionists, but to Northern ideas and 
Northern institutions. Shall I refresh your memories 
by one or two quotations in point ? Listen to the lan- 
guage of the Richmond Examiner: — 

"The South now maintains that slavery is right, nat- 
ural and necessary, and does not depend upon complexion. 
The laws of the slave States justify the holding of white 
men in bondage." 

The Charleston Mercury says : — 

"Slavery is the natural and normal condition of the 
laboring man, whether white or black. The great evil, of 
Northern free [mark you, not Abolition'] society is that it is 
burdened with a servile class, mechanics and laborers, unfit 
for self-government, and yet clothed with the attributes 
and powers uf citizens. Master and slave is a relation in 
society as necessary as that of parent and child ; and the 
Northern States will yet have to introduce it. Their theory 
of free government is a delusion." 

Yet you are for free government, but not for Aboli- 
tionism ! What do you gain by the disclaimer? The 
South is as much opposed to the one as she is to the 
other — she hates and repudiates them both ! 

The Richmond Enquirer says : — 

"Two opposite and conflicting forms of society cannot, 
among civilized men, coexist and endure. The one must 
give way and eease to exist. The other becomes universal. 
If free society be unnatural, immoral, unchristian, it must 
fall, and give way to slave society — a social system old 
as the world, universal as man." 

An Alabama paper says ; — 

" All the Northern, and especially the New-England 
States, are devoid of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen. 
The prevailing class one meets with is that of mechanics 
struggling to be genteel, and small ftrmers who do their 
drudgery, and yet who are hardly fit for associating 
with a Southern gentleman's body-servant." 



It is said, again, 
until the Abolii 



'The 

its appeared. 1 



i 

i trouble in tin 1 rand 
Well, the mor 



They are comparatively a mere handful. And yet ! the pity ! Order reigns in Warsaw until Kosciusko 



You see, men of the North, it is a war against free- 
dom — your freedom as well as that of the slave — 
against the freedom of mankind. It is to establish an 
oligarchic, slaveholding despotism, to the extinction of 
all free institutions. The Southern rebellion is in 
full blast ; and if they can work their will against us, 
there will be for us no liberty of speech or of the 
press — no right to assemble as we assemble here to- 
night, and our manhood will be trampled in the dust. 
(Applause.) I say, therefore, under these circum- 
stances, treason consists in giving aid or countenance 
to the slave system of the South — not merely to Jeff. 
Davis, as President of the Southern Confederacy, or 
to this rebel movement in special. Every man who 
gives any countenance or support to slavery is a 
traitor to liberty. (Enthusiastic applause.) I say he 
is a dangerous and an unsafe man. (Renewed cheers.) 
He carries within him the seeds of despotism ; and no 
one can tell how soon a harvest of blood and treason 
may spring up. Liberty goes with Union and for 
Union, based on justice and equality. Slavery is ut- 
ter disunion and disorganization in God's universe. 
(Cheers.) 

But, we are told, "hang the Secessionists on the 
one hand, and the Abolitionists on the other, and then 
we shall have peace"! (Laughter.) How very dis- 
criminating ! Now, I say, if any hanging is to be 
done, (though I do not believe in capital punishment — 
that is one of my heresies,) — if any hanging is to be 
done, I am for hanging these sneaking, two-faced, 
pseudo loyal go-betweens immediately. (Loud and 
enthusiastic applause. A voice, " That's the talk ! "J 
Why, as to this matter of loyalty, I maintain that the 
most loyal people to a free government, who walk on 
the American soil, are the uncompromising Abolition- 
ists. (Cheers.) It is not freedom that rises in rebel- 
lion against free government. It is not the love of 
liberty that endangers it. It is not those who will not 
make any compromise with tyranny who threaten it. 
It is those who strike hands with the oppressors. 
Yes, I maintain, the Abolitionists are more loyal to 
free government and free institutions than President 
Lincoln himself; because, while I want to say every- 
thing good of him that I can, 1 must say I think he is 
lacking somewhat in backbone, and is disposed, at 
least, to make some compromise with slavery, in order 
to bring back the old state of things; and, therefore, 
he is nearer Jeff. Davis than I am. Still, we are both 
so bad that I suppose if we should go amicably to- 
gether down South, we never should come back 
again. (Laughter and cheers.) 

"Hang the Abolitionists, and then hang the Seces- 
sionists " ! Why, in the name of common sense, 
wherein are these parties agreed ? Their principles 
and purposes are totally dissimilar. We believe in 
the inalienable rights of mau — in "liberty, equality, 
fraternity." 'They disbelieve in all these. We believe 
in making the law of God paramount to all human 
codes, compacts anil enactments. They believe in 
trampling it under their feet, to gratify their lust of 
dominion, and in "exalting themselves above all that 
is called God." We believe in the duty of liberating 
all who are pining in bondage. They are for extend- 
ing and perpetuating slavery to the latest posterity. 
H'e believe in free government and free institutions. 
They believe in the overthrow of all these, and have 
made chattel bondage the corner-stone of their new 
confederacy. Where is there any agreement or simi- 
larity between these parties ? 

But it may be said, you are for the dissolution of 
the Union. I was. Did I have any sympathy with 
the spirit, of Southern secession when I took that po- 
si lion '. No. My issue was a mural one — a Christian 
one. It was because of the pro-slavery nature of the 
compact itself that I said I could not as a Christian 
man, as a friend of liberty, swear to uphold such a 
Union or Constitution. Listen to the declaration of 
John Quiney Adams, a most competent witness, I 
think, in regard to this matter : — 

"It cannot, bo denied— the- slaveholding lords of the 
South pi'c.-eribi'ii us a condition of their aaaenl bo bho Con- 
stitution, throe OpOOiflo provisions to secure the perpetuity 
di their dominion ovor their slatos. The Urol was the im- 
munity for twenty y-.n* of pivsi'ivhi£ the slave bads ; 
thesooond was tho stipulation to ourrondov fugitive slaves 
— an engagement positively prohibited bj flu- laws of Sod 
delivered from Sinai j ami thirdly, tho niaatioa, fatal to 
t.l n- prlnoiplea of popular representation, of a representa- 



tion of slaves — for article*! of merchandise, under the name 
of penoni. 

The bargain between Freedom and Slavery, contained in 
tho Constitution of tho United States, in mwo/ly and po- 
litically vicious — inconsistent with (he principles on which 
alone our revolution can be justified— cruel and oppressive, 
by riveting the chain* of Slavery, by [ilr-dging I lie faith of 
Freedom to maintain and perpetuate the tyranny of tbe 
matter, and grossly unequal and impolitic, by admitting 
that slaves are at once enemies to be kept in f objection, 
property to be secured and returned to their owner*, and 
persona not to be represented theniKtlvee, but for whom 
their masters are privileged with nearly a double rfmre of 
representation. The consequence has been thai this slave 
representation has governed the Union. Benjamin's por- 
tion above his brethren has ravined as a wolf. In the 
morning he has devoured tbe prey, and in the evening has 
divided the spoil." 

Hence I adopted the Jangnage of the prophet 
Isaiah, and pronounced the Constitution, in these par- 
ticulars, to be "a covenant with death, and an agree- 
ment with hell." Was I not justified as a Christian 
man in so doing 1 Oh, but the New York Journal of 
Commerce says there seems to have taken place a 
great and sudden change in my views — I no longer 
place this motto at the head of my paper. Well, la- 
dies and gentlemen, you remember what Benedick in 
the play says : " When I said I would die a bachelor, 
I did not think I would live to get married." (Laugh- 
ter.) And when I said I would not sustain the Con- 
stitution, because it waB "a covenant with death, and 
an agreement with hell," / hail no idea that I would 
live tosee death and hell secede. (Prolonged applause and 
great laughter.) Hence it is that I am now with the 
Government, to enable it to constitutionally stop 
the further ravages of death, and to extinguish the 
flames of hell forever. (Renewed applause.) 

We are coolly told that slavery has nothing to do 
with this war ! Believe me, of all traitors in this coun- 
try who are most to be feared and detested, they are 
those who raise this cry. We have little to fear, I 
think, from the Southern rebels, comparatively : it i» 
those Northern traitors, who, under the mask of loyal- 
ty, are doing the work of the devil, and effectively aid- 
ing the secessionists by trying to intimidate the na- 
tional government from striking a direct blow at the 
source of the rebellion, who make our position a dan- 
gerous one. (Applause .) What! slavery nothing to 
do with this war ! How does It happen, then, that the 
war is all along tbe border between the Free and the 
Slave States? What is the meaning of tins? For 
there is not a truly loyal Slave State in the Union — 
not one. (Voices — "That's so.") I maintain that 
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri are, by their feigned 
loyalty, greater obstacles in the way of victory than 
Carolina, Alabama and Georgia. Nothing hut the pres- 
ence on their soil of the great army of the North keeps 
them loyal, even in form, and even under such a pres- 
sure they are full of overt treason. They have to be 
enticed to remain in the Union as a man said be once 
enticed a burglar out of his houses — he enticed him 
with a pitchfork! (Laughter-) Withdraw your troops, 
and instantly they will tall into the Southern Confed- 
eracy by the law of gravitation. That is the whole 
of it. But this is not to be loyal — this is not a willing^, 
support of the Constitution and Union. No ! On the 
other hand, every Free State is true to the Govern- 
ment, It is the inevitable struggle between the chil- 
dren of the bond-woman and the children of the free. 
(Applause.). 

Treason — where is it most rampant ? Just where 
there are the most slaves ! It disappears where there 
are no slaves, except in those cases to which I have 
referred, of skulking, double-faced hypocrites, wearing 
the mask of loyalty, and yet having the heart of trait- 
ors. (Applause.) What State led offin this atrocious 
rebellion? Why, South Carolina, of course; for in 
that State, the slave population outnumbers the white. 
And so of Louisiana, out of which every avowed 
Unionist has been driven by violence : more than half 
of her population are slaves. Charleston and New 
Orleans are the head-quarters of treason, because the 
head-quarters of slavery. Besides, do not the rebels 
proclaim to the world that tbe issue they make is the 
perpetuation of their slave system and the overthrow of 
free government? Commend them for their open- 
ness: they avow just what they mean, and -i^hat tbey 
desire to accomplish. Now, then, for any party at 
the. North to say, "Don't point at slavery as the 
source of the rebellion — it has nothing whatever to do 
with it — the Abolitionists are alone to be held respon- 
sible " — why, I have no words to express my contempt 
for such dissemblers. I brand them as worse than the 
rebels who are armed and equipped for the seizure of 
the Capital. 

It is loudly vociferated in certain quarters, " This 
is not a war for the abolition of slavery, but solely to 
maintain the Union." Granted, ten thousand times 
over ! I, as an Abolitionist, have never asserted the 
contrary. But the true issue is, in order that the 
Union may be perpetuated, shall not slavery, the 
cause of its dismemberment, be stricken down to the 
earth ? The necessity is found in the present imperil- 
led state of the Government, and in the fatal experi- 
ment of the past. There cannot again be a union of the 
States as it existed before the rebellion ; for while I 
will not underrate Northern valor, but believe that 
Northern soldiers are competent to achieve anything 
that men can can do in the nature of things, I have 
no faith in the success of the army in its attempt to 
subdue the South, while leaving slavery alive upon her 
soil. If any quarter is given to it, it seems to me that 
our defeat is just as certain in the end as that God 
reigns. We have got to make up our minds to one of 
three alternatives : either to he vanquished by the 
rebel forces, or to see the Southern Confederacy short- 
ly acknowledged by the European powers; or else, 
for self-preservation and to maintain its supremacy 
over the whole country, the Government must trans- 
form every slave into a man and a freeman, henceforth 
to be protected as such under the national ensign. 
(Applause.) The right of the Government to do this, 
in the present fearful emergency, is unquestionable. 
Has not slavery made itself an outlaw ! And what 
claim has an outlaw upon the Constitution or the 
Union? Guilt}' of the blackest treason, what claims 
have the traitors upon the Government? Why, the 
claim to be hanged by the neck until they are " dead, 
dead, dead" — nothing else. (Applause.) 

What sane man, what true patriot, wants the old 
Union restored — the Slave Oligarchy once more in 
power over the free States — Congress under slavehold- 
ing mastership — the army, navy, treasury, executive, 
supreme court, all controlled by the traffickers in hu- 
man flesh ? No ! No ! Happily, the Government may 
now constitutionally do what until the secession it 
had not the power to do. For thirty years the Aboli- 
tionists have sent in their petitions to Congress, ask- 
ing that body to abolish slavery in the District of Co- 
lumbia, to prevent the furiher,oxtensiou of slavery, to 
repeal the Fugitive Slave Bill, &c, &c; but not to in- 
terfere with slavery in the Southern States. We re- 
cognized tbe compact as it was made. But now, by 
their treasonable course, the slaveholders may no 
longer demand constitutional protection for their slave 
property. The old "covenant with death" should 
never have been made. Our fathers siniud — sinned 
grievously and inexcusably — when they consented to 
the hunting of fugitive slaves — to a slave representa- 
tion in Congress — to the prosecution of the foreign 
slave trade, under the national ring, for twenty years — 
to the suppression of slave insurrections by the whole 
power of the Government. I know the dire extremi- 
ty in which iiiov were placed— exhausted by ■ seven 

years' war, reduced to bankruptcy, bleeding at every 
pore, fearing that tbe colonies would he conquered in 
detail by England if they did not unite — if was ■ ter- 
rible temptation to compromise: but if does nol exon- 
erate Ihem from guilt. The Union should not have 
been made upon such conditions] hut now that the 
South has trampled it under foe.f, it must not be re- 
stored as if was, even if it can IV done. (Applause.) 
Hut it oannOf be done. There fen tWO parties who v. ill 
make such ■ reunion impossible: the first is. ilie Somii 
the second., tint North. Besides, what reliable guar- 
antee could be given that, atier coming back, 

the South would not secede within twenty lour bonis ' 
The right to secede ad libitum is her Cardinal doctrine. 
Moreover, she declares thai she bus tsikeii her leave 
of us forever; she will not unite with us on anv terms. 



JANIJAEY 24. 



THE LIBERATOR. 



15 



Let mc read you flu extract from Jefferson Davis's 
last message to the Confederate Congress : — 

" Not only do tho causes which induced us to separate 
still last in full force, but they have boon strengthened ; 
ami whatever doubt may have lingered on the minds of 
any, must have been completely dispelled by subsequent 
events. If, instead of being a dissolution of a league, it 
wore indeed a rebellion in whieh wo are engaged, wo might 
fool ample vindication for the course wo have adopted in 
the scenes whieh are now being enacted in the United 
States. Our people now look with contemptuous astonish- 
ment on those with whom they have been no recently asso- 
ciated. They shrink with aversion from the bare idea of 
renewing such a connection. With such a people we may 
be content to live at peace, but our separation la Hunt, and 
for the independence wo have asserted we will accept no 
alternative." 

Now, this is open and above-board, and it ought to 
be resolutely met by the North in the glorious spirit of 
freedom, saying, " By the traitorous position you have 
assumed, you have put your slave system under the 
absolute control of the Government; and that you 
may be saved from destruction, as well as the country, 
■we shall emancipate every slave in your possession." 
i(Cheers.) 

But— say the sham loyalists of the North, "there is 
aio constitutional right or power to abolish slavery— it 
would be the overthrow of the Constitution if Con- 
gress or the President should dare to do it." This is 
nothing better than cant, and treason in disguise. I 
should like to know what right Gen. McClellan lias 
■with an invading army of 150,000 men in Virginia ? 
Us that constitutional? Did Virginia bargain for that 
■when she entered the Union ? By what right did we 
hatter down the fort lit Cape Hatteras? By what 
right do Northern soldiers " desecrate tiie sacred soil " 
■of South Carolina by capturing Port Royal and occu- 
pying Beaufort'? By what right has the Government 
■half a million of troops, invading the South in every 
■quarter, to kill, slay and destroy, to "cry havoc and 
let slip the dogs of war," for the purpose of bringing 
Jier into subjection? Where is the right to do this to 
ibe found in the Constitution ? Where is it! It is in 
this section — " Coxgress shall have power to 
declare war"; and when war comes, then come 
the rules of war, and, dsder the war power, Con- 
gress has a constitutional right to abolish slavery if 
it be necessary to save the Government and maintain 
the Union. (Loud applause.) On this point, what 
better authority do we want than that of John Quincy 
Adams 1 Hear what he says : — 

"I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil- 
itary authority takes, for the time, the place of all mu- 
nicipal institutions, and slavery among the rest ; and that 
under that state of things, so far from its being true that 
^the States where slavery exists have the exclusive manage- 
ment of the subject, not only the President of the United 
States, but tho commander of the army, has power to order 

■ the universal emancipation, of the slaves. * * * From the in- 
stant that the slavoholding States become the theatre of a 
war, civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war 

; powers of Congress extend to interference with the in- 
stitution of slavery, in every way in whieh it can be 
interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves 
taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with 
slavery, to a foreign power. * * * It is a war power. I 
say it is a war power ; and when your country is actually 
in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insur- 
rection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and must 
.-carry it on, according to the laws of war ; and by the laws 
of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal 
institutions swept by the board, and martial power takes 
ithe place of them. When two hostile armies are set in 
martial array, the commanders of both armies have power 
i to emancipate all the slaves in. the invaded territory." 

I hope Gen. McClellan, or President Lincoln, will 
Boon be inclined to say "ditto" to John Quincy Ad- 
ams. (Applause.) Commander-in-Chief of the army, 
by the law of nations and under the war power given 
by the Constitution, in this terrible emergency you 
have the right and glorious privilege to be the great 
deliverer of the millions in bondage, and the savior of 
■your country 1 May you have the spirit to do it ! 

There are some well-meaning wen who unreflect- 
ingly say that this is despotic power. But the exer- 
-cise of a constitutional right is not despotism. What 
the people have provided to save the Government or 
■the Union is not despotism, but the concentration of 
extraordinary power for beneficent purposes. It is as 
nini.'ii a constitutional act, therefore, for Gen. Mc- 
Clellan, or the President, or Congress, to declare sla- 
very at an end in this country, as it is to march an 
.army down into the South to subdue her — as it is to 
give shelter and freedom to the thousands of contra- 
bands already set at liberty. The way is clear; and 
under these circumstances, how tremendous will be 
the guilt of the Government if it refuses to improve 
this marvellous opportunity to do a magnificent work 
of justice to one seventh portion of our whole popula- 
tion— to do no evil to the South, but to bestow upon 
,her a priceless blessing, and thereby perpetuate all 
that is precious in our free institutions! I would 

■ rather take my chance at the judgment-scat of God 
-with Pharaoh than with Abraham Lincoln, if he do 

not, as President of the United States, in this solemn 

■ exigency, let the people go. (Applause.) , He has the 
p 0wer — he lias the right. The capital is virtually in 
a state of siege — the rebels are strong, confident, de- 
fiant — scarcely any progress has been made in quelling 

ithe rebellion. We do not know where we are, or 
■what is before us. Already hundreds of millions of 
dollars in debt — blood flowing freely, but in vain — 
the danger of the speedy recognition of the Southern 
Confederacy by European Powers imminent — what 
valid excuse can the Government give for hesitating 
under such a pressure 1 And when you consider that 
•filavery, — which, in itself, is fuil of weakness and 
danger to the South, — is, by the forbearance of the 
Government, made a formidable power in the hands 

■ of the rebels for its overthrow, you perceive there is 
;a pressing reason why there should be no delay. 

Only think of it! Our colored population, bond 
:and free, could furnish 'an army of a million 
from 18 to 45 years of age ; and yet, not one of them 
is allowed to shoulder a musket! There are in sla- 
very more than eight hundred thousand men, capable 
■of bearing arms — a number larger than the two great 
hostile armies already in the field. They are at the 
service of the Government whenever it will accept 
■them as free and loyal inhabitants. (Applause.) It 
will not accept them ! But the rebel slaveholders are 
mustering them in companies and regiments, and they 
;are shooting down Northern men, and in every way 
giving strength and success to the rebellion. Slavery 
is a thunderbolt in the hands of the traitors to smite 
the Government to the dust. That thunderbolt might 
be seized, and turned against the rebellion with fatal 
effect, and at the same time without injury to the 
South. My heart glows when I think of the good 
thus to be done to the oppressors as well as to the op- 
pressed ; for I could not stand here, I could not stand 
anywhere, and advocate vindictive and destructive 
measures to bring the rebels to terms. I do not be- 
lieve in killing or doing injury even to enemies — God 
forbid I That is not my Christian philosophy. But I 
-do say, that never before in the history of the world 
has God vouchsafed to a Government the power to do 
such a work of philanthropy and justice, in the ex- 
tremity of its danger and for self-preservation, as he 
now grants to this Government. Emancipation is to 
destroy nothing but evil; it is to establish good; it 
is to transform human beings from things into men ; 
it is to make freedom, and education, and invention, 
and enterprise, and prosperity, and peace, and a true 
Union possible and sure. Redeemed from the curse 
of slavery, the South shall in due time be as the gar- 
den of God. Though driven to the wall and reduced 
to great extremiiy by this rebellion, still we hold off, 
hold off, hold off, and reluctantly say, at last, if it must 
be so, but only to save ourselves from destruction, we 
will do this rebellious South the most beneficent act 
that any people ever yet did— one that will secure 
historic renown for the Administration, make this 
struggle memorahle in alt ages, and bring down upon 
the land the benediction of God I But we will not do 
this, if we can possibly avoid it! Now, for myself, 
both as an act of justice to the oppressed and to serve 
the cause of freedom universally, I want the Govern, 
ment to be in haste to blow the trump of jubilee. I 
desire to bless and not curse the South— to make her 
prosperous and happy by substituting free institutions 
fur her leprous system of slavery. lamas much in- 
terested in the safety and welfare of the slaveholders, 
as brother men, as I am in the liberation of their poor 



slaves : for we are all the children of God, and should 
strive to promote the happiness of all. I desire that 
the mission of Jesus, "Peace on earth, good will to 
men," may be fulfilled in this and in every land. 

Bear in mind that the colored people have always 
been loyal to the country. You never heard of a trai- 
tor among them, when left to freedom of choice. Is 
it not most humiliating — ought wi not to blush for 
shame — when we remember what we have done to 
them, and what they have done for us 7 In our Rev- 
olutionary struggle they freely participated, and help- 
ed to win our national independence. The first pa- 
triotic blood that stained the pavements of Boston, in 
1770, was that ofCrispus Attucks, a black man. It 
was Peter Salem, a black man, who shot the British 
leader, Major Pitcaim, as, storming the breastworks 
at Bunker Hill, he exclaimed, "The day is ours!" 
Throughout that memorable struggle, the colored men 
were ever ready to pour out their blood and lay down 
their lives to secure the liberties we now enjoy ; and 
they were admitted to have been among the bravest 
of the brave. In the war of 1812, when New Orleans 
was threatened by a formidable British force, do you 
remember what Gen. Jackson said when he needed 
their help ? He did not scorn them in the hour of 
peril : far from it. This was his proclamation :— 

"Headquarters, Seventh Military District, ) 
Mobile, Sept. 21, IBM. S 

To the Free. Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana : 

Through a mistaken policy, you have been heretofore de- 
prived of a participation in the glorious struggle for na- 
tional lights in which this country is engaged. This no 
longer shall exist. 

As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend 
our most inestimable blessings. As Americana, your coun- 
try looks with confidence to her adopted children fur a 
valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages 
enjoyed under her mild and equitable Government. As 
fathers, husbands and brothers, you are summoned to rally 
round the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear 
in existence. 

Yeur country, although calling for your exertions, does 
not wish you to engage in her cause without remunerating 
you for the rervioes rendered. Your intelligent minds are 
not to be led away by false representations. Your love of 
honor would cause you to despise the man who should at- 
tempt to deceive you. With the sincerity of a soldier and 
the language of truth I address you. 

To every noble-hearted freeman of color volunteering to 
serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no 
longer, there will be paid the same bounty, in money and 
lands, now received by the white soldiers of the United 
States, viz. : one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, 
and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-com- 
missioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the 
same monthly pay, daily rations and clothes, furnished to 
any American soldier. 

As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursu- 
ing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the ap- 
plause and gratitude of your countrymen." 

Then again, after the struggle, he addressed them 
as follows : — 

" Soldiers ! When, on the banks of the Mobile, I called 
upon you to take up arms, inviting you to partake of the 
perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected 
much from you ; for I was not ignorant that you possessed 
qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew 
with what fortitude you could overcome hunger and thirst, 
and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how you 
loved your native country, and that you, as well as ourselves, 
had to defend what man holds most dear — his parents, wife, 
children and property. You have done more than I expected. 
In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to 
possess, I have found among you a noble enthusiasm, which 
leads to the performance of great things." 

What a splendid tribute ! — " I expected much from 
you, but you have done more than I expected " I 

I do not believe in war, hut I do say that, if any 
class of men, being grievously oppressed, ever had 
the right to seize deadly weapons, and smite their 
oppressors to the dust, then all men have the same 
right, {Applause.) "A man's a man, for a' that." 
If the right of bloody resistance is in proportion to the 
amount of oppression inflicted, then no people living 
would be so justified before heaven and earth in re- 
sisting unto blood as the Southern slaves. By that 
rule, any Nat Turner has a right to parody the famous 
Marsellaise, and, addressing his suffering associates, 
exclaim : — 



of the English people, the bone and muscle and moral 
force of the nation, beats sympathizingly with the 
North, rather than with the South; (applause) — 
though we have not secured that sympathy to the full 
extent, because of the manner in which we have 
dealt with the slavery question. I will venture to 
say, that any Northern man, intelligent and qualified 
to address a public assembly, may travel -from "the 
Land's End to John o' Groat's House," and wherever 
he shall meet a popular assembly, and fairly present 
the issue now pending before them, so that they can 
understand it, he will "bring down the house" over- 
whelmingly in support of the Government, and against 
the traitorous Secessionists. (Loud applause.) 

Shall I refer to one representative man of the mid- 
dle classes, John Bright — (reilerated and long-con- 
tinued applause) — whose recent masterly analysis of 
this tangled American question, before his constitu- 
ents at Rochdale, will brighten his name and fame as 
the discriminating, fearless and eloquent champion of 
freedom at home and abroad ? He represents the peo- 
ple of England, in the best meaning of that word. 
Richard Cobden, too, stands by his side, and ren- 
ders the same enlightened verdict. (Applause.) And 
on that side of the Atlantic, there is not a more firm, 
faithful and earnest supporter of this Government, in 
its struggle to uphold the democratic theory, and to 
put down the tory sentiment of the South, — for slavery 
is toryism run to seed, — than the calumniated but el- 
oquent and peerless advocate of negro emancipation, 
George Thompson. (Cheers.) 

Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you a thousand times 
over for your patient indulgence in so protracted a 
speech, and for the approval you have bestowed upon 
my sentiments. "We will go forward in the name of 
God, in the spirit of liberty, determined to have a 
country, and a whole country — a Constitution, and 
a free Constitution— a Union, and a just and glo- 
rious Union, that shall endure to the latest posterity; 
and when we shall see this .civil war ended, every 
bondman set free, and universal lioerty prevailing from 
Atlantic to the Pacific, we may exultingly repeat 
the language of one,* who, in his youthful days, 
seemed to have the flame of liberty brightly burning 
in his soul — 

" Then hail the day when o'er our land 
The sun of freedom shone ; 

When, dimmed and sunk in Eastern skies, 
He rose upon our own, 

To chase the night of slavery, 

And wake the slumbering free ! 

May his light shine more bright, 
May his orb roll sublime, 
Till it warm every clime, 

And illume from sea to sea ! " — (Applause.) 

* Caleb Cushing. 



" Ye fettered slaves ! awake to glory ! 

Hark ! hark ! what myriads bid you rise ! 
Your children, wives, and grandsires hoary, 
Behold their tears and hear their cries ! 
To arms, to arms, ye brave ! 

The patriot sword unsheath ! 
March on, march on, all hearts resolved 
On liberty or death ! " 

Thus do I vindicate the equal humanity of the 
slaves. Let them he emancipated under law as the 
flag of the Union goes forward, and they will behave 
as well as any other class. They are not a blood- 
thirsty race ; they are calumniators who make this 
charge. The Anglo-Saxon race are far more vindic- 
tive and revengeful ; but the African race are peculiar- 
ly mild, gentle, forbearing, forgiving. So much in- 
deed do they dread to shed blood, that they cannot 
successfully conspire to throw off the yoke without 
some one of them who has been treated kindly, and 
who desires to shield his master or mistress from harm, 
reveals the secret ! When they are set free and pro- 
tected as free men by the Government, there will be 
little need of a Northern army at the South ; for they 
will take care of the rebel slaveholders, and the rebel- 
lion will speedily collapse. (Applause.) 

It is further said, by way of intimidation, that if 
the Government proclaim emancipation, a large por- 
tion of the officers in the army will instantly resign, 
and the army itself be broken up. Then they will be 
guilty of treason. [A Voice — "They ought to be 
hanged."] If such are the officers and such the sol- 
diers, then the army is filled with traitors. But I be- 
lieve the imputation to be as false as the prediction is 
intended to be mischievous. 

There is no squeamishness at the South, on the 
part of the rebels, in making use of the slaves to carry 
on their treasonable purposes. They are used in 
every way, not merely to provide food and raise cot- 
ton, but to make rifle-pits, construct batteries, and 
perform military service. There are two regiments 
of black soldiers at Centerville, with more than a 
thousand men each, compelled to engage in the work 
of butchering those who are loyal to the Union ! Yet 
the Government can have them all any hour it chooses 
to ensure their liberty. Refusing to do this, is not 
the Government itself practically guilty of treason to 
that extent, and making its overthrow doubly sure'? 
This is a serious inquiry, and it ought to be answered 
in a serious manner. 

The worst traitors are those who claim an exemp- 
tion for the rebels from loss of slave property, which 
the rebels themselves do not demand. I turn to the 
latter, and ask, "Do you claim anything of us?" 
"Nothing, except to hate and spurn you." "Do you 
claim anything of the Constitution ? " " Nothing, ex- 
cept the right to trample it beneath our feet." "Dc 
you deny that we have a right to abolish slavery, if we 
can, since you have treasonably withdrawn from the 
Union 1 " " No — we do not deny it ; we counted the 
cost of secession, and took all the risk; you have not 
only the right, as a war power, to liberate every Blave 
in our possession, but, [aside,! if you are not idiots, 
you will do so without delay." What if they had a 
similar advantage on their side 1 What if there were 
eight hundred thousand men at the North, qualified to 
bear arms, who, at a signal, could be made to coopera- 
ate for the triumph of secession t Do you suppose 
they would allow such an opportunity to pass unim- 
proved for one moment 1 If they do not pretend to 
have any rights under the old Constitution, are they 
not more to be detested than the rebels who, here at 
the North, still insist that they have forfeited none of 
their rights as slaveholders under that instrument ? 

This struggle can he happily terminated only in 
one way — by putting "freedom for- all" on our 
banner, We may then challenge and shall receive 
the admiration and support of the civilized world. 
We shall not then be in any danger from abroad. No 
— although England has seemed to be hot, and com- 
bative, and inclining southward ; although the English 
government has taken ub at disadvantage, with a me- 
nacing aspect, in the Mason and Slidell affair; and 
although the London Times and other venal presses, 
bribed with secession gold, have indulged in con- 
temptuous ami bullying language towards the Ameri- 
can Government; yet I thjnk I know something of 
the English heart— and I hesitate not to say that, in 
spile of all these unfriendly demonstrations, the heart 



j^= On Sunday morning, 12th inst., Rev. Henry 
Ward Beecber, after notifying his congregation of Mr. 
Garrison's lecture at the Cooper Institute, made the 
following generous observations-: — 

" The lecture will be on a rather novel subject for 
Mr. Garrison : that is to say, on Abolitionism, the 
Abolitionists, and their Relations to the War. Proba- 
bly, outside of the Indians, there is not a man, woman 
or child on this continent who has not heard that man's 
name, and heard it cursed. If there ever was a man 
who, by other men's speeches, has been set upon and 
trodden down into the mire, it is William Lloyd Gar- 
rison. It seems a little unmanly for me to speak in 
his favor now, when all the community are beginning 
to have some sense of that heroism which has sus- 
tained him against the most violent public opinion, in 
the Church and out of the Church, in the State and 
out of the State, for more than thirty years. I recol- 
lect that twelve or thirteen years ago, when Abolition- 
ism was not so popular as now, and when no man 
thought it right to express a dislike of slavery, with- 
out first preparing the ear by cursing the Abolition- 
ists — I recollect that at that far-away period, I took oc- 
casion, much to the distaste of many of you (for then 
you were in a very different state of mind from that 
in which you are now, on this subject), to say that I 
thought this man heroic; that I admired him all the 
more because I did not agree with his extreme meth- 
ods. I agree with Mr. Garrison in tho life-long hatred 
that he holds toward every form of oppression. I 
agree with him in every letter and punctuation of his 
belief, that the Bible abhors slavery, from end to end. 
I agree wholly with him in this, that every man who 
is a man ought to give whatever influence he has, of 
head, and heart, and money, and power, to the extinc- 
tion of slavery. In regard to the practical modes and 
instruments by whieh slavery is to be reached and ex- 
tinguished, and almost only in that regard, have I bad 
occasion to differ from Mr. Garrison. But after all, 
differences among men as to the mere methods of 
carrying out principles are nothing in comparison with 
the value of the principles themselves. This man 
has stood fearless* and faithful amid universal defec- 
tions for many years ; but 4he days are soon coming 
when men will mention his name only with praise," 



Garrison in New York. The Nestor of Abo- 
litionism was greeted with a hearty welcome at the 
Cooper Institute, on Tuesday evening last. The au- 
dience, which consisted of over a thousand persons, 
was one of evidently superior intelligence and refine- 
ment, quite a large proportion of whom were ladies. 
The clergy were sparingly represented by Dr. Tyng 
and some ten or twelve others whom we observed 
among the auditors. The lecture occupied an hour 
and a half, but in consequence of the numerous cries 
of " Go on," the speaker was induced to prolong his 
remarks. The lecture was a highly patriotic one, 
and has, we doubt not, disarmed considerable of 
the prejudice which has been industriously propa- 
gated against Mr. Garrison and Abolitionists gene- 
rally. — American Baptist. 



the Emancipation League. The spirit was excellent, 
the views comprehensive, the statements clear and 
conclusive. His plans for the campaign struck me as 
very j udicious and practical. Ah ! if we only had such 
a mind at the head of atlairs ! " 



LITE AND LETTERS OF JOHN BS0WN 

Watland, Jan. 15, 1862. 
Dear Friend May : 

I cannot thank you too warmly for the copy of 
" John Brown's Life and Letters," edited by our high- 
ly esteemed friend, Richard D. Webb. It is a book 
to do good through all coming time. It is impossible 
to read it without being inspired with firmer trust in 
God, and a deeper sense of obligation to all our breth- 
ren of the human race. 

The Life of John Brown, as presented in this vol- 
ume, is a perpetual Hymn to God; simple, grand, and 
strong, like "Old Hundred." No discordant note 
jars on the ear throughout. The religious, moral 
and domestic character of the old hero predominates 
over alt other traits ; and this is the true point of view 
from which to judge of him. His wife, conversing 
with a friend, soon after his death, said, "I am sorry 
they say so much about him as a fighter. He believed 
that God called him to serve the oppressed in that 
way; hut fighting was not all there was to my hus- 
band." 

Frederic Brown expressed a similar idea to me. He 
said that his brother John was very kind-hearted; 
that he never shot even a bird ; that in fact he believ- 
ed he never had a gun in his house, or knew how to 
discharge one, till he began to feel it his duty to arm 
in aid of Kansas. 

His character, as presented in this volume, in its 
just and true proportions, inspires me with more reve- 
rence and admiration than I ever experienced from 
the contemplation of any character in history. I know 
of no book I should be more desirous to place in libra- 
ries throughout the country, as a model of manhood 
for the benefit of coming generations. 

L. MARIA CHILD. 

gl^= In a private letter from Mrs. L. Maria Child, 
she says : — 

" I am rejoiced beyond measure that the war with 
England is averted. The prospect of it drove me al- 
most to despair. Whether international law had b?en 
violated or not, was a question for lawyers to settle. 
Since the lawyers and statesmen, both of England and 
Prance, decided that it had been violated, and since 
our own statesmen could not disprove it, it was plain- 
ly right on our part to admit that Capt. Wilkes had 
made a mistake. It would have been worse than fool- 
ish to have gone to blowing out brains to show that 
we were not afraid to fight. I have no doubt that 
England wants to get into a war with us, but she must 
be very careful now to have an adequate cause, or the 
whole world will judge her to he clearly in the wrong. 
That seems to mo a great advantage gained by our 
concession to her claims. 

What a magnificent speech is that of Kansas Con- 
way 1 It seems to me one of the very beBt I ever 
read. I also greatly admired Boutwell's speech before 



THE EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 

DR. CHBBVEIt'a LECTURE. 

The object of this League is to urge upon the Peo- 
ple and tho Government Emakcipation of the 
Slaves, as a measure of justice, and as a military 
necessity. The lecture of Dr. Cheever, in the Tre- 
mont Temple last week, was the first of a course of six, 
to be given under the direction of the League, in Bos- 
ton. Its subject was " The Necessity of Emancipa- 
tion." 

The lecturer declared his conviction that if we do 
not emancipate, we cannot conquer; and that if we 
do not conquer thoroughly and entirely, we are lost. 

In this war there have already been several op- 
portunities eminently favorable for the adoption of 
such a policy, and a speedy end might have been put 
to the rebellion had the Government chosen to meet 
it in this manner. When Fort Sumter was surren- 
dered, a proclamation of emancipation would have 
been received with approbation throughout the North. 
But the Government wanted to conciliate the border 
States, and so dared not touch the question of sla- 
very. The Hatteras expedition tailed from the same 
cause; the neglect of a vigorous pushing of the first 
success, an immediate occupation of the adjacent 
country, and a summoning of the slaves of rebels to 
seek protection and take service with the United 
States. The treatment of Fremont by the Adminis- 
tration was yet worse. He would have done the work 
but for its active interference to forbid the only right 
policy. And the success at Port Royal might have 
had results unspeakably more damaging to the rebels 
and beneficial to the country, had it not been curbed 
by tenderness for the Slave Power. 

Justice to the slaves, and wisdom for ourselves, 
alike demand that they shall he set free. If John 
Brown had commanded the Beaufort expedition, 
(here, at the suggestion of a gentleman on the plat- 
form, the audience gave three energetic cheers for 
John Brown,) he would have swept the State of South 
Carolina before this time, and would have doubled his 
own force by freeing the slaves. 

Dr. Cheever declared, that by refraining from this 
policy, our Government had brought upon itself and 
the country two very great evils ; at once chilling the 
enthusiasm of the North, and losing the sympathy and 
aid which we might have had from Europe. 

He urged in a most forcible and convincing manner 
that, by the act and process of the rebellion itself, the 
slaves of the rebels had become free; that, as far as 
they are concerned, no additional legislation is needed ; 
that no barrier of law now prevents their using their 
freedom in any honest way ; that in the Beaufort 
district, and elsewhere where their masters have be- 
come fugitives from them, they may properly hold and 
possess the lands on which they have always worked, 
the ownership of which those masters have lost in law 
by their rebellion ; that the feelings of justice and hu- 
manity should lead all Northern men to help them to 
establish themselves securely in this relation, and that 
self-interest joins with justice in urging the U. S. Gov- 
ernment to favor, protect and help them. 

Dr. Cheever showed most conclusively that no po- 
sition of the Constitution warranted the Government 
in viewing or treating these men, hitherto held as 
slaves by rebels, in any other manner than as free men 
and citizens ; that the Government have no right to 
take possession of them, or transfer them, or remove 
them, or make any compulsory arrangements for them 
whatever, least of all to hold them in trust for the re- 
bel masters, or offer the renewed possession of them 
as a bribe for the return of those masters to loyalty ; 
that, the rebel States having taken themselves, with 
their laws and institutions, out from allegiance to this 
Government, and devoted themselves to the service 
of another Government, the state of slavery, as far as 
our administration has to do with them, falls, and is 
annihilated ; and that every consideration of interest, 
honor, justice and humanity now calls upon our civil 
authority to protect and encourage its free black citi- 
zens in those States. 

The lecture was a vigorous and excellent one, and 
the audience gave it enthusiastic applause. 

The second lecture of this course, — a forcible and 
admirable argument for emancipation, — was given by 
Orestes A. Brownson. He frankly admitted the 
very great difference between his present position and 
that which he had held for many previous years. He 
had never loved slavery, but had been willing to spare 
it for the sake of the Constitution, while the slave- 
holders were loyal to that instrument. Now that they 
are open rebels, they have utterly forfeited, not only 
what advantage the Constitution formerly gave them, 
but all consideration and advantage whatever. As he 
had opposed abolition for the sake of the Union in for- 
mer years, so, to preserve the Union, in our altered 
circumstances, he would now favor the abolition of 
slavery. It is certainly not abolitionism which now 
endangers the Union. 

He urged the abolition of slavery, first as a matter 
of military necessity for the complete overthrow of 
the rebellion, next as a measure of justice to the slave, 
and still more as a necessity of the slaveholder. He 
looked upon the Union in its old form as gone, and had 
no wish that that form of it should be revived. The 
point in hand now is to save the life and integrity of 
the nation. We have now to prove whether we are 
a nation, and when that question shall be settled, we 
may hope toestablish a better Union. 

The rebellion gives us the right to abolish slavery. 
Let it be abolished, not only because that measure is 
just in itself, but because it is the best and speediest 
method of quelling the rebellion. If we pretend to 
make war at all, let us do it vigorously and thoroughly. 
There has been too much false tenderness in this 
matter, too much precaution to carry on the war in 
such a manner as not to hurt anybody's feelings, es- 
pecially if he is a traitor. The poorest and most in- 
human method of making war is to conduct it on peace 
principles. Let the Government proclaim the negroes 
free, and call on them to aid the Government. A man's 
complexion forms not the slightest reason against the 
concession to him of every human right, including cit- 
izenship. It is simply justice to the slave that he be 
made free. He was born of the same race as ourselves, 
and redeemed by the same Savior, and is destined to 
the same beatitude hereafter. People who talk this 
way have been called fanatics, but the earnest man is 
always a fanatic to the lukewarm. Right and wrong 
depend not on majorities. God will assuredly secure 
the triumph of the right. — c. K. w. 



Death op Mr. Francis Todd. The death of Mr. 
Francis Todd, of Newburyport, Mans., was announced, 
last month, at the age of 83. Mr. Todd was, we be- 
lieve, a worthy man in the ordinary relations of life, 
beloved, no doubt, by his friends, and respected by his 
fellow-citizens. A single act of his lite, however, 
gives his name a place in history, but for which he 
would never have been heard of beyond his narrow 
world of New bury port. Thirty years ago, while Mr. 
Todd was an influential citizen and a prosperous mer- 
chant of large means, another native of Newburyport, 

ho had struggled along in the world, with little aid, 
and against many obstacles, poor and unknown, was 
at work as a printer in Baltimore. His name was 
Garrison. In 1829 he became associated with Benja- 
min Lundy in conducting a little dingy sheet called 
The Genius of Universal Emancipation, a paper repre- 
senting the 'Anti-Slavery party of that day. It hap- 
pened that the ship Francis, of Newburyport, came to 
Baltimore, where she took on board a cargo of slaves 
for New Orleans and a market. Whether it was that 
Garrison was moved by the fact that the ship, engaged 
in such infamous business, came from his native town, 
or whether because for that reason it came specially to 
his knowledge, he denounced it as " domestic piracy," 
and declared that he would "cover with thick infamy " 
all concerned in it. But the great Newburyport mer- 
chant was not disposed to submit to such criticism 
upon his conduct, and thereupon he brought an action 
of libej against the young printer; and, although it 

as shown by the Custom House returns that the 
Francis was engaged in the domestic slave-trade, and 
carried more slaves than Garrison had asserted, yet a 
Baltimore jury found him guilty of libel in denounc- 
ing such business as infamous and piratical, and in de- 
fault of payment of a fine of §50 and costs of Court, 
he was committed to jail. Here he remained 40 days, 
till Arthur Tappsn, of New York, hearing of the case, 
paid fine and costs, and released him. But this did 
not satisfy Todd. He brought a civil suit against 
Garrison, and obtained a verdict of §1,000 against him. 
As he probably only wanted to establish the fact that 
to engage in the domestic slave-trade was perfectly 
honorable, and that his own character was unsullied, 
the damages of §1,000 was never exacted. So Mr. 
Todd takes his niche in history. — New York Tribune. 



Federal Victory in Kentucky. A battle was 

fought at Somerset, Ky.,on Sunday last, between the 
rebel forces under Zollicoffer, and the Federal troops 
commanded by Gen. Schoeff, which resulted in the 
utter rout of the rebels, after a fight lasting all day. 
The attack was made by the rebel troops, but they 
were beaten off, with heavy loss, and compelled to re- 
treat, leaving all their artillery, horses, ammunition, 
camp equipage, &c, in the hands of the Union forces. 
Gen. Zollicoffer was among the killed. The loss on 
the Union side is supposed to have been considera- 
ble, but the details have not yet been received. The 
tenor of all the official despatches indicates that the 
battle resulted in the most brilliant victory of the war. 
No prominent officers on our side were killed. 

Negroes Fighting on the Union Side. The 
Martinsburg (Va.) Republican, of the 11th, appeals to 
the Governor to arm the negroes, saying, that at 
the late battle near Bath, the rebels were met by 700 
negroes on the Union side, who killed three rebel 
officers, two privates, and wounded 50 members of the 
German Southern regiment. 

Stepping into the Shoes or Slaves, A de- 
serter from the rebel army makes the ominous state- 
ment that the slaves of Richmond in many instances 
are compelled to give up their shoes to the soldiers, 
and go barefoot. 

JU^" We are informed that numerous houses and 
barns, belonging to residents of Henry county, have 
recently been fired and burned to the ground by the 
negroes, and that in consequence a general feeling of 
insecurity prevails throughout the entire community. 
— Frankfort (Ky.) Yeoman. 

^^=" The Russian army at the present time is about 
850,000 ; the Austrian, 740,000 ; the Prussian, 720,000 ; 
the French, 826,000; the English pretend to muster 
534,000, but this includes 218,000 blacks in India, 
18,000 Colonists, 64,000 military and yeomanry, 140,- 
000 volunteers, 15,000 pensioners, and 12,000 consta- 
bles. 

J^=Wehave a large number of communications 
on hand, unable to find room for them in the present 
crowded srate our columns. Have patience, one and 
alt! 



J2f AARON M. POWELL, Agent of the American 
A. 8. Society, will*peakat the following places in the Stats 
of New York:— 



Verbankj 

Wellington Hollow, 
Clinton Hollow, 
Salt Point, 
Pleasant Valley, 



Friday, 

Sunday, 

Tuenday, 

Thursday, 

Saturday, 



Jan. 24. 
" 26. 



Feb. 



1. 



SOUTH A B1NGTON.— Parker Ph.lsbcry will lecture 
in South, AWngton, on Tuesday evening, 28th inst., at 7 
o'clock. Subject, (by request)—" The Philosophy of the 
Anti-Slavery Mov 



NORTH BRIDGEWATER. 

lecture in North Eridgewatcr, 
inst., at 7 o'clock. 



-Parker Pillbbury will 
on Thur»day evening, 30tb 



1^- MERCY B. JACKSON, M. »., has removed to 
€95 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren- Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

References.— Luther Clark, M.D.; David Thayer, M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



PARKER 



H0TI0E TO DELIKQUENT SUBS0EIEEES. 

Though by the terms of the Liberator, payment for 
the paper should be made in advance, yet it has not' 
only not been insisted upon, but an indulgence- -of thir- 
teen months has hitherto , been granted delinquent 
subscribers, before proceeding (always, of course, with 
great reluctance) to erase their names from the sub- 
scription list, in accordance with the standing rule 
laid down by the Financial Committee. But, in con- 
sequence of the generally depressed state of business, 
this indulgence will be extended from January 1, 1861, 
to April 1, 1862, in caaes of necessity. We trust no 
advantage will be taken of this extension on the part 
of those who have usually been prompt in complying 
with our terms — payment in advance. 

ROBERT P. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



NEW YORK STATE ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 
03P* The Sixth Annual Anti-Slavery Convention for the 
State of New York will be held in ALBANY, at Associ- 
ation Hall, on FRIDAY and SATURDAY, February 
7th and 8th, commencing at 10 1-2 o'clock, A. M. Three 
sessions will be held each day. 

The exigencies of the slave's cause in the present Na- 
tional crisis call for a full representation at this Conven- 
tion of the friends of freedom from all parts of the State. 
During the past year, tho slave States have dissolved the 
Federal Union, repudiated the United States Constitution, 
and organized a gigantic conspiracy in the name of a new 
Confederacy, the chief stone in the corner of which, it is 
red; is Human Slavery. The Federal Government, 
which began its career by fatal concessions to slaveholding 
barbarism, and has since been disgraced and weakened by 
numerous like concessions, until now its very existence is 
imperilled by the same aggressive, unscrupulous power, is 
still administered in a spirit of suicidal submission to the 
unrighteous dictation of slaveholders. Though there has 
been a great and most gratifying increase of an ti -slavery 
sentiment since the outbreak of the rebellion, and a strong 
tide of opposition to slavery is steadily rising among 
the people of the North, still, in our midst, the enemies of 
impartial liberty, and of a truly republican government, 
masked under professions of loyalty, are not a few. It is 
no time, therefore, for Abolitionists to relax their efforts, 
but rather is increased fidelity called for. Special ear- 
nestness and activity are yet denmuded of every friend of 
freedom, and of just govcrntmont, to secure the speedy ab- 
olition of slavery under the war power. The present aud 
future well-being of not only four millions of slaves, but 
of every inhabitant of the land, is at stake. The dangerous 
and fatal spell of submission to slavery must now be broken, 
the slaves rescued from the vilo grasp of traitorous op- 
pressors, and thus, justice having been done, an abiding 
peace ensue. Lot all who possibly can come to the ap- 
proaching annual Convention, and contribute by personal 
presence, and wise counsel, to render its influence mighty 
and effective in tho service of tho sacred cause of liberty. 

[The names of the speakers who will attend tho Conven- 
tion,^ — among whom are confidently expected Wm. Lloyd 
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Parker Pillsbury aud Theo- 
dore Tilton, — will be announced hereafter.] 

In behalf of the Committee of Arrangements, 

A. M. POWELL. 



Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARB. 

rpiIIS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
| Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Miner 
Medal at the last Fair of the Mechanics' Charitable Abso- 
ciiition, and are ihe best finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in the market. 

fl^p" Sales Room, 188 Washington street. 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 

Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notics, 

Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 

Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massachusetts 
Charitable Mechanic Association. 

"Four Parker's Sewing Machines. This Machine is 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover &, Baker, for whieh these parties pay 
tribute. These together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from $40 to 
$120 each. They are very perfect in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, in such a 
manner that they cannot get deranged. The fefedj ' bS 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, is sin 
itive and complete. The apparatus for guaging the ; 
of stitch is very simple and effective. The tension, as Well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, viz : there is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to come in 
contact with the dress of the operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This maehine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge upon 
the back quite flat and smooth, doing away, in a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Parker's Sewing Machines have many qualities that 
recommend them to use in families. The several parts are 
pinned together, so that it is always adjusted and ready 
for work, and not liable to get out of repair. It is the 
best finished, and most firmly and substantially made ma- 
ehine in the Fair. Its motions are all positive, its tension 
easily adjusted, and it leaves no ridge on the back of the 
work. It will hem, fell, stitch, run, bind and gather, and 
the work cannot be ripped, except designedly. It sews from 
common spools, with silk, linen or cotton, with equal fa- 
cility. The stitch made upon this machine was recently 
awarded the first prize at the Tennessee State Fair, for its 
superiority. — Boston Traveller. 

g™ We would call the attention of our readers to the 
advertisement, in another column, of the Parker Sewing 
Machine. This is a licensed machine, being a combina- 
tion of the various patents of Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and 
Groves^ Baker, with those of the Parker Sewing Machine 
Company fcoitsBq ueiitlj 1 , r^ii^g^ad vantage of such ma- 
chines — first, in being a licensed^macirige ; s econd j &MB 
the fact that it embraces all of the most importantiBrJPhrrt- - 
ments which have heretofore been made in Sewing Ma- 
chines ; third, it requires no readjustment, all the vari- 
ous parts being made right and pinned together, instead of 
being adjusted by screws, thus avoiding all liability of get- 
ting out of order without actually breaking them ; and 
also the necessity of the purchaser learning, as with others, 
how to regulate all the variousjatftions to the machine. 
The favor with which the Pajfker Sewing Machine has al- 
ready been received by tifc public warrants us in the be- 
lief that it is by far the bust machine npjP-JB-J 
South Reading Gazette, Nov. 24, 1860. 

The Parker Sewing Machine is taking the lead in the 
market. For beauty and finish of its workmanship, it can- 
not be excelled. It is well and strongly made — strength 
and utility combined — and is emphatically the cheapest and 
best machine now made. The ladies are d^g^ted with it, 
and when consulted, invariably give Parkers machine the 
preference over all others. We are pleased to learn that 
the gentlemanly Agent, George E. Leonard, 188 Wash- 
ington street, Boston, has a large number of orders for 
these machines, and sells them as fast as they can be man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding the dullness of the times, and 
while other manufacturers have almost wholly suspended 
operations. This fact, of it-self, speaks more strongly is 
its favor than any thing we can mention ; for were it not 
for its superior merits, it would have suffered from the gen- 
eral depression, instead of flourishing among the wrecks of 
its rivals. What we tell you is no fiction ; but go and buy 
one of them, and you will say that " half of its good qual- 
ities had never been told you." Every man who regards 
the health and happiness of his wife should buy one of 
these machines to assist her in lessening life's toilsome 
<iask.— Marlboro' Gazette, July 13, 1861. 



JEJT" Our paper goes to press too early (if we had 
room, which we have not) to give any sketch of the 
doings at the Ladies' Anti-Slavery Subscription Anni- 
versary, at Music Hall, on Wednesday evening; or at 
the annua! meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society at Allston Hall on Thursday. Two additional 
sessions will be held this day, (Friday,) at Allston 
Hall ; in the evening, at Music Hall, to be addressed 
by Wendell Phillips, Rev. Mr. Manning, Rev. Mr. 
Miner, and others. Admission fee in the evening, 10 
cents. 

J33^"* Our friends, who are visiting the city this 
week, will doubtless be glad to be reminded of the new 
Life of Captain John Brown, by Richard I). 
Webb, some copies of which still remain for sale at 
the Anti-Slavery office, 2^1 Washington street. 



Youth's Casket and Playmate ; a Magazine for 
Roys and Girls. Filled with interesting and instruc- 
tive matter, and published monthly. Kach number, 
besides containing excellent stories, has a page devo- 
ted to Knigmas, Charades, Conundrums, &c. Itised- 
iled by Mark Forrester, and published by William 
Guild &, Co., f> Water street, Boston. Terms— §1 a 
year, if paid in advance, ijll.^fi, if not. 



EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 

That the pcoplo may have an opportunity to examine 
the reasons presented in this crisis of our country's affairs 
for emancipating the slaves, 

A COURSE OF SIX LECTURES 
will be delivered, undor tho auspices of the Emancipation 
League, in 

TREMONT TEMPLE, 
as follows : 

Wednesday, Jan. 29, byM. D. CONWAY, a native of Vir- 
ginia. 

Subject — " Liberty, challenged by Slavery, has the right 
to ohooso tho weapon. Liberty's true weapon is Free- 
dom." 
Wednesday, Feb. 5th, by FREDERIC DOUGLASS. 
Subject — "The Black Man's Future in the Southern 
States." 
Wednesday, Feb. 12th, (to be announced.) 
Wednesday, Fob. 19th, (to ho announced.) 

Organist - - JOHN S. WRIGHT. 
Tickets, admitting a gent Ionian aud lady to the course, 
SI, for sale by Jamos M. Stone, 22 BromRehl street, and by 
J. 11. Stephenson, 53 Federal street, and at Tromont Tom- 
pie. 

DOOM open at 6 '-2 o'clock, and the Lectures will coin- 
monoo at, 1 1-2 o'olook. 



IMPROVEMENT IN 
Champooing and Hair Dyeing, 

"WITHOUT SMUTTING." 
MADAME 0ARTEAUX BANNISTER 

"VT7"OULD inform the public that she has removed from 
YY 223 Washington Street, to 

No. 31 'WINTER STREET, 
where she will attend to all diseases of the Hair- 
She is sure to cure in nine cases out of ten, as she has 
for many years made the hair her study, and is sure there 
are none to excel her in producing a new growth of hair. 
Her Restorative differs from that of any one else, being 
made from the roots and herbs of the forest. 

Sho Cbarapoos with a bark which does not grow in this 
country, aud whieh is highly beneficial to the hair before 
using the Restorative, .and will prevent the hair from 
turning grey. 

She also has another for restoring grey hair to its natu- 
ral color in nearly all oases. She is not afraid to speak of . 
her Restoratives in any part of the world, as-fctrey-srW-ffsed 
in every city in the country. They are also packed for her 
customers to take to Kurope with them, enough to last two 
or three years, as they often say they can get nothing 
abroad like them. 

MADAME CARTEAUX BANNISTER, 
No. 31 Winter Street, Boston. 

Deo. BO. 



The Life and Letters of 
CAPTAIN J0M BROWN, 

"ITTHO was Executed at Chnrlestowu, Virginia, Deoem- 
YY bor 2, 1859, for an Armed Attack upon American 
Shivery : with Notices of some of his Confederates. Edited 
by Riciunn D. Wkub. — This very valuable aud interesting 
work, whioh has met with a most favorable reception and 
ready sale in England, lias been carefully prepared by one 
of tho most intelligent and experienced friends of America 
in the old world. For salo at the Anti-Slavery Office in 
Boston. 221 Washington street, Room No. 6. Also in New 
fork, ftt No. S Hoekman street ; and in Philadelphia, at 
No. L06 North Tenth street. 



Diseases of Women and Children. 

WM, SYMINGTON BROWN, M. P., and 
Miis. MARGARET » BROWN, Actx 

n\\V, opened M officii nt 27J Washington Street, 
BoatOU, and will devote special attention to tha 
trciitnu-iil of tUfl febon &tMMW< 

CHBm It «, From U'. a. ■., to 4, v. m. 

Boston, Oct. l, 18fil. 3m 



16 



THE LIBEEATOE, 



JANUARY 24. 



Otttg. 



For the Liborator. 

JONATHAN'S APPEAL TO OAKOLINEi 

OR, 

Mr. North to Madam South. 

Air Teannctte and Jtannot. 

You are going far away, far away, my little pet ; 

There 's no one left to love me now— oh, darling ! you 

forget 
How I 've always bowed to you, let you always have your 

way ; 
Now, dearest, don't ungrateful be, and tear yourself 

away I — 
Think of all I Ve sacrificed, just for you to keep your 

slaves, 
And to inorease your wealth and power, and make your 

children knaves ; — 
Think, too, how I have compromised, every time you wished 

you know : 
Carolina, 'tis a shame to treat your loving Johnny so ! 



Only think the gold I paid, buying all your lands and 

State, 
And then pursued the Seminole with war and deadly hate; 
Texas, too, I bought with blood, besides a beap of gold, 
Because you mean that men shall be like cattle bought 

and sold : 
Then I 've carried all your mails, letters, papers, all for 

you, 
And from my pocket I have paid most of your postage, too ; 
Then to think how you have ruled, in Congress, Church 

and State, 
And always had your President, nor cared to please your 

mate. 

in. 
How because, for onee, my votes outdo all your swindling 

plan, 
Ton mean to break the Union up, and do what harm you 

can ! 
Think to please you bow I worked, down upon my knees 

I've toiled, 
■While for my sake you've never onee your dainty fin- 
gers soiled. 
Then you've called me wicked names, Yankee mudsill, 

farmer small, 
And yet I have a Christian been, and borne in meekness 

all ; 
Yea, you know I 've borne all this, and a thousand other 

i!ls,^-^~ " 
Jnat4o J fiVe in peace with you, and run my cotton mills. 

IV. 
Then, you know, I've active been, mobbing preachers ; if 

they dared 
Say aught against your darling sin, hard was the fate they 

shared : 
Then to think I've caught your slaves, when they tried to 

run away, 
And never let them stop to rest this side of Canada ! 
Now it really makes me mad to think how foolish I have 

been, 
How for your sake I've lost my peace, and steeped my soul" 

And yet you have a traitor proved, and stole my guns 

away ; 
But as I have a few more left, I guess I 'II stop your play 



Madam, you will trouble see unless your temper soon is 



And much you'll wish you'd stayed with me, before the 

war is ended ; 
But as you the war have brought, blame yourself for all 

the sorrow 
That now enshrouds all hearts and homes, and fills our 

land with horror. 
Though I fight but for the laws, stand on the Constitu- 

Yet blame yourself if, midst the crash, down comes your 

institution ; 
And devoutly good men pray for such a consummation, 
And wise ones say peace cannot come but by emancipation. 



Bead the names of nations lost ! — once they built their 

Babel towers, 
But sin hath swept them from the earth : will justice pass 

by ours ? 
Madam, I am half inclined to think that good men 

aright, ^^-v^^ 

That naught but justice to"t~n* slave will bring our nation 

light. \ 

., gWta* me sight, ibow to me thy path more 

clear, 
And grant me strength to walk therein, untrammelled, too, 

by fear ! Mary Stoddard. 



TYom the Atlantic Monthly for February. 

BATT1S HYMN OP THE BEPUBLIO. 

\Y MRS. JULIA WARD HOWE. 

Mine eyes hare seen the glory of the coming of the Lord : 
He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of 

wrath are stored ; 
He hath loosed the fateful lightning of His terrible swift 

sword : 

His truth is marching on. 

I have seen him in the watch-fires of a hundred circling 

camps ; 
They have builded Him an altar in the evening dews 

and damps ; 
I have read His righteous sentence by the dim and Baring 

lamps : 

His day is marching on. 

I have read a fiery gospel writ in burnished rows of steel 
" As ye deal with my contemners, so with you my grace 

shall deal ; 

Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the serpent with his heel, 
Since God is marching on." 

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call 
retreat ; 

He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment- 
seat : 

Oh, be swift, my soul, to answer Him ! be jubilant, my feet ! 
Our God is marching on. 

In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea, 
With a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me : 
As he died to make men holy, letua die to make men free, 
While God is marching on. 



From the American Baptist. 

OUE FATHERLAND, 

BY CRAMMOSD KENHKDY. 

"We love our glorious fatherland. 
The master-work of Freedom's hand ; 

t thou of &very land the trust, 
We love her very atones and dust. 
Oh I let Thy love to her flow down, 
And bo of liberty the crown ! 
Our mountains stand, colossal throngs ; 
Our rivers flow, like heavenly songs ; 
From sea to sea our vales extend, 
And o'er them Freedom's angels bend ; 
This rich possession, broad and free. 
We consecrate, God ! to thee. 
As beam the radiant stars of even, 
Within th' tm fathomed blue of heaven, 
On Southern groves and Northern anow, 
So may the lamps of science glow. 
Our moon is Peace, our rising sun 
The Liberty our fathers won. 

In discord's night, when treason shrouds 
The light of peace in thunderclouds ; 
In times of war, when empires shako, 
And slumbering kings in fear awake, 
God ! our Sovereign and our Rock, 
Let Freedom's temple stand the shook ! 

As, at, thy word, th' effulgent sun 
Proclaimed the reign of Chaos done, 
So let immortal Freedom's light 
Kise o'er Oppression's starless night ; 
And ever may our country be 
The lion* of Liberty and Thee ! 



THE SWORD IN ETHIOS. 

NO. II. 

The defender of war, an abstract of whose able ar- 
ticle in the Christian Examiner was given in last 
■week's Liberator, sums op his argument with this sen- 
tence : — " Man may lawfully use no other sword than 
that which pure Heaven puts into his hand; but the 
sword that Heaven gives, if he make it not sharp 
against those that deserve its edge, will become sharp 
against himself." It singularly happens, that this 
very sentence precisely expresses the idea held by 
me, an opposer of war, and a Non-Resistant, It can- 
n:)t but be a profitable exercise to examine the course 
of an argument which leads to such a conclusion, and 
see precisely wherein we differ, and which of our 
opposite positions is the sound one. Before commenc- 
ing this examination, I must beg the reader to keep 
in mind that the word Non-Resistance is a title, adopt- 
ed for its breviiy, not by any means a definition; 
that the Non-Resistant is not one who allows evil to 
have free course, but who seeks to overcome it with 
good, and with good only ; and that what he repudi- 
ates is, not the use of bodily strength or of physical 
force, but only of injurious force. 

I am happy to be able freely to admit many of my 
antagonist's positions, and of this sort are those with 
which he begins his argument. 

1. "In the construction of any creature, Nature lias 
always in mind the thought of self-preservation, com- 
monly of direct self-defence; and works this into its 
organization." 

Granted. I have not a word to say against either 
self-preservation or self-defence. Every creature has 
these impulses, and rightfully uses them. 

2. Nature never abandons any leading idea; and 
man, as well as the inferior animals, finds wrought 
into Ins organization the thought and the means of 
self-preservation and self-defence. 

Granted. But it is to be kept in mind that man, pos- 
sessing a higher degree of the reasoning faculty than 
other animals, is able to discriminate between defence 
and offence, as they cannot. Moreover, being en- 
dowed with a moral nature, he is capable of distin- 
guishing that the same great law which makes it 
wrong for others to injure him, makes it equally 
wrong for him to injure others. He is therefore bound 
to take care that bis defence is free from complication 
with offence, or injury of his antagonistic fellow-man. 
He is bound, further, to beware of letting self-preser- 
vation seduce him into the violation or the neglect of 
other duties. The shipmaster who, when his vessel 
is about to sink, jumps into the only boat, and leaves 
bis passengers to drown, is not excused by the world, 
any more than by his own soul. He has a duty, in 
that case, antecedent to self-preservation; and many 
other duties may claim precedence of that one. 

3. With higher organizations, there are higher ex- 
pressions of every leading thought. The provisions 
for defence in man partake of the general elevation, 
and are, for the most part, much removed from a beast- 
ly simplicity of biting and scratching. For physical 
defence, man has the immediate powers and cunning 
of the hand, and the command of natural forces ( 
ferred by understanding. For subtler encounters, he 
has the powers of the eye and the voice. He has 
body for the defence of body, mind for the defence of 
mind. 

Granted ; keeping in mind the distinction above 
stated. 

Since, however, man possesses a higher order of 
weapons, why should be not trust to these alone for 
protection ? In answer to this very pertinent inquiry, 
our author alleges — 

4. In all defences, you necessarily use a weapon not 
only fit for you, as a man, to employ, but appropriate 
also to .the foe or the danger that threatens you. Tht 
wolf is appropriately met with powder and ball 
Therefore the use of the rifle is not intrinsically un 
suitable to man. 

Granted. 

From this be easily slides into the next question, 
namely — Is ever a fellow-man one of those foes against 
whom mortal defences may be turned? And he re- 
plies — 

5. The answer is, that whenever man is a wolf, as 
too many men are, then weapon against wolf is wea- 
pon against him. Whenever man shows the special 
characteristic of the wolf-nature, in being a lawless 
depredator and destroyer, \he.n be is to be considered 
wolf, and killed as a wolf. 

Here a most important discrimination is to be made, 
which our author fails to make. 

It is true that man is often a wolf, a lawless depre- 
dator and destroyer. But he is never merely a wolf. 
Sometimes, unfortunately, be has so adopted and cul- 
tivated the wolf-nature that, to a superficial examina- 
tion, there seems to be nothing else in him. The ap- 
pearance is deceitful. The man also is invariably 
there, fundamental and permanent, while the wolf- 
character, which has been taken on (with more or less 
guilt) under the influence of circumstances, is only fac- 
■ titious and temporary, and the ejection of it (which is 
necessarily to come sooner or later, since God reigns,) 
may be greatly expedited by applying influences of 
an opposite character. The wolf-man is certainly to 
be restrained, and kept from doing harm, while his 
wolf-stage lasts. As certainly, the man underneath 
the wolf is to be helped, even against his perverted 
will, to get freed from this unnatural and beastly part- 
nership. As surely as the wolf ought to be killed, sc 
surely ought the man to be redeemed. Let us apply 
ourselves to both these needful things, instead of using 
the vulgar, penny-wise, pound-foolish expedient of 
killing both. 

6. But defence, our author proceeds, is needed, and 
is demanded by the intensest natural instincts, not 

'only for a man's own person and rights, but for pro- 
tection of those whom Nature has left in some degree 
defenceless; babes and children, disabled persons, 
weak minorities, and women. And he justly calls it 
an error to stigmatize these instincts as " brutal," and 
justly protests against the implication that an entire 
category of man's powers and impulses is made only 
to be eradicated. Natural instincts, far from being 
brutal in the opprobrious sense, are sacred and author- 
itative. 

To all this I agree ; only claiming, as above, that 
the natural should be held in subordination to the 
moral and spiritual. The native instincts of the im- 
mature human being are not despotically to clamor 
down the cultivated reason and enlightened conscie 
of the mature one. The fact that our safety and that 
of our family is threatened, does not annihilate 
our other duties, obligations and relations. What I 
claim is, that these opposing claims shall be fairly 
weighed, and the decision of right and justice folio' 
ed, at the expense of whatever self-denial or suffer- 
ing. Has not the whole world applauded him who 
refused to violate his trust and betray his country, 
even to save the lives of his children ? Let us recog- 
nize the fact, that even such sacrifices may possibly 
be required of us. 

7. Our author proceeds to deny the assertion that 
"human life is inviolable"; to quote, as sufficient 
disproof of this assertion, the fact that if a man swal- 
low arsenic, he dies; and to draw from this quite ir- 
relevant fact the following conclusion : — "Nature takes 
life in mere fidelity to physiological law : can human 
life be amenable to this, and not amenable to the more 
sacred law of justice 1 " 

The general strain of the article in question shows 
so much candor towards opponents, that X cannot 
doubt that its writer would have freely admitted, had 
this point been suggested to him, not only that his 
statement of the arsenic case is not just to his oppo- 
nent, but that a fair statement of (hat very case (so far 
as it goes) is in favor of his opponent. Nobody ever 
pretended that arsenic would not destroy human life. 
The idea (above referred to) of some opposcrs of war 
and capital punishment, is not that human life cannot 
be destroyed, but that lie is guilty who purposely de- 
stroys either his own life or another's. The man 



who takes poison, intending to kill himself, is guilty 
for so doing; the man who intentionally kills another 
by poison is guilty. Human beings have not been en- 
trusted, by their Father, with the right to kill them- 
selves or each other. The burden of proof lies upon 
him who affirms that they have been so entrusted. 
And such proof has never yet been shown. 

But is not human life amenable to " the sacred law 
of justice " ? An important question indeed. But he 
> would justly answer and decide it is bound to 
show who is the authorized expounder, and who the 
uthorized executor of that law. For men's opinions 
differ very greatly, in regard not only to these two 
functions, but to the demand of justice itself in many 
particular cases. 

We are told that the great Cyrus, in his boyhood, 
chancing to meet a small boy with a jacket too large 
for him, and a larger boy with a jacket too small for 
him, compelled them to exchange ; and was surprised 
to learn afterwards, from his preceptor, that he had 
done injustice instead "of justice. The question, Who 
is the authorized judge 1 is a very important one ; the 
question, What is justice in a specified case? is yet 
more important, and neither of these is so easily set- 
tled as people are accustomed to imagine. 

A man kills another. Clearly, justice has some 
function to perform in the matter; but what is it? 
by what human head is it to be decided 1 and when, 
and by what human hand, is it to be executed 1 ? 

Most men assume at once that the murderer is to 
be killed; but whether by the witnesses of the mur- 
der, or by the next of kin to the victim, or by some 
public functionary appointed for the purpose, there 
has been much difference of opinion. Moreover, after 
what interval for calm examination, trial, and formal 
sentence, this retributive killing shall be done, and 
after what further interval for the murderer's repent- 
ance and reformation, there is much difference of 
opinion. People usually discover, after he has been 
tried and condemned, that even the murderer is a 
man and a brother, and temper their judgment with 
some grains of mercy. Even our defender of the 
sword and the gailows counsels long patience and for- 
bearance, and would have justice done not only justly 
but humanely. If we could accomplish these things 
without the sword or the gallows, it would be a decided 
improvement. But our author makes a further state- 
ment. He says — 

8. " The State and every social body is bound by 
sacred obligations to indicate, and to indicate with em- 
phasis, a more precious estimation of justice, free- 
dom, and the honor and innocence of man and wo- 
man, than of mere physical life, or of property, or of 
aught else; and failing flagrantly to do this, it is ere 
long weighed in the balances, and found wanting." 

I heartily grant that the State is bound to provide, 
as carefully and thoroughly as possible, for the main- 
tenance of justice, and of the freedom and security of 
its citizens. Perhaps these points may be found to be 
best guarded without the deliberate shedding of blood 
by its functionaries. At any rate, the failure to at- 
tempt these things is a flagrant failure in the duty of 
a State. But does not the entire fulfilment of that 
duty include one important exercise of the power of 
the State to which our author has not alluded, 
and which should come in place of his plan of 
capital punishment % I refer to the establishment of a 
place of secure detention, with an apparatus of means 
adapted to accomplish the reformation of criminals 

To "confront perfidy with peril" is not the whole 
of justice. The crime and the criminal may have 
many mitigating circumstances, and of these justice 
must take account, in favor of the criminal, as well 
as prevent the repetition of the offence, for the sake 
of the community. To kill even the worst of crimi- 
nals, on mere conviction of the fact, without inquiry 
how be first fell into guilt, and how he might possi- 
bly be yet reclaimed, would be very gross injustice. 
Even allowing aggravated guilt to be proved, and a 
disposition to persevere in it also proved, punishment 
is not necessarily the main duty of the community. 
The disposition to treat, a man as badly as lie deserves 
is quite as nearly akin to vice as to virtue. Circum- 
stances in the history of this very man may show 
him to be far more sinned against than sinning 
Justice is bound to investigate these circumstances as 
much as to prevent a repetition of the offence; and 
she is also bound to make a prolonged trial of the ef- 
fect of forcible seclusion from evil companionship, 
and the influence of appropriate medico-moral treat- 
ment, if thus possibly the bad man may be changed 
to a good man, before proceeding to harsher measures. 

Is it denied that such reformation can be effected 
upon the class of men and women in question? Is it 
further denied that they can be arrested and placed 
in the bouse of reformation without* the use of inju- 
rious force? I reply, no government has ever at- 
tempted the latter at all, and the former has been tried 
only in a very imperfect and unsatisfactory manner 
Men can generally accomplish what they persistently 
determine upon, and labor for, especially when they 
have the resources of a State to work with. Until 
these two things have been faithfully tried, no one 
is authorized to declare them visionary or impossi- 
ble. 

Our author next comes to the very essence and 
kernel of the matter. 

9. Perhaps the final entrenchment of the extreme 
upholders of peace is found in the doctrine that evil 
should not be rendered for evil; that yoorf should be 
rendered for evil, and enmity met only with love. 
And this is conceded to be very clear — that " the good 
man will do good, and not evil; not evil, but good, 
to all men, and under all circumstances." 

I am perfectly satisfied with this concession. I ask 
no more than that our author shall hold to it. But 
he proceeds to ask — "What is doing evil? To con- 
front perfidy with peril, is that evil? To apply the 
great laws of retribution, is this a doing of evil?" 

I reply, the deeds here specified are needful and sal 
utary when they are done justly, and done by the au- 
thorized power. What power this is, is the very ques- 
tion that we have not yet settled. Perhaps the just 
and full application of " the great laws of retribution " 
is something as much beyond the province as beyond 
the power of man. Who can certainly know how 
much peril to allot to how much perfidy. Are we 
so sure of doing this work aright as to take it out of 
the hands of the Supreme Judge ? Since the records 
of the best intentioned Courts have shown so many 
instances of error, perhaps our efforts had better be 
directed to the prevention of future evil, by the re- 
straint and reform of criminals, rather than to the 
infliction of punishment (especially irrevocable pun- 
ishment) for past evil. God will assuredly take care 
of that; and if we do our duty in regard to the for- 
mer, we shall lose nothing by leaving the latter to 
Him. 

With the following statement of the duty of the 
State to its vicious members, I cordially agree : — 

"The highest service that we can ever render a 
human being is so to breed and incite him to virtue, 
that flagitious thoughts shall be foreign from his 
heart; next to this, the highest service lies in so 
bringing home good considerations to one's mind, as 
to dissuade him from carrying into act an evil intent, 
though it have been harbored in his bosom; but 
these being excluded, the only remaining service con- 
sists in opposing with impassable barriers a wicked 
will, to which considerations of reason and right arc 
no barrier." 

When the writer adds to the foregoing that, in the 
last resort, the criminal should be killed rather than 
suffered to prey upon society, I must dissent; and I 
offer as a substitute this : that the whole power of the 
State should be applied to the work of placing him 
under restraint, secluding him from evil influences, 
and bringing good influences to bear upon him; and 
that this restraint, seclusion and beneficent tutorship 

* Those who oaro to see how a police foroo can act effi- 
ciently without the uso of injurious violence, and can be 
so organizod and used as to ollect a progressive diminution 
of crime and reduction in tlio number of criminals in a 
community, far greater, in tlio lung run, than that now at- 
tained, are referred to a tract, entitled — '* Non-Rosiatanoa; 
applied to tlio Internal doi'otiou of a community" pub- 
lished by It. P. Walluut, 22] Washington street. 



should continue as long as it seems needful ; that is, 
until the State can return a good citizen to that com- 
munity from which it took away a bad one. It seems 
to me that this system would not only improve socie- 
ty, in any given period, far more than our present 
one, but that all the improvement made would tend 
towards permanence, and would increase, in succes- 
sive periods, in a geometrical ratio; constantly ac- 
complishing more and more permanent good ; con- 
stantly leaving a less number of criminals for the pro- 
cesses of the moral hospital. 

10. Our author manfully marches up to the main 
difficulty of his position, and attempts next to show 
that the killing of a criminal who seems desperately 
and impersuasibly bent upon crime is an act of love, 
not to the community only, but to him. I think he 
utterly fails in that attempt. But, supposing him to 
have proved it, the love shown to the criminal by my 
method is at once more obvious and more fruitful. 
For its tendency will be towards the reform of all; 
and if faithfully and perseveringly tried, it can scarce- 
ly fail to restore some, even of those who seemed 
most hardened and hopeless, to be worthy and useful 
members of society. And if this is" true, the deliber- 
ate killing of a prisoner who lies bound and helpless 
in the hands of the State, without extended attempt 
at his restoration, wilt appear nothing short of mur- 
der. And I see not bow one who (like our author) 
has demanded absolute justice, and counselled ex- 
tremest forbearance, can counsel the killing of a crim- 
inal who is already under restraint, and prevented 
from doing further harm, instead of proposing his 
pirmanent restraint, with or without the attempt at his 
reformation. 

Moreover, if the killing of a man desperately and 
impersuasibly bent upon crime be an act of love and 
benefit to him, why should not this service be rendered 
him by some individual friend, or by any person be- 
nevolently disposed, who understands the criminal's 
character and necessity ? Is the State to monopolize 
the bestowal of benefits ? Must we summon Sheriff, 
Judge and Jury before we can confer a favor upon one 
who stands in urgent need of i't? And again, must 
the individual philanthropist postpone the bestowal of 
the great favor in question until his failure to bestow 
it risks the loss of his own life? 

The portion of the Examiner's article which treats 
of the distinction between a living and a dead peace — 
which insists that purity, justice and freedom rightful- 
' ly take precedence of outward peace, and are to be 
maintained even if that be sacrificed — and which 
stigmatizes as unworthy, treacherous and contempti- 
ble, any Peace Society which should disregard these 
distinctions, is thoroughly admirable and excellent. 
It justly declares that, for us, in this nation, a war 
turned against slavery would be far better than a eon 
tinued allowance of the tyranny of the slaveholders. 
Heartily agreeing to this, I yet say that there was a 
third way, better than either, which we should have 
taken. 

11. Our author next proceeds to claim for war a use- 
ful preventive function ; to claim that possible wai 
is the gage of actual peace ; and that " the alterna- 
tive Might or Fight secures right, and saves from the 
necessity of fighting." 

The hardihood of this, assertion, in view of the his- 
tory of wars between nations,