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B1IE     LIBERATOR 

IS     PUBLISHED  

EVEKY  FEIDAT  MOKNIM, 

AT 

221    WASHINGTON    STItilET,    BOOM    No.    6. 


KOBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


E3T  TERMS  —Two  dollars  and  fiRy  cents  por  annum, 
in  advance, 

Q3?"  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  addresB  for  ten 
dollars,  if  payment  bo  made  in  advance. 

ESsT"  All  remittances  are  tu  be  inado,  and  all  lottors  re- 
lating to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbo  paper  aro  to  be 
directed  (tost  paio)  to  tbe  General  Agent. 

D^"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents  per 
line. 

g5P  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liuekatok. 

Q^"  The  following  gontlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  viz  : — Francis  Jackson,  Emiuxd  Quincv,  Edmund 
Jackson,  and  Wendell,   Phillips. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 

the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"Hay  this  down  aa  tlio  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  muriie- 
ipal  institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST;' 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  whore  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  of 
the  (Jsited  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Arht, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES From  tho   instant 

that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  tbe  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  wait  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when,  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  wuht  carry  it  on,  ac-  * 
cording  to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thb 
place  o?  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory  ."—J.  Q.  AiiA^g. 


W.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


mx  Country  \%  tto  W«M,  tm  towMwmm  m  »U  Itofeittfl. 


J.  B.  TERRINTOK'  &  SOff,  Printers, 


VOL.    XXXII.    3STO.    i. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     JANTJAEY    3,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1619. 


Ufugf  of  ($\i\mm#\L 


THE  TRUE  INTERESTS  OP  BLACK  AND 
WHITE. 
It  is  evidently  more  desirable  tliat  the  Union 
should  be  restored  with  slavery  existing  as  before, 
than  without  it,  unless  a  form  of  labor  be  at  the  same 
time  substituted,  which  shall  save  us  from  ruin.  We 
have  not  drifted  into  the  folly  of  forgetting  our  prin- 
ciples, because  there  is  war  in  the  land.  A  year  ago, 
no  thoroughly  sane  man  in  America  would  have  con- 
sented to  a  decree  of  absolute  emancipation,  if  such 
a  decree  could  have  been  made.  The  reasons  are 
unchanged.  To  restore  this  Union  with  four  millions 
of  unprotected  blacks  on  the  country,  free  to  work 
or  not,  with  their  old  men  and  women,  their  sick  and 
their  children  unprovided  for,  would  be  to  curse  that 
race  with  the  worst  abandonment  they  have  known 
in  their  entire  humiliation. 

To  restore  the  Union,  with  the  slave  States  sud- 
denly deprived  of  the  institution  which  has  been  the 
foundation  of  their  prosperity,  and  on  which  we  de- 
pend as  much  as  they  for  the  very  productions  whieii 
make  them  valuable  members  of  the  Union,  would 
be  to  perpetuate  on  ourselves  and  on  them  the  very 
evils  we  are  now  suffering.  No  blockade  would  so 
tflfectually  slop  the  export  of  cotton,  no  war  would 
so  thoroughly  impoverish  the  families  of  the  South, 
no  decree  of  confiscation  would  so  completely  annul 
the  possibility  of  collecting  Northern  debts,  no  in- 
vading army  would  so  wholly  depopulate  the  planta- 
tions of  the  South,  and  no  devastation  of  the  sword 
would  so  totally  destroy  the  South  as  a  commercial 
correspondent  of  the  North,  and  a  purchaser  of  Nor- 
thern commodities. 

Let  no  man  say  this  is  a  base  and  sordid  view  of 
a  question  of  personal  freedom.  It  is  not  so.  We 
say  nothing  in  favor  of  the  perpetuation  of  slavery 
as  an  institution.  If  any  man  will  devise  a  substi- 
tute for  it  which  will  take  care  of  the  black  families 
alone,  to  say  nothing  of  the  white,  he  will  do  the  age 
a  service.  But  immediate  emancipation  is  an  idea 
that  all  of  us  regarded  as  the  ruin  of  both  black  and 
white,  a  year  ago;  and  some  few,  in  the  excitement 
of  war,  have  forgotten  that  such  emancipation  by 
the  war  would  be  as  fatal  in  its  effects  as  if  it  had 
occurred  in  times  of  peace. 

Men  imagine  that  the  only  thing  to  be  done  is  to 
make  the  blacks  free,  and  that  then  they  would  be 
naturally  employed  as  irea  laborers  at  a  rate  of  pay- 
ment that  would  make  them  comfortable  ;  and  that 
the  Southern  countries  would  go  on,  calmly  produc- 
ing and  selling  and  buying  as  heretofore.  The  idea 
is  chimerical.  The  history  of  the  world  proves  it. 
In  no  tropical  country  on  earth  will  the  human  race 
"work  for  any  more  than  the  bare  support  of  life,  ex- 
cept on  compulsion ;  and,  unless  the  reformer  can, 
with  his  emancipation  scheme,  introduce  new  and 
superhuman  industry,  economy,  thrift  and  persever- 
ance into  the  negro,  it  will  result  that  he  will  not 
earn  a  support  for  himself  alone,  much  less  for  his 
family ;  that  he  will  often  beg,  steal,  or  starve,  rather 
than  work ;  that  the  old  and  helpless  will  be  aban- 
doned, that  children  will  be  cast  out  to  suffer  and 
die ;  in  short,  that  all  the  ills  which  attend  poverty 
here  will  at  once  attach  to  negro  poverty  there,  and 
that  the  Southern  system  will  change  from  one  of 
forced  labor  with  good  pay,  to  one  of  no  labor  and 
no  pay. 

Men  may  well  propose  to  take  now,  as  some  have 
proposed,  a  hundred  or  a  thousand,  or  many  thou- 
sand negroes,  and  pay  them  wages  for  their  labor. 
But  will  the  same  men  take  them,  with  their  families, 
old  and  young,  sick  and  insane,  and  contract  to  fur- 
nish them,  instead  of  pay  in  money,  abundance  of 
food,  clothing,  medical  attendance,  and  the  necessa- 
ries of  comfortable  life,  throughout  life,  with  all  its 
chances  ?  Who  will  make  the  proposal,  and  agree 
to  let  the  negro  work  as  a  freeman,  and  be  the  judge 
of  his  own  hours  and  time,  and  leave  when  he 
pleases,  without  carrying  his  dependents  with  hi... . 
Philanthropic  gentlemen  may  send  in  applications 
for  "  contrabands,"  but  they  are  very  careful  to  say 
nothing  about  contrabands'  wives  and  children,  and 
old  parents  and  sick  sisters,  and  all  their  helpless  re- 
lations. Men  may  be  willing  to  contract  for  the 
stout,  sturdy  negro,  who  can  do  work  and  earn  six 
dollars  a  month,  but  will  they  hire  the  old  "mam- 
mies and  daddies,"  and  pay  them  a  support  and 
clothing  till  they  die? 

The  proposition  to  make  use  of  the  war  for  the 
purposes  of  emancipation  is  virtually  a  proposition 
to  plunge  the  South  into  the  depths  of  poverty,  of 
both  white  and  black. 

What  then,  in  times  like  these,  would  be  the  de- 
sire of  a  true  statesman  in  managing  the  affairs  of  his 
country?  Would  he  seek,  as  a  means  of  putting 
down  rebellion,  to  destroy  the  very  country  which  is 
in  rebellion,  and  with  it  destroy  our  own  prosperity  ? 
Would  he  seek  to  plunge  the  black  race  into  ruin 
with  tbe  white?  The  politician  who  does  this  Is 
blind  to  all  questions  of  public  good,  and  must  have 
his  mind  fixed  on  one  idea,  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
good  reasoning. 

He  would  seek  to  restore  the  Union  to  its  ancient 
prosperity.  He  would  endeavor  to  bring  back  the 
revolted  States  with  their  institutions  intact.  He 
would  treat  slavery  precisely  as  he  would  treat  cot- 
ton-growing. Both  are  institutions,  both  are  sources 
of  wealth  and  prosperity;  the  abolition  of  either 
would  abolish  the  other  almost,  if  not  wholly.  But 
would  be  forever  forbid  cotton-growing,  for  the  sake 
of  frightening  the  cotton-grower  into  submission  ? 
Would  he  forever  forbid  slave-owning,  for  the  sake 
of  compelling  the  slave-owner  to  yield  ?  In  either 
case,  he  would  strike  a  deadly  blow  at  the  nation's 

Jirosperity.  On  the  contrary,  he  would  desire  and 
abor  to  restore  the  Union,  precisely  as  it  was,  pros- 
perous, and  having  a  vast  population  of  happy  whites 
and  happy  blacks,  and  then  he  would  set  himself 
to  work  to  devise  a  way  of  ameliorating  the  condition 
of  all  the  laboring  classes  of  men  ;  and  if  he  could 
find  a  substitute  for  slavery  which  would  take  care 
of  the  black  race,  he  would  urge  its  adoption,  or,  pos- 
sibly, he  would  endeavor  to  remove  that  race  from  the 
land.  Who  can  doubt  that  the  American  Union  is* 
more  valuable  with  four  millions  of  slaves,  as  well 
cared  for  and  well  provided  as  they  are,  with  the  pos- 
sibility of  improving  their  condition,  and,  perhaps 
substituting  another  form  of  labor  for  absolute  slav- 
ery, than  it  would  be  with  four  millions  of  free  blacks 
roaming  through  a  desolate  and  poverty-stricken 
Soutli  ?— A"e«  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 


of  their  ability  to  preserve  the  nation  against  the  in- 
sidious attacks  of  the  enemy  at  the  North.  The 
question  which  has  been  under  discussion  for  some 
time  has  been  speciously  and  falsely  staled  by  these 
gentlemen,  and  they  hoodwinked  a  few  by  their  in- 
genuity. They  stated  it  to  be,  "  Shall  we  restore  the 
Union,  or  shall  we  preserve  slavery  ?"  and  a  very 
few  really  believed  that  there  was  something  of  the 
sort  at  issue.  Whereas  their  issue  and  their  ultima- 
tum has  been,  and  is  at  length  boldly  avowed,  "  No 
union  with  slaveholders." 

"  Shall  the  Union  be  preserved,  or  shall  we  abolish 
Union,  Constitution  and  law,  for  the  purpose  of  get- 
ting rid  of  slavery  ?  "  This  is  the  new  issue  now  pre- 
sented. The  Administration  is  determined  to  sus- 
tain the  Union.  The  opposition  are  determined  to 
abolish  slavery,  and  let  the  Union  take  its  chances. 
No  more  men  and  no  more  money  are  to  be  voted, 
unless  the  war  is  proclaimed  to  be  Anti-Slavery. 

Let  us  be  thankful  for  the  present  strength  of  the 
Administration,  on  this  all-important  position.  The 
country  should  sustain  it  in  every  possible  way.  Let 
meetings  be  held  and  Union-saving  speeches  be  made. 
Let  the  men  who  are  on  the  side  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  law  speak  out  boldly  and  in  clear  tones. 
Nine-tenths  of  the  people  are  united  in  these  conser- 
vative views,  and  should  make  their  opinions  known. 

The  Anti-Slavery  papers,  the  Liberator  and  others, 
have  for  months  kept  a  form  of  petition  for  the  abo- 
lition of  shivery  standing  in  their  columns,  and  re- 
commended their  readers  to  sign  and  forward  it. 
These  are  the  petitions  which  Mr.  Sumner  presents 
from  time  to  time,  and  which  are  reported  by  tele- 
graph throughout  the  country.  Let  them  be  met 
with  counter  petitions  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  a  distinguish- 
ed banker  at  Washington  to  one  in  New  York,  is 
worthy  of  universal  attention  : — 

"lama  good  deal  alarmed  at  the  rampant  spirit  of 
Abolition.  This  war  has  professedly  been  in  defence 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  restoration  of  the  Union 
to  its  original  state.  But  there  is  a  large  class  of  men 
who  openly  oppose  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  ex- 
cept for  the  extinction  of  slavery,  and  openly  say  they 
don't  want  to  see  the  Government  restored,  except 
with  the  abolition  of  slavery.  And  very  many  say 
they  do  not  expect  to  see  the  Union  restored  as  it 
was — that  they  want  to  govern  tbe  rebel  States  as 
provinces,  or  give  them  to  the  Africans — but  by  no 
means  admit  them  to  the  equality  of  the  States.  God 
knows  where  this  will  lead.  My  hope  is  in  the  Pres- 
ident. If  he  will  stand  firm,  we  can  yet  save  the 
Union.  You  can  do  a  great  deal.  Come  here  with 
all  the  Btrong  bankers  of  the  State  of  Sew  York  and 
New  England;  stop  on  your  way,  and  get  those  of 
Philadelphia,  and  let  it  be  known  that  the  money 
power  of  the  country,  while  they  will  go  alt  lengths 
in  sustaining  the  Union,  will  do  nothing  to  sever  it, 
and  it  will  be  of  immense  use. 

"No  man  has  any  right  to  withhold  his  hand  from 
this  work/'  [N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 


CONGRESS  HAD  BETTER  ADJ0UK1H 

We  are  seriously  alarmed  lest  the  present  Congress 
will  do  more  harm  to  the  country,  and  more  to  break 
up  the  Union,  than  all  the  armies  Jeff.  Davis  could 
bring  into  the  field.  At  such  a  time,  when  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery  is  more  irritating  than  ever,  we  find 
them  continually  tampering  with  it.  Congress  has, 
time  and  again,  refused  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  because  it  would  be  so  flagrantly 
unjust  to  the  States  of  Maryland  and  Virginia.  Yet, 
just  at  this  time,  when  those  States  should  be  concil- 
iated, we  find  a  jaekanape  in  Congress  proposing  that 
measure.  Then  Mr.  Gurley  proposed  to  confiscate 
and  free  the  negroes  of  those  in  rebellion,  for  he 
doesn't  want  to  be  outdone ;  and  lastly,  we  have  Mr. 
Wilson,  a  regular  blue-black  republican,  who  smells 
around  and  finds  some  runaway  negroes  confined  in 
jail.  His  delicate  sensibilities  are  affected.  He  can 
hardly  refrain  from  tears.  Hale,  also,  is  similarly 
afflicted.  Every  black  scoundrel  is  a  man  and  a 
brother,  and  having  been  found  in  jail,  it  is  conclu- 
sive proof  of  exemplary  piety.  A  scene  must  be  had 
in  the  national  capitol. 

The  people  are  getting  tired  of  these  things.  There 
is  a  strong  feeling  that  Congress  had  better  adjourn 
forthwith.  No  one  has  the  slightest  confidence  in 
their  wisdom  or  patriotism,  though  all  believe  them 
to  be  capable  of  anything  that  passion  or  prejudice 
could  dictate.  It  is  unfortunate— most  unfortunate 
— to  the  country,  at  the  present  time,  that  Congress 
should  be  in  session.  It  is,  in  fact,  only  a  rump.  The 
ablest  men  have  joined  the  army,  leaving  nothing 
but  a  set  of  political  hacks,  who  cannot  do  any  harm 
and  cannot  do  any  good.  There  is  only  one  course. 
Let  them  make  tho  necessary  appropriations,  and  ad- 
journ— go  home  and  attend  to  their  own  affairs  bet- 
ter than  they  have  those  of  the  United  States. — 
Louisville  Democrat. 

We  speak  it  plainly:  the  scheme  for  general 
emancipation  or  arming  the  blacks  will  lose  every 
slave  State  to  the  Union.  It  would  take  a  standing 
arrny  of  two  hundred  thousand  men  to  retain  Ken- 
tucky in  the  Union,  and  then  the  soldiers  would  be 
rampellen  i,o  aid  In  exterminating  the  "black  race. 
If  they  are  emancipated,  there  is  but  one  thing  to 
be  done  with  them  :  they  must  be  wiped  out — utter- 
ly obliterated.  It  must  be  a  merciless,  savage  ex- 
termination of  the  whole  tribe.  There  will  oe  no 
question  of  humanity,  or  justice,  or  mercy.  It  will 
be  nature's  first  law— self-defence.  The  two  races, 
as  has  been  amply  shown  by  the  whole  history  of  the 
world  from  the  days  of  the  Egyptians  to  our  own 
times,  cannot  exist  in  the  same  country,  unless  the 
black  race  is  in  slavery.  It  is  no  question  for  theory, 
argument  or  discussion.  It  is  a  direct  law  of  God, 
final  and  conclusive.  The  President,  himself  a  Ken- 
tuckian,  knows  and  appreciates  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs, and  will  act  for  the  best,  and  it  ought  to  be  the 
duty  of  the  State  Legislature  to  aid  him  by  ex- 
pressions of  condemnation  of  the  Cameron  policy. 
— Ibid. 


THE    ADMINISTRATION   AND    THE   OPPO- 
BITION. 

The  party  line  seems  to  be  drawn  with  great  dis- 
tinctness by  the  abolitionists,  and  the  opposition  is 
now  composed  of  the  leaders  and  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  radical  Anti-Slavery  party.  The  last  two 
weeks  have  been  loaded  with  sorrows  for  them.  Abo- 
lition schemes  have  suffered  severely  at  Washinglon. 
The  linn;  has  been  a  mo-it  critical  one  in  the  nation- 
al history ;  more  so  by  far  than  has  been  generally 
supposed.  Nor  is  the  danger  wholly  passed.  The 
Union-savers  breathe  more  freely,  and  are  confident 


POWER. 


As  President  Lincoln,  powerless  to  resist  the  ten- 
dencies of  the  present  crisis,  finds  himself  "  drifting  " 
towards  an  emancipation  policy,  yet  does  what  he 
can,  step  by  step,  to  resist  this  tendency,  and  to  delay 
that  consummation  which  he  cannot  prevent,  bo  the 
organs  of  the  Church,  forced  by  the  same  strong 
current  into  words  and  acts  more  or  less  depreciatory 
of  slavery,  still  oppose  the  radical  cure  of  that  evil, 
and  do  what  they  can  to  prevent  immediate  emanci- 
pation. While  their  choice  was  free,  they  chose  to 
he  the  bulwark  of  slavery.  Obliged  now  to  choose 
between  killing  and  "scotching"  the  snake,  they 
choose  the  latter,  and  urge  that  slavery  be  not  inter- 
fered with,  except  in  the  case  of  rebel  masters. 

The  editor  of  the  New  York  Evangelist  {Dec.  10th) 
devotes  an  elaborate  article  to  commendation  of  the 


half-way  policy,  the  essential  part  of  which  is  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"But  the  question  returns,  Since  it  is  settled  that 
our  armies  shall  not  fight  for  slavery,  shall  they  be 
ordered  to  fight  against  it?  Well  do  we  know,  that 
as  slavery  began  the  rebellion,  it  deserves  to  die;  but 
how  to  strike  the  monster  is  the  question. 

"There  are  two  ways.  One  is  by  a  general  act  of 
emancipation,  the  other  by  confiscation  of  the  proper- 
ty of  rebels,  slaves  of  course  included.  Each  has  its 
advocates,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  and  its  advantages. 

"Emancipation  has  the  merit  of  being  a  bold  and 
decided  course.  It  goes  straight  to  the  mark.  It 
proclaims  a  distinct  object.  It  presents  an  end  of  the 
war  very  inspiring  to  the  mind  of  the  North,  and 
which  would  at  once  attract  the  sympathy  of  all  who 
hate  slavery  in  Europe.  But  it  has  several  very  se- 
rious objections : 

"  1.  It  is  a  tremendous  stretch  of  power.  There  is 
no  legal  or  constitutional  right  to  do  it.  Congress  has 
no  power  over  slavery  in  the  States.  That  belongs 
to  the  States  themselves.  They  alone  can  abolish  it. 
If  done  now,  it  can  only  be  under  the  temporary  dic- 
tatorship of  martial  law. 

"2.  A  general  act  of  emancipation  is  too  sweeping. 
It  makes  no  discrimination  between  loyal  and  rebel 
masters.  True,  this  injustice  might  be  remedied  by 
giving  compensation  to  loyal  masters,  but  the  remedy 
is  slow,  remote,  and  uncertain,  while  the  injury  is  im- 
mediate and  great. 

"  3.  Such  a  step  would  at  once  alienate  the  border 
States,  which  it  is  so  important  to  preserve.  Already 
Kentucky  is  half  rebellion,  from  apprehension  of  tins 
very  thing.  And  it  destroys  the  lingering  Union  sen- 
timent in  the  farther  South.  Thus  we  see  that  eman- 
cipation, which  is  so  easy  to  talk  about,  is  a  very  dif- 
ficult and  dangerous  measure  to  carry  through. 

"But  there  remains  another  way,  which  is  open  to 
none  of  these.objections — a  method  strictly  legal  and 
constitutional,  which  does  no  injury  to  any  loyal  man, 
which  offends  no  loyal  State,  and  yet  which  secures  the 
same  object.  It  is  CONFISCATION.  This  is  the 
method  proposed  in  the  bill  of  Mr.  Trumbull,  now 
before  the  Senate.  Congress  has  no  power  to  abolish 
slavery  in  South  Carolina,  but  it  has  full  power  to 
confiscate  the  property  of  rebels  in  arms  against  the 
Government,  slaves  included.  This  of  course  in- 
volves their  liberation,  and  what  more  do  we  want  1 
Let  this  act  be  published  at  Beaufort,  and  it  needs  no 
military  decree  of  emancipation  to  set  free  the  slaves. 
Every  planter  who  has  taken  up  arms  against  the 
Government,  by  that  act  has  forfeited  all  claim  to  pro- 
tection; and  as  he  flees  before  our  advancing  armies, 
he  leaves  behind  him  his  plantation  and  his  "faithful 
servants,"  no  longer  slaves,  but  free  tenants  of  the 
soil. 

"  This  act  discriminates  between  loyal  and  rebel 
masters ;  it  holds  firm  the  border  States  ;  it  strength- 
ens Union  men  at  the  South ;  and,  above  all,  it  is  a 
strictly  legal  and  constitutional  method  of  securing  the 
end,  setting  the  slaves  of  men  in  rebellion  forever  free. 

"  Is  not,  then,  an  Act  of  Confiscation  the  best  Act 
of  Emancipation  f  If  Confiscation  be  not  as  sounding 
a  word  as  Emancipation,  yet  it  designates  a  legal 
act.  It  violates  no  law,  and  accomplishes  the  same 
end — the  virtual  overthrow  of  slavery.  For  the  pres- 
ent, therefore,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  should  forbear 
to  speak  of  declaring  martial  law  wherever  our  troops 
come,  and  proclaiming  emancipation  at  tho  head  of 
the  army,  and  try  that  other  method,  which,  if  less 
ostentatious,  is  not  less  effectual." 

Let  us  glance  at  each  of  the  Evangelist's  three  ob- 
jections to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  above  stated. 

The  closing  sentence  of  objection  No.  1  utterly  nul- 
lifies the  sentences  preceding  it.  Indeed,  the  three 
assertions  of  which  this  objection  is  composed  bear 
the  same  relation  to  each  other  with  the  three  reasons 
which  a  boy  gave  for  not  lending  bis  jacknife. 
Says  the  boy — "I  don't  want  to;  I've  lent  it;  I 
hav  n't  got  any."  Says  the  editor — "  It  is  a  tremen- 
dous power;  the  thing  can't  be  done;  it  can  be  done 
only  in  the  present  emergency."  Very  well!  then 
let  us  use  the  present  emergency  for  that  purpose, 
and  thank  Heaven  for  the  undeserved  opportunity  of 
so  using  it.  Instead  of  being  a  "  tremendous  "  power, 
it  is  a  beneficent  power,  the  exercise  of  which  is  in- 
dispensable to  our  welfare,  and  even  to  our  continued 
existence  as  one  nation.  War,  which  is  ordinarily 
evil,  and  only  evil,  has  for  once  created  the  opportu- 
nity of  doing  a  good  thing,  by  instruments  which  in 
peace  had  no  such  power.  As  John  Quincy  Adams 
has  clearly  shown,  in  time  of  war,  either  the  Presi- 
dent or  Congress  has  the  right  to  .abolish  slavery  ut- 
terly, through  the  whole  country,  and  any  General, 
operating  in  a  hostile  State,  has  the  right  to  proclaim 
its  utter  abolition  there.  Since  this  editor  admits 
that  the  existence  of  martial  law  (our  present  situa- 
tion) carries  this  right  with  it,  his  talk  about  the  disa- 
bilities of  Congress  and  of  the  President  in  other  cir- 
cumstances is  merely  an  attempt  to  throw  dust  in  the 
eyes  of  his  readers.  His  wish  was  father  to  that  thought. 
His  second  objection  also  is  utterly  self-contradic- 
tory in  form,  and  deceptive  in  character.  Self-con- 
tradictory, in  that  it  dissuades  from  a  certain  act  as 
unjust,  at  the  same  time  showing  how  the  injustice 
may  be  remedied ;  and  deceptive,  in  pretending  the 
act  of  restoring  men  to  their  rightful  freedom  to  be 
unjust  at  all,  in  any  manner  or  degree.  Strict  justice, 
applied  to  the  slaveholder,  would  require  him  to  pay 
up  the  arrears  of  wages  to  tbe  slave,  in  addition  to 
setting  him  free. 

An  act  of  emancipation  by  the  Government  should 
make  no  distinction  between  loyal  men  and  rebels. 
The  act  of  slaveholding  itself  is  a  vice  and  a  nui- 
sance, always  needing  to  be  summarily  abated;  but, 
besides  being  a  vice  and  a  nuisance,  it  is  the  special 
cause  of  the  whole  difficulty  under  which  our  nation 
at  present  labors.  The  loyal  slaveholder  is  to  the 
rebel  slaveholder  precisely  what  the  grub  is  to  the 
moth;  what  the  snake's  egg  is  to  the  coming  snake; 
only  an  earlier  stage  of  the  same  pernicious  crea- 
ture, constantly  teuding  to  ripen  into  pernicious 
activity.  As  far  as  the  slave  is  concerned,  every 
slaveholder  is  a  tyrant  and  a  robber,  against  whom 
any  just  man  is  authorized  and  bound  in  duty  to  take 
the  slave's  part.  As  far  as  tbe  relation  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  loyalists  on  one  side  and  rebels  on  the  other 
is  concerned,  its  different  aspect  to  these  two  parlies 
is  made  abundantly  clear  by  its  course  of  action  on 
other  points.  It  protects  all  rights  of  the  loyal.  It 
is  absurd  to  say  that,  because  they  are  loyal,  it  must 
also  protect  their  vice  and  tyranny. 

As  to  the  Evangelist's  third  objection  to  tbe  abolition 
of  slavery,  all  its  specifications  are  impudently  so- 
phistical and  false.  Instead  of  its  being  important  to 
preserve  the  border  slave  States,  it  is  tbe  greatest  of 
pities  that  they  did  not  go.  in  a  body,  and  with  one 
accord,  that  the  North  might  thus  have  been  freed 
from  its  besetting  temptation  to  favor  slavery,  and 
induced  to  strike  at  the  weak  point  of  the  rebellion. 
Our  present  course  is  the  insane  and  suicidal  policy 
of  carefully  preserving  a  nest-egg  in  the  snake's  hab- 
itation, while  wo  crush  the  last  year's  brood  ;  nay,  I 
should  rather  say,  while  we  vainly  attempt  to  crush 
them,  since  our  preposterous  cure   for  Ibis  egg  pro- 


vents  really  efficient  measures  against  the  full-grown 
snakes. 

As  to  the  "  lingering  Union  sentiment  in  the  South," 
all  that  there  is  worth  having  is  among  the  non- 
slavcholding  citizens,  men  who  have  long  felt  their 
own  freedom  to  be  hopelessly  hampered  by  slavery, 
and  who  have  been  so  far  disarmed  and  subjugated 
by  it  as  not  to  feel  able  to  make  the  least  demonstra- 
tion in  support  of  their  pioneer  and  ally,  Mr.  Helper. 
Such  "Union  sentiment"  as  exists  there  will  be 
most  effectually  cheered  and  aided  by  the  utter  extir- 
pation of  the  enemy  which  has  hitherto  held  loyal 
men  powerless  in  his  grasp. 

It  is  instructive  to  hear  it  asked,  by  this  reverend 
editor  of  a  paper  miscalled  "Evangelical,"  "what 
more  do  we  want?  "after  the  slaves  of  rebels  shall 
have  been  set  free  by  "confiscation."  lie  wants 
nothing  more,  because  he  is  one  of  the  leaders  in 
that  church  {falsely  calling  itself  Christian)  which  has 
always  been  the  main  bulwark  of  slavery.  We,  the 
Abolitionists,  want  much  more  than  this.  We  want 
freedom  for  Christ's  little  ones,  the  slaves,  who  are 
trampled  under  foot  by  those  who  pretend  to  preach 
His  Gospel!  We  want  justice  and  righteousness  es- 
tablished as  the  foundation  of  our  government !  We 
want  a  country  of  whose  institutions,  whose  rulers, 
whose  policy,  whose  influence,  we  need  no  longer  be 
ashamed.  We  want  the  United  States  to  become,  for 
the  first  time,  in  truth  the  land  of  the  free  !  And  we 
want  the  cause,  motive,  vital  principle  of  the  existing 
rebellion  to  be  thoroughly  eradicated,  instead  of  leav- 
ing its  root  living  in  the  earth  to  produce  another 
crop  of  diasters  for  our  children. 

Another  conspicuous  representative  and  advocate 
of  that  sort  of  piety  which  exists  without  godliness  is 
the  New  York  Journal  of  Commerce,  a  paper  which 
has  thoroughly  fulfilled. its  promise  of  making  no 
improvement,  when  it  was  forced,  a  few  months  ago, 
to  pretend  to  make  a  change  of  editorship. 

The  article  from  this  paper,  entitled  "  The  True 
Interests  of  Black  and  White,"  {which  may  be  found 
in  its  appropriate  department  in  another  column)  is  a 
good  specimen  of  the  fluency  in  false  assertion,  false 
assumption  and  slanderous  insinuation  which  the 
Journal  of  Commerce  habitualry  practices. 

It  assumes  that  slavery  has  really  been  "  the  foun- 
dation of  prosperity"  to  the  slave  States,  and  a  posi- 
tive and  very  great  advantage  to  the  free  States  allied 
with  them;  that  its  bare  cessation  {apart  from  any 
evils  incidental  to  forcible  interference  with  it  from 
the  North)  would  be  "ruin"  to  the  whole  country ; 
that  the  abolition  of  such  power  as  the  slave-owner 
now  holds  over  the  slave  would  not  only  be  ruin  to 
the  former,  but  loss  to  the  latter — yes,  a  double  loss, 
first  of  protection,  then  of  subsistence ;  that  to  stop  using 
the  lash  and  chain  upon  able-bodied  men  and  women 
is  to  leave  them  "  unprotected" ;  that  to  stop  robbing 
them  of  the  wages  of  labor  is  to  leave  their  young 
children  and  their  sick  and  aged  relatives  "unpro- 
vided for";  that  no  portion  of  "the  human  race" 
will  work  in  the  Southern  climate,  "  except  on  com- 
pulsion," for  any  thing  more  than  the  bare  support 
of  life;  that  the  negro  will  not  work  even  for  that, 
without  compulsion;  that  without  such  compulsory 
labor  as  has  hitherto  existed  in  the  South,  or  its 
equivalent,  its  whole  population,  white  and  black, 
must  be  plunged  into  the  depths  of  poverty;  and 
that,  these  premises  being  assumed  as  just  and  true, 
our  effort  should  be  to  "restore  the  Union  precisely 
as  it  was." 

The  Journal  of  Commerce  is  accustomed  not  only  to 
ignore,  but  to  deny  such  existing  facts  as  do  not  suit 
its  theories  and  wishes.  One  would  think  that  Sew- 
all's  "  Ordeal  of  Pree  Labor  in  the  West  Indies ' 
had  been  read  by  people  enough  to  make  it  useless 
any  longer  to  pretend  that  the  liberated  negro  will 
steal,  and  will  not  work ;  that  Mr.  Olmsted'B  books 
had  been  read  by  people  enough  to  make  it  useless  to 
pretend  that  white  men  in  the  South  cannot  and  will 
not  work ;  and  that  the  history  which  for  five  years 
has  been  displaying  itself  before  our  eyes,  had  ren- 
dered it  useless  to  pretend  that  slavery  is  a  source  of 
prosperity  and  welfare,  to  either  North  or  South. 
Yet,  amidst  all  this  blaze  of  directly  opposing  demon- 
stration, the  Journal  of  Commerce  serenely  lies  on. 
through  thick  and  thin. 

In  a  paper  so  constantly  and  unscrupulously  using 
direct  falsehood,  we  may  properly  place  under  this 
head  statements  which,  in  a  person  of  ordinary  hon- 
esty, might  be  considered  merely  the  blunder  of  "  reck- 
oning without diis  host."  But  when  the  Journal  of 
Commerce  asks  whether  "philanthropic  gentlemen" 
will  take  the  slave  families,  including  old  and  young, 
sick  and  insane,  "and  contract  to  furnish  them,  in- 
stead of  pay  in  money,  abundance  of  food,  clothing, 
medical  attendance,  and  the  necessaries  of  comforta- 
ble life  throughout  life,"  it  knows  very  well,  first,  that 
nothing  in  the  remotest  degree  resembling  this  exists 
anywhere,  or  has  existed  anywhere,  among  slaves ; 
next,  that  if  bona  fide  contracts  like  this  were  to  be 
had,  the  laborer  being  the  judge  of  what  was  "abund- 
ance "  and  of  what  was  "  comfortable,"  and  empow- 
ered to  compel  the  fulfilment  of  the  contract  by  a  suit 
at  law,  vast  numbers  of  free  white  men  would  apply 
for  them  ;  and  finally  that,  while  negroes  are  regarded 
and  treated  by  white  men  as  the  Journal  of  Commerce 
labors  to  have  them  regarded  and  treated,  no  slave 
would  accept  such  a  pretended  contract  "instead  of 
pay  in  money."  Just  give  liini  the  chance  to  get  this 
"pay  in  money,"  and  see  if  he  will  not  jump  at  it, 
and  do  with  alacrity  sufficient  work  to  counterbalance 
it. 

Just  so,  when  this  pious  paper  proposes  to  restore 
the  Union  "  precisely  as  it  was,"  it  knows  very  well 
that  the  slave  States  will  not  have  it  so,  and  broke  out 
of  the  old  Union  because  they  would  not  have  it  so. 
Any  honest  man  who,  in  his  profound  depth  of  igno- 
rance, proposes  to  return  to  the  old  state  of  things,  is 
reckoning  without  his  host. 

These  are  but  two  specimens  of  a  state  of  things 
commonly  existing  among  those  papers  which  uphold 
the  popular  churches,  the  American  Tract  Society 
and  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  For- 
eign Missions.  They  almost  invariably  oppose  tbe 
immediate  and  entire  abolition  of  slavery,  and  equally 
oppose  a  turning  of  the  existing  war  into  that  direc- 
tion. Like  their  predecessors,  the  false  prophets 
among  the  Hebrews,  they  are  healing  the  hurt  of  their 
nation  slightly,  daubing  its  walla  with  Ulltempered 
mortar,  and  encouraging  its  rulers  in  their  insane  al- 
tcnipL  to  seek  peace  before  purity.  o.  X.  w. 


GERRIT  SMITH  TO   JOHN  A.  GURLEY, 

Peteeboro',  December  16,  1861. 
Hon.  J.  A.  Gukley,  M.  C: 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  read  a  newspaper  copy  of  the 
Bill  which  you  submitted,  9th  instant,  to  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Nothing  in  it  do  I  wish  to 
speak  of,  save  its  proposed  assumption  of  special 
powers  over  liberated  slaves. 

I  had  hoped  that  among  the  good  effects  of  the 
war,  would  bo  the  recognition  of  human  rights  un- 
der whatever  skin,  and  the  equalizing  before  the 
laws  of  the  black  and  red  races  with  the  white  race. 
But  your  Bill  is  among  the  indications  that  I  had 
hoped  for  too  much. 

The  great  sin  of  our  country  in  all  the  periods  of  her 
existence,  whether  under  Colonial  or  Constitutional 
rule,  is  the  assumption  of  special  powers  by  her 
white  race  over  her  other  races;  and  on  the  princi- 
ple adverted  to,  we  are  guilty  not  only  of  our  own, 
but  also  of  the  past  commissions  of  that  sin.  More- 
over, if  this  sin  is  now  carried  to  its  ultimate  height, 
then  is  our  nation  now  to  be  destroyed.  That  her 
doom,  "  Behold,  thy  house  is  left  unto  thee  desolate," 
is  already  pronounced,  no  man  is  warranted  in  say- 
ing, though  every  right-minded  man  sees  signs 
enough  of  it  to  make  him  tremble.  The  breaking 
up  of  our  nation  is  far  more  than  begun ;  and  so, 
too,  is  the  march  of  her  desolation.  It  may,  never- 
theless, have  still  left  to  it  a  space  for  repentance. 

If,  as  we  all  believe,  God  has  made  of  one  blood 
all  his  children,  then  must  this  assumption,  even 
when  in  small  measure,  be  a  high  crime  against  His 
equal  fatherhood  toward  them  all,  and  against  their 
equal  brotherhood  toward  one  another.  His  love  of 
them  all  is  eqnal;"and  from  this  results  their  obliga- 
tion to  acknowledge,  constantly  and  cordially,  the 
iqual  rights  of  each  other.  But  if  this  assumption, 
vhen  so  limited,  is,  nevertheless,  so  criminal,  how 
immeasurably  criminal  must  it  be  when  tbe  assump- 
tion is  beyond  measure !  The  Indians  we  have 
driven  from  their  homes  and  from  their  dead.  The 
Indians  we  have  slaughtered,  and,  what  is  worse,  en- 
slaved. In  the  veins  of  tens  of  thousands  of  our 
slaves  flows  the  blood  of  their  enslaved  Indian  ances- 
tors. To  the  negro,  even  more  wronged  than  the 
Indian,  we  have  spared  nothing  at  all  of  bis  man- 
hood. Exclusion  from  participation  in  political 
power  and  from  all  the  rights  of  citizenship,  unpaid 
toil  and  every  insult,  stripes  and  chains  and  death, 
have  been  his  portion  at  our  unnatural,  cruel  and 
fratricidal  hands.  And  tan  we  still — even  now, 
when  our  nation 'is  brought  to  thf  very  brink  of  de- 
truetiou,  and  brought  to  il  so  manifestly  by  nrido  in 
our  own.  race,  and  contempt  and  hatred  of  other 
races,  and  when,  too,  nothing  short  of  the  speediest 
and  heartiest  repentance  can  save  it — can  we,  I  ask, 
still  continue  to  practise  all,  or  even  any,  of  our 
enormous  wrongs  against  the  Indians  or  the  Ne- 
groes ?  I  think  that  we  cannot  afford  to.  Xou 
think  that  we  can ;  for  your  Bill  provides  that  the 
liberated  slaves,  and,  in  effect,  the  whole  black  popu- 
lation of  the  country,  (for  it  will  come  to  this  if  your 
Bill  becomes  a  law,  and  the  nation  exist  long  enough 
to  let  it  operate  to  its  fullest  effect,)  shall  fall  under 
the  exercise  not  only  of  special,  but,  compared  with 
any  thing  short  of  slavery,  exceedingly  tyrannical 
powers.  It  provides  that  they  shall  be  excluded 
from  our  political  family,  put  under  absolute  dicta- 
torship, torn  from  homes  as  dear  to  them  as  are  ours 
to  us,  apprenticed  without  their  will,  admitted  to 
only  qualified  rights  of  property,  and  so  qualified  as 
to  pen  them  up  forever  in  swampy,  barren  Florida, 
unless  they  shall  be  able  to  get  themselves  beyond 
the  limits  of  unceasing,  and  almost  as  universal  as 
unceasing  American  hate.  Yes,  your  Bill  provides 
that,  in  miserable  Florida,  where  the  general  worth- 
lessness  of  the  soil  is  indicated  by  tbe  sparseness  of 
tho  population,  our  colored  countrymen — our  poor, 
peeled  and  persecuted  brothers  and  sisters — shall  be 
forcibly  congregated,  and  put  under  the  political 
rule  of  a  handful  of  whites,  who,  in  such  case,  can 
hardly  fail  to  become  most  terrible  despots.  Yes,  it 
is  in  such  circumstances  that  your  Bill  proposes  to 
have  the  liberated  slaves  make  their  first  allowed  ex- 
periment in  agriculture,  and  in  all  material  and  moral 
improvement.  The  experiment  must  necessarily 
prove  a  failure;  and  the  failure  will  afford  a  fresh 
occasion  for  ridiculing  and  despising  negroes,  and  will 
be  unfairly  and  meanly  turned  into  an  argument  to 
justify  the  oppressions  heaped  upon  them — all  their 
former  oppressions  as  well  as  those  provided  for  in 
your  Bill. 

I  know  not  that  any  others  will  protest  against 
your  Bill,  but  I  must.  By  my  love  of  God,  my  love 
of  man,  and  my  love  of  country,  all  of  which  are 
deeply  wounded  by  it,  I  must.  It  will  bring  our 
poor  country  into  fresh  perils.  It  will  be  a  fresh 
crime  against  our  colored  brethren,  and  a  fresh  in- 
sult to  their  Maker. 

Why,  dear  Sir,  could  you  not  have  framed  a  Bill, 
hich  would  provide  an  easier  lot  for  these  brethren  ? 
Do  you  reply  that  their  former  one  was  much  hard- 
er ?  I  rejoin,  that  the  harder  was  that,  the  easier 
should  be  this.  Under  the  righteous  doctrine  of  re- 
compenses we  should,  if  we  could,  make  their  con- 
dition now  as  much  happier  than  that  of  others  as  it 
was  before  more  miserable.  All  the  greater  is  this 
obligation,  because  our  Government  was  responsible 
for  this  more  miserable  condition — the  received  and 
aeted-on  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  making 
the  Government  the  great  watch-dog  of  slavery. 

I  might  reasonably  ask  Congress  to  do  much  for 
the  liberated  slaves.  I  content  myself,  however, 
with  asking  it  simply  to  recognize  "their  manhood, 
and  withhold  from  them  no  civil  nor  political  rights 
which  it  accords  to  others.  For  what  else  they  shall 
lack  to  begin  their  life  of  freedom,  I  will  trust  to  pri- 
vate benevolence,  and  to  an  endless  variety  of  help 
outside  the  Government.  But  would  I  let  such  ig- 
norant men  vote  ?  Certainly,  if  other  men  as  igno- 
rant are  allowed  to.  If  the  right  of  suffrage  is  de- 
nied to  others  who  cannot  write  nor  read,  then,  T 
admit,  it  should  also  be  denied  to  such  liberated 
slaves  as  cannot.  But  would  I  let  them  go  where 
they  plfaso  ?  The  same  right  of  locomotion  would 
I  acknowledge  in  them  as  in  others.  But  they  will 
be  lazy  unless  they  are  compelled  to  work  1  Well, 
what  if  they  will"?  Surely,  no  others  have  so  good 
an  excuse  for  being  lazy  as  those  who  all  their  life- 
tame  have  been  compelled  to  work,  and  that,  too, 
without  wages.  But  would  1  not  have  them  pun- 
ished for  laziness  ?  Certainly  not,  unless  others  are. 
And  would  I  let  them  intermarry  with  the  whites  ? 
That  is  a  personal  and  private  matter,  with  which 
neither  Congress  nor  any  other  law-makers  have 
aught  to  do.  Nevertheless,  I  am  five  to  say  that  1 
see  no  objection  to  a  colored  lady's  accepting  the 

hand  of  a  white  gentleman,  provided  she  can  possi 
lily  surmount,  her  prejudices  against  his  complexion 
But   another    objection    to   granting    the    liberated 

slaves  the  rights  of  men  is,  that  they  will  then  rise 

up  and  kill  the  whites.  They  will  be  not  a  thou- 
sandth  part,  as  likely  to  do  so.  as  if  the  rights  had 

been  withheld,  l  have  not  heard  of  a  single  in- 
stance, sinee  their  full  restoration  to  manhood,  in 
which  West  India  black  men  have  murdered  white 
men. 

1  am  not  opposed  to  tho  colonizing  of  either  small 

or  large  portions,  of  our  colored  people.    But,  unless 


we  are  prepared  to  acknowledge  their  equal  rights, 
and  to  place  them  on  tbe  same  civil  and  political 
plane  with  the  whites,  the  colony  should  by  all  means 
be  outside  of  the  nation.  If  within  it,  and  the  popu- 
lation composed  chiefly  of  those  who  according  to 
your  Bill  will  be  but  Pariahs,  it  will  be  a  very  incon- 
venient, not  to  say  very  perilous  incongruity.  I  pre- 
fer the  President's  Message  and  Mr.  Trumbull's  Bill, 
at  this  point,  to  your  Bill.  There  was  great  merit 
in  the  plan  submitted  by  Mr.  Blair  a  few  years  ago. 
It  contemplated,  if  I  recollect,  no  less  than  full  civil 
and  political  rights  for  the  colonists.  Tbe  colony,  it 
is  true,  was  to  be  somewhere  outside  of  the  nation. 
But  this,  in  then  existing  circumstances,  was  un- 
avoidable. Slavery,  which  is  now  mortally  wounded 
and  rapidly  dying,  was  then  in  vigorous  life;  and 
the  slaveholders  would  not.allow  a  black  colony  with- 
in the  national  limits.  Ere  passing  from  this  subject 
let  me  admit  that,  in  my  judgment,  where  the  laws 
of  nature  allowed  free  play,  tbe  dark-skinned  races 
would  find  their  homes  within,  and  the  light-skinned 
races  without  the  tropics.  But,  in  all  justice,  letjfehe 
dark-skinned  be  left  as  free  to  refuse  to_rnjgrate  to 
the  tropics  as  the  light-skinned  to  refuse  to  migrate 
from  them. 

In  all  our  provisions  for  the  liberated  slaves,  our 
especial  aim  should  be  to  have  them  contented.  A 
war  of  races  (by  far  the  worst  of  all  wars)  is  to  be. 
constantly  and  sedulously  avoided.  We  are  to  re- 
member that  there  are  twelve  or  fifteen  millions  of 
negroes  on  this  Continent  and  the  neighboring 
islands ;  and  that,  through  the  force  of  deep  repen- 
tance for  her  enormous  wrongs  against  poor  Africa 
and  her  children,  Christendom  will,  ere  long,  be 
brought  into  the  strongest  and  tenderest  sympathy 
with  all  negroes.  The  day  is  fast  coming  when  the 
negroes  will  be  the  especial  care  of  many  self-accu- 
sing and  remorseful  nations.  It  was  Swedenborg,  if 
1  remember,  who  predicted  that  the  "  celestial  peo- 
ple "  would  be  discovered  in  Africa.  If  but  a  fancy, 
it  is,  nevertheless,  a  very  pleasant  one,  that  the  min- 
istries of  penitent  Christendom  will  be  among  God's 
appointed  means  for  fashioning  that  "  celestial  peo- 
ple." If  the  twelve  or  fifteen  millions,  to  whom  I 
have  referred,  are  not  yet  a  formidable  foe,  never- 
theless, unless  we  prevent  it  by  just  and  generous 
dealing  with  tbem,  they  will  become  such  to  our  pos- 
terity. Flatter  not  yourself  that  our  emancipated 
slaves  will  be  contented  in  an  apprenticeship.  Those 
of  the  British  Islands  were  not.  Never  were  they 
more  discontented;  and  hence,  the  British  Govern- 
ment hastened  to  take  them  out  of  it.  But  you  will 
argue  that  your  plan  will  bring  contentment^Jo.the 
apprentices  because.it  wilLbrin£.  wages  to  t'  -  L 
on  the  contrary,  wilt  argue  that  it  will  thereby  bring^ 
additional  discontent.  .  From  a  false  philosophy  and 
a  superficial  view  is  it  argued  that  men  will  be  con- 
tented in  proportion  to  the  rights  they  get.  A  truer 
and  deeper  insight  teaches  that,  the  more  of  their 
rights  they  get,  provided!-,  they  get  not  all  of  them, 
the  more  are  they  ^w-^te^tea. 

"Tho  pris'ner  sen  I  -     '*-  =-j£o  fresh  air, 
And  bless'd  with  iii.-.rty  agnin, 
Would  mourn  wore  ha  eondemn'a.  to  wear 
One  link  of  all  his  former  chain;" 

Do  not  suppose  that  I  argue  from  your  Bill  year 
lack  of  kind  feeling  toward  the  negroes.  Anything  "* 
which,  in  your  judgment,  would  subserve  their  in- 
terests, and  yet  be  compatible  with  the  safety  of  the 
whites,  would,  I  doubt  not,  have  your  favor.  But 
you  were  probably  educated  to  believe  that  one  re- 
sult of  their  unqualified  freedom  would  be  their  vio- 
lence and  crimes  against  the  whites.  Under  the  like" 
mistake  were  they  who,  both  in  Britain  and  Ameri- 
ca, predicted  that  the  British  Islands  would  run 
blood  in  the  event  of  the  emancipation  of  their  slaves. 
They  did  not  know  how  affectionate,  how  patient, 
and  how  slow  to  revenge  the  negro  race  is.  They 
could  not  conceive  that  men,  who  had  suffered  such 
immeasurable  wrongs  at  the  hands  of  the  whites, 
would,  in  their  new-born  freedom,  prove  so  harmless 
to  them ;  and  that,  too,  when  the  whites  were,  com- 
pared with  themselves,  but  a  powerless  handful. 
Under  the  like  mistake  was  it  that  several  American 
vessels,  lying  in  the  harbor  of  one  of  those  Islands, 
hurried  to  sea  the  day  before  the  Law  of  Emancipa- 
tion went  into  effect — so  strong  was  the  apprehen- 
sion that  destruction  would  sweep  over  the  Islands 
the  next  day.  And  you  have,  probably,  never  given 
your  attention  to  the  facts  which  prove  that,  when 
you  have  blessed  the  ne<xro  with  his  freedom,  he  is 
satisfied,  and  studies  henceforth -not  to  harm,  but  out 
of  a  grateful  and  loving  heart  to  serve  you.  More- 
over, you  were  probably  educated  to  beitefe^that. 
liberated  negro  slaves,  unless  continued  in  some  de- 
gree of  subjection  to  the  whites,  must  prove  unable 
to  take  care  of  themselves.  Nevertheless,  there  is 
the  testimony  of  the  British  Islands  to  the  fact  that 
few  people  have  ever  made  as  rapid  progress  as  their 
emancipated  slaves  in  knowledge,  virtue  and  wealth. 
That  the  slaveholders  and  their  allies  and  tools  have 
been  able  to  make  Christendom  believe  that  British 
Emancipation  is  a  failure,  is,  perhaps,  the  most  strik- 
ing instance  ever  known  of  the  power  and  success 
of  an  oft-repeated  and  shamelessly  persisted  in  lie. 
An  utter  lie  is  it — for,  in  every  aspect  and  every 

Particular,  British  Emancipation  is  a  triumph  and  a 
lessing.  The  unquestionable  facts  to  show  tins 
were,  only  the  last  year,  admirably  put  together  in 
a  pamphlet  by  Mrs.  L.  Maria  Child.  The  painstak- 
ing and  accuracy  of  this  eminently  wise  and  candid 
woman  are  too  well  known  to  need  my  commenda- 
tion. I  have  just  now  ordered  a  copy  of  it  to  be 
sent  to  each  member  of  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
I  know  not  how  a  right-minded  person  can  read  it, 
and  yet  doubt  the  success  of  British  Emancipation, 
or  yet  doubt  that  our  slaves,  who  are  far  more  intel- 
ligent than  were  the  British  slaves,  would  by  their 
well-doing  reflect  high  honor  upon  the  policy  which 
should  free  them. 

How  grand  the  opportunity  that  has  come  to  Con- 
gress I  May  there  be  no  lack  of  cither  wisdom  or 
courage  to  improve  it  I  The  Abolitionists  had 
thought  to  persuade  the  nation  to  abolish  slavery 
from  high  moral  and  religious  considerations.  But 
this  great  honor  is  denied  them;  and  they  must  bo 
content  with  however  humble  a  place  events  assign 
them.  It  is  now  for  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  as 
a  military  necessity.  The  slaveholders  have  them- 
selves placed  it  at.  the  disposal  of  Congress.  May 
they  not  only  abolish  it,  but  have  so  much  faith  in 
truth,  in  human  nature,  and  in  (.oil.  as  to  trust  the 
liberated  staves  with  all  the  rights  of  manhood  ! 
Then  will  these  trusted  ones  enable  us  to  make  sliovi 
work  of  tbe  war.  And  then,  when  the  war  is  end- 
ed, they  wilt,  with  the  help  of  their  Southern  friends, 
ami  also  With  the  help  of  their  more  numerous  North- 
ern friends,  (who  by  thousands  will  go  down  to  dwell 
with  them,  and  be  their  teachers,  counsellors  and 
comforters,  and  the  guides  of  their  self-help.)  make. 
rapid  progress  in  every  right  direction.  And  then 
will  the  whole  nation  feel  joy  and  pride  in  llie  intel- 
ligence and  moralitv  ot'  these  pupils.  And  then, 
tOO,  with  her  great  reluctance  to  spare  their  labor, 
she  will  feel  that,  if  they  are  tO  be  Colonised,  it  nms* 
be  because  they  themselves  desire  it,  rather  than  bc- 
CAUSa  the  nation  dnes. 

Our  unhappy  country  !  How  can  it  escape  ruin  [ 
A  portion  oi  our  politicians  would  even  r< 

bo  Compromise  ;   and  of  this  portion,  sonic  would  com- 


Q 


THEE     LIBEEATOE. 


JANUAEY  3. 


promise  on  even  the  New  York  Herald's  terms  of 
giving  tip  all,  and  accepting  the  Confederate  Con- 
stitution, Another  portion,  with  the  President  at 
their  head,  persist  in  regarding  the  Rebellion  as  but 
a  riot — «'f  rather  unusually  largo  dimensions,  it  is 
true,  Wt,  nevertheless,  a  mere  not,  and  one  that  is 
to  bo  quelled  at  our  own  convenience  and  in  our 
most  agreeable  way,  and  especially  without  the  dis- 
agreeable help  of  these  vulgar  blacks.  The  defeat 
of  our  immense  army  on  the  Potomac  may  be  neces- 
sary, ere  this  contemptible  riot  shall  swell  upon  the 
surprised  sight  of  the  President  into  the  dignity  of  a 
war.  Another  portion  of  our  politicians  are  amus- 
ing themselves  With  a  variety  of  schemes,  among 
which  is  Colonization,  and  are  thereby  diverting  at- 
tention from  the  great  struggle  which  is  entitled  to 
undivided  attention.  Moreover,  forgetting  the  di- 
rection in  the  Cookery  Book,  that  the  hare  must  be 
caught  before  he  is  cooked,  they  are  for  colonizing 
before  catching  the  blacks.  And  how  we  are  ever  to 
catchy  them,  if  we  continue  to  drive  them  from  our 
camps,  and  even  to  return  them  to  the  enemy,  and 
persist  in  the  policy  of  alienating  them,  until  the 
South  shall  be  compelled  to  identify  them  with  her 
cause  by  an  act  of  Emancipation,  I  for  one  cannot 
see.  And  then,  what  is  worse  than  all,  the  whole 
mass  of  our  politicians  have,  with  very  few  excep- 
tions, been  trained  to  worship  the  Constitution,  and 
to  sneer  at  that  "  higher  law  "  whose  "  seat  is  the 
bosom  of  God."  They  agree  with  Senator  Trum- 
bull, that  not  even  by  the  necessities  of  war  must  we 
allow  the  Constitution  to  be  jostled.  They  agree 
with  him  that  "  we  will  have  gained  but  little  in  sup- 
pressing the  insurrection,  if  it  be  at  the  expense  of 
the  Constitution."  Such  gentlemen  as  the  Senator 
and  the  President  would  not  have  the  country  saved, 
unless  it  can  be  saved  by  rule.  God  multiply  those 
who  would  have  it  saved  any  how  !  I  confess  my 
high  estimate  of  the  Constitution  as  a  means  of  sav- 
ing the  Country ;  and  I  confess,  too,  that  I  see  not 
wherein  it  needs  to  undergo  the  change  of  a  line,  or 
letter  to  make  it  a  more  effective  means.  But  I 
deeply  desire  to  have  every  man  feel  that,  whenever 
circumstances  arise  in  which  the  Country  and  the 
Constitution  can  be  stood  by  only  at  the  expense  of 
each  other,  the  sacrifice  must  fall  upon  the  Constitu- 
tion. However  precious  to  any  one  may  be  the 
Constitution  as  a  means  of  saving  the  Country,  let 
him  still  regard  it  as  but  a  means,  and  then  he  will 
not  consent  to  sacrifice  the  Country  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

Alas!  this  immeasurable  mistake  of  confounding 
the  cry  of  "  Constitution  "  with  the  inspiringname 
of  our  Country  !  When  in  this  name  there  is  suf- 
ficient to  move  every  heart,  what  folly  and  insanity 
to  be  summoning  our  soldiers  to  battle  in  the  name 
of  the  Constitution  !  Many  of  them  have  scarcely 
any  idea  of  its  origin  or  objects.  Not  one  in  one 
thousand  of  them  have  read  it;  and  not  one  in  ten 
thousand  of  them  cares  a  fig  for  it. 
w^-But-even  if  the  Constitution  be  as  worthy  as  it  is 
so  extensively^ claimed  to  be,  let  .us  at  least  agree  to 
desist  from  worshipping  it  until  the  country  is  saved. 
Great,  too,  as  may  be  the  benefit  of  your  proposed 
Colonization,  let  us  at  least  agree  to  defer  realizing 
it  until  the  country  is  saved.  Brilliant  and  novel, 
too,  as  is  the  President's  idea  of  swapping^  off  direct 
taxes*  for  negroes,  let  him  be  content  to  joy  in  the 
bare  idea  until  the  country  is  saved.  In  the  mean 
time,  let  our  statesmen  and  commanders  be  moving 
their  countrymen  by  appeals,  which  arc  unspeakably 
more  full  of  inspiration  than  are  any  or  all  of  these 
things  which  I  have  enumerated.  By  no  such  things 
as  these  did  Marco  Bozzaris  seek  to  animate  his 
brave  band.  And  why  should  not  Americans  as 
well  as  Greeks  be  allowed  to  forget  all  these,  and  be 
told : — 

"Strike — for  your  altars  and  your  fires  ; 
Strike — for  the  green  graves  of  your  sires  ; 
God — and  your  native  land !" 

GERPJT  SMITH. 


BULLDOGS   VEESUS   POODLES. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Bradford  Advertiser : 

Sir — Blackboard  is  not  to  be  dealt  with  by  twad- 
dlers, on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic.  All  the  course 
of  his  education  gives  him  the  superiority  of  energy 
for  evil  purposes,  which  the  trained  bulldog,  with  his 
Satanic  head  and  teeth  to  match,  lank  wiry  limbs 
and  switchy  tail,  has  over  the  curly  moppet  of 
^-    ;-.',=!.-  ■    household,  whose  locks  are  carved 

i  suggestion  Oihi  lion,-  by  t.'n.;  nega- 
tive process  of  denuding  his  unhappy  rear,  and  shav- 
ing his  tail  into  a  most  ridiculous  tuft.  Not  but  the 
hero  of  the  hearth-rug  can  show  erlergy  in  his  way, 
though  he  keeps  clear  of  bulls.  He  lords  it  over  the 
kitten,  till  she  is  full-grown  ;  anjjf  the  guinea-pig  .g^es 
in  terror  of  his  life.  But  whe^  the  shaveling  comes 
in  contact  with  his  ferocious  rival  *«  Dest  policy  is 
hnmility,  and  speedy  recojv^ion  of  superiority  in 
evil. 

"While  the  English  ministers  were  dawdling  with 
the  question' going  on  in  America,  and  viewing  it  as 
m .\tter  on  which  they  might  coquette  with  both  En- 
1  .1  and  American  feeling,  comes  me  the  Divine 
fright  of  Slavery,  and  brings  the  subject  to  a  point 
by  running  his  armed  vessel  with  her  captured  pris- 
oners straight  into  Southampton. 

Of  course  this  gave  a  prodigious  fillip  to  all  the 
Pro-Slavery  zeal  in  England.  An  influential  char- 
tered company  in  the  metropolis  has  feasted  the 
Southern  statesman  who,  if  Theodore  S.  Fay  is  a 
credible  witness,  said  "  it  was  hard  the  South  should  be 
prevented  from  importing  slaves  from  Africa,  when 
the  North  was  allowed  to  import  jackasses  from 
Malta.'*  Of  course  it  preserved  the  remainder  of  the 
feast,  for  a  cold  collation  to  that  other  representative 
of  the  new  States,  who  has  "  declared  in  perfect  con- 
sistency with  the  Bible  argument  of  Southern  divines, 
that  slavery  ought  to  be  extended  to  the  white  labor- 
ing classes  of  England."  It  is  wonderful  what  chanc- 
es are  sometimes  given  to  those  whose  slowness  dooms 
them  to  ultimate  loss.  Perhaps  the  English  work- 
ing classes  will  wake  up,  when  these  Pro-Slavery 
zealots  have  got  a  little  further  in  their  efforts  to 
bring  them  to  the  auction-block. 

The  part  played  by  England  in  the  whole  affair 
has  been  disgraceful  and  melancholy.  The  idea  of 
the  abolition  of  slavery  has  from  the  first  been 
absolutely  scouted  in  Ejigland,  as  it  could  be  in  the 
^Southern  States  of-America.  Not  a  single  daily 
id  it.  "  Mischievous  monomaniac  " 
has  been  the  term  openly  applied  to  the  honorable 
and  able  individuals  who  have  supported  it.  By  the 
same  rule,  Wilberforce,  Clarkson,  John  Wesley,  and 
perhaps  greater  and  earlier  names  were  mischievous 
monomaniacs.  To  be  a  "  mischievous  monomaniac  " 
is  the  apprenticeship  and  first  introduction  to  every- 
thing great  and  good  on  earth.  And  if  enemies  were 
awake,  friends  were  asleep :  and  even  the  energies 
of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society  ex- 
haled in  a  senseless  attack  on  Mrs.  Beecber  Stowe. 
What  danger  was  there  that  has  not  been  exagger- 
ated, and  what  bugbear  that  has  not  been  raised,  by 
the  slavery-loving  classes  that  bear  rule  in  England  ? 
Can  anybody  point  to  a  single  thing  that  has  been 
done  there,  to  aid  the  cause  of  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  America?  Has  any  opportunity  been  lost 
of  throwing  scorn  on  its  supporters,  and  particularly 
on  that  good  and  able  soldier  who  would  have  gone 
the  way  to  put  down  the  nuisance  with  the  least  pos- 
sible expenditure  of  blood,  and  saved  the  Bull's  Runs, 
past,  present,  and  to  come?  The  result  has  been 
to  raise  the  question  of  what  is  to  be  done  when  a 
civil  government  is  manifestly  incompetent  or  traitor- 
ous. It  is  the  converse  of  the  case  of  Dumourier; 
and  instead  of  the  general  of  an  army  attempting  to 
march  on  the  civil  government  in  aid  of  the  enemy, 
it  is  what  would  have  been  presented  if  the  Conven- 
tion at  Paris  had  been  found  sending  orders  to  the 
general,  that  he  was  on  no  account  to  make  any  or- 
ganization for  a  levy  en  masse  against  the  invaders, 
or  for  threatening  operations  on  their  rear.  There 
can  be  but  one  ending;  which  is,  that  General  Fre- 
mont will  have  to  be  sent  to  take  command  of  the 
army  on  the  Potomac,  and  do  at  last  what,  with  an 
infinite  saving  of  blood  and  treasure,  he  would  have 
done  at  first. 

Half-witted  dishonesty  courts  misadventures  of  all 
kinds,  and  it  is  Heaven's  business  out  of  the  embroil- 
ment to  lead  honest  men  to  good.  A  new  complica- 
tion has  sprung  up,  which  stamps  the  actual  conspir- 
acy for  the  preservation  of  slavery  with  more  of  folly 
than  can  be  readied  without  the  aid  of  treachery. 
Jt  in  true,  the  British  government  gave  the  first  pro- 
vocation to  ill  humor,  by  its  babyish  idea  of  sending 
out  reinforcements  to  Canada  in  the  big  ship.  Allow 
that  it  was  meant  to  be  irritating;  that  it  was  the 
effort  of  one  simpleton  to  bite  his  thumb,  in  hope  of 
inducing  another  to  return  the  compliment.  But 
sensible  rulers,  who  had  all  the  advantages  at- 
tributed to  communication  with  the  great  mass  of 
common  sense  in  the  country, as  Thor's  drinking  born 
had  with  the  sea,  should  have  known  better  than  to 
do  an  act,  which  even  if  allowed  to  be  of  doubtful 
illegality,  had  a  direct  tendency  to  drive  the  Pro- 
Slavery  reeling  unhappily  dominant  in  England,  into 
active  alliance  with  the  Southern  States.     Sum  up 


the  pro  and  the  contra,  and  sec  what  has  been  gained 
by  it.  Instead  of  taking  their  chances  for  being  re- 
ceived for  what  they  were  worth,  a  halo  of  romance 
has  been  cast  about  the  representatives  of  the  sale 
of  women  to  prostitution  and  the  subjection  of  the 
working  classes  to  the  auction -block.  Perhaps' 
some  of  the  bishops  will  take  them  up;  there  is  no 
reason  why  they  should  not,  with  as  little  imputation 
on  their  intelligence  or  their  theology,  as  when  one 
of  them  lately  supported  the  claims  of  the  planters 
on  the  ground  of  their  educating  their  negroes,  in  the 
face  of  the  fact  patent  to  all  men,  that  to  educate  oue 
was  a  criminal  offence. 

Yonrs  sincerely, 
T.  PERRONET  THOMPSON. 
Eliot  Yale,  Blackheath,  (Eng.)  Dec.  12,  1861. 


®k*  SBiJmatoi:. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  JANUARY  3,  1862. 


ME.  SUMNER'S  TRIBUTE  TO  THE  MEMORY 
OF  THE  LATE  SENATOR  BINGHAM. 
In  the  U.  S.  Senate,  on  the  10th  ultimo,— the  reso- 
lutions in  honor  of  the  late  Senator  Bingham,  of  Mich- 
igan, being  under  consideration, — Mr.  Sumner  spoke 
as  follows : — 

Mr.  President,  there  are  Senators  who  knew  Mr. 
Bingham  well  while  he  was  a  member  of  the  other 
House.  I  knew  him  well  only  when  he  became  a 
member  of  this  body.  Our  seats  here  wm  side  by 
side,  and,  as  he  was  constant  in  attendance,  I  saw 
him  daily.  Our  acquaintance  soon  became  friend- 
ship, quickened  by  common  sympathies,  and  eon- 
finned  by  that  bond  which,  according  to  the  an- 
cient historian,  is  found  in  the  idem  sen/ire  de  repub- 
lica.  In  his  death  I  have  lost  a  friend  ;  but  the  sor- 
row of  friendship  is  deepened  when  I  think  of  the 
loss  to  our  country. 

Tf  he  did  not  impress  me  at  once  by  personal  ap- 
pearance or  voice  or  manner,  yet  all  these,  as  we  be- 
came familiar  with  them,  testified  constantly  to  the 
unaffected  simplicity  and  integrity  of  his  character. 
His  life,  so  far  as  it  was  not  given  to  his  country,  was 
devoted  to  the  labors  of  agriculture.  He  was  a  farm- 
er, and  amidst  all  the  temptations  of  an  eminent  pub- 
lic career,  he  never  abandoned  this  vocation,  which 
does  so  much  to  strengthen  both  body  and'  soul. 
More  than  merchant,  manufacturer,  or  lawyer,  the 
agriculturist  is  independent  in  his  condition.  To  him 
the  sun  and  rain  and  the  ever-varying  changes  of  the 
seasons  are  agents  of  prosperity.  Dependent  upon 
nature,  he  learns  to  be  independent  of  men.  Such 
a  person,  thus  endowed,  easily  turns  away  from  the 
behests  of  party  in  order  to  follow  those  guiding  prii 
ciples  which  are  kindred  to  the  laws  of  nature.  Of 
such  a  character  our  friend  was  a  beautiful  example. 
In  him  all  the  private  virtues  commingled,  Truth- 
ful and  frank,  he  was  full  of  gentleness  and  generous 
sympathy.  He  had  risen  from  humble  fortunes,  and 
his  heart  throbbed  warmly  for  all  who  suffered  in 
any  way.  Especially  was  he  aroused  against  wrong 
and  injustice,  wherever  they  appeared  ;  and  then  all 
his  softer  sentiments  were  changed  into  an  indomita- 
ble firmness — showing  that  he  was  one  of  those 
beautiful  natures  where — 


It  was  this  firmness  which  gave  elevation  to  his  pub- 
lic life.  Though  companions  about  him  hesitated; 
though  great  men  on  whom  he  had  leaned  aposta- 
tized, he  stood  sure  and  true  always  for  the  Right. 
Such  a  person  was  naturally  enlisted  against  slavery. 
His  virtuous  soul  recoiled  from  this  many-headed  bar- 
barism, which  had  entered  into  and  possessed  our 
National  Government.  His  political  philosophy  was 
simply  moral  philosophy  applied  to  public  affairs. 
Slavery  was  wrong;  therefore  he  was  against  it — 
wherever  he  could  justly  reach  it — no  matter  what 
form  it  took — whether  of  pretension  or  blandishment. 
Whether  stalking  lordly  like  Satan,  or  sitting  squat 
like  a  toad  ;  whether  cozening  like  Mephistopheles. 
or  lurking  like  a  poodle  ;  whether  searching  as  As- 
modeus,  even  to  lifting  the  roofs  of  the  whole  coun- 
try, he  saw  it  always,  in  all  its  various  manifestations, 
as  the  Spirit  of  Evil,  and  was  its  constant  enemy. 
And  now,  among  the  signs  that  freedom  has  truly 
triumphed,  is  the  fact  that  here,  in  this  Chamber,  so 
long  the  stronghold  of  slavery,  our  homage  can  be 
freely  offered  to  one  who  so  fearlessly  opposed  it. 
There  was  something  in  our  modest  friend  which 
seemed  especially  adapted  to  private  life.  But  had 
he  not  bee::  a  "";'''  lan,  he-would  have  been  in 
his   :■■•■  .    od  at  home  one  of  those 

.  for  human  improvement. 
;  among  those  to  whose  praise 
^Clarkson  h<is  testified  so  authoritatively.  "  I  have 
2had  occasion,"  says  this  philanthropist,  "to  know 
rp&ay  thousand  persons  in  the  course  of  my  travels, 
and  I  can  truly  say  that  the  part  they  took  on  this 
great  question — of  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade — 
was  always  a  true  criterion  of  their  moral  nature." 
But  he  was  not  allowed  to  continue  in  retirement. 
His  country  had  need  of  him,  and  he  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Michigan  Legislature,  and  Speaker  of  its 
House — -Representative  in  Congress — Governor,  and 
then  Senator  of  the  United  States.  This  distinguish- 
ed career  was  stamped  always  by  the  simplicity  of 
his  character.  The  Roman  Cato  was  not  more  sim- 
ple or  determined.  He  came  into  public  life  when 
Compromise  was  the  order  of  the  day,  but  he  never 
yielded  to  it.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Democratic 
party,  which  was  the  declared  tool  of  slavery,  but  he 
never  allowed  slavery  to  make  a  tool  of  him.  All 
this  should  now  be  spoken  in  his  honor.  To  omit 
it  on  this  occasion  would  be  to  forget  those  titles  by 
which  hereafter  he  will  be  most  gratefully  remem- 
bered. 

There  were  two  important  questions,  while  he  was 
a  member  of  the  other  House,  on  which  his  name  is 
recorded  for  Freedom.  The  first  was  on  the  famous 
proposition  introduced  by  Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories. 
On  this  question  he  separated  from  his  party,  and 
always  firmly  voted  in  the  affirmative.  Had  his 
voice  at  that  time  prevailed,  slavery  would  have  been 
checked,  and  the  vast  conspiracy  under  which  we 
now  suffer  would  have  received  an  early  death-blow. 
The  other  question  on  which  his  record  is  so  honora- 
ble was  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill.  There  his  name 
will  be  found  among  the  noes,  in  noble  fellowship 
with  Preston  King  among  the  living,  and  Horace 
Mann  among  the  dead. 

From  that  time  forward  his  influence  was  felt  in 
his  own  State  for  freedom,  and  when,  at  a  later  day, 
he  entered  the  Senate,  he  became  known  instantly 
as  one  of  our  surest  and  most  faithful  Senators,  whose 
determined  constancy  was  more  eloquent  for  free- 
dom than  a  speech.  During  all  recent  trials,  he  nev- 
er for  one  moment  wavered.  With  the  instincts  of 
an  honest  statesman,  he  saw  the  situation,  and  ac- 
cepted frankly  and  bravely  the  responsibilities  of  the 
hour.  He  set  his  face  against  concession  in  any  de- 
gree and  in  every  form.  The  time  had  come  when 
slavery  was  to  be  met,  and  he  was  ready.  As  the 
rebellion  assumed  its  warlike  proportions,  his  percep- 
tion of  our  duties  was  none  the  less  clear.  Slavery 
was,  in  his  mind,  the  origin,  and  also  the  vital  part, 
of  the  rebellion,  and  therefore  it  was  to  be  attacked. 
Slavery  was  also  the  mainspring  of  the  belligerent 
power  now  arrayed  against  the  Union  ;  therefore,  in 
the  name  of  the  Union,  it  was  to  be  overturned. 
While  he  valued  the  military  arm  as  essential,  he  saw 
that  without  courageous  counsels  it  would  be  feeble. 
The  function  of  the  statesman  is  higher  than  that  of 
the  general ;  and  our  departed  Senator  saw  that  on 
the  counsels  of  the  Government,  even  more  than  on 
its  armies,  rested  the  great  responsibility  of  bringing 
this  war  to  a  speedy  and  triumphant  close.  Armies 
will  obey  orders,  but  it  is  for  the  Government  to  or- 
ganize and  to  inspire  victory.  All  this  he  saw  plain- 
ly ;  and  he  longed  impatiently  for  that  voice — her- 
ald of  Union  and  Peace — which,  in  behalf  of  a  vio- 
lated Constitution  and  in  the  exercise  of  a  just  self- 
defence,  should  change  the  present  contest  from  a 
bloody  folly  into  a  sure  stage  of  human  improvement 
and  an  immortal  landmark  of  civilization. 

Such  a  Senator  can  be  ill  spared  at  this  hour. 
His  simple  presence,  his  cheerful  confidence,  his  gen- 
uine courage,  his  practical  instincts,  would  help  the 
great  events  which  are  now  preparing;  nay,  which 
are  at  hand.  But  he  still  lives  in  his  example,  and 
speaks  even  from  his  tomb.  By  all  who  have  shared 
his  counsels  here,  lie  will  always  be  truly  remember- 
ed ;  while  the  State  which  trusted  him  so  often  in  life, 
and  the  neighbors  who  knew  him  so  well  in  his  daily 
walks,  will  cherish  Ins  memory  with  affectionate  pride, 
Marble  and  bronze  will  not  be  needed.  If  not  enough 
for  glory,  he  has  done  too  much  to  be  forgotten  ;  and 
hereafter,  when  our  country  is  fully  redeemed,  his 
name  will  be  inscribed  in  that  faithful  company,  who, 
through  good  report  and  evil  report,  have  held  fast 
to  the  truth: 

"  By  fairy  hands  their  knoll  is  rung  j 
liy  forma  unseen  their  dirge  is  sung  ; 
There  Honor acmes,  a  pilgrim  gray, 
To  bleu  th"  turf  that  wraps  their  clay  ; 
And  Freedom  shall  awhile  repair 
Tu  dwelt  a  weening  hermit,  there." 

[This  eulogy  by  Mr.  Sumner  was  well  merited  by 
the  deceased,] 


K0TI0E  TO  DELINQUENT  SUBSCRIBERS, 

Though  by  the  terms  of  the  Liberator,  payment  for 
the  paper  should  be  made  in  advance,  yet  it  has  not 
only  not  been  insisted  upon,  but  an  indulgence  of  thir- 
teen months  has  hitherto  been  granted  delinquent 
subscribers,  before  proceeding  (always,  of  course,  with 
great  reluctance)  to  erase  their  names  from  the  sub- 
scription list,  in  accordance  with  the  standing  rule 
laid  down  by  the  Financial  Committee.  But,  in  eon- 
sequence  of  the  generally  depressed  state  of  business, 
this  indulgence  will  be  extended  from  January  1, 1861, 
to  April  1,  1862,  in  cases  of  necessity.  We  trust  no 
advantage  will  be  taken  of  this  extension  on  the  part 
of  those  who  have  usually  been  prompt  in  complying 
with  our  terms — payment  in  advance. 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,   General  Agent, 


ANNUAL    MEETING 
Of  the  Massachusetts  AntrSlavery  Society. 

The  twenty-ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  will  be  held  in 
Boston,  at  Allston  Hall,  (corner  of  Trcmont  and 
Bromfield  Streets,)  on  Thursday  and  Friday,  Jan. 
23d  and  24th,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 
Three  sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

Though  a  great  change,  equally  surprising  and 
cheering,  has  taken  place  in  public  sentiment  at  the 
North,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  since  the  "  SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION"  broke  out,  yet  the 
times  demand  of  the  uncompromising  friends  of  free- 
dom all  the  vigilance,  earnestness,  activity  and  gene- 
rous cooperation,  that  it  is  in  their  power  to  give ; 
for  upon  them  devolves  the  task  of  creating,  deepen- 
ing and  guiding  that  moral  sentiment  which  is  tc 
determine  the  fate  of  the  republic.  Their  work,  as 
Abolitionists,  will  not  be  consummated  while  a  slave- 
holder is  tolerated  on  the  American  soil,  or  a  slave 
clanks  bis  fetters  beneath  the  American  flag.  Theirs 
is  the  truest  patriotism,  the  purest  morality,  the  ni 
blest  philanthropy,  the  broadest  humanity.  So  it 
from  having  any  affinity  with,  or  bearing  any  likeness 
to  the  traitors  of  the  South,  there  is  an  impassable 
gulf  between  the  parties,  as  well  as  an  irrepressible 
conflict.  Now  that,  by  the  treasonable  course  of 
South,  the  Government,  by  the  exigencies  in  which  it 
is  placed,  may  constitutionally  abolish  slavery,  and  is 
solemnly  bound  to  improve  the  opportunity,  under 
the  war  power,  the  duty  of  the  hour  is  to  bring  every 
influence  to  bear  upon  it,  to  induce  it  to  exercise  that 
power  without  delay,  and  thus  to  speedily  crush  the 
rebellion,  and  establish  liberty  and  peace  in  every 
tion  of  the  country.  In  this  work  of  humanity  and 
righteousness,  of  reconciliation  and  union,  it  is  oblig- 
atory upon  all  cordially  to  participate. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  members  and  friends  of  the  SO' 
ciety  will  be  present  in  larger  attendance  than  usual. 
A  strong  array  of  able  and  eloquent  speakers  may 
be  safely  counted  upon,  whose  names  will  be  duly  an 
nounced. 

By  order  of  the  Managers  of  the  Society, 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Sec'y. 


OUR    THIRTY-SECOND    VOLUME. 

"We  commence  the  Thirty-Second  Volume  of  the 
Liberator,  offering  the  heartfelt  congratulations  of  the 
season  to  all  our  readers,  and  trusting  that  the  present 
may  prove  the  year  of  jubilee  to  the  millions  in 
bondage  at  the  South,  who  are  confidently  expecting 
that  the  day  of  their  redemption  is  drawing  nigh. 
Taking  a  retrospective  view  of  the  eventful  past, 
and  rejoicing  in  the  wonderful  change  wrought  in 
public  sentiment,  we  are  mightily  strengthened  to  go 
forward  for  the  perfect  accomplishment  of  the  great 
and  glorious  work  to  which  we  consecrated  so  unre- 
servedly all  that  was  dear  to  us  at  the  commencement 
of  our  labors.  We  should  be  glad  to  see  our  sub- 
scription list  greatly  extended;  and  we  feel  that,  if 
absolute  independence,  unimpeachable  fairness,  and 
thorough  freedom  of  discussion  in  its  management, 
deserve  encouragement  and  approval,  then  the  Libe- 
rator should  be  liberally  patronized  in  every  part  of 
the  country. 


SPEECH   OP  HON.  J.  M.  ASHLEY. 

We  have  received — printed  in  pamphlet  form — a 
speech  delivered  at  the  request  of  citizens  by  Hon, 
J.  M.  Ashley,  Nov.  26th,  at  College  Hall,  in  Toledo, 
Ohio,  on  "  The  Rebellion — its  Causes  and  Conse- 
quences." It  possesses  historical  interest  and  value — 
tracing,  as  it  does,  the  present  Rebellion  to  the  incipi- 
ent measures  taken  by  leading  Southern  conspirators 
for  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union  as  early 
1849 — the  first  meeting  by  them  having  been  held  in 
May,  of  that  year,  at  the  city  of  Jackson,  in  the  State 
of  Mississippi,  upon  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Calhoun, 
In  1850,  Gen.  Quitman,  writing  to  Gov.  McRea,  of 
that  State,  and  to  Gov.  Seabrook,  of  South  Carolina, 
argued  that  "there  is  no  effective  remedy  for  the 
evils  before  us  but  secession";  and  he  proposed  to 
"  call  a  regular  convention,  to  take  into  consideration 
our  federal  relations,  with  full  powers  to  annul  the  federal 
compact,  establish  relations  with  other  States,  and  adopt 
our  organic  law  to  such  new  relations."  In  1851, 
Gov.  Means,  of  South  Carolina,  wrote  to  Gen.  Quit- 
man— "  There  is  now  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  the 
next  Legislature  will  call  the  Convention  together  at  a 
period  during  the  ensuing  year,  and  when  that  Con- 
vention meets,  the  Slate  will  secede.  .  .  .  We  are  sat- 
isfied that  South  Carolina  is  the  only  State  in  which 
sufficient  unanimity  exists  to  commence  the  move- 
ment. We  will  therefore  lead  off,  even  if  we  are  to 
stand  alone."  Just  ten  years  from  that  time,  that 
traitorous  State  made  the  fatal  plunge,  dragging  down 
with  her  ten  other  of  the  slave  States ;  and  nothing 
prevented  her  doing  so  at  the  period  designated  by 
Gov.  Means  but  the  election  to  the  Presidency  of 
that  compliant  tool  of  the  slave  oligarchy,  Franklin 
Fierce,  who  appointed  Jefferson  Davis,  though  at  that 
time  an  avowed  secessionist,  bis  Secretary  of  War. 
The  conspiracy  went  on  with  fresh  vigor,  all  the  re- 
sources of  the  government  being  actively  wielded  to 
ensure  its  final  triumph.  The  conspirators  would 
certainly  have  attempted  to  seize  the  capital,  and  ta- 
ken the  reins  of  government  in  1856,  if  Mr.  Fremont 
had  been  elected  President;  but  Mr.  Buchanan  was 
declared — fraudulently  declared,  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt — the  successful  competitor.  "A  majority  of 
the  Cabinet  lie  called  around  him  were  either  avowed 
secessionists,  or  willing  instruments  in  the  hands  of  the 
conspirators;"  and,  to  the  end  of  his  administration, 
they  left  nothing  undone  to  consummate  their  hellish 
designs — perjured  villains,  the  whole  of  them  !  Mr. 
Ashley  fully  demonstrates,  by  facts  which  cannot  be 
controverted,  that  slavery,  and  slavery  alone,  is  the 
cause  of  this  Rebellion;  that  every  compromise  and 
humiliating  concession  made  by  the  North  to  the 
South  have  but  emboldened  and  made  more  insulting 
the  demands  of  the  traitors  ;  and  that  the  cleetiou  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  only  the  pretext  for  the  outbreak. 
He  maintains  that  "  the  overthrow  of  slavery  will  not 
only  end  the  war,  but,  beyond  all  doubt,  save  the 
Union  and  preserve  Constitutional  liberty,  by  ma- 
king us  what  we  ought  to  be,  a  homogeneous  peo- 
ple," He  is,  therefore,  for  "striking  the  enemy  in 
his  most  vulnerable  point."  We  have  marked  some 
vigorous  passages  in  this  able  and  telling  speech  for 
insertion  in  a  future  number  of  the  Liberator. 


Si..vi;i:ri,y  Personal.  Denying  the  accuracy  of 
the  charge  by  Gov.  Andrew  against  the  traitor  Mason, 
that  he  treated  John  Brown  in  ini  ungentlt'iiuiiily  man- 
ner in  an  interview  he  had  with  the  martyr,  whose 
"soul  is  marching  on,"  the  Courier  exclaims,  "Give 
the  devil  Ms  flue !  "  Is  not  thai  to  be  somewhat  per- 
sonal— we  mean,  of  course,  to  the  old  adversary  '! 


CAUSE  AND  OUEE  OP  THE  WAR. 

A  Convention  of  the  friends  of  freedom  in  Es- 
sex North  met  in  the  town  hall  in  Georgetown,  Sun- 
day, Dec.  20,  1861,  to  consider  the  Cause  and  Cure  of 
the  Rebellion.  Rev.  Mr.  Hassell,  of  Haverhill,  was 
chosen  President,  Henry  C.  Wright,  Secretary,  and 
Parker  PHlsbury,  S.  S.  Foster,  and  Moses  Wright,  a 
Business  Committee. 

Convention  met  at  10,  A.  M.,  and  spent  the  forenoon 
in  hearing  remarks  from  several,  touching  the  present 
condition  of  the  nation,  in  regard  to  the  slaveholders' 
rebellion,  and  to  Great  Britain. 

Convention  met  at  half-paBt  1,  P.  M.  Parker  Pills- 
bury,  in  behalf  of  the  Business  Committee,  offered 
the  following  resolutions  : — 

Resolved,  That  slavery  is  the  only  cause  of  our 
present  war,  and  emancipation  the  only  possible  means 
by  which  peace  can  be  restored,  and  the  Union  pre- 
served. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  attitude  of  affairs  in 
Washington  is  such  as  to  excite  the  deepest  apprehen- 
sions and  alarm ;  and  we  exhort  the  people,  in  their 
primary  capacity,  to  rise  up  in  their  majesty  and  might, 
and  compel  the  governmental  authorities  to  abolish 
slavery  as  the  cause  of  all  our  present  calamity,  or 
hurl  them  at  once  from  power,  and  replace  them  with 
those  able  and  worthy  to  lead  on  to  a  victory  that  shall 
give  to  our  whole  country  a  millennium  of  universal 
freedom,  by  sweeping  the  last  vestige  of  slavery  for- 
ever from  the  soil. 

These  resolutions  were  discussed  by  S.  S.  Foster, 
C.  L.  Remond,  P.  Pillsbury,  and  H.  C.  Wright,  dur- 
ing the  afternoon  and  evening.  That  slavery  is  and 
has  ever  been  the  one  only  disturbing,  treacherous, 
malignant  force  of  our  country,  ail  admit.  From  that 
fountain  have  flowed  the  commercial,  social,  religious 
and  political  strifes  between  the  North  and  South 
The  one  fatal  error  of  the  Republic  has  been,  from  its 
beginning,  its  effort  to  join  together  what  Godkatliput 
asunder — Liberty  and  Slavery — giving  to  both  a  legal 
existence,  and  extending  to  both  alike  honor  and  pro- 
tection. 

The  people  are  now  accepting  it  as  a  fixed  fact,  that 
the  abolition  of  slavery  is  the  only  possible  mean 
restore  peace  and  prosperity  to  the  country.  And  if 
the  present  Administration  will  not  execute  the  will 
of  the  people,  and  end  their  afflictions  by  striking 
the  needed  blow  at  slavery,  then  it  is  their  riglitand 
duty  to  alter  or  abolish  that  Administration,  and  place 
in  power  one  that  will  give  to  them  protection  to 
"  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 

These  positions  were  most  ably  and  eloquently 
argued  and  urged,  by  Messrs.  Remond,  Foster  and 
Pillsbury.  The  guilty  and  fatal  complicity  of  the 
Federal  Government  with  "the  sum  of  all  villany 
was  shown  in  revolting  colors.  The  simple  question 
is — Shall  Liberty  or  Slavery  rule  the  nation  and  the  con- 
tinent ?  The  issue  of  the  present  civil  war  will  be 
the  settlement  of  that  question. 

The  convention  passed  the  resolutions  unanimous- 
ly, and  adjourned,  sine  die,  at  half  past  0  o'clock  in  the 
evening. 

Mason  and  Slidell  to  be  released  at  the  de- 
mand of  the  British  Government.  Secretary 
Seward,  in  a  long  and  elaborate  reply  to  a  letter  from 
Lord  Lyon,  demanding  in  the  name  of  the  British 
Government  the  immediate  liberation  of  the  rebel 
commissioners  at  Fort  Warren,  concludes  it  by  stat- 
ing that  the  demand  will  be  complied  with, — on  the 
ground  that  Capt.  Wilkes,  while  acting  without  any 
instructions  from  his  own  Government,  and  while  not 
intending  any  disrespect  to  the  British  flag,  was  tech- 
nically in  the  wrong  in  what  he  did.  This  decision 
has  naturally  excited  some  indignation,  a  good  deal  of 
surprise,  butapparently  far  more  satisfaction,  as  a  war 
(otherwise  inevitable)  between  the  two  countries,  at 
the  present  crisis,  would  be  attended  with  most  disas- 
trous consequences  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 


Blowing  Hot  and  Cold.  The  Couriei-,  of  Satur- 
day, said — "  We  have  repeatedly  expressed  our  own 
opinion  against  surrendering  the  rebel  envoys ;  in  the  first 
place,  because  we  believe  we  are  substantially  right, 
a  legal  point  of  view ;  absolutely  right,  in  a  moral  point  of 
view ;  and  because  we  believe,  if  we  do  not  premaltir 
and  tamely  yield,  Great  Britain  will,  on  this  special 
point."  On  Monday,  it  wholly  alters  its  tone — is  "as 
meek  as  Moses  " — and  thinks  the  decision  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, in  determining  forthwith  to  release  those 
same  "  rebel  envoys,"  at  the  demand  of  England,  is 
wise  and  creditable!  So  much  for  being  "substan 
tially  right,  legally,  and  absolutely  right,  morally"! 
What  contemptible  whiffling! 

"  Mr.  Orator  Puff  had  two  voices,  you  know ; 
The  one  went  up  thus,  and  the  other  down  so." 


Can't  be  Suited.  The  Courier  —  always  in  a 
querulous  and  morbid  condition,  snapping  and  snarl- 
ing like  a  dog  under  the  influence  of  hydrophobia,  es- 
pecially if  the  object  of  attack  is  known  to  have  no 
fear  of  the  slave-driver's  lash — ridicules  Senator  Hale' 
recent  vehement  speech  in  regard  to  England  and  the 
Mason  and  Slidell  affair,  and  is  reminded  by  it  "  amaz- 
ingly of  the  oratorical  efforts  held  sacred  to  Bunkum," 
and  styles  it  mere  "rhodomontade."  Mr.  Sumner 
made  a  very  temperate  and  sensible  reply  to  Mr.  Hale, 
deprecating  his  warlike  tone,  and  arguing  that  it  was 
alike  premature  and  impolitic;  but  this  is  equally  dis- 
tasteful to  the  Courier,  which  sneeringly  says  of  Mr. 
Sumner  that  with  him  what  is  "hypothetical  is  real, 
and  what  is  real  is  hypothetical";  and  every  thing 
"a  mere  matter  of  speculation,  until  the  thing  has 
been  sifted  through  its  various  channels  into  the  great 
hopper  of  the  Chairman  of  Foreign  Relations  " ;  wind- 
ing up  by  surmising  that  "perhaps  Mr.  Sumner  has 
had  some  epistolary  communication  of  his  own  with 
Lord  Shaftesbury,  the  Duchess  of  Sutherland,  or  Mrs. 
Beecher  Stowe."  This  is  wholly  gratuitous  but  very 
characteristic  blackguardism  on  the  part  of  the  Courier. 
Mr.  Hale  and  Mr.  Sumner  are  Anti-Slavery  Republi- 
cans; therefore,  they  are  both  to  be  cudgelled — the 
one  for  being  too  combative,  the  other  for  being  too 
moderate — the  Courier  being  neither  for  war  nor  on 
the  side  of  peace  ! 


Look  at  ins  Backers  !  That  President  Lincoln 
is  pursuing  a  policy,  in  the  treatment  of  the  rebellion, 
which  is  calculated  to  end  in  the  discomfiture  of  the 
Government,  and  the  consequent  triumph  of  the  reb 
els,  is  seen  in  the  pregnant  and  alarming  fact,  that  his 
warmest  eulogists  are  those  journals  which  most  des- 
perately resisted  his  election,  denounced  him  and  his 
party  in  the  vilest  terms,  and  up  to  the  capture  of 
Fort  Sumter  held  out  every  encouragement  to  the 
South  to  strike  for  her  independence,  rather  than  sub- 
mit to  a  Republican  administration  I  The  "satanic 
press,"  all  over  the  North,  is  prompt  to  defend  him 
against  every  impeachment,  claims  to  be  especially 
loyal  in  his  behalf,  compliments  his  do-no  thing-effect- 
ual measures  as  characterized  by  sound  judgment  and 
eminent  wisdom,  and  chuckles  over  his  senseless 
treatment  of  the  slavery  question, — still  animated  by 
as  treasonable  a  spirit,  and  aiming  at  as  treasonable  a 
result,  as  control  the  Confederate  press  generally. 
Alas  !  for  "  honest  Abo  Lincoln  !  " 


Tub  most  dangerous  POBM  op  thkason —  Mask- 
ed loyalty.  [See  New  York  Herald,  Express,  Journal 
of  Commerce,  Boston  Courier  and  Post,  Detroit  Free 
Press,  and  all  others  of  the  same  stripe.  | 


g^*  Our  readers,  we  trust,  will  not  fail  to  give  a 
close  anil  careful  perusal  of  the  Letter  of  tierrit  Smith 
to  lion.  John  A.  Gurlcy,  in  relation  to  the  colonization 
of  the  blacks  in  Florida;  anil  also  of  Mr.  Smith's 
Views  "ii  the  Mason  and  Slidell  affair,  anil  the  relative 
position  "f  the  American  and  English  Governments 
respecting  it.  These  may  be  found  on  our  first  and 
fourth  pages.  It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Smith  regards 
(be  captain  of  the  Trent,  and  notCapt.  Wilkts,  as  the 
real  transgressor  to  be  summarily  dealt  with  ;  and  he 
regrets  that  our  Government  did  not  so  treat  the  mat- 
ter  from    the    first      His    strictures  were    written,    of 

course,  before  Intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  the 

rebel  ambassadors  to  I  In-  demands  of  England. 


NEW   PUBLICATIONS. 

'The  Song  or  the  Contjiauandr — 'O  let  my  peo- 
ple go!'  Words  and  music  obtained  through  the 
Rev.  L.  C  Lockwood,  Chaplain  of  the  Contrabands 
at  Fortress  Monroe.  Arranged  by  Thomas  Baker, 
New  York  :  Horace  Waters.  Boston :  O.  Ditson 
&  Co.,  177  Washington  street." 

This  song  and  chorus,  originating  among  the 
slaves,  and  first  heard  sung  by  them  on  their  arrival 
at  Fortress  Monroe,  has  been  noted  down,  words  and 
music,  by  the  care  of  Rev.  L.  C.  Lockwood,  under- 
stood to  be  the  Agent  of  the  American  Missionary 
Association  among  those  freedmen,  as  well  as  their 
regularly  commissioned  chaplain.  This  gentleman  is 
doing  a  most  important  work,  and  should  be  helped  by 
all  those  friends  of  missions  who  believe  liberty  and 
religion  adapted  mutually  to  assist  each  other,  and 
who  have  been  driven  from  cooperation  with  the 
American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Mis- 
sions by  its  persistent  pro-slavery  position.  We  have 
all  heard  a  great  deal  of  the  more  trivial  music  of  the 
slaves ;  let  us  look  into  this  expressionof  their  religious 
feeling,  combined  with  their  aspiration  for  freedom. 

"Pbatehs  :  by  Theodoue  Pabkek.  Boston  :  Walk- 
er, Wise  &  Co.    1862."    pp.  200. 

During  Mr.  Parker's  ministry  at  the  Music  Hall, 
and  the  latter  half  of  that  which  preceded  it  at  the 
Melodeon,  two  of  his  hearers  regularly  made  phono- 
graphic copies  of  his  prayers  and  sermons,  for  their 
own  benefit.  These  labors  of  love  often  became  ad- 
vantageous to  the  public  also,  adding  to  Mr.  Parker's 
manuscript,  when  one  of  bis  sermons  was  printed, 
those  extemporaneous  passages  which  external  cir- 
cumstances, or  his  own  feeling  at  the  moment,  caused 
him  to  interweave  with  the  written  discourse. 

The  volume  now  published,  in  compliance  with  the 
earnest  request  of  many  of  Mr.  Parker's  friends,  con- 
tains a  selection  of  forty  of  these  prayers.  It  is  "af- 
fectionately dedicated,  by  the  editors,  to  the  wife  of 
Theodore  Parker,"  and  is  embellished  with  an  accu- 
rate and  beautiful  portrait  of  the  author,  as  he  appear- 
ed, while  in  perfect  health,  in  the  later  years  of  his 
ministry. 

Many  of  Mr.  Parker's  hearers  were  attracted,  im- 
pressed and  edified,  not  less  by  his  prayers  than  by 
his  sermons.  These  are  truly  impressive,  affecting, 
and  suited  both  to  excite  devotional  feeling  and  to 
guide  it  in  the  right  direction.  Unsurpassed  by  any 
minister  in  true  reverence  and  devoutness  of  spirit, 
Mr.  Parker  was  unequalled  in  his  appreciation  of  the 
Heavenly  Father  as  a  father.  Thanksgiving  was  al- 
ways a  prominent  feature  of  his  prayers ;  and  by  him, 
as  by  no  other  that  I  have  ever  heard,  men  were 
shown  how  they  might  be  comforted  alike  by  the  rod 
and  the  staff' of  the  Good  Shepherd.  He  showed  the 
benefit  as  well  as  the  certainty  of  retribution,  here 
and  hereafter;  and  he  showed  how  this  feature  of 
God's  providence  is  used  for  man's  benefit;  constant- 
ly made  to  accomplish  good;  never  wasted,  or  allowed 
to  do  harm. 

This  book,  opportunely  coming  just  before  the  new 
year,  is  well  suited  for  all  who  would  stimulate  and 
guide  themselves  or  their  friends  to  spiritual  improve- 
ment.— c.  k.  w. 

The  Loyalty  and  Devotion  of  Colored  Ameri- 
cans in  TnE  Revolution  and  Wah  of  1812. 
This  is  the  title  of  a  little  tract,  just  published 
by  It.  F.  Walleut,  221  Washington  street,  to  which 
the  widest  circulation  should  be  given  at  this  peri- 
od, and  to  which  universal  attention  is  challenged.  It 
is  a  singular  fact, ,sh owing  an  inextinguishable  love  of 
"  native  land,"  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  outrages  that 
have  been  heaped  upon  them,  and  the  cruel  obloquy 
to  which  they  have  been  subjected,  the  colored  people 
have  always  been  ready  to  lay  down  their  lives  for 
the  freedom  and  independence  of  the  country.  On 
every  battle-field  in  our  Revolutionary  struggle,  their 
blood  was  freely  shed,  and  none  endured  hardships 
more  cheerfully,  or  fought  with  more  bravery  and 
success,  than  themselves.  Here  is  the  testimony  of 
Dr.  Harris,  a  Revolutionary  veteran,  as  given  by  him 
in  an  address  delivered  at  Francestown,  N.  H.  1842, 
in  relation  to  their  heroism  in  Rhode  Island  : — 

"  I  have  another  object  in  view  in  stating  these 
facts.  I  would  not,  be  trumpeting  my  own  acts;  the 
only  reason  why  I  have  named  myself  in  connection 
with  this  transaction  is,  to  show  that  I  know  whereof 
I  affirm.  There  was  a  hlach  regiment  in  the  same 
situation.  Yes,  a  regiment  of  negroes,  fighting  for  our 
liberty  and  independence,— not  a  white  man  among 
them  but  the  officers, — stationed  in  this  same  danger- 
ous and  responsible  position.  Had  they  been  unfaith- 
ful, or  given  way  before  the  enemy,  all  would  have 
been  lost.  Three  times  in  succession  were  they  attack- 
ed, with  the  most  desperate  valor  and  fury,  by  well 
disciplined  and  veteran  troops,  and  three  times  did 
they  successfully  repel  the  assault,  and  thus  preserve 
our  army  from  capture.  They  fought  through  the 
war.  They  were  brave,  hardy  troops.  They  helped 
to  gain  our  liberty  and  independence." 

Similar  was  the  testimony  of  Hon.  Tristam  Burges, 
of  Rhode  Island,  in  a  speech  in  Congress  in  1828: — 

"At  the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war, 
Rhode  Island  had  a  number  of  slaves.  A  regiment  of 
them  were  enlisted  in  the  Continental  service,  and  no 
braver  men  met  the  enemy  in  battle  ;  hut  not  one  of 
them  was  permitted  to  be  a  soldier  unti£  he  had  first 
been  made  a  freeman." 

Gov.  Eustis  testified  in  Congress,  in  1820,  that 
"they  discharged  their  duty  with  zeal  and  fidelity  : 
the  gallant  defence  of  Red  Bank,  in  which  the  black 
regiment  bore  a  part,  is  among  the  proofs  of  their  val- 
or." 

Even  Charles  Pinckney,  of  Smith  Carolina,  said  of 
them — 

"  They  all  entered  into  the  great  contest  with  simi- 
lar views.  Like  brethren,  they  contended  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  whole  :  they  nobly  toiled  and  bled  together, 
really  like  brethren.  To  their  hands  were  owing  the 
erection  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  fortifications  rais- 
ed for  the  protection  of  our  country.  In  the  Northern 
States,  numerous  bodies  of  them  were  enrolled,  and 
fought,  side  by  side  with  the  whites,  the  battles  of  the 
Revolution." 

Washington  gave  immediate  freedom,  in  bis  Will, 
to  his  "mulatto  man  William,  calling  himself  William 
Lee,  for  his  faithful  services  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,"  &c. 

Dr.  Clarke,  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  of 
New  York,  in  1821,  testified  as  follows: — 

"In  the  war  of  the  fie  volution,  these  people  help- 
ed to  fight  your  battles  by  land  and  by  sea.  Some 
of  your  States  were  glad  to  turn  out  corps  of  colored 
men,  and  to  stand 'shoulder  to  shoulder  '  with  them. 
In  your  late  war,  they  contributed  largely  towards 
some  of  your  most  splendid  victories.  On  Lakes 
Erie  and  Champiain,  where  your  fleets  triumphed 
over  a  foe  superior  in  numbers  and  engines  of  death, 
they  were  manned,  in  a  large  proportion,  with  men  of 
color.  And,  in  this  wry  house,  in  the  fall  of  1814,  a 
bill  passed,  receiving  the  approbation  of  all  the  branches 
of  your  government,  authorizing  the  Governor  to  ac- 
cept the  services  of  a  corps  of  two  thousand  free 
people  of  color.  Sir,  these  were  times  which  tried 
men's  souls." 

Commodore  Chauncy,  writing  "  on  board  the  Pike, 
off  Burlington  Bay,  July  18th,  1812,"  nobly  said—"  I 
have  yet  to  learn  that  the  color  of  the  skin,  or  the  cut 
and  trimmings  of  the  coat,  can  affect  a  man's  qualifi- 
cations or  usefulness.  1  have  nearly  fifty  blacks  on 
board  this  ship,  and  many  of  them  are  among  my  best 

How  atnieiom,  and  despicable  has  been  the  treat- 
ment of  Ibis  loyal   and    bravo    race  among  USl     And 

wini  i  felly  and  Injustice  on  i he  pan  of  the  Government 
lo  refuse  their  assistance  in  "  crushing  out "  the  South- 
ern rebellion  1 

MoNTBoea  anh  othbb  Biographical  Sketches. 
Boston  :  Smile  &  Williams.  1861. 
A  neatly  printed,  well-written,  and  very  enter- 
taining volume  of  400  pages.  The  first  thirty  seven 
pages  are  occupied  With  n  sketch  of  "La  Tour  in 
Boston,"  as  published  originally  In  l.iltell's  Living 
&ge>  Fifiy-iwo  are  devoted  to  George  Brummell, 
lomniouly  called  Beau  Uruiiimell ;  twenly-lnur  !o  Dr. 
Samuel  Johnson — "this  Samuel  Johnson,  who  once 
stood   before  King  George  and  talked,  was  htmsell 

irlually  a  king  among  men."     The  remainder  of  (he 

volume  la  devoted  to  the  thrilling  history  of  Jam.ee 
Graham,  Marquis  of  Montroso.      A  readable  hook. 


IMPEISONMEHT  OF  REV,  HE.  GORDON. 

Salem,  O.,  Dec.  26,  1861. 
Dear  Fhieki>  Gauhisun: 

A  short  time  since,  I  was  at  Cleveland,  to  see  a 
brother,  there  confined  in  the  city  prison.  Heavy 
bars  and  bolts  shut  him  out  from  God's  pure  air.  He 
suffers  for  acting  up  to  the  convictions  of.  his  noble- 
nature;  for  doing  the  will  of  God  in  trying  to  "res- 
cue the  spoiled  out  of  the  hand  of  the  oppressor." 
What  a  strange  people  we  are!  What  an  absurd 
spectacle  must  our  nation  present  to  the  world  at 
large  1  A  get  of  the  most  heaven-defying  tyrants,  the 
most  blood-stained  pirates,  that  ever  trod  this  earth, 
have,  without  the  least  real  provocation,  set  them- 
selves deliberately  to  work  to  break  the  Government 
to  pieces ;  have  trampled  on  all  law,  all  precedent,  all 
right;  have  taken  the  Constitution  and  slapped  us  in 
the  face  with  it,  and  then  have  torn  it  to  shreds  and 
trampled  it  under  their  traitorous  feet;  and  we  take  it 
in  the  most  submissive  and  cringing  manner,  and 
watch  like  couchant  hounds  to  catch  and  return  their 
lacerated  and  bleerling  victims  to  their  clutch ! 

Look  at  the  glaring  hypocrisy  of  this  nation  in 
another  aspect!  A  man  by  the  name  of  Gordon  is  to 
be  hung  sometime  in  February  for  importing  Afri- 
cans into  this  country  to  make  slaves  of  them. 
Another  man  by  the  same  name  (a  brother)  is  now 
lying  in  prison  for  trying  to  redeem  Africans  from  the 
American  prison-house !  Can  double-dealing  and 
brazen  hypocrisy  go  farther?  With  one  breath,  the 
nation  says  to  the  man  of  infamy,  for  trying  to  make 
slaves — "  Thou  shalt  die  ! "  To  the  other,  whose  no- 
ble instinct  prompts  him  to  deliver  the  panting  fugi 
tive  from  the  grasp  of  the  biped  bloodhound — "  Thou 
shall  be  cast  into  prison ;  thy  property  taken  from 
thee,  and  thou  shalt  be  reduced  to  poverty  and  want !  " 
The  puissant  words  of  Holy  Writ  bear  on  no  crime 
harder  than  that  of  hypocrisy.  No  people  in  the 
world's  annals  have  been  more  guilty  of  this  crime 
than  the  American  people.  They  commenced  their 
career  more  than  seventy  years  ago,  with  the  scroll  of 
liberty  waving  in  one  hand,  and  the  scorpion  lash  of 
slavery  vibrating  in  the  other.  And  what  has  been 
the  product  of  this  double-dealing,  this  hybrid  mix- 
ture ?  A  monster  the  like  of  which  cannot  be  found 
in  the  earth,  or  the  regions  of  pandemonium.  The 
hideous  dragon  with  seven  heads  and  ten  horns  spoken 
of  in  the  Apocalypse  is  a  gentle  antelope  compared 
with  it.  And,  strange  to  tell,  the  incarnate  fiends 
who  have  engendered  this  monstrosity  still  hold  abso- 
lute sway  over  at  least  one  judge  and  one  attorney  in 
the  enlightened  city  of  Cleveland,  and  a  dear  brother 
is  made  the  victim  of  their  supple  mendacity. 

I  write  to  one  who  knows  experimentally  what  an 
inexorable  demon  Slavery  is ;  one  who  has  suffered  in 
prison,  and  who  has  been  near  to  a  martyr's  death,  for 
fidelity  to  the  poor  slave.  The  hypocritical  and  mur- 
derous Jews  in  their  day  boasted  that  if  they  had 
lived  in  the  time  of  the  prophets'  martyrdom,  they 
would  have  interposed  and  saved  them.  Alas  !  how 
every  age  applies  the  same  Battering  unction,  and  is 
guilty  of  the  same  monstrosities!  This  age  shall 
stand  not  less  anomalous  and  guilty  in  the  ver- 
dict of  the  great  future.  We  look  with  amazement 
and  horror  on  the  age  that  burnt  the  martyrs  and 
hung  the  Quakers.  How  deeply  embalmed  in  our 
souls'  holiest  affections  are  now  their  memories !  Not 
less  in  another  age  will  it  be  with  those  who  now  suf- 
fer for  the  same  glorious  cause.  A  rich  and  commen- 
surate reward  is  in  store  for  all  such.  In  the  great 
and  glorious  future,  the  music  of  their  names  shall 
sweep  the  diapason  of  heaven,  and  swell  the  loftiest 
notes  in  the  triumphant  chorus  of  the  anthem  of  ser- 
aphs. 

Thine,  for  the  unmasking  of  hypocrisy  and  the  ex- 
altation of  righteousness, 

JOHN  GORDON. 


POSITION   OF  THE  ADMIHISTEATION. 

Notwithstanding  the  unanimity  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  present' war, 
by  cheerfully  bearing  the  burdens  necessarily  incurred 
in  the  attempt  to  crush  this  rebellion — and  none  more 
so  than  the  anti-slavery  men — the  time  is  fast  ap- 
proaching, I  think,  when  those  known  as  true,  earnest, 
laboring  friends  of  the  slave,  will  necessarily  feel 
obliged  to  withhold  their  encouragement  from  the 
Administration,  because  of  its  being  found  inimical 
to  the  best  interests,  the  cause,  justice  and  humanity 
of  the  slave.  It  is  already  evident,  I  think,  that  the 
Cabinet  will  carry  out  its  war  policy — with  refer- 
ence to  slavery — according  to  the  most  approved  con- 
servative principles,  and  which  will  finally  result  in 
dividing  the  Republican  party.  There  is  noticable, 
already,  a  growing  discontent  among  the  more  pro- 
gressive and  the  hold-backs  or  stand-stills ;  a  strong; 
and  increasing  current  of  opposition  between  the 
representatives  of  the  liberals  and  illiberals,  between 
those  composing  the  advance  and  rear  guards,  be- 
tween those  who  are  instinctively  and  intuitively  true- 
to  right  principles,  and  those  who  are  seemingly  gov- 
erned by  nothing  higher  than  mere  Yankee  expedien- 
cy or  selfish  policy. 

If  the  actuating  motives  of  those  who  have  the 
management  of  our  public  political  affairs  at  Wash- 
ington are  to  be  those  of  the  latter  class, — and  it  cer- 
tainly does  appear  so, — then  sooner  or  later  we  may 
reasonably  expect  another  compromise  to  be  made, 
with  all  the  hateful  characteristics  of  its  ugly  prede- 
cessors, wherein  we  shall  again  be  called  upon  to 
"conquer  our  prejudices."  For  it  must  be  apparent 
to  every  careful  observer,  that  President  Lincoln  and! 
his  advisers,  having  begun,  are  doggedly  determined  to 
continue  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war,  with  a 
view  that,  so  far  as  the  settlement  of  the  slavery  ques- 
tion is  concerned,  "the  most  conciliatory  and  conserv- 
ative measures  shall  finally  prevail."  Which  fair- 
seeming  words,  according  to  our  recent  popular  and 
illegitimate  construction,  simply  mean — at  the  ex- 
pense of  right  and  justice.  If,  with  all  the  mental  and 
moral  light  which  streams  upon  us  to-day,  our  rulers 
are  willing  to  yield  to  the  interests  of  slavery,  or  al- 
low "the  monstrous  prejudices  and  still  more  dis- 
gusting hypocrisies  engendered  by  slavery,"  to  over- 
ride onr  deepest,  highest  and  most  sacred  convictions 
of  duty,  right  and  justice,  is  it  not  manifestly  our  duty 
T<r  vvuikIimw  an  support  ifoin  suenra  cissruT  "polifF 
cians  that  we  legitimately  can? 

If  this  war  should  end  without  the  removal  of  sla- 
very,—which  from  present  indications  is  most  like- 
ly,—what  has  the  country  gained  !  At  the  most,  but 
a  temporary  peace,  which  must  inevitably  and  at  no 
distant  day  break  forth  again,  when  the  Btruggle  will 
be  renewed  with  increased  energy  and  desperation; 
and  the  lesson  will  be  again  repeated,  that  peace  based 
upon  a  compromise  with  sin  cannot  endure. 

Boston,  Dec.  81,  1861.  G.  A.  B. 


Nr.w  Mi/sir.  Oliver  Ditson  &  Co..  273  Washing- 
ton street,  Boston,  have  just  published  the  following 
pieces ; — 

Piano  Forte  Album,  a  selection  of  brilliant  and  fas- 
cinating gems  by  eminent  composers.  Among  these, 
Kathleen  Mavoumeeii,  by  Beyer. 

Massachusetts  Boys.  Patriotic  Song  and  Chorus. 
Written  by  James  Otis  Sargent. 

The  Bonnie  Dundee  Quadrille,  by  Charles  D'Al- 
hert. 

Delaware '.  my   Delaware !    Words  by  Henry   W 

Draper;   mnsie  by  John  K.  Sweney.      Patriotic  Song, 

dedicated  in  the  Delaware  Volunteers. 

Rocklawn  Summer  Wildwood.  Song  m-  Quartette, 
written  and  composed  u  Marshall  s.  Pike. 

Ellen  of  Die  l-ea.  Words  by  IMwin  Hansford; 
movie  by  Stephen  Glover. 


a  petition  for  emancipation  bj  Congress  has 
been  received  at  this  oflfoei  headed  by  CM.  Luubh, 
without  ilw  HoitM  nft!>-  towa  tVi'iii  w  Itich  II  came1.    Qtiit  r 

names  :ire  Win.   M.  Th:iyei\   V..   l>,    Bockwood,  D:miel 

Whiting,  Jonathan   Whiting,  Henry   Daniels  and  A. 
i ;.  Metcalf,     W  ill  any  one  give  us  the  r<  si  Ii 


ja_nti^:ry  8. 


THE     LIBEKA.TOR. 


3 


LEGTUKE  BY  E.  H.  HEYWOOD,   ESQ. 

The  Lecture  before  the  Fraternity  Association,  at 
the  Tretnont  Temple,  on  Tuesday  evening,  24th  nit, 
on  "  Cmnnion  Sense,"  by  E.  II.  IIkywood,  Esq.  of 
Boston,  whs  a  brilliant  and  highly  creditable  effort, 
and  applaudingly  received.     Below  is  an  abstract: — 

Life  is  fluid.  Solidity  is  relative.  The  human 
body  is  personized  air.  Animal,  vegetable,  the  solid 
globe,  are  built  of  air.  Spirit  is  the  substance  of 
matter.  From  the  enveloping  spiritual  atmosphere 
comes  the  world  of  man,  religion,  literature,  philoso- 
phy, civilization.  Pervading  human  nature,  it  is 
common  sense — the  finite  soul ;  pervading  all  nature, 
it  is  the  original  divine  sense  —  the  Infinite  Soul. 
Common  sense  has  truth  by  instinct.  It  is  mother 
wit.  intuition,  the  universal  voiced  in  the  particular, 
the  race  in  committee  of  the  whole  on  the  individual, 
and  the  individual  in  committee  of  the  whole  on  the 
race. 

Common  sense  is  one  with  absolute  ideas.  In 
ethics  as  in  the  affections,  the  first  choice  is  the  best ; 
spontaneity  is  purity.  We  float  in  the  universal  soul, 
and  share  its  omnipotence.  The  drop  drags  the 
ocean.  Genius  is  to  see,  and  see  with  your  own  eyes  ; 
to  lie  close  to  life.  Newton  lives  in  the  rainbow  he 
found  tn  a  ray  of  light,  in  the  spheres  he  weighed  in 
the  scales  of  bis  matchless  reason;  Angelo  in  the  an- 
gels he  wooed  from  blocks  of  marble.  You  trust  the 
insect  tick  of  the  watch  in  your  pocket,  regulated  by 
the  wheeling  planets  ;  how  much  more  the  heart-beat 
echoed  in  the  bosom  of  God.  Revolutions  are  reve- 
lations. From  church,  courts,  Congress,  the  case  goes 
up  to  the  moral  sense  of  the  people.  The  Reformation, 
Magna  Charta,  Puritanism,  Plymouth  Hock,  Declara- 
tion of  In  dependence^  re  successive  concessions  of  false 
conservatism  to  the  progressive  reason  and  inevitable 
instincts  of  man.  Tyranny  outruns  and  trips  itself. 
Wrong  is  always  a  failure.  Reform  conies  up,  seldom 
down  ;  up  from  the  bulrushes,  the  manger,  the  plough 
and  the  printing  press,  to  bring  churches  and  govern- 
ments. Truth  rides  into  Jerusalem  on  an  ass  colt. 
The  slave  can  teach  you  more  statesmanship  than 
Seward,  more  religion  than  Beecher.  Better  a  rail- 
splitter  than  a  hair-splitter.  The  French  Revolution 
of  '93  was  a  revival  of  civilization  to  Europe  :  that  of 
'48  throttled  slavery  with  one  hand,  and  overthrew  the 
gibbet  with  the  other.  Unbiassed  sentiment  is  the 
purest,  as  in  women  and  children,  your  household 
gods.  Woman  is  the  highest  popular  divinity  men 
worship.  In  the  pulsations  of  the  impartial  heart,  you. 
may  hear  the  echoing  footfalls  of  approaching  truth, 
yet  centuries  distant.  If  servant  girls,  plowboys  and 
gravel-tossers  are  with  me  in*  a  moral  issue,  Wall 
street  and  Washington  must  come  round.  Whoso 
stands  in  the  truth  wields  the  race,  though  he  sup 
with  publicans  and  sinners;  for  all  the  thrones  of 
earth  are  below  him,  and  only  the  throne  of  Omnipo- 
tence is  above  him.  In  the  blackest  slave,  there  goes 
^.JSinai,  Calvary,  Olympus,  for  with  him  walk  Love, 
Justice,  and  Universal  Freedom. 

But  this  doctrine  does  not  flatter  the  people.  The 
world  are  not  all  saints,  nor  the  church  all  sinners. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  The  great  evils  that  afflict 
society  exist  by  the  choice  or  consent  of  the  people. 
Private  vice  fruits  in  public  crime.  The  flock  fol- 
lows the  leader  over  the  fence  or  under  it.  The  man 
disappears  in  the  mass,  and  the  mass  disappears  in 


nan.    Am 

livine  Ugh 


the  divine  right  of  the  multiplication  tabic,  in  the  dead 
weight  of  numbers.  Importing  the  old  dogma  of  the 
Stuarts,  they  say,  not  "the  King  can  do  no  wrong," 
lie  is  out  of  fashion  ;  but  "the  Majority  can  do  no 
wrong,"  "the  Union  can  do  no  wrong."  Popular 
rascality  may  be  voted  up  or  down.  There  is  some- 
what in  extenuation,  however.  We  have  had  the 
various  opinions  of  men  from  the  ninth  to  the  nine- 
teenth century  to  harmonize  and  direct,  a  Babel  of 
races  to  unify.  Then,  democratic  freedom  has  not  yet 
cut  its  wisdom  teeth.  The  citizen  wants  self-poise. 
America  is  a  nation  of  pronoun  I's,  with  rarely  one 
tall  enough  to  see  over  himself,  Besides,  the  popu- 
lar vices  of  this  country  widely  root  in  one  corrupt- 
ing cause,  slavery.  England,  who  owes  her  great- 
ness largely  to  the  democratic  tendency  of  civiliza- 
tion, now  blurts  across  the  waves — "Democracy  is  a 
failure,  self-government  a  Utopia."  Yet  our  trouble 
is  not  the  fault  of  democracy,  but  the  want  of  it. 
Order  and  peace  will  prevail  here  only  when  we  enact 
democracy,  enact  equal  rights,  strike  down  this  slave- 
holding  oligarchy  by  striking  off  the  shackles  of  the 
slave.  (Applause.) 

Generally,  individual  virtue  loses  in  the  mass.  As- 
sociation is  on  the  wave  theory  of  light — two  rays 
meeting  at  a  certain  angle  produce  darkness.  The 
kingdom  of  heaven  within  men,  projected  into  the 
world,  becomes  Austria,  Bedlam,  or  South  Carolina. 
Hull  behaves  herself  without  a  Metropolitan  Police 
Bill — I  would  like  to  say  as  much  of  Boston.  Com- 
mon seftse.unflatters  men,  shakes  them  out  of  shams, 
and  sends  them  home  to  self  and  God.  The  univer- 
sal leveller,  it  always  levels  up.  Its  "seat  is  the  bo- 
som of  God;  its  voice  is  the  harmony  of  the  world." 
Yet  common  sense  respects  the  integrity  of  man. 
The  capillary  column  of  water  balances  the  ocean; 
so  anybody  is  everybody.  Society  divides  into  mate- 
rialists and  idealists :  these  relying  on  principle,  in- 
spiration, reason,  will;  those  on  the  establishment, 
custom,  necessity.  The  kingdom  of  religion,  poetry, 
art,  philosophy,  is  within  you.  In  Paris,  the  Deity  is 
a  Frenchman  ;  in  London,  he  is  a  cotton-bale  ;  in 
Charleston,  a  slave-driver.  The  soul  is  greater  than 
society.  Truth,  speaking  from  the  scaffold  or  the 
stake,  flashes  conviction  through  centuries.  An  es- 
tablished church  is  a  "suspense  of  faith."  Conform- 
ity is  deformity.  Why  capitulate  to  sects  and  parties  ? 
Born  of  nature,  why  be  put  out  to  nurse  1  The  Tahi- 
tian  chiefs  employ  slaves  to  chew  their  food,  but  civ- 
ilized lips  prefer  the  first  hand  method.  Law  is  not 
made,  it  grows  ;  not  enacted,  but  acknowledged.  You 
haughty  husbands,  who  rob  your  better  halves  of  all  the 
ballot,  are  only  the  weather-vanes  of  the  nursery. 
The  country  makes  the  Constitution,  not  the  Consti- 
tution the  country.  In  a  crisis  like  this,  it  matters 
little  who  makes  the  laws,  if  John  Brown  makes  the 
songs.  (Great  applause.)  Force  is  no  guarantee. 
Distrust  in  the  heart  is  war  in  the  hand.  Man  is 
the  conservative ;  buttoning  under  his  coat  Church 
and  State,  he  founds  a  Republic  wherever  he  plants 
his  foot.  Freedom,  faith,  courage,  love,  are  the  sup- 
porting columns  of  the  temple  of  concord. 

Society  is  a  materialist — believes  in  the  coat,  not 
the  man.  Whoso  looks  into  a  popular  sin,  gets  the 
door  slammed  in  his  face.  Government  is  founded  on 
force.  The  Church  cowers  under  the  mailed  arm  of 
the  State.  The  ultimate  appeal  is  muscle,  not  mind. 
There  is  sad  truth  in  the  joke  of  the  English  wit, 
who  went  to  the  Sayers  and  Hcenan  fight  to  see  the 
ruling  class  of  the  race.  This  faith  in  the  fist,  this 
gospel  according  to  bullies,  is  a  seed  of  barbarism, 
whose  bloody  efflorescence  in  the  war  system  is  now 
the  nosegay  of  nations.  Yet  war  is  the  despair  of 
ideas  and  the  soul ;  repeals  God,  and  "  makes  the  uni- 
verse a  mob  of  worlds  careering  round  the  sky." 

I  know  the  arrows  of  wit  and  sarcasm  recently 
showered  upon  the  advocates  of  peace  by  the  most  elo- 
quent man  in  the  American  pulpit,  still  hurtle  in  this 
.air.  Nevertheless,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  the  peace 
principle,  moral  force  agitation  as  opposed  to  the 
sword,  a  doctrine  of  common  sense  as  well  as  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  some  day  it  will  be  respectable  as  well  as 
true.  Not  to  play  hide-and-seek  with  you  among 
texts,  though  the  argument  is  impregnable  there,  the 
character  of  Christ  is  decisive  on  this  point.  His 
mission  being  to  regenerate  society,  and  his  ductrincs 
in  hold  antagonism  with  all  its  organized  forces,  was 
he  right  in  going  to  Calvary,  or  should  lie  have 
marched  at  the  head  of  an  army  as  Major  General 
Jesus?  (Applause)  No  one  denies  that  the  ideas 
of  Jesus,  culminating  in.  the  cross,  have  given  him 
the  dominion  of  all  other  religions,  and  affixed  his 
name  to  the  highest  civilization  of  history. 

Lying  is  one  or  the  "fine  arts"  of  war.  They 
call  it  Btrategyl  Ybrktown  was  won  by  alio,  and 
Washington, told  it.  John  Brown  went  to  Harper's 
Ferry  under  a  false  name;  but  as  he  was  an  abolition 


saint,  we  did  not  say  much  about  it.  All  agree  that 
murder  is  the  gravest  crime  man  commits;  but  war 
is  only  murder  multiplied  by  the  nnyority.  By  what 
ethics,  then,  is  the  man  a  criminal  and  the  mass  he- 
roes? Can  we  "serve  God  individually,  and  the 
devil  collectively"?  War  is  the  tap-root  of  slavery. 
Abolilionism  is  not  the  whole  of  truth.  I  would  not 
have  you  men  of  "  one  idea."  If  the  whole  is  great- 
er than  a  part,  to  kill  a  man  is  a  graver  sin  than  to 
enslave  him  ;  for  life  bases  and  includes  all  other  hu- 
man rights.  The  logic  of  the  fathers  is  inevitable. 
To  men  born  free  and  equal,  life,  liberty  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness  are  inalienable  rights.  Then  war 
violates  love,  the  divinestlaw  of  nature,  "the  bright 
consummate  flower  "  of  religion.  English  Bishops 
pray  to  be  endowed  with  the  spirit  of  Christ  while 
slaying  their  enemies  ;  and  the  New  Zealander  shows 
his  love  of  a  man  by  roasting  him  for  his  dinner;  but 
the  affection  you  bear  your  brother  in  slaughtering 
him  is  not  apparent. 

But  it  is  objected  that  the  instinct  of  various  lower 
animals  is  belligerent  and  carnivorous  ;  that  when  the 
Hon  and  the  lamb  lie  down  together,  "the  lamb  must 
be  inside  the  lion  ";  and  hence,  man  being  the  king 
of  killers,  war  is  natural,  foreordained  by  an  imagined 
God  of  battles.  It  was  gravely  argued  from  this  plat- 
form, that  because  a  bird  pecks  bugs,  man  mast  slay 
man.  But  if  this  analogy  holds,  you  must  not  only 
kill,  but  eat  your  brother ;  hence,  cannibalism  also  is 
a  divine  institution;  likewise  irresponsible  murder. 
Still  worse — this  argument  ultimates  in  practical  athe- 
ism ;  for  if  man  is  under  the  domination  of  brutish  in- 
stincts, and  cannot  resist  them,  there  is  no  power  of 
choice,  and  free  agency  is  a  fiction.  War  is  not  health, 
but  disease,  the  delirium  tremens  of  the  debauched  body 
politic.  But  self-defence,  is  it  right  %  Certainly,  by 
all  right  means.  "  Self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of 
nature."  But  how  much  of  yourself  will  you  save  ? 
Self  is  composed  of  soul  and  body  ;  to  save  your  life 
by  sin,  you  lose  your  soul ;  to  lose  your  lite  for  truth, 
you  save  your  soul.  I  go  for  the  soul.  (Applause.) 
You  would  not  do  wrong,  would  not  lie,  steal,  betray, 
to  save  your  life  :  will  you  commit  the  greatest  crime 
to  live  1  I  grant  there  is  something  better  than  life  : 
it  is  honor,  it  is  purity,  truth,  character.  Take  a  case  : 
Col.  Corcoran  languishes  in  a  felon's  dungeon  of  slave- 
dom.  When  the  President  of  the  rebellion,  cracking 
his  slave  whip  over  Mr.  Lincoln,  said,  "  Hang  my 
privateersmen  as  pirates,  and  I  will  hang  your  offi- 
cers"; when  the  honor  of  the  government  was  at 
stake,  the  question  being  whether  it  executes  its  laws 
because  they  are  laws,  or  only  at  the  beck  of  the  inso- 
lence that  breaks  them — from  that  lone  dungeon  whose 
only  light  looks  on  the  gallows,  I  seemed  to  hear  the 
brave  leader  of  the  69th  speak — "  I  freely  devoted  my- 
self upon  the  altar  of  my  country,  and  am  concerned 
for  her  life,  not  my  own.  Honor  to  me  is  more  than 
life:  how  much  greater  the  honor  of  my  country  1 
Then,  whether  I  live  or  die,  execute  your  laws!" 
(Loud  applause.)  You  applaud  that,  because  you 
would  have  him  sacrifice  everything  before  his  alle- 
giance to  free  institutions.  There  walked  this  earth 
one  who  lived  his  allegiance  to  that  higher  and  perfect 
realm,  where  reason  is  religion,  "love  is  liberty,  and 
nature  law."  His  faith  in  man's  integrity  infinite,  his 
love  embracing  every  nation  and  all  ages,  he  went  to 
the  cross,  rather  than  harm  a  hair  of  his  murderous 
enemies;  and,  lo!  history  writes,  "The  most  inspired 
of  idealists,  the  divinest  martyr  to  the  human  soul,  the 
moral  law-giver  of  his  race!"  (Applause.)  But  I 
merely  wished  to  bear  my  testimony  against  the  pre- 
vailing disposition  to  treat  with  levity  the  gravest 
moral  issue  that  has  engaged  the  attention  of  men 
since  Calvary. 

This  ideal  force,  so  long  banished  from  American 
politics,  now  returns  to  the  control  of  the  Republic. 
The  hour  is  at  hand — its  dawn  whitens  the  dome  of 
the  capitol — when  even  the  President  must  see,  that 
common  sense  as  well  as  Cameron  is  an  emancipa- 
tionist. The  South  is  dying  of  the  naval  blockade, 
but  much  faster  of  the  moral  blockade  of  the  world. 

Voltaire  said,  the  adjective  is  the  greatest  enemy  of 
the  noun,  though  it  agrees  with  it  in  gender,  number 
and  person.  The  anti-slavery  enterprise  is  only  an  in- 
surrection of  adjectives  against  slavery.  As  in  Web- 
ster's phrase,  the  Revolutipn  was  fought  on  a  pream- 
ble; so  slavery  was  broken  on  a  sentiment.  The 
South  did  not  fear  Lincoln,  but  the  Niagara  of  the 
Liberator — Cheever — and  the  white  plume  of  Sumner 
behind  him.  This  is  not  merely  a  question  of  politics. 
Politics  never  originates — is  the  tail,  not  the  head  of 
society.  The  Abolitionists  were  responsible  for  this 
rupture  only  as  geologists  are  responsible  for  earth- 
quakes. They  were  merely  the  heralds  of  this  Olym- 
pic game,  the  executors  of  God's  providence.  The 
conflict  is  in  the  nature  of  things.  The  fathers  mixed 
slavery  with  freedom  in  the  Federal  cauldron  :  behold 
now  the  hell-broth  of  civil  war  !  The  "irrepressible 
conflict"  is  older  than  Mr.  Seward,  older  than  Mr. 
Garrison.  Before  this  government  crested  forth  on 
the  refluent  wave  of  the  Revolution, — before  this  con- 
tinent, from  the  ocean,  rose  beautiful  as  Venus  from 
the  Grecian  sea, — far  back  in  the  counsels  of  eternity, 
God  foreordained  liberty,  and  slavery  to  perish. 

From  a  "thirty  years'  war"  of  words,  these  two 
ideas  have  passed  to  blows.  Children  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  the  programme  of  the  Millen- 
nium, we  ought  to  have  repudiated  slavery  on  moral 
grounds.  The  Abolitionists  prescribed  the  only  means 
of  avoiding  the  war.  Immense  as  is  this  darkening, 
threatening  cloud,  all  its  holts  would  have  dropped 
harmless  into  the  earth  by  the  "  heaven-tipped  virtue  " 
of  emancipation.  By  the  application  of  the  peace 
principle^  which  never  compromises,  the  whole  cause 
of  the  war  would  have  been  quietly  removed.  On  the 
contrary,  let  us  have  no  hypocrites  ;  those  who  believe 
religiously  in  a  government  of  force  are  bound  now  to 
consecrate  their  method  to  the  highest  moral  purpose 
of  which  it  is  capable — the  death  of  slavery. 

The  old  Union  is  a  last  year's  almanac.  It  was  a 
Union  of  diplomacy,  of  red  tape,  not  a  Union  of  ideas  ; 
and  the  States  united  with  red  tape  are  now  the  un- 
tied States.  They  were  married  in  law,  not  in  love. 
Slavery  broke  the  Union.  Then  let  the  Union  be  re- 
established on  the  ruins  of  slavery  !  (Applause.) 
Pluck  up  this  rebellion  by  the  roots,  and  brandish  it  in 
triumph  over  the  enemy  !     (Loud  applause.) 

But  what  will  we  do  with  the  slaves  %  The  slaves ! 
let  them  employ  their  masters,  and  pay  them  honest 
wages.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  We  will  yet  have 
the  cotton  States  represented  at  Washington  by  black 
faces,  instead  of  black  hearts.  (Renewed  applause.) 
But  if  secession  succeeds,  slavery  will  not.  The 
cause  which  has  gone  through  England,  France,  Den- 
mark, Holland,  Turkey,  Russia, — the  cause  which  has 
scaled  and  captured  every  throne  of  Europe, — will  not 
be  strangled  here  by  a  fibre  of  secession  cotton.  Com- 
mon sense  votes  the  people's  ticket,  and  every  bond- 
man, armed  with  the  wrath  and  reason  of  the  race,  is 
backed  by  the  universe.  Hush  up  earthquakes — 
smother  volcanoes — pile  VEtna,  slavery,  war,  cotton 
fields,  confederacies  upon  the  insurgent  Titan,  but  look 
out  for  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum  -!  For,  by  the  logic 
of  history  and  human  nature,  the  negro  "  still  lives," 
and  will  march  to  his  freedom.  Deeper  than  society, 
higher  than  thrones,  wider  than  nations,  surges  the 
common  soul.  It  reaches  down  from  the  ice  crowned 
Alpine  Autocracy  of  Russia  to  lift  an  empire  of  serfs 
into  justice  and  liberty;  it  shakes  Austria  and  the 
Pope  out  of  Italy,  and  bids  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi 
carry  the  line  of  the  Caesars  to  a  higher  and  nobler 
level ;  it  sends  Wiiherforce  to  the  throne  of  God  with 
the  broken  fetters  of  the  Indias,  Cobhett  to  plead  for 
starving  operatives,  O'Connell  to  voice  the  woes  of 
stricken  Ireland;  and,  banishing  slavery,  war,  wo- 
man's wrongs,  every  social  evil  from  this  continent, 
redeeming  the  good  old  pledge,  it  will  yet  make  the 
cause  of  America  the  cause  of  human  nature.  (Great 
applause.)  Democracy  is  not  a  failure,  Christianity 
is  not  a  failure,  man  ia  not  a  failure.  The  sky  loves 
to  be  mirrored  in  the  tiniest  lea  drop,  tlie  sun  puts  his 
golden  arms  around  the  meanest  hovel,  the  music  of 
the  spheres  is  echoed  in  the  shell  under  the  leaden  aea. 
So,  God  smiling  on  all,  beneath  (his  transient  burden 
of  human  evil,  there  is  a  moral  response  which  shall 
yet  be  the  diapason  of  a  universal   harmony. 


OUR  PEEILS  FROM  ABROAD. 

[Translated  for  tho  Liberator  from  tho  Pionior  of  Doc.  1!).] 
The  impression  which  the  seizure  of  Messrs.  Slidelt 
and  Mason  has  made  in  England,  confirms  the  view 
that  it  may  he  employed  as  an  occasion  of  war.  In 
Liverpool,  a  violent  indignation  meeting  was  imme- 
diately held,  which  demanded  energetic  action  on  the 
part  of  the  Government.  The  Times  talks  of  "  sweep- 
ing the  American  fleet  from  the  seas,"  and  it  is  really 
time  to  prepare  ourselves  for  the  possibility  of  an  ex- 
ecution of  this  threat. 

If  North  America  was  always  hated  by  England  as 
a  commercial  rival,  this  hate  has  been  latterly  aug- 
mented through  fear  of  our  growing  navy.  England 
suffers  no  rival  fleet,  if  she  can  annihilate  it,  and  she 
would  long  since  have  destroyed  even  that  of  France, 
if  her  neighbor  in  Paris  had  not  become  too  danger- 
ous for  her.  It  is  precisely  this  neighbor  who  will 
do  his  best,  by  instigation  or  intrigue,  to  bring  about  a 
war  between  England  and  America.  Mr.  Seward  has 
been  notified  that  France  and  England  will  pursue  a 
common  policy  in  regard  to  American  differences.  In 
this  community  of  action,  all  monarchical  Europe 
will,  at  the  decisive  moment,  whether  formally  or  not, 
unite-  Spain  has  already  been  indirectly  implicated 
in  the  league  by  the  Mexican  invasion.  How  the 
other  powers  are  disposed  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  at  Curacoa,  where  the  United  States  have  a 
coal  depot,  the  Dutch  Governor  has  refused  their 
permission  to  take  in  coals.  In  short,  it  does 
not  admit  of  a  doubt,  that,  if  it  comes  to  a  war  against 
the  United  States,  all  monarchical  Europe  will  ap- 
plaud, if  it  does  not  participate  in  it.  North  America 
is  hated  as  a  Republic,  ft  is  abhorred  as  the  protector 
of  slavery,  and  the  nations  have  learned  to  despise  it 
from  the  unparalleled  incapacity  which  its  leading 
politicians  have  displayed  in  the  conflict  with  the 
Southern  rebels. 

The  Parisian  Bandit  will  have  an  altogether  special 
interest  in  involving  England  in  a  war  with  the 
United  States.  Many  aims  at  once  will  flit  before 
him.  First,  he  will  counton  theruin  of  the  Republic; 
second,  on  the  weakening  of  England;  and,  third,  he 
will  lay  his  hands  without  let  on  the  continent  of  En- 
rope  and  Turkey.  Who  will  then  stand  in  his  way? 
Russia  is  crippled  by  her  internal  complications ; 
Austria,  by  the  aid  of  Italy  and  Hungary,  he  holds 
in  his  control;  and  the  rest  "of  Germany,  with  the 
crown  of  God's  grace,  is  passive  or  self-surrendering. 
England  alone  is  a  serious  obstacle  to  him,  and  she, 
by  a  war  with  America,  would  be  placed  in  such  a  po- 
sition that  she  must  be  satisfied  with  any  thing  in 
Europe.  The  Bandit  himself— omitting  revolutionary 
possibilities — would  risk  nothing  by  the  war  with 
America.  He  would  need  to  contribute  to  it,  outside 
of  a  small  army,  merely  a  portion  of  his  fleet,  for 
which  he  could  even  secure  English  subsidies,  and 
by  means  of  which  he  would  acquire  a  right  of  dis- 
posal in  matters  on  this  continent  also,  while  keeping 
his  land  army  in  reserve  for  the  mastery  of  Europe. 
Meanwhile,  the  invasion  of  Mexico  has  become  a 
fact,  and  may  furnish  the  fulcrum  for  further  aggres- 
sion. That  it  is  not  directed  against  Mexico  alone, 
everybody,  except,  perhaps,  the  "  statesmen "  at 
Washington,  has  long  perceived;  and  that  it  may  be 
on  hand  for  the  support  of  the  rebels  at  the  South,  at 
the  proper  moment,  and  must  be  to  them  a  fresh  en- 
couragement, (even  though  it  bring  them  a  halter,) 
does  not  admit  of  doubt.  The  rebels  have  now  a  far 
shorter  and  surer  way,  when  they  wish  to  send  am- 
bassadors to  Europe,  and  the  desired  protectorate  out- 
strips them  by  knocking  at  their  door. 

England  has  already  gone  so  far  as  scarcely  any 
longer  to  lake  the  pains  to  guard  the  appearance  of 
neutrality,  under  which  she  has  hitherto  concealed  her 
hostile  feelings  for  the  Northern  United  States.  But 
lately  a  rebel  ship,  the  Nashville,  burnt  a  new  mer- 
chantman from  New  York  on  the  high  seas  out  of 
heer  wantonness,  and  brought  the  crew  in  irons  to 
Liverpool.  There  it  was  not  only  suffered  to  enter  as 
the  ship  of  a  "  belligerent  power,"  but  permission  was 
denied  the  crew  of  the  burnt  ship  to  search  the  free- 
booter for  their  stolen  effects,  while  the  latter,  it  is 
said,  is  to  be  allowed  to  equip  itself  thoroughly  in  mili- 
tary supplies  at  the  port  of  Liverpool. 

From  these  facts  we  may  see  that  the  tinder  of  war 
lies  ready  on  every  hand.  If  the  additional  news 
be  fully  confirmed,  that  Mexico  will  issue  letters  of 
marque  in  American  ports  against  French,  English 
and  Spanish  commerce,  then  war  is  inevitably  close 
upon  us. 

War  1  Is  it  not  a  strange  word  to  this  part  of  the 
country,  spite  of  the  army  of  600,000  men  ?  Really, 
we  have  no  right  to  complain  that  the  rebel  States  are 
recognized  as  a  "belligerent  power"  in  Europe.  For 
are  they  not  that  ?  Are  they  not  the  only  belligerent 
power  in  this  war  for  the  Union  ?  The  North  is  not  a 
war-making,  it  is  a  war-dreading  or  war-defeating 
power,  and  the  South  alone  wages  veritable  war.  And 
we  fear  very  much  that  this  North,  with  its  "sense- 
less" and  "suicidal"  policy, — as  the  Secretary  of 
War  styles  it  in  his  comical  self-impeachment, — is  lost, 
if  it  has  to  carry  on  a  war  against  the  South  and  European 
enemies  at  the  same  time.  If  it  falls  to  fighting  with 
England  before  it  wearies  out  the  rebels — and  that  the 
"honest"  slaveholder  in  the  White  House  of  course 
does  not  contemplate — then  it  will  not  only  lose  its 
most  powerful  auxiliary,  the  fleet,  but  the  South, 
which  alone  will  then  have  a  fleet,  will  be  made  su 
formidable  by  a  supply  of  arms,  &c.,  as  no  longer  to  be 
vanquishable,  nay,  as  to  be  able  to  ruin  the  North. 
Then  at  last,  perhaps,  we  shall  discern  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  &  Co.  have  destroyed  the  Republic  out  of 
"patriotism,"  and  the  Congress  and  people  have 
"  senselessly  "  and  "  suicidally  "  supported  them  ;  but 
repentance  will  then  come  too  late,  even  if  accom- 
panied by  a  demand  to  arm  the  slaves,  a  confession 
that  the  "pestiferous  negro  "  is  a  better  man  than  all 
the  knaves  who  outrage  humanity  in  the  person  of  this 
victim  of  their  barbarism,  and  the  insight  that  a  time- 
ly and  resolute  support  of  the  European  Revolution 
would  have  been  the  only  means  to  render  harmless 
the  hostility  of  the  monarchies. 

The  European  Revolution  will  probably  soon  be 
forced  to  belong  to  the  "topics"  of  our  politics,  al- 
though the  prevailing  wisdom  thus  far  ignores  it.  Mr. 
Seward  has  informed  the  ambassadors  of  England  and 
France,  "  that  this  government  will  await  the  action 
of  England  and  France,  and  will  then  meet  the  ques- 
tion." So  it  has  also  awaited  the  action  of  the  rebels, 
and  we  have  seen  how  it  has  met  the  question.  After 
the  thieves  have  broken  into  the  house,  it  will  want  to 
close  the  doors  on  them.  But  if  we  should  really  en- 
tertain the  idea  of  employing  the  Revolution  as  an 
ally,  to  whom  should  we  address  ourselves  ?  It  would 
not  he  at  all  strange  if  we  should  presently  hear  of  Mr. 
Seward's  conferences  with  the  Orleans  princes,  the 
friends  of  England.  But  if  he  should  descend  lower, 
he  might  intrigue  with  Napoleon's  servant,  Kossuth, 
who  is  now  beginning  again  to  recommend  himself  as 
a  friend  of  the  Union.  The  prevailing  conservatism 
and  ignorance  of  European  affairs  could  be  easily  per- 
suaded, that  an  Italian  war  against  Austria  and  a  Hun- 
garian Revolution  would  set  all  Europe  in  a  blaze. 
Experience  has  shown  how,  under  the  a^gis  of  Napo- 
leon, a  revolutionary  war  may  be  localized,  aside  from 
tho  consideration  that  one  has  nothing  to  do  with  Ital- 
ians or  Hungarians  in  order  to  revolutionize  the  power- 
ful peoples.  An  Italian-Hungarian  war  against  Aus- 
tria doeH  not  break  out  without  Napoleon's  permission, 
and  is  only  brought  to  an  end  for  Napoleonic  aims. 
The  l'arinian  Bandit  would  employ  it  to  set  Italy,  like 
Hungary,  upon  Germany,  in  the  train  of  the  red 
breeches,  in  order  after  conquering  her  to  make  him- 
self the  Dictator  of  Europe.  If  North  America  sup- 
ports Kossuth,  it  supports  Louis  Napoleon  and  wages 
an  indirect  war  against  Germany,  without  in  tho  least 
attaining  its  special  aim,  namely,  a  weakening  of  Eng- 
land and  of  her  allies.  Would  it  call  up  the  European 
Revolution,  it  must  (Ireland  excepted)  address  itself 
to  those  who  seek  to  open  the  proper  crater  of  the  vol- 
cano, and  this  crater  is  I'aris.  North  America,  must 
light  England  close  by  in  Paris,  Pulmerslon  in  Louis 
Napokon.  Without  :t  French  Revolution,  in  the  end 
all  wuiiM  remain  in  chains;   a.  free   France  means  a 


free  world.  We  repeat:  Give  the  European  revolu- 
tionists, but  without  delay,  the  means  lo  rouse  the 
French  people,  as  every  other,  from  sleep,  and  to  re- 
move at  Paris  the  cover  of  the  fiery  chimney,  and  you 
may  dispense  with  all  diplomatic  expedient*,  and 
found  a  new  era  for  Europe  as  well  as  for  America. 
In  a  war  where  hundreds  of  millions  are  squandered,  it 
will  be  good  economy  to  invest  a  dozen  millions  in  the 
business  of  Revolution. 


TAXATION  WITHOUT  REPRESENTATION. 

Boston,  December  12th,  1861. 
To  Frederick  U.   Tracy,  Treasurer,   and   the  As- 
sessors and  other  Authorities  of  the  city  of  Boston, 
and  the   citizens  generally,  and  the  Legislature  in 
particular : 
An  external  version  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence has  caused   our  civil   war.     "All  men  are 
born    free    and   equal,"    rendered   ivhites   and    males, 
through  ignorance,  love  of  power  and  selfhood,  there- 
by  crushing  the  colored  race,  making  insane  those 
who  hold  them  in  bondage — thus  our  civil  war,  to  clear 
away  the  impediments  to   an  understanding  of   the 
word  Freedom,  which  knows  neither  sex  nor  color. 

"  Governments  derive  their  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed."  Had  this  principle  been  re- 
cognized in  its  essence,  sex  alone  could  not  have  mo- 
nopolized the  right  of  suffrage.  Males,  intemperate, 
vicious,  one  shade  removed  from  guardianship,  can 
appear  at  the  polls,  ignoring  a  proper  qualification  of 
this  highly  important  act. 

Woman,  in  her  womanhood,  could  never  have  permitted 
slavery,  an  institution  which  blights  every  tiling  she 
holds  sacred,  through  her  conjugial  and  maternal  na- 
ture. Even  the  expense  of  such  a  vile  system  would 
have  attracted  her  economic  eye. 

Now,  she  is  to  be  taxed  to  bear  her  part  in  a  civil 
war  which  she  has  had  nothing  to  do  in  creating; 
family  ties  have  been  and  are  still  to  be  ruptured  by 
deaths  the  most  aggravating;  widows  and  fatherless 
children  are  to  be  thrown  upon  the  world.  Man, 
through  taxation,  is  to  devise  and  control  the  means 
to  meet  these  exigencies,  while  woman  is  passively  to 
submit  to  his  decisions,  though  it  reduce  her  property 
minimum  of  its  former  value ;  so  "  taxation  with- 
out rqiresentation  "  assumes  a  deeper  significance  than 
ever  before  in  the  history  of  our  country. 

Shams,  cheats,  falsities,  still  continue  in  our  muni- 
cipal affairs,  attracting  the  solemn  consideration  of  our 
best  minds,  and  qualifications  for  suffrage  will  yet  be 
ecessity,  growing  out  of  an  enlightened  public 
conscience. 

In  this  period  of  civil  war,  in  this  struggle  for  a 
higher  perception  of  freedom,  in  this  signal  era  of  our 
country,  when  bondage  after  bondage  is  being  remov- 
ed, that  bondage  may  be  seen  in  its  true  light,  when 
our  national  eagle  is  spreading  her  wings  over  those 
hitherto  only  nominally  protected,  woman  is  beginning 
to  take  courage,  and  is  willing  to  bide  her  time,  till 
man  shall  be  morally  strong  enough  to  recognize  her 
right  as  citizen  in  a  republic. 

This  is  respectfully  submitted, 

HARRIOT  KEZIA    HUNT. 
32  Green  street. 


SURRENDER  OF  MASON  AND  SEIDELL. 

In  the  Senate,  December  26th,  Mr.  Hale  offered  a 
resolution  that  the  President  be  requested,  if  not  in- 
compatible with  public  interest,  to  transmit  copies  of 
all  dispatches  which  have  passed  between  this  Govern- 
ment and  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  seizure  of 
Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell.  Said  dispatches  to  be 
communicated  either  in  open  or  executive  session,  as 
may  be  deemed  proper. 

Mr.  Sumner  objected. 

Mr.  Hale  said  that  he  had  understood  from  the  pub- 
lic press  and  those  who  held  more  intimate  relations 
with  the  Administration  than  himself, — though  the 
absence  of  this  intimacy  was  not  his  fault  as  he  was 
willing  to  be  as  confidential  as  anybody, — that  for 
three  or  four  days  past  the  Cabinet  has  had  under  con- 
sideration a  proposition  fraught  with  more  evil  to  the 
country  than  anything  that  had  yet  marked  its  .history, 
and  that  was  the  surrender  of  Messrs.  Mason  and 
Slidell  to  Great  Britain.  By  doing  this,  we  would 
yield  all  we  had  gained  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
and  be  humbled  to  a  second  rate  power.  No  man 
would  go  farther  than  himself  for  peace,  but  he  would 
not  submit  to  national  disgrace  and  dishonor  to  obtain 
such  a  peace.  He  would  favor  the  arbitration  of 
another  power,  but  if  a  demand  has  been  made  by 
Great  Britain  for  the  surrender  of  Messrs/Mason  and 
Slidell,  war  should  be  declared  against  her  instanter. 
He  would  make  all  honorable  concessions  for  peace, 
but  a  peace  involving  such  a  surrender  would  be  in- 
finitely worse  than  war.  His  friend  from  Indiana 
(Lane)  had  remarked  this  morning  that  his  State  had 
now  sixty  thousand  men  in  the  field,  and  would  double 
that  number  to  maintain  the  national  honor.  If  this 
Senate  should  go  home  after  such  a  surrender  and  hu- 
miliation, it  would  be  subject  to  the  scorn  and  indigna- 
tion of  the  country.  He  regarded  the  arrogant  de- 
mand of  England  as  a  pretext  for  war.  She  was  de- 
termined to  humiliate  us  first,  and  fight  us  afterwards. 
Let  our  cities  and  villages  be  pillaged  and  burned,  but 
let  our  national  honor  be  preserved.  Francis  the  First 
said  after  the  battle  of  Pavia  that  all  was  lost  but  honor. 
He  (Hale)  would  pray  that  this  Administration  might 
not  sacrifice  our  national  honor.  Thousands  would  yet 
come  to  the  field  to  defend  it.  If  this  surrender  was 
made,  the  Administration  would  meet  with  such  a  fire 
in  the  rear  that  it  would  be  hurled  from  power.  If  we 
had  a  war  with  England,  it  would  be  for  the  same  cause 
that  had  sent  one  king  to  the  block,  and  another  home- 
less and  houseless  over  the  world,  and  one  that  would 
appeal  to  men  wherever  the  English  language  was 
spoken.  He  believed,  too,  that  if  Napoleon  had  one 
desire  over  another,  it  was  to  wipe  out  the  stain  upon 
the  French  arms  at  Waterloo.  All  over  Canada  there 
were  thousands  of  Irishmen  who  would  rush  to  arms 
to  sustain  such  a  cause  as  ours.  Our  principles  were 
our  great  strength,  and  if  war  must  come,  he  would 
say  let  it  come,  and  thank  God  that  we  are  the  instru- 
ments in  His  hands  to  work  out  His  own  cause. 

Mr.  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  said  that  the  Sena- 
tor (Hale)  had  made  a  war  speech,  or  what  might  be 
termed  such.  For  himself  he  (Sumner)  had  rather 
consider  this  grave  and  important  question  when  it 
was  presented  in  a  practical  form.  The  Senator  has 
treated  the  whole  matter  on  hypothesis.  He  (Hale) 
had  said  that  Great  Britain  had  made  an  arrogant  de- 
mand of  this  Government.  How  did  the  Senator 
know  this,  or  the  Senate  or  the  country  ?  He  (Sum- 
ner) did  not  know  it.  The  Senator  bad  said  he  would 
favor  an  arbitration, — how  did  he  know  but  what  the 
Administration  had  considered  that?  The  Senator 
was  too  swift  in  his  conclusions.  His  (Sumner's)  own 
belief  was  that  the  matter  would  be  amicably  adjusted. 
It  was  in  safe  hands,  and  it  would  be  better  for  the 
Senate  to  reserve  themselves  for  facts,  and  not  act 
upon  a  hypothetical  case.   . 

The  resolution  of  Mr.  Hale  was  laid  over  under  the 
rule. 

Headquarters  Department  op  the  West,  ) 
St.  Locis,  Dec.  19,  1861.      j 
General   G.    B.   McClcllan,   Commander-in-Chief  of 

United  States  Army : 
General  Pope's  expedition  successfully  cut  off  the 
enemy's  camp  near  Shawnee  Mound,  and  scattered 
them,  twenty-two  hundred  strong,  in  every  direction. 
Took  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  and  most  of 
the  enemy's  wagons,  tents,  baggage,  horses,  &c.  All 
the  insurgents  between  the  Missouri  and  Osage  are 
cleared  out.     Price  is  still  South  of  the  Osage. 

H.  W.  HALLECK,  Maj.  Gen'l  Commanding. 

Headquarters,  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dec.  20, 1861. 
To  Major  General   G.  B.  McClellan,   Major  General 
commanding  the  Army : 

A  part  of  General  Pope's  forces,  under  Col.  J.  C. 
Davis  and  Major  Marshall,  surprised  another  camp 
of  the  enemy,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  18th,  at  Mil- 
ford,  a  little  north  of  Warrensburg.  A  brisk  skir- 
mish ensued,  when  the  enemy,  finding  himself  sur- 
rounded, Surrendered  at  discretion.  We  took  thirteen 
hundred  prisoners,  including  three  colonels  and  seven- 
teen captains,  and  one  thousand  stand  of  arms,  one 
thousand  horses,  sixty-five  wagons,  and  a  large  quan- 
tity of  tents,  baggage  and  supplies.  Our  loss  is  two 
killed  and  wounded.  The  enemy's  loss  is  not  yet 
known. 

Information  received  last  night  from  Glasgow  states 

that  our  troops  at  that  place  had  taken  about  two  tons 

of  powder,  in  kegs,  buried  on  Claib.  Jackson's   farm. 

This  effectually  cuts  oil'  their  supply  of  ammunition. 

11.   iv.  HALLECK,  Major  General, 


!'\iiivii\,  Mo.,  Dec.  20. — Yeslenbiy,  Sen.  Pren- 
tiss, with  '100  men,  encountered  and  dispersed  '.too 

rebels  under  Col.  Horsey,  at  Mount  Zion,  Itoone  coun- 
ty, killing  and  wounding  100,  and  capturing  <55  pris- 
oners, 95  horses  ami  LOG  gUnB.  Our  loss  was  only 
three  killed  mid  eleven  wounded. 

The  rebels  burned  another  train  on  the  North  Mis- 
souri Railroad  yesterday,  and  they  say  thej  iutend  to 
bum  all  the  ears  on  the  road,  m  as  to  prevent  its 
being  used. 


Great  Fire  at  Antwerp — Twentv  Fuwmkk 
Killed.    A  letter  from  Antwerp,  dated  Dec.  3d,  says: 

"There  was  a  fearful  conflagration  at  the  Napoleon 
Docks  last  night,  causing  large  loss  of  life  and  proper- 
ty. The  fire  commenced  at  about  half-past  five  o'clock.^ 
at  the  large  Belgian  sugar  refinery,  and  in  about  half 
an  hour  the  whole  buildings  were  one  mass  of  flames, 
causing  the  greatest  consternation. 

The  fire  extended  with  great  rapidity  to  the  Entre- 
pot St.  Felix,  which  became  also  one  mass  of  flames 
at  about  8  o'clock  in  the  evening.  After  great  exer- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  fire  brigades,  the  fire  was  ar- 
rested, but  it  is  still  burning,  and  the  adjoining  ware- 
houses are  not  yet  out  of  danger.  We  regret  to  say 
that  about  twenty  firemen,  one  architect,  and  the  Su- 
perintendent of  the  Entrepot  St.  Pelix,  have  been  lost, 
;ind  several  more  persons  are  missing.  The  total  es- 
timated loss  of  property  is  about  10,000,000f.  There 
were  about  60,000  quarters  of  wheat,  rye,  barley  and 
seed  at  St.  Felix,  besides  large  quantities  of  wool, 
sugar  and  other  articles." 

An  Earthquake  at  Arlington  Heights.  On 
Sunday  night,  Dec.  22d,  about  one  o'clock,  several  of 
the  soldiers  in  Camp  Leslie,  Arlington  Heights,  were 
startled  by  a  terrific  noise,  as  if  a  whole  regiment  of 
cavalry  were  charging  through  the  camp  at  full  speed. 
The  ground  trembled  and  the  whole  camp  were 
aroused,  Col.  Chormann  among  the  first. 

It  proved  to  be  an  earthquake  ;  its  usual  rumbling 
sound  being  aided  by  the  frantic  pawing  and  jumping 
of  every  horse  in  the  camp.  Many  of  the  horses 
broke  loose,  and  all  were  severely  shocked  ;  some  of 
them  fell  to  the  ground,  and  altogether  there  was  the 
wildest  confusion  ever  yet  seen  in  camp  life. 

Politics  of  the  Generals.  Hon.  Henry  Wil- 
son said  in  the  Senate  debate  on  the  West  Point  bill 
last  week : — 

I  know  there  have  been  complaints  that  many 
army  officers  have  not  their  hearts  in  this  contest,  but 
it  is  equally  true  of  many  volunteer  officers.  Of  the 
110  Brigadier  Generals,  80  have  been  opponents  of 
the  present  Administration,  and  all  the  officers  having 
separate  commands,  with  one  exception,  were  oppo- 
nents of  the  Administration.  This  is  not  surprising, 
in  view  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  pre- 
vious management  of  the  army.  Many  of  the  volun- 
teer officers  came  into  the  field  with  the  belief  that 
this  war  was  brought  upon  the  country  by  the  party 
in  power,  but  actual  service  soon  taught  them  who  the 
traitors  were,  and  what  was  the  cause  of  the  war." 

$^*  The  Canadians — black  and  white — are  arm- 
ing, drilling,  and  preparing  to  give  the  Yankees  par- 
ticular "Jesse,"  in  case  of  war  between  us  and  Eng- 
land. The  fugitive  slaves  there  are  ostentatiously 
ious  to  meet  their  old  friends  of  the  under-ground 
railroad  in  battle  array.     The  Toronto  Leader  says — 

If  ever  bugle  sounds  to  the  battle-field,  it  will  be 
to  fight  for  Canada  and  the  fatherland.  And  though 
would  still  hope — sometimes  almost  against 
hope — that  the  bitter  cup  may  be  passed  from  us; 
though  we  may  indulge  an  expectation  that  prudence 
may  for  the  nonce  guide  the  counsels  of  Washington, 
and  that  the  maddened  hate  of  the  American  mob  may 
be  overruled  by  the  wiser  minds  of  the  Republic  ;  let 
us  not  cease  to  feel  that  the  most  vigorous  defensive 
measures  afford  the  only  guarantee  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace.  We  must  not  rely  upon  the  forbear- 
ance of  others.  Upon  our  own  promptitude  and  pluck 
everything  depends." 

The  Colored  People  Arming.    We  are  glad  to 
e  that  the  colored  people  are  moving,  and  that  it  is 
likely  that  in  a  few  days  they  will  complete  a  strong 
military  organization.     The  colored  company  in  Hal- 
ifax   is  very   efficient,    and   one   of   the   best  there. 
■Montreal  Gazette,  Dec.  19. 

The  colored  people  in  Canada,  for  the  most  part, 
are  fugitives  from  the  slave  States, — sent  thither  by 
the  Northern  Abolitionists  over  the  U,  G.  II.  R.  It 
!  as  little  for  the  negro's  gratitude  as  for  his  ap- 
preciation of  the  blessings  of  "freedom,"  that  he 
should  thus  be  showing  an  inclination  to  take  up  arms, 
as  it  were,  to  help  Jeff.  Davis  fight  his  benefactor! 
— Boston  Post.  [Nonsense — not  to  "  fight  his  benefac- 
. "  but  to  fight  for  the  flag  under  which  his  liberty  is 
secured.    Why  should  he  not  ?] 

The  Irish  Canadians.  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee 
declined  to  speak  at  a  festival  of  the  New  England  So- 
ciety, at  Montreal,  a  few  days  ago,  and  in  a  letter  just 
published,  says  the  Irish  inhabitants  of  the  province 
will  be  found  embattled  as  one  man  in  defence  of  the 
Canadian  Constitution  and  the  imperial  connection. 
He  says  the  Irishmen  of  Canada  universally  prefer 
Canadian  institutions  to  those  of  the  United  States. 

Eloquent  Speech.     The  speech  of  Conway,    of 
Kansas,  in  the  House,  on  Thursday,  was  heard  with 
unusual  interest.     Trie  ineonSfcat': 
ry  and  good  government  was  neve;    more 

;d  or  more  sharply  defined.  AccurdiMi, 
slavery  must  cease  to  exist  before  we  can  look  for  per- 
manent peace.  These  views  are  the  more  important, 
because  Conway  is  a  Baltimorean  by  birth,  who  has 
kept  up  his  intimacy  with  Maryland  affairs.  Although 
a  maiden  effort,  an  old  member  remarked  that  he  had 
never  heard  a  speech  there  superior  to  it  in  ability,  or 
in  the  effect  it  produced. — Cor.  Gin.  Com.  Gazette. 

^=  During  the  night  of  the  18th,  the  rebels  de- 
stroyed the  Charleston  lighthouse,  on  Morris  Island, 
but  did  not  by  this  means  impede  the  operations  of  the 
Federal  fleet  in  sinking  obstructions  in  the  harbor. 

The  sixteen  vessels  sunk  were  the  Amazon,  Ameri- 
ca, American,  Archer,  Courier,  Fortune,  Herald,  Ken- 
sington, Leonidas,  Maria  Theresa,  Potomac,  Rebecca 
Simms,  L.  C.  Richmond,  Robin  Hood,  Tenedos, 
William  Lee.  They  range  from  275  to  500  tons,  are 
all  old  whalers,  heavily  loaded  with  large  blocks  of 
granite,  and  cost  the  Government  from  S2500  to  §5000 
each.  Some  of  them  were  once  famous  ships :  the 
Archer,  for  instance,  the  Kensington,  the  Rebecca 
Simms,  and  the  Robin  Hood,  once  owned  by  Girard. 
The  Tenedos  is  one  of  the  oldest  of  all.  The  sinking 
of  the  fleet  was  entrusted  to  Capt.  Charles  H.  Davis, 
formerly,  from  1842  to  1849,  chief  of  the  hydrograph- 
ic  party  on  the  Coast  Survey,  and  ever  since  more  or 
less  intimately  connected  with  it. 

Q^"  The  South  Pacific  has  just  been  the  scene  of 
one  of  the  most  appalling  disasters  in  the  history  of 
ocean  narratives.  The  French  transport  ship  Re- 
source, with  six  hundred  souls  on  board,  was  wrecked 
near  Valparaiso,  and  only  five  or  six  out  of  the  entire 
number  escaped  alive, 

Salvage,  to  the  amount  of  $17,000,  has  been 
awarded  to  the  negro  Tillman,  who  killed  the  captain, 
first  and  second  mates  of  the  rebel  schooner  J.  S. 
Waring,  and  brought  her  into  New  York. 

ft^'  One  of  the  soldiers  in  the  Massachusetts 
twenty -second  regiment  has  just  been  paid  off' in  full — 
$16  60.  He  sent  home  to  his  wife,  who  resides  in 
Middleboro',  §16,  reserving  to  himself  only  60  cents. 

Sumner's  Address.  Four  editions  of  this  ad- 
dress at  the  Cooper  Institute  have  been  issued,  and 
over  22,000  copies  sold.  A  new  edition,  intended  ex- 
pressly for.  circulation  in  England,  has  just  been  pre- 
pared, 

^=The  Memphis  Appeal  of  the  18th  ult.  says 
that  property  to  the  amount  of  $2,500,000  has  already 
been  confiscated  by  the  receivers,  and  that  is  only 
about  one  half  the  amount  of  Northern  properly  in  our 
midst.  Some  reports  have  already  been  made  of  real 
estate,  and  many  others  are  to  be  made. 

J^"  Col.  Corcoran,  now  a  prisoner  at  Charleston, 
has  honorably  refhsed  a  release  which  the  rebels  of- 
fered him  on  condition  of  promising  not  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  South.  He  says  that  such  a  dis- 
charge would  not  be  a  parole  ot  honor,  but  of  dis- 
honor. 

jJi^^The  Bangor  Times  thinks  if  the  patriotic  South 
Carolinians,  who  are  burning  their  cotton  fields  to  keep 
them  from  the  Yankees,  would  use  their  Confederate 
bonds  to  light  the  fires  with,  they  would  enjBy  the 
advantages  of  cheap  kindling. 

2^=  A  cargo  of  625  Africans  was  recently  landed 
at  Blanzanilla,  on  the  south-west  coast  of  Cuba.  The 
story  goes  that  the  Governor  of  the  district  took  a 
bribe  of  §25,000  to  permit  them  to  land. 

2^=*  The  Peace  Society,  of  England,  have  forward- 
ed a  memorial  to  Lord  Palmers  ton,  asking  arbitration 
in  the  Trent  affair,  if  diplomacy  fails.  They  say, 
"conciliation  would  be  most  worthy  of  the  character 
of  a  powerful  Christian  nation ;  and  England  can  af- 
ford to  he  magnanimous  in  her  dealings  with  a  sister 
State,  struggling  in  the  agonies  of  domestic  revolu- 
tion." There  was  a  large  religious  meeting  in  London 
on  the  Oth,  at  which  Kev.  Newman  Hal!  made  a  speech 
that  echoed  like  sentiments. 

2^=  A  petition  largely  signed  by  citizens  of  all  pur- 
ties,  praying  for  the  recognition  ot  Liberia  and  llayii, 
w;is  .sent  from  New  Bedford,  Tuesday,  to  lion,  Tims. 
D.  Eliot,  for  presentation  to  Congress. 

ftj^"  Hon.  Alfred  Ely  has  been  exchanged  for  Mr. 
Faulkner,  and  has  arrived  ;H  Washington. 

r  0  •  I'.i  ii  large  lire  which  broke  out  in  the  govern- 
ment stables  at  Washington,  last  week,  some  200 
horses  perished,  and  a  quantity  of  barneea  was  de- 
stroyed. 

CiMiwm,  Dec.  80.  The  surrender  of  Masen 
and  Slidell,  and  the  suspension  of  specie  nay  men  1  by 
the  New  York  banks  have  produced  a  feeling  of  great 
relief  in  business  olrcle*. 

k-£T'A  spy  reports  that,  he  counted  m  Dratneavillfl 
tl)Q  graves  of  one  hundred  and   si\ty  rebels  killed  in 

the  recent  tight  there. 

jjg^"  The  whole  number  of  prisoners  taken  recent- 
ly in  Missouri,  by  Gen.  Pope,  is  2600. 


THE     TWENTY     EIGHTH 

NATIONAL  ANTI-SLAVERY  SUBSCRIPTION 
ANNIVERSARY. 

The  time  for  the  Annual  Subscription  Annivkii- 
saiiv  again  draws  nigh,  and  we  look  forward  to  it  with 
pleasure,  as  the  means  of  meeting  familiar,  friendly 
faces,  and  listening  to  earnest  words  of  counsel  and 
encouragement.  Some  say  that  other  agencies  are 
now  in  such  active  operation,  that  "the  old  Abolition- 
ists," as  they  are  called,  can  well  afford  to  rest  upon 
their  oars,  while  others  carry  forward  their  work  to  its 
completion.  We  cannot  view  the  subject  in  this  light. 
Our  mission  is  the  same  now  that  it  was  thirty  years 
ago.  Through  many  and  strange  changes,  we  have 
slowly  but  steadily  advanced  toward  its  fulfilment; 
but  there  are  many  indications  that  our  work  is  not 
yet  in  a  state  to  be  safely  left  to  other  hands.  We 
have  been,  and  we  must  still  be,  a  fire  to  warm  the 
atmosphere  of  public  opinion.  More  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  ago,  the  fire  was  kindled  with  generous  zeal, 
and  year  after  year  it  has  been  fed  with  untiring  in- 
dustry and  patience.  Not  all  the  cold  water  that  poli- 
ticians, merchants,  and  ecclesiastical  bodies  could 
throw  upon  it  has  sufficed  to  extinguish  the  flame,  o" 
even  to  prevent  it  from  spreading.  The  moral  ther- 
mometer can  never  again  fall  to  the  old  freezing  point. 
In  view  of  this,  we  thank  God,  and  take  courage.  But 
who  that  observes  passing  ^events,  and  reflects  upon 
their  indications,  can  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  the 
fire  is  no  longer  needed  1 

It  is  true  that  blood  and  treasure  are  lavishly  ex- 
pended to  put  down  a  most  wicked  and  sanguinary  re- 
bellion, the  proclaimed  purpose  of  which  is  to  extend 
and  perpetuate  SLAVERY.  But  the  government  of 
the  United  States  manifests,  in  every  possible  way,  a 
vigilant  carefulness  to  protect  the  claims  of  Slavery, 
and  politicians  are  continually  announcing  that  the 
war  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  cause  of  the  war. 
There  are  now  very  few  slaveholders  who  condescend 
to  profess  allegiance  to  the  government ;  yet,  small  as 
is  the  remnant  of  that  powerful  and  unprincipled  oli- 
garchy, they  still  appear  to  govern  the  counsels  of  the 
nation.  The  honest  expression  of  THE  PEOPLE'S 
wishes  is  required  to  be  suppressed,  lest  the  utterance 
should  prove  offensive  to  this  arrogant  minority,  so 
long  accustomed  to  rule  the  majority.  The  people  are 
full  of  generous  enthusiasm  for  their  country.  If  th 
polar  star  of  a  great  idea  were  presented  to  them,  they 
would  follow  it  with  eager  courage  through  suffering 
and  death.  But  it  seems  to  be  the  aim  of  politicians 
to  create  a  fog  so  dense  that  neither  star  nor  sunlight 
shall  glimmer  through  it  to  guide  the  millions,  who 
are  longing  to  be  led  in  the  right  direction. 

Is  this  a  time  to  let  the  sacred  fire  smoulder  onj 
altar  of  freedom  ?  On  the  contrary,  there  has-  never 
been  a  time  when  it  was  more  necessary  to  watch  it 
with  vigilance,  and  feed  it  with  untiring  activity. 

We,  Abolitionists,  still  have  unwavering  faith  that 

a  straight  line  is  alwayB  the  shortest,  in  morals  as 

ell  as  in  mathematics."  Politicians  are  always  in 
need  of  being  convinced  of  this  obvious  truth;  and 
they  arc  peculiarly  in  need  of  it  now.  Let  us,  then, 
continue  to  work  for  the  good  old  cause  in  every  -way 
that  is  consistent  with  our  own  conscientious  convic-. 
tions.  Let  us  meet  together,  that  our  hearts  may  be 
cheered  and  our  hands  strengthened  for  whatsoever 
work  the  God  of  the  oppressed  may  call  upon  us  to  do. 

All  those  who  have  faith  in  the  principles  of  free- 
dom, all  who  believe  that  the  effect  of  righteousness- 
would  be  peace  and  security  for  our  unhappy  country, 
are  cordially  and  earnestly  invited  to  meet  us  at  the 
usual  time  and  place  in  Boston,  in  January  next. 

Contributions,  and  expressions  of  sympathy,  from 
friends  at  home  or  abroad,  in  person  or  by  letter,  will 
be  most  thankfully  received;  for  we  have  great  need 
of  both  at  this  most  momentous  and  trying  crisis. 


L.  Maria  Child, 
Mary  May, 
Louisa  Loring, 
Henrietta  Sargent, 
Sarah  Russell  May, 
HelenHliza  Garrison, 
Anna  Shaw  Greene, 
Sarah  Blake  Shaw, 
Caroline  C.  Tliayer, 
Abby  Kelley  Foster, 
Lydia  D.  Parker, 
Augusta  G.  King, 
Mattie  Griffith, 
Mary  Jackson, 
Evelina  A.  Smith, 


Mary  Willey, 
Ann  Rebecca  Bramhall, 
Sarah  P.  Remond, 
Mary  E.  Stearns, 
Sarah  J.  Nowell, 

Anne  Langai 
Eliza  Apthorp, 
Sarah  Qm 
Sarah  H.  Southwick, 
Mary  Elizabeth  Sargent, 
Sarah  C.  Atkinson, 
Abby  Francis, 
Mary  Jane  Parkman, 
Georgina  Otis, 


Caroline  M.  Severance,   Abby  H.  Stephensor. 
Elizabeth  Gay,  Abby  F.  Manhy, 

Katherine  Earle  Farnum. 


MASSACHUSETTS  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 

DONATIONS. 

Salem  Female  A.  S.  Society,  §20  ;  Joseph  Grant,  I  j 
Willard  Comey,  50c  ;  S.  May,  Jr.,  to  redeem 
pledge,  Jan.  1861,    25,  $16  50 

Collections  by  A.  T.  Eoss  : 
Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  7  15  ;  New  Market,  do,  90c  ; 
Buxton,  Me.,  1  28  ;  Portland,  (over  expenses,) 
1  65  ;  Mrs.  S.  L.  Dennett,  5  ;  Hal  low  ell,  54a, 
Skowhegau  58c  ;  Cornville,  2  16  ;  Athen.s,il  75; 
Palmyra,  1  75  ;  East  Pittsfield,  2  33  ;  New- 
port, 2  06;  Hartland,  63;  Carmel,  131; 
Etna,  1  48  ;  Eucksport,  1  06  ;  Ellsworth,  10. 
Wendell  Phillips,  to  redeem  pledge,  Aug.  1,  5  00 

Mrs.  M.  M.  Brooks,  do.  do.  July  4,  26  06 

E.  L.  Hammond,  do.  do.  Jan.,  1861,  5  00 

EDMUND  JACKSON,  Tr 


try  WORCESTER  COUNTY  SOUTH— The  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  Worcester  County  (South  Division)  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  will  be  held  at  Washburn  Hall,  in  Worces- 
ter, commencing  on  Saturday  evening,  Jan.  4th,  and  contin- 
uing forenoon,  afternoon  and  evening,  on  Sunday,  Jan^Sth. 

Parker  Pillsburv,  Charles  L.  Remond,   Stephen  S.~ 
Foster  and  others  will  be  present  to  address  the  meeting. 

Let  all  the  friends  of  freedom  make  an  effort  to  be  pres- 
ent, to  help  concentrate  a  correct  moral  seutiment  upon 
the  movers  of  current  events,  to  tho  end  that  the  crisis 
to  which  we  have  oome  may  result  in  establishing  univer- 
sal and  impartial  liberty  throughout  tho  land. 

JOSIAH  HENSHAW,   Preside. 

Joseph  A.  Bowland,    Secretary. 


£j^=  WENDELL  PHILLIPS,  Esq.,  will  giro  the  con- 
cluding lecture  of  the  courso  before  the  "  Fraternity,"  at 
Trcmout  Temple,  on  Tuesday  evening  next.  Subject— 
"Tho  Times." — Single  tickets,  25  cents. 


Eg5"  GILES  B.  STEBBINS,  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  will 
speak  at  Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  nest,  Jan.  ii,  on  "The 
Gospel  of  Reform,  as  taught  by  Man  and  Nature." 


JEf  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


DIED  —  In  Dorchester,  Dec.  26th,  RICHARD  CLAP, 
Eso,.,  aged  SI  years  and  5  months. 

This  venerablo  man  was  among  the  earliest  subscribers 
to  the  Liberator,  and  continued  bis  subscription  till  his 
death.  Almost  from  the  formation  of  tho  Massachusetts 
Anti-Shivery  Society,  he  was  an  officer  and  member  of  it, 
and  contributed  regularly  and  generously  to  the  Anti-Sla- 
very treasury,  and  to  succor  the  hunted  fugitive  slaves. 
Possessing  e  womanly  modesty  and  childlike  s£nplEoHQ  of 
Sttftr&eter,  he  bus,  nevertheless,  strong  in  his  oonviotfoM  of 
duty,  ami  unswerving  in  his  performance  of  it,  whether  lio 
stood  alone  or  with  many.  "  An  Israelite  indeed,  in  whom 
there  was  no  guile,"  he  has  at  last  fallen,  "like  n  shock 
of  corn  fully  ripo,"  leaving  behind  him  the  Ugb.1  of*  BOhlq 
MHUaplrj  and  the  glory  Of  a  well-spent  life. — Ed.  Lib. 


PRIVATE  tuition. 

IT  having  been  deemed  advisable  be  raanend,  bemponuH  ■ 
ly,  tho  Honedale  Home  Bohool  at  the  expiration  of  tti« 
present  term,  annonnoottenl  is  hereby  made,  that  Mrs. 
A.  B.  Haywood,  one  of  the  Principals,  win  be  pleased  t<> 
receive  a  lew  ITowns  Ladles  into  hat  family  Eta  buinte* 
tton  in  the  1  met  Paint- 

iaj,  and  Mnsio.     The  term  iriU  oommenoe  on  WkmrasnAr, 
Jan.  I,  1862,  and  oontinne  FtrtutN  H 

For  particular*',  please  address 

A.BBIE  B,  HAYWOOD. 

Hopodalo,  Milford,  Mass.,  Dee.  Hi,  1881. 


THE     LIBERATOR 


attxv. 


For  the  Liberator. 

LIBERTY,  EQUAL  EIGHTS,  BROTHERHOOD 

WITH  ALL. 

I, 

It  was  a  stirring  cry  through  Franco  that  rang, 
"Liberty,  Equal  Rights,  truo  Brotherhood  I" 
Prophetic  words  !  yet  not  then  understood  ; 

For  not  that  lieonso  which  to  action  sprang 

Was  heaven-horn  Liberty,  calm,  stern,   and  just ; 

But  wild  Revenge,  for  injuries  borne  long  ; 

For  ages  of  oppression,  cruel  wrong, 

Until  tho  trampled  people  could  not  trust 

Their  rulers,  nobles,  princes,  kings,  and  priests. 

0  wretched  peasants,  classed  but  with  the  beasts  ! 

To  rose  like  beasts,  maddened  by  driver's  lash, 

Revengeful,  headstrong,  ignorant,  and  rash  ! 

"  Liberty,  Equal  Rights,  truo  Brotherhood  !  " 

Wo  rid -stirring  words,  soon  were  yo  quenched  in  blood. 

II.  Liberty. 

America,  who  in  thy  childhood  brake 

Tho  yoko  that  wronged  thy  growing  strength,  awake  ! 

Canst  thou  be  free,  while  slavery  taints  thy  soil? 
Backsliding  nation,  thou  once  bravely  stood 
For  "Freedom,  Equal  Rights,  true  Brotherhood"  f 

Curse  not  God's  earth  with  forced  and  unpaid  toil  ! 
Does  Freedom  mean  a  license  to  oppress  ? 

Does  Freedom  mean  submission  to  a  mob  T 
■Will  Freedom  send  a  brother  in  distress 

Back  to  his  self-styled  owner?    "Will  the  sob 
Of  infancy  sold  from  its  mother's  arms, 
Of  Freedom  be  unheard,  to  still  th*  alarms 
Of  Slavery,  her  foe?     Wouldst  thou  be  strong, 
America,  restrain  this  monster  wrong  ! 

Ill,    Equal  Rights., 
America,  what  says  thine  honored  Law? 

"  Free,  free  and  equal  all  mankind  are  born  ;" 

None  of  God's  children  may  a  brother  scorn 
Because  of  race  or  color.     God,  who  saw 

Fit,  in  His  wisdom,  mankind  to  divide 

In  families  and  nations,  loathes  the  pride 
Of  class,  or  color,  that  would  seo  a  flaw 

In  His  appointment — make  the  skin  a  plea 
For  insults  vilo.     Did  not  thy  statesmen  draw 

From  his  Son's  Gospel  inspiration  free, — 
"  Call  no  man  master  ;  lo  !  I  como  to  break 
Th'  oppressor's  bonds,  and  from  the  tyrant  take 

His  victims."     0,  backsliding  nation,  turn 

To  God,  and  his  just  laws  no  longer  spurn  I 
FV.  Bkotherhood. 
Ame  rica,  thy  pride  of  skin  and  race 

Spurns  not  alono  tho  hapless,  purchased  slave, 
But  thyffee  colored  children.     The  least  trace 

Of  Afric's  blood  no  brotherhood  can  save 
From  white  men's  haughty  scorn,  as  set  apart. 
Backsliding  nation  !  where  is  tho  warm  heart 

That  beats  responsive  to  all  human  kind  ? 
Tho  brother's  ear  pained  by  a  brother's  cry? 
The  tearful  glance  from  melting  Pity's  eye  7 

Where  tho  unprejudiced,  expansive  mind? 
America,  thine  is  an  awful  choice  ! 
Proud  States,  now  ruined,  cry  with  warning  voice, 
"  Before  too  late,  repent — avert  thy  doom  ! 
Time  and  Experience,  stern  teachers,  come  !  " 

V.    The  Future. 
Taught  by  Experience  and  Time,  and  saved 
By  counsel  from  the  men  thou  once  hasfc  hraved, 
America,  thou  hast  retrscod  the  road — 

The  downward  road,  strewed  with  old  ruined  States — 
And  shaken  off  the  heavy,  guilty  load 

Of  slavery.     Now  no  brother,  trembling,  waits 
Tho  man-degrading  block,  tho  hammer's  fall, 
That  makes  God's  child  a  chattel.     Cast  a  pall 
Of  dark   oblivion  o'er  thy  sinful  youth  : 

Thou  didst  pass  through  a  stern  baptism  of  blood  ; 

Now  "Freedom,  Equal  Rights,  true  Brotherhood" 
Of  black  and  white,  prove  thy  maturer  growth  : 
Holy  and  precious  words  !  they  raise  a  State  ; 
They  make  it  honored,  feared,  loved,  truly  great. 

Jane  Ashbt. 
Tentorden,  (Eng.) 


a  Liberator. 

J^.RTYR   OP  HARPER'S  PERRY. 

a  looks  sB^^d  dreary,  as  if  God  with  sin  were 

■weary  ; 
Holy    secret  tears  are  falling — sacred  souls  on   God  aro 

calling  ; 
And  all,  dear  Lord,  who  fear  thee,  are  drawing  closely  near 

thee  ; 
For   thy  ways  are  growing  darker,  and  the  times  are  more 

appalling. 

Look  amid  the  mount  of  leopards — look  amid  the  dens  of 

.  lions — 
"Where  the  Son  of  the  Beloved,  where  the  man  whom  God 

has  moved  ; 
Then  bring  him  forth  from  prison,   from  his  fetters,  from 

his  irons, 
That  man  whose  holy  love  must  to-day  by  death  be  proved. 

Tyrants,  who  this  man  have  taken,  think  him  not  of  God 
forsaken  ! 
Look  !  what  light  is  round  him  flowing  !  see,  his  sacred 
face  is  glowing  ! 
Angel-thoughts  within  him  waken — he  goes  forth  to  death 
unshaken  : 
Oh  !   Gloria  in  ExceUis,  the  faith  John  Bkown  is  show- 
ing ! 
That  gallows  darkly  frowning,  'tis  but  the  place  of  crown- 
ing- 
There  the  martyr's  crown  he  gaineth,  there  tho  glory  on 
him  raineth. 
How  he  longeth  for  the   moment  when  death,  all  sorrow 
drowning, 
God  no  more  His  lovo  restraineth  ! 

Who  are  these  the   place  surrounding,    in  their  wings  a 
glorious  sounding, 
As  impatient  for  tho  time  that  shall  consummate  this 
crime  ? 
And  from  these  lions'  dens,  from  these  serpents  in  their 
fens, 
They  shall  bear  him  unto  Heaven's  genial  clime. 
These  are  angels  of  the  Lord — the  servants  of  his  word — 

Pity  molteth  through  the  glory  of  their  eyes, 
As   is  drawn  the  noose  abhorred,  of  the  twisted  Southern 

Round  tho  neck  of  tho  slave's  sacrifice  1 

All  around  in  order  dread  tho  tyrant  armies  spread, 

In  pornp  and  in  terrible  array  ; 
This  harlot  nation  red  with  the  blood  of  guiltless  dead, 

Feareth  not  for  her  own  coming  day  ! 
'Tis  come,  the  moment  dread — the  cap  is  o'er  his  head — 

Heaven  shuddereth  !    Heli  shouteth,  "  It  is  done  !  " 
He  swings  dead,  dead,  dead — the  glorious  soul  has  fled 

Of  Christ's  well-beloved,  martyred  son  ! 

I  heard,  in  visioned  sleep,   thunders  long,   and  loud,  and 
deep, 
Three  nights  before  the  time — before  the  time  ; 
And  I  knew  God's  voice  was  there,  bidding  tho  dark  South 
prepare 
For  judgment  on  this  crime — on  this  crime  ! 
Newport,  R.  I.  S.  L.  L. 


From  the  Chicago  Tribune. 

THE   OLD    FOGY'S  APPEAL  ; 

OR, 

"DO     NOT     TOUCH     THE     NIGGER." 

Am — Yankee  Doodle. 
Old  fogies  sing  on  every  hand — 

The  little  man  and  bigger  : 
Wage  war  against  tho  rebel  band, 

But,  do  not  touch  "  tho  Nigger  !  " 

Strike  any  othor  martial  blow, 

And  use  extremes!  rigor; 
But,  lest  you  "irritate  the  foe," 

Oh,  do  not  touch  "  the  Nigger  !  " 
Let  every  rifle  drop  a  man, 

Whene'er  ye  draw  tho  trigger  ; 
Aim  at  what  vital  part  you  can, 

Bui,  do  not  touch  "  the  Niggor  !  " 

'Tis  truo,  their  slaves  a  profit  yield 

Of  tho  very  "  highest  figger  "  ; 
They  work  them  hard  in  trench  and  field, 

Bui,  do  not  touch  "  tho  Nigger  !  " 


What  though  thoy  arm  and  drill  tho  slave  ? 

We  do  not  care  a  fig,  ah  ! 
Lot  tho  Confederate  banner  wave, 

But,  do  not  touch  "  tho  Nigger  !" 
Te  seamen  in  the  navy,  toil, 

From  Commodore  to  rigger  ; 
Bombard  tho  forts,  possess  the  soil, 

But,  do  not  touch  "  tho  Nigger  ! " 
Yo  fossils  ail,  at  Washington, 

Who  "Democrat"  or  "Whig"  are, 
Confiscate  what  the  traitors  own, 
.   Bui,  do  not  touch  "  the  Nigger  ! " 

A  million  dollars  every  day 

Is  a  pretty  costly  "  figger"  ; 
But  any  money  let  us  pay, 

Rather  than  touch  "  the  Nigger  !  " 
The  war  dyes  red  our  country's  dust, 

And  every  hour  grows  bigger  ; 
But  part  with  dearest  friends  we  must, 

Sooner  than  touch  "  the  Nigger"  ! 
Down  with  the  agitators,  then, 

Who  running  such  a  rig  are, 
The  reckless  Abolition  men, 

Who  wish  to  touch  " 


Thus  sings  the  fogy ;  of  the  grave 

Of  freedom  he's  the  digger, 
Denies  all  justice  to  tho  slave, 

And  whines,  touch  not  "  the  Nigger  ! " 

But  patriots,  who,  the  war  to  end, 

Would  wage  it  with  all  vigor, 
Cry,  to  tho  heart  tho  arrow  send  ! 

Give  freedom  to  "the  Nigger  !  "  Plebs.* 

*  Plebs  does  not  like  tho  word  "  Nigger,"  which  occurs 
so  frequently  above.  He  never  uses  it  of  his  own  accord, 
and  employs  it  now  as  a  quotation  simply,  it  being  a  cur- 
rent word  with  the  class  represented. 


ANTI-SLAYERY  MEETING  AT  BROMLEY, 
ENGLAND. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  23d  Nov.,  a  very  interesting 
meeting  of  anti-slavery  friends  was  held  in  the  Metho- 
dist Free  Church,  Devon's  lioad,  Bromley,  England. 
The  principal  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  hear  an  ad- 
dress from  the  Rev.  T.  M.  Kinnaird,  {a  colored  minis- 
ter, formerly  a  slave,)  on  behalf  of  a  church  and 
schools  now  in  course  of  erection  at  Hamilton,  West 
Canada,  for  escaped  or  liberated  slaves,  and  others  of 
the  colored  race.  Joseph  A.  Horner,  Esq.,  of  the  Na- 
tional Anti-Slavery  League,  occupied  the  chair,  and 
among  the  gentlemen  present  we  noticed  the  follow- 
ing:—The  Rev.  T.  M.  Kinnaird,  W.  H.  Pullen,  Esq., 
Hon.  Sec.  of  the  Leeds  Young  Men's  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  T.  G.  Horn,  Esq.,  G.  Herbert  Thompson, 
Esq.,  (Editor  of  the  Tower  Hamlets  Express,)  Messrs. 
Joseph  Harvey,  Thomas  Harvey,  Thomas  Buffham, 
R.  W.  Catt,  of  Stratford,  J.  J.  Andrew,  and  Madison 
Jefferson  (a  gentleman  of  color). 

The  Chairman,  who  was  received  with  much  ap- 
plause, said — My  dear  friends,  we  have  met  here  this 
evening  to  hear  an  address  from  a  gentleman  whom  I 
am  always  gratified  to  meet,  as  he  is  a  very  able  advo- 
cate of  the  anti-slavery  cause.  I  may  remark,  (as  my 
position  here  to-night  is  consequent  upon  my  connec- 
tion with  that  body,)  that  the  Anti-Slavery  League 
have  examined  into  the  case  of  Mr.  Kinnaird,  and  feel 
every  confidence  in  recommending  it  to  the  public. 
(Hear,  hear.)  That  gentleman  has  already  collected 
a  very  considerable  sum  for  his  church  in  Canada,  and 
is  now  desirous  of  completing  the  amount  as  speedily 
as  possible.  In  recommending  his  cause  to  your  favor- 
able consideration,  I  can  assure  you  not  only  of  its 
worthiness  of  support,  but  that  there  is  every  possible 
guarantee  that  the  funds  obtained  by  Mr.  Kinnaird  are 
duly  appropriated  to  the  objects  of  his  mission.  (Hear, 
hear.)  With  regard  to  slavery,  there  can  be  but  one 
feeling  in  an  English  meeting  upon  the  subject  (hear  J 
— -£>r,  although  England  has  abolished  slavery  in  her 
own  dominions,  her  sympathy  with  the  bondman  lias 
not  ceased,  and  the  claims  of  the  American  slave, 
when  brought  fairly  before  the  British  public,  never 
fail  to  meet  with  an  earnest  and  warm-hearted  re- 
sponse. (Cheers.)  If  the  Americans  will  not  adopt 
anti-slavery  opinions,  it  is  not  because  they  have  never 
been  told  better.  (Hear.)  I  am  proud  to  say  that  we 
have  some  gentlemen  here  to-night,  who  have  been 
the  means  of  teaching  the  Americans  better.  (Cheers.) 
We  have  Mr.  Kinnaird,  himself,  who  will  presently 
address  you.  We  have  Mr.  W.  H.  Pullen,  Honorary 
Secretary  to  the  Leeds  Anti-Slavery  Society.  He 
will  tell  you  what  his  Society  has  told  the  people  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  (Cheers.)  I  am  also 
happy  to  say  that  we  have  here  the  son  of  that  distin- 
guished and  eloquent  advocate  of  the  rights  of  the 
slave,  George  Thompson,  who,  as  you  all  know,  has 
told  the  Americans  again  and  again,  in  a  voice  of 
thunder,  the  iniquities  of  slavery.  (Loud  cheers.) 
The  Anti-Slavery  League,  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  here  to-night,  numbers  among  its  council 
many  true-hearted  veterans  in  the  cause.  Mr.  George 
Thompson  is  one  of  them  (hear) ;  Washington  Wilks 
is  another  (cheers) ;  and  Mr.  Twelvetrees  another. 
(Cheers.)  The  objects  of  our  League  are  to  coope- 
rate with  and  assist  all  other  societies  in  accomplish- 
ing universal  freedom,  to  extend  the  right  hand  of 
welcome  and  of  fellowship  to  all  fugitives  from  Amer- 
ican despotism  who  reach  the  shores  of  this  country, 
(hear,)  and  to  show  the  sentiments  of  the  English 
nation  upon  the  subject  of  slavery.  (Loud  cheers.) 
Regarding  the  war  now  raging  in  America,  let  it  be 
understood  that  the  South  are  emphatically  fighting 
for  slavery,  though  I  will  not  say  that  the  North  are 
entirely  anti-slavery ;  but  knowing  the  South  to  be 
so  unquestionably  pro-slavery,  we  cannot  but  feel  a 
sympathy  with  their  opponents  to  at  least  as  great  an 
extent  as  their  own  anti-slavery  principles  go.  (Hear, 
hear.)  I  have  now  to  introduce  to  you  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Kinnaird,  who  I  trust  will  receive  a  warm  reception 
at  your  hands.   (Cheers.) 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Kinnaird,  who,  on  rising,  was  much 
applauded,  said  he  always  deemed  it  a  high  privilege 
to  be  permitted  to  offer  a  few  words,  on  an  English 
platform,  on  behalf  of  his  oppressed  countrymen  in 
America.  The  important  object  which  had  brought 
him  there  to-night  grew  out  of  that  accursed  system 
of  slavery.  If  it  were  not  for  that  disgraceful  institu- 
tion, he  did  not  believe  that  there  would  be  a  single 
countryman  of  his  begging  in  this  country.  (Hear.) 
He  could  hardly  be  said  to  be  begging  now  for  his 
own  countrymen,  because,  when  they  reached  Cana- 
da, he  looked  upon  them  as  subjects  of  the  British 
Crown.  (Hear.)  Canada  was  the  brightest  spot  on 
earth  to  the  fugitive  slave,  for  it  was  to  him  a  place  of 
refuge  from  all  his  hardships  and  all  his  wrongs.  It 
was  the  only  spot  upon  the  American  continent  where 
a  colored  person  was  recognized  as  a  man,  or  where 
he  could  call  himself,  his  wife  or  his  child  his  own. 
The  slaveholder  claimed  to  be  a  god  in  his  own  coun- 
try. In  all  questions  of  religion,  the  slaveholders  de- 
sired to  be  omnipotent.  Whatever  the  master  was, 
Roman  Catholic,  Baptist  or  Presbyterian,  that  the 
Blave  must  be.  The  slave  was  not  allowed  to  choose 
with  what  denomination  he  should  worship.  He 
must  do  whatever  his  master  told  him.  The  negro 
had  no  appeal  from  his  master's  decision.  If  his 
master  decided  that  he  was  to  be  burnt,  he  was  burnt. 
If  his  master  decided  that  his  right  hand  was  to  be 
cut  off,  it  was  cut  off.  Mr.  Kinnaird  then  gave  some 
particulars  of  his  own  slave  life  and  experience,  by 
way  of  proving  that  these  statements  were  not  ex- 
aggerations, but,  on  the  contrary,  a  true  picture  of 
the  condition  of  the  American  slave.  Slavery,  he 
emphatically  declared,  was  an  abomination  of  the 
blackest  dye.  The  tyrannical  and  brutal  influences 
of  slavery  were  shown  in  the  treatment  of  those  who 
had  been  possessed  of  the  moral  courage  to  tell  the 
Americans  the  enormity  of  their  crime.  Look  at  the 
influence  of  slavery  even  in  the  Senate,  as  evidenced 
in  that  shameful  outrage  upon  Charles  Sumner. 
Slavery  denied  the  right  of  Christ's  reign,  and 
claimed  to  reign  for  itself.    Mr.  Kinnaird  next  made 


J-A.2STTJ-A.IIY   3. 


reference  to  his  own  visits  to  Canada,  and  stated  his 
conviction  that  much  could  be  done  to  elevate  the 
position  of  the  colored  man,  after  his  escape  from 
bondage  had  been  completed.  lie  had  noticed  the 
want  of  an  institution  for  their  secular  and  religious 
education,  by  which  they  might  be  enabled  to  assume 
respectable  positions  in  society.  He  had,  therefore, 
come  to  this  country,  with  a  view  to  complete  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  church,  a  school,  and  a  temporary 
home  for  colored  refugees  in  Hamilton,  West  Canada. 
By  the  erection  of  an  institution  combining  these 
qualities,  the  poor  fugitive  who  found  his  way  to 
that  spot  need  not  be  without  food  or  lodging,  and 
the  means  would  be  at  hand  for  his  education  and 
employment.  The  total  cost  of  the  building  would 
be  £600.  He  had  already  collected  £120  since  his 
arrival  in  England.  The  walls  of  the  building  were 
now  up,  and  his  friends  in  America  wrote  to  say  they 
wanted  about  £80  more  to  put  the  roof  on.  (Laughter 
and  cheers.)  Having  passed  a  high  compliment  to 
the  Anti-Slavery  League,  the  Rev.  gentleman  resumed 
his  seat  amidst  great  applause. 

The  Chairman  said  he  had  now  great  pleasure  in 
calling  upon  William  Henry  Pullen,  Esq.,  Secretary 
of  the  Leeds  Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  address  the 
meeting. 

Mr.  Pullen,  who  waswell  received,  said,  although 
he  was  a  long  way  from  home,  yet,  when  he  was  at 
an  Anti-Slavery  meeting,  he  was  always  at  home. 
(Hear,  hear.)  In  reference  to  the  doings  of  the  Leeds 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  he  must,  of  course,  feel  some 
modesty  in  speaking  of  the  subject.  He  might,  how- 
ever, state  that,  although  they  had  commenced  on  a 
small  scale,_they  had  now  greatly  extended  their  ope- 
rations, and  frequently  held  meetings  in  large  halls, 
which  he  was  glad  to  say  were  always  crowded. 
(Hear.)  The  Anti-Slavery  League  was  a  desidera- 
tum, the  want  of  which  had  long  been  felt.  He  was 
very  glad  of  its  formation,  and  should  always  feel 
happy  to  render  it  his  best  assistance.  (Cheers.)  He 
entirely  sympathized  with  the  mission  of  Mr.  Kin- 
naird to  this  country,  and  hoped  he  would  be  speedily 
enabled  to  accomplish  the  result  he  desired.  It  was  a 
good  and  noble  idea  to  educate  and  clothe  the  poor 
fugitives  from  slaveholding  tyranny,  and  fit  them  for 
the  ordinary  paths  of  life,  that  they  might  give  the 
lie  to  the  unjust  assertion  that  the  black  man  was  in- 
ferior to  the  white.  (Cheers.) 

The  Chairman  said  it  was  with  much  pleasure 
that  he  now  called  upon  Mr.  George  Herbert  Thomp- 
son, son  of  that  distinguished  orator,  Mr.  George 
Thompson,  and  editor  of  the  Tower  Hamlets  Express, 
to  address  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Herbert  Thompson  said  that,  although  he 
had  come  with  the  intention  of  listening,  and  not  of 
speaking,  he  was  ready  to  respond  to  the  Chairman's 
call  by  a  few  brief  sentences.  The  Chairman  had 
made  reference  to  his  father's  anti-slavery  efforts,  and, 
for  his  own  part,  he  was  glad  to  have  an  opportunity 
of  assuring  them  how  thoroughly  he  participated  in 
that  abhorrence  of  the  atrocious  crime  of  slaveholding 
which  had  been  one  of  the  leading  principles  of  his 
father's  life.  He  expressed  his  thorough  approval  of 
the  cause  for  which  Mr.  Kinnaird  was  pleading,  aud 
concluded  by  moving  a  vote  of  thanks  to  that  gentle- 
man in  the  following  terms :— "  That  the  thanks  of 
this  meeting  be  given  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kinnaird,  to- 
gether with  its  best  wishes  for  the  speedy  success  of 
his  mission  to  England."  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  Madisos  Jefferson  seconded  the  resolution, 
which  was  unanimously  carried. 

Mr.  Kinnaird,  in  reply,  said  he  was  delighted  to 
have  the  opportunity  of  meeting  the  son  of  Mr. 
George  Thompson  on  that  occasion.  There  was  no 
man  in  the  ranks  of  the  Abolitionists  more  honored  or 
admired  than  George  Thompson,  the  veteran  friend  of 
the  oppressed,  who  had  fought  by  the  side  of  Wilber- 
force,  Buxton  and  Brougham,  the  triumphant  battle 
of  Negro  Emancipation  in  the  West  Indies. 


THE  NEWS   PROM  ENGLAND. 

BT  GERRIT   SMITH. 

Alas !  that  this  news  should  find  us  still  embar- 
rassed, and  still  diddling  with  the  negro  question  ! 
Alas!  that  we  should  still  have  one  war  upon  our 
hands,  while  we  are  threatened  with  another !  Had 
we,  as  we  should  have  done,  disposed  of  this  ques- 
tion at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  then  would  its 
beginning  have  also  been  its  ending.  ]f  slavery 
was  not,  as  it  certainly  was,  the  sole  cause  of  the 
war,  it,  nevertheless,  was  that  vulnerable  spot  in 
the  foe  at  which  we  should  have  struck  without  a 
moment's  delay.  Instead  of  repelling  the  negroes, 
bond  and  free,  by  insults  and  cruel  treatment,  we 
could  have  brought  them  all  to  our  side  by  simply 
inviting  them  to  it.  As  it  is,  the  war  has  grown 
into  a  very  formidable  one ;  and  the  threatened  one 
growing  out  of  it  will  be  far  more  formidable; 
whereas,  bad  we  not  acted  insanely  on  the  negro 
question,  we  should  have  dreaded  neither.  More 
than  this,  had  we,  as  it  was  so  easy  to  do,  struck  in- 
stant death  into  the  first  war,  we  should  have  es- 
caped the  threat  of  this  second  one. 

For  what  is  it  that  the  English  press  threatens  us 
with  war?  It  is  for  compelling  the  English  ship  to 
give  up  the  Rebel  Commissioners.  So  it  says. 
This  is  the  ostensible  reason.  But  would  not  Eng- 
land— she  who  is  so  famous  for  clinging  to  an  almost 
entirely  unqualified  and  unlimited  right  of  search — 
have  done  the  same  thing  in  like  circumstances  ?  If 
she  would  not,  then  she  would  not  have  been  her- 
self. Had  a  part  of  her  home  counties  revolted, 
and  sent  a  couple  of  their  rebels  to  America  for 
help,_would  she  not  have  caught  them,  if  she  could  ? 
and  in  whatever  circumstances  they  might  have 
been  found  ?  If  she  says  she  would  not,  there  is 
not  on  all  the  earth  one  "  Jew  Apelia  "  so  credulous 
as  to  believe  her.  If  she  confesses  she  would,  then 
is  she  self-convicted,  not  only  of  trampling  in  her 
boundless  dishonesty  on  the  great  and  never-to-be- 
violated  principle  of  doing  as  we  would  be  done  by, 
but  of  insulting  us  by  claiming  that  we  ought  to  be 
tame  and  base  enough  to  forbear  to  do  that  which 
her  self-respect  and  high  spirit  would  prompt  her 
to  do. 

But  perhaps  England  would  not  have  done  as 
we  did.  Her  naval  captains  have,  however,  taken 
thousands  of  seamen  from  our  sbipa — these  captains 
constituting  themselves  the  sole  accusers,  witnesses 
and  judges  in  the  cases.  It  was  chiefly  for  such 
outrages  that  we  declared  war  against  her  in  1812. 
The  instance  of  the  San  Jacinto  and  Trent  is  not 
like  these.  In  this  instance,  there  was  no  question, 
because  no  doubt,  of  personal  identity.  But,  I  re- 
peat, perhaps  England  would  not  have  done  as  we 
did.  In  a  case  so  aggravated,  she  would,  perhaps, 
nay,  probably,  have  taken  ship  and  all.  By  the 
way,  it  may  be  that  we  did  act  illegally  in  not  seiz- 
ing the  ship  as  well  as  the  rebels,  and  subjecting 
her  to  a  formal  trial ;  but  if  in  this  we  fell  into  a 
mistake,  could  England  be  so  mean  as  to  make  war 
upon  us  for  it  ? — for  a  mistake  which  was  prompted 
by  a  kind  and  generous  regard  for  the  comfort  and 
interests  of  Englishmen  ?  Surely,  if  England  is 
not  noble  enough  to  refuse  to  punish  for  any  mere 
mistake,  she  is,  nevertheless,  not  monstrous  enough 
to  punish  for  the  mistake,  which  grew  solely  out  of 
the  desire  to  serve  her. 

But  wherein  have  we  harmed  England  in  this 
matter?  We  have  insulted  her,  is  the  answer. 
We  have  not,  however,  intended  to  insult  her:  and 
an  unintended  insult  is  really  no  insult.  If,  in  my 
eagerness  to  overtake  tho  man  who  has  deeply  in- 
jured me,  I  run  rudely  through  my  neighbor's  house, 
he  will  not  only  not  accuse  me  of  insulting  him,  but 
he  will  pardon  so  much  to  my  very  excusable  ea- 
gerness as  to  leave  but  little  ground  of  any  kind 
of  complaint  against  me.  Surely,  if  England  wore 
but  to  ask  her  own  heart  how  she  would  feel  toward 
men  in  her  own  bosom,  who,  without  the  slightest 
provocation,  were  busy  in  breaking  up  her  nation, 
and  in  plundering  and  slaughtering  her  people, 
she  would  be  more  disposed  to  shed  tears  of  pity  for 
us  than  to  make  war  upon  us. 

It  is  not  possible  that  England  will  make  war 
upon  us  for  what  we  did  to  tho  Trent,  and  for  doing 
which  she  has  herself  furnished  us  innumerable  pre- 
cedents, It  is  not  possible  that  she  will  80  ignore, 
nay,  so  deny  and  dishonor  her  own  history.     I  will 

not  believe  that  England,  whom  I  have  ever  loved 

and  honored  almost  as  if  she  were  my  own  coun- 
try, and  who,  whatever  prejudiced  and  passionate 
American  writers  have  written  to  the  contrary, 
has  hitherto,   during  our  great   and  sore  trial,  done 

nothing  through  her  government,  nor  through  the 
great  body  of  her  people,  to  justify  the  attempt  by 
a  portion  (happily  a  very  Bmall  and  very  unworthy 


portion)  of  our  press  to  stir  up  our  national  feeling 
against  her— 3  say,  I  will  not  believe  that  this  loved 
and  honored  England  will  make  war  upon  us  for  a 
deed  in  which  we  intended  her  no  wrong;  in  which, 
so  far  as  her  own  example  is  authority,  there  is  no 
wrong;  and  in  which,  in  the  light  of  reason,  and,  as 
it  will  prove  in  the  judgment  of  mankind,  there  is 
no  wrong.  She  could  not  make  so  causeless  a  war 
upon  us,  without  deeply  and  broadly  blotting  her 
own  character,  and  the  character  of  modern  civili- 
zation. But,  after  all,  what  better  is  our  modern 
civilization  than  a  mere  blot  and  botch  if  the  nation, 
which  m  preeminently  its  exponent,  can  be  guilty, 
and  without  the  least  real  cause  of  provocation,  and 
upon  pretexts  as  frivolous  as  they  are  false,  of  seek- 
ing to  destroy  a  sister  nation  ?— a  sister  nation,  too, 
whose  present  embarrassments  and  distresses  appeal 
80  strongly  to  every  good  heart  ?  Moreover,  how 
little  will  it  argue  for  the  cause  ofhuman  rights  and 
popular  institutions,  if  the  nation,  which  claims  to 
be  the  chief  champion  of  that  cause,  can  wage  so 
wicked  a  war  upon  a  nation  claiming  no  humbler 
relation  to  that  precious  cause  ? 

What,  then,  do  I  hold  that  England  should  do  in 
this  case  ? 

1st.  Reprimand,  or  more  severely  punish,  the  Cap- 
tain of  the  Trent  for  his  very  gross  and  very  guilty 
violation  of  our  rights  in  furnishing  exceedingly  im- 
portant facilities  to  our  enemy.  This  our  Govern- 
ment should  have  promptly  insisted  on,  and  not  have 
suffered  England  to  get  the  start  of  us  with  her  ab- 
surd counter  claim.  This  is  a  case  in  which  not  we, 
but  England,  should  have  been  made  defendant. 
It  is  her  Captain  who  is  the  real  offender.  Ours  is, 
at  the  most,  but  a  nominal  one.  In  the  conduct  of 
her  Captain  were  the  spirit  and  purpose,  as  well  as 
the  doing,  of  wrong.  The  conduct  of  ours,  on  the 
contrary,  was  prompted  by  the  spirit  and  purpose  of 
doing^  right ;  and  if,  in  any  respect,  it  was  errone- 
ous, it  was  simply  in  regard  to  the  forms  of  doing 
right.  Moreover,  the  guilt  of  her' Captain  can  be 
diminished  by  nothing  that  was  seemingly  or  really 
guilty  in  ours.  The  criminality  of  taking  the  reb- 
els into  the  Trent  was  none  the  less,  because 
of  any  mistakes  which  attended  the  getting  of  them 
out.  Nevertheless,  England  takes  no  action  against 
him.  _  Her  policy  is  to  have  her  guilty  Captain 
lost  sight  of  in  her  bluster  about  our  innocent  one. 
To  screen  the  thief,  she  cries,  "Stop  thief!"  Her 
policy  is  to  prevent  us  from  getting  the  true  issue 
before  the  public  mind,  by  occupying  it  with  her 
false  one. 

_  How  preposterous  is  the  claim  of  England  to  her 
right  to  make  war,  because  we  took  our  rebellious 
subjects  from  her  ship  I  The  taking  of  them  into  her 
ship  is  the  only  thing  in  the  case  which  can  possibly 
furnish  cause  of  war.  That,  unless  amply  apolo- 
gized for,  does,  in  the  light  of  international  law, 
furnish  abundant  cause  of  war. 

Did  ever  hypocrisy  and  impudence  go  farther  than 
in  England's  putting  America  on  trial !  Was  there 
ever  a  more  emphatic  "putting  the  saddle  on  the 
wrong  horse  "  ?  I  overtake  the  thief  who  has  stolen 
my  watch,  and  jerk  it  from  his  pocket.  He  turns 
to  the  people,  not  to  confess  his  theft,  but  to  pro- 
test against  my  rudeness,  and  to  have  me,  instead 
of  himself,  regarded  as  the  criminal ! 

An  old  fable  tells  us  that  a  council  of  animals, 
with  the  lion  at  their  head,  put  an  ass  on  trial  for 
having  "  broused  the  bigness  of  his  tongue."  The 
lion  (England)  was  constrained  to  confess  that  he 
had  himself  eaten  sheep,  and  shepherds  too.  Never- 
theless, it  was  the  offence  of  the  ass  (America)  that 
caused  the  council  to  shudder  with  horror.  "  What ! 
eat  another's  grass  ?  O  shame  !  "  And  so  the  vir- 
tuous rascals  condemned  him  to  die,  and  rejoiced 
anew  in  their  conscious  innocence. 

Moreover,  England,  instead  of  turning  to  her  own 
conscience  with  the  true  case,  has  the  brazen  effron- 
tery to  appeal  to  our  conscience  with  her  trumped-up 
case.  Which  of  the  parties  in  this  instance  needs 
conscience-quickening,  is  no  less  certain  than  in  the 
instance  of  the  footpad  and  the  traveller,  whom  he 
had  robbed  of  his  bags  of  gold.  The  poor  traveller 
meekly  asked  for  a  few  coins  to  defray  his  expenses 
homeward.  "  Take  them  from  one  of  the  ba^s," 
said  the  footpad,  with  an  air  of  chivalrous  magna- 
nimity ;  but,  on  seeing  the  traveller  take  half  a  dozen 
instead  of  two  or  three,  he  exclaimed,  "  Why,  man, 
have  you  no  conscience?"  England,  through  her 
subject  and  servant,  entered  into  a  conspiracy  against 
America.  America,  through  her  subject  and  ser- 
vant, forbore  to  punish  the  wickedness,  and  simply 
stopped  it.  And  yet  England  bids  us  to  our  con- 
science 1 

Why  should  England  protect  her  Captain  ?  Her 
Queen,  in  her  last  May's  Proclamation,  warned  him 
that,  for  doing  what  he  has  done,  he  should  "  in  no 
wise  obtain  any  protection."  He  had  full  knowledge 
of  the  official  character  of  the  rebels,  and  at  least 
inferential  knowledge  of  their  bearing  dispatches 
with  them.  But,  besides  that  the  whole  spirit  of  it 
is  against  what  he  has  done,  her  Proclamation  speci- 
fies "  officers  "  and  "  dispatches  "  in  the  list  of  what 
her  subjects  are  prohibited  to  carry  "  for  the  use  or 
service  of  either  of  the  contending  parties." 

England  did  not  protect  the  Captain  of  her  mail- 
steamer,  Teviot,  who,  during  our  war  with  Mexico, 
was  guilty  of  carrying  the  Mexican  General  Paredez. 
He  was  suspended.  Why  does  she  spare  the  Cap- 
tain of  the  Trent  ?  Is  it  because  she  has  more  sym- 
pathy with  the  Southern  Confederacy  than  she  had 
with  Mexico  ? — and  is,  therefore,  more  tender  toward 
him  who  serves  the  former,  than  she  was  toward  him 
who  served  the  latter?  But  it  will,  perhaps,  be 
said,  that  we  have  not  demanded  satisfaction  in  this 
case  as  we  did  in  that.  England,  nevertheless, 
knows  that  we  are  entitled  to  it;  and  that  she  is 
bound  to  satisfy  us  for  the  wrongs  she  did  us,  before 
she  complains  of  the  way  we  took  to  save  ourselves 
from  the  deep  injury  with  which  that  great  and 
guilty  wrong  threatened  us.  In  this  connexion,  I 
add,  that  if,  upon  her  own  principles  and  precedents, 
the  Captain  of  the  Trent  deserves  punishment  for 
what  he  did,  she  is  estopped  from  magnifying  into  a 
grave  offence  our  undoing  what  he  did. 

2d.  The  next  thing  which  England  should  do  is 
to  give  instructions,  or  rather  to  repeat  those  in  the 
Queen's  Proclamation,  that  no  more  rebel  Commis- 
sioners be  received  into  her  vessels. 

3d.  And  then  she  should  inform  us  whether,  in 
the  case  of  a  vessel  that  shall  hereafter  offend  in  this 
wise,  she  would  have  ,us  take  the  vessel  itself,  or 
take  but  the  Commissioners.  It  is  true  that,  what- 
ever her  preference,  we  would  probably  insist  in 
every  case  in  taking  the  vessel :— for  it  is  not  pro- 
bable that  we  shall  again  expose  ourselves  in  such  a 
case  to  the  charge  of  taking  too  little.  It  is,  how- 
ever, also  true,  that,  should  she  prefer  our  taking  the 
vessel,  we  will  certainly  never  take  less, 

But  such  instructions  and  information,  although 
they  would  provide  for  future  cases,  would  leave  the 
present  case  unprovided  for  ;  and  England  might  still 
say  that  she  could  not  acquiesce  in  our  having,  in 
this  case,  taken  the  Commissioners  instead  of  the 
vessel.  What  then  ?  She  ought  to  be  content  with  the 
expression  of  our  regret  that  we  did  not  take  the 
mode  of  her  choice,  and  the  more  so  as  that  mode 
could  not  have  been  followed  by  any  different  result 
in  respect  to  our  getting  possession  of  the  Commis- 
sioners. But  this  might  not  satisfy  her: — and  what 
then  ?  She  should  generously  wait  until  this  un- 
natural and  horrid  war  is  off' our  hands  ;  and  if  the 
parties  could  not  then  agree,  they  should  submit  the 
case  to  an  Umpire.  If,  however,  she  should  call  for 
an  Umpire  now,  then,  although  tho  civilized  world 
would  think  badly  of  her  for  it,  and  our  own  nation 
be  very  slow  to  forgive  her  for  it,  1  would,  never- 
theless, in  my  abhorrence  of  all  war,  have  our  Gov- 
ernment consent  to  an  Umpire  now.  Nay,  in  the 
spirit  of  this  abhorrence,  and  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
1  would  go  much  farther.  If  no  other  concession  we 
could  make  would  satisfy  England,  I  would  have  our 
Governmentpropose  to  surrender  the  rebels,  Mason 
and  Slidell,  in  case  the  English  Government  would 
say,  distinctly  and  solemnly,  that  it  would  not  itself 
disturb  neutral  vessels  having  on  board  rebels  who 
had  gone  out  from  England  m  quest  of  foreign  aid 
to  overturn  the  English  Government.  An  ineffably 
base  Government  would  it  prove  itself  to  be  should 
it  refuse  to  say  this,  and  yet  declare  war  on  tho 
ground  of  our  capture  of  rebels  who  were  on  their 
way  for  foreign  help  to  overturn  our  government, 

I  spoke  of  my  abhorrence  of  all  war.  Our  life- 
long opponentBofwar  find  themselves  unexpectedly 

in  sympathy  with  mighty  armies.  They  have  tocon- 
fess  that  they  never  anticipated  a  rebellion  mi  vsal  ■ 
still  less  did  they  ever  anticipate  that  England 
would  be  guilty  of  coming  to  the  help  of  such 
a  Satanic  rebellion. 

I  have  said  that  England  will  not  go  to  war  with 
us  in  thecaae  of  the  Trent.  Nevertheless,  1  am 
not  without:  fear  that,  her  Government,  will  be  driven 

in  declare  war  againBt  us.    The  Government  of  no 


other  nation  (and  this  is  honorable  to  England)  is 
more  influenced  by  the  people.  By  such  an  affair 
as  the  capture  of  Mason  and  Slidell,   the  patriotism 


of  the  leastrinformed  and  superficial  and  excitable 

part  of  her  people  is  easily  and  extensively  wrought 


urjon.  With  this  part  of  her  people  thojjnviolabilify 
of  the  British  flag  is  more  than  all  earth  besides* 
But  it  is  not  by  that  capture,  nor  by  those  classes  lo 
whom  it  appeals  with  such  peculiar  power,  that  the 
Government  will  be  moved.  If  an  irresistible  pres- 
sure comes  upon  the  Government,  it  will  come 
from  those  people  who  long  for  the  cotton  and  the 
free  trade  of  the  South,  and  who  have  allowed 
themselves  to  get  angry  with  the  North  by  foolishly 
misconstruing  our  high  tariff  (which  is  simply  a  nec- 
essary war  measure)  into  a  hostile  commercial  meas- 
ure. The  capture  of  Mason  and  Slidell  will  be 
only  the  pretext,  not  the  provocation  ;  only  the  oc- 
casion, not  the  cause  of  the  war. 

If  England  wishes  to  go  to  war  with  us  for  any 
wrongs  we  have  done  her,  she  shall  not  have  the 
chance — for  we  will  promptly  repair  the  wrongs,  at 
whatever  sacrifice  of  property  or  pride.  But  if,  as 
I  still  honor  and  love  her  too  much  to  believe,  she 
wishes  to  go  to  war  with  us  at  any  rate,  aud  chooses 
this  our  time  of  trouble  as  her  time  to  make  us  an 
easy  prey,  then  will  she  be  gratified.  It  will  be  but 
fair,  however,  to  advertise  her  that  she  must  not 
take  our  fighting  in  the  war  with  the  rebels  as  a 
sample  of  what  will  be  our  fighting  in  the  war  with 
herself.  The  former  is  fooling.  The  latter  will  be 
fighting.  On  all  subjects  connected  with  slavery, 
and  therefore  in  a  war  about  slavery,  we  Ameri- 
cans are  fools.  We  cannot  help  it.  We  have  wor- 
shipped the  idol  so  long  and  so  devoutly,  that  when 
in  its  all-influential  presence,  we  cannot  be  men. 
The  powers  of  our  moral  nature  are,  however,  not 
destroyed ;  they  are  but  perverted.  And  such  an 
outrage  as  the  English  press  threatens  us  with  will 
restore  their  legitimate  use.  Our  manhood  is  not 
dead  ;  it  but  sleeps.  And  as  it  was  when  the  Philis- 
tines fell  upon  the  bound  Samson,  that  the  Spirit  of 
the  Lord  came  to  his  help,  so,  when  the  English 
shall  fall  upon  the  worse-bound  Americans,  this 
sleeping  manhood  will  awake.  And  it  will  awake 
to  assert  itself,  not  merely  against  the  English,  but 
against  the  rebels  also.  And  it  will  do  this  mighti- 
ly, because  it  will,  at  the  same  time,  be  asserting  it- 
self against  its  own  life-long  degradations,  and  the 
hateful  cause  of  them.  Let  us  but  know  that  Eng- 
land, to  whom  we  have  done  no  wrong,  has  resolved 
to  come  to  the  help  of  the  Pro-Slavery  Rebellion, 
and  our  deep  indignation  against  her,  combining 
with  our  deeper  indignation  against  ourselves,  will 
arm  us  with  the  spirit  and  the  power  to  snap  the 
"  cords,"  and  "  green  withs,"  and  "  new  ropes,"  with 
which  slavery  has  bound  us,  and  to  dash  to  the  dust 
the  foul  idol  whose  worship  has  so  demented  and  de- 
based us.  Yes,  let  us  hear  this  month  that  England 
has  declared  war  against  us,  and  this  month  will  wit- 
ness our  Proclamation  of  Liberty  to  every  slave  in 
the  land.  No  thanks  will  be  due  her  for  the  happy 
effect  upon  us  of  her  Declaration  of  War.  No 
thauks  will  be  due  her  that  the  Declaration  will  have 
the  effect  to  save  us — to  save  us  by  making  us  anti- 
slavery.  No  more  half-way  measures,  and  no  more 
nonsense  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  shall  we  then 
propose.  There  will  be  no  more  talk  then  of  free- 
ing one  sort  of  slaves,  and  continuing  the  other  in 
slavery  ;  but  we  shall  then  invite  every  negro  in  the 
land,  bond  and  free,  to  identify  himself,  "  arm  and 
soul,"  with  our  cause.  And  then  there  will  be  no 
more  talk  of  swapping  off  taxes  for  negroes,  and  no 
more  talk  of  colonizing  and  apprenticing  them. 
Then  we  shall  be  eager  to  lift  up  the  negroes  into 
the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  of  manhood,  that  so 
we  may  have  in  them  men  to  stand  by  our  side,  and 
help  us  make  short  work  with  the  present  war,  and 
with  that  with  which  we  are  threatened. 

Owing  to  the  bewitching  and  debauching  influence 
of  slavery  upon  our  whole  nation,  there  are,  even  in 
the  Free  States,  divisions  among  us  in  regard  to  the 
present  war.  But,  should  England  so  causelessly, 
cruelly  and  meanly  force  a  war  upon  us,  there  will 
be  no  divisions  among  us  in  regard  to  that  war: — 
nor,  indeed,  will  there  then  be  in  regard  to  the  other. 
And  so  deep  and  abiding  will  be  our  sense  of  her 
boundless  injustice,  that  there  will  never  be  any 
among  us  to  welcome  propositions  of  peace  with 
England,  until  her  war  with  us  shall  have  reached 
the  result  of  our  subjugation,  or  of  her  expulsion 
from  every  part  of  the  Continent  of  North  America. 
Moreover,  we  shall  rejoice  to  hear  of  the  crushing  of 
her_ power  every  where — for  we  shall  feel  that 'the 
nation  which  can  be  guilty  of  such  a  war  is  fit  to 
govern  no  where — in  the  Eastern  no  more  than  in 
the  Western  hemisphere. 


CHANGE  IN  WASHINGTON, 

To-day  treason  is  bolder  in  New  England,  the 
sanctuary  of  loyalty,  than  here  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. The  hearts  of  patriots  are  gladdened  all  the 
day,  at  the  signs  of  fear  that  show  the  harmless  venom 
of  slavery's  minions.  Liberty  is  exultant,  defiant; 
while  slavery  crouches  and  skulks.  Night  after 
night,  martial  bands  of  music  fill  the  air  with  inspir- 
ing strains  to  call  the  champions  of  freedom,  of  sena- 
torial dignity,  to  the  balconies,  to  utter  bold  denun- 
ciations of  slavery  as  the  father  whence  sprung  the 
monster  treason.  The  vast  throngs  that  gather  in 
the  streets  shout  loudestwhen  the  utterance  of  the  or- 
ator is  most  defiant  of  the  great  crime  of  the  country. 

We  often  see  the  former  haughty  advocates  of 
"  the  institution  "  creeping  about  the  corners  of  the 
streets,  talking  in  bated  breath  of  the  "  sad  changes  " 
from  the  time  when  republican  meetings  were  broken 
up  by  pro-slavery  mobs,  and  to-day,  when  Jim  Lane 
of  Kansas,  and  Owen  Lovejoy  of  Illinois,  standing  on 
the  steps  of  Willard's  Hotel,  are  rapturously  cheered 
when  they  proclaim  themselves  the  advocates  of  eman- 
cipation. 

The  lecture  system  has  been  inaugurated  in  Wash- 
ington for  the  purpose  of  introducing  Beecher,  Phil- 
lips, Emerson,  Curtis  and  others  of  like  character  to 
an  audience  at  the  Capital.  The  lecture  room  of 
the  Smithsonian  Institute  was  duly  procured.  That, 
of  all  places,  should  be  the  one.  There  should  be  the 
theatre  of  their  triumph.  Strenuous  efforts  were 
made  to  defeat  the  object,  by  appeals  to  Professor 
Henry,  but  in  vain.  O.  A.  Brownson  was  announced 
to  give  the  first  lecture.  The  press  interfered.  Bal- 
timore papers  raised  the  alarm,  and  threatened. 
They  even  condescended  to  sneer.  The  Star  of  this 
city  was  shocked.  The  antediluvian  sheet,  called  the 
Intelligencer,  maintained  a  disgraceful  silence.  Only 
the  Republican  spoke  in  favor,  and  that  earnestly. 
The  opposition  finally  shirked  into  the  darkness  of 
night,  and  spent  its  force  in  mutilating  the  posted 
bills  giving  notice  of'the  lecture.  The  night  at  length 
arrived,  and  the  room  capable  of  seating  1000  people 
was  filled.  Mr.  Brownson  was  great,  but  his  audience 
was  worthy  of  the  orator  and  his  theme.  He  was 
bold,  kindling  as  his  audience  cheered  his  brave 
sallies,  and  his  heavy  blows  fell  upoa  the  crest  of 
slavery  as 

"Tho  sword 
Of  Michaol  smote  and  fellod  squadrons  at  once." 
Never  have  the  proprietors  of  that  room  been  so 
startled  as  by  the  repeated  and  continued  applause 
that  followed  every  telling  blow  upon  the  shackles 
of  the  slave.  The  next  day  was  one  of  congratula- 
tion, and  the  rooms  of  the  departments  were  audi- 
ence chambers  for  republican  advocates  of  liberty, 
who  wickedly  witnessed  with  pleasure  the  tortures 
of  the  old  place  men,  whose  hearts  still  vcarned  for 
the  llesh-pnts  of  Egypt. 

Last  Friday  night,' Rev.  Mr.  Storrs,  of  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.,  entertained  an  audience  full  as  larce  as  that 
of  the  week  before.  He  was  brilliant;  and  the  glit- 
ter of  his  rhetoric  charmed  his  listeners  from  the  be- 
ginning. Towards  the  close  of  his  lecture,  the  tem- 
per of'the  multitude  was  displayed  when  he  alluded 
to  American  slavery,  and  cut  with  his  keen  blade 
where  Brownson  had  smashed  with  his  ponderous 
weapon.  Loud  and  repeated  were  the  cheers  that 
will  gladden  our  hearts  till  Wendell  Phillips  shall 
stand  in  his  peerless  might  to  slay  the  monster  in  hit 
ancient  stronghold. —  Washington  con:  of  Ini' 
ent  Democrat. 


Just  the  other  Way.  The  following  adver- 
tisement will  explain  itself: — 

"  $500  Reward.  Rund  away  from  me  on  de  "th 
of  dis  month,  my  massa  Julatl  Rhett.  M;iss;i  Rhett 
am  five  feet  'leveri  inches  high,  lug  Bhoulders,  brack 
hair,  curly  shaggy  whiskers,  low  torched  an'  dark 
face.  He  make  Big  fuss  when  he  go  Inong  de  com- 
mon, he  talk  ver  big,  and  use  de  name  ob  de  Lord 
all  ob  de  time,  ('alls  heself  '  Suddern  gemmen,' 
but  I  suppose  now  will  try  to  pass  heself  off  as  a 
braok  man  or  mulatter.    iMass.-t  Rhett  has  a  deep 

scar  on  his  shoulder  from  a  light,  scratch  'cross  de 
left  eye,  made  by  my  Dinah  when  ho  tried  to  whip 
her.  lli>  neber  look  people  in  de  face.  I  more  dan 
spec  hi'  will  make  track  lor  Bergen  kouutv,  in  de 
I'ui'i'in  land  of  Jarsay,  where  I  imagine  he  hab  a  few 

friends, 

I  will  gib  four  hundred  dollars  for  him  if  alive,  an' 

five  hundred  if  anybody  show  him  dead,     [f  he  cum 

lx..;k    I:   1;:.-   k:n.l   ni..y:  iv.  -,•:■  l.vut  much  trouble    dis 
hile  will  receive  him  lubWngly. 

Sambo  Rhett. 

Beaufort,  S.  C,  Nov.  9,  L861."  wit. 


What's  the  Mattkh?  A  Recantation.— Jamc* 
Redpath,  formerly  (lie  Kansas  correspondent  of  the 
Tribune,  and  a  man  known  as  belonging  to  tin;  more 
progressive  school  of  Abolition  philosophers — a  man 
who  has  been  charged  with  having  done  almost  :m 
much  ns  any  other  in  fomenting  discord  between  'li- 
ferent States  of  the  Union — now  comes  out  in  a  pub- 
lic acknowledgment  of  past  errors,  repudiating  the 
mischievous  doctrines  disseminated  in  former  days, 
and  announces  his  retirement  as  apolitical  editor  until 
such  time  aa  he  shall  have  "attained  a  clearer  and 
more  humane  and  Christian  view  of  the  dulics  of  the 
freeman  to  the  enslaved."  Here  is  Mr.  Uedpath's 
card,  published  in  the  Pine  and  Palm,  a  newspaper 
devoted  to  the  promotion  of  Ilaytien  colonization  : — 

"A  Pkeparatory  Word.  Having  become  sin- 
cerely convinced  (hat  many  of  the  political  doctrines 
that  I  have  advocated  in  my  writings  are  dangerous 
and  abhorrent  to  the  higher  insight:  the  murjJcrous 
policy,  for  example,  of  inciting  the  shaves  to  insurrec- 
tion, which  1  have  urged  repeatedly,  and  with  terri- 
bly mistaken  zeal — I  wish  to  announce  litre  that  I 
shall  retire  from  any  participation  in  the  political  man- 
agement of  this  journal,  excepting  for  the  purpose  of 
retracting  past  errors,  until  such  time  as  I  feel  that  I 
have  attained  a  clearer  and  more  humane  and  Chris- 
tian view  of  the  duties  of  the  freeman  to  the  en- 
slaved . 

"  I  shall  confine  myself  exclusively  to  the  editing  of 
the  outside  pages  of  the  paper.  The  name  of  the 
acting  editor  will  be  duly  announced.  The  articles 
signed  with  an  asterisk  (*)  were  mine;  of  these,  I 
will  retract  many  ;  my  associates,  who  indicate  their 
respective  writings  by  the  initial  l,  and  by  the  marks 
t,  i,  and  g,  are  alone  responsible  for  their  thoughts 
thus  labelled.  /  repudiate  my  war  doctrines,  utterly  and 
former.  James  Redpath." 

This  frank  acknowledgment  is  certainly  very  noble 
in  Mr.  Kedpath,  and  if  it  is  a  presage  of  a  general 
conversion  from   the  abolition  ranks,   there  is  more 

hope  for  the  country. — N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 

A  Convert.  We  have  often  been  puzzled  to  know 
how  a  genuine  Abolitionist  could  at  the  same  time  be 
a  conscientious  man,  but  we  doubt  not  there  are  many 
such.  The  most  wofully  deluded  persons  are  often 
perfectly  honest  in  their  belief,  and  we  regard  aboli- 
tionism as  an  unfortunate  and  mischievous  delusion. 
The  ruin-working  class  of  individuals  who  have  here- 
tofore composed  the  abolition  party  are  in  a  fair  way 
to  have  their  eyes  opened  by  the  present  crisis,  and 
those  who  are  slow  to  learn  may  expect  to  have  their 
wits  sharpened  by  the  lash  of  public  opinion.  It  is  a 
hopeful  symptom,  however,  to  find  now  and  then  some 
notorious  Abolitionist  discovering,  like  Saul  of  old, 
the  dangerous  error  of  his  ways.  Such  a  case  is  that 
of  Mr.  Kedpath,  whose  conversion  we  take  pleasure 
in  presenting  in  his  own  words,  as  published  in  the 
Pine  and  Palm,  a  paper  of  which  he  has  long  had 
control.— Evansville  (Ind.)  Gazette.  jThe.  Gazette  is  a 
sheet  full  of  treasonable  designs  and  tendencies.] 


The  American  Type  Setting  Machine.  We 
learn  that  Mr.  Charles  W.  Pelt,  who  is  now  in  Eng- 
land, has  received  orders  for  some  of  his  type-com- 
posing machines  from  responsible  parties  in  the  trade. 
Mr.  Felt  took  out  -with  him  credentials  of  the  highest 
character,  and  this  substantial  endorsement  must  be 
very  gratifying  to  those  gentlemen  who  have  taken 
an  interest  in  promoting  this  important  enterprise. 

We  are  glad  to  know  that  the  first  of  these  machines 
will  probably  be  built  in  this  country,  and  hope  that  it 
may  continue  to  be  the  ease,  so  that  the   opportunity  " 
will  be  afforded  for  employing  the  labor  and  capital  of--- 
our  own  country. — Boston  Courier. 


PARKER  $40 

Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 

THIS  ia  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  Wheeler  &  "Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Bakcr-^nd  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  ihe  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market. 

f^"  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 
Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice, 
Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 

IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 
Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massacfruxetta 

Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"Four  Parker's  Sewixg  Machines.  This  Machine  ia 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a, 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  ia  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  guaging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  b  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  ho 
danger  from-  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parkeb's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. The  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  tho  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston   Traveller. 

JSP  Wo  would  call  the  attention  of  our  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  the  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and 
Grover  &  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company  :  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines—first, in  being  a  licensed  machine  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
also  the  necessity  of  the  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
bow  to  regulate  all  the  various  motions  to  the  machine! 
The  favor  with  which  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  the  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  best  machine  now  in  market. 

South  Reading  Gazette,  JVov.  24,  1SC0. 

The  Parker  Sewing  Machine  is  taking  the  lead  in  tho 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not bo  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made— strength 
and  utility  combined— and  is  emphatically  tho  cheaprst  aud 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  delighted  with  it 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parker's  machine  the 
preference  over  all  others.  We  aro  pleased  to  learn  that 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  George  E.  Leonard,  ISs  fl  :,-l; 
ington  Btreet,  Boston,  has  a  largo  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  and  sells  them  as  feat  us  tl.oy  can  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  the  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  maanfaoturera  have  almost  wholly  suspended 
operations.  This  (act,  of  itself,  spenks  more  strongly  in 
its  favor  than  any  thing  we  oim  mention  ;  fox  were  il  not 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  nave  suffered  from  tin-  nn< 
oral  depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  th,.  wreaks  of 
its  rivals.  What  w.>  tell  you  is  oe  Boston  ;  but  go  md  buy 
one  of  them,  and  you  "ill  gay  that  "hnlF«f  its  good  qual- 
ities had  never  been,  told  you."  Everyman  who  regards 
tin-  health  sod  happiness  of  his  wife  should  buy  on,-  q| 
theso  machines  to  assist  hor  in  Lessening  Ufa's  toilsome 
task.— 3fnr/eW  Gtanfts,  July  18,  1861. 


JUST   PUBLISHED, 

Andjbrvdt  of  thr    t  .     -  |J   nwm^- 

ten  Son .  t, 

AN  elaborate  Work,  entitlftd  •■  Relation  of  the  Amort- 
can  Hoard   o\    lVmiiiis>i»n1.rs   \\<t  Foreign    Mission*   i„ 

Slavery.     ByfJharioe  K.  Whipple,"-  a  volume  of  nearly 
ItoO  pages.     In  doth,  81  mute— ia  papi 

Aug.  30. 


■il  HE     LIBER  A  T  O  11 

—  IS     PUBLISHED  — 

EVERY  FEIDAY  MOKNIUG, 

221    WA3HIHGTOW   STREET,    HOOM   No.    6. 


ROBERT  F.   WALLOUT,  Ckneual  Agext. 


E£T  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  eonta  per  annum, 
in  uiiviiuiio. 

jjgpFivo  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  for  ten 
dollars,  if  payment  bo  made  in  advanoa. 

ISP"  All  remittances  are  to  be  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  tbo  pecuniary  concerns  of  tlio  paper  are  to  bo 
direeli.il  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

£5f  Advertisements  inserted  at  tlie  rate  of  five  cents  por 
line. 

[!2r"  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Libera  to  it. 

EF"  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  via  : — Francis  Jackson,  Edmund  Quincv,  Edmund 
Jackson,  and  Wenoell   Phillips. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to. all. 

the  inhabitants  thereofi" 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institution!!,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST;', 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
the  United  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Arxy, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES From  tho   instant 

that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  evert  wait  im  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  MUST  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thk 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adams, 


TO.  LLOYD  GAEEISOK,  Editor. 


ffliw  ©murtru  is  the  World,  mtr  fmmtopwn  a«  all  UtittiMtttl. 


J.  B.  YEEBINTOff  &  SON,  Printers. 


vol.  xxxii.  :sro.  2. 


BOSTON",     FEIDAY,     JANUAEY    lO,    1862. 


WHOLE    1STO.    1620. 


yymmu. 


THE  LAST  EFEOET  OF  ABOLITIONISM 
MUST  BE  EESISTED. 

Abolitionism  is  making  a  last  desperate  effort  to 
realize  its  insane  project,  the  success  of  which  would 
be  the  ruin  of  the  institutions  and  material  prosper- 
ity of  the  country.  It  knows  that  now  is  its  last 
chance.  Hence  no  effort  is  spared.  Every  influence 
it  can  command  is  brought  to  bear  on  the  Executive 
and  Congress,  and  the  military  arm,  to  effect  its  pur- 
•  pose.  The  military  is.urged  to  force  emancipation 
in  every  district  under  martial  law.  Congress  is 
called  on  to  decree  universal  and  even  unqualified 
abolition ;  or  to  do  what  would  be  equivalent  to  it. 
By  one  plausible  plea  after  another,  thousands  who 
are  not  Abolitionists  have  been  persuaded  into  the 
absurd  belief  that  emancipation  is  necessary  to  the 
restoration  of  the  Union.  The  danger  of  its  accom- 
plishing its  objects  is  not  a  small  one,  and  it  should 
be  met  with  a  resistance  commensurate  with  the 
danger. 

In  the  outset  it  is  an  obvious  question,  why  is  not 
every  member  of  Congress,  who  proposes  to  abolish 
slavery  by  act  of  Congress,  not  asked  what  right  he 
has  to  commit  Congress  to  such  legislation  ?  Con- 
gress has  repeatedly  declared  that  it  could  not  inter- 
fere with  slavery  in  the  States.  That  was  the  decla- 
ration in  Corwin's  proposed  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution, from  the  Republican  side.  Congress  must 
act  constitutionally.  It  would  be  monstrous  to  sup- 
pose any  virtue  in  that  body  to  transcend  that  in- 
stiument.  This  being  settled,  it  would  seem  that 
■every  proposition  of  emancipation  in  Congress  should 
foe  voted  down  the  moment  it  is  made  there.  *  *  * 
In  punishing  rebellion,  no  animosity  should  be  in- 
dulged against  slaveholders,  as  such.  Of  the  ab- 
stract character  of  the  institution,  which  it  has  been 
their  social  duty  to  maintain,  we  will  say  nothing 
now.  But  let  it  be  accorded  to  them,  as  truth  and 
justice  demand,  that  they  have  acquitted  themselves 
well  of  that  duty.  The  fruits  of  that  productive  in- 
dustry, which  they  have  trained  and  kept  in  motion, 
have  been  the  staples  of  a  commerce  which  has  bene- 
fited the  world — and  no  part  of  it  so  much  as  the 
North  and  West  of  the  United  States.  See  what 
awfully  desolating  results  have  followed  the  cessation 
of  that  commerce  !  The  Western  States  of  Europe 
are  trembling  under  it.  Our  own  North,  momen- 
tarily benefited  by  a  demand  for  army  supplies,  does 
not  feel  it,  as  it  will  by  and  by.  But  survey  the 
We-St — with  no  choice  of  an  outlet  to  Europe,  save 
through  New  York — its  products  at  half  their  for- 
mer price,  and  all  its_  purchases  at  double  that  price. 
In  fact,  the  farmer  of  the  West  can  scarcely  raise 
produce  at  current  prices.  The  gross  yield  of  his 
farm  would  not  pay  the  wages  of  the  hands  neces- 
sary to  raise  it.  No  part  of  the  United  States  is 
more  afflicted  by  the  cessation  of  the  Southern  trade. 
Men  now  see  the  fallacy  of  all  those  theories,  that 
belittled  Southern  industry,  and  the  importance  of 
Southern  commerce  with  it,  to  the  rest  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Let  us  give  some  credit  to  the  men  who, 
while  sustaining  a  system  which,  though  legal,  has 
been  held  up  to  unsparing  odium,  have  made  that 
system  productive  of  so  many  and  great  benefits, 
that  the  withdrawal  of  them  has  sent  fear  and  tremb- 
ling through  the  nations. 

Now,  if  the  Abolitionists  should  triumph,  what  is 
it  but  a  decree  of  devastation  against  the  South  ? 
What,  when  its  full  purposes  are  executed,  will  re- 
main to  us  there  but  charred  ruins?  What  will 
Union,  with  such  blasted  relics,  be  worth  ?  How 
many  years  will  it  take,  to  restore  that  country  after 
it  has  been  blighted  by  the  deadly  breath  of  this 
blast  of  a  sirocco  ? 

The  truth  is,  the  slave  system  should  not  be  abol- 
ished— least  of  all,  summarily.  Everything  should 
be  done  to  avoid  this  catastrophe.  Instead  of  invent- 
ing pretexts  for  freeing  the  slaves,  every  just  means 
should  be  taken  to  avert  that  result.  And  this  can 
be  done  without  remitting  any  of  the  vigor  necessary 
to  the  successful  prosecution  of  this  war.  Up  to  a 
recent  period,  every  sane  man  in  the  country — that 
is,  all  but  the  Abolitionists — exclaimed  against  the 
monstrosity  of  freeing  the  slaves  on  the  soil.  To 
overrun  the  country,  which  we  still  want  to  call  the 
United  States,  with  hordes  of  idle  free  negroes,  was 
deemed  the  raving  of  a  madman.    Itshouldjstill  be  so. 

This  last  tremendous  effort  of  Abolitionism,  by 
one  means  or  other,  to  free  the  slaves,  and  bring 
upon  us  untold  mischief,  of  which  we  have  now  only 
a  small  foretaste,  should  then  be  strongly  resisted  by 
every  man  in  Congress,  who  would  stand  up  for  our 
Union  in  its  integrity,  and  would  avert  distresses 
and  afflictions,  from  which  the  country  would  not  re- 
cover for  half  a  century.  The  time  is  now.  Abo- 
litionism is  watching  its  chance,  and  leaving  no  stone 
unturned  to  bring  this  ruin  down  upon  the  country. 
So  vigilantly  must  its  every  movement  be  watched. 
If  Abolitionism  wins  this,  its  last  battle,  the  country 
is  ruined.  God  avert  such  a  calamity! — St.  Louts 
Republican  of  Dsc.  21th. 


Cost  of  Abolitionism.  "  What  Slavery  is  cost- 
ing," says  the  Cliicago  Tribune,  quoting  Mr.  Secre- 
tary Chase's  Report,  "is  $897,372,802." 

Nay,  good  sir,  that  is  what  Abolitionism  is  costing. 
Slavery  was  here  at  the  birth  of  the  Republic,  and 
received  the  protection  of  the  Constitution  and  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States;  while  Abolition  is 
comparatively  a  new  devil,  born  of  lust  and  fanati- 
cism, but  for  which  the  Union  would  be  prosperous 
and  happy. 

Therefore  say  that  Abolitionism  is  now  costing  the 
country  almost  "two  millions  of  dollars  per  day,  be- 
sides a  bottomless  ocean  of  blood. — Bergen  Democrat. 


TriADDEcs  Stevens.  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  is  kicking  up  such  a  row  in  Con- 
gress about  slavery,  and  wishes  to  free  all  the  slaves 
at  the  South,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  at  the 
expense  of  the  loyal  Stales— thus  saddling  us  in  ad- 
dition to  our  probable  annual  expense  of  $  105,000,000 
for  interest  on  our  war  debt  in  1863,  and*  100,000,000 
for  ordinary  expenses,  making  the  snug  total  of 
.5205,000,000, — in  addition  to  this,  we  say,  he  would 
add  to  our  direct  taxes  an  interest  on  the  money 

J  (aid  for  slaves  at  least  one  hundred  and  thirty  or 
brty  millions  more,  leaving  the  honest,  hard  working 
men  of  the  country  enslaved  by  an  annual  expense 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty,  or  four  hundred  millions  a 
year  I  But  this  proposition  is  as  revolutionary  as 
Jeff.  Davis's  Constitution,  and  those  who  sustain  it 
are  as  much  rebels  against  the  Constitution  of  the 
Union  as  the  army  at  Manassas,  and  deserve  to  be 
dealt  with  in  the  same  manner.  The  former  career 
of  Stevens  has  qualified  him  for  the  violent  course 
he  is  now  urging  upon  his  "  confederates."  We  re- 
member him  as  a  rabid  anti-mason  many  years  ago, 
who,  by  his  intrigues  in  Pennsylvania,  embroiled 
that  State  in  civil  commotion  to  an  extent  that  re- 
quired the  aid  of  military  force  to  sustain  the  con- 
stitutional authorities  in  opposition  to  Stevens  and 
his  abettors,  when  the  "  buck-shot  war"  left  him  in 
disgrace  too  deep  for  any  party  to  reach  him  wteepl 
ultra  Abolitionism. — Boston  Post. 


$  tltttivuii 


THE  OLD  STATE  0T  THINGS  NEITHER  DE- 
SIRABLE NOR  POSSIBLE. 

The  following  forcible  and  impressive  suggestions 
are  extracted  from  the  very  able  speech  delivered  by 
Hon.  M.  F.  Conway,  of  Kansas,  in  the  U.  S.  House 
of  Representatives,  December  12,  1861 : — 

Let  this  plan  of  the  Administration  for  bringing 
back  the  seceded  States  on  the  old  basis  be  realized, 
and  we  shall  be  precisely  where  we  were  at  the  com- 
mencement of  this  struggle.  Slavery  might  possibly 
be  satisfied  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  to-day,  but 
what  would  not  to-morrow  inevitably  disclose  ?  It 
might  possibly,  while  suffering  from  the  disaster  of 
secession,  regard  its  situation  tolerably  satisfactory 
in  the  Union  on  almost  any  terms.  But  once  re- 
covered from  the  shock  of  its  defeat,  would  it  not 
again  develop  its  ambitious  and  aggressive  nature 
with  as  much  virulence  as  ever  ?  No  one  can  doubt 
it.  Hence,  should  this  policy  prevail,  nothing  is 
more  demonstrably  clear  than  that  the  future  history 
of  this  country  will  realize  the  very  same  troubles  of 
which  we  so  grievously  complain  in  our  past,  and 
which  culminated  in  the  overwhelming  calamity  of 
civil  war.  After  the  lapse  of  a  little  time,  when  the 
strife  of  the  present  hour  shall  have  composed  itself 
to  rest,  the  old  monster  will  again  come  forth  from 
his  lair.  In  every  State  in  the  South,  we  shall  have 
this  measure  and  that  for  the  benefit  of  slavery  set 
up  as  a  test  in  all  the  elections  for  State  Legislature, 
for  Governor,  for  members  of  Congress,  for  presiden- 
tial electors,  for  everything;  and  those  candidates 
will,  of  course,  be  chosen  who  are  most  ultra  in  their 
pro-slavery  tendencies.  If  Mr.  Holt,  or  Mr.  John- 
son, or  Mr.  Cariile,  or  other  men  like  them,  do  not 
square  up  to  the  highest  standard  of  Southern  exac- 
tion, they  will  soon  be  set  aside,  and  those  who  do 
will  take  their  places.  The  presidential  election 
will  be  controlled  in  the  same  way.  It  will  be  trea- 
son to  the  South  to  vote  for  a  Northern  man,  unless 
he  is  a  "  Northern  man  with  Southern  principles." 
Their  chosen  candidate  will  be  the  one  who  gives 
the  best  proof  of  his  devotion  to  the  South.  Here, 
then,  will  again  be  generated  that  species  of  poli- 
tician known  as  the  "  doughface."  Those  at  the 
North  who,  in  times  past,  ignominiously  threw  them- 
selves down  at  the  feet  of  the  slaveholders  as  "mud- 
sills," to  pave  the  edifice  of  their  power,  will  again 
pass  into  the  service  of  that  "  oligarchy."  Northern 
servility  and  Southern  arrogance  will  grow  apace; 
and  from  one  demand  to  another,  from  one  conces- 
sion to  another,  they  will  advance  until  the  disorder 
again  reaches  its  crisis,  when  another  explosion  will 
ensue,  the  anti-slavery  element  will  rise  into  power 
as  before  by  reason  of  excesses  on  the  other  side,  the 
whole  slave  interest  will  be  again  imperilled,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  it,  with,  perhaps,  its  allies,  will 
again  fly  to  arms,  (its  natural  resort,)  and  the  coun- 
try will  again  be  involved  in  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 
This  is  the  inevitable  action  and  reaction  of  our  pres- 
ent system.  The  movement,  while  slavery  lasts,  is 
one  which  proceeds  upon  natural  laws,  just  as  in- 
exorable as  the  laws  which  govern  the  movements  of 
the  planets.  They  cannot  be  couuteracted  by  any 
sort  of  political  legerdemain. 

Nor  does  it  improve  the  case  in  the  slightest  de- 
gree that  all  this  will  be  done  through  men  and  or- 
ganizations heretofore  dear  to  the  people  as  repre- 
senting a  better  cause.  Circumstances  change,  and 
men  change  with  them;  but  principles  change  not. 
Men  may  not  see,  or  seeing  may  not  believe.  Again  : 
men  m'ay  be  willing,  for  the  sake  of  power,  to  dis- 
card the  principles  to  which  they  once  stood  pledged. 
Or  they  may  never,  in  fact,  have  been  pledged  to 
principles  in  themselves,  but  only  to  certain  applica- 
tions of  them. 

The  resolving  force  of  the  war  may  turn  the  spirit 
of  slavery  into  a  new  body,  with  new  head  and  feet 
and  hands.  The  old  personnel  of  the  oligarchy  may 
be  entirely  displaced.  Hunter  and  Mason,  and  Sli- 
dell  and  Toombs,  and  Stephens  and  Beauregard,  and 
Keitt  and  Pryor,  and  the  whole  array  of  the  pres- 
ent, may  pass  into  eternal  oblivion,  and  new  names 
be  substituted  in  their  stead  ;  names,  it  may  be,  in 
many  instances,  which  have  been,  aud  are  even  now, 
associated  with  our  own  in  political  action.  But 
this  will  not  improve  the  case.  Slavery  will  be  sla- 
very still.  Organizations  cannot  change  it,  though 
it  may  change  them.  Nor  can  men's  names,  nor 
party  names,  change  it.  It  may  enroll  itself  under 
the  "  Flag  of  our  Union,"  and  turn  its  face  from 
Richmond  to  Washington.  It  may  gather  around 
the  purlieus  of  the  White  House,  instead  of  the  Con- 
federate mansion.  It  may  bow  down  to  Abraham 
Lincoln  as  the  god  of  its  idolatry,  rejecting  its  pres- 
ent idol  on  the  banks  of  the  James  river.  But  it 
will,  nevertheless,  be  sure  to  come  into  our  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives;  it  will  be  sure  to 
come  into  our  electoral  college;  it  will  be  sure  to 
come  into  our  national  conventions;  and  it  will  be 
sure  to  be  felt  wherever  it  is.  It  will  vote  for  slave- 
ry. It  will  vote  for  slavery  first,  and  for  slavery 
last,  and  always  for  slavery.  If  Abraham  Lincoln 
would  be  reelected  President,  he  must  secure  the 
vote  of  slavery;  for  if  he  does  not,  somebody  else 
will  by  its  aid  be  elected  over  him.  And  it  follows, 
as  the  night  the  day,  if  Abraham  Lincoln  secures 
the  vote  of  slavery,  that  slavery  must,  in  turn,  secure 
the  v'ote  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Indeed,  the  tendency  of  the  Government,  upon 
the  principles  which  now  control  its  action  with  re- 
spect to  the  war,  is  irresistibly  towards  such  a  trans- 
mutation of  political  elements  as  will  restore  the 
Slave  Power  to  its  wonted  supremacy  in  the  Union, 
with  the  Administration  for  its  representative  and 
agent,  however  reluctant  the  latter  might  be  to  per- 
form so  ignominious  a  part.      *  *         *         * 

I  will  not  impeach  the  motives  of  the  Administra- 
tion. It  is  doubtless  guided  by  a  sincere  desire  to 
do,  in  all  things,  what  will  prove  to  be  for  the  best 
interests  of  the  country.  But  it  is,  nevertheless, 
acting  upon  a  most  deplorable  policy  in  this  respect. 
Principles  tontrol  events;  and  its  principles  in  this 
regard  cannot  fail  to  develop  another  woeful  cycle 
of  national  contention  and  disaster,  probably  more 
violent,  bitter,  and  fatal  than  anything  in  our  past 
history.  The  very  opposite  course  is  the  one  il 
ought  to  pursue.  To  liberate  the  Government  utter- 
ly and  forever  from  slavery  should  be  its  first  and 
paramount  object.  To  accomplish  this,  it  is  only 
necessary  for  it  to  discard  an  attenuated  abstraction, 
and  avail  itself  of  opportunities  which  God  has 
brought  to  our  very  doors.  The  simple  act  of  chang- 
ing in  practice  the  relations  of  the  Government,  and 
pursuing  the  war  according  to  tho  law  and  facts  of 
the  case,  would,  in  a  short  time,  make  the  United 
States  as  completely  free  from  slavery  as  Canada, 
and  place  the  institution  at  our  feet,  and  under  our 
feet.  To  recognize  the  Confederate  States  for  their 
benefit  is  no  part  of  our  duty;  but  to  shape  our 
policy  to  accord  with  events,  and  enable  us  to  fulfill 
a  high  purpose,  is  what  wo  are  imperatively  called 
Upon  to  'in.  The  fiction  upon  which  we  are  now 
proceeding  binds  us  to  slavery ;  and  hence  tho  na- 
tional arms,  instead  of  being  directed  against  it,  are 


held  where  they  may  at  any  moment  be  required  to 
be  turned  to  its  defence. 

The  wish  of  the  masses  of  our  people  is  to  conquer 
the  seceded  States  to  the  authority  of  the  Union, 
and  hold  them  as  subject  provinces.  Whether  this 
will  ever  be  accomplished,  no  one  can,  of  course, 
confidently  foretell;  but,  in  my  judgment,  until  this 
purpose  is  avowed,  and  the  war  assumes  its  true 
character,  it  is  a  mere  juggle,  to  be  turned  this  way 
or  that — for  slavery  or  against  it — as  the  varying 
accidents  of  the  hour  may  determine. 

It  is  well  that  the  bugbear  of  disunion  has  passed 
away,  and  can  no  longer  be  used  to  frighten  timid 
souls  from  their  propriety.  Every  one  now  sees  that 
there  cannot  be  any  permanent  separation  of  the 
States  of  the  South  from  those  of  the  North  ;  that 
they  are  wedded  by  ties  of  nature,  destined  to 
triumph  over  all  disintegrating  and  explosive  forces. 

Should  the  belligerent  sections  settle  down  upon 
existing  bases  into  separate  political  communities, 
the  States  in  the  Southern  section,  along  the  North- 
ern line,  would  speedily  become  free,  and  eager  to 
reunite  with  the  North.  Such  slaves  as  could  escape 
across  the  line  would  do  so,  and  the  rest  would  be' 
conveyed  by  their  owners  to  the  distant  South  ;  and 
as  these  States  became  free,  they  would  become  an- 
tagonistic to  their  confederates,  and  reconciled  to 
the  old  Union  ;  and  no  obstacle  could  prevent  their 
return.  Thus  the  southern  line  of  the  United 
States  would  be  brought  down  to  the  next  tier  of 
slave  States,  upon  which  the  same  effect  would  be 
wrought ;  and  thus  the  process  continued  until  the 
national  ensign  would  again  float  unchallenged  on 
the  breezes  of  the  Gulf.  This  would  effect  a  restora- 
tion of  the  Union  on  an  anti-slavery  basis. 

So  that,  even  if  the  present  war  should  cease,  a 
new  one  would  immediately  begin.  Moral  forces 
would  take  the  place  of  physical  ones ;  and  the  anti- 
slavery  editor  and  lecturer  would  appear  instead  of 
the  dragoon  and  musketeer.  The  centre  of  Aboli- 
tionism would  in  time  be  transferred  from  Boston  to 
Richmond;  and  we  should  see  a  Virginia  "libera- 
tor," in  the  person  of  some  new  Garrison,  come  forth 
to  break  the  remaining  "covenant  with  death"  and 
league  with  hell." 

The  question  may  be  fairly  regarded,  however,  as 
in  one  sense  a  question  of  union.  Estrangement 
and  war  will  always  exist  while  slavery  survives. 
The  extinction  of  this  evil  is  the  only  final  enr3.  of 
disunion.  The  question,  therefore,  is,  whethp^(0RF 
Union  shall  be  a  real  or  a  pretended  one— whWuer 
freedom  shall  be  its  law  and  peace  its  fruit,  or  slave- 
ry its  law  and  war  its  baleful  offspring.  A  system 
based  on  slavery  is  essentially  one  of  disunion.  The 
war  must,  therefore,  strike  for  freedom,  or  its  pro- 
fessions about  Union  are  delusive,  and  its  end  will 
be  naught  but  evil. 

Should  it  fail  to  do  so,  then  let  us  cast  it  out  as  a 
wickedness  and  an  abomination,  and  trust  the  cause 
of  Union  to  other  preservatives — to  God's  provi- 
dence rather  than  to  man's  imbecility  and  treachery. 
War  is  obnoxious  on  general  principles;  and  is  only 
sanctified  as  a  means  to  a  noble  end.  It  is  a  treach- 
erous instrument  at  best ;  and  in  this  case  there  is  no 
little  danger  that  it  will  turn  into  a  thunderbolt  to 
smite  us  to  the  earth,  burying  beneath  the  ruins  of 
our  constitutional  liberty  the  hopes  of  mankind. 

Eight  hundred  thousand  strong  men,  in  the  prime 
of  life,  sober  and  industrious,  are  abstracted  from 
the  laboring  population  of  the  country  to  consume 
and  be  a  tax  upon  those  who  remain  to  work.  The 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  tells  a  fear- 
ful tale.  Nearly  two  million  dollars  per  day  will 
hardly  more  than  suffice  to  cover  existing  expendi- 
tures ;  and  in  one  year  and  a  half  our  national  debt, 
if  the  war  continues,  will  amount  to  the  sum  of 
$900,000,000. 

This  is  the  immense  sacrifice  we  are  making  for 
freedom  and  Union ;  and  yet,  is  it  all  to  be  squan- 
dered on  a  subterfuge  and  a  cheat  ?  For  one,  I 
ball  not  vote  another  dollar  or  man  for  the  war  un- 
til it  assumes  a  different  standing,  and  tends  directly 
to  an  anti-slavery  result.  Millions  for  freedom,  but 
not  one  cent  for  slavery. 

Sir,  we  cannot  afford  to  despise  the  opinion  of  the 

rilized  world  in  this  matter.  Our  present  policy 
narrows  our  cause  down  to  an  ignoble  struggle  for 
mere  physical  supremacy,  and  for  this  the  world  can 
have  no  genuine  respect.  Our  claim  of  authority, 
based  on  a  trivial  technicality  about  the  proper  dis- 
tinction between  a  Federal  Government  and  a  mere 
confederacy,  amounts  to  nothing.  The  human  mind 
has  outgrown  that  superstitious  reverence  for  Gov- 
ernment of  any  kind  which  makes  rebellion  a  crime 
per  se ;  and  right  of  secession  or  no  right  of  seces- 
sion— what  the  world  demands  to  know  in  the  case 
is,  upon  which  side  does  the  morality  of  the  question 
lie  ?  Considered  as  a  bloody  and  brutal  encounter 
between  slaveholders  for  dominion,  it  is  justly  offeu- 
"  'e  to  the  enlightened  and  Christian  sentiment  of  the 
age.  Yet  the  fate  of  nations,  no  less  than  of  in- 
dividuals, is  moulded  by  the  actions,  and  these  by 
the  opinions  of  mankind.  So  that  public  opinion  is 
the  real  sovereign  after  all,  and  no  policy  can  be 
permanently  successful  which  defies  or  disregards  it. 
The  human  mind,  wherever  found,  however  limited 
in  development  or  rude  in  culture,  is  essentially  logi- 
cal; the  heart,  however  hardened  by  selfishness  or 
sin,  has  a  chord  to  be  touched  in  sympathy  with  suf- 
fering; and  the  conscience  has  its  "  still  small  voice," 
which  never  dies,  to  whisper  to  both  heart  and  un- 
derstanding of  eternal  justice.  Therefore,  in  an  age 
of  free  thought  and  free  expression,  the  brain  and 
heart  and  conscience  of  mankind  are  the  lords  who 
rule  the  rulers  of  the  world,  and  no  mean  attribute 
of  statesmanship  is  quickness  to  discern,  and  prompt- 
ness to  interpret  and  improve  the  admonitions  of 
this  august  trinity. 

Sad,  indeed,  will  it  be  if  those  who,  in  this  aus- 
picious hour,  arc  invested  with  the  responsibility  of 
command,  shall  continue  to  lack  wisdom  to  compre- 
hend or  virtue  to  perform  their  duty.  This  is  the 
great  opportunity  which  God  has  vouchsafed  to  us 
for  our  deliverance  from  that  great  curse  which  dark- 
ens our  past.  Let  us  not  prove  ourselves  unequal  to 
the  destiny  which  its  tenders.  Oh  !  let  us  not  at- 
tempt to  rebuild  our  empire  on  foundations  of  sand; 
let  us  rear  it  on  a  basis  of  eternal  granite.  Let  the 
order  of  justice,  the  harmony  of  God's  benignant 
laws  pervade  it.  And  no  internal  commotions  or 
outward  assaults  will  afterwards  beset  it,  against 
which  it  may  not  rise  triumphant  and  enduring. 

"Thou  vampire  Slavery,  nwn  that  thou  art  dead! 
*******        Yield  to  us 
The  wealth  thy  spoetral  fingers  cannot  hold  ; 
Bless  OS,  nml  so  ili'im.rt  to  lio  in  state, 
Embalmed  thy  lil'eloss  body,  and  thy  .shade 
So  clamorous  now  for  bloody  holocausts, 
Hallowed  to  peace  by  pious  festivals." 

Thus  may  the  great  Republic,  so  long  perverted 
and  paralyzed  by  slavery,  stand  forth,  in  the  words 
of  the  Irish  orator,  "  redeemed,  regenerated,  and 
disenthralled  by  the  genius  of  universal  emancipa- 
tion." 

83f*  Tho  negro  boys  about  Annapolis  have  caught 
the  "  Army  Ilynin,"  and  ( Md  John  Brown's  "  Glory, 

Hallelujah,"  from  the  New  England  soldiers.    As 

for  the  latter,  an  Annapolis  resident  says,  "the  ne- 
groes are  clear  carried  away  with  it." 


A  REVERSAL  OF  THE  CASE. 

-  Extract  from  an  able  speech  delivered  by  Hon.  J. 
M.  Ashley,  at  Toledo,  Ohio,  Nov.  26,  1861  :— 

Do  you  suppose  that  a  Northern  conspiracy  against 
the  government  could  have  been  as  successfully  in- 
augurated, and  put  into  execution,  as  this  Southern 
conspiracy  has  been — that  we  could  have  held  Nor- 
thern Conventions,  elected  Northern  State  Gover- 
nors on  the  direct  issue  of  dissolving  the  Union,  or 
compelling  the  South  to  adopt  such  a  National  Con- 
stitution as  we  might  dictate  without  the  entire  South 
being  familiar  with  every  movement,  and  unitedly 
prepared  to  resist  it  ?  In  addition  to  all  this,  do  you 
believe  the  South  would  ever  have  been  guilty  of 
voting  for  Northern  men  who  were  her  open  and  un- 
disguised enemies;  that  they  would  ever  have 
placed  them,  as  we  have  done,  in  the  most  honorable 
and  responsible  positions  in  the  Government?  I  ask 
you  if  you  believe  it  possible  for  the  North,  with  all  her 
boasted  knowledge,  to  have  done  as  the  South  has 
done  for  the  past  twenty  years,  without  every  South- 
ern representative,  not  only  understanding  every 
movement,  under  whatever  party  name  or  pretext 
they  might  have  been  disguised ;  but  that  their  entire 
population  would  also  have  understood  it,and  directed 
their  representatives  boldly  to  meet  the  issue  at  the 
very  threshold,  and  defeat  it,  not  by  compromising 
with  it,  but  by  meeting  the  question  like  men,  and 
by  an  early  and  proper  exposure  of  the  designs  of 
the  conspirators,  nipped  their  treason  in  the  bud  ? 

But  this  secession  movement  has  been  openly  ad- 
vocated for  years,  and  its  champions  have  been 
placed  by  Northern  votes  and  Northern  Presidents 
not  only  in  the  Cabinet  but  in  the  most  honorable 
and  responsible  positions  of  the  Government.  If 
able  and  true  men  pointed  out  the  danger,  as  did 
John  Quincy  Adams,  their  voices  would  be  drowned 
by  the  din  of  commerce  and  the  cry  of  demagogues, 
who  either  for  the  sake  of  party  or  office,  or  the  prom- 
ise of  office,  would  in  proportion  to  their  ignorance 
denounce  with  increased  vehemence,  all  such  state- 
ments as  unqualifiedly  false  and  only  made  to  injure 
their  party.  For  the  sake  of  party  and  the  hope  of 
securing  some  petty  office  for  two  or  four  years,  ig- 
norant and  corrupt  men  have  usurped  in  the  name 
of  the  people  the  management  of  political  conventions, 
and  the  great  interests  of  the  country  have  been  made 
subordinate  to  the  ambitions  of  men  whose  whole 
lives  gave  assurances  of  their  unfitness  for  responsible 
positions. 

Because  of  this  state  of  things  the  North,  although 
superior  in  point  of  wealth,  population  and  intelli- 
gence, have  been  made  the  "  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  "  for  the  South.  Do  you  ask  when 
this  state  of  things  shall  forever  cease  ?  1  answer 
thaf  it  will  cease,  as  this  rebellion  will  cease,  when- 
ever a  united  people  earnestly  wills  it,  and  not  before. 

That  the  over  prudent,  therfimid  and  the  indiffer- 
ent, with  the  trickster  and  the  demagogue,  will  join 
with  cowardly  hunkerism  in  condemning  the  manner 
in  which  I  am  treating  this  subject,  I  do  not  doubt, 
and  I  do  not  object.  In  my  opinion,  this  is  no  time 
for  honied  phrases,  and  I  have  therefore  called  things 
by  their  right  names.  This  is  a  war  about  slavery, 
and  you  and  I  know  it.  The  South  declare  that  our 
unconstitutional  interference  with  slavery  is  the  cause 
of  this  rebellion.  For  this  we  are  indicted  at  the. 
bar  of  public  opinion,  and  required  to  plead  "  guilty  " 
or  not  "guilty."  Instead  of  responding  promptly, 
manfully,  and  truthfully,  "  not  guilty,"  all  Hunker- 
dom  holds  its  breath  for  fear  of  offending  its  South- 
ern brethren,  and  demands  that  we  shall  plead  to  any- 
thing else  than  that  with  which  we  are  charged  in  the 
rebel  indictment.  Will  any  lawyer  tell  me  how  we 
are  to  defend  ourselves  ?  What  shall  be  our  reply 
to  this  charge?  We  may  plead  all  our  sins  of  omis- 
sion and  commission,  but  that  will  not  do.  Silence 
on  the  only  distinct  charge  made  in  the  indictment 
against  us  is  an  admission  of  our  guilt.  It  is  all  any 
rebel  can  ask.  It  is  substantially  saying  to  the  world 
that  the  South  is  right,  and  the  Sorth  is  wrong. 
Therefore,  for  one,  I  plead  "  not  guilty,"  and  "  put 
myself  upon  the  country."  Suppose,  instead  of  the 
charge  of  improper  interference  with  slavery,  the 
North  were  charged  in  the  rebel  indictment  with  un- 
constitutionally interfering  with  the  rights  of  the 
South  on  the  question  of  the  Tariff,  or  Pacific  Rail- 
road, or  the  question  of  representation,  or  any  one 
of  the  many  questions  which  have  divided  political 
parties  in  this  country — would  prudent  but  timid 
friends  be  found  then,  as  now,  uniting  with  the  po- 
litical trickster  and  the  demagogue  in  seconding  the 
demand  of  Hunkerism,  that  we  should  not  only  not 
plead  to  that  with  which  we  were  charged,  but  that 
we  should  not  even  dissent  or  publicly  allude  to  the 
matter  at  issue  ?  How  can  a  statesman,  who  is  guttl- 
ed by  the  principles  of  justice,  or  even  by  political 
expediency,  demand  of  any  rational  people  anything 
so  irrational  or  idiotic  as  debate  and  answer  to  charg- 
es without  any  reference  to  the  subject  matter  of  the 
charges  ? 

If  this  rebellion  had  resulted  from  a  conspiracy  on 
the  part  of  the  great  body  of  Railroad  corporations, 
or  Banks,  or  Manufacturing  interests  in  the  United 
States,  because  the  General  or  State  Governments 
had  refused  to  comply  with  their  demands,  do 
you  suppose  there  would  have  been  any  such 
hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  as  to 
their  duty,  there  has  been  towards  the  present 
rebels?  The  old  Bank  of  the  United  States 
had  a  capital  of  only  fifty  millions  of  dollars, 
and  yet  General  Jackson  thought  its  continued 
existence  dangerous  to  tho  liberties  of  the  peo- 
ple, because  he  knew  it  subsidized  the  public  press, 
controlled  party  conventions,  and,  with  its  gold,  cor- 
rupted statesmen,  and  divided  the  nation's  chosen 
guardians  and  counsellors.  He  thereupon  crushed 
it  out,  and  the  nation  applauded  him.  The  number 
of  rebel  slaveholders  in  the  United  States  does  not 
exceed  350,000  men,  women  and  minor  children,  all 
told.  Of  tins  number,  not  more  than  200,000  are 
voters,  and  yet  they  claim  that  their  capital  in  slaves 
is  worth  two  thousand  millions  of  dollars.  If  fifty 
millions  of  dollars  in  the  hands  of  a  bank  were  dan- 
gerous to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  how  much  more 
dangerous  are  two  thousand  millions  of  dollars  in  the 
hands  of  slaveholders,  who  are  enemies  to  the  Gov- 
ernment? For  the  protection  of  this  property,  as 
they  claim  it  to  be,  they  have  demanded  special  leg- 
islation and  constitutional  guarantees  which  the  peo- 
ple would  not  grant,  and  because  of  tho  refusal,  this 
small  but  powerful  class  have  made  this  war  upon 
the  Government.  Suppose  the  great  majority  of 
the  bankers  of  the  United  States  (and  the  bank 
stockholders  aro  really  a  more  numerous  class  than 
the  rebel  slaveholders)  were  to  combine,  and  de- 
mand an  amendment  to  tho  Constitution,  granting 
them  perpetual  charters,  with  the  right  to  suspend 
specie  payment  whenever,  in  their  opinion,  the  in- 
terests of  the  banks  demanded  it;  and  suppose  the 
people  should  refuse  to  give  them  such  a  dangerous 
grant  of  power,  and,  because  of  this  refusal,  they 
should  unite  in  a  conspiracy  to  destroy  the  Govern- 
ment by  making  war  upon  it  as  the  rebel  slaveholders 
are  now  doing,  what  would  you,  us  practical  men,  do 
if  (hey,  instead  of  the  slaveholders,  were  the  rebels  ? 
I  know  what  you  would  demand,  and  it  would  be 
done — the  leading  conspirators  would  be  arrested, 
and  their  property  confiscated  to  pay  the  oxpenses 


of  putting  down  the  rebellion,  and  thus  make  it  impos- 
sible for  them  to  get  up  another  such  rebellion.  I 
would  do  the  same  with  the  Railroad  conspirators,  who 
have  more  wealth  and  more  men  interested  with 
them  than  all  the  slaveholding rebels— I  would  do  the 
same  with  any  combination  of  men,  under  the  same 
circumstances.  The  Banking,  Railroad  and  Manu- 
facturing interests  of  the  United  States  each  separate- 
ly controls  more  wealth  than  all  the  conspirators 
now  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  and  their  institutions 
are  of  more  importance  to  commerce — to  civilization 
and  good  government — than  all  the  slaveholders, 
whether  loyal  or  rebel ;  and  yet,  if  any  one  or  all  of 
these  interests  were  to  combine  against  the  Govern- 
ment, what  would  be  their  fate  ?  Would  there  be 
any  division  among  us  or.  tho  qir^t'crt  of  cnnHnctintr 
the  war  against  them  ?  Why  then,  as  practical  me: 
should  we  hesitate  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued 
towards  rebel  slaveholders  ? 


THE  BORDER  STATES. 

The  leading  obstacles  which  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
Union  cause  arise  from  the  views  and  course  of  the 
professedly  loyal  men  in  the  border  slave  States. 
For  all  firm  and  sincere  friends  of  the  Union  in  those 
States,  there  should  be  exercised  due  forbearance  and 
cherished  earnest  sympathy.  But  it  is  weakness  for 
the  people  and  authorities  of  the  loyal  States  to  al- 
low the  men  of  the  border  States  to  prevent  the 
adoption  of  such  action  as  will  save  them  and  restore 
the  Union.  As  a  rule,  sick  men  cannot  safely  pre- 
scribe for  themselves,  especially  if  their  condition  is 
at  all  critical.  Thus  far  the  border  States  have  ham- 
pered the  limbs  of  the  Government  and  the  free 
States  to  a  great  extent.  This  condition  of  things 
cannot  continue,  if  the  Republic  is  to  be  saved.  The 
free  States  furnish  the  men  and  the  money,  and  their 
opinions  must  be  properly  respected.  The  North- 
ern millions  cannot  be  expected  to  pour  out  rivers 
of  blood  to  blindly  follow  the  advice  of  men  whose 
eyes  are  greatly  obscured  by  peculiar  notions  of 
negro  property.  If  the  border  State  Union  men  ex- 
pect the  Northern  braves  to  save  them  from  the  ropes 
and  bullets  of  their  secession  foes,  they  must  allow 
them  freedom  of  action.  Samson  was  powerless 
when  deprived  of  his  hair.  The  Northern  giant  can 
restore  the  fabric  of  the  Republic  to  its  original 
beauty  and  strength,  and  beat  back  his  ferocious  en- 
emies, only  by  being  allowed  to  breathe  the  same 
air  of  freedom  in  which  he  was  born  and  reared,  and 
to  have  full  liberty  to  act  as  exigencies  and  events 
overwhelmingly  indicate.  Let  us  sympathize- with, 
and  defend  our  Union  friends  in  Kentucky  and  Vir- 
ginia. But  to  ask  the  600,000  brave  and  loyal  sol- 
diers of  the  free  States  to  be  controlled  by  Kentucky 
advice,  is  asking  what  true  patriotism  and  common 
sense  will  not  sanction.  If  the  Union  is  to  be  govern- 
ed from  Frankfort,  it  would  be  even  worse  than  it 
was  to  allow  the  democratic  party  to  be  governed  by 
Virginia.  What  better  is  a  Frankfort  Junto  than 
a  Richmond  Junto  ?  The  dominant  party  that  was, 
followed  Richmond  philosophy  to  its  own  destruction, 
and  led  the  country  into  the  bloody  whirlpool  of 
civil  war.  The  dominant  party  that  is,  will  take  due 
care  not  to  follow  the  Frankfort  philosophy  to  its  own 
defeat  and  death,  and  to  the  lasting  injury  of  the 
country.  Is  the  action  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature, 
requesting  President  Lincoln  to  break  up  his  Cabi- 
net at  tins  critical  juncture,  weakness,  insolence  or 
treason  ?  or  a  combination  of  the  three  ? — Kennebec 
Journal. 

TEEASON. 

The  boast  of  the  South  that,  in  case  of  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union,  they  would  find  active  allies  all 
through  the  North,  though  not  realized  to  the  full 
extent  of  their  hopes,  was  far  from  being  empty 
rhodomontade.  The  events  of  the  past  year  have 
conclusively  shown  that  even  the  Northern  States 
contain  hosts  of  men  who  are  secretly  aiding  the  re- 
bellion in  every  possible  way.  It  is  notorious  that 
there  are  spies  in  Washington,  spies  in  the  army, 
and  spies  even  among  the  clerks  in  the  various  exe- 
cutive departments.  It  is  not  by  any  means  certain 
that  all  the  army  officers  holding  high  commands  are 
loyal.  The  rebels  boast  that  we  have  now  in  ser- 
vice enough  old  army  officers  that  are  in  favor  of  the 
South,  to  prevent  our  ever  winning  a  decisive  victory! 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  adoption  of  the 
emancipation  policy  by  the  Government  would  be 
followed  by  the  resignation  of  a  large  proportion  of 
the  officers  of  the  regular  army.  Such  a  result 
would,  undoubtedly,  give  rise  to  much  difficulty  and 
confusion  ;  but  if  it  would  purge  the  army  of  trai- 
tors, it  Would  be  far  from  unfortunate  or  inexpedient- 
Much  as  has  been  said  of  the  loyalty  of  Kentucky, 
and  much  as  has  been  done  to  keep  her  in  the  Union, 
there  is  room  to  question  the  sincerity  of  her  patriot- 
ism. Reluctantly  ranging  herself  upon  the  strong- 
est side,  after  months  of  sham  neutrality,  during 
which  she  aided  the  rebellion  to  the  utmost  of  her 
power,  she  is  hardly  settled  in  her  tardy  allegiance 
before  she  sets  up  a  long  howl  at  the  Secretary  of 
War,  and  demands  his  removal  because  he  is  op- 
posed to  bolstering  up  slavery  with  one  hand,  while 
we  fight  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion  with  the  other  ! 
The  Louisville  Journal,  the  organ  of  her  "loyal" 
men,  has  steadily  opposed  every  warlike  act  of  the 
Government;  and  especially  denounced,  with  un- 
measured violence,  the  first  proclamation  of  the 
President,  calling  for  75,000  men. 

What  is  true  of  Kentucky  is  true,  to  some  extent, 
of  other  States.  It  is  the  worst  feature  of  our  case, 
that  the  Administration  is  almost  compelled  to  pur- 
sue a  time-serving,  hand-to-mouth,  undecided  policy, 
for  fear  of  alienating  the  loose  and  uncertain  loyalty 
of  so  many  whose  adhesion  seems  of  much  importance. 
The  South  have  the  advantage  of  united  counsels, 
aud  a  pronounced,  outspoken  policy.  The  mob  ter- 
rorism, which,  for  so  many  years,  has  been  employed 
in  driving  from  the  South  every  man  suspected  of 
anti-slavery  opinions,  has  made  them  a  unit. 

The  time  is  coming,  and  may  not  be  far  distant, 
when  something  will  be  done.  The  logic  of  events 
— the  stern  arguments  of  necessity — will  force  the 
wavering  to  decide,  and  compel  even  the  constitu- 
tionally timid  to  throw  oil'  all  hesitation,  and  ac- 
quiesce, if  they  do  not  aid,  iu  vigorous  and  decisive 
measures. — Del/a  (N.  V.)  Republican. 


THE  0ASE  OP  MASON  AND  SLIDELL. 

To  Ihr  Editor  of  (lie  Boston  Courier: 

If  the  despatch  of  Mr.  Seward,  as  has  been  re- 
marked by  an  evening  paper  "took  the  community 
by  surprise,"  the  community  has  been  still  more  sur- 
prised at  its  own  equanimity.  That  Mr.  Seward 
has  made  a  masterly,  and  in  some  respects  an  incon- 
trovertible argument  against  our  own  government, 
is  undeniable.  If  these  sentiments  had  been  declar- 
ed earlier,  they  would  have  savored  more  of  magna- 
nimity. His  countrymen  may  now  put  whatever  con- 
struction upon  theui  they  may  please,  but  English- 
men will  never  think  of  them  but  as  uttered  under 
compulsion.  We  ourselves  know  the  choice  to  have 
been  that,  between  humiliation,  temporary  at  least, 
and  the  total  loss  of  our  national  existence,  En- 
gland left  hut  this  alternative.     She   intended    to 


leave  no  other — and  her  disappointment  will  be 
great  indeed  that  her  demand  has  been  acceded  to. 
When  among  civilized  nations  was  ever  an  ultimatum 
thrown  down  in  such  peremptory  style,  without  any 
primary  proceedings  which  would  justify  even  the 
use  of  such  a  word  ? 

There  is  but  one  similar  instance  in  modern  times, 
and  that  is  a  precedent  which  England  has  herself 
afforded  in  her  treatment  of  China.  Her  motives 
in  both  eases  were  similar.  China  had,  by  virtue  of 
her  own  revenue  laws,  seized  a  quantity  of  opium 
smuggled  into  the  country  by  Englishmen  for  the 
purpose  of  enriching  themselves  and  of  poisoning  the 
Chinese,  in  whose  moral  and  religious  welfare  that 
philanthropic  nation  has  always  taken  such  a  deep 
interest.  The  choice  was  given — apology  and  resti- 
tution, o.  war.  To  the  joy  of  England,  the  latter 
was  accepted.  She  gained  Q®  -victory,  and  crowded 
the  hateful  drug  down  the  throats  of  an  unoffending 
people,  and  at  the  same  time  opened  the  ports  for  her 
cotton  goods,  all  of  which  was  not  in  the  programme, 
but  it  was  well  understood  to  be  one  great  object  of 
the  war. 

Right  or  wrong  in  the  affair  of  the  Trent  accord- 
ing to  our  own  doctrine,  we  were  right  according  to 
that  of  England,- — according  to  that  for  which  she 
waged  against  us  the  war  of  1812,  and  which,  al- 
though we  carried  it  to  a  glorious  end,  was  not  so 
successful  ss  to  cause  her  to  give  up  her  pretensions. 
At  any  other  time  than  this,  who  can  doubt  that 
England,  if  not  acknowledging  the  right  of  search, 
as  exercised  on  board  the  Trent,  would  at  least  have 
temperately  discussed  the  affair  and  proposed  an  ar- 
bitration, rather  than  to  provoke  a  war  because  we 
acted  on  her  own  previous  interpretation  of  interna- 
tional law  rather  than  upon  our  own  ?  We  may 
fairly  presume  that,  under  other  circumstances,  she 
would  have  given  due  credit  to  Capt.  Wilkes  for  his 
generous  blunder  in  releasing  the  ship,  passengers, 
and  cargo,  for  their  advantage  and  his  own  detriment. 
Now,  this  conduct  of  his,  proceeding  from  the  pur- 
est of  motives,  is  tortured  into  a  technicality  for  the 
meanest  of  purposes. 

"Times  change,  and  we  change  with  them." 
Precedents  change,  too,  and  this  new  precedent 
which  Mr.  Seward  congratulates  the  world  upon 
will  change  when  its  change  will  suit  England's  con- 
venience. It  is  the  part  of  a  bully  to  kick  a  man 
ifter  he  is  down.  We  may  think  of  ourselves  what 
.ve  please.  England  will  consider  us  to  be  down, 
nd  her  kicks  will  come  faster  and  faster  as  cotton^ 
iccomes  scarce.  Cotton  is  more  than  king  witjj, 
-i^^tjie  God  for  whose  sake  she  has  alrgj 
Lwaj.  i.,.;  ■-'-^--■■'-1-w 

I  do  not  intend  all  this 
v  the  "growl"  of  an  old  sailorT^nl 
uxury  which  is  always  left  to  poor  .. 
esource,  but  as  a  warning  to  look^^ 
head,  and  not  to  disregard  the  black  cloud  which 
:ems  to  have  passed  to  leeward,  but  which  may  yet 
ant  round  and  catch  us  aback.  Ringbolt. 


THE  TEENT  AITAIE. 


By  the  Queen's  Proclamation,  she  had  solemnly 
•m  joined  her  subjects  not  to  transport  officers,  sol- 
liers,  or  dispatches  for  either  party  in  our  internal 
truggle.  Had  not  the  Trent  clearly  defied  this  »-__ 
mction  ?  Had  she  not  taken  from  a  slaveholding 
.ieutral  port,  wherein  hostility  to  the  United  States 
is  rampant,  distinguished  emissaries  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  with  their  suite  and  dispatches,  fully  aware 
that  they  had  just  eluded  our  blockade,  and  were 
then  proceeding  on  an  errand  of  signal  hostility  and 
peril  to  the  United  States  ?  Can  there  be  a  ration- 
al doubt  that  the  commander  of  the  said  Trent  was 
conscious  of  the  errand  of  those  Commissioriers,  and 
deliberately  promoting  its  success  ?  Can  there  be  a 
shadow  of  question  that,  had  Canada  or  Jamaica 
been  in  rebellion,  the  Trent  an  American  vessel,  her 
•aptor  a  Briton,  Mason  and  Slidell  emissaries  of  the 
ebels  on  their  way  to  solicit  recognition  and  assist- 
nce  from  the  Courts  of  France  and  Spain,  and  the 
ase  properly  brought  before  Sir  William  Scott  or 
jord  Stowell  for  adjudication,  he  would  have  eon- 
emued  vessel  and  cargo  as  lawful  prize  of  war,  and 
:iat  the  rebel  emissaries  found  on  board  would  have 
>een  sent  to  the  Tower  if  not  to  the  scaffold  ?  For 
ne,  I  have  no  more  doubt  of  this  than  of  my  own 
xistence. 

But  then,  it  is  fairly  if  not  forcibly  urged,  times 
iave  changed,  and  the  extreme  assertions  of  bellig- 
rent  rights  over  neutrals  which  werejC.urrent  m 
Jritish  Admiralty  Courts  fifty  to  sixty  yea 
re  not  now  upheld  in  any  quarter.  What  Great 
Sritain  did  to  us  in  the  days  of  our  weakness  and 
er  maritime  dominion,  is  no  conclusive  measure  of 
.hat  she  must  concede  to  us  in  the  altered  circum- 
tances  of  1861. 

Perhaps:  And  yet  it  seems  hard  that  belligerent 
aaritime  rights,  which  were  so  broad  and  grasping 
vhen  we  were  neutral  and  England  a  belligerent, 
'lould  have  "  shrunk  to  such  little  measure"  when 
i'e  are  at  war  and  Great  Britain  a  neutral.  The 
ule  works  so  unevenly  that  there  is  palpable  ground 
or  suspicion  of  jockeying  or  "prestidigitation"  in 
the  hand  that  holds  and  wields  it. 

For  do  but  consider  this  specimen  of  British  logic  : 

The  Daily  News  (London)  is  a  Liberal  journal, 

usually  fair  and  even  friendly  toward  this  country. 

Yet  even  the  News  contrives  this  dilemma,  and  offers 

us  the  choice  of  its  horns: 

Mason  and  Slidell  were  either  belligerent*  or  they 
were  not.  But  we  have  denied  them  the  character 
■of  belligerents,  regarding  them  simply  as  insurgents 
or  rebels.  But,  in  that  character,  we  can  only  con- 
template them  on  an  English  vessel  as  refugees  from 
ustice  at  home,  and  Great  Britain  never  surrenders 
political  refugees.  Our  precedents,  therefore,  are 
all  abroad,  and  our  position  untenable! 
The  answer  to  this  is  very  simple  : 
Mason  and  Slidell  were  not  refugees  seeking  a 
foreign  asylum  from  our  pursuing  vengeance.  On 
the  contrary,  they  were  enemies  of  the  United  States, 
bound  on  an  important  errand  of  hostility,  wherein 
the  Trent  was  their  willing  accomplice.  Had  they 
been  fleeing  from  our  shores  for  refuge,  intent  only 
on  escape  aud  immunity  from  punishment,  they 
would  be  justly  entitled  to  British  asylum  and  pro- 
tection, as  they  now  arc  not.  But  the  assumption 
that,  because  we  do  not  accord  to  our  rebels  belliger- 
ent, rights,  thev  may  be  aided  by  neutral  powers  to 
any  extent,  and  may  thus  pursue  with  impunity  on 
the  high  seas  their  projects  of  hostility  to  tho  country 
thev  have  forsworn,  needs  but  to  be  illustrated  to  be 
scouted.  Were  it  tenable,  a  British  merchant  fleet 
might  be  employed  in  transporting  rebel  troops  from 
Norfolk  to  Charleston,  from  Charleston  toPensacola, 
from  Peusaeola  to  Galveslon.  etc..  etc.,  throughout 
the  contest,  and  our  ships  of  war  must  pass  them 
without  challenge,  because  we  deny  them  the  char- 
acter of  belligerents  !  Great  Britain  did  not  think 
.ho  when  MoNab  burnt  the  rebel  steamer  Caroline  at 
an  American  wharf,  and  her  (Jovoimneni 
the  act  with  all  its  responsibilities.  A  nation's  right 
to  pursue  and  to  protect  itself  against  its 
Hows  inevitably  from  its  right  to  exist,  and  is  not  Tl- 
tallv  all'ccted  h\  the  character  in  which  it  regards 
thOM  enemies.  Refugees  and  active  agents  of  a  pub- 
lic enemy  arc  quite  distinct  characters. — Gueklky. 


6 


THE     LIBERA.TOR 


JANUAEY  10. 


OBJECTS   OP  THE   WAE. 

We  have  received,  (says  the  N.  Y.  Christian  In- 
qtiirer,)  the  eloquent  speech  of  Hon.  Thomas  I>. 
Eliot,  on  the  above  subject,  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, December  12th.  Mr.  Eliot  represents 
the  N-cSv  Bedford  district  of  Massachusetts,  and  his 
grave  and  sensible  views,  coming  from  such  a  quarter, 
coming  from  one  who  was  born  in  a  slave  communi- 
ty also,  are  entitled  to  the  most  weighty  considera- 
tion:— 

Whv,  sir,  from  the  beginning  of  this  rebellion, 
we  have  heard  it  stated  by  the  traitors  that_  they 
have  a  power  peculiar  to  them  in  their  institution  of 
slavery.  It  was  stated  here  in  Congress.  We  have 
heard 'it  from  Mr.  Keitt  and  Mr.  Stevens  here,  and 
from  Mr.  Keitt  and  Mr.  Stevens  there.  All  their 
orators,  statesmen,  and  politicians,  are  declaring  how 
they  stand  upon  this  precise  power.  I  have  here  an 
extract  from  one  of  the  Southern  papers,  in  which 
it  undertakes  to  go  into  an  argument  to  show  that  the 
South  can  sustain  an  army  of  six  hundred  thousand 
in  the  field,  or  one-tenth  of  their  white  population, 
without  affecting  their  industrial  pursuits  at  home : 
"  Let  the  slaves  work  ;  we  will  fight.  We  will  fight, 
and  they  will  produce.  We  will  consume,  we  will 
protect,  and  they  at  home  will  give  us  the  means  of 
carrying  on  this  war." 

Is  it  not  so?  Who  are  fighting  our  battles? 
Our  merchants,  lawyers,  mechanics ,  our  men  of 
business^  our  young  men  of  all  parties,  and  of every 
avocation  of  life,  arc  fighting  our  battles.  What  for? 
To  put  down  this  rebellion ;  to  subdue  this  treason. 
Why, sir,  when  the  President  called  for  aid— nay,  be- 
fore he  called,  upon  the  day  the  attack  was  made  upon 
Fort  Sumter,  who  was  there  in  the  land  that  dream- 
ed of  the  intense  loyalty  which  lived  in  the  hearts  of 
our  people?  We  had  been  living  for  nearly  fifty 
years  in  peace;  we  had  been  divided  among  differ- 
ent parties;  we  had  been  carrying  on  the  various 
pursuits  of  life  ;  we  had  success  and  prosperity  ;  cities 
Bad  sprung  from  the  ground  in  a  day  ;  no  nation  had 
prospered 'so  much  as  we.  Who  knew  of  our  loyal- 
ty? We  had  hated  each  other  as  politicians;  who 
knew  how  we  would  love  each  other  as  loyal  men  ? 
Here,  in  this  House,  a  Democrat  of  the  Breckinridge 
school  said  to  me,  last  year,  that  he  would  pledge 
himself  that  there  would  be  from  New  York  no  less 
than  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  who  would  come 
from  their  homes  to  fight  against  the  North.  Yet 
what  an  echo  that  Sumter  gun  created  I  Why,  sir, 
it  sounded  through  the  North  and  the  East  and  the 
West,  and  their  startled  population  jumped  to  arms. 
It  sounded  through  our  valleys,  and  over  our  plains  ; 
and  the  deserted  plough  was  left  in  the  half-turned 
furrow  by  the  yeomanry  of  the  land,  It  bounded 
through  our  towns,  villages;  and  cities,  and  the  me- 
chanic left  his  shopf-alid  the  merchant  forgot  his  un- 
balanced ledger,' and  the  lawyer  left  his  cases  un- 
tried, and,  with  his  clients,  "hastened  to  the  field. 
It  sounded  along  the  aisles  of  our  churches,  and  pas- 
tors and  people,  their  prayers  and  their  patriotism 
working  to  one  end,  marched  to  the  war.  More 
than  six  hundred  thousand  men  are  now  in  arms. 
They  have  left  their  homes,  and  on  the  land  and  on 
the  sea  are  upholding  the  Hag,  and  sustaining  the 
power,  and  defending  the  honor  of  the  Government. 
Mr.  Speaker,  the  relation  of  master  and  slave, 
within  the  several  States,  in  November,  1860\  was 
safe  from  Congressional  interference.  The  Presiden- 
tial campaign  had  just  closed.  Slavery  was  not  to 
be  extended.  To  that  extent  the  Republican  party 
had  been  pledged.  But  the  mad  determination  to 
rule  or  to  ruin  was  carried  into  effect.  South  Caro- 
lina fanaticism  hurried  the  South  into  this  rebellion 
And  now  the  whole  industrial  interests  of  this  gen 
©ration  have  been  overturned.  Fortunes  and  busi- 
ness, houses,  lands,  and  homes,  and  the  lives  of  the 
best  men  in  the  land,  have  been  thrown  into  this  war ; 
and  yet,  when  we  know  that  slavery  has  caused  it, 
and  when  it  is  plain  that  in  no  way  can  their 
strength  be  overcome,  and  our  peace  secured  so 
quickly  and  effectively  as  by  striking  down  this 
power  they  use  against  us,  we  are  found  to  hesitate, 
and  timidly  to  halt  and  to  consider  1 

Sir,  if  we  have  a  right  to  argue  of  the  ways 
of  Providence,  we  might  say  without  irreverence, 
that  the  hand  of  God  points  to  us  our  duty.  Our 
President  may  act,  our  Commander-in-Chief,  within 
^his  province,  and  the  officers  under  him  in  command, 
*~ay  act,  and  I  believe  are  called  upon  to  act,  by 
jpjisideration  of  humanity  and  of  patriotism  ; 
.  the  CounMB*wcfih>h  ITi-pTPsToit, 
cSperfbrmecl  no  small  ser- 
rcall  upon  you  to  aid  me  in  giving 
fan  of  the  judgment  of  this  House  as 
yespect.  I  am  not  here  to  boast  of 
the  bravery  or"  the  patriotism  of  Massachusetts  sol- 
diers. From  the  port  where  I  have  my  home,  more 
than  fifteen  hundred  men  have  been  shipped  for  our 
Navy.  From  all  our  .sea-board  and  island  towns 
their  skillful  and  hardy  sons  are  found  as  masters 
upon  the  quarter-deck,  and  as  seamen  on  board  our 
ships.  From  our  whole  State  her  young  men  are 
with  the  army.  More  than  twenty  thousand  of  her 
sons  are  in  the  field,  ready  and  willing,  as  you  know, 
--_  to  shed  their  heart's  blood  in  their  country's  cause. 
Iff  their  name,  and  in  their  behalf,  I  pray  you  to 
call  upon  the  military  arm  to  strike  that  blow  more 
effective  for  peace  and  for  freedom  than  armies  or 
victories  can  be,  and  convert  the  slave,  who  is  the 
power  of  the  enemy,  into  the  freeman  who  shall  be 
their  dread.  So  shall  the  sword  intervene  for  free- 
dom !  If  I  have  read  the  history  of  Massachusetts 
-aright,  that  is  the  intervention  her  fathers  contem- 
plated !  In  the  early  days  of  English  freedom,  when 
constitutional  liberty  was  beginning  to  find  a  home 
in  the  hearts  of  Englishmen,  after  Hampden  and 
Eliot,  and  their  compatriots,  had  been  working  in 
the  cause,  in  the  days  of  Charles,  a  young  man, 
in  an  album  which  he  found  in  a  public  library, 
wrote  these  two  lines : 

"  Usee  manus,  inimica  tyrannis, 
Enso  petit  placidam  sub  libertate  quietom." 

"  This  hand,  hostile  to  tyrants, 

Seeks  with  the  sword  quiet  rest  in  freedom." 

They  called  down  upon  his  head  the  indignant  re- 
buke of  an  offended  king ;  but  the  monarch  has  died, 
and  Sydney  has  passed  away;  yet,  while  Massachu- 
setts shall  live,  the  Hues  he  then  inscribed  shall  be 
remembered.    .In  after  years,  when  our  forefathers 

Were  seeking  to  find  a  motto  for  their  State  coat-of- 

arms,  they  could  select  none  that  seemed  to  them  as 
pertinent  as  the  last  of  those  two  lines;  and  there  it 
stands — 

"Ense  petit  placidam  sub  libertate  quietetn." 

And  now  she  asks,  through  the  humblest  of  her 
eons,  that  the  military  power  of  our  chief,  hostile  al- 
ways to  rebellion,  shall  thus  with  the  sword  find  qui- 
et rest  in  freedom. 


lie  duty  of  the  occasion,  demands  us  all  to  follow. 
Placed  in  no  situation  where  it  becomes  mo  to  discuss 
his  policy,  J  do  not  stop  even  to  consider  it.  The 
only  question  which  I  can  entertain  is  what  to  do, 
and  when  that  question  is  answered,  the  other  is 
what  next  to  do  lo  the  sphere  of  activity  where  it  is 
given  me  to  stand.  For  by  deeds,  and  not  by  words, 
is  this  people  to  accomplish  their  salvation. 

Let  ours  be  the  duty  in  this  great  emergency  to 
furnish,  in  unstinted  measure,  the  men  and  the  money 
required  of  us  l'or  the  common  defence.  Let  Massa- 
chusetts ideas  and  Massachusetts  principles  go  forth, 
with  the  industrious,  sturdy  sons  of  the  Common- 
wealth, to  propagate  and  intensify  in  every  camp, 
and  upon  every  battle-field,  that  love  of  equal  liber- 
ty, and  those  rights  of  universal  humanity,  which  are 
the  basis  of  our  Institutions;  but  let  none  of  us  who 
remain  at  home  presume  to  direct  the  pilot,  or  to 
seize  the  helm.  To  the  civil  head  of  the  National 
State,  to  the  military  head  of  the  National  Army, 
our  fidelity,  our  confidence,  our  constant,  devoted, 
and  unwavering  support,  rendered  in  the  spirit  of 
intelligent  freemen,  of  large-minded  citizens,  con- 
scious of  the  difficulties  of  government,  the  responsi- 
bilities of  power,  the  perils  of  distrust  and  division, 
are  due  without  measure  and  without  reservation. 
The  Great  Rebellion  must  be  put  down,  and  its 
promoters  crushed  beneath  the  ruins  of  their  own  am- 
bition. The  greatest  Crime  of  history  must  receive 
a  doom  so  swift  and  sure,  that  the  enemies  of  Popu- 
lar Government  shall  stand  in  awe  while  they  con- 
template the  elastic  energy  and  concentrative  power 
of  Democratic  Institutions  and  a  Free  People.  The 
monstrous  character  of  the  crime  has  never  yet  been 
adequately  conceived,  nor  is  language  able  fitly  to 
describe  it.  Groundless  and  causeless  in  its  origin, 
it  began  and  grew  up,  and  continues,  under  the  lead 
and  direction  of  men  who  had  received  all  the  favors, 
and  enjoyed  all  the  blessings  of  our  government,  and 
who  were  bound  by  official  oaths  to  maintan  it. 
Reckless  of  consequences,  and  determined  to  ruin 
where  they  could  not  rule,  they  conspired  against 
the  welfare  of  nearly  thirty  millions  of  people,  and 
their  countless  posterity  ;  they  plunged  them,  with 
inconceivable  madness,  into  every  danger,  and  suf- 
fering, and  sorrow,  which  can  be  generated  by  do- 
mestic war  ;  and  they  stand  with  souls  blackened  by 
the  selfishness  and  audacious  barbarity  of  the  crime 
—red-handed  and  guilty  before  God  and  History,  of 
the  slaughter  of  the  innocent,  and  the  blood  of  the 
brave. 

Whether  right  or  wrong  in  its  domestic  or  its  for- 
eign policy,  judged  by  whatever  standard,  whether 
of  expediency  or  of  principle,  the  American  citizen 
can  recognize  no  social  duty  intervening  between 
i)MW9«£f"»ft^  E>U.»*'_!;;try.  Hfc  may  urge  reform;  but 
he  has  no  right  to  destroy.  Intrusted  with  the  ]  re- 
cious  inheritance  of  Liberty,  endowed  with  the  gift 
of  participation  in  a  Popular  Government,  the  Con- 
stitution makes  him  at  once  the  beneficiary  and  the 
defender  of  interests  and  institutions  he  cannot  in- 
nocently endanger;  and  when  he  becomes  a  traitor 
to  his  country,  he  commits  equal  treason  against 
mankind. 

The  energies,  wisdom,  and  patience  of  the  People, 
their  capacity  for  government  as  a  corporate  whole, 
and  their  capacity  of  voluntary  obedience  and  sub- 
ordination, whether  in  camp  or  at  home,  are  now 
on  trial.  This  is  no  merely  local,  accidental,  tem- 
porary act  of  insurgency,  to  be  treated  by  police 
measures,  and  civil  correction.  It  is  WAR,  dreadful, 
solemn  WAR.  The  influences,  institutions,  and  ad- 
herents of  despotic  ideas  and  systems,  reacting 
against  the  ideas  of  progression  in  liberal  govern- 
ment, have  arrayed  themselves  against  the  only  peo- 
ple and  the  only  national  power  where  Democracy 
has  a  citadel  and  a  home  on  the  face  of  all  the  earth. 
The  despotic  element  in  America,  conspiring 
against  our  country's  National  Life,  anticipated  its 
own  earliest  demonstrations  of  force  by  trying  to  ex- 
tend the  conspiracy  to  the  inclusion  of  all  the  "  na- 
tions who  feel  power  and  forget  right."  Involved 
in  this  controversy  for  life,  for  freedom,  and  for 
honor,  let  Massachusetts  in  following  the  flag,  and 
keeping  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union,  never  fail  to 
prove  to  all  the  world  that  in  all  the  characteristics 
of  her  people,  she  is  to-day  as  she  was  of  old  when 
she  it  was  who  Jirst  unfurled  the  flag  and  pitched  the 
tune.  Henceforth  there  will  be  no  one  to  consider 
how  to  "  reconstruct  "  the  Union,  excluding  New  En- 
gland from  the  sisterhood  of  States.  Wherever  for 
treasure,  or  heroism  or  blood  was  the  call  they  heard, 
the  people  of  New  England  have  responded  by  open- 
ing the  lap  of  their  industry,  and  by  the  march  of 
their  braves.  And  now  when  the  beauty  of  our  Is- 
rael has  been  slain  in  our  high  places,  and  when  her 
Lee,  and  Revere,  and  Kockwood,  and  Bowman  lie 
in  felons' cells,  and  hundreds  of  her  sons  wear  out 
their  hearts  in  sad  captivity,  victims  of  their  valor 
and  devotion  to  our  Union,  one  irrepressible  impulse 
moves  our  people  and  inspires  our  soldiers  in  the 
field — one  prayer  to  see  the  day  when  an  army  of 
Loyal  Americans  shall  hammer  at  the  doors  of  their 
prison-houses,  with  both  hands  pledged  to  the  sol- 
emn task  of  war,  and  with  neither  hand  averted  to 
uphold  the  Institution  which  is  the  cause  of  all  this 
woe ;  anil  that  their  bow  shall  turn  not  back,  and 
their  sword  return  not  empty,  until  the  grand  deliv- 
erance shall  be  accomplished. 


ADDRESS  OF  GOV.  ANDREW. 

On  Friday  last,  the  annual  Address  to  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Massachusetts  was  made  by  Gov.  John  A.  An- 
drew, and  occupied  more  than  two  hours  in  its  deliv- 
ery. The  following  is  that  portion  of  it  which  relates 
to  "  Our  National  Cause  "  : — 

The  ultimate  extinction  of  human  slavery  is  in- 
evitable. That  this  war,  which  is  the  revolt  of  sla- 
very, (checkmated  by  an  election,  and  permanently 
subordinated  by  the  Census,)  not  merely  against  the 
Union  and  the  Constitution,  but  against  Popular 
Government  and  Democratic  Institutions,  will  deal 
it  a  mortal  blow,  is  not  les3  inevitable.  I  may  not  ar- 
gue the  proposition  ;  but  it  is  true.  And,  while 
the  principles  and  opinions  adopted  in  my  earliest 
manhood,  growing  with  every  year  in  strength  and 
intelligence  of  conviction,  point  always  to  the  policy 
of  Justice,  the  expediency  of  Humanity,  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  Duty,  to  which  the  relations  of  our  Gov- 
ernment and  People  to  the  whole  subject  of  slavery 
form  no  exception,  so  that  I  have  always  believed 
that  every  constitutional  power  belonging  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  every  just  influence  of  the  people 
ought  to  be  used  to  limit  and  terminate  this  enor- 
mous wrong  which  curses  not  only  the  bondman  and 
his  master,  hut  blasts  the  very  soil  they  stand  upon, 
— I  yet  mean,  as  I  have  done  since  the  beginning  of 
the  "  Secession," — I  mean  to  continue  to  school  my- 
self to  silence.  I  cannot  suspect  that  my  opinions, 
in  view  of  the  past,  can  be  misconceived  by  any  to 
whom  they  may  be  of  the  slightest  consequence  or 
curiosity.  Nor  do  I  believe  that  the  faith  of  Massa- 
chusetts can  be  mistaken  or  misinterpreted.  The 
record  of  her  declared  opinions  is  resplendent  with 
instruction,  and  even  with  prophecy ;  but  she  was 
treated  for  years  as  the  Cassandra  of  the  States,  dis- 
liked because  of  her  fidelity  to  the  ancient  faith,  and 
avoided  because  of  her  warnings  and  her  testimory. 
And  now,  when  the  Divine  Providence  is  leading  all 
the  people  in  ways  they  had  not  imagined,  1  will  not, 
dare  attempt  to  run  before,  and  possibly  imperil  the 
truth  itself.  Let  him  lead  to  whom  the  people  have 
assigned  the  authority  anil  the  power.  One  great 
duty  of  absorbing,  royal  Patriotism,  which  iB  the  pub- 


©It*  *§ifr ***!»*♦ 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  JANUARY  10,  1862, 


NOTICE  TO  DELIUQUEITT  SUBSOEIBEES. 

Though  by  the  terms  of  the  Liberator,  payment  for 
the  paper  should  be  made  in  advance,  yet  it  has  not 
only  not  been  insisted  upon,  but  an  indulgence  of  thir 
teen  months  has  hitherto  been  granted  delinquent 
subscribers,  before  proceeding  (always,  of  course,  with 
great  reluctance)  to  erase  their  names  from  the  sub- 
scription list,  in  accordance  with  the  standing  hulk 
laid  down  by  the  Financial  Committee.  But,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  generally  depressed  state  of  business, 
this  indulgence  will  be  extended  from  January  1, 1861 
to  April  1,  186i,  in  cases  of  necessity.  We  trust  no 
advantage  will  be  taken  of  this  extension  on  the  part 
of  those  who  have  usually  been  prompt  in  complying 
with  our  terms — payment  in.  advance. 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,   General  Agent. 


A  CHANGE  OF  POSITION,  BUT  NOT  OF 
PRINCIPLE. 

The  following  paragraph,  taken  from  the  rJew  York 
Toumal  of  Commerce,  is  a  fair  specimen  of  the  sneering 
spirit  daily  evinced  by  that  worst  of  all  the  pro-slavery 
journals  in  the  land  towards  the  abolition  movement 
and  its  advocates  : — 

"  The  Liberator  has  taken  down  the  nncient  motto 
of  Abolitionism  which  has  so  long  graced,  or  disgraced, 
the  head  of  its  column,  '  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  is  a  league  with  Death,  and  a  covenant  with  Iltil.' 
Perhaps  we  misquote  it  slightly,  but  we  search  in  vain 
through  the  pnges  of  the  Liberator  for  anything  to  set 
us  right.  What  has  wrought  this  moral  and  political 
revolution  in  the  Liberator  office  we  cannot  imagine, 
unless  repentance  is  doing  its  work.  For  twenty 
years,  while  slavery  has  been  quietly  and  peacefully 
cultivating  the  fields  of  the  South, "while  the  worst 
term  of  reproach  that  could  be  invented  to  apply  to  a 
slaveholder,  or  to  a  Northern  defender  of  shivery,  was 
Union'  Savek,  anti-slavery  has  been  boldly  denounc- 
ing the  American  Union,  and  proclaiming  that  the  only 
exodus  of  the  slave  would  he  over  the  ruins  of  the 
Constitution.  Behold  the  change  !  So  fierce  and  so 
complete  is  the  overturn  of  opinions,  that  the  anti- 
slavery  men  have  not  only  hauled  down  their  disunion 
flag,  but  are  preaching  the  antagonistic  doctrine  that  the 
only  exodus  of  the  Constitution  from  its  present  peril 
is  over  the  ruins  of  slavery.  Times  change, 
change  with  them,  but  who  would  have  believed  that 
the  Liberator  would  thus  deny  its  old  faith,  and  add  to 
the  denial  the  advocacy  of  the  payment  of  money 
to  loyal  citizens  as  compensation  for  liberating  their 
slaves  1    It  does  so  now  weekly,  though  very  weakly  1" 

It  is  true  that,  for  a  few  weeks  past,  we  have  made 
a  change  in  the  motto  of  the  Liberator,  as  stated  above ; 
but  how  does  that  prove  any  inconsistency  on  our  part, 
or  indicate  any  alteration  in  our  views  of  the  pro- 
slavery  features  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  as  administered  from  1789  fo  1861 1  The  Jour- 
nal of  Commerce  says — "  What  has  wrough  this  moral 
and  political  revolution  in  the  Liberator  office,  we  can- 
not imagine."     We  will  try  to  enlighten  it. 

First,  as  to  the  position  we  have  taken  respecting 
the  Rebellion.     In  the  Liberator  of  Nov.  15  we  said  : — 

"It  is  a  SLAVEHOLDERS'  REBELLION.— 
Whoever,  now,  is  for  protecting  slavery,  gives  en- 
couragement to  treason,  and  his  proper  place  is  under 
the  Confederate  flag,  on  Southern  soil.  The  Northern 
traitor  is  he,  who,  now  that  the  Slave  States  have  put  the 
Constitution  beneath  their  feet,  claims  for  their  slave  prop- 
erty the  old  constitutional  guaranties.  No  such  claim 
hare  they  the  audacity  to  pretend  as  any  longer  in  existence. 
They  are  under  a  doestitutioii  of  their  c^n  fashioning, 
and  in  boastful  and  defiant  rebellion  to  uphold  it.  Is 
he  not,  then,  doubly  to  be  detested,  who,  while  pro- 
fessing to  be  loyal,  here  at  the  North,  insists  upon  giv- 
ing them  all  those  advantages  which  they  enjoyed,  while 
'  keeping  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union  '  1 " 

In  the  Liberator  of  Oct.  4  we  said  : — 

"  In  declaring  the  Government  to  be  wholly  in  the 
right,  and  the  secessionists  wholly  in  the  wrong,  as 
relates  to  the  precise  issue  between  the  parties,  the  Aboli- 
tionists abate  no  jot  or  tittle  of. their  testimony  against 
a  pro-slavery  Constitution  and  Union.  That  Consti- 
tution, could  it  be  enforced,  as  hitherto,  would  still  be 
"a  covenant  with  death,"  and  that  Union,  could  it  be 
maintained  as  from  the  beginning,  would  still  be  "  an 
agreement  with  hell." 

"  When,  in  all  the  Southern  Confederacy,  it  is  made 
a  treasonable  act  to  avow  loyalty  to  the  old  Union, 
to  rally  under  the  star-spangled  banner  in  support  of 
the  Government,  and  to  claim  protection  under  the 
n  Constitution;  and  when  President  Lincoln 
and  his  Cabinet  are  as  completely  outlawed  in  ail  the 
South,  and  would  be  as  ignominiously  dealt  with,  if 
caught,  as  the  most  radical  Abolitionists;  it  is  appa- 
rent that  the  relation  of  things  has  essentially  changed, 
and  a  new  definition  of  terms  is  needed. 

Under  these  circumstances,  therefore,  with  ram- 
pant treason  thundering  with  its  forces  at  the  very 
gates  of  the  Capital,  it  is  not  only  the  imperative 
duty, but  the  glorious  prerogative,  of  the  Government, 
under  the  war  power,  '  in  order  to  form  a  more  per- 
fect union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquil- 
lity, provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty 
to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,'  to  declare  the  imme- 
diate abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  land,  and 
give  freedom  and  protection  to  every  loyal  person 
found  beneath  its  flag." 

Not  to  multiply  these  extracts,  in  the  Libci-ator  of 
Oct.  11,  referring  to  the  Southern  traitors,  we  said: — 

"Having,  then,  not  only  forfeited  all  claim  to  consti- 
tutional protection,  but  subjeeled  themselves  to  the 
penalty  of  death  as  traitors, — having  perpetrated  every 
outrage  and  sought  to  inflict  every  injury  in  their 
power, — they  can  make  no  just  complaint  if  th^war 
power  is  exercised  against  their  slave  possessions 
(which  are  also  stolen  possessions)  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent. Did  Heaven  e*r  before  vouchsafe  to  any  gov- 
ernment, in  time  of  war,  such  an  opportunity  to  strike 
its  enemies  in  their  most  vulnerable  point,  without 
malice  or  cruelty,  and  for  the  grandest  and  most  benefi- 
cent ends?  And  now  we  say  to  President  Lincoln 
and  his  cabinet  advisers — 

'  When  for  tho  sighing  of  the  poor, 

And  for  tho  needy,  God  has  risen, 
And  chains  are  breaking,  and  a  door 

Is  opening  for  the  souls  in  prison  ; 
If  then  ye  would,  with  puny  hands, 

Arrest  the  very  work  of  Heaven, 
And  bin.it  nne.iv  the-  red  bands 

Which  God's  right  arm  of  power  hath  riven' — 

if,  instead  of  delivering  the  oppressed  and  executing 
judgment,  you  would  leave  them  in  chains  in  the  hope 
and  with  the  design  of  renewing  the  ancient  'cove- 
nant with  death  and  agreement  with  hell,'  your  dam- 
nation will  be  equally  sure  and  just  I  To  refuse  to  de- 
liver those  captive  millions  who  are  vow  legally  in  your 
power  is  tantamount  to  the  crime  of  their  original,  enslave- 
ment; and  their  blood  shall  a  righteous  God  require  at 
your  hands.     Put  the  trump  of  jubilee  to  your  lips  I  " 

These  declarations  the  Journal  of  Commerce  finds 
it  convenient  to  overlook  or  suppress,  in  order  to  ren- 
der plausible  its  base  and  unfounded  charge  that  we 
have  denied  our  old  faith,  and  turned  recreant  to  the 
principles  we  have  so  long  advocated  "  without  shad- 
ow of  turning."  Had  these  been  honestly  laid  before, 
the  readers  of  that  paper,  they  would  have  seen  the 
reason  for  the  substitution  of  our  new  motto  for  the 
old  one, 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS. 

The  Lite  and  Letters  of   Capt.  John  Brown, 

who  was  executed  at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  Dec. 
2d,  1859,  for  an  armed  attack  upon  American  slave- 
ry ;  with  notices  of  some  of  Ids  confederates.  Ed- 
ited by  Richard  D.  Webb.  London:  1861."  pp.453. 
This  valuable  book — an  attempt,  by  one  of  them- 
selves, to  give  the  British  public  a  faithful  porlraiture 
of  the  life  and  character  of  Capt.  John  Brown — has 
well  fulfilled  its  purpose.  The  object  of  the  editor 
has  been,  with  little  comment  or  eulogy,  to  allow 
John  Brown  to  speak  for  himself,  in  his  conduct  and 
conversation,  his  actions  and  familiar  letters ;  and  he 
has  well  performed  this  task,  selecting  its  materials 
judiciously,  from  all  accessible  sources,  arranging 
them  in  a  clear  and  compact  narrative,  and  adding,  in 
an  appendix,  illustrative  details  and  comments  by  the 
best  informed  American  speakers  and  writers  on  that 
subject.  The  early  and  private  life  of  John  Brown, 
his  steadfast  purpose  (which  appears  to  have  been 
formed  as  early  as  1833)  of  attempting  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  slaves,  his  removal  to  Kansas  in  pursu- 
ance of  that  purpose  at  a  time  when  the  great  battle 
for  freedom  seemed  likely  to  be  fought  out  there,  his 
visit  to  New  England  in  search  of  aid  toward  this 
end,  his  earlier  and  later  preparations  for  a  grand  en- 
terprise at  Harper's  Ferry,  his  failure  in  this  attempt 
through  the  treachery  of  a  confederate,  the  mockery 
of  a  trial  to  which  he  was  subjected,  the  noble  pa- 
tience, courage  and  constancy  which  he  displayed 
when  a  prisoner  and  in  bonds,  the  skill  and  faithful- 
ness with  which  he  used  the  sword  of  the  Spirit, 
when  the  carnal  weapon  would  no  more  avail  him,  re- 
futing and  confounding  the  defenders  of  oppression, 
and  especially  those  pro-slavery  clergymen  who  had 
the  presumption  to  offer  their  services  in  aid  of  his 
preparation  for  death,  the  details  of  the  judicial  mur- 
der perpetrated  by  the  State  of  Virginia  on  this 
friend  of  the  poor,  and  finally  the  solemn  and  affect- 
ing scenes  of  his  funeral  among  the  mountains  of  the 
North — all  these  are  allowed  to  speak  for  themselves, 
and  to  make  their  own  impression  upon  the  reader. 
And  most  interesting  additions  to  them  are  found  in 
the  remarks  of  Mr.  McKim  and  Mr.  Phillips  at  the 
funeral,  and  in  comments  elsewhere  by  Dr.  Cheever, 
and  Messrs.  Emerson,  Parker,  Garrison,  Johnson  and 
Phillips,  upon  the  life  and  character  of  John  Brown, 
and  upon  the  present  and  prospective  influence  of  his 
great  enterprise  in  Virginia  upon  the  overthrow  of 
slavery. 

The  Appendix,  with  other  interesting  matter,  gives 
letters  and  extracts  of  letters  from  Brown  to  his  wife 
and  children  in  years  preceding  the  enterprise  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  which  answer  the  useful  purpose  of 
showing  that  his  thoughts  and  expressions,  written 
under  the  ordinary  circumstances  of  daily  life,  were  en- 
tirely consistent  in  spirit  and  tenor  with  those  written 
from  prison,  and  equally  indicative  of  the  religious, 
upright  and  self  possessed  character  of  the  man. 

A  portrait  of  John  Brown  opposite  the  title  page 
gives  an  accurate  representation  of  his  appearance  in 
mature  manhood,  before  he  wore  the  beard  which  was 
conspicuous  in  his  later  years. 

This  book,  prepared  with  good  judgment  and  good 
taste,  is  not  less  interesting  than  valuable.  It  deserves 
a  large  circulation,  both  in  Great  Britain  and  here.  A 
few  copies  yet  remain  for  sale  at  the  Anti-Slavery 
Office  in  Boston. — c.  k.  w. 

The   Continental  Monthly,    for  January,    1862. 
Devoted  to  Literature  and   National  Policy.     Pub- 
lished by  J.  E.  Gilmore,  112  Tremont  street,  Boston, 
This  is  the  first  number  of  a  new  periodical,  pub- 
lished in  Boston  and  New  York.     It  is  filled  with  im- 
portant and  useful  articles,  which  are  well  written,  in 
good  taste  and  judgment.     The  first  article  is  entitled 
VThe  Position,"  and  contains  a  brief  history  of  seces- 
sre^ii    There  is  an  article  upon  Italph  Waldo   Emer- 
son, and  one  on  "What  shall  we  do  with  the  Dar- 
kies?"    Terms,  $3  a  year,  in  advance;  two  copies 
for  S5 ;  three  copies  for  §6. 


ANNUAL    MEETING 
Of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society, 

The  twenty-ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  will  be  held  in 
Boston,  at  Allston  Hall,  (corner  of  Tremont  and 
Bromfield  Streets,)  on  Thursday  and  Friday,  Jan. 
23d  and  24th,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 
Three  sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

Though  a  great  change,  equally  surprising  and 
cheering,  has  taken  place  in  public  sentiment  at  the 
North,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  since  the  "  SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION"  broke  out,  yet  the 
times  demand  of  the  uncompromising  friends  of  free- 
dom all  the  vigilance,  earnestness,  activity  and  gene- 
rous cooperation,  that  it  is  in  their  power  to  give ; 
for  upon  them  devolves  the  task  of  creating,  deepen- 
ing and  guiding  that  moral  sentiment  which  is  to 
determine  the  fate  of  the  republic.  Their  work,  as 
Abolitionists,  will  not  be  consummated  while  a  slave- 
holder is  tolerated  on  the  American  soil,  or  a  slave 
clanks  his  letters  beneath  the  American  flag.  Theirs 
is  the  truest  patriotism,  the  purest  morality,  the  no- 
blest philanthropy,  the  broadest  humanity.  So  far 
from  having  any  affinity  with,  or  bearing  any  likeness 
to  the  traitors  of  the  South,  there  is  an  impassable 
gulf  between  the  parties,  as  well  as  an  irrepressible 
conflict.  Now  that,  by  the  treasonable  course  of  the 
South,  the  Government,  by  the  exigencies  in  which  it 
is  placed,  may  constitutionally  abolish  slavery,  and  is 
solemnly  bound  to  improve  the  opportunity,  under 
the  war  power,  the  duty  of  the  hour  is  to  bring  every 
influence  to  bear  upon  it,  to  induce  it  to  exercise  that 
power  without  delay,  and  thus  to  speedily  crush  the 
rebellion,  and  establish  liberty  and  peace  in  every  sec- 
tion of  the  country.  In  this  work  of  humanity  and 
rightcousnens,  of  reconciliation  and  union,  it  is  oblig- 
atory upon  all  cordially  to  participate. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  members  and  friends  of  the  So- 
ciety will  be  present  in  larger  attendance  than  usual. 
A  strong  array  of  able  and   eloquent  speakers  will 
be  present,  whose  names  will  be  duly  announced. 
By  order  of  the  Managers  of  the  .Society, 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Sec'i,. 


Proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land  to 
all  the  inhabitants  thereof,"  &c. — which,  by  the  way, 
is  just  as  distasteful  to  that  shameless  pro-slavery  or- 
gan as  the  other !  Before  the  rebellion,  and  while  the 
authority  of  the  Constitution  was  recognized  and  sub- 
mitted to  by  the  South,  we  denied  the  right  of  the 
Government  to  make  any  decree  against  her  slave 
system,  because  offthe  limitation  of  its  power;  but 
now  that  she  has  withdrawn  herself  from  the  Union, 
organized  a  separate  and  hostile  government,  and  thus 
can  no  longer  appeal  to  the  old  constitutional  gtiaran 
ties  for  protection, — and  as  she  has  done  this  in 
avowed  and  deadly  hostility  to  all  free  institution; 
it  is  not  only  the  right,  but  plainly  the  solemn  duty 
and  exalted  privilege  of  the  Government,  under  the 
war  power,  in  this  terrible  emergency,  as  a  matter 
of  self-preservation,  to  seek  the  utter  suppression  of 
the  rebellion  through  the  abolition  of  slavery,  its 
murderous  cause.  Under  these  circumstances,  with 
what  propriety  could  we  have  continued  our  old  motto, 
and  at  the  same  time  consistently  denounced  the  Gov- 
ernment for  not  proclaiming  emancipation? 

j$gf=  Since  the  foregoing  was  written,  the  Boston 
Courier  comes  to  us  with  the  following  characteristic 
paragraph,  evincing  the  same  contemptible  unfairness 
and  moral  stultification  as  displayed  by  the  Journal  of 
Comyierce,  and  needing  no  other  rejoinder: — 

The  Black  Flag.  A  variety  of  our  contempora- 
ries, outside  of  the  city,  are  noticing  the  fact,  that  the 
liberator's  old  disunion  flag,  with  its  motto  denouncing 
the  Constitution  as  "a  covenant  with  death,  an  agree- 
ment with  hell,"  is  struck.  A  New  York  daily  paper 
thinks  it  now  the  turn  of  the  Southerners,  since  the 
Northern  disunionhts  have  surrendered  at  discretion. 
But  we  doubt  if  the  mere  hauling  down  of  the  offen- 
sive Hag  of  the  Liberator  will  induce  prudent  men  to 
confide  in  Northern  disunionists  any  the  more.  In 
tact,  they  are  busier  than  ever;  though  with  very  lit- 
tle to  encourage  them  in  the  pursuit  of  their  evil  ob- 
jects. But  we  have  an  idea,  that  the  hauling  down  of 
the  flag  in  question  could  have  been  no  voluntary  act, 
or  prompted  by  any  deference  to  the  patriotic  senti- 
ment of  the  community.  Our  readers  must  have  seen, 
within  a  week  or  two,  a  statement  of  the  presentation 
of  a  petition  by  Mr.  Sumner,  to  secure  protection  lo 
the  freedom  of  the  press.  Putting  this  and  that,  to- 
gether, it  looks  as  if  Mr.  Garrison  may  have  bud  some 
appropriate  intimation;  anil  that  this  it  is  which  has 
stirred  up  Mr.  Sumner  and  the  sympathisers  to  make 
a  move  lor  the  freedom  of  the  press,  which  would  be 
otherwise  unaccountable. 

The  Courier  is  informed  (hat  Mr.  Garrison  has  had 
no  such  intimation  as  it  refers  to,  and  expects  to  receive 
none;  but  he  remembers  that  it  is  not  long  since  the 
Courier  required  a  significant  popular  inlimalion  as  to 
its  seditious  course,  and  hence  its  aflccled  loyally  I 


THE    POSITION    OF    ENGLAND. 

An  able  and  enlightened  Russian  statesman  and  no- 
bleman, M.  Tourguenelf,  exiled  from  his  native  land 
in  1825  for  his  philanthropic  efforts  to  bring  about  that 
emancipation  which  the  present  Emperor  bas  had  the 
glory  of  measurably  consummating,  wrote  thus  in 
1847  concerning  England,  in  his  memorial  volumes, 
"  La  Russie  et  les  Russes,"  vol.  hi.,  pp.  270,  271 : — 

"The  influence  of  England  upon  the  rest  of  the 
world  has  been,  in  general,  exceedingly  fruitful,  benefi- 
cent and  useful;  it  is  so  still,  in  consequence  of  the 
commercial  relations  of  that  nation  with  every  people 
on  the  globe.  But  the  necessities  of  trade  have  also 
consequences  by  no  means  elevating.  It  is  the  force 
of  things,  it  is  God  that  makes  commerce  ;  and  the  re- 
lations between  peoples  the  farthest  removed  from  one 
another  serve  as  a  means  of  attaining  the  great  end 
of  human  civilization.  Men  in  general  see  in  them 
only  a  means  of  satisfying  their  love  of  gain.  When 
to  this  exclusive  tendency  is  added,  as  in  England,  an 
excess  of  products  which  demands  new  markets  at 
any  cost,  the  most  civilized  commercial  peoples  end 
by  caring  only  to  sell  as  much  as  possible  to  every- 
body ;  they  thus  come  easily  into  a  great  indifference 
to  tile  social  and  political  welfare  of  the  peoples  with 
whom  they  traffic,  and  are  readily  disposed  to  enter  into 
alliance  with  the  most  detestable  governments,  provided  the 
latter  allow  them  to  despoil  their  oppressed  subjects  at 
their  leisure. 

"  We  may  conelude  that  the  influence  exerted  by  a 
people  placed  in  such  conditions  cannot  hereafter  have 
very  important  results  for  general  civilization." 

Judged  by  the  present  attitude  of  England  towards 
this  country,  her  evident  desire  to  fraternize  with  the 
Southern  Confederacy  at  the  expense  of  four  million 
blacks  in  bondage,  the  language  above  quoted  bears 
almost  the  marks  of  prophecy  as  well  as  of  philo- 
sophic discernment.  M.  Tourgueneff  has  lived  to  see 
the  wish  of  his  life  realized  in  the  action  of  Alexander 
II.  in  relation  to  the  serfs  of  Russia ;  he  may  also  to- 
day compare,  with  a  melancholy  satisfaction,  his  logi- 
cal forebodings,  fifteen  years  ago,  of  the  future  of  Eng- 
land, with  the  present  deplorable  exhibitions  of  that 
country. 


The  Fraternity  Lectures.  The  lecture  before 
the  Fraternity,  on  the  evening  of  Dec.  31st,  was  giv- 
en by  Rev.  William  S.  Studley.  His  subject  was 
"  Down  South,"  and  he  announced  that  his  hour  would 
be  occupied  in  familiar  gossip  in  regard  to  the  expe- 
riences of  a  journey  made  just  before  the  period  of 
Southern  secession,  through  the  Atlantic  slave  States. 
This  promise  was  fulfilled  in  an  entertaining  maimer, 
and  the  experience  of  the  traveller  in  regard  to 
Southern  hospitality,  and  the  advantages  and  attrac- 
tions of  Southern  travel  to  a  Northern  man,  was  not 
unlike  that  of  Mr.  Olmstead,  with  which  the  public 
are  familiar. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  the  concluding  lecture  of  the 
eourse  was  delivered  by  Wendell  Phillips,  Esq., 
to  one  of  the  largest  and  most  brilliant  audiences  of 
the  season.  The  lecturer's  appearance  on  the  platform 
was  the  signal  for  an  outburst  of  enthusiastic  cheers, 
which  were  renewed  when  he  stepped  to  the  front  to 
commence  his  lecture.  He  spoke  on  '*  The  Times  " — 
now  so  sadly  "  out  of  joint."  Reviewing  the  events 
of  the  past  ten  months,  he  found  nothing  but  inca- 
pacity in  the  Government,  and  defeat  and  humilia- 
tion to  the  national  cause.  He  said  he  did  not  wish  to 
blame  the  Cabinet  unduly,  but  the  inaction  of  the  last 
ten  months  had  exhausted  his  patience  with  them. 
If  we  had  an  American  for  President,  instead  of  a 
Kentuckian,  he  should  hnve  more  hope  ;  hut  the  dan- 
ger was,  that  in  the  effort  to  save  Kentucky,  the 
Union  would  be  lost.  Unless,  within  ninety  days,  a 
decisive  victory  should  crown  our  arms,  the  Confede- 
racy would  be  acknowledged  by  the  European  pow- 
ers, and  the  nation  would  be  divided,  and  the  North 
doomed  to  all  the  woes  that  would  spring  from  such  a 
division.  A  victory  would  save  the  Union;  but  the 
stake  was  too  great  to  be  hazarded  on  the  doubtful 
issue  of  a  battle.  In  this  emergency,  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  people  to  urge  upon  Congress  tho  emancipa- 
tion of  the  slaves,  and  thus  checkmate  the   European 

governments,  and  save  the  Union  by  drawing  to  its 
aide  the  Wends  of  justice  and  freedom. 

Wo  hope  to  give  a  full  report  next  week. 


GEOEGE  THOMPSON,   ESQ.   ON   AMERICAN 
SLAVERY  AND  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS. 

On  Friday,  20th  ult.,  George  Thompson,  Esq.,  late 
M.  P.  for  the  Tower  Hamlets,  delivered,  in  Surrey 
Chapel,  Blackfriars  road,  an  oration  "On  American 
Slavery  and  the  Present  Crisis."  The  audience  was 
numerous  and  highly  respectable,  and  the  chair  was 
occupied  by  the  Rev.  Newman  Hall,  the  respected 
pastor  of  the  chapel. 

The  Chairman,  in  introducing  Mr.  Thompson,  said, 
the  present  crisis  was  of  the  very  highest  importance. 
They  might  be  on  the  briuk  of  an  unnecessary,  and 
therefore  of  a  wicked  war.  (Applause.)  He  regarded 
war  either  as  the  greatest  of  crimes  or  the  sternest  of 
necessities,  and  they  ought  all  to  labor  strenuously  in 
order  that  it  might  be  averted.  They  had  not,  how- 
ever, assembled  to  hear  hiin,  and,  therefore,  he  would 
at  once  give  place  to  their  eloquent  friend,  Mr.  George 
Thompson. 

Mr.  Thompson,  who  was  received  with  the  great- 
est cordiality,  said  he  appeared  before  them  in  the  in- 
terests of  truth,  humanity,  and  Christian  civilization. 
All  these  were  involved  in  the  fratricidal  conflict 
which  was  now  raging  in  America.  It  was  a  horri- 
ble and  appalling  spectacle,  and  in  this  country  the 
greatest  ignorance  of  the  causes  which  produced  it 
existed,  The  reasons  which  had  been  assigned  for  it 
by  our  leading  public  men  were  entirely  erroneous. 
He  had  been  twice  in  the  United  States,  he  had  made 
the  institutions  of  the  country  his  special  study,  and, 
therefore,  he  had  enjoyed  the  fullest  opportunities 
for  forming  an  impartial  judgment  on  the  question. 
In  opposition  to  all  the  theories  put  forth  on  the  sub- 
ject, he  would  say  that  slavery  was  the  sole,  sim- 
ple, and  exclusive  cause  of  the  trouble.  (Cheers.) 
But  for  slavery,  the  States  of  America  would  have 
remained  united,  and  whatever  had  menaced  their 
harmony  bad  proceeded  from  (the  same  cause.  What 
sort  of  thing,  he  asked,  was  this  slavery  ?  To  be  a 
slave  was  to  be  a  thing,  a  chattel,  to  be  ranked  in  the 
catalogue  of  sale  with  horses,  breeding-cattle  and 
swine.  Such  it  was  as  it  now  existed  in  the  seceded 
States  of  America,  and  it  was  declared  to  be  the  chief 
corner-stone  of  the  new  confederate  edifice.  He  did 
not  say  that  every  slave  was  subjected  to  all  the  hor- 
rors of  slavery,  but  he  would  maintain  that  every  slave 
was  liable  to  be  subjected  to  them. 

Mr.  Thompson,  having  depicted  with  great  vivid- 
ness the  wretched  condition  of  the  four  millions 
of  slaves  in  the  Southern  States,  went  on  to 
say,  that  with  the  man  who  claimed  the  right 
of  enslaving  another  man,  he  could  hold  no  par- 
ley. Such  a  man  was  a  man-thief.  (Applause.)  It 
was  preposterous  blasphemy  for  any  man  to  say  that 
he  could  possess  a  fee  simple  in  the  body  of  his  equal. 
We  reason  too  much  about  the  matter.  In  the  court 
of  conscience,  one  verdict,  "  Let  it  be  accursed  I  "  had 
always  been  returned  against  slavery.  (Cheers.)  "Hu- 
man beings  might  be  inconsistent,  but  human  nature 
had  always  been  true  to  herself,  and  she  had  uttered 
her  testimony  against  slavery  with  a  shriek  ever  since 
the  monster  had  been  begotten."     (Loud  applause.) 

Mr.  Thompson  then  rapidly  sketched  the  history  of 
slavery  in  America,  and  the  legislation  in  regard  to  it, 
from  the  time  when  the  first  cargo  of  slaves  had  been 
landed  on  the  soil  of  Virginia,  in  the  same  year 
that  saw  the  Puritans  land  on  the  bleak  shores  of  New 
England,  up  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  Presi- 
dent. He  pointed  out  that,  when  the  Americans 
threw  off  the  British  yoke,  and  asserted  their  inde- 
pendence, they  proclaimed  that  all  men  had  an  inalien- 
able right  to  liberty;  and  he  showed  that,  if  this  prin- 
ciple had  been  fairly  carried  out,  it  would  have  swept 
slavery  from  the  face  of  the  whole  country.  But,  in 
the  Revolutionary  Congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Jefferson's 
original  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
altered,  through  the  influence  of  the  slaveholders, 
and  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  adopted  two 
years  later,  the  topic  of  slavery  was  carefully  and  ad- 
visedly excluded.  (Hear,  hear.)  Fatal  compromises 
had  been  introduced  into  the  Constitution,  and  from 
them  had  resulted  that  hideous  host  of  evils,  which, 
for  seventy  years,  had  covered  the  body  politic  with 
"  wounds,  and  bruises,  and  putrifying  sores." 

Mr.  Thompson  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  ques- 
tion whether  secession  was  justifiable,  and  said  the 
right  claimed  by  South  Carolina  and  her  rebel  con- 
federates to  secede  under  the  Constitution  was  a  pal- 
pable absurdity.  (Cheers.)  The  revolutionary' right 
of  secession  was  undeniable,  but  then  it  was  to  be 
recognized  by  the  people,  the  nation,  and  not  by  the 
sworn  servants  of  the  Constitution.  No  government 
provided  for  its  own  dissolution  ;  so  that,  while  there 
was  always  a  revolutionary  right  of  secession,  there 
could  never  be  a  constitutional  right.  If  the  sugges- 
tion of  Kentucky  had  been  adopted,  it  would  have 
been  competent  for  a  convention  to  have  allowed  South 
Carolina  and  her  confederates  to  secede;  but,  as  the 
offer  had  been  declined,  nothing  was  left  to  the  Presi- 
dent but  to  uphold  the  Constitution  which  he  had 
sworn  to  maintain.     (Cheers.)  » 

The  lecturer  having  shown  how  the  South  had  al- 
ways maintained  an  ascendancy  in  the  councils  of  the 
State,  and  having  described  the  circumstances  under 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  elected,  contrasted  his 
opinions  on  slavery  with  those  of  Jefferson  Davis. 
Davis  believed  in  the  divine  right  of  treating  the  ne- 
groes as  an  inferior  race,  and  of  keeping  them  hi  bon- 
dage. Mr.  Lincoln,  on  the  other  hand,  had  declared 
that  slavery  was  immoral.  The  worst  charge  that 
had  been  brought  against  Mr,  Lincoln  was  that  he  had 
suppressed  his  own  predilections  in  favor  of  freedom  ; 
that,  having  taken  an  oath  to  maintain  the  Constitu- 
tion, he  had  adhered  to  it,  and  had  not  sacrificed  the 
prerogatives  of  his  position  to  carry  out  his  own  be- 
nevolent intentions.  The  truth  was,  that  he  would 
have  rendered  himself  liable  to  impeachment  if  he  had 
proclaimed  the  abolition  of  slavery.  Besides,  the 
proclamation  would  have  been  impracticable ;  and, 
even  if  it  had  been  practicable,  he  was  not  sure,  under 
the  circumstances  of  the  country,  that  it  would  have 
been  the  most  Christian  thing  to  have  issued  it. 

Mr.  Thompson  then  argued  that,  although  the  war 
was  not  carried  on  by  the  North  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  yet  that  the  triumph  of  the  North  would  great- 
ly conduce  to  that  sublime  result.  (Cheers.)  The 
Union,  he  observed,  was  nothing  to  him  ;  but  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  was  of  the  very  highest  importance. 
(Cheers.)  He  would  not,  he  said,  decide  under  what 
circumstances  war  might  be  justifiable,  and  he  simply 
recognized  the  existing  war  as  a  fact.  But,  inasmuch 
as  he  believed  that  the  cause  of  freedom  would  be 
benefited  by  the  success  of  the  North,  he  hoped  it 
might  conquer,  and  he  wished  it  God  speed.  (Loud 
cheers.) 


uudefensible.  When  she  was  menaced  with  secession, 
she  did  not  arm ;  when  the  secession  was  an  accom- 
plished fact,  she  did  not  arm  ;  nay,  when  her  custom- 
houses, her  arsenals  and  armories  were  seized,  she 
did  not  arm.  But,  at  last,  when  the  Star  of  the  WeBt 
was  fired  upon,  and  when  South  Carolina  would  not 
allow  a  bit  of  Union  bunting  to  float  over  her  fortress, 
then  the  twenty-two  millions  of  people  had  determined 
to  arm  and  to  defend  their  Constitution.     (Cheers.) 

Mr.  Thompson  then  showed  that  the  secession  hadi 
been  long  contemplated,  and  he  condemned  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan for  his  conduct  in  favoring  the  designs  of  the 
South.  He  next  glanced  at  the  present  position  of  the 
anti-slavery  party  in  the  North,  and  said  it  had  of 
late  greatly  increased.  (Loud  cheers.)  He  regretted 
that,  in  this  country,  the  minds  of  the  public  had  been 
corrupted  by  the  untruthful  and  one-sided  articles 
which  had  appeared  in  some  of  the  journals,  and  ex- 
pressed an  opinion  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  this  cir- 
cumstance, a  universal  fcfcling  of  sympathy  with  the 
North  would  have  been  manifested.  (Ches-rs.)  He 
earnestly  prayed  that  war  might  be  averted,  and  he 
hoped  that  the  clergy  would  use  their  endeavors,  as 
Mr.  Hall  had  done,  to  promote  the  continuance  of 
peace.  He  trusted  that  the  sorrowful  event  whielt 
had  clothed  them  with  mourning  outwardly,  and  for 
which,  too,  they  all  inwardly  and  sincerely  mourned, 
ould  have  some  effect  in  allaying  She  war  feelmg, 
and  in  promoting  good  will  between  the  two  countries. 
Most  sincerely  did  they  all  sympathize  with  her  Ma- 
jesty in  her  great  affliction,  bereaved  as  she  was  of 
her  friend,  and  counsellor,  and  husband.  He  trusted; 
the  event  would  be  fraught  with  issues  in  favor  of 
peace,  and  he  thought  the  Minister  of  the  day  would 
incur  a  heavy,  a  criminal  responsibility  who  advised: 
thai  lone,  sorrowing  woman  to  put  her  sign  manual  to 
a  declaration  of  war  against  America.  (Loud  cheeps.) 
Mr.  Thompson  concluded  his  most  eloquent  ad- 
dress, which  occupied  one  hour  and  three  quarters  ia 
the  delivery,  by  reciting  the  following  verses,  which 
he  had  composed  when  the  misunderstanding  about 
the  Oregon  boundary  had  occurred  with  America. 
The  first  stanza  had  been  writteu  for  the  tune  of  "  Goti 
save  the  Queen,"  and  the  others  for  the  most  popular 
national  air  hi  America; — 

0  !  may  the  b;.Eoan  race 
Heaven's  mos&tj'e  soon  embrace. 

Good  will  to  man ! 
Hushed  be  the  battle's  sound. 
And  o'er  the  earth  around 
May  joy  and,  peace  a&ound 

Through  every  land  ! 

0  !  then  shall  come  She  glorious  day 
When  swords  and  spears  shall  perish. 

And  brothers  John  and  Jonathan 
The  kindest  thoughts  shall  cherish. 

When  Oregon  ne  mope  shall  fill 

With  angry  darts  oar  quiver, 
But  Englishmen  with  Yankees  dwell 

On  the  far  Columbia  rives. 

Then  let  us  baste  these  bends  to  Knit, 

And  in  the  work  be  handy, 
ThaS  we  may  Wend  "  Ged  save  the  Queen, "" 
With  "  Yankee  Dosdle  Dandy  !  " 
(Great  cheering.) 

The  Rev.  W.  £L  Boxxeh  m»ved  tsat  a  vote  af 
thanks  should  be  given  to  Mr.  Thompson  for  his  rnosB 
eloquent  lecture.  lis  confessed  he  was  afraid,  how- 
ever, that  the  progress  of  the  anti-slavery  party  ia  the 
North  was  not  as  rapid  as  Mr.  Thompson  supposed'. 
He  also  paid  a  high  compliment  to  the  chairman  for 
the  efforts  he  had  made  to  promote  pease. 

Dr.  M'Gowan,  in  seconding  the  motion,  related 
some  interesting  reminiscences  of  Mr.  Thompson's 
visit  to  the  United  States  in  1-834.  He  eulogized 
the  efforts  Mr.  Thompson  had  then  made  to  spreads 
anti-slavery  principles,  remarking  that  New  York  bads 
then  been  as  pro-slavery  as  Liverpool  was  now.  It 
gave  him  pleasure  to  confirm  Mr.  Thompson's  state- 
ment, that  the  anti-slavery  party  was  becoming  pow- 
erful in  the  Northern  States. 

The  motion  was  carried  with  acclamation. 

Mr.  Thompson  briefly  acknowledged  the  compli- 
ment, and  a  vote  of  thanks  having  been  given  to  the 
Chairman,  the  proceedings  terminated. 


Mr.  Thompson  then  adverted  to  the  affair  of  the 
Trent,  and  said  that,  on  the  abstract  merits  of  the  ques- 
tion, it  would  be  presumptuous  for  him  to  offer  a  de- 
cided opinion.  As  the  highest  legal  minds  were  at 
work  on  the  question,  he* would  not  lay  down  any 
dogma  of  his  own  ;  but  it  seemed  strange  that  those 
who  were  so  anxious  to  go  to  war  with  America,  were  ' 
so  ready  in  their  gratuitous  condemnation  of  the  North 
for  going  to  war  with  the  South.  (Cheers.)  Our  flag 
had  been  insulted,  it  was  said.  But  no  blood  had  been 
shed ;  the  two  men,  who  were  notorious  traitors  to  the 
Government,  had  been  seized  and  taken  out.  The 
ship  had  been  allowed  to  go  on  with  the  cargo  and  the 
passengers.  -By  this  act,  it  was  said  our  flag  had  been 
insulted;  and  the  Time  Of  that  very  day  (old  them 
that  war  was  the  only  alternative,  if  the  Americana 
did  not  apologise,  and  surrender  the  prisoners— that 
the  dispute  was  quite  out  of  the  category  of  arbitration, 
Well,  if  that  was  so,  how  could  thev  deny  lo  the  North 
the  right  of  maintaining  its  Constitution,  and  of  de- 
fending the  honor  of  its  ling  ?  {Cheers.)  We  had  not 
got.  Mr.  Lincoln's  answer,  ind  yal  the  newspapers  day 
by  day  were  predicting  WW,  and  saying  everything 
which  was  calculated  to  bring  it  about.  (Applause.) 
America  had  good  reason  lo  he  offended  a!  the  tone  of 
the  articles  which  appeared  in  our  journals.  What, 
he  would  ask  them,  hud  been  the  conduct  ol  the  North 
to  the  Smith  1  For  ft  lung  period,  to  her  (HsgNtea,  she 
had  considered  the  South  the  petted  child  of  the 
Union,  and  conceded  demands  which  had  been  ulleilv 


DIPLOMATIC    JESUITEY. 

Editor  Liberator, — I  desire  to  caution  Aboli- 
tionists against  joining  the  cry  of  demagogues  and' 
traitors  against  England.  When  the  whole  facts  come- 
to  be  known,  and  the  case  is  stripped  of  all  diplo- 
matic glosses  and  of  all  the  disguises  which  timid? 
and  false  men  have  thrown  around  it  to  cover  thehr 
own  blunders,  we  shall  find  that  it  has  been  the  ab- 
surd theory  of  our  own  Government  that  has  brought 
upon  us  this  humiliation. 

The  right  of  search  is  a  "  belligerent "  right.  For 
fifty  years,  it  has  been  universally  recognized  as  set- 
tled international  law,  that  neutral  ships  can  be 
searched  only  by  "belligerents" — tlmt  is,  by  one  of 
two  parties  at  war.  A  state  ©f  belligerency  involves 
two  parties,  both,  as  towards  other  nations,  "bellige- 
rents." Our  Government  has  uniformly  assumed: 
that  there  is  no  war;  of  course,  that  there  are  no  bel- 
ligerents ;  of  eourse,  again,  that  neither  party  has- 
"  belligerent "  rights  as  towards  other  nations.  Then,. 
surely,  we  had  no  right  to  stop  and  search  the  Trent. 

In  his  letter  to  Lord  Lyons,  Mr.  Seward  speaks  of 
the  existence  of  an  "  insurrection ,"  a  "domestic 
strife,"  and  says  that  an  arrangement  was  entered  into- 
with  the  British  Government  in  reference  to  this  "  lo- 
cal strife," — thus  treating  it  as  exceptional,  and  not 
governed  by  the  laws  of  nations  as  applied  to  war ;. 
and  yet  his  whole  letter  assumes  for  the  United  States- 
"belligerent"  rights. 

Let  me  refer  briefly  to'  one  of  the  absurdities  of  his 
theory.  He  says — "Mason  and  McKarland  are  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  residents  of  Virginia ,\ 
Slidell  and  Eustis  are  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
residents  of  Louisiana."  It  follows,  then,  that  Jeff" 
Davis  and  Yancey  are  also  citizens  of  the  United. 
States.  Mason  and  Slidell,  then,  are  only  private  citi- 
zens, bearing  private  letters  from  Jeff  Davis,  one  cit- 
izen of  the  United  States,  to  Yancey,  another  citi- 
zen. Most  clearly,  on  this  theory,  Capt.  Wilkes  had 
no  more  right  to  seize  Mason  and  Slidell  than  he  would 
have  to  seize  any  passengers  on  board  of  any  of  the 
British  mail  steamers  leaving  Boston  or  Now  York- 
every  week.  And  yet  Mr.  Seward  gravely  discusses 
his  live  questions,  the  first  of  which  is — "Were  the 
persons  named  and  their  supposed  despatches  contra- 
band of  war?"  Their  "despatches,"  on  Seward's- 
thcory,  were  only  private  letters,  and  the  law  of  na- 
tions docs  not  know  "contraband  persons." 

I  only  throw  out  these  hints.  The  fact  is,  Capt. 
Wilkes  had  no  right  to  search  the  Trent.  We  luul 
not  the  manliness  to  say  so,  except  under  threat. 
Hence  our  humiliation.  F.  W.  B. 


J^="  The  Courier,  referring  to  the  lecture  of  Mr. 
Phillips  on  Tuesday  evening  last,  at  Tremont  Tem- 
ple, with  owl-like  gravity  asks,  "  Is  not  this  Treason  *  " 
Is  the  interrogator  a  fool  >  Or,  rather,  is  he  not  a 
fool  i  The  sole  object  of  the  lecture  was  to  stimulate 
the  Administration,  by  sharp  and  merited  criticism  of 
its  indefinite  and  timorous  policy,  to  show  more  ener- 
gy and  decision  in  putting  down  Southern  treason,  by 
availing  Itself  of  the  only  method  of  success — name- 
ly, the  proclamation  of  freedom  lo  all  wtio  will  rally 
under  the  national  flag,  without  regard  to  race  or 
color.      Of  course,  secession    in  spirit  and    purpose   M 

the  Courier  is.  to  the  full  extent  of  every  demand  of 
the  rebellious  slave  oligarchy,  (though  whipped  into 
assumed  loyalty  as  a  matter  of  cowardice  am!  tveossi 
ty,)itis  nothing  better  than  rank  "treason,"  in  its 
opinion,  for  Mr.  Phillips,  or  any  one  else,  in  urge  the 
Government  to  do  something  effectual  to  put  down 
this  "slaveholders'  rebellion-"  Tho  loyalty  of  tho 
Courier  consists  in  doing  what  in  it  lies  to  drug  the 
Government  with  opiates — to  discourage  Mid  resent 
every  proposition  for  more  decisive  action — to  recom- 
mend and  applaud  a  do-nothing  policy— to  basely  m ,i- 
lign  every  uncompromising  friend  of  freedom  at  tho 
North,  who  is  at  all  prominent,  and  lo  puss  unnoticed 
all  the  atrocities  of  the  Southern  conspirator- 
tor  to  what,  extent  their  treachery   may   be 

The  "treason  "  of  Wendell  Pliil%8  Is  tnw  I 

the  loyally  of  the   I  trtMOB 


J^V^TIARY  lO. 


THE     LIBERATOR 


MEETING    AT    WORCESTER 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Worcester  County 
(South  Division)  Anti-Slavery  Society  was  held  in 
Worcester  on  Saturday  evening,  Jan.  4th,  and  Sun- 
day, day  and  evening,  Jan.  5th.  On  account  of  the 
sudden  severity  of  the  weather,  the  attendance  was 
not  as  large  as  could  have  been  desired  ;  still 
quite  respectable,  and  the  audiences  were  of  the  most 
interested  and  attentive  character,  so  that  the  meeting 
was  one  of  hopeful  encouragement  to  the  members 
and  friends  of  the  Society. 

The  absence  of  the  venerable  President,  Josia.u 
Henshaw,  {detained  by  family  illness,)  whose  cus- 
tomary presence  has  heretofore  aided  and  cheered 
the  younger  workers,  was  noticahly  felt  by  the  other 
members,  as  was  also  the  absence  of  Samukl.  May, 
Jr.,  (unavoidably  detained  by  business,)  wiio  for  more 
than  twenty  years  has  hardly  before  been  absent  from 
our  annual  gatherings. 

The  chair  was  occupied  by  James  A.  Wiiutlk, 
one  of  the  Vice  Presidents,  and  the  time  of  the  va- 
rious sessions  was  occupied  by  earnest  addresses  and 
discussions  from  Parker  Pills-bury,  Charles  E>,  Re- 
mond, Stephen  S.  and  Abby  K.  Poster,  and  Joseph  A. 
How  land.  The  pro-shwery  character  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  its  subordinates  in  their  position  and  con- 
duct of  the  present  war  was  properly  criticised,  and 
while  all  the  speakers  urged  the  duty  and  necessity 
of  immediate  emancipation,  all  united  in  denouncing 
any  cal!  for  emancipation  predicated  upon  the  selfish 
issue  of  safety  to  the  whites  or  to  the  government, 
as  also  any  sclieme  that  proposes  to  compensate  or  to 
give  a  "(i  fair  pecuniary  award"  to  those  myth- 
ical personages,  the  ''loyal  slaveholders,"  as  in  vio- 
lation of  our  fundamental  principles  ami  ancient  testi- 
monies, that  have  so  long  demanded  unconditional 
emancipation  as  a  measure  of  justice  to  the  slave,  a 
slight  recognition  of  his  God-given  rights,  and  a  de- 
nial of  the  right  of  property  in  man.  The  duty  of  the 
nation  to  repent  of  and  put  away  her  great  sin,  be- 
causcof  its  sin,  without  waiting  for  her  dire  necessi- 
ties to  compel  the  righteous  act,  was  clearly  and  forci- 
bly set  forth ;  and  the  fear  was  expressed  that  the 
day  of  repentance  ami  reform  might  come  too  late  to 
save  the  nation  from  the  doom  of  utter  destruction 
which  its  fearful  guilt  merits. 

Quite  a  number  of  resolutions  were  offered  and 
discussed,  and  the  following  were  adopted . — 

Resolved,  TIrat  there  is  nothing  in  the  present  as- 
pect of  our  public  affairs  to  warrant  any  abatement  of 
our  zeal  and  efforts  in  the  anti-slavery  cause.  On  the 
contrary,  although  the  times  are  full  of  hope,  they  are 
also  full  of  the  most  imminent  peri!  to  the  interests  of 
fcoth  races,  and  demand  of  us  the  utmost  vigilance 
and  the  most  untiring  efforts  for  the  unconditional 
and  entire  eradication  of  that  root  of  national  bitter- 
ness which  is  the  ultimate  cause  and  only  sustenance 
■of  the  present  alarming  rebellion. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  a  sad  and  dangerous  mistake 
"  to  suppose  with  Mr.  Everett  and  other  prominent 
statesmen,  that  this  stupendous  rebellion  is  the  result 
of  sectional  pride  or  disappointed  ambition.  On  the 
contrary,  it  has  manifestly  sprung  from  no  such  temp- 
orary or  arbitrary  cause,  but  is  the  result  of  two  dis- 
tinct ami  necessarily  conflicting  states  of  society,  one 
of  which  must  inevitably  waste  and  eventually  de- 
stroy the  other.  Hence  every  attempt  on  our  part  to 
end  the  war  without  cither  exterminating  the  Slave 
Power  or  acknowledging  the  independence  of  the 
Confederate  States,  exhibits  a  degree  of  mental  stu- 
pidity and  moral  blindness  alike  derogatory  to  the 
head  and  heart  of  a  civilised  community. 

Resolved,  That  the  proposition  which  is  made  by 
some  to  compensate  the  loyal  slaveholders  in  case  of 
the  abolition  of  slavery  by  the  Federal  Government, 
makes  it  imperative  on  us  to  renew  the  testimony 
•which  we  have  uniformly  borne  for  more  than  a  quar- 
ter of  a  century  against  compensated  emancipation, 
as  a  practical  recognition  of  the  right  of  property  in 
man;  as  a  dangerous  precedent  of  compounding  with 
felony;  as  grossly  unjust  to  the  innocent  parties 
who  must  necessarily  be  taxed  to  reward  the  guilty  ; 
as  a  gratuity  to  those  who  sacrifice  no  real  interest, 
pecuniary  or  otherwise;  and  as  imposing  additional 
burdens  upon  the  country,  already  overwhelmed  with 
debt,  for  the  benefit  of  those,  who,  equally  with  all 
other  slaveholders,  have  nourished  and  sustained  that 
system  which  is  the  guilty  cause  of  all  our  national 
troubles. 

The  following  were  chosen  as  officers  for  the  ensu- 
ing year  :— 

President — Josiah  Henshaw,  of  West  Brookfield. 
Vice  Presidents — Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Leicester;  Adin 
Ballou,  Milfbrd ;  Moses  Sawin,  Southboro' ;  Adeline 
H.  Howland,  Worcester;  Clark  Aidrich,  Upton; 
Moses  Buffum,  Oxford;  Adams  Foster,  Holden;  Jas. 
A.  Whipple,  Worcester. 

Treasure)' — Sarah  E.  Wall,  Worcester. 
Auditor — Alfred  Wyman,  Worcester. 
Secretary — Joseph  A.  Howland,  Worcester. 
Executive  Committee — Abby  Kelley  Poster,  Sarah  F. 
Earie,  Sarah  M.  Whipple,  Isaac  Mason,   Worcester ; 
Abijah   Allen,   Esek  Pitts,    Miilbury ;  E.  D.  Draper, 
Milford;  Maria  P.   Fairbanks,  Millvilie ;    Nancy  B. 
Hill,    Blackstone ;    Sylvester    C.    Fay,    Southboro' ; 
William  Doane,  Charlton. 

It  was  voted  to  request  the  publication  of  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  Liberator  and  Standard. 

JAMES  A.  AVHIPPLE,  Vice  President. 
Joseph  A.  Howlakd,  Sec'y. 


ANTI-DESPOTIO    MEETINS. 

Pursuant  to  public  notice  for  a  meeting  to  take  into 
consideration  the  case  of  the  Rev.  George  Gordon, 
how  in  Cleveland  Jail,  the  people  of  the  town  of  Sa- 
vannah and  vicinity  met  in  the  Baptist  Church  in 
that  place,  on  Monday  evening,  Dec.  16th,  1861. 

On  motion,  Mr.  D.  Hart  was  appointed  Chairman, 
and  John  D.Wright,  Secretary.  The  meeting  was 
then  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  W.  Bruce.  Dr.  J. 
Ingram  was  called  upon,  who  made  a  brief  state- 
ment of  the  object  of  the  meeting.  A  series  of  reso- 
lutions was  then  read,  and  on  motion  to  adopt,  the 
Rev.  I.  N.  Carman,  pastor  of  the  Baptist  Church,  re- 
sponded to  a  call,  and  supported  them  in  a  brief  and 
able  address,  followed  by  the  Rev.  J.  McCutchen, 
pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church,  Ruggles,  Rev. 
A.  Scott,  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  Rev. 
W.  Bruce,  of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church,  Sa- 
vannah, each  in  brief  and  eloquent  addresses,  at  the 
close  of  which,  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  : 

Whereas,  the  Rev.  George  Gordon,  President  of 
Iberia  College,  extensively  and  favorably  known  to 
this  community,  and  pastor  of  the  Free  Presbyterian 
Church  of  this  place,  has  been  tried  at  the  recent  ses- 
sion of  the  U.  S.  Court  on  a  charge  of  "obstructing 
Access  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,"  and  convict- 
ed, as  we  believe,  and  as  the  facts  prove,  upon  testi- 
mony wholly  one-sided  and  vindictive,  sentenced  to 
pay  a  fine  of  $300,  costs,  and  six  months'  close  con- 
finement within  the  walls  of  a  common  jail;  and  be- 
lieving that  the  proceedings  in  his  case  have  been 
marked  with  a  degree  of  barbarism  that  disgraces  the 
enlightenment  of  the  age,  disclosing  a  pitiable  syco- 
phancy to  that  power  which  is  now  in  arms  against 
our  Government,  threatening  its  very  existence  ;  and, 
furthermore,  that  the  prosecution  lias  been  charac- 
terized by  a  degree  of  bitterness  we  did  not  antici- 
pate from  the  former  relations  of  the  man,  has  fol- 
lowed him  to  his  prison  cell,  assailed  his  character, 
hitherto  above  reproach,  and  while  sweeping  with  one 
fell  swoop  of  fine  and  costs  the  little  property  which 
would  have  brought  the  comforts  of  life  to  his  declin- 
ing years,  has  essayed  to  strip  him  of  character,  and 
thus  render  him  poor  indeed;  therefore, 

Resolved,  1st,  That  we  tender  to  the  Rev.  George 
Gordon  our  heartfelt  sympathies  for  the  deplorable 
issue  in  his  case  ;  and  whatever  may  be  our  individual 
difference  of  opinion  with  regard  to  complicity  or  non- 
eomplieity  iu  the  charge,  we  hold  that  such  a  proceed- 
ing in  our  present  national  crisis  is  a  gratuitous  con- 
cession to  that  power  to  which  we  have  not  yet  had 
the  courage  to  rise  superior. 


2d.  That  from  a  long  and  favorable  acquaintance 
with  Mr.  Gordon,  we  have  confidence  in  his  veracity 
as  a  man,  his  piety  as  a  minister,  his  practical  philan- 
thropy, and  his  earnest  efforts   in  the  cause  of  truth. 

Sd.  That  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act  is  contrary  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  contrary  to  natural 
justice,  to  reason,  to  the  precepts  and  teachings  of  the 
Gospel  of  Christ,  and  therefore  by  all  Christian  ju- 
rists is  declared  null,  and  imposes  no  legal  or  moral 
obligation  on  the  citizen. 

4th.  That  with  his  case  we  hope  may  terminate  a 
long  line  of  humiliating  concessions,  many  from  citi- 
zens of  the  North:  embracing  in  the  catalogue,  the 
frequent  surrender  of  cherished  principles  ;  compelled 
to  suffer  without  redress  unmitigated  cruelties,  brand- 
ings, whippings,  prisoners'  tears,  and  martyrs'  groans ; 
that  the  cell  now  hallowed  by  his  presence  may  wit- 
ness the  solitary  pinings  of  the  last  victim  of  the 
Slave  Power. 

The  meeting  was  large,  and  conducted   with  singu- 
lar unanimity  of  feeling  and  interest  to  the  close. 
DAVID  HART,  Chairman. 
Jons  D.  Wright,  Secretary. 


LETTER  PROM  MR.  PILLSBURY. 

Leominster,  Jan.  7,  1802. 
Deak  Friend  Garrison — It  seems  long  since  I 
have  written  for  the  Liberator.  The  little  I  have  sent 
in  the  last  two  years  to  the  public,  through  the  ink- 
stand, has  been  via  the  Bugle  and  lb«  Standard. 
Through  the  former,  while  it  continued,  and  the  lat- 
ter, since ;  and  my  field  of  labor  has  been  mainly 
New  York,  and  the  States  farther  west. 

Now,  I  am  where  I  ever  love  to  be,  in  my  own  old 
native  State  of  Massachusetts.  Some  tin  n  s,  when  in 
Old  England,  I  would  wish  I  had  bcui  horn  there; 
but  of  late,  unlike  the  Scripture  estimate  of  wine,  I 
am  induced  to  say,  "  the  New  is  better  "  !  True,  we 
in  the  New  have,  hitherto,  little  claim  on  Old  England 
for  grace  or  favor,  on  account  of  any  superior  anti- 
slavery  excellence;  though,  bad  as  we  are,  it  seems  to 
me  we  do  not  deserve  worse  than  th^  Confederate 
States.  Great  Britain,  however,  appears  to  think 
otherwise.  Sometime,  perhaps,  she  ni.iy  change  her 
mind. 

But  what  are  we  to  think  of  Gov.  Andrew  at  such 
a  crisis  as  this?  "Schooling  himself  la  silence,"  on 
questions  involving  all  the  interests  of  two  hemis- 
pheres, for  the  two  existences,  temporal  and  eternal ! 
And  we  are  to  do  the  same,  or  violate  his  official 
counsel  and  private  example.  Washington  wisdom 
has  not  yet  won  my  respect  to  that  high  degree  ;  nor 
do  the  revelations  of  the  Potter  and  Van  Wyck  Com- 
mittees persuade  me  that  honesty  and  integrity  are 
more  a  monopoly  there,  than  wisdom  and  statesman- 
ship, or  military  skill.  And  so,  with  all  due  deference 
to  Gov.  Andrew,  I  do  not  propose  to  "school  myself 
to  silence  "  for  some  time  yet. 

One  year  ago,  Mayor  Wightman  and  his  mob  en- 
deavored to  "school"  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery 
Society  "  to  silence,"  by  a  system  not  strictly  Lancas- 
terian  nor  Pesfcalozzian ;  and  he  succeeded  so  well, 
that  I  could  have  wished  the  Governor  had  left  that 
branch  of  the  "  public  education  "  in  hands  that  have 
proved  themselves  so  fully  competent  to  their  work. 
To  their  work,  I  repeat;  for,  surely,  such  work,  at  a 
time  like  this,  should  be  wholly  theirs,  if  done  at  all. 

Mr.  Remond  and  myself  have  had  excellent  meet, 
ings  in  several  of  the  best  towns  in  Essex  county,  with- 
in the  last  month,  and  in  several  instances  have  been 
urged  to  repeat  our  visits.  Instead  of  "  silence,"  the 
people,  as  well  as  God,  and  all  Holiness  and  Humanity, 
demand  of  us,  that  we  "cry  aloud,  and  spare  not" — 
which,  in  obedience  to  all  these  voices,  as  well  as  the 
call  of  conscience,  I,  for  one,  am  still  impressed  to  do. 
And  it  almost  seems  to  me,  (though  1  would  not 
abridge  freedom  of  speech  or  song,)  that  those  happy 
persons  who  deem  their  work  done,  and  that  now  they 
have  only  to  "stand  still  and  see,  and  sing  the  salva- 
tion of  God,"  had  better,  perhaps,  "school  themselves 
to  silence  "  about  it,  (if  they  can) — and  then  we,  who, 
less  fortunate  than  they,  have  still  an  important  work 
to  do,  can  labor  to  far  better  purpose.  We  work  for 
millions  of  slaves  yet  in  bonds  ;  while  the  government 
at  Washington  is  determined  to  hold  them  thus,  should 
it  cost  seven  hundred  thousand  brave  men's  lives,  and 
the  moneyed  and  moral  bankruptcy  of  all  the  rest  of 
the  nation  !  PARKER  PILLSBURY/. 


SLAVES    USED    FOR  INSURRECTIONARY 
PURPOSES. 

The  following  is,  in  full,  an  order  of  Gen.  Halleck, 
of  which  a  telegraphic  summary  has  already  been  pub- 
lished :  — 

Headquarters  Department  of  the  Missouri,  ) 
St.  Louis,  Dec.  18,  1861.  ( 

Col,  13.  G.  Farrar,  Provost-Marshal  General,  Depart- 
ment of  the  Missouri,  St..  Louis: 
Colonel;  From  your  verbal  statements,  and  the 
written  communication  submitted  by  you  yesterday,  I 
am  informed  that  there  are  some  sixteen  negro  men 
confined  in  the  city  prisons  in  your  charge,  and  adver- 
tised for  sale  under  a  statute  of  this  State.  You  have 
stated  the  facts  of  the  case,  as  you  understand  them ; 
have  culled  my  attention  to  the  statute  of  this  State 
on  the  subject,  and  to  the  Law  of  Congress  of  last  ses- 
sion, and  have  asked  my  orders  as  to  how  you  shall 
proceed  in  this  matter — whether  to  release  these  men 
from  custody,  and  to  place  them  outside  of  your  par- 
ticular jurisdiction,  as  a  military  officer  in  charge  of 
the  prisons,  in  accordance  with  General  Orders,  No.  3, 
of  this  Department,  or  whether  the  Sheriff,  who,  as  I 
understand,  is  now  under  your  orders,  is  to  proceed 
and  sell  the  said  negro  men,  as  he  has  advertised,  and 
as  is  directed  by  the  statute  of  this  State,  if  said  statute 
has  not  been  modified  or  changed  by  the  law  of  the 
last  session  of  Congress. 

As  I  am  informed,  most  of  these  negroes  came  with 
the  forces  under  Major- Gen  era!  Fremont,  from  South- 
western Missouri,  and  have  either  been  used  in  the 
military  service  against  the  United  States,  or  are 
claimed  by  persons  now  in  arms  against  the  Federal 
Government;  but  that  none  of  them  have  been  con- 
demned in  accordance  with  the  act  approved  August 
6,  1861,  and  that  no  proceedings  for  such  condemnation 
have  ever  been  instiluted. 

As  I  understand  the  matter,  the  statute  of  this  State 
creates  the  presumption  that  these  men  are  slaves,  and 
if  not  called  for  within  three  months  from  the  date  of 
the  advertisement  of  the  sheriff,  they  are  to  be  sold  as 
Javes.  It  would  seem  that  the  act  of  Congress  ap- 
proved August  6, 1861,  if  constitutional,  overrules  this 
statute  so  far  as  this  presumption  is  concerned.  This 
of  Congress  cannot  be  regarded  as  unconstitution- 
al until  decided  to  be  so  by  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court. 

It  results,  then,  as  it  seems  to  me,  that  these  ne- 
groes are  held  in  custody  without  the  authority  of  law, 
and  contrary  to  General  Orders,  No.  3;  and  you  are 
hereby  directed  to  release  them  from  prison.  It  ap- 
pears, however,  that  they  have  received  from  the 
Quartermaster's  Department  certain  articles  of  cloth- 
ing required  for  their  immediate  and  pressing  necessi- 
ties, with  the  promise  that  they  would  pay  for  the 
clothing  so  delivered  to  them  with  their  labor.  They 
will,  therefore,  be  turned  over  to  the  chief  of  the  Quar- 
termaster's Department  in  this  city,  for  labor,  till  they 
have  paid  the  United  States  for  the  clothing  and  other 
articles  so  issued  to  them  at  the  expense  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

This  order  will  in  no  way  debar  any  one  from  en- 
forcing his  legal  rights  to  the  services  of  these  negroes. 
Such  rights,  if  any  exist,  can  be  enforced  through  the 
loyal  civil  tribunals  of  this  State,  whose  mandates  will 
always  be  duly  respected  by  the  military  authorities 
of  this  department.  Military  officers  cannot  decide 
upon  rights  of  property  or  claims  to  service,  except  so 
far  as  may  be  authorized  by  the  laws  of  war  or  the 
acts  of  Congress.  When  not  so  authorized,  they  will 
avoid  all  interference  with  such  questions. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

H.  W.  HALLECK, 
Major-  General  Commanding. 

In  pursuance  of  these  directions,  the  Provost-Mar- 
shal General  issued  an  order  in  respect  to  these  ne- 
groes, of  which  the  material  portion  is  as  follows : — 

"Being  the  property  of  rebels,  and  having  been 
used  for  insurrectionary  purposes,  it  is  ordered  that 
they  be  released  from  prison,  and  placed  under  the 
control  of  the  Principal  Quartermaster  of  this  Depart- 
ment, for  labor,  until  further  orders." 

General  Halleck  lays  down  the  correct  principle, 
which  the  House  has  voted  to  have  added  as  a  new 
article  of  war,  that  army  officers  have  no  right  to  ad- 
judge the  question  that  one  man  is  the  slave  of  anoth- 
er, and  no  right  to  deliver  up  persons  claimed  as  slaves. 


Physical  Culture.  "Lewis's  Gymnastic  Month- 
ly, and  Journal  of  Physical  Culture,"  comes  to  us  in  a 
new  and  improved  form  for  the  January  number,  and 
is  even  more  elegant  than  before.  It  opens  with 
practical  lessons  in  the  use  of  those  peculiar  assis- 
tants in  physical  development  winch  are  the  inven- 
tions of  Dr.  Lewis,  the  bag  of  beans,  the  ring,  and  the 
gymnastic  crown.  These  are  illustrated  by  very 
faithful  wood  cuts,  'which  give  very  accurate  ideas  of 
the  various  positions  and  motions  which  have  been 
found  best  adapted  to  the  end  in  view.  This  number 
also  contains  a  report  of  the  commencement  exercises 
of  the  first  class  in  the  new  system,  at  which  Presi- 
dent Felton  of  Harvard  College  presided,  and  deliver- 
ed the  diplomas.  These  graduates  are  highly  com- 
mended as  able  teachers  of  physical  health  in  any  in- 
stitution, and  we  are  told  that  all  entered  at  once  into 
lucrative  situations  in  this  capacity. 


EdT"  The  Christian  Examiner,  for  January,  is 
received,  with  the  following  table  of  contents: — 
I.  The  Sword  in  Ethics.    II.  Bernay's  Chronicle  of 

Sulpicius  Severus.  III.  The  Mind's  Maximum. 
IV.  Mrs.  Browning.  V.  Milman's  History  of  Latin 
Christianity.  VI.  Passages  from  the  Life  of  Schleier- 
macher.     VII,  Review  of  Current  Literature. 

The  Examiner  is  published  on  the  first  of  January, 
March,  May,  July,  September,  and  November,  by  the 
proprietor,  at  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.'s  Bookstore,  245 
Washington  street,  Boston,  in  numbers  of  at  least  156 
octavo  pages  each,  at  four  dollars  a  year,  payable  in 
advance. 


Relief  of  Fugitives  in  Canada.  An  Associa- 
tion has  been  formed  in  the  town  of  St.  Catherine's, 
Niagara  District,  Canada  West,  to  relieve  such  fugi- 
tive slaves  as  may  be  suffering  from  sickness  or  desti- 
tution. It  is  called — "  The  Fugitive  Aid  Society  of 
St.  Catherine's."     The  officers  are  the  following: — 

Charles  H.  Hall,  President ;  Benjamin  Fletcher, 
Vice  President;  Christopher  Anthony,  Secretary;  H. 
W.  Wilkins,  Assistant  Secretary ;  William  Hutchinson, 
Treasurer. 

Committee :  Harriet  Tubman,  Mary  Hutchinson, 
John  Jones,  Wm.  H.  Stewart. 

This  Association  may  be  relied  on  as  worthy  of  con- 
fidence by  those  who  wish  to  help  the  fugitives  in  Can- 
ada, many  of  whom  are  undoubtedly  in  need  of  such 
aid.  Contributions,  either  in  clothing  or  money,  may 
be  sent  to  Robert  F.  Wallcut,  Anti-Slavery  Office, 
221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  or  to  Rev.  William 
Burns,  St.  Catherine's,  Canada  West, 


"Is  Memoriam."  Testimonials  to  the  Life  and 
Character  of  the  late  Francis  Jackson,  Esq.,  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  Sam- 
uel May,  Jr.,  as  delivered  at  the  funeral  obsequies ; 
and  also  by  Rev.  William  R.  Alger,  L.  Maria  Child, 
and  the  press;  just  published  in  a  neat  tract  of  36 
pages,  by  R.  F.  Wallcut,  Anti-Slavery  Office,  221 
Washington  Street,  Boston.  Price  5  cents.  No  doubt 
there  are  many  who  would  like  to  obtain  it. 


^—The  Discourse  on  "England  and  America," 
by  Rev.  Dr.  Furness,  of  Philadelphia,  which  we  have 
printed  entire  on  our  last  page,  is  exceedingly  perti- 
nent to  the  hour,  and  admirable  in  its  treatment  of  the 
subject.     Wc  are  glad  to  Bee  it  in  pamphlet  form, 


'riends  of  the  godlike  Anti-Slavery  Cause, 
remember  that  the  Twenty-Eighth  National  A.  S. 
Subscription  Anniversary,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Ladies,  is  to  be  held  at  Music  Hall,  on  Wednesday 
evening,  Jan.  22d,  and  be  ready  to  give  your  attend- 
ance and  donations,  to  the  extent  of  your  ability,  It 
will  unquestionably   be  a  very   interesting  occagion. 

"  Remember  those  in  bonds  se  bound  with  them." 


LETTER  OF  GEN.  HALLECK  TO  MR.  BLAIR. 

Headquarters  Department  of  Missouri. 
Hon.  Frank  P.  Blair,  Washington  : 

Yours  of  the  4th  inst.  is  just  received.  Order  No. 
3  was  in  my  mind  clearly  a  military  necessity.  Un- 
authorized persons,  black  or  white,  free  or  slaves, 
must  be  kept  out  of  our  camps,  unless  we  are  willing 
to  publish  to  the  enemy  everything  we  do  or  intend 
to  do. 

It  was  a  military  and  not  a  political  order.  I  am 
ready  to  carry  out  any  lawful  instructions  in  regard  to 
fugitive  slaves  which  my  superiors  may  give  me,  and 
to  enforce  any  laws  which  Congress  may  pass,  but  I 
cannot  make  law  and  will  not  violate  it. 

You  know  my  private  opinion  on  the  policy  of  con- 
fiscating the  slave  property  of  rebels  in  arms.  If 
Congress  shall  pass  it,  you  may  be  certain  I  shall  en- 
force it.  Perhaps  my  policy  as.  to  the  treatment  of 
rebels  and  their  property  is  as  well  set  out  in  order 
No.  13,  issued  the  day  before  your  letter  was  written, 
as  I  could  now  describe  it. 

Yours,  truly,  H.  W.  Halleck. 


From  Port  Royal.  A  correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Times  writes  from  Port  Royal  on  the  23d  ult., 
stating  that,  iu  the  district  of  Beaufort  alone,  which 
is  but  a  small  portion  of  the  territory  occupied  by  our 
troops,  there  are  16,000  slaves  whose  masters  have 
Med  and  left  them  to  their  own  management.  From 
all  quarters  along  sixty  miles  of  coast,  and  farther  in- 
teriorly than  our  troops  have  penetrated,  the  negroes 
are  struggling  to  escape  from  bondage,  and  flock  in 
crowds  to  our  lines,  and  in  small  boats  around  our 
ships.     The  correspondent  says  ; — 

"I  have  talked  with  drivers  and  field-hands,  with 
housemaids  and  coachmen  and  body-servants,  who 
were  apparently  as  eager  to  escape  as  any.  I  have 
heard  the  blacks  point  out  how  their  masters  might 
be  caught,  where  they  were  hidden,  and  what  were 
their  forces.  I  have  seen  them  used  as  guides  and 
pilots.  I  have  been  along  while  they  pointed  out  in 
what  houses  stores  of  arms  and  ammunition  were 
kept,  and  where  bodies  of  troops  were  stationed.  In 
a  few  hours,  I  have  known  this  information  verified. 
I  have  asked  them  about  the  sentiment  of  the  slave 
population,  and  been  invariably  answered  that  every- 
where it  is  the  same. 

"  The  slaves  have,  in  various  instances,  assisted  in 
the  capture  of  their  masters — have  also,  several  times 
of  late,  asked  to  be  armed,  which  was  not  originally 
the  case.  Colonies  of  them  have  been  established,  not 
only  at  Hilton  Head,  but  on  Otter  Island,  in  St.  Hele- 
na Sound,  and  at  the  mouth  of  Edisto  Inlet.  At  all 
these  places,  they  are  protected  either  by  gunboats  or 
by  the  guns  of  the  batteries  put  up  by  the  rebels,  but 
now  occupied  by  Union  forces. 

"Gen.  Stevens  is  pursuing  a  very  good  plan  with 
the  negroes  who  come  to  him  for  protection.  He 
makes  them  all  work,  which  they  do  cheerfully  and 
readily,  upon  the  promise  of  receiving  wages.  Instead 
of  allowing  them  soldiers'  rations,  as  is  done  at  Hilton 
Head,  he  gives  them  bacon  and  corn,  just  such  fare  as 
that  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed,  although  in 
larger  quantities.  They  appear  to  be  well  satisfied 
with  the  arrangement,  which  has  the  advantage  of 
being  much  more  economical." 


Mason  and  Seidell  given  up.  Mason  and  SH- 
dell,  the  arch  traitors,  have  been  given  up  to  the  Brit- 
"  ih  authorities.  On  Wednesday,  last  week,  at  11 
o'clock,  A.  M.,  they,  with  their  Secretaries,  were  qui- 
etly put  on  board  the  steam-tug  Starlight,  at  Fort 
Warren,  and  conveyed  to  Provincetown,  where  they 
arrived  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  There  they 
were  transferred  to  the  British  18  gun  sloop  of-war 
Rinaldo — which  had  arrived  from  Halifax — and  in  the 
course  of  an  hour,  they  were  speeding  across  the 
ocean. 

On  takinglcave  of  Col.  Dimmick,  Mr.  Mason,  some- 
what affected,  said,  "God  bless  you,  Colonel,  God 
bless  you  I"  and  cordially  shook  hands  with  him.  Mr. 
Slidell  shook  hands  with  the  Colonel,  and  said,  "Un- 
der whatever  circumstances  and  in  whatever  relations 
in  the  future  we  may  meet,  I  shall  always  esteem  you 
as  a  dear  friend." 

During  the  morning  many  rebels  thronged  the  rooms 
of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  to  get  their  autographs, 
and  Mr.  Mason's  hand  was  so  unsteady  as  to  bo  noticed 
through  the  window  outdoors.  Some  of  the  political 
prisoners  said  to  Mason :  "  We  hope  when  you  get  to 
England  you  will  represent  our  case,  imprisoned  on 
this  island  for  no  offence  save  differing  from  others  in 
political  opinions."  lie  replied  that  if  ever  he  arrived 
in  Europe,  he  would  faithfully  represent  their  case. 

The  weather  on  that  day  was  very  mild,  but  between 

x  and  seven  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  there  was  a 
sudden  rain  squall.     From  that  time,  the  windcontin- 

:l  to  increase  and  the  temperature  to  fall,  until  it 
blew  almost  a  hurricane,  which  continued  through  the 
night.  In  this  city,  chimneys  were  blown  down, 
many  windows  broken,  slates  torn  from  roofs,  signs 
blown  down,  awnings  torn,  buildings  partially  un- 
roofed, trees  torn  up,  &c.  About  180  feet  of  the  roof 
of  the  Eastern  Railroad  freight  depot,  East  Boston, 
dislodged,  and  some  damage  done  to  a  portion  of 
the  good*  stored  therein.  In  Salem,  one  building  on 
Essex  street  was  partially  unroofed,  a  chimney  on  the 
Lawrence  building  blown  down,  &c. 

Similar  disasters  arc  reported  from  all  the  towns 
around  Hoston  ;  but  the  wind  being  off'  shore,  there 

ere  probably  but  few  marine  disasters. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  old  Boreas  and  Neptune, 
on  receiving  the  rebel  commissioners  in  trust,  treated 
them  in  accordance  with  the  medical  prescription, 
"  When  taken  to  be  well  shaken."  Though  bound 
for  Halifax,  the  Rinaldo  has  not  been  heard  from. 


The    Lecture    of    Wm,  Wells   Brown.     This 

gentleman  gave  his  lecture  on  "  Wit  and  Humor,"  at 
the  Congregational  lecture-room  last  evening,  to  an 
appreciative  audience.  We  do  not  hazard  anything  in 
saying,  that  those  who  failed  to  attend  lost  one  of  the 
richest  treats  of  the  season.  Never  have  we  seen  any 
number  of  people  better  amused  or  more  thoroughly 
interested.  Until  the  close  of  the  lecture,  those  gather- 
ed were  kept  in  a  state  of  anticipated  suspense  as  to 
what  was  next  coming  1  The  lecture  was  so  full  of 
hits  and  amusing  reflections  on  affected  and  hypo- 
critical foibles,  that  the  crowd  were  kept  in  a  grin 
from  the  opening  to  the  close  of  the  affair.  After  the 
lecture  was  over,  a  number  of  gentlemen  interested 
themselved  in  an  endeavor  to  secure  the  repetilion  of 
the  lecture,  or  another  from  the  same  individual,  and 
we  learn  that  the  talented  gentleman  will  return  on 
Christmas,  anti  lecture  in  Continental  Hall.  No  doubt 
a  large  audience  will  greet  him  there,  for  he  richly 
deserves  a  great  success  for  his  pleasing  efforts. — Daily 
Guardian,  Paterson,  (N.  J.) 

It  will  be  seen,  by  a  notice  in  another  column,  that 
Mr.  Brown  is  to  give  a  lecture  on  "  The  Black  Man's 
Future  in  the  Southern  States,"  in  the  Meionaon  in 
Boston,  on  Sunday  evening  next.  He  deserves  and 
we  trust  will  draw  a  crowded  house  on  the  occasion. 


Mr.  Greeley's  Lecture.  Horace  Greelev  de- 
livered a  lecture  last  week  in  Washington,  at  the 
Smithsonian  Institution,  his  subject  being  "  The  Na- 
tion." He  said  the  misfortunes  of  our  country  had 
been  caused  by  its  reluctance  to  look  its  antagonist  in 
the  eye.  Slavery  is  the  aggressor,  and  has  earned  a 
rebel's  doom.  Save  the  Union,  and  Jet  slavery  take 
its  chance  !  He  was  opposed  to  compromise,  because 
it  implied  concession  to  armed  treason  ;  and  expressed 
his  belief  that  the  present  contest  would  result  in  en- 
during benefits  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom. 
President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Chase  and  several  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  were  on  the  platform.  The 
lecturer  was  frequently  applauded. —  Washington  corr. 
N.  Y.  Tribune. 

Hon,  Owen  Lovejot's  Speech.  At  a  serenade 
in  Washington  lately,  Mr.  Lovejoy  used  the  following 
language  : — 

"A  certain  individual,  in  the  olden  time,  who  was 
head  and  shoulders  above  his  contemporaries,  was 
made  king,  and  who,  by  refusing  utterly  to  destroy  his 
enemies  according  to  the  divine  command,  lost  his 
crown.  I  hope  that  no  gentleman  of  later  days,  re- 
sembling him  iu  height  and  station,  will,  by  following 
his  example,  share  his  fate." 

The  "Old  Dojuinion."  Virginia,  during  the 
usurpation  of  Cromwell,  declared  herself  independent 
of  his  authority,  when  the  usurper  threatened  to  send 
a  fleet  to  reduce  the  colony".  Fearing  to  withstand 
such  a  force,  the  colonists  despatched  a  messenger  to 
Charles  II. — then  in  exile  in  Flanders — inviting  the 
royal  outcast  to  be  their  king.  He  accepted  the  in- 
vitation, and  on  the  very  eve  of  embarking  for  his 
throne  in  America,  was  recalled  to  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land. In  gratitude  for  Virginia  loyalty,  he  quartered 
her  coat  of  arms  with  those  of  England,  Scotland  and 
Ireland,  as  an  independent  member  of  the  British 
Empire,  and  the  coin  establishes  these  facts.  Hence 
the  origin  of  the  phrase,  "  Old  Dominion." 

Treason  at  Washington.  A  telegram  from 
Fortress  Monroe  says  the  arrival  in  this  country  of  a 
British  bearer  of  despatches  in  connection  with  the 
Mason  and  Slidell  rtffair,  was  known  in  Richmond  on 
Tuesday  morning.     How  did  they  get  the  news'? 

Through  the  same  channel  they  get  news  from  the 
loyal  States  every  day,  viz  :  the  three  hundred  secession 
clerks,  who,  according  to  the  Potter  Investigating 
Committee,  are  now  criminally  employed  by  the  heads 
of  Departments  at  Washington!  The  names  of  Jive 
hundred  were  reported  by  that  Committee,  and  only 
two  hundred  have  been  dismissed  1  In  case  of  a  war 
with  England,  will  the  British  subjects  now  in  the 
service  of  our  Government  be  retained  in  the  same 
manner  to  betray  the  country  1 — Transcript. 

^="  Commander  Williams,  of  the  Trent,  has  had 
a  dinner  given  him  by  the  Royal  Western  Yacht 
Club,  and  "improved  the  occasion"  to  make  one  of 
the  fussiest  and  most  foolish  speeches  ever  made  after 
dinner  in  England.  In  regard  to  Miss  Slidell's  con- 
duct at  the  arrest  of  her  father,  the  Commander  talks 
more  like  an  enamored  Orlando  than  a  British  sea- 
dog.  "  She  did  strike  Mr.'  Fairfax,"  he  said  ;  "  but 
she  did  not  do  it  with  the  vulgarity  of  gesture  attrib- 
uted to  her.  *  *  In  her  agony,  she  did  strike  him 
three  times  in  the  face.  /  wish  that  Miss  Slidell's  little 
knuckles  had  struck  me  in  the  face.  I  should  like  to 
have  the  mark  forever !  "  So  it  seems  that  the  Com- 
mander's ill-feeling  toward  Fairfax  is  envy,  after  all. 

Government  Agent  at  Port  Royal.  Edward 
L.  Pierce,  Esq.,  of  Milton,  has  been  appointed  by  Sec- 
retary Chase,  Agent  at  Port  Royal  to  collect  cotton 
and  care  for  the  contrabands.  Mr.  Pierce's  experience 
and  success  with  the  negroes  at  Hampton  attracted 
the  attention  of  Government,  and  he  has  accepted  the 
appointment,  at  the  solicitation  of  Mr.  Chase,  not 
without  reluctance.  His  stay  there  cannot,  however, 
be  extended  beyond  a  period  of  three  months. 

(KIT"  General  Sherman,  writing  from  Port  Royal 
to  a  Senator,  says,  that  if  he  had  issued  a  proclama- 
tion immediately  on  landing,  offering  protection  to  all 
slaves  that  should  enter  his  lines,  he  might  have  had 
ten  thousand  about  him  by  this  time  ;  but  he  expresses 
the  conviction  that  the  course  he  pursued  was  the 
best,  and  says  the  time  has  not  yet  come  for  such  a 
proclamation  to  have  its  full  effect,  and  will  not  come, 
perhaps,  for  two  or  three  months  yet.     [Bosh!] 

83?=*  The  troops  at  Port  Royal  are  losing  more  of 
their  number  by  sickness  than  would  have  fallen  in 
battle,  had  they  been  employed  to  fight  one.  They 
have  to  work  hard  in  a  climate  little  favorable  to 
Northern  men,  although  there  are  thousands  of  negroes 
ready  to  do  their  work  at  low  rates.  But  it  would  be 
an  infraction  of  the  Constitution  to  hire  them,  and  so 
the  soldiers'  constitutions  are  spoiled.  Nice  way  to 
operate,  that! — Traveller. 

The  Charleston  Mercury  has  a  despatch,  stating  that 
a  large  force  of  Federals  had  landed  on  the  North 
Edisto,  and  the  seizure  of  railroad  station  No.  4  on  the 
Charleston  and  Savannah  railroad. 

Sixteen  war  vessels  are  reported  at  Ship  Island. 

A  destructive  fire  had  occurred  at  Richmond,  burn- 
ing the  Theatre  anil  other  valuable  property. 

Ed^  Civil  war  has  affected  St.  Louis  like  a  stroke 
of  palsy.  More  than  60,000  inhabitants  have  left  that 
city  within  a  year;  an  immense  number  of  houses  and 
stores  are  vacant,  and  all  business,  except  government 
contracts,  is  at  a  dead  stand. 

&^=  The  law  for  the  protection  of  slave  property 
in  New  Mexico  has  been  repealed  by  an  almost  unani- 
mous vote  of  both  Houses. 

J^=  The  threat  to  hang  Col.  Corcoran  raised  a  se- 
rious emeute  among  two  Irish  regiments  in  the  rebel 
service  at  Charleston,  who  became  so  excited  that 
they  had  to  be  removed  to  Sullivan's  Island.  The 
lovely  and  amiable  ladies  of  Charleston's  first  families  ' 
only  are  anxious  that  Colonel  Corcoran  should  be 
hanged.  They  say  he  is  a  fit  subject  for  the  rope,  and 
for  nothing  else.  The  gentlemen  are  not  quite  so 
virulent  as  their  wives  and  daughters. 

Swearing  Allegiance  to  the  Rerels.  The 
Norfolk  Day  Book  of  the  12th  ult.  says — "Fifty  or 
sixty  of  the  Federal  prisoners  confined  at  New  Or- 
leans have  taken  the  oath  and  joined  the  Confederate 
army  for  the  war.     There  were  500  in  all." 


'Nearly  one  hundred  emigrants  from  Missouri, 
their  households  and  negroes,  have    reached 


with 
Texas. 

^=*  General  Lane,  of  Kansas,  is  making  prepara- 
tions for  the  active  campaign  on  which  he  will  soon 
enter.  The  government  has  been  prompt  in  giving  di- 
rections for  aii  the  necessary  supplies. 

J^=  The  greater  portion  of  Greenville,  Alabama, 
was  destroyed  by  fire  on  the  17th  of  December.     The 

loss  is  estimated  at  $50,000. 

Bijr*  A  Fortress  Monroe  letter  in  the  Philadelphia 
Tnguirer  states  that  one  of  the  prisoners  who  recently 
arrived  there  from  Richmond  says  that  four  Federal 
prisoners  were  shot  at  various  times  by  the  rebel  sen- 
tinels for  amusement  1  Private  Buck  of  the  New  York 
Thirty-Eighth  was  shot  while  removing  his  blanket 
from  a  broken  pane  of  glass  in  the  window,  where  he 
had  put  it  to  keep  out  the  cold  air.  The  wounded 
prisoners  now  held  by  the  rebels  have  all  been  released 
unconditionally. 

J[^~  The  Richmond  Examiner  says:  "An  almost 
general  stampede  of  slaves  on  the  eastern  shore  is  said 
to  have  taken  place,  in  consequence  of  the  enemy's  in- 
vasion into  Accomac  and  Northampton.  It  is  estima- 
ted that  there  are  about  ten  thousand  slaves  in  those 
counties — out-numbering,  as  they  do,  the  whites  in 
Northampton— and  this  large  amount  of  property  is,  of 
course,  at  the  entire  mercy  of  the  enemy." 

^="  It  is  stated  that  contrabands  are  arriving  daily 
at  Frederick,  Md.,  and  are  sent  to  Gen.  McCiellans 
headquarters.  At  least  one  third  of  the  slaves  of  Lou- 
don county  have  made  their  escape,  anil  some  from 
Fairfax,  Farquicr  and  Culpepper  occasionally  turn  up. 

All  the  Federal  prisoners,  including  Col.  Cor- 
coran, formerly  at  Charleston,  were  removed  to  Co- 
lumbus the  1st  inst.  They  were  met  at  the  depot  by 
the  guard  of  the  city,  and  conducted  to  the  jail. 

_  A  special  despatch  to  the  Chicago  Tribune 
from  Cairo  says  that  tiOO  sub-marine  batteries  have 
been  planted  by  the  rebels  between  Columbus  and 
Memphis.  A  gentleman  who  witnessed  their  experi- 
ments says  they  were  entirely  successful. 

2tgT~  Real  eBtate  in  the  vieinily  of  Washington  sold 
Ins'  Week  at  an  advance  of  one  hundred  per  cent. 
upon  prices  offered  a  month  ago. 


Good  1— Senator  Wilson  has  introduced  the  follow- 
log  bill  from  the  Military  Committee  of  the  Senate  :— 

Whereas,  Officers  in  the  military  service  of  the 
United  States  have,  without  the  authority  of  law,  and 
against  the  plainest  dictates  of  justice  and  humanity, 
caused  persons  claimed  as  fugitives  from  service  or  la- 
bor to  he  seized,  held  and  delivered  up;  and  whereas, 
such  conduct  has  brought  discredit  upon  our  arms  and 
reproach  upon  our  government;  therefore 

Be  it  enacted,  &c,  That  any  officer  in  the  military 
or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  who  shall  cause 
any  person  claimed  to  be  held  to  service  or  labor  by 
reason  of  African  descent,  to  be  seized,  held,  detained, 
or  delivered  up  to,  or  for  any  person  claiming  such 
service  or  labor,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misde- 
meanor, and  shall  be  dishonorably  discharged,  and  for- 
ever ineligible  to  any  appointment  in  the  military  or 
naval  service  of  the  United  States. 

Meeting  in  Oberlin.  John  Brown's  death  was 
commemorated  in  Oberlin  by  ameetingof  the  citizens, 
held  in  the  College  Chapel  on  the  2d  Dec.  The  meet- 
ing was  also  called  to  consider  the  case  of  the  Rev. 
George  Gordon,  recently  sentenced  in  the  U.  S.  Dis- 
trict Court  for  obstructing  United  States  officers, 
whose  speech  we  published.  Hon.  James  Monroe 
acted  as  Chairman,  and  R.  Brown  as  Secretary.  The 
meeting  was  largely  attended.  Speeches  we're  made 
by  Principal  E.  II.  Fairchild,  T.  B.  McCormick,  J. 
M.  Fitch,  Samuel  Plumb,  Esq.,  and  J.  M.  Langston, 
Esq.  Resolutions  were  adopted  commending  the 
bravery  of  John  Brown,  and  pledging  sympathy  and 
aid  to  Gordon.  A  collection  of  nearly  fifty  dollars 
was  taken  up  for  the  relief  of  the  prisoner,  a  large  por- 
tion of  which  was  contributed  by  the  whilom  "  Ober- 
lin Rescuers." — Cleveland  Leader. 

A  Slave  Tragedy.  A  Louisville  correspondent 
of  the  Chicago  Times  writes  that  at  Nashville,  Tenn., 
on  the  morning  of  the  Hth  of  last  month,  a  brisk, 
sprightly  negro  woman,  the  property  of  Mrs.  Polk, 
servant  in  her  house,  procured  a  sharp  knife, 
and  having  proceeded  to  the  bed  in  which  lay  three  of 
her  own  children,  from  two  to  six  or  seven  years  of 
age,  cut  their  throats,  and  when  they  had  breathed 
their  last,  placed  them  decently  beside  each  other, 
called  to  a  fellow-servant  to  come  and  see  what  she 
had  done,  and  then  cut  her  own  throat.  The  true  rea- 
son of  this  tragedy  was  that  Mrs.  Polk  had  threatened 
to  sell  the  woman  "  down  South." 

An  Old  Offender.  Win.  H.  Ross,  a  well-known 
colored  man  of  this  city,  was  hailed  by  the  night- 
watch  Thursday  night,  and  responded  by  running  off. 
He  was  caught,  however,  and  the  Mayor  yesterday 
ordered  him  thirty-nine,  and  to  be  confined  till  Tues- 
day. The  negro  in  question  is  called  "an  old  offen- 
der" by  the  police,  and  has,  through  their  instru- 
mentality, been  ordered  1,000  lashes  in  the  course  of  a 
not  very  extended  life. — Richmond  paper. 

Unsettled.  The  question  of  the  status  of  Edward 
S.  Gentry,  who  is  claimed  to  be  both  a  white  man  and 
a  darkey,  was  still  further  argued  before  Judge  Wm. 
H.  Lyons,  yesterday,  but  no  decision  was  rendered. 
The  Mayor  condemned  Gentry  to  some  penalty  as  a 
colored  person,  and  he  appealed  to  Judge  Lyons  to 
determine  his  standing.— Richmond  Examiner. 

To  be  sold  into  Slavery.  Alec  Taylor,  an 
emancipated  slave,  was  brought  before  the  Mayor  yes- 
terday for  remaining  in  the  State  contrary  to  law ; 
and  it  being  proved  that  one  year  since  he  had  been 
tried  and  allowed  one  month  to  vamose  the  ranche, 
the  Mayor  sent  htm  before  the  Hustings  Court, 
hieh  tribunal  will,  no  doubt,  in  pursuance  of  law, 
order  him  to  be  sold  into  perpetual  slavery.  The 
prospect  before  the  darkey  is  gloomy  or  gay,  as  he 
may  choose  to  regard  it. — Ibid. 

A  Yankee  Captain.  When  Capt.  Lyon,  of  the 
brig  Daniel  Trowbridge,  was  taken  on  board  the 
Sumter,  his  private  effects,  quadrants,  charts,  &c, 
were  demanded.  He  said  quietly  to  his  captor— a 
rather  shabby  looking  officer— that  *he  supposed  he 
must  give  up  these  things,  and  that  he  could  give  him 
a  clean  shirt,  if  he  wanted  it.  For  this  offensive  re- 
mark, he  was  put  in  irons  for  thirty-six  hours.  He 
was  obliged  to  give  his  word  of  honor  not  to  tell  any 
thing  regarding  the  force  of  the  Sumter,  &c,  and  he 
is  keeping  his  word  better  than  the  rebels  would  do.— 
New  Haven  Palladium. 

The  Black:  Flag.  The  Memphis  Avalanche  advo- 
cates the  "  Black  Fiag  "  idea  in  the  following  ferocious 
language : — 

We  unhesitatingly  say  that  the  cause  of  justice,  that 
the  cause  of  humanity  itself,  demands  that  the  black 
flag  shall  be  unfurled  on  every  field  :  that  extermina- 
tion and  death  shall  be  proclaimed  against  the  hellish 
miscreants  who  persist  in  polluting  our  soil  with  their 
crimes.  We  will  stop  the  effusio'n  of  blood,  we  will 
arrest  the  horrors  of  war,  by  terri^slaughter  of  the 
foe,  by  examples  of  overwhelming  *nd  unsparing  ven- 
geance. 

g^=  A  Massachusetts  firm,  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  shoes,  is  now  filling  an  order  for  three 
thousand  pairs  of  brogans,  to  be  forwarded  to  Fortress 
Monroe  for  the  use  of  the  contrabands  at  that  station. 
The  sizes  for  men  range  from  eleven  to  sixteen,  and 
in  one  instance,  a  special  order  was  given  for  a  pair 
of  twentys. 

&^=  There  are  now  more  heavy  guns  in  position  in 
New  York  harbor  than  there  were  at  Sebastopol 
when  attacked,  or  than  are  now  in  the  world-renowned 
fortifications  of  Cronstadt.  The  fire  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  guns  can  be  simultaneously  concentrated  at 
one  point  upon  a  fleet  attempting  the  passage  of  the 
Narrows. 

&£?=■  The  rebels  propose  to  confiscate  the  estates 
formerly  owned  by  President  Thomas  Jefferson,  now 
in  possession  of  Uriah  P.  Levy,  an  "alien  enemy." 

8^=  General  Phelps,  of  Ship  Island,  is,  we  under- 
stand, a  native  of  Vermont,  was  graduated  at  West 
Point,  and  has  served  for  many  years  in  the  armv  in 
the  Southern  States  and  elsewhere.  In  the  Mexican 
war,  as  a  captain,  he  distinguished  himself  by  his 
bravery,  and  won  commendation  from  General  Scott. 
He  has  through  life  been  noted  for  his  oddities. 

E3?=  The  Charleston  Mercury  calls  upon  the  cotton 
planters  and  factors  to  destroy  all  the  cotton  they  pos- 
sess m  the  regions  likely  to  be  visited  by  their  North- 
invaders.  It  assigns  two  reasons  for  this  sage  ad- 
vice— first,  that  it  can  be  of  no  earthiy  use  to  them- 
selves ;  and  second,  that  it  might  be  made  of  use  to 
the  Federal  Government. 

_  Gen.  Price  promised  his  army  that  it  should 
take  its  Christmas  dinner  in  St.  Louis.  This  prom- 
ise was  fulfilled,  but  not  exactly  in  the  sense  he  in- 
tended. ^  Thirteen  hundred  of  his  soldiers  were  in 
St.  Louis  on  Christmas  day,  as  prisoners  of  Gen. 
Pope,  but  none  as  victorious  rebels. 

_  On  Friday  night  of  last  week,  the  residents  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Newtown  Creek,  Brooklyn,  N. 
Y.,  were  startled  by  a  loud  report,  resembling  thun- 
der, succeeded  by  a  glare  of  light,  caused  by  an  ex- 
plosion at  the  immense  Kerosene  Oil  Works  at  New- 
town Creek,  near  the  Flushing  Plank  road.  There 
were,  at  the  time,  over  three  thousand  barrels  of  oil 
on  the  premises,  and  these  becoming  ignited,  exploded, 
scattering  the  fire  in  all  directions.  The  works  were 
built  about  five  years  ago,  and  were  the  largest  in  the 
country,  costing,  when  finished,  over  $400,000. 

Eruption  of  Mt.  Vesuvius.  The  following, 
from  Naples,  Dec.  11,  is  the  latest  reference  to  this 
event  which  we  find  in  our  foreign  files: — 

"The  village  of  Torre  del  Greco  is  in  imminent 
danger  of  being  destroyed  by  the  burning  lava. 
Shocks  of  earthquakes  continued  to  be  felt,  and 
chasms  have  opened  in  the  earth,  forming  perfect 
gulfs. 

The  houses  are  falling  in  Torre  Greco,  and  all  com- 
munication between  the  places  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
mountain  is  interrupted. 

In  the  Bay  of  Naples,  the  sea  has  receded  to  a  dis- 
tance of  50  metres  (160  feet.)" 

Death  of  Prince  Albert.  His  Royal  Highness 
Prince  Albert,  consort  of  Queen  Victoria,  died  in 
London  on  the  15th  ult., after  a  brief  illness  of  typhoid 
fever,  which  was  not  considered  dangerous  until  two 
days  before  it  resulted  in  death.  He  was  more  illus- 
trious by  his  virtues  than  by  his  position.  For  twen- 
ty-one years  he  was  in  the  eye  of  the  English  nation, 
and  in  every  respect  he  sustained  himself  as  few  men 
in  his  situation  have  ever  done.  Forbidden,  by  his 
position,  to  interfere  in  politics,  he  occupied  himself 
in  superintending  the  education  of  his  children,  nine 
in  number,  all  of  whom  are  still  living  to  mourn  the 
loss  of  their  father. 


THfi    TWENTY    EIGHTH 

NATIONAL  ANTI-SLAVEEY  SUBS0EIPTI0U 
ANNIvEESABY. 

The  fime  for  the  Arnl'al  Scbscrution  Anniveb- 
sary  again  draws  nigh,  and  we  look  forward  to  it  wifh, 
pleasure,  as  the  means  of  meeting  familiar,  friendly 
faces,  and  listening  to  earnest  words  of  counsel  and 
encouragement.  Some  Bay  that  oilier  agencies  are 
now  in  such  active  operation,  that  "the  old  Abolition- 
ists," as  they  are  called,  can  well  afford  to  rest  upon 
their  oars,  while  others  carry  forward  their  work  to  its 
completion.  We  cannot  view  the  subject  in  this  light. 
Our  mission  is  the  same  now  that  it  was  thirty  years 
ago.  Through  many  and  strange  changes,  we  have 
slowly  but  steadily  advanced  toward  its  fulfilment; 
but  there  are  many  indications  that  our  work  is  not 
yet  in  a  state  to  be  safely  left  to  other  hands.  Wo 
have  been,  and  we  must  still  be,  a  fire  to  warm  the 
atmosphere  of  public  opinion.  More  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  ago,  the  fire  was  kindled  with  generous  zeal, 
and  year  after  year  it  has  been  fed  with  untirin«  in- 
dustry and  patience.  Not  all  the  cold  water  that  poli- 
ticians, merchants,  and  ecclesiastical  bodies  could 
throw  upon  it  has  sufficed  to  extinguish  the  flame,  oj 
even  to  prevent  it  from  spreading.  The  moral  ther- 
mometer can  never  again  fall  to  the  old  freezing  point. 
In  view  of  this,  we  thank  God,  and  take  courage.  But 
who  that  observes  passing  events,  and  reflects  upon 
their  indications,  can  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  the 
fire  is  no  longer  needed  ■? 

All  those  who  have  faith  in  the  principles  of  free- 
dom, all  who  believe  that  the  effect  of  righteousness 
would  be  peace  and  security  for  our  unhappy  country, 
are  cordially  and  earnestly  invited  to  meet  us  at  the 
MUSIC     HALL,    IN    BOSTON, 
On  Wednesday  Evening,  Jan.  22. 

Contributions,  and  expressions  of  sympathy,  from 
friends  at  home  or  abroad,  in -person  or  by  letter,  will 
be  most  thankfully  received ;  for  we  have  great  need 
of  both  at  this  most  momentous  and  trying  crisis. 


L.  Maria  Child, 
Mary  May, 
Louisa  Loring, 
Henrietta  Sargent, 
Sarah  Russell  May, 
Helen  Eliza  Garrison, 
A  nna  Shaw  Greene, 
Sarah  Blake  Shaw, 
Caroline  C.  Thayer, 
Abby  Kelley  Foster, 
Lydia  D.  Parker, 
Augusta  G.  King, 
Mattie  Griffith, 
Mary  Jackson, 
Evelina  A.  Smith, 
Caroline  M.  Severance, 
Elizabeth  Gay, 


Mary  Willey, 
Ann  Rebecca  Bramhall, 
Sarah  P.  Remond, 
Mary  E.  Stearns, 
Sarah  J.  Nowell, 
Elizabeth  Von  Arnim, 
Anne  Langdon  Alger, 
Eliza  Apthorp, 
Sarah  Cowing, 
Sarah  H.  Southwich, 
Mary  Elizabeth  Sargentf 
Sarah  C.  Alkinsgn^-S 
Abby  Francis,'' 
Mary  Jane  Parkman, 
Georgina  Otis, 
Abby  H.  Stephenson, 
Abby  F.  Manley, 


Katherlne  Earlc  Farnu 

GROVELAND  AND  HAVERHILL— In  conse- 
quence of  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  when  Mr.  Pills- 
hiiry  gave  his  lectures,  two  weeks  since,  iu  Groveland  and 
Haverhill,  he  has  been  invited  to  re-visit  those  places, 
and  will  again  lecture  in  Groveland  on  Tuesday  evz.mxg 
xt,  (14th  inst.)  and  on  Wednesday  evening,  loth  inst., 
Haverhill ;  lectures  commencing  at  7  o'clock. 


LECTURE  AT  THE  MEIONAON.— William  Wells 
Brown  will  deliver  an  address  on  "The  Black  Man's  Fu- 
ture, in  the  Southern  States,"  at  the  Meionaon,  (Tremont 
Temple,)  on  Sunday  evening  next,  Jan.  12,  to  commence 
at  half-past  7  o'clock.  Admission  10  cents,  to  defray  ex- 
penses. 

ST  WILLIAM  LLOYD  GARRISON  will  deliver  a  Lee  - 
tare  on  "The  Abolitionists,  and  their   Relations   to 

the  Win,''  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  on  TUES- 
DAY EVENING  nest,  Jan.  14th. 


03P"  A.  T.  F03S,  an  Agent  of  the  American  Anti-Slave- 
ry Society,  will  speak  on  'TBfc-^Par,"  in 

Cummington,  Sundajv  .Tan.    12. 

Johnstown,  N.  Y.,  "  **     1&,. 


E^-  E.  H.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  at  Neponset,  Sunday 
evening,  Jan.  19. 


MARRIED— In  this  city,  Dec.  30,  Charles  H.  Morse, 
Esq.,  of  the  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C,  formerly 
of  Cambridge,  to  Mrs.  Laura  A.  Haskell,  of  Boston. 

Dec.  31st,  by  Rev.  A.  G.  Laurie,  Mr.  Jesse  D.  Hawses, 
of  Boston,  to  Miss  Augusta  A.  Stone,  of  Charlestown. 

In  Washington,  (D.  C.)  Sept.  5th,    Mr.  Wm.  Augustj 
Gibsos  to  Miss  Kate  Marshall. 

In  Auburn,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  2Gth,  Mr.  Alvan  Wallace  to 
Miss  Anna  Cora  Barrett. 


DIED — In  Durham,  N.  H.,  Jan.  1,  Miss  Margaret 
Blydenburgh,  in  the  74th  year  of  her  age. 

The  deceased  was  very  early  in  giving  her  sanction  and 
assistance  to  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  and  she  adhered  to  it 
with  rare  fidelity  to  the  end.  She  was  among  the  first  to 
dissolve  her  connection  with  the  church,  for  the  slave's 
sake  and  as  a  matter  of  conscience.  Although  almost  com- 
pletely isolated  from  society — partly  as  a  matter  of  choice, 
and  partly  for  want  of  sympathy  and  unity  with  her  in  the 
circle  of  her  acquaintance — she  kept  her  mind  thoroughly 
informed  as  to  the  events  of  the  day,  and  watched  them  with, 
anxious  interest  as  to  their  bearings  upon  the  liberation  of 
those  in  bondage.  In  her  Will  she  has  generously  remem- 
bered the  cause  of  the  oppressed — in  what  manner,  and  to 
what  extent,  will  be  mentioned  in  due  season.  She  pos- 
sessed rare  business  talent,  a  strong,  clear  and  active  mind, 
great  decision  of  purpose,  and  remarkable  independence. 
We  shall  lose  an  old  and  appreciative  subscriber  to  the 
Liberator  by  her  removal. 


JK^-Ward  Eleven,  by  the  retirement  of  Charles! 
W.  Slack,  Esq.,  has  lost  the  services  of  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  the  School  Committee,  who,  during  his 
term  of  office,  has  won  the  respect  of  all  his  associates 
and  the  regard  of  the  various  teachers  who  have  been 
brought  in  contact  with  him.  The  teachers  of  the 
Everett  District,  of  which  Mr.  Slack  was  Chairman, 
availed  themselves  of  New  Year's  Day  to  send  him  a 
beautiful  floral  tribute  of  their  respect.,  accompanied 
by  a  letter  which  was  justly  complimentary. — Boston 
Saturday  Gazette, 


COLLECTIONS  BY  A.  T.  TOSS. 
Woare,  N.  H.,  1  66  ;  Watt  Randolph,  Vt.,  $1  70  ; 
Randolph  Gentry  3  j  East  Bethel,  2  17  ;  IYt.li, 
ol)o;  Suowsvillo,  1  20  ;  Mtlo  Spear,  1  ;  Jacob 
Spear,  2;  W.Brookflold,*  60  j  J.  M.  Cobarn(50oj 
West  Roxbury,  2  38  ;  North  field,  1  76  ;  B«> 
wool,  101  ;  Rev.  DIf.  BUm,  i  ;  Monlmollw, 
(over  espouses  of  hull,)  48o  i  DaayiUa  Breen, 
tiia,  Pcaohain,  3  50  ;  St.  .Icihiisliury,  (over  ex- 
penscs,  1  80  ;  V,.  Whipple,  86o  ;  Luke  Uustcll, 
5  ;    West  Concord,   2  MS  ;    McIiimom  K-ills,   1  30; 

Ryogate,  .1  2fi  ;  Toiislmm,  :s  .'ni  ;  Washington, 
tSo;  Newbury,  70o  i  Bradford,  i  40  j  Oroyiftn, 
N.ll.,  7Sej  DnvttlouoiV,  Vt.,  i  36  i  Ksue, 
N.  H.,  «  20. 


In  Brookllne,  Mass.,  Deo.  20th,  Emma  Wii.lard,  wife  of 
John  C.  Wyman,  and  daughter  of  the  late  Dr.  George 
Willard,  of  Usbridge,  Mass.  There  may  not  be  many 
among  our  readers  to  whom  this  announcement  will  be  a 
grief,  so  strictly  private  was  all  of  the  life  which  has  jnst 
closed,  and  so  secluded  had  its  later  years  been  made  by 
long  and  slow  disease.  The  few,  however,  who  had  the 
happiness  of  knowing  Mrs.  Wyman,  will  feel  a  pang  to 
think  that  a  spirit  at  once  so  true,  so  tender  and  so  strong 
has  passed  awny  forever  from  earth  and  earthly  commu- 
nion. A  character  of  uncommon  equipoise  of  qualities, 
a  well-cultivated  mind,  a  refined  taste,  a  heart  full  of  sym- 
pathy, and  swift  to  go  forth  to  meet  love  and  friendship, 
juinetl  to  great  personal  beauty  and  an  irresistible  charm  of 
manner,  the  fitting  abode  and  expression  of  the  soul  within, 
secured  to  her  the  admiration  of  all  who  knew  her  slightly, 
and  the  warm  affection  and  tender  friendship  of  all  who  knew 
her  well.  From  her  girlhood  she  made  herself  one  with  the 
Anti-Slavery  movement,  and  her  interest  in  it  remained 
fresh  and  warm  to  the  last.  Her  life,  christened  by  many 
sorrows,  and  made  heavy  by  long  years  of  suffering,  was 
solaced  and  sustained,  as  it  passed  and  at  its  close,  by  every 
tender  office  that  love  and  friendship  oould  bestow.  And 
she  dwells  in  the  memory  of  those  that  knew  her  best  and 
loved  her  most  as  an  example  of  complete  and  rounded  wo- 
manhood, who,  while  sho  yet  walked  on  earth,  was  but  a 
little  lower  than  the  angels, — .4.  5.  Standard. 

In  Aurelius,  K.  Y.,  Nov.  23,  Mary  Otis,  daughter  of 
Esaao  T.  ami  Abby  C  Chase,  aged  one  year,  10  mouths 
and  15  days. 

'•  Kdd  her,  O  Father  !   in  thine  arms, 
And  tat  her  henceforth  be 

A  messenger  Of  lovo  between 
erring  hearts  and  thee." 


Our  c 


PRIVATE    TUITION. 

IT  having  been  deemed  ndvi.mhlo  to  suspend,  temporari- 
ly, the  llope.inle  Home  School  at  the  expiration  of  the 
present  term,  announcement  is  hereby  made,  that  Mrs. 
A,  is,  llAvwoon,  one  of  the  Principals,  will  M  pleased  t>^ 
rouolvo  R  few  Young  Ladies  into  her  fnniily  tor  InMnio- 
tionluthe  !'■■■  i,  /'■■.■:,,-/,,  Drmwmaand  Paint. 

The  term  will  oonunenoe  on  Wkhsespav, 
Jan.  1,  1S62,  and  continue  Fifteen  Wekks. 
For  particulars,  please  address 

ABB1E  B.  IUYW00D. 
Hepedale,  Milford,  Mass.,  Deo.  10,  1S01. 


JOHN    S.    ROCK, 

ATTORNEY  AND  COUNSELLOR  AT  LAW 

No.  ti  Tuumont  Sthket,         -        -  Boston, 


THE     LIBERATOR 


J^ISTTJ^HY  lO. 


5  fastened  never- 


For  tho  Liberator, 

LIBERTY. 

BY    DANIEL    PARKER. 

Up  your  hats,  now  !  bondmen,  shouting  ! 
Your  relief  no  longer  doubting  ! 
Oiaina  are  breaking,  fetters  falling,  shout    for  freedom 
evermore ! 
Shout  your  hallelujahs  stunning, 
Now  you  see  your  masters  running, 
Arid  you  feel  your  chains  are  broken,  to 
more. 
Courage,  now  !  long-suffering  mother  ! 
Patient,  father,  sister,  brother  ! 
Head  your    freedom- proclamations    in    the    blazing  war- 
torch  ligb  t ! 
See  the  cannons  blazing — roaring  ! 
Up  your  freedom's  stars  are  soaring  I 
Now  the  morning  light  has  broken  through  your  long  and 
gloomy  night. 
Spite  of  Pharaohs  or  devils, 
And  all  like  besetting  evils, 
Through  red  seas  of  blood  and  carnage  you  to  liberty  must 
come  ! 
Courage,  now  !  your  sun  shines  brighter  ! 
Friendly  hearts  are  beating  lighter, 
And  to  promised  land  they  bid  you,  God  and  freedom  wel- 
come home. 
From  his  Northern  mountain  eyries, 
On  a  wing  that  never  wearies, 
Swoops  the  eagle  to  the  swamp-land,  pouncing  on  tbB  ven- 
om ed  snake  : 
With  the  monster  bold  he  battles, 
Fearless  both  of  fangs  and  rattles, — 
Firm  he  grips  with  beak  and  talons — grips  that  only  death 
can  break. 
Out  from  bondage  that  life  crashes, 
Scarred  with  whips  and  bull-dog  tushes — 
Hope  ne'er  quenched  by  wounds  nor  failures,  you    shall 
come  to  light  and  life. 
Truth,  though  crushed,  stands  by  forever, 
Fires  and  failures  quell  it  never, 
Always  bright  and  brighter  rising    through  grim    war's 
mad,  bloody  strife. 
Latent  through  long  decades  waiting, 
Hope  survives  its  worst  Delating, — 
Now  it  rises,  glows  and  brightens,  like  a  jewel  in  the 
Angels  on  the  war-blasts  riding — 
O'er  its  destinies  presiding — 
Swear  by  God  there's  peace  no  longer  till  to  you  there's 
justice  done  ! 
"  "Powers  above  the  work  are  doing, 

Long  this  storm  has  there  been  brewing, 
Now  a  God-send  down  it  showers  chances  grand  and  gl< 
ous. 
Now,  you  men  in  highest  station  ! 
If  you'd  avoid  a  just  damnation, 
Bender  justice  !  free  the  bondman  !    Thus  salvation  1  o 
thus ! 
Clear  your  throats,  and  speak  like  heroes  ! 
Stoop  no  more  to  knaves  and  Neros  ! 
Drop  your  eyes  and  pale  no  longer,  putting  manhood  all 
to  shame  ! 
Never  had  men  better  chances  ; 
Onward  as  the  race  advances, 
In  immortal  verse  and  story  to  secure  a  deathless  fame  ! 

In  this  land  was  Freedom  planted, 

Here  its  natal  hymns  were  chanted, 
Here  its  destiny  is  onward  till  its  work  all  know  and  do. 

Men  and  fame  may  vanish  ever, 

All  else  go,  but  that  go  never  ! 
Of  this,    God's  truth,  be  ye  mindful,  and  to  God  and  man 
true! 

Courage,  now  !  no  longer  falter  ! 

Bring  the  traitors  to  the  halter  t 
Slavery  must  now  bo  banished,  live   or  die,  from  shore  to 
shore. 

Bitterly  snail  all  repent  it, 

Who  are -Working  to  prevent  it 
Sure  as  God  lives  Im^U**^  monster  vanish  here  forever- 


BtU. 


more. 
&<*,  Dec,  1861. 


For  the  Liberator. 

WAR. 

Air — "  America. 
What  blast  blows  o'er  the  land, 
Through  every  isle  and  strand. 

Sounding  afar — 
Booming  through  every  vale. 
Borne  on  the  midnight  gale, 
Bending  each  hill  and  vale  ? 
-----  -  'Tis  Civil  War  ! 

Our  Country,  'tis  for  Sore, 
Land  of  the  brave  and  free, 
In  this  dark  hour, 
That  War's  loud  trumpet  bray. 
Men  meet  in  deadly  fray  ; 
Arms  clash  ftem  day  to  day. 
Mid  cannons'  rear. 

They  are  as  common  foe, 
Banded  to  overthrow 

Fair  Freedom's  fane  : 
Bebels  from  "Disk's  Land," 
A  traitoroBS,  coward  band^ 
Wasting  with  ruthless  hand. 

Greedy  »f  gain. 

What  prompts  this  rebel  crew 
These  wa.ntoa  aets  to  do  ? 

Who  will  reply  ? 
/Slavery  .'  that  fiend  from  hell. 
Suffered  ea  earth  to  dwell, 
God's  image  bay  and  sell,  . 

None  can  deny. 

Sbame  eo  a  nation's  gailt. 
Where  this  dread  scourge  is  fell, 

Draiaing  its  blood  ; 
Come  to  the  rescue,  then, 
From  every  mountain  glen, 
Acquit  yourselves  like  men, 

Trusting  in  6od  t 

Congress  has  power  to-day 
For  aye  to  wipe  away 

Slavery's  foal  stain  ; 
In  God's  name,  then,  wo  say, 
Do  it !  without  delay. 
Strike  the  blow  while  you  may, 
Break  every  chain ! 
Bnmnoy,  N.  H.,  Dec,  25,  1861.  G.  W.  Rogers. 


For  the  Liberator. 

TETJTH'  S   MARTYE. 

BY  B.  BURGESS,  Y.  D.  M. 

..  dare  encounter  common  ill, 
And  mingle  in  the  battle's  din, 

To  give  me  nerve,  to  give  me  will. 
For  sorrow  is  life's  discipline. 

I  dare  to  battle  for  tho  right, 

I  dare  proclaim  unwelcome  truth  ; 
To  be  myself  a  man,  and  fight 

Till  earth  regain  her  sinless  youth. 
I  dare  the  battle  !  let  it  come  ! 

I  give  my  name,  my  toil,  my  life  ! 
0  for  a  voice  to  wake  the  dumb, 

A  mightier  arm  for  such  a  strife  ! 

0  for  some  power  to  stir  my  soul, 
To  make  each  sense  a  rushing  host, 

.And  cause  the  tide  of  battle  roll 
From  heart  to  heart,  from  coast  to  coast  t 

What  though  our  blood  in  torrents  flow, 
Our  ashes  mingle  with  the  clay  ? 

From  out  that  dust  shall  harvests  grow. 
That  blood  produce  an  arm'd  array  ! 

That  harvest  shall  the  millions  feed, 
That,  host  eternal  .warfare  hold, 

Till  ev'ry  fettered  slave  is  freed, 
And  tyrants  sink  to  depths  untold  ! 

0  yo  whose  hearts  are  cased  in  steel, 
Go,  sull'er  with  tho  tortur'd  slave  ! 

Go,  blued  and  die,  and  ye  will  feel, 
And  bless  the  shelter  of  the  grave  ! 


I  love  tho  freshness  of  the  Spring, 

I  love  the  Poet's  magic  page, 
I  love  the  rocks,  and  flowers  that  cling, 

Like  youthful  memories  on  ago  ; 

But,  far  above,  I  love  the  man 

Who  dare  obey  what  conscience  tells, 

To  free  the  outcast  from  his  ban, 

Though  worlds  oppose,  though  Fate  rebels. 
Boston,  Jan.  1,  1862. 


®Ju 


X  »  t  0 1 , 


ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA. 
A   DISCOURSE 

DELIVERED   BY 

WILLIAM    H.    FURNESS, 

Minister  of  the  First   Congregational    Unitarian   Church, 

Philadelphia, 

Sunday,  December  22d,  1861. 

James  3: 11 — "Doth   a  fountain  send   forth   at  the  same 
place  sweet  water  and  bitter?" 

In  the  great  voyage  upon  which  we  and  all  that 
we  hold  dear  are  embarked,  we  have  suddenly  drifted 
on  to  a  storm -tossed  sea,  where  the  billows  rage  and 
battle  with  one  another,  a  perfect  maelstrom  ;  for  here 
and  now  two  deep,  strong  currents,  running  in  oppo- 
site directions,  liave  met,  and  the  foundations  of  the 
world  are  trembling  with  the  violence  of  the  concus- 
sion. The  one  current  clear  and  sweet  with  the  im- 
perishable and  life-giving  element  of  Freedom,  the 
other  thick  and  bitter  with  the  foul  corruption  of  Hu- 
man Bondage, — both  sent  forth  from  the  same  spring. 
Two  hundred  and  forty-one  years  ago  this  day,  the 
first  company  of  Christian  freemen  landed  at  the 
North.  Two  hundred  and  forty-one  years  ago  this 
very  year,  the  first  company  of  slaves  was  brought 
to  the  Virginia  shore,  and  the  blessing  and  the  curse 
came  from  the  same  source.  England  is  the  fountain 
of  Northern  Freedom  and  of  Southern  Slavery.  Eng- 
land is  the  spring  that  has  sent  forth  sweet  water 
and  hitter. 

This  December  day  is,  indeed,  a  most  memorable 
anniversary.  "We  may  well  pause,  and  ponder  the 
events  which  it  recalls,  insignificant  as  they  were  at 
the  time  of  their  occurrence,  but  momentous  in  the 
consequences  which  are  now  flowing  from  them 
with  such  fearful  activity  as  we  witness,  involving 
revolutions,  broad  and  deep,  in  human  affairs,  the  ex- 
tent of  which  no  human  wisdom  can  foresee.  We 
naturally  turn  to  the  events  which  the  day  calls  to 
mind,  and  revert  to  their  origin. 

England,  I  repeat,  bestowed  these  two  gifts,  Liberty 
and  Slavery,  on  this  new  world.  Liberty  she  gave 
reluctantly.  The  men  who  brought  it  hither  were 
driven  by  persecution  from  her  shores.  And  that 
they  were  enabled  to  preserve  the  sacred  gift  amidst 
the  horrors  of  the  wilderness  was  owing  to  no  foster- 
ing help  of  hers.  She  cared  not  if  they  perished. 
Not  until  they  began  to  grow  In  numbers  and  in 
strength  did  she  take  any  notice  of  them,  and  then  she 
extended  her  arm  only  to  make  them  feel  its  oppres- 
sive weight,  and  to  crush  the  liberty  which  her  out- 
cast children  had  brought  to  these  shores. 

But  that  other  and  fatal  gift  of  African  bondage 
she  fastened  on  this  Northern  continent  with  a  will- 
ing hand,  in  opposition  to  the  wishes,  the  conscience, 
and  the  humanity  of  these  then  infant  colonies.  In 
the  original  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  our  National 
Independence,  it  was  formally  stated,  as  you  know, 
as  one  of  the  causes  justifying  that  Declaration, 
that  the  British  King  had  insisted  upon  establishing 
this  accursed  interest  upon  this  soil;  accursed  in- 
deed, because,  while  it  brought  material  wealth,  its 
inevitable  effect  was  from  the  very  first  to  corrupt  the 
hearts  of  the  people  by  so  iniiaming  the  lust  of  gain 
and  of  power -*«.  to  deprave  their  natural  sense  of 
justice"  and  humanity. 

Such  is  briefly  the  record  of  the  past  in  regard 
to  the  relation  to  this  country  of  British  power  acting 
through  its  civil  organization.  And  now,  after  two 
centuries  and  a  half,  England  is  again,  to  all  appear- 
ances, preparing  to  assume  the  position  of  protecting 
the  bondage  of  the  African  in  this  land.  Flinging  be- 
hind her  the  great  pledges  she  gave  of  her  obligations 
to  the  cause  of  human  freedom  by  the  abolition  of 
the  slave  trade,  more  than  fifty  years  ago,  and  by  the 
emancipation  of  the  West  Indian  colonies  thirty 
years  ago,  she  is  committing  herself  to  an  alliance 
with  the  flagrant  rebellion  against  God  and  man, 
which  threatens,  not  only  the  existence  of  this  na- 
tion, but  Human  Eights  everywhere.  Already  her 
influence  has  wrought  to  infuse  into  this  atrocious 
treason  against  mankind  the  strength  which  alone  has 
enabled  it  to  live  to  this  hour.  Long  before  this,  the 
slaveholders'  revolt  would  have  come  to  a  miserable 
end,  had  it  not  been  animated  by  the  hope,  that  with 
the  rich  bribe  of  Southern  cotton,  it  would  soon  be 
able  to  purchase  the  powerful  help  of  English  recog- 
nition. This  was  one  of  the  two  grounds  of  reliance 
upon  which  the  Southern  leaders  dared  to  commit 
the  overt  act  of  treason.  Who  believes  that  they 
would  have  ventured  to  perpetrate  the  outrage,  save 
in  the  confident  expectation  of  Northern  sympathy 
and  foreign  recognition,  the  recognition  of  England 
most  especially  ?  The  hope  of  the  first,  of  the  sym- 
pathy of  a  Northern  party,  was  blown  to  atoms  by 
the  first  gun  discharged  against  Fort  Sumter.  And 
the  hope  of  the  other,  the  recognition  of  England, 
would  have  been  shivered  in  like  manner,  if  England, 
true  to  her  grand  position  as  the  abolisher  of  the 
slave  trade  and  the  emancipator  of  slaves,  had  held 
herself  grossly  insulted  by  so  much  as  the  faintest 
hint  of  a  proposition  to  recognize  as  a  sister  nation 
a  community  formally  planting  itself  upon  the  lawful- 
ness of  buying  and  selling  human  beings.  She 
should  have  scorned  the  idea,  as  she  would  the  propo- 
sal to  reinstate  the  Algerines,  or  to  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  any  colony  of  buccaneers.  This, 
and  nothing  less  than  this,  she  owed  instantly  to  her 
own  fame.  Let  it  be  that  she  had  no  love  for  us  of 
the  North,  that  republican  institutions  looked  weak 
and  vulgar  in  her  eyes,  and  that  the  spectacle  of  our 
Northern  prosperity  had  made  no  impression  upon 
her;  let  it  be  that  she  was  utterly  insensible  to  the 
enthusiastic  hospitality  with  which  the  whole  people 
of  the  free  States  had  just  received  her  young  Prince  ; 
still  she  owed  it  to  herself,  to  every  event  in  her  great 
history  which  has  attested  her  love  of  liberty,  and 
which  has  given  her  so  commanding  a  position  in  the 
affairs  of  mankind, — she  owed  it  to  God  and  man  to 
repel  with  instant  and  crushing  contempt  the  insult- 
ing suspicion  that  she  could  give  countenance  to  a 
movement  which,  under  the  thinly  woven  pretexts 
which  any  child  could  see  through,  of  an  alleged 
right  of  secession  and  of  the  sovereignty  of  States, 
undertakes  to  reverse  the  eternal  law  of  natural  right, 
and  to  make  human  beings,  not  what  God  Almighty 
made  them  to  be,  but  chattels  and  brutes.  Had  she 
done  so  at  the  very  first,  had  she  given  the  world  to 
understand,  at  the  very  first  symptom  of  this  outbreak, 
that  for  no  material  consideration  could  the  Southern 
attempt  to  nationalize  human  bondage  receive  from 
her  any  tiling  hut  her  most  emphatic  condemnation, 
that  attempt  would  have  been  overwhelmed  with 
speedy  and  signal  failure. 

Indeed,  if,  immediately  upon  the  emancipation  of 
her  West  Indian  colonies,  England  had  made  it  the 
condition  of  the  continuance  of  her  friendly  relations 
wi tli  these  United  States,  that  we  should  follow  her 
example  and  in  like  manner  emancipate  our  bonds- 
men, it  would  only  have  been  in  accordance  with  the 
noble  stand  she  had  taken  as  the  champion  of  human 
rights.  But  this,  I  suppose,  was  too  much  to  be  ex- 
pected. The  least,  however,  she  could  do,  standing 
where  she  stood,  was  to  see  to  it  that  no  new  effort 
was  made  to  perpetuate  the  bondage  of  the  African. 
Identified  as  she  was  with  the  cause  of  tho  slave, 
she  should  have  frowned  down  at  once  the  idea  of 
receiving  into  the  sisterhood  of  Christian  nations  a 
community  deliberately  basing  itself  on  the  violated 
rights  AY  man.  And  had  she  done  this,  the  attempt, 
I  repeat,  would  have  been  crushed  in.the  bud. 


But  this  England  did  not  do.  On  the  contrary,  at 
the  breaking  out  of  the  Southern  rebellion,  wholly 
untouched  by  the  fact  of  twenty  millions  of  people 
rising  up  as  one  man  against  the  outrage,  England  at 
once  began  to  contemplate  the  idea  of  giving  the 
hand  of  national  fellowship  to  the  slaveholding  confed- 
eration as  something  more  than  a  possibility,  and 
forthwith  placed  herself  in  the  posture  of  waitingand 
watching  for  an  opportunity  to  put  the  idea  into  exe- 
cution. And  she  lias  availed  herself  of  the  short- 
comings of  the  North  to  excuse  herself  for  her  own 
dereliction  from  the  duty  which  she  owed,  not  lo  us, 
but  to  herself  and  to  mankind.  Because  this  Gov- 
ernment, instead  of  closing  the  Southern  ports,  block- 
aded them,  and  thus  virtually  conceded  to  the  South- 
ern conspirators  a  belligerent  character,  England 
pleaded  that  she  only  followed  our  example  in  regard- 
ing them  in  the  same  light.  And  because  the  free 
States  have  not  even  yet  ventured  fully  and  squarely 
to  assume  the  anti-slavery  position  to  which  the 
South  has  driven  them  in  the  great  struggle,  England 
and  Englishmen  ask,  with  an  air  of  the  greatest  in- 
nocence, "How  can  you  of  the  North  expect  us  to 
sympathize  with  you?  You  are  not,  you  say  your- 
selves, contending  against  slavery."  Whatever  we 
of  the  North  are  contending  for  or  against,  however 
imperfectly  we  may  state  our  side  of  the  case,  there 
cannot  be  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  as  to  what  the  one 
purpose  of  the  slave  Stales  is.  That  purpose  is  just 
as  plain  as  it  is  barbarian.  Although  the  English 
people  know  nothing  else  about  our  part  of  the  world, 
they  cannot  be  ignorant  of  that.  And  if  they  cannot 
sympathize  with  our  policy  or  no-policy,  much  less 
can  they  sympathize  with  the  aim  of  the  South ;  that 
is,  if  they  have  any  true  sympathy  to  bestow  or  to 
withhold.  Although  they  have  no  love  to  give  us, 
they  can  have  nothing  but  abhorrence  for  the  unholy 
enterprise  of  the  Southern  slavemasters,  if  their  ha- 
tred of  slavery  be  as  strong  as  they  profess,  and  as 
their  whole  history  justifies  us  in  supposing  it  to  be. 
But,  instead  of  manifesting  any  opposition  to  the 
Southern  movement,  instead  of  evincing  the  slightest 
repugnance  to  it,  England  takes  without  a  blush  the 
ground  of  neutrality;  a  ground  which,  in  a  contest 
like  the  present,  is  an  absolute  impossibility.  Neutral- 
ity between  Freedom  and  Bondage !  That  is,  in 
plain  words,  England,  that  she  may  get  the  cotton 
that  she  lias  learned  how  to  turn  into  bread,  claims 
to  be  neither  for  God  nor  for  the  Devil.  0,  friends, 
it  is  no  more  possible  for  nations,  though  they  have 
ruled  the  seas  for  a  thousand  years  and  girdled  the 
globe  with  the  ensigns  of  their  power, — it  is  no  more 
possible  for  them  than  it  is  for  individual  men  to 
take  neutral  ground  between  freedom  such  as  ours, 
and  the  inhuman  bondage  for  which  the  South  con- 
tends; between  the  eternal  law  of  natural  justice  and 
the  violation  of  that  law,  without  incurring  the  guilt 
of  complicity  with  the  violator.  Whoso  is  notfor  the 
Right,  which  is  now  so  ruthlessly  assailed,  is  against 
it.  And  England  may  profess  and  protest  as  much 
as  she  chooses,  her  influence  is  working,  and  will 
continue  to  work  as  it  has  already  worked,  to  strength- 
en the  blood-stained  hands  which  are  striving  to  rend 
in  pieces  the  God-written  charter  of  Human  Eights. 
In  form,  she  may  stand  aloof;  in  fact,  she  is  making 
herself  an  accomplice  in  the  crime.  Blinded  by  her 
commercial  interests,  she  has  taken  a  false  and  most 
perilous  step,  perilous  to  her  own  character;  a  step 
which  it  will  be  no  easy  thing  for  her  to  retrace,  be- 
cause as  it  is  with  individuals,  so  it  is  with  nations  : 
when  once  they  commit  themselves  toaposition,  their 
pride  instantly  blindfolds  them  to  their  error,  binds 
them  to  it  as  with  chains  of  iron,  and  then  goes  be- 
fore them  and  drags  them  to  their  fall. 

That  we  should  see  things  as  they  are  is  the  im- 
perative necessity  of  the  hour;  and  therefore,  for  the 
sake  of  the  truth,  to  which,  now  when  every  thing 
else  threatens  to  fail  us,  we  can  alone  look  for  guid- 
ance, the  position  of  that  nation,  our  amicable  relations 
with  which  are  in  peril  of  being  interrupted,  must  be 
seen  and  understood.  We  must  not  be  misled.  We 
must  not  be  blind.     We  must  see  things  as  they  are. 

In  what  I  am  saying,  I  have  not  the  shadow  of  a 
desire  to  stir  up  any  animosity  against  our  mother 
country.  I  have  n'ever  yet  heard  of  any  other  people 
from  whom  I  could  wish  in  preference  that  we  had 
been  descended.  I  have  and  can  have  no  national 
prejudice  to  gratify.  I  share  in  common  with  mil- 
lions of  the  people  of  the  North  in  the  sentiment  of 
veneration  for  England,  which  we  drew  in  with  our 
mother's  milk,  and  which  one  lineage,  and  one  lan- 
guage, and  one  priceless  literature  have  tended  to 
strengthen  with  our  growth. 

Neither  have  I  the  slightest  disposition,  in  view 
of  the  present  state  of  our  relations  with  England,  to 
act  the  part  of  an  alarmist.  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  of  this  country  have  any 
desire  but  to  remain  at  peace  with  every  other  na- 
tion. I  do  not  believe  that  one  particle  of  disrespect 
towards  the  flag  of  England  had  share  in  the  act 
which  has  just  kindled  the  Old  Country  into  a  flame; 
and  therefore,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  thing  that  has 
yet  occurred  will  be  recounted  or  appealed  to  as  ajus- 
tifying  cause  of  war.  But  I  cannot  help  seeing  that 
England  has  taken  a  false  position,  false  to  her  own 
honor,  a  position  nominally  neutral,  but  in  fact  and 
from  the  necessity  of  things,  committing  her  to 
an  alliance  with  a  rebellion  against  the  Eights  of  Hu- 
manity. She  has  placed  herself,  however  vehement- 
ly she  may  disclaim  it,  in  an  attitude  hostile  to  the 
North.  It  forces  her  at  this  moment  to  be  the  pro- 
tector of  rebels  and  slaveholders.  Had  she  taken  the 
high  ground  upon  which  it  was  due  to  her  own  his- 
tory that  she  should  stand,  no  rebel  commissioners 
would  have  dared  to  set  foot  upon  a  deck  of  hers ;  or 
when  they  had,  and  had  been  taken  as  they  have 
been,  she  would  have  shared  our  satisfaction  in  the 
seizure  of  traitors  to  God  and  man,  and  made  a  spe- 
cial acknowledgment  to  our  Government  for  the  res- 
cue of  her  flag  from  dishonor.  Thus  false,  I  say,  is 
her  position,  that  she  is  forced,  whether  with  her 
will  or  against  it,  to  take  sides  with  this  great  treason. 
Although  nothing  that  has  as  yet  occurred  may  be 
considered  to  justify  war,  so  long  as  England  stands 
where  she  is,  there  is  perpetual  danger  that  we  shall 
be  brought  into  bloody  collision  with  her. 

Notwithstanding  all  appearances  to  the  contrary,  up 
to  the  present  hour  there  has -existed  far  and  wide 
throughout  these  free  States,  a  love  of  England,  strong 
and  deep,  second  only  to  the  love  we  bear  our  coun- 
try. How  could  it  be  otherwise?  England  is  the 
native  soil,  the  birthplace  of  this  American  nation. 
Thence,  as  from  its  original  fountain,  we  drew  our 
national  life.  Our  intellectual  being  has  been  built  up 
out  of  the  strong  and  costly  material  of  English 
thought.    The  soil  of  that  country  is  our  classic  ground. 

Nothing  more  decisively  reveals  the  deep  interest 
we  have  in  England  than  our  extreme  sensitiveness  to 
English  opinions  of  us.  Men  care  little  for  judgments 
upon  them  by  those  whom  they  neither  re- 
spect nor  love,  to  whom  they  are  wholly  indifferent. 
What  travellers  from  other  countries,  France  or  Ger- 
many, coming  among  us,  say  or  write  about  us,  re- 

ves  little  of  our  regard,  however  wise  and  just  it 
may  be.  But  the  remarks  of  English  travellers  in- 
stantly attract  our  attention,  and  an  importance  is  at- 
tached to  them  out  of  all  proportion  to  their  worth. 
It  is  true,  we  have  become  a  little  hardened  to  English 
criticism,  as  it  was  very  desirable  we  should  be.  The 
time  lias  been  when  it  seemed  as  if. the  American 
character  were  losing  all  pretensions  to  dignity  or 
ilf-respect,  so  sensitive  were  we  to  what  Englishmen 
and  Englishwomen  said  of  us,  and  into  such  unmanly 
exhibitions  of  chagrinand  indignation  were  we  driven 
by  any  word  of  slight  or  ridicule  from  English  lips. 
It  seemed  at  one  time  as  if  we  depended  for  our  very 
existencowpon  what  was  thought  of  us  in  that  quar- 
ter. I  do  not  think  that  in  all  history  can  he  found 
any  parallel  to  the  strong  affection  of  the  people  of  this 
free  North  for  England.  It  is  native  to  us.  Two 
ars  and  occasional  misunderstandings,  such  as  will 
sometimes  occur  nmong  the  nearest  of  kin,  have  not 
been  able  to  extinguish  it. 

And  of  late  years,  we  have  been  insensibly  (.'rowing 
in  the  belief  that  the  affection  we  have  so  long  and  so 
fervently  cherished  for  the  old  country  was  recipro- 


cated;  that,  as  we  had  so  long  looked  with  admiring 
eyes  upon  England,  England  was  beginning  to  regard 
this  country  with  a  new  and  kindly  interest.  We 
flattered  ourselves  that  our  rapid  growth  and  unex- 
ampled prosperity,  and  the  many  and  valuable  contri- 
butions which  this  country  has  made  to  the  arts  of  life, 
were  beginning  to  tell  in  our  favor,  and  win  for  us  her 
cordial  respect,  and  that  she  was  really  learning  to  re- 
gard us  with  something  of  the  affection  which  we 
cherished  for  her ;  that  she  was  finding  out  that  life  in 
this  quarter  of  the  world  was  not  altogether  mean  and 
vulgar.  And  when  she  sent  her  young  Prince  to  visit 
us,  we  took  it  as  a  signal  token  of  her  respect.  With 
what  heartiness  he  was  received,  you  all  freshly  re- 
member. So  far  as  his  reception  by  our  people  was 
concerned,  there  was  nothing,  until  he  entered  a  slave 
State,  to  remind  him  that  he  had  passed  the  bounda- 
ries of  the  dominions  of  his  mother.  Indeed,  so  hearty 
was  that  reception,  that  some  of  us  were  so  romantic 
as  to  expect  that  the  Prince  and  his  attendants  would 
carry  back  such  a  report  of  the  goodwill  towards  Eng- 
land, so  cordially  expressed  by  these  Northern  States, 
that  a  marked  advance  would  instantly  be  made  by 
the  people  of  the  old  country  in  their  regard  for  us, 
and  that  we  should  soon  thereafter  find  that  they  were 
at  least  improving  in  their  geographical  knowledge, 
and  were  finding  out  where  Washington  stands,  and 
New  York  and  Boston.  But  it  seems  now  that  the 
Prince  and  his  attendant  noblemen  took  all  our  atten- 
tions as  the  due  of  their  rank,  and  never  interpreted 
them  as  the  signs,  which  they  simply  were,  of  our  ven- 
eration, not  for  their  tinsel  stars  and  ribbons,  but  for 
the  great  English  nation,  whose  representatives  these 
persons  were.  In  fact,  some  of  the  leading  political 
writers  of  England  eneeringly  attributed  the  enthu- 
siasm with  which  the  Prince  was  welcomed  here,  not 
to  any  regard  for  England,  but  to  an  American  fond- 
ness for  shows. 

Not  only  the  slight  impression  which  the  warmth 
of  that  welcome  made  upon  the  English  mind,  but 
uch  that  has  occurred  since :  the  interpretation  of 
our  legislation,  as  though  it  were  intended  to  put  an 
affront  upon  her,  and  as  if  England,  in  all  her  laws 
of  trade,  had  always  been  studiously  careful  of  the 
interests  of  other  nations  ;  and  particularly  her  bear- 
ng  towards  us  since  the  breaking  out  of  our  pres- 
ent great  national  trouble,  forces  upon  us  the  mortify- 
ing conviction  that  England  does  not  love  us,  that  she 
has  never  dreamed  of  reciprocating  our  fervent  re- 
gards. While  our  evident  and  rapidly  growing  power 
has  awed  her  into  bating  her  breath  in  the  expression 
of  her  contempt,  she  has  not  been  able  to  conceal 
not  only  that  she  has  not  loved  us,  but  that  she  re- 
gards us  with  secret  dislike.  She  has  not  been  able  to 
hide  her  desire  that  this  Republic  should  be  broken  up. 
We  need  not  have  waited  for  a  state  of  things  like 
the  present,  to  disclose  to  us  the  feelings  with  which 
the  English  people  have  looked  upon  us.  We  might 
very  safely  have  inferred  their  dislike  of  us  from  the 
ignorance  in  which  they  have  persisted  in  wrapping 
themselves  up  in  regard  not  only  to  our  political  in- 
stitutions, but  even  to  the  most  obvious  facts  of  our 
geography.  When  we  have  committed  any  offence 
against  good  manners,  and  betrayed  any  vulgarity, 
they  have  been  quick  to  note  and  to  publish  it,  but 
English  eyes  have  been  studiously  averted  from  the 
map  of  the  United  States.  They  have  been  too  much 
annoyed  by  its  size  to  bear  to  examine  its  details,  or 
to  take  note  of  those  features  of  it  which,  with  our 
institutions  and  our  blood,  make  it  the  map  of  One 
Nation,  One  and  Indivisible.  The  English  are  pre- 
eminently an  enlightened  people.  They  ransack  eve- 
ry department  of  human  knowledge.  What  is  there 
that  escapes  them  ?  Their  gross  ignorance  of  this 
country,  then,  can  be  accounted  for  only  upon  the  sup- 
position that  it  is  a  subject  for  which  they  have  no 
fondness,  but  a  positive  aversion. 

And  when  we  pause  over  this  English  dislike  of  us. 
the  reason  of  it  soon  becomes  apparent.  Although 
it  may  be  creditable  to  our  good  nature,  it  is  mortify- 
ing to  our  sagacity  that  we  should  ever  have  over- 
looked it.  How  could  it  possibly  have  been  other- 
wise than  that  England  should  regard  us  as  she  has 
done?  The  existence  of  a  populous  and  prosperous 
Eepublic, — of  a  great  successful  country,  without 
throne,  without  a  nobility,  without  an  established 
church, — how  could  we  ever  have  been  so  foolish 
to  imagine  that  such  a  spectacle  could  be  pleasing  in 
the  eyes  of  those,  in  whose  very  blood  it  is  to  believe 
that  without  kings,  lords,  and  bishops,  any  decent 
civilization  is  impossible  ? 

My  friends,  the  prosperity,  the  existence  of  this 
country,  with  its  free,  democra;ic  institutions,  is  a 
standing  menace  to  every  form  of  monarchical  gov- 
ernment in  Christendom,  and  it  furnishes  all  living 
under  such  forms,  who  feel  their  oppressive  power, 
with  an  impregnable  ground  of  opposition.  Why,  if 
it  were  not  for  the  horrible  bondage  which  we  have 
cherished  within  our  borders,  the  like  of  which  for 
barbarity  exists  in  no  other  Christian  country,  even 
the  most  despotic,  and  which  has  palsied  our  influence. 
we  should  long  since  have  revolutionized  every  na- 
tion inEurope;  and  this  not  by  any  active  interference 
in  their  affairs,  but  by  the  bare  fact  of  our  existence, 
What  oppressive  mode  of  government  could  have 
stood  before  the  fact  of  millions  of  human  beings 
living  here,  in  such  freedom  and  unprecedented  ac- 
tivity and  rare  harmony  as  our  social  institutions 
foster  ?  Is  it  any  wonder  that  England  does  not  like 
us?  How  thoughtless  in  us  to  imagine  that  sr 
should ;  or  that  the  prospect  of  our  overthrow  could 
fail  to  give  her  satisfaction  I  Of  alt  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  she  is  most  susceptible  of  our  influence,  be- 
cause we  both  have  one  language,  and  are  of  one 
blood.  It  is  impossible  that  she  should  regard  us 
with  the  cordiality  which  she  would  be  sure  to  feel  for 
us,  were  we  upholding  a  form  of  society  like  her 
own.  The  more  we  have  loved  and  revered  England, 
thus  showing  that  neither  wars  nor  differences  of  any 
sort  have  been  able  to  extinguish  our  goodwill  to- 
wards her,  and  in  this  respect  proving  that  our  lib- 
eral institutions  do  not  encourage  the  growth  of  na- 
tional prejudices,  the  more  difficult  has  it  been  for  her 
to  return  our  friendship. 

I  have  dwelt  thus  somewhat  at  length  upon  the  re- 
lations in  which  we  stand  to  our  mother  country,  be- 
cause the  perils  and  portents  of  the  hour  render  them 
deeply  interesting.  It  is  well  to  know  our  friends. 
Wc  are  threatened  with  war  by  England.  It  would 
be  a  great  calamity..  And  although,  as  I  have  already 
remarked,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  special  circum- 
stances that  occasion  the  threat  are  sufficient  to  justi- 
fy its  execution,  it  is  needful  that  we  should  under- 
stand the  temper  of  that  country  towards  us.  Eng- 
land occupies,  as  we  have  seen,  a  false  position  to- 
wards these  Free  Northern  States.  And  in  relation 
to  us,  we  have  seen  she  has  no  goodwill  to  spare.  That 
she  has,  with  all  her  mighty  armament,  a  growing 
aversion  to  war,  we  may  believe.  If  such  a  long  and 
terrible  experience  of  bereavement  and  debt  as  she 
has  had  in  the  bloody  nrt  has  been  lost  upon  her,  we 
may  well  despair  of  the  education  of  nations.  At 
least  that  England  will  not  precipitate  a  war,  we  may 
reasonably  trust.  But  we  are  not  permitted  to  put 
any  reliance  upon  her  kindly  feeling  towards  us.  It 
rill  become  our  government  to  use  the  utmost  caution, 
because  we  can  count  upon  no  goodwill  of  hers  to  put 
the  best  construction  upon  any  indiscreet  word. 
Having  no  love  for  us,  England  will  be  slow  to  be- 
lieve that  we  can  have  any  consideration  for  her. 
Already  the  English  Press  is  talking  as  if  we  had  an 
intention  of  picking  a  quarrel  with  her  I  as  if,  what- 
ever might  be  our  intentions  at  other  times,  we  could 
entertain  such  unutterable  folly  now,  or  have  any  but 
the  most  anxious  desire,  at  this  most  painful  juncture, 
to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  all  foreign  govern.' 
lentS.  Such  bring  the  spirit  of  the  English  people, 
although  the  present  cloud  may  pass,  God  only  knows 
how  soon  another  and  darker  cloud  may  arise,  especi- 
ally in  such  a  stormy  time,  ami  so  long  as  England 
maintains  her  present  ground,  which,  however  stren- 
uously she  may  affirm  to  be  a  ground  of  peace,  com- 
mits her  to  the  side  of  the  Kobullion. 

must  also  be  fully  seen  by  us,  that  Ihe  fierce  and 
terrible  conflict  which  has  arisen  on  this  soil  concerns 
not  so  much  any  local  and  temporary  interests  of  ours 


ae  those  sacred  principles  of  Justice  and  Liberty, 
which,  in  the  eternal  nature  of  tilings,  most  deeply 
concern  all  nations,  every  human  being.  Our  Maker 
has  so  fashioned  us,  that  nothing  takes  so  mighty  a 
hold  upon  us  as  Justice  ami  Freedom.  They  meet 
the  deepest  and  most  essential  want  of  our  nature. 
These  it  is  that  only  give  attraction  to  human  histo- 
ry, value  to  human  life.  And  since  the  world  began, 
never  has  there  been  a  conflict  in  which  the  purest 
Eight  and  the  blackest  Wrong  have  been  so  directly 
opposed  to  one  another,  with  scarcely  any  side  issues 
to  complicate  the  bloody  controversy,  as  in  this  strug- 
gle in  which  we  are  now  engaged.  It  must  needs  he 
that  it  will,  as  it  proceeds,  command  the  attention  of 
mankind  as  no  other  war  has  ever  done.  It  cannot  be 
otherwise  than  that  men  will  hold  their  breath  as  they 
look  on,  and  see  the  powers  of  darkness  and  of  light  in 
deadly  conflict.  That  other  nations  should  altogether 
stand  aloof  seems  hardly  possible.  We  have  the 
deepest  interest  in  the  strife,  butit  is  profoundly  inter- 
esting to  the  whole  race  of  man.  The  well-being  of 
the  world  is  at  stake,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the 
world  may  plunge  into  the  strife.  It  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  too,  that  the  impression  has  gone  abroad  among 
the  ignorant  foreign  masses,  that  the  Republic,  never  so 
strong  in  manhood,  never  so  worthy  of  honor  as  at 
this  hour,  is  tottering  to  its  fall.  Every  foul  bird  of 
prey  then  will  be  whetting  its  beak.  Where  the  car- 
cass is  supposed  to  be,  there  the  vultures  will  be  gath- 
ered together. 

And,  therefore,  the  responsibility  that  is  laid  upon 
i,  who  are  summoned  to  do  battle  for  God  and  hu- 
man liberty,  is  unspeakably  solemn  ;  and  we  must  see 
to  it  that  we  do  not  belittle  and  dishonor  the  great 
Cause  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  by  any  short-sighted 
policy,  by  any  time-serving  expediency.  It  is  no 
time  to  postpone  and  evade.  We  must  confront  the 
sacred  issues,  and  rise,  every  soul  of  us,  to  the  height 
of  the  great  argument.  Especially,  before  it  will  be 
too  late,  we  must,  as  we  can,  make  England  see  the 
false  position  she  has  taken,  and  retreat  from  it. 
Sore  as  may  be  her  need  of  the  Southern  staple,  and 
blind  as  she  now  seems  to  be  to  everything  but  that, 
and  savagely  as,  from  recent  accounts,  her  old  thirst 
of  conquest  and  power  is  beginning  to  stir  her  proud 
people,  she  cannot  yet  be  prepared  to  assume  delib- 
erately and  in  form  the  Protectorate  of  African  bon- 
dage. We  may  at  least  hope  that  she  will  range  her- 
self, where  alone  she  properly  belongs,  on  the  side 
of  human  freedom,  when  the  great  North,  standing 
erect  now  in  its  strength,  shall,  with  a  bold  hand, fling 
out  into  the  heavens  the  glorious  banner  of  Universal 
Emancipation.  In  the  meanwhile,  let  no  man  of  us 
be  blind  to  the  solemnity  of  the  time.  It  call's  for  all 
our  thoughtfuln ess  and  all  our  manhood.  We  need 
the  inspiration  of  faith, — faith  in  God  and  in  man  ;  we 
need  faith  in  prayer  that,  beyond  the  power  of  words, 
should  kindle  an  undying  flame  in  our  hearts.  May 
God  prepare  this  offering  now,  the  spirit  of  self-sacri- 
fice, of  holiness,  and  of  humanity,  upon  the  altar  with- 
in, and  keep  it  burning  there  forever! 


COMMEMORATIVE    MEETING. 

A  meeting  in' commemoration  of  the  martyrdom  of 
John  Brown  was  held  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Knox,  59 
Anderson  street,  Boston,  on  Monday  morning,  Dec. 
2d.  The  meeting  was  organized  by  the  choice  of  J. 
H.  Fowler,  of  Cambridge,  President,  John  Oliver,  of 
Boston,  Vice  President,  and  Dr.  Knox,  Secretary. 

IiEMAItKS    OF    DR.    KNOX. 

Mr.  President, — I  rejoice  that  so  goodly  a  number 
have  met  to  pay  homage  to  the  memory  of  the  good 
old  Puritan,  the  hero  of  Harper's  Ferry,  and  the  mar- 
tyr of  Virginia's  Charlestown,  the  firing  of  whose 
gun  has  evoked  a  better  hope  for  the  down-trodden 
slave  of  America,  and  in  fact  the  world  over,  than  the 
firing  of  the  first  gun  at  Concord;  therefore,  keep 
the  day!  And  now  that  he  who  was  chairman  of 
the  Senate  Committee  of  Inquisition  is  foiled,  not- 
withstanding that  most  ignoble  star  of  the  Star  Cham- 
ber is  safe  at  Fort  Warren,  notwithstanding  that  Bun- 
ker Hill  and  Faneuil  Hall  are  now  laughing  in  the 
day  of  his  calamity,  keep  this  day  sacred  ! 

If  the  army  are  singing  the  name  of  John  Brown, 
it  is  only  an  incident  growing  out  of  the  preservation 
of  the  old  Union,  cemented  with  innocent  blood.  The 
Government  has  never  intimated  the  heart-love  for 
African  liberty  as  is  now  demonstrated  in  the  border 
slave  States.  But  this  is  not  the  time  or  place  for  this 
train  of  thought.  The  theme  on  this  occasion  is  the 
martyrdom  of  John  Brown.  Why  is  it  that  such  gen- 
eral indifference  to  holding  this  meeting  prevails,  that 
a  public  building  cannot  be  obtained  for  it?  Is  it 
because  such  a  meeting  was  mobbed,  one  year  ago, 
by  the  Mayor  of  this  city  ?  or  is  it  because  the  gov- 
ernment is  fighting  for  emancipation?  If  the  latter, 
how  can  the  greater  be  contained  in  the  less? 

I  have  but  one  regret.  I  regret  that  this  meeting 
is  not  held  under  other  auspices.  Faneuil  Hall  should 
be  thrown  open,  and  the  most  able  minds  and  eloquent 
lips  should  speak  commemorative  words.  All  periods 
of  the  world's  history  have  witnessed  martyrs,  and 
the  cause  for  which  they  died  has  partaken  of  a 
brighter  light  and  hope  proportionate  to  the  great  laws 
of  human  progression.  The  scene  closes  with  John 
Brown  in  the  ascendant;  for  where  or  when  did  a 
braver  or  more  loving  heart  cease  to  beat  on  the  scaf- 
fold ?     Not  a  murmur  escaped  his  lips. 

In  conclusion,  I  only  proposed  to  say  a  few  words, 
expressive  of  my  good  will ;  to  throw  a  few  of  mem- 
ory's fresh  and  fragrant  flowers  on  the  grave  of  the 
martyr  at  North  Elba. 

HEMAEK3    OF    MR.    OLIVER. 

Mr.  President, — I  did  not  come  here  to  speak,  but 
to  hear  what  might  be  said  in  honor  of  the  brave  old 
martyr  of  Harper's  Ferry.  I  am  happy  to  pay  my 
homage  to  the  memory  of  John  Brown  ;  and  I  wish, 
in  a  special  manner,  to  express  my  thanks  and  grati- 
tude to  Dr.  Knox  for  holding  this  meeting,  as  it  forms 
a  connecting  link  in  this  important  history. 

I  feel  that  John  Brown  is  worthy  of  homage  for  this 
reason,  if  for  none  other — that  he  gave  his  life  for  a 
different  race  and  another  people,  with  which  I  am 
identified.  This,  sir,  makes  his  memory  more  dear  to 
the  hearts  of  the  colored  people. 

Ecmarks  were  made  by  Henry  Williams,  who  had 
been  for  thirty  years  a  slave.  He  expressed  his  heart- 
felt thanks  for  the  privilege  of  the  meeting.  He  loved 
the  name  of  John  Brown,  and  loved  to  hear  people 
speak  and  read  about  him  ;  for  he  truly  felt  that  he  had 
done  great  good  to  bis  people  that  were  in  bondage. 

Miss  Williams  made  a  few  interesting  remarks,  and 
then  the  meeting  was  closed  by  Leslia  Knox,  aged 
eight  years,  repeating  an  original  hymn,  written  on 
the  martyrdom  of  John  Brown. 

The  meeting  was  adjourned  to  meet  in  the  same 
place  one  year  from  to-day,  unless  some  public  build- 
ing could  he  obtained. 


another  remarkable  prophecy. 

The  following  extract  is  taken  from  a  volume,  pub- 
lished in  Boston  by  Bela  Marsh,  in  1809,  entitled, 
"  Twelve  Messages  Irom  the  Spirit  of  John  Quincy 
Adams."  It  is  the  Spirit  of  Washington  speaking  : — 
We  are  able  to  discern  the  period  rapidly  approxi- 
mating when  man  will  take  up  arms  agaJMt  his  fol- 
low-man,  and  }ro  forth  to  contend  with  the  tncmicH 
of  Republican  Liberty,  and  to  assert,  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  those  riyhts,  of  which  so  large  a  portion 
of  their  fellow-creatures  arc  deprived.  Again  will 
the  soil  of  America  be  saturale.d  with  the  blood  of 
freedom-loving  children,  and  her  noble  monuments, 
those  sublime  attestations  of  patriotic  will  and  de- 
termination, will  tremble,  from  base  to  summit,  with 
the  heavy  roar  of  artillery,  and  the  thunder  of  can- 
non. The  trials  of  that  internal  war  will  far  exceed 
those  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  while  the  cause 
contended  for  will  equal,  if  not  excel,  in  sublimity 
and  power,  that  for  which  the  children  of '76  fought. 
But  when  the  battle-smoke  shall  disappear,  and 
the  cannon's  fearful  tones  are  heard  no  more,  then 
will  mankind  more  fully  realize  the  blessings  out- 
flowing from  the  mighty  struggle  in  which  they 
so  valiantly  contended  !  No  longer  will  their  eyes 
meet  with  those  bound  in  the  chains  of  physical 
slavery,  or  their  ears  listen  to  the  heavy  sobs  of 
I  he  oppressed  child  of  God.  But  over  a  land  dedi- 
cated to  the  principles  of  impartial  liberty,  the  King 
of  Day  will  rise  and  set,  and  hearts  now  oppressed 
with  care  and  sorrow  will  rejoice  in  the  blessings  of 
uninterrupted  freedom. 

In  this  eventful  revolution,  what  the  patriots  of 
the  past  failed  to  accomplish,  their  descendants  will 
perform,  with  the  timely  assistance  of  invisible  pow- 
ers. By  their  sides  the  heavenly  hosts  will  labor, 
imparting  courage  and  fortitude  in  each  hour  of  de- 
spondency, and  urging  them  onward  to  a  speedy  and 
magnificent  triumph.  Deploring,  as  we  do,  the  ex- 
istence of  slavery,  and  the  means  to  be  employed  to 
purge  it  fi'om  America,  yet  our  sympathies  will  cul- 
minate to  the  cause  of  Eight  and  Justice,  and  give 
strength  to  those 

Who  seek  to  set  the  captive  free, 
And  crush  the  monster,  Slavery. 
The  picture  which  3  have  presented  is,  indeed,  a 
hideous  one.  You  may  think  that  I  speak  with  too 
much  assurance  when  I  thus  boldly  prophesy  the  dis- 
solution of  the  American  Confederacy,  and,  through 
it,  the  destruction  of  that  gigantic  structure,  Human 
Slavery !  But  this  knowledge  was  not  the  result  of 
a  moment's  or  an  hour's  gleaning,  but  nearly  half  ji 
century's  existence  in  the  Seraph  Life.  I  have  care- 
fully watched  my  country's  rising  progress,  and  1  am 
thoroughly  convinced  that  it  cannot  always  exist  un- 
der the  present  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  pres- 
sure of  that  most  terrible  sin,  Slavery  ! 

Yon,  respected  friend  and  brother,  have  been 
called  to  many  important  offices  in  the  Councils  of 
the  Nation.  With  the  spirit  of  unflinching  firmness 
have  you  sought  to  guide  it  aright,  and  to  maintain 
the  honest,  well-intended  principles  of  ihe  Founders 
of  the  Government.  Persecutions  yon  dared,  threats 
you  defied.  Fearlessly  you  strove  for  the  triumph 
of  Humanity's  principles,  for  which  a  just  reward 
will  be  meted  out  to  you  in  tins  yonr  everlasting 
home,  and  glory  and  unalloyed  happiness  will  illu- 
mine your  celestial  pathway  through  the  spheres  of~ 
progression. 

Let  ns  hope  and  pray  for  the  deliverance  of  our 
beloved  country  ;  and  also,  while  we  hope  and  pray, 
let  us  remember  to  art  I  Let  us  enlist  in  this  war  of 
principle,  and,  with  unswerving  fortitude  and  devo- 
tion,—  the  spirit  of  love  reigning  in  onr  hearts, — 
carry  it  forward,  nntil  we  have  attained  a  conquest 
over  slavery,  and  every  evil  which  follows  in  its 
train. 


ENGLISH  PEELING  TOWAKDS  AMERICA. 

The  following  resolutions  were  passed  at  a  meeting 
held  in  Glasgow  City  Hall,  (Scotland,)  I2th  Dec, 
1861,  moved  by  Rov.  Fergus  Ferguson  seconded  by 
Mr.  John  Knox  : — 

Resolved,  That  as  friends  to  the  universal  abolition 
of  slavery,  who  have  at  all  times  sympathized  with 
the  advocates  of  impartial  liberty  in  the  United  States 
of  America,  we  express  our  deep  sympathy  with  them 
n  this  time  of  severe  trial;  anil  wc  earnestly  entreat 
.he  citizens  of  the  Federal  St:itos,  agreeably  to  tin- 
principles  set  forth  in  the  Declaration  of  American  In- 
dependence, to  concede  the  JUBt  claims  of  four  millions 
of  people  holdeu  in  bondage  in  the  Southern  States, 
and  now  proclaim  them  vukk. 

Resolved,  That,  deploring  ihe  existence  of  civil  war 
in  Ihi'  United  States  of  America,  we  fervently  pray 
that  wisdom,  forbearance  and  a  just,  appreciation  of 
international  rights  may  be  given  to  the  (iovcrninents 
of  Great  Britain  and  A.merioa,  so  that  friendly  feel- 
ings  may  continue  to  subsist  between  nations  so  iden- 
tified by  lineage  mid  language,  ami  by  whom  so  much 
may  he  accomplished  ii.r  the  advancement  of  the  best 
interests  of  mankind. 


$40 


PARKEE 


$40 


Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 

THIS  is  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  virions  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  At  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  ihe  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market. 

Iiy  Sales  Room,  188  "Washington  street.        ^ 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 
Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice. 
Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 


IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  3lccknnic  Association. 
"Form  Parker's  Sewixg  Machixbs.  This  Machine  ij 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elisis  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  arc  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  tbe  manufactory,  in  sneh  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a.  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  guaging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  Tbe  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  tbe  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Pakker's  Sewtsg  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  tbe 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  tbe 
work.  It  will  bem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
tbe  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,*  with  equal  fa- 
cility. Tho  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  wss  reeently 
awarded  tbe  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston   Traveller. 

fcgT  We  would  call  tho  attention  of  our  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  the  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  A  Wilson,  aod 
Grover  A  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company:  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed  macliiue  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  tbe  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines  ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  bjr  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  tli  em  ;  and 
also  the  necessity  of  the  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  tho  various  motions  to  tbe  mueJrtno. 
The  favor  with  which  the  Parker  Sowing  Machine  bas  al- 
ready been  received  by  tbe  public  warrants  ns  iii  tbe  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  best  machine  now  in  market.— 
South  Ilcadiwj  Gazette,  Nov.  24,  1800. 

Thb  Parker  Bbwibs  MaCBtHl  is  taking  the  lead  in  the 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made — strength 
and  utility  combined — ami  is  empliutieallv  tho  dUajMrt  Sffidi 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  an  delighted  with  it, 
ami  when  consulted,  Invariably  give  Parker's  maehint  the 
preference  overall  others.  We  are  pleased  to  lean  thai 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  fiEORGI  S.  LSOHAKS,  186  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  largo  number  of  orders  for 
those  machines,  and  sells  them  ns  fa.st  as  they  can  be  mnn- 
ufaotured,  notwithstanding  to*  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  maiHil'aeiut'ors  have  almost  wholly-  suspended 
operations.  This  fat,  of  iianlf,  «S*tJn  mule  stroiicly  i„ 
its  favor  tlmn  any  thing  we  oan  iue.it  ton  ;  for  wore  it  not 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  Milleml  from  thegen- 
snil  anr/Ksslon,  Instead  of  nourishing  among  me  snaami  of 

its  rivals.  Win.  I  .wo  loll  von  hi  no  lie!  ion  ;  but  gv  and  buy 
mo  of  thorn,  and  you  will  say  that  "  half  of  its  good  ,nnil- 
liwhad    never  boon  told    you."      I.  DOgudj 

iho  b«*lth  an. I  hftppmass  of  his  wifc  ah.«sJd  buy  one  of 
those  inaolmu's  (o  as.-i.-l,  her  in  lessening  life's  toilsome 
ask.— JtoWoW  Qmxttttj  July  i.- 


'.«J  HE     I,  I  T?  E  II  A  T  O  R 

—  IS     VtillUSHKl)  — 

EVEEY  FRIDAY  MOBNING, 

—  AT — 

221    WASHINGTON    STRKET,    BOOM.    No.    G. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Gkxkral  Agent. 


II2F"  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  lifty  cents  per  an  mini, 
in  advance. 

jiQp"Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  ono  address  for  ten 
DOLLARS,  if  payment  be  made  in  advance. 

£gT  All  remittances  are  to  bo  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbe  paper  arc  to  bu 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

Et^"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rato  of  five  cents  per 
line. 

g5f  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  LniiiiiATOit. 

(TJ?~  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Ommiittec,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz  : — Fuascis  Jackso.v,  Eumuxd  Qdincy,  Edmkxd 
Jackson,  and  Wk.vdell   Phillips. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


"Proclaim  Libsrty  throughout  all  tb.3  land,  to  r,ll 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  tins  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- ' 
itary  authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST'S 
und  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tho  States  where  slavery  exists  have  tho  exclusive* 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  Phebident  or ' 
the  L'siteij  States,  but  tho  UOMHAITDEB  of  the  Anvr, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES From  the   instant 

that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slaver;-,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording! to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
tlace  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adams. 


mv  (Emmtvy  U  ilu  itfovM,  mux  0«mitevwtt  «*'*  #1  ItotfeiiuT. 


J.  B.  YERRINTON  &  BON,  FrinterB. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    3. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     JANUAEY    17,    1863. 


WHOLE    NO.    1621. 


Ufitge  of  <$\)\m$m\L 


"A   TREASONABLE   MEMORIAL." 

On  our  third  page  may  be  found  a  well  considered 
mid  carefully  drawn  Petition  to  Congress,  signed  by 
William  Cullen  Bryant,  William  Curtiss  Noyes,  and 
oilier  highly  respectable  citizens  of  New  York,  asking 
that  body  to  abolish  slavery,  under  the  war  power,  for 
the  cogent  reasons  therein  set  forth.  The  hysterica!, 
pseudo-loyal,  rabidly  pro-slavery,  and  venomously  hy- 
drophobic editor  of  the  Boston  Courier  is  thrown  into 
convulsions  at  its  appearance,  and  raves  about  it  in  the 
following  Bedlamitish  strain,  which  indicates  that  a 
straight-jacket  might  prove  serviceable  : — 

Though  we  consider  the  whole  emancipation  or- 
ganizaubn  utterly  contemptible,  as  a  practical  thing, 
—that  is  to  say,  "that  they  would  be  routed  by  the 
force  of  two-thirds  at  least  of  the  people  of  the  free 
States,  should  it  ever  come  to  a  decisive  question — 
yet  by  secret  and  indirect  action  they  are  doing 


■S  t  \  1 1  i  l «  »  » *. 


"WHEN   WILL   THE   TIME   COME?" 


nite  mischief  to  the  cause  of  the  country.  They 
and  their  abettors  have  brought  the  war  upon  us, 
and  they  have  exerted  themselves  to  the  best  of 
their  ability,  since  it  began,  to  aggravate  it,  and  to 
prevent  any  possibility  of  ending  it.  They  are  re- 
solved to  destroy,  if  they  can,  the  last  vestige  of  hope 
for  the  future  Union  of  the  States.  An  emancipa- 
tionist, of  course,  is  an  enemy  to  the  Constitution, 
and  of  course  to  the  Union — since  only  by  returning 
to  a  sacred  regard  for  the  Constitution,  could  any  ra- 
tional mind  expect  the  restoration  of  the  Union, 
either  now,  or  at  any  future  time. 

And  vet  here  and  elsewhere,  as  opportunity  is  found 
— and  this  class  of  sentimental  disorganizes  is  al- 
ways on  the  look-out  to  seek  it — some  from  a  maudlin 
philanthropy,  others  for  the  want  of  something  else 
to  do— and  others  still  who  see  that  with  a  restored 
Union  their  political  schemes  for  personal  promotion 
are  at  an  end  ;  for  then  those  who  have  been  active 
in  withstanding  the  restoration  will  be  seen  in  all 
the  naked  deformity  of  their  purposes,  and  will 
be  detested  accordingly  —  this  class  of  men  are 
constantly  at  work.  But  iu  concert  with  sober 
views  on  this  point,  such  as  ought  to  regulate  the 
opinions  and  action  of  every  sober  friend  of  his 
country,  we  see  in  the  Chicago  Times  the  following 
paragraph,  well  worthy  of  profound  consideration  : 
"Treason  at  Home.  A  Democratic  paper  at 
Flint,. Michigan,  makes  a  startling  disclosure  upon,  it 
dechfres,  perfectly  reliable  authority,  to  the  effect  that 
a  secret  political  society  has  been  organized  in  that 
city,  in  pursuance  of  a  general  plan  designed  to  em- 
brace the  whole  North,  and  upon  which  numerous  so- 
cieties have  already  been  organized  elsewhere,  whose 
single  purpose  is  to  make  the  war  the  engine  of  com 
plete  and  entire  emancipation.  The  Flint  paper  states 
that  the  society  in  that  place  is  considerable  in  num- 
bers. We  ourselves  know  the  place  to  be  a  hot-bed  of 
Abolitionism." 

This  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  "  Emancipation 
League,"  a  meeting  to  inaugurate  a  branch  of 
which  took  place  in  this  city  a  few  weeks  ago,  and 
which  was  so  complete  a  failure,  so  far  as  any  sym- 
pathy was  manifested  with  it,  except  by  the  stereo- 
typed list  of  old  abolitionists.  To  the  same  purpose 
is  the  outrageous  memorial  to  Congress,  printed, 
drawn  and  signed  by  just  the  same  set  of  men  in 
New  York,  so  far  as  we  recognize  their  names  at  all. 
These  are  the  proper  inmates  for  Fort  Lafayette  and 
Fort  Warren  ;  and  if  they  and  such  as  they  had  been 
sent  there  in  the  beginning  of  our  troubles,  the 
breach  might  soon  have  been  healed. 

And  what  a  ridiculously  dishonest  recital  the  me- 
morial shows! — to  say  nothing  of  its  bad  English,  of 
which  at  least  Mr.  Bryant,  who  heads  it,  ought  to  be 
ashamed  ;  but  when  cant  in  morals  gets  possession 
of  the  man,  cant  in  the  use  of  language  is  its  natu- 
rally perverse  way  of  making  it  manifest.  It  begins 
by  pretending  that  it  expresses  the  wishes  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States.  This  throws  aside  altogeth- 
er the  people  of  fifteen  of  the  States,  because  they 
notoriously  are  in  utter  opposition  to  any  such  idea. 
And  we  should  infer  that  the  object  of  the  memorial 
was  to  present  dissolution  as  practically  effected, 
and  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  the 
citizens  of  the  free  States  only, — if  emancipation 
were  not  the  plea  urged, — that  is,  by  force  of  arms, 
for  there  is  no  other  way,- — to  attempt  the  Quixotic 
enterprise  of  setting  the  slaves  free.  And  how  ? 
Against  the  unanimous  and  resolute  sentiment  of  the 
South— against  the  no  less  determined  opposition  of 
two-thirds  of  the  North — against  the  adamantine  ob- 
stacle of  the  only  possible- means  of  effecting  it — 
that  is,  the  army,  led  by  men  who  will  fight  only  for 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  and  against  emanci- 
pation and  emancipationists,  if  to  such  a  point 
comes,  as  it  may.  Can  it  be  done  by  the  breath  of 
Congress  ?  Acts  for  such  a  purpose  would  be  treat- 
ed as  they  would  deserve,  with  derision  and  con- 
tempt. By  the  order  of  the  Administration  ?  .  The 
Government  has  taken  a  stand — and  were  there  any 
doubt  about  it,  it  must  take  a  stand— utterly  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  request  of  tins  petition,  directly,  unquali- 
fiedly, constitutionally,  or  it  cannot  itself  stand. 

This  memorial  declares  that  we  have  departed 
from  the  "  sounding  generalities  "  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  They  were  departed  from 
and  therefore  rejected  by  the  settlement  of  the  Con- 
stitution under  which  we  have  lived.  It  declares 
that  this  departure  has  been  caused  by  our  attach- 
ment to  the  Union,  and  our  conscientious  fidelity  to 
those  with  whom  we  have  voluntarily  made  it.  It 
proposes,  therefore,  to  break  away  from  that  attach- 
ment and  to  violate  that  fidelity,  contrary  to  our 
pledges  and  our  consciences.  It  falsely  declares 
that  this  departure  has  given  birth  to  a  mighty  power, 
— which  had  in  fact  been  born  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  before, — and  has  consigned  a  class  of  persons  to 
slavery,  who  had  been  in  slavery  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  before  "  the  solemn  and  undying  truth"  be- 
fore, unknown  was  declared,  and,  consequently,  be- 
fore our  departure  from  it.  It  falsely  declares  that 
the  power  in  question  "for  three-quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury has  disturbed  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  na- 
tion"— when  it  is  notorious  that  no  trouble  whatever 
arose  from  it,  until  within  a  third  part  of  that  period, 
and  then  in  resistance  to  the  very  men  and  their 
abettors  who  have  signed  this  memorial.  And  the 
togje  of  the.  memorial  is— that  we  are  released,  upon 
these  manifestly  false  statements,  from  every  obliga- 
tion to  tolerate  any  longer  a  Constitution,  to  which 
we  were  so  long  by  "  an  overshadowing  attachment 
to  the  Union,  and  by  conscientious  fidelity  to  those 
with  whom  we  had  voluntarily  united"  for  the  pur- 
poses specified. 

Bv  breaking  up  and  destroying  the  whole,  wc  are, 
according  to  this  impudent,  seditious,  and  treasonable 
memorial,  to  "  complete  the  work  which  the  Revo- 
lution began  " — which  Revolution  ended  in  establish- 
ing those  principles,  upon  which  the  nation  enjoyed 
unexampled  happiness  and  prosperity,  until  Messrs. 
Bryant,  Goodeli,  Cheevcr,  Sumner,  Garrison,  Gree- 
ley, Phillips  and  the  rest  began  the  nefarious  work, 
which  has  loosened  the  foundations  of  the  Republic, 

and  through  which  it   will  sink   to  everlasting  ruin 
uulew;  their  designs  are  brought  to  il  Speedy  close. 


day* 


This  is  the  Sabbatical  year — the  year  of  jubi- 1  their  atrocious  rebellion,  the  Government  cannot  be 
Are  our  leaders  so  infatuated  that  "they  do  not  permitted  to  do  to  crush  it. — Norristown  (Pa.)  Olive 
it  ?  Will  weeping  angels  yet  say,  "  O  that  I  Branch. 
hadst  known   the  things  that  belong  to  thy  I 


To  the  many  urgent  demands  from  every  quarter 
of  the  North,  that  a  proclamation  should  be  made 
by  the  President,  or  an  act  passed  by  Congress,  at 
once  and  forever  freeing  every  slave  in  the  rebel- 
lious States,  the  answer  given  by  officials  in  and 
out  of  Congress  is,  "  The  time  has  not  yet  come." 
It  is  not  at  all  contended  that  under  no  such  circum- 
stances would  such  an  act  be  constitutional,  or  de- 
served by  the  rebel  States;  it  is  even  admitted  that 
the  day  may  come  when  it  must  be  done  ;  and  few 
can  be  found  who  do  not  say  that  slavery  has  re- 
ceived a  shock  from  which  it  can  never  recover,  that, 
it  may  not  last  longer  than  the  war.  If  the  Union 
or  slavery  must  end,  every  Northern  man  says  sla- 
very must  be  the  victim.  To  save  the  country,  we 
would  not  hesitate  to  destroy  the  system.  Thus  all 
admit  the  right  of  the  President  or  Congress  to  de- 
stroy slavery  to  save  the  country.  The  only  ques- 
tion is,  whether  the  time  has  yet  arrived  when  it  is 
either  proper  or  necessary  to  destroy  the  institution. 
Let  us  inquire  into  this  reply.  What  is  it  ?  It 
is  the  old  cry  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  to  which  the 
fathers  of  this  country  gave  place  in  the  formation 
of  our  Constitution.  "  When  the  wisest  statesmen  of 
the  Revolution  declared  that  slavery  must  be  abol- 
ished, or  it  would  ruin  the  nation,  the  reply  was, 
Yes,  it  is  an  evil,  but  it  is  so  interwoven  into  our 
social  and  commercial  organism  that  we  cannot  at 
once  remove  it;  the  time  has  not  come  yet,  but  it 
will  die  out  in  time,  by  the  natural  course  of  events, 
and  the  inevitable  laws  of  progress.  From  that  day 
to  the  present,  the  cry  has  been  kept  up,  "  It  is  an 
evil  we  all  deplore,  and  none  realize  it  so  deeply 
and  acknowledge  it  more  candidly  than  do  the  slave- 
holders, who  best  know  its  mischief;  but  the  time 
has  not  come  yet.  What  would  they  do  with  all 
these  ignorant,  idle  and  helpless  slaves  let  loose  in 
their  midst?  What  should  we  do  to  be  overrun 
with  such  a  population  of  paupers  and  thieves  ?  The 
time  has  not  come  when  we  can  see  how  to  rid  our- 
selves of  the  evil,  without  doing  more  damage  to  the 
country  and  the  slaves  themselves  than  would  be 
compensated  by  this  emancipation."  This  has  ever 
been  the  wail  of  those  who  have  opposed  the  move- 
ments of  the  anti-slavery  party  ;  and  now,  when  the 
country  is  suffering  from  a  war  as  purely  the  out- 
growth of  slavery  as  the  oak  is  of  the  acorn,  it  again 
breaks  foith  with  renewed  earnestness.  It  is  the 
last  resort,  now  as  heretofore.  Whenever  arguments 
and  force  have  failed  in  our  elections  or  in  Congress, 
and  the  beloved  institution  was  likely  to  be  damaged 
in  spite  of  its  champions,  the  mourners  have  begun 
to  go  about  the  streets,  lamenting  the  dire  evil,  and 
anxious  to  see  it  removed  ;  but  "  the  time  had  not 
yet  come,"  and,  oh  I  what  unminglcd  sorrow  would 
follow  if  we  should  press  the  matter  now!  only  wait 
a  little,  and  it  would  go  down  of  its  own  weight. 

The  men  who  thus  bewail  immediate  emancipa- 
tion are  not  unknown  to  history.  They  have  al- 
ways oppesed  the  efforts  put  forth  to  remove  the 
monster;  have  always  voted  to  favor  it.  If  they 
have  ever  written  or  spoken  against  slavery  as  the 
vilest  and  most  malicious  crime  ever  perpetrated— 
hateful,  cruel,  and  only  ruinous — they  have  been 
sure  to  wind  up  with  the  doleful  lamentation,  "they 
could  see  no  way  yet  to  get  rid  of  it;  it  would  not 
do  to  remove  it  now."  Thus  the  Herald,  the  World, 
the  Times,  and  a  host  of  quasi -religious  sheets,  that 
were  more  anxious  to  get  pay  for  what  they  did, 
than  to  do  what  was  necessary  and  right,  have  im- 
posed upon  the  people,  and  actually  sustained  what 
they  professed  to  be  anxiously  endeavoring  to  re- 
move. 

And  when,  pray,  may  we  expect  that  the  time 
will  come  ?  It  had  not  come  when  our  Constitution 
was  formed  ;   it  had  not  come  when  the  anti-slavery 

{>arty  were  pressing  their  arguments  most  vigorons- 
y;  ifc  had  not  come  when  Wilmot  offered  his  pro- 
viso ;  nor  when  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  passed  ; 
nor  when  John  Brown  went  down  to  Virginia;  nor 
when  the  Territorial  question  was  discussed ;  and 
even  now,  when  the  subtle  fiend  has  well  nigh  crush- 
ed the  nation  in  his  huge  fold,  and  is  straining  every 
muscle  to  accomplish  his  work,  the  time  to  break  his 
back,  to  dissever  his  head,  is  not  come.  If  the  time 
has  not  now  arrived,  when,  pray,  in  the  judgment  of 
these  gentlemen,  will  it  come  ?  If  when  avery  nat- 
ural and  artificial  bond  is  ruptured,  when  every 
compact  is  broken ;  when  the  slaveholders  have 
sought  foreign  aid  ;  despised  our  entreaties  and  de- 
fied^ our  arms;  and  sought  by  years  of  well-directed 
efforts  to  enlist  foreign  interference  against  us  and 
our  republican  institutions;  if  when  in  cold  blood 
they  have  murdered  our  brethren,  and  carried  their 
heads  on  their  bayonet  points  through  the  streets  of 
their  villages;  if  when  all  this  is  done,  and  all  that 
is  conceivable  is  done,  by  the  slaveocracy,  if  now  the 
time  has  not  come  when  we  shall  be  free,  nay,  re- 
quired to  strike  the  shackles  from  every  bondman  in 
rebeldom,  when  will  it  be  proper  ?  What  more  can 
they  do  ?  Only  one  thing  is  left,  viz.,  our  complete 
extermination.  Already  have  they  made  us  poor, 
degraded  us  in  the  eyes  of  every  nation,  and  blocked 
the  wheel  of  every  enterprise.  With  these  men, 
the  time  will  never  come  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free, 
until,  like  Pharaoh,  they  can  no  longer  endure  the 
divine  judgments  which  involve  them  in  stupendous 
ruin.  They  have  no  aversion  to  doing  wrong,  so 
long  as  it  pays.  They  have  no  real  aversion  to  sla- 
very ;  they  rather  love  it  as  a  condition  gratifying  to 
their  love,  of  power  and  lust.  Who,  judging  from 
the  past,  could  come  to  any  other  conclusion  ?  If 
there  is  any  such  time,  it  will  be  when  every  in- 
fluential man  is  in  favor  of  emancipation,  which  will 
never  be. 

Let  no  man  listen  to  this  deceitful  cry,  "Thou 
shalt  not  surely  die."  As  there  is  a  God  in  heaven, 
"  in  the  day  thou  eatest  thereof,  thou  shalt  surely 
die."  And  now  how  sad  must  be  the  hour  when  the 
avenging  angel  drives  us  from  our  beautiful  Eden, 
to  walk  amidst  briers  and  thorns,  and  gain  our  living 
by  the  sweat  of  our  face  I  O  Herald,  Times,  and 
World,  when  will  ye  cease  to  prophesy  smooth 
things,  and  cry  peace  and  safety,  when  sudden  de- 
struction is  at  the  door  ?  To  daub  with  untempered 
mortar,  and  heal  the  hurt  of  our  people  slightly? 
Alas!  that  we  have  such  leaders,  who,  without  the 
excuse  of  blindness,  with  open  eyes  lead  tho  people 
into  the  ditch  I  To  the  American  people  we  say, 
For  eighty  years  you  have  followed  this  counsel,  and 
where  has  it  led  you  ?  Into  the  foulest  war  ever 
known.  And  where  may  it  be  expected  to  land 
yon?  In  the  most  disastrous  ruin  ever  known  to 
history.  What  greater  calamity  could  have  resulted 
from  ilie  counsels  of  the  lovew  of  justice,  and  free- 
dom? Had  their  voice  of  warning  been  regarded, 
we  should  long  since  have  removed  slavery  without 
war.  Were  their  counsels  to  prevail  now,  our  war 
would  terminate  in  a  very  few  months,  and  Ihe  na- 
tion bo  saved.  To  many  the  day  appears  dark,  and 
groWS  darker.  It  will  never  grow  lighter  until  we 
recognize  the  fact  that  tin-  time  has  come,  the  set 
time  has  folly  come,  to  favor  our  land,  and  let  the 

opp'essel  go  free.     It   is   now    upon    us.     liluriuu:. 


peace,  but  now  are  they  hid  from  thy  eyes  ? 
American  Baptist. 


DO  THE  SLAVES  WANT  THEIR  FREEDOM? 

Let  the  slaveholders  themselves  answer  this  ques- 
tion. 

In  the  light  they  have  themselves  given  us,  we 
can  learn  how  much  importance  is  to  be  attached  to 
their  present  bragging,  when  the  combined  promises 
and  threats  of  30,000"  or  40,000  armed  white  men 
induce  a  few  hundred  wretched,  unarmed  slaves  to 
fight  on  their  side,  generally,  without  doubt,  with  no 
prospect  but  that  of  being  immediately  shot  if  they 
refuse. 

Judge  St.  George  Tucker,  of  Virginia,  Professor 
of  Law  in  the  University  of  William  and  Mary, 
published  a  letter  to  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature, in  1801.     In  the  course  of  it,  he  says  :— 

"  The  love  of  freedom,  sir,  is  an  inborn  sentiment. 
At  the  first  favorable  moment,  it  springs  forth  and 
defies  all  cheek.  Whenever  we  are  involved  in  war, 
if  our  enemies  hold  out  the  lure  of  freedom,  they  will 
have  in  every  negro  a  decided  friend." 

In  a  debate  in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  in  the 
winter  of  1831-2,  Mr.  Moore  said  :— 

"  I  lay  it  down  as  a  maxim  not  to  be  disputed, 
that  our  slaves  are  now,  and  ever  will  be,  actuated 
by  a  desire  for  liberty.  They  will  always  be  disposed 
to  avail  themselves  of  a  favorable  opportunity  for  as- 
serting their  natural  rights.  It  may  safely  be  assumed 
that  wherever  the  slaves  are  as  numerous  as  the 
whites,  it  will  require  one-half  of  the  effective  force 
of  the  whites  to  keep  them  quiet." 

On  the  same  occasion,  Mr.  McDowell  (since  Gov- 
ernor) of  Virginia  said: — 

"  Sir,  you  may  place  the  slave  where  you  please, 
yon  may  oppress  him  as  you  please,  you  may  dry  up 
to  your  uttermost  the  fountains  of  his  feeling  and  the 
springs  of  his  thought ;  but  the  idea  that  he  was  bom 
free  will  survive  it  all.  It  is  allied  to  his  hope  of  im- 
mortality ;  it  is  the  ethereal  part  of  his  nature,  which 
oppression  cannot  reach." 

In  the  same  debate,  Mr.  Preston  said  : — 

"My  old  friend  (Mr.  Bruce)  has  told  us  that  the 
Virginia  slave  was  happy  and  contented.  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  is  impossible.  Happiness  is  incom- 
patible with  slavery.  The  love  of  liberty  is  the  rul- 
ing passion  in  man,  and  he  cannot  be  happy  if  de- 
prived of  it." 

In  the  same  debate,  Mr.  Gholson  of  Virginia  said 

"  The  love  of  freedom,  and  the  prospect  of  obtain 
ing  it,  would  inflame  their  hearts  and  inspire  revolu- 
tion." 

MeCall,  in  his  History  of  Georgia,  alluding  to  the 
slaves,  says : — 

"  This  class  of  people,  who  cannot  be  supposed  to 
be  contented  in  slavery,  would  grasp  ivith  avidity  at 
the  most  desperate  attempts  that  promised  freedom." 

The  Rev.  J.  D.  Paxton,  of  Virginia,  who  was 
reared  in  the  midst  of  slavery,  and  had  himself  been 
a  slaveholder,  published  a  volume  of  Letters  on 
Slavery,  in  which  he  thus  states  the  result  of  his  ob- 
servation :— 

"  The  slaves — man,  woman  and  child — arc  long- 
ing for  freedom." 

William  T.  Allen,  son  of  a  Presbyterian  clergy- 
man in  Huntsville,  Alabama,  published  a  statement 
in  1839,  in  which  lie  says : — 

"  It  is  slavery  itself,  and  not  cruelties  merely,  that 
makes  slaves  unhappy.  Even  those  that  are  the 
most  kindly  treated  are  generally  far  from  happy. 
The  slaves  in  my  father's  family  are  almost  as  kind- 
ly treated  as  slaves  can  be,  but  they  pant  for  liberty." 

The  editor  of  the  MaryviUe  Intelligencer,  Tenn., 
in  a  paper  published  October,  1835,  says: — ■ 

"  We  of  the  South  are  surrounded  by  a  dangerous 
class  of  beings.  It  is  the  consciousness  that  a  ten- 
fold force  would  gather  from  the  four  corners  of  the 
United  States,  and  slaughter  them,  that  keeps  them 
in  subjection.  To  the  non-slaveholding  States  we  are 
indebted  for  a  permanent  safeguard  against  insurrec- 
tion. Without  their  assistance,  the  white  population 
of  the  Southern  States  would  be  too  weak  to  quiet 
that  innate  love  of  liberty  which  is  ever  ready  to  act 
itself  out." 

From  the  above  statements,  it  is  evident  that  there 
is  an  immense  latent  force  at  the  South  ready  to  wel- 
come liberty.  Which  side,  in  this  great  struggle, 
will  have  practical  wisdom  enough  to  avail  them- 
selves of  this  ineradicable  human  instinct  ? 


ATTACK  ON  OUR  SOLDIERS  BY  ARMED 
NEGROES, 
A  member  of  the  Indiana  20th  Regiment,  now  en- 
camped near  Fortress  Monroe,  writes  to  The  Indian- 
apolis Journal  on  the  23d  : 

Yesterday  morning,  Gen.  Mansfield,  with  Drake 
de  Kay,  Aid-de-Camp,  in  command  of  seven  com- 

Sanies  of  the  20th  New- York  German  Rifles,  left 
lewport  News  on  a  reconnoisance.  Just  after  pass- 
ing Newmarket  Bridge,  seven  miles  from  camp,  they 
detached  one  company  as  an  advance,  and  soon  after 
their  advance  was  attacked  by  GOO  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry. 

The  company  formed  to  receive  cavalry,  but  the 
cavalry  advancing  deployed  to  the  right  and  left 
when  within  musket  range,  and  unmasked  a  body 
of  seven  hundred  negro  infantry,  all  armed  with 
muskets,  who  opened  (ire  on  our  men,  wounding  two 
lieutenants  and  two  privates,  and  rushing  forward 
surrounded  the  company  of  Germans  who  cut  their 
way  through,  killing  six  of  the  negroes  and  wounding 
several  more.  The  main  body,  hearing  the  firing, 
advanced  at  a  double-quick  in  time  to  recover  their 
wounded,  and  drive  the  enemy  back,  but  did  not 
succeed  in  taking  any  prisoners.  The  wounded  men 
testify  positively  that  they  were  shot  by  negroes, 
and  that  not  less  than  seven  hundred  were  present, 
armed  with    muskets. 

This  is,  indeed,  a  new  feature  in  the  war.  We 
have  heard  of  a  regiment  of  negroes  at  Manassas, 
and  another  at  Memphis,  and  still  another  at  New 
Orleans,  bufe  did  not  believe  it  till  it  came  so  near 
home,  and  attacked  our  men.  There  is  no  mistake 
about  it.  The  20th  German  were  actually  attacked 
and  fired  on  and  wounded  by  negroes. 

It  is  time  that  this  tiling  was  understood,  and  if 
they  fight  us  with  negroes,  why  should  not  we  fight 
them  with  negroes  too  ?  We  have  disbelieved  these 
reports  too  long,  and  now  let  us  fight  the  devil  with 
fire.  The  feeling  is  intense,  among  the  men.  They 
want  to  know  if  they  came  here  to  fight  negroes, 
and  if  they  did,  they  would  like  to  know  it.  The 
wounded  men  swear  they  will  kill  any  negro  they 
see,  so  excited  are  they  at.  the  dastardly  act.  It  re- 
mains to  be  seen  how  Song  the  Government  will  now 
hesitate,  when  they  learn  these  facts.  One  of  the 
Lieutenants  was  shot  in  the  back  part  of  the  neck, 
and  is  not  expected  to  live. 


in  the  Commons,  and  in  the  Lords  the  Royal  Princcsf 
and  the  Bishops  are  against  it." 

Would  it  not  be  plain  that  foreign  friends  had 
made  a  great  mistake,  and  we  might  justly  say  to 
them,  "  Call  ye 'this  backing  up  your  fellows  ?" 

Or,  suppose  again,  that  in  the  contest  upon  the 
Corn  Laws — a  year,  we  will  say,  before  the  final  de- 
cision— our  friends  abroad  had  said,  "  It  is  nonsense 
to  talk  of  England  being  in  favor  of  Free  Trade. 
If  England  were  polled  at  this  moment,  two-thirds 
would  be  against  it.  A  few  fanatics  make  a  great 
noise,  but  they  are  not  England.  And  three-fourths 
of  those  who  join  have  no  pure  moral  motive.  They 
have  all  some  reason  of  their  own,  political  or  com- 
mercial. It  is  an  attempt  to  play  with  a  irreat  moral 
principle,  and  degrade  the  vaunted  immutability  of 
justice.  Therefore,  let  the  hungry  masses  starve, 
till  the  barrier  can  be  broken  through  by  a  rush  of 
men  with  pure  moral  motive."  Could  there  be  a 
better  way  to  prop  the  Corn  Laws  ? 

Hoping  that  this  may  lead  to  further  opportuni- 
ties, I  have  great  satisfaction   in   thinking  on   the 
classes  before  whom  the  question  will  be  laid  by  its 
appearance  in  your  pages,  and  remain, 
Yours,  verv  sincerely, 

T.  PERRONET  THOMPSON. 

Eliot-vale,  Blackheath,  Dec.  27,  1801. 


ARMING  OF  SLAVES  BY  THE  REBELS. 

A  certain  class  of  politicians  and  presses  have 
made  a  great  ado  about  Mr.  Cameron's  policy  of 
using  the  slaves  of  rebels  to  help  put  down  the 
rebellion.  They  shut  their  eyes,  however,  to  the 
absolute  fact,  that  the  rebels  themselves  arm  slaves 
to  fight  against  the  Government.  No  paper  in  the 
country  has  so  violently  denounced  the  Secretary 
of  War  as  the  Louisville  Journal,  and  yet  that  pa- 
per publishes  the  fact  of  slaves  being  used  by  the 
rebels  to  man  their  guns  without  a  word  of  dissent. 
A  letter  published  in  that  paper,  descriptive  of  the 
shelling  of  Camp  Iloskins  by  the  rebels,  under 
Gen.  ZollicofTer,  which  took  place  on  tho  3d  of  De- 
cember, says : 

"  The  enemy  threw  about  one  hundred  shells,  hut 
not  one  of  us  was  at  all  hurt.  Most  of  their  shells 
exploded  before  they  reached  us,  their  halls  passing 
over  and  to  the  right  and  left  of  us.  Gen.  Schoepff 
would  not  allow  us  to  reply,  as  we  had  not  then  re- 
ceived our  rifled  pieces.  The  silence  with  which  wc 
received  their  first  fire  must  have  vexed  them.  We. 
could  distinctly  eee  that  Nos.  I,  2  and  3  at  one  of  their 
guns  were  darkeys ;  many  other  durkei/s  were  seen  through 
glasses  among  the  chivalry.  We  only  fired  one  shell 
from  a  little'  howitzer  Col.  Iloskins  had  in  his  camp, 
which  killed  or  wounded  an  officer.  We  saw  him 
fall  from  his  horse,  and  four  men  carry  him  from  the 
field." 

Here  is  more  testimony  which  cannot  be  dis- 
proved : — 

"New  Orleans,  Nov.  24.— 2^,000  troops  were  re- 
viewed here  today  by  Gov.  Moore  and  Gens.  Lnvell 
and  Haggles.  The  line  wns  seven  miles  long.  There 
was  one  regiment  of  1 ,400/refl  colored  men.  The  military 
display  was  grand.  One  company  displayed  a  blank 
flag." — Louisville.    Courier. 

Another  account  states  that  there  are  several 
colored  regiments,  composed  of  both  freemen  and 
slaves,  and    commanded    by   colored    officers.      They 

were  not,  permitted  to  go  on  picket  guardj  but  per- 
formed  every  other  duty  of  soldiers, 
What  flic  rebels  may  dp  with  impunity  to  sustain 


GENERAL  THOMPSON   ON  SLAVERY, 

We  give  in  our  paper  of  to-day  two  articles  on 
the  question  of  American  slavery,  both  appearing  in 
the  Bradford  Advertiser,  and  both  from  the  pen  of 
General  Thompson,  formerly  the  member  for  Brad- 
ford. We  regret  that  he  is  not  so  still.  Though 
one  of  the  articles  appeal's  anonymously,  we  happen 
to  know  that  it  was  written  by  the  gallant  officer. 
The  other  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  the  Editor  of 
our  Bradford  Contemporary,  and  is  signed  by  Gen- 
eral Thompson.  Both  contributions  from  the  Gen- 
eral's pen  will  be  found  in  another  part  of  our  paper. 
Those  who,  like  ourselves,  have  for  a  long  period 
of  years  read  and  admired  the  writings  of  General 
Thompson,  could  easily  have  detected  his  pen  in 
the  above  article.  For  acuteness  iu  controversy, 
and  a  quaint  raciness  of  style,  he  has  few,  if  any, 
rivals  in  the  present  day. 

But  admiration  of  a  writer  does  not  necessarily 
imply  concurrence  in  his  views,  and  we  differ  much 
from  the  gallant  General's  sentiments  in  relation  to 
tbe  Federalists  and  slavery.  He  is  disposed  to  view 
the  conduct  of  the  Northern  States,  in  connection 
with  the  cruel  bondage  of  4,000,000  human  beings 
in  the  Southern  States,  in  a  much  more  favorable 
light  than  wc  can  bring  ourselves  to  do.  Justice 
and  right  are,  we  firmly  believe,  in  this,  as  they  are 
ultimately  in  every  case,  but  other  terms  for  sound 
policy.  Had  the  Northern  States  only  made  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  "  domestic,  institution " — in  other 
words,  the  emancipation  of  4,000,000  sable  bond- 
men in  the  Southern  States — a  part  of  their  pro- 
gramme when  they  .undertook  the  suppression  of 
11  the  rebellion,"  they  would  have  enlisted  an  amount 
of  moral  support,  in  the  shape  of  sympathy  in  their 
favor,  which,  we.  feel  assured, — with  the  accompani- 
ment of  the  Divine  blessing,  which  there  would 
have'been  every  reason  to  expect, — would  have  in- 
sured the  success  of  their  enterprise  long  ago.  But 
they  repudiated  the  idea  of  the  abolition  of  slavery 
having  anything  to  do  with  their  controversy,  or, 
rather,  their  war  with  the  South ;  and  now  they  are 
righteously  reaping  the  reward  in  the  successful  re- 
sistance of  the  Southern  States,  of  their  unrighteous 
conduct. 

So  long  as  we  clung  to  the  conviction  that  the 
Northern  States  would  make  the  annihilation  of  sla- 
very in  the  Southern  States  part  of  their  programme, 
we  gave  them  all  our  sympathy,  and  all  tho  aid  as 
well,  which  it  was  in  our  power  to  render  to 
them.  But  from  the  moment  we  saw  that  they 
regarded  the  "  peculiar  institution  "  as  a  thing  too 
sacred  to  be  touched,  wc  ceased  to  assist  or  even  to 
sympathize  with  them.  Nor  can  we  understand 
how  Gen.  Thompson,  whose  anti-slavery  principles 
and  feelings  are  as  strong  as  our  own,  can  reconcile 
his  ardent  friendship  for  tho  Northern  States,  and  his 
anxiety  to  see  "  the  rebellion  "  put  down,  with  his 
decided  anti-slavery  principles.  We  have  said,  that 
the  gallant  General  is  one  of  the  most  accomplish- 
ed controversialists  of  the  present  day.  We  should 
like  to  see  a  specimen  of  his  dialectical  ingenuity  in 
the  endeavor  to  vindicate  Ins  consistency  in  this 
matter. 

So  far  as  we  are  concerned,  we  hold,  and  ever 
have  held,  that  slavery  in  every  form,  aiul  under 
any  conceivable  class  of  circumstances,  is  an  evil 
and  a  wrong.  American  slavery  is  the  most  enor- 
mous wrong,  the  most  colossal  iniquity  on  which  the 
sun  ever  gazed;  and  we  repeat  now  what  we  have 
deliberately  said  before, — that  rather  than  Ameri- 
can slavery  should  be  indefinitely  perpetuated,  wo 
should  exultingly  witness  a  thousand  Unions  perish. 
— London  Morning  Advertiser. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  London  Morning  Advertiser: 

Silt, — The  notice  of  coy  letter  to  my  old  constitu- 
ents, in  your  paper  of  tho  2(>th,  gives  nie  an  oppor- 
tunity of  renewing  a  correspondence  with  yourself 
which  in  times  past  has  made  a  subject  of  pleasant 
memory. 

The  fallacy  I  charge  on  some  of  the  professing 
enemies  of  slavery  Is,  that  they  ileal  with  countries 
as  if  they  were  single,  individuals,  and  not,  compound 
bodies,  in  which  all  imaginable  parties  struggle,  and 
each  gets  uppermost  when  it  can. 

Comparison  will  be  the  briefest  illustration.  Sup- 
pose that  in  the  struggle  in  England  fo  put  down  the 
Slave  Trade,  (at  the'  inomenl ,  say,  when  Wilberforee 
had  conoluded  Ms  four  hours'  sneeoh,  and  been  put, 

down  by  a  majority.)  foreign  friends  had  gone  about. 
saying,  "  It  is  sheet-  hypocrisy  lor  England  to  talk 
Of  wauling  to  put  down  the  SI; 

it  wants  no  such  thing.    Thei 


ME.  SUMKER  OH  TEE  TRENT  AFFAIE. 

"  The  feature  of  Congress  to-day,"  says  the  Wash- 
ington correspondent  of  the  New  York  World,  "  was 
the  speech  of  Senator  Sumner  on  the  surrender  of 
Slidell  and  Mason.  The  Senate  galleries  were  crowd- 
ed to  repletion,  while  the  floor  was  occupied  by 
large  numbers  of  notables,  including  the  Austrian 
and  French  Ministers,  and  several  representatives 
of  the  other  legations.  Lord  Lyons  was  not  present. 
After  the  conclusion  of  the  speech,  Mr.  Sumner  was 
congratulated  by  M.  Mercier,  the  French  Minister, 
and  several  other  diplomats."  He  fully  sustains  the 
action  of  the  Government  in  giving  up  Mason  and 
Slidell.  The  points  he  makes  and  decides  are  three  : 
First,  that  the  seizure  of  the  men,  without  taking  the 
ship,  was  wrong,  because  a  navy  officer  has  no  right 
to  substitute  himself  for  a  judicial  tribunal;  second, 
that  the  ship,  even  if  taken,  would  not  have  been 
held  liable  on  account  of  the  rebel  emissaries,  inas- 
much as  neutral  ships  are  free  to  carry  all  persons 
not  apparently  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of 
the  enemy ;  and,  third,  that  dispatches  are  not  con- 
traband of  war.  The  speech  is  one  of  masterly  abil- 
ity, and  concludes  as  follows: — 

If  I  am  correct,  in  this  review,  then  the  conclusion 
is  inevitable.  The  seizure  of  the  rebel  emissaries 
on  board  a  neutral  ship  cannot  be  justified  according 
to  our  best  American  precedents  and  practice. 
There  seems  to  be  no  single  point  where  the  seizure 
is  not  questionable,  unless  we  choose  to  invoke  Brit- 
ish precedents  and  practice,  which  beyond  doubt  led 
Captain  Wilkes  into  the  mistake  which  he  commit- 
ted. In  the  solitude  of  his  ship  he  consulted  familiar 
authorities  at  hand,  and  felt  that  in  following  Vattel 
and  Sir  William  Scott,  as  quoted  and  affirmed  by 
eminent  writers,  reinforced  by  the  inveterate  prac- 
tice of  the  British  navy,  he  could  not  err.  He  was 
mistaken.  There  was  a  better  example  ;  it  was  the 
constant,  uniform,  unhesitating  practice  of  his  own 
country  on  the  ocean,  refusing  to  consider  dispatch- 
es as  contraband  of  war—refusing  to  consider  per- 
sons, other  than  soldiers  or  officers,  as  contraband  of 
war;  and  protesting  always  against  an  adjudication 
of  personal  rights  by  the  summary  judgment  of  a 
quarter  deck.  Had  these  well-attested  precedents 
been  in  his  mind,  the  gallant  captain  would  not,  even 
for  a  moment,  have  been  seduced  from  his  allegiance 
to  those  principles  which  constitute  a  part  of  our 
country's  glory. 

Mr.  President,  let  the  rebels  go.  Two  wicked 
men,  ungrateful  of  their  country,  are  let  loose  with 
the  brand  of  Cain  upon  their  foreheads.  Prison 
doors  are  opened;  but  principles  are  established 
which  will  help  to  free  other  men,  and  to  open  the 
gates  of  the  sea.  Never  before  in  her  active  history 
has  Great  Britain  ranged  herself  on  this  side.  Such 
an  event  is  an  epoch.  Novus  sceclorum  nascitw  ordo. 
To  the  liberties  of  the  sea  this  Power  is  now  commit- 
ted. To  a  certain  extent,  this  cause  is  now  under 
her  tutelary  care.  If  the  immunities  of  passengers, 
not  in  the  military  or  naval  service,  as  well  as  of 
sailors,  are  not  directly  recognized,  they  are  at  least 
implied  ;  while  the  whole  pretension  of  impressment, 
so  long  the  pest  of  neutral  commerce,  and  operating 
only  through  the  lawless  adjudication  of  a  quarter- 
deck, is  made  absolutely  impossible.  Thus  is  the 
freedom  of  the  seas  enlarged,  not  only  by  limiting 
the  number  of  persons  who  are  exposed  to  the  penal- 
ties of  war,  but  by  driving  from  it  the  most  offensive 
pretension  that  ever  stalked  upon  its  waves.  To 
such  conclusion  Great  Britain  is  irrevocably  pledged. 
Nor  treaty  nor  bond  was  needed.  It  is  sufficient 
that  her  late  appeal  can  be  vindicated  only  by  a  re- 
nunciation of  early,  long  continued  tyranny.  Let 
her  bear  the  rebels  back.  The  consideration  is  am- 
ple ;  for  the  sea  became  free  as  tins  penitent  Power 
crossed  it,  steering  westward  with  the  sun,  on  an 
errand  of  liberation. 

In  this  surrender,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  our 
Government  does  not  even  "  stoop  to  conquer."  It 
simply  lifts  itself  to  the  height  of  its  own  original 
principles.  The  early  efforts  of  its  best  negotiators 
— the  patriot  trials  of  its  soldiers  in  an  unequal  war 
— have  at  length  prevailed,  and  Great  Britain,  usual- 
Iv  so  haughty,  invites  us  to  practise  upon  those  prin- 
ciples which  she  has  so  strenuously  opposed.  There 
are  victories  of  force.  Here  is  a  victory  of  truth. 
If  Great  Britain  has  gained  the  custody  of  two 
rebels,  the  United  States  have  secured  the  triumph 
of  their  principles. 

If  this  result  be  in  conformity  with  our  cherished 
principles,  it  will  be  superfluous  to  add  other  consid- 
erations of  policy  ;  and  yet  1  venture  to  suggest  (hat 
estranged  sympathies  abroad  may  be  secured  again 
by  an  open  adhesion  to  these  principles,  which  already 
have  the  support  of  the  Continental  Governments  of 
Europe,  smarting  for  years  under  British  pretensions 
on  the  sea.  The  powerful  organs  of  public  opinion 
on  the  Continent  are  with  us.  M.  llautcfenili. 
whose  work  on  the  laws  of  nations  is  the  arsenal  of 
arguments  for  neutrals,  has  entered  into  this  debate 
with  a  direct  proposition  for  the  release  of  these 
emissaries  as  a  testimony  to  the  true  interpretation 
of  international  law.  As  a  journal,  which  of  itself 
is  an  authority,  the  Revue  des  deux  MondeS  hopes 
that  the  United  States  will  let.  the  rebels  go,  simply 
because  it  would  be  a  triumph  of  the  rights  of  neu- 
ls  to  apply   them   ("or  the  advantage  of  a  nation 


The  Congress  of  Paris,  in  1856,  where  were  as- 
sembled the  plenipotentiaries  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  Austria,  Prussia,  Russia,  Sardinia  and  Tur- 
key, has  already  led  the  way.  Adopting  the  early 
policy  of  the  United  States,  often  proposed  to  for- 
eign nations,  this  Congress  has  authenticated  two  im- 
portant changes  in  restraint  of  belligerent  rights; 
first,  that  the  neutral  flag  shall  protect  enemy's  goods 
except  contrab-ind  of  war,  and  secondly,  that  neutral 
goods,  except  contraband  of  war,  are  not  liable  to 
capture  under  an  enemy's  flag.  This  is  much. 
Another  proposition,  that  privateering  should  be 
abolished,  was  defective  in  two  respects;  first,  be- 
cause it  left  nations  free,  to  employ  private  ships  un- 
der a  public  commission  as  ships  of  the  navy,  and, 
therefore,  was  nugatory;  and,  secondly,  because  if 
not  nugatory,  it  was  too  obviously  in  the  special  in- 
terest of  Great  Britain,  which,  through  her  com- 
manding navy,  would  thus  be  left  at  will  to  rule  the 
sea.  No  change  can  be  practicable  which  is  not 
equal  in  its  advantages  to  all  nations ;  for  tbe  Equal- 
ity of  Nations  is  not  merely  a  dry  dogma  of  intex= 
national  law,  but.  a  vital  national  sentiment  common 
to  all  nations.  This  cannot  be  forgotten-;  and  every 
proposition  must  be  brought  sincerely  to  this  equita- 
ble test. 

But  there  is  a  way  in  which  privateering  can  be 
effectively  abolished  without  any  shock  to  the  equali- 
ty of  nations.  A  simple  proposition  that  private  prop- 
erty shall  enjoy  the  same  immunity  on  the  ocean 
which  it  now  enjoys  on  land,  will  at  once  abolish 
privateering,  and  relieve  the  commerce  of  the  ocean 
from  its  greatest  perils,  so  that,  like  commerce  on 
land,  it  shall  be  undisturbed  except  by  illegal  rob- 
bery and  theft.  Such  a  proposition  will  operate 
equally  for  the  advantage  of  all  nations.  On  this 
account  and  in  the  policy  of  peace,  which  our  "gov- 
ernment has  always  cultivated,  it  ha?  been  already 
presented  to  foreign  governments  by  the  United 
States.  You  have  not  forgotten  the  important  paper 
in  which  Mr.  Marcy  did  this  service,  or  the  recent  ef- 
forts of  Mr.  Seward  in  the  same  direction. 

In  order  to  complete  the  efficacy  of  this  proposition, 
and  still  further  to  banish  belligerent  pretensions,  con- 
traband of  war  should  be  abolished,  so  that  all  ships 
may  freely  navigate  the  ocean  without  being  exposed 
to  any  question  as  to  the  character  of  persons  or 
things  on  board.  The  Right  of  Search,  which,  on 
the  occurrence  of  war  becomes  an  omnipresent  ty- 
ranny, subjecting  every  neutral  ship  to  the  arbitrary- 
invasion  of  every  belligerent  cruiser,  would  then 
disappear.  It  would  drop  as  the  chains  drop  -from 
an  emancipated  slave  ;  or  rather  it  would  only  exist 
as  an  occasional  agent,  under  solemn  treaties,  in  the 
war  waged  by  civilization  against  the  slave  trade  ; 
and  then  ifc  would  be  proudly- -•■cognized  as  an  hon- 
orable surrender  to  the  best  interests,^  humanity, 
glorifying  the  flag  which  made  it.  '"~"-^_i 

With  the  consummation  of  these  reforms  in  mari-~ 
time  law,  not  forgetting  blockades  under  internation- 
al law,  war  would  be  despoiled  of  its  most  vexatious 
prerogatives,  while  innocent  neutrals  would  be  ex-- 
empt  from  its  torments.  The  statutes  of  the  sea, 
thus  refined  and  elevated,  will  be  the  agents  of  peace 
instead  of  the  agents  of  war.  Ships  and  cargoes  will 
pass  unchallenged  from  shore  to  shore:  and  those 
terrible  belligerent  rights  under  which  the  commerce 
of  the  world  has  so  long  suffered,  will  *■■.--.■  .» 

troubling.  In  this  work  our  >"■"■■■ 
It  had  hardly  proclaimed  its  o« 
fore  it  sought  to  secure  a  simil 
the  sea.  It  had  hardly  made  a  -sstitutiou  for  its 
own  government  before  it  sought  to  establish  a  consti- 
tution similar  in  spirit  for  the  government  of  the  sea. 
If  it  did  not  prevail  at  once,  it  was  because  it  could  not 
overcome  the  unyielding  opposition  of  Great  Britain. 
And  now  the  time  is  come  when  this  champion  of 
belligerent  rights  "  has  checked  his  hand  and  chang- 
ed his  pride."  Welcome  to  this  new  alliance ! 
Meanwhile,  amidst  all  present  excitements,  amidst 
all  present  trials,  it  only  remains  for  us  to  uphold 
the  constant  policy  of  the  republic,  and  to  stand  fast 
on  the  ancient  ways. 


A   NOBLE   SPEECH, 


which  has  ever  opposed  and  violated  thorn. 

But  this  triumph  is  not.  enough.  The  sea-god  will 
in  future  Use  his  trident  less;  but  the  same  principles 
which  led  to  the  present  renunciation  of  early  pre- 
tensions, naturally  conduct  to  yet.  further  emancipa- 
tion of  the  sea.  The  work  of  maritime  civilization 
is  not;  finished.  Ami  here  the  two  nations,  eqnally 
endowed  by  commerce,  and  matching  each  other, 
while  they  surpass  all  other  nations,  in  peaceful 
ships,  may  gloriously  unite  in  setting  np  new  pillar 


lYade.      Il  is  clear     which  shall  mark  new  triumphs,  rendering  the  ocean 
e  hostile  majorities  I  a  highway  v(  peace,  instead  o(  a  field  ^i'  blood. 


Rev.  Newman  Hall  made  a  noble  speech  in  favor 
of  peace  before  3000  working-men  in  Surry  Hall, 
London,  on  the  9th.     He  concluded  as  follows: — 

Once  more,  working-men,  I  beseech  you,  do  what 
you  ean  to  allay  the  unreasonable,  unchristian  war 
spirit  that  now  prevails.  Ponder  on  wdiat  1  have- 
said,  and,  in  opposition  to  much  that  you  hear  and 
read,  let.  my  arguments,  if  you  deem  them  valid,  per- 
suade you  to  do  your  utmost  for  the  preservation  of 
peace.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  condemn  war 
under  all  circumstances;  but  I  consider  in  this  case 
war  would  he  most  wicked.  I  am  not.  one  of  those  who 
advocate  peace  at  any  price  ;  but  I  do  earnestly  plead 
for  peace  now,  and  I  ask  you  all  to  help.  Let  each 
do  what,  he  can  to  roll  back  the  tide  of  angry  pas- 
sion. O!  by  all  the  untold  horrors  of  angry  war; 
by  the  tenfold  terribleness  of  a  war  between  brothers ; 
by  the  sufferings  of  a  negro  race,  wdio  look  on  with 
alarm  lest  you  should  join  their  oppressors  to  rivet 
their  chains;  by  the  aspirations  of  the  long  down- 
trodden people  of  Hungary  and  Italy,  whose  enemies 
will  exult  if  the  great  champions  of  freedom  contend 
with  each  other,  instead  ol  making  common  cause 
against,  tyranny  ;  by  the  interests  of  the  world,  which 
will  look  on  aghast  to  see  its  civilizers  and  evangel- 
ists engaged  in  mortal  combat,  instead  of  prosecuting, 
in  holy  rivalry,  enterprises  of  benevolence;  by  the 
principles  of  Christianity  ;  by  the  example  of  Jesus ; 
by  the  law  of  God — I  beseech  you  cast  in  your  influ- 
ence on  the  side  of  peace,  and  loudly  proclaim,  '•  UV~ 
wiU  have  no  war  with  America."  [Loud  aiuT  repeat- 
ed applause.] 

On  the  same  subject,  the  London  Star  says : — 

"  The  blatant  outcry  for  immediate  submission  or 
instant  war  is  meeting  with  a  check  which  those 
who  raised  it  did  not  reckon  upon.  The  clear  com- 
mon-sense of  the  English  people,  who  desire  nothing 
more  than  that  right  should  be  done,  is  not  to  be 
misled  by  any  amount  of  rhetorical  artifice  and  halt- 
ing casuistry.  It  is  proof,  too.  against  those  wicked 
appeals  to  pride  and  hatred  so  industriously  made  iu 
order  to  raise  a  clamor  which  it  was  hoped  might 
drive  the  Government  into  a  war  with  the  Federal 
Union. 

Although  the  general  opinion  remains  steady  in 
condemning  the  conduet  ot't'apl.  Wilkes  as  contrary 
to  international  law.  and  an  aggression  on  the  rights 
of  nations,  every  day  multiplies  proofs  that  it  is  not 
considered  as  sullieieut  cause  of  war,  or  at  any  rate 
that  it  is  a  proper  ease  to  which  to  endeavor  to  ap- 
ph  the  principle  of  arbitration,  as  proposed  by  Lord 
Clarendon  at  the  Paris  Congress,  and  solemnly 
adopted  by  that  body. 

War  with  America  could  not  be  carried  on  fbf 
three  months  without  causing  sharp  distress  anil 
provoking  loud  discontent  in  every  poor  man's  home. 
It.  would  be  a  war  eMending  to   even    baKoi's   shop 

and   every  cottage  oupboartl.     It  would  be  a  war 

smiting  wiih  hunger,  and  perhaps  with  death,  thou- 
sands utterly  powerless  over  the  causes  of  quar- 
rel, but  not  so  powerless  to  avenge  themselves  on  its 

promoter.-." 


io 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


JANTJAEY  17. 


GEORGE  THOMPSON. 

About  the  silliest  and  least  excusable,  the  most 
graceless  and  baseless  of  the  popular  falsehoods  per- 
sistently kept  aitoat,  because  they  are  supposed  to 
promote  the  interest  of  the  utterers,  runs  thus :  "  The 
British  aristocracy  fomented  the  Abolition  incitement 
in  this  country  in  order  to  distract  us  and  break  up 
the  Union  :  now  that  they  have  effected  their  first 
purpose,  they  side  with  the  slavehoMmj;  rebels,  in 
order  to  complete  our  national  ruin."  The  simple 
fact  that  the  British  aristocracy  never  dW  favor  Abo- 
lition disposes  of  the  whole  fabrication.  There  are 
liberal  aristocrats,  just  as  there  are  white  negroes; 
but  the  Aristocracy,  as  a  class,  never  busied  them- 
selves in  any  way' with  American  slavery.  Even 
the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  the  British  West 
Indies— in  which  Mr.  Calhoun  affected  to  discern  a 
plot  for  our  overthrow— was  wholly  impelled  by  the 
Commons — it  was  suggested,  struggled  tor,  and  car- 
ried by  the  arguments, 'contributions,  entreaties,  votes, 
of  the  great  middle  class,  and  preeminently  by  the 
Dissenters,  who  were  in  good  part  hostile  to  slavery 
far  in  advance  of  even  a  respectable  handful  of  the 
Aristocracy.  The  Government  was  finally  con- 
strained to  yield  to  these  democratic  influences  winch, 
under  the  newly  reformed  Parliament,  it  was  not 
gifting  enough  to  defy  and  persistently  defeat:  hence 
the  act  of  Emancipation  which  has  reflected  so  much 
unfading" glorv  on  the  British  name.  The  smallest 
share  of  credit  for  that  noble  act— the  credit  of  ceas- 
ing to  resist  it  when  resistance  could  no  longer  avail 
—is  all  that  is  clue  to  the  Aristocracy. 

George  Thompson  was  one  of  the  early  apostles 
of  abolition  among  us,  and  was  libelled,  defamed,  and 
mobbed  in  consequence.  Though  always  of  the  most 
advanced  Liberal  school  of  British  politicians,  he 
was  roundly  abused  when  among  us  as  a  tool  of  the 
Aristocracy — which  was  about  as  sensible  as  to  style 
Lloyd  Garrison  or  Wendell  Phillips  an  emissary  of 
the  slaveholders. 

Mr.  Thompson  recently  gave  a  lecture  on  the 
American  struggle  at  Leeds,  England,  wherein  he 
evinced  more  knowledge  of  the  subject  than  any 
British  speaker  or  writer  of  the  time —  a  knowledge 
that  is  explained  by  his  intimate  personal  acquaint- 
ance with  this  country.  He  evinces  throughout  the 
most  entire  and  ardent  sympathy  with  the  Natior 
in  its  grapple  with  the  Rebellion  :  but  this  is  not  all 
bis  views  and  statements  are  characterized  by  great 
caution  and  moderation.  Witness  the  following  ex- 
tract from  his  lecture :     *     *     * 

[The  extract  printed  by  the  Tribune  is  the  first  of 
the  passages  quoted  from  Mr.  Thompson's  speech  on 
our  third  page.] 

This  surely  is  not  the  language  of  a  fanatic,  of  a 
nxrrow-m'mded  bigot,  but  of  a  sensible,  moderate, 
considerate  statesman.  And  such  has  been  the 
spirit  evinced  by  the  great  body  of  British  abolition- 
and  advanced  Liberals.  They  have  spoken 
„  s'Ood  word  for  us  when  all  other  voices  were 
blended  in  one  common  howl  of  hostility  and  aver- 
sion :  they  have  declared  our  cause  that  of  Humani- 
ty and  Civilization  when  Ministers  and  leading  jour- 
nalists conspired  to  betray  the  public  mind  with  ir- 
relevant statements  and  the  interposition  of  false  and 
misleading  issues.  Whatever  the  future  may  have 
in  store  for  us,  we  shall  remember  the  British  aboli- 
tionists as  the  firmest  and  most  considerate  of  the 
European  defenders  of  our  National  cause. — iV.  Y. 
Tribune.  ^^ 

fg$=-  The  speech  of  George  Thompson,  Esq.  (a 
name  dear  to  American  abolitionists),  which  occupies 
a  large  portion  of  the  first  page,  entitles  that  eloquent 
champion  of  liberty  to  the  gratitude  of  every  one 
■who  has  at  heart  the  preservation  of  free  govern- 
ment on  this  continent.  If  he  were  not  the  most 
generous  of  men — if  the  love  of  a  great  and  noble 
cause  did  not  lift  him  above  all  personal  vindictiye- 
ness,  surely  we  might  expect  now  to  hear  his  voice 
prominent  in  the  roar  of  that  tide  of  British  dispar- 
agement of  the  North  which  comes  swelling  across 
the  Atlantic.  No  other  Englishman  was  ever  so  ma- 
ligned by  the  American  press;  no  other  could  find 
in*  his  personal  experience  such  plausible  excuses  for 
taking  sides  against  us  in  this  crisis  of  our  country's 
fate.  °But,  forgetful  of  the  insults  heaped  upon  him 
by  Americans  in  former  years, — the  slanders  of  the 
press,  the  fierce  bowlings  of  the  mobs  which  put  his 
fife  in  peril — he  steps  forth  now  to  vindicate  the 
American  ■     i3«  the  people  ofGreat  Britain. 

"'■■-■  of  all  trre*peculiar  features 

a  ■..v.rtuiieufc,  his  familiarity  with  all 
■     ^T'Uj.jm  rebellion  and  with  evury 
■■  movement,  and  above  all, 
tiffin    to  Republican   institutions, 
:.nt  degree  to  explain  to 
m    the   mysteries   of  the   deadly 
.     :.veen  slavery  and  freedom  in  this  country. 
Such  speeches  as  that  which  we  this  week  print  can- 
not fait  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  in  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  it  will  be  a  shame  if  the  American  press  is 
not  prompt  to  recognize  their  value  and  to  do  justice 
to  their  eloquent  author. — National  A.  S.  Standard. 

-  DR.  BE0W5SQB  0N  LOYAL  HAKMOKY. 

In  a  i-ecent  review  of  an  article  by  Archbishop 
Hughes,  Dr.  Orestes  A.Brownson  makes  the  follow- 
ing earnest  remarks:— 

"  Whatever  tends  to  keep  the  North  divided,  and 
to  prevent  the  loyal  States  from  entering  into  the 
contest  with  the  hearty  sympathy  and  co-operation 
of  their  whole  population,  is  really  and  undeniably 
aid  and  comfort  given  to  the  enemy,  and  is  therefore, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  virtual- 
ly, if  not  formally,  treason. 

Party  divisions,  and  especially  party  rivalries  and 
animosities,  are  now  mistimed  and  mischievous.  They 
weaken  the  friends  of  the  Union,  and  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  rebels.  We  know,  and  can  afford  to 
know,  until  the  rebellion  is  crushed  out,  no  party  di- 
visions, and  no  division  but  that  between  loyalists 
and  rebels.  Hushed  should  be  all  party  strife  be- 
tween loyal  men,  and  even  the  usual  odium  theologi- 
cum  should  be  suppressed.  All  loyal  men — Protes- 
tants or  Catholics,  Democrats  or  Abolitionists,  wheth- 
er black  or  white,  red  or  yellow— who  are  prepared 
to  stand  by  our  common  country,  and  defend  it, 
need  be,  even  to  the  last  gasp,  are  our  party,  are 
our  friends,  our  brothers,  and  we  give  them  our 
hand  and  our  heart.  If  there  are  differences  be- 
tween us  to  be  settled,  we  will  adjourn  them  till  w. 
have  put  down  the  rebellion,  saved  the  Union,  and 
made  it  sure  that  we  have  a  country,  homes,  and 
firesides  that  we  may  enjoy  in  peace  and  safety 
and  when  that  is  done,  perhaps  it  will  be  found  that 
most  of  those  differences  have  settled  themselves,  or 
at  least,  wherein  personal  or  political,  not  worth  re- 
viving We  must  be  united,  and  not  like  the  mad- 
dened Jews,  when  their  chief  city  was  beleaguered 
by  the  Roman  cohorts,  and  Roman  battering-rams 
were  beating  down  the  walls  of  their  citadel,  divided 
into  factions^  and  wasting,  in  spilling  each  other's 
blood,  the  strength  needed  to  save  our  national  exist- 
ence from  destruction. 

This  is  no  time  for  an  Archbishop  or  any  other 
man  to  make  war  on  Abolitionists,  and  to  crack 
stale  jokes  about  an  '  Abolition  Brigade,'  and  the 
valor  or  want  of  valor  of  its  suggested  Brigadier. 
Such  things  are  untimely  and  mischievous.  The 
very  existence  of  the  nation  is  threatened,  and  threat- 
ened, not  by  Abolitionists  or  their  sympathizers,  but 
^_hy  the  slaveholding  aristocracy  of  the  South,  and 
their  dupes,  tools,  aiders,  and  abetters,  in  the  loyal 
States — men  who  have  no  Abolition  sympathies,  but 
as  stron"  antipathy  to  all  Abolitionists  as  John  Ran- 
dolph of  Roanoke  had  to  sheep,  which  made  him  say 
that  he  would  at  any  time  go  a  mile  out  of  his  way 
to  give  one  a  kick.  The  danger  that  threatens  ui 
is  not  on  the  side  of  the  Abolitionists,  but  on  the  side 
of  the  friends  and  supporters  of  slavery,  and  very 
ordinary  wisdom  would  counsel  us,  if  we  are  true  men. 
to  face  the  danger  where  it  is— not  where  it  is  not. 
There  is  no  use  in  trying  to  gain  credit  with  the  loyal 
North  by  saying  the"  Union  must  be  sustained,  and 
with  the  disloyal  South  by  vituperating  Abolitionists, 
and  denouncing  as  Abolitionists  all  who  would  not 
indeed  overstep  the  Constitution  to  abolish  slavery 
but  would  abolish  slavery  as  a  means  of  saving  the 
Constitution.  No  man  can  now  be  suffered  to 
1  Good  Lord  and  Good  Devil.'  He  must  choose  ei- 
ther the  Lord's  side  or  the  Devil's  side,  and  take  th< 
consequence  of  success  or  failure. 

-    '  Under  which  king,  Bezonian  ?     Speak  or  die  !' 


ggp1  We  see  by  our  English  papers  that  Rev.  J. 
Sella  Martin,  the  well-known  colored  minister  of  this: 
city,  is  making  a  very  agreeable  impression  abroad. 
He  has  lectured  in  several  towns,  including  old  Bos- 
ton, on  the  subject  of  the  American  war,  with  much 
acceptance.  In  London,  a  soiree  was  given  in  his 
honor  by  the  Hon.  Arthur  Kmnaird,  M.  P.,  which 
was  attended  by  many  distinguished  persons.  A 
lccommendatory  note  was  read  from  Kev.  Dr.  Kirk 
of  this  city,  anil  a  "  brilliant,  oralion,"  it  is  staLcd, 
was  delivered  by  Mr.  Martin,  in  advocacy  of  the 
cause  of  our  Government. — Boston  Journal 


%lt  %ihttHtttv. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,   JANUARY  17,  1862. 


ANNUAL    MEETING 

Of  the  Massachusetts  Anti"Slavery  Society, 

The  twenty-ninth  Annua!  Meeting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti -Slavery  Society  will  be  held  in 
Boston,  at  Allston  Hall,  (corner  of  Trcmont  and 
Bromfield  Streets,)  on  Thursday  and  Fkiday,  Jan. 
23d  and  24th,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A,  M. 
Three  sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

Though  a  great  change,  equally  surprising  and 
cheering,  has  taken  place  in  public  sentiment  flt  the 
North,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  since  the  "  SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION"  broke  out,  yet  the 
times  demand  of  the  uncompromising  friends  of  free- 
dom all  [lie  vigilance,  earnestness,  activity  and  gene- 
rous cooperation,  that  it  is  in  their  power  to  give; 
for  upon  them  devolves  the  task  of  creating,  deepen- 
ing and  guiding  that  moral  sentiment  which  is  to 
determine  the  fate  of  the  republic.  Their  work,  as 
Abolitionists,  will  not  be  consummated  while  a  slave- 
holder is  tolerated  on  the  American  soil,  or  a  slave 
clanks  his  tetters  beneath  the  American  flag.  Theirs 
is  the  truest  patriotism,  the  purest  morality,  the  no- 
blest philanthropy,  the  broadest  humanity.  So  far 
from  having  any  affinity  with,  or  bearing  any  likeness 
to  the  traitors  of  the  South,  there  is  an  impassable 
gulf  between  the  parties,  as  well  as  an  irrepressible 
conflict.  Now  that,  by  the  treasonable  course  of  the 
South,  the  Government,  by  the  exigencies  in  which  it 
is  placed,  may  constitutionally  abolish  slavery,  and  is 
solemnly  bound  to  improve  the  opportunity,  under 
the  war  power,  the  duty  of  the  hour  is  to  bring  every 
influence  to  bear  upon  it,  to  induce  it  to  exercise  that 
power  without  delay,  and  thus  to  speedily  crush  the 
rebellion,  and  establish  liberty  and  peace  in  every  sec- 
tion of  the  country.  In  this  work  of  humanity  and 
righteousness,  of  reconciliation  and  union,  it  is  oblig- 
atory upon  all  cordially  to  participate. 

Among  the  speakers  expected  are  Wm.  Lloyd  Gar- 
rison, Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Parker 
Pillsbury,  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Rev.  Wm.  R.  Alger, 
Henry  C.  Wright,  Rev.  J.  M.  Manning,  Rev.  A.  A. 
Miner,  Hon.  N.  H.  Whiting,  F.  B.  Sanborn,  J.  S. 
Rock,  Esq.,  Giles  B.  Stebhins,  and  others. 

At  the  opening  session,  Thursday  morning,  Wen- 
dell Phillips,  Rev.  Wm.  R.  Alger,  and  others,  will 
speak.  An  early  and  full  attendance  is  earnestly  re- 
quested- At  the  evening  session,  ten  cents  admission 
will  be  charged  to  defray  expenses. 

By  order  of  the  Managers  of  the  Society, 

ROBERT   F.  WALLCUT,    Sec'y. 


THE     TIMES. 

A    LEOTUEE 

Delivered  in  the  Fraternity  Oourse,  at  Tremont 

Temple,  Boston,  Tuesday  Evening.  Jan,  7th, 

BY 

WENDELL    PHILLIPS,    ESQ. 


THE    TWENTY     EIGHTH 

NATIONAL  ANTI-SLAVERY  SUBSCRIPTION 
ANNIVERSARY. 

The  Ladies  who  have  for  so  many  years  received 
the  subscriptions  of  their  Mends  to  the  Cause,  ask  the 
favor   of  their   company,  as    usual  at  this  time  of  the 

AVEDNESDAY    EVENING,    JANUARY    22d, 
IN  MUSIC  HALL,  BOSTON. 

As  it  is  quite  impossible  for  us  to  send  invitations  to 
all,  even  in  this  vicinity,  xoho  hate  slavery,  and  who 
desire  to  aid  in  its  entire  abolition,  and,  if  possible,  by 
moral  and  peaceful  means,  we  would  say  to  all  the 
friends  of  justice  and  freedom,  that  they  may  obtain 
special  invitations  (without  which  no  person  is  admit- 
ted )  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Office,  221  Washington  street, 
and  of  the  ladies  at  their  respective  homes. 


L.  Maria  Child, 
Mary  May, 
Louisa  Lorbig, 
Henrietta  Sargent, 
Sarah  Russell  May, 
Helen  Eliza  Garrison, 
Anna  Shaw  Greene, 
Sarah  Blake  Shaw, 
Caroline  C.  Thayer, 
Abby  Kelley  Foster, 
Lydia  D.  Parker, 
Augusta  G.  King, 
Mattie  Griffith, 
Mary  Jackson, 
Evelina  A.  S7nith, 


Mary  Willey, 
Ann  Rebecca  Bramhall. 
Sarah  P.  Remand, 
Mary  E.  Stearns, 
Sarah  J.  Nomll, 
Elizabeth  Von  Arnim, 
Anne  Langdon  Alger, 
Eliza  Apthorp, 
Sarah  Cowing, 
Sarah  H.  Southwick, 
Mary  Elizabeth  Sargent, 
Sarah  C.  Atkinson, 
Abby  Francis, 
Mary  Jane  Parkman, 
Georgina  Otis, 
Caroline  M.  Severance,    Abby  H.  Stephenson, 
Elizabeth  Gay,  Abby  F.  Manley, 

Katherine  Earlc  Farnum. 
The  friends  of  the  Cause  in  distant  cities,  or  in 
country  towns,  with  whom  we  have  been  so  long  in 
correspondence,  are  earnestly  entreated,  for  the  sake 
of  the  Cause,  at  this  moment  of  deep  and  anxious  inter- 
est,— when  the  unstinted  contributions  of  our  Northern 
people  to  defeat  the  wicked  and  rebellious  designs  of 
Slavery  make  it  difficult  to  raise  money  in  large 
sums, — to  kike  up  collections  in  their  respective  neigh- 
borhoods, using  all  diligence  to  make  the  amount  of 
smaller  subscriptions  supply  any  deficiency  the  times 
may  occasion  in  the  larger  ones.  Now  should  be  the 
time  of  our  most  devoted  effort;  and  abundant  oppor- 
tunities are  afforded  us  for  reaching  the  consciences 
and  hearts  of  the  people  with  a  power  and  to  a  de- 
gree never  before  known.  It  is  hoped  that  no  town, 
which  has  ever  manifested  an  interest  in  the  cause  of 
freedom,  will  be  unrepresented  now;  and  that  no  in- 
dividual whose  heart  is  in  unison  with  ours  on  this 
subject  will  be  found  wanting  to  our  list.  We  hope  to 
welcome  as  many  as  possible  at  the  evening  Recep- 
tion ; — at  all  events,  to  receive  their  subscriptions  by 
letter. 

JfJT"  The  Germania  Band  has  been  engaged,  and 
their  beautiful  music  will  add  to  the  attractions  of  the 
occasion, 

j^=  Each  invitation  must  be  inscribed  with  the 
name  of  the  guest,  as  last  year,  before  presenting  at 
the  door.  Cloaks  and  shawls  may  be  left  in  the  care 
of  attendants  at  the  entrance. 

£g^""  If  in  any  case  a  donation  or  subscription  can- 
not he  forwarded  in  season  for  the  Anniversary,  it 
will  be  included  in  the  list  of  acknowledgments,  if 
sent  as  soon  afterwards  as  circumstances  permit. 

to  the  friends  of  the  slave. 

We  trust  that  all  those  who  believe  we  ought  to 
"  remember  those  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them,"  will 
bear  in  mind  our  Reception  at  the  Music  Hall,  Jan. 
22d,  and  will  give  us  aid,  either  in  person,  by  proxy, 
or  by  letter. 

One  party  is  talking  of  subjugating  slaveholders, 
and  another  of  compromising  with  slaveholders  ;  but 
who,  except  the  "old  Abolitionists,"  fully  recognizes 
the  rights  of  the  slave,  and  our  duty  towards  him,  as 
our  brother,  in  the  sight  of  God?  While  politicians 
look  at  emancipation  only  as  a  "necessity  of  war," 
and  seem  to  consider  colored  men  and  women  as  so 
many  horses  or  mules,  to  be  disposed  of  as  may  best 
suit  their  convenience,  it  is  evident  that  a  great  moral 
work  still  needs  to  be  done,  before  this  guilty  nation 
can  be  imbued  with  principles  of  justice  and  feelings 
of  humanity  towards  those  whom  they  have  so  long 
oppressed.  Help  us  to  do  this  righteous  woik,  we 
pray  you ! 

In  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Anti-Slavery  Ladies, 
L.  MARIA  CHILD. 


8^""  Gen.  Simon  Cameron  on  Monday  resigned  the 
Department  of  War,  and  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  was 
promptly  nominated  to  fill  his  place.  Much  specula- 
tion exists  as  to  the  cause  of  this  resignation.  The 
New  York  Times  represents  that  it  was  Mr.  Lincoln's 
act,  and  that  no  one  was  more  surprised  at  it  than  Mr. 
Cameron  himself.  The  Hunker  papers  rejoice  in  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Stanton.  Instead  of  "drifting" 
towards  an  Emancipation  policy,  the  President  seems 
to  lie  actively  working  against  that,  policy.  The  army 
authorities,  too,  seem  to  be  far  Jess  anxious  that  the 
rebels  shall  run  than  that  the  slaves  shall  not. 


Mit.  President,  and  Ladiks  and  Gentlemen: 

We  have  been  told  that  this  is  the  closing  lecture  of 
this  course, — a  course,  the  marked  ability  and  earnest- 
ness of  which  must  have  done  much  to  educate  the 
public  mind.     Fourteen  months  ago,  in  November,  I 
had  the  honor  to  open  the  one  which  preceded  this. 
I   believe   I   then  expressed    the    almost   unanimous 
feeling    of   the    Northern    States    when  I   welcomed 
Abraham  Lincoln   to  the   Presidency  of   the  United 
States    with  the  siueerest  confidence  and  good-will. 
Nine_months  ago,  in  April,  at  the  Music  Hall,  I  enjoy- 
ed  the  satisfaction — rare  to  me — of  speaking  in  the 
name  of  the  majority   of  New  England,  when  I  said 
Amen  and  God-speed  to  the  purpose  of  the  Cabinet  in 
lifting  the  guage  of  battle  which  the  South  had  thrown 
down   to  us  at  Sumter.     Nine   months  have   passed 
since — nine  long,  weary,  eventful    months.      What 
record  have  they  borne  to  the  history  of  these  United 
States'?     The  people,  with  a  patriotism  and  readiness, 
with  an  energy  and  enthusiasm,  which  find   hardly  a 
parallel  in  history,  have  placed   at  the  command  of 
their  Government  everything  :  money  without  stint ; 
armies  that  almost  equal  the  fabulous  levies  of  Asia. 
We   have  levelled  every   barrier  of  civil   right;    we 
have  annihilated  every  mark  of  constitutional  liberty  ; 
and  over  the  broad,  unfenced  surface   of  the  Empire, 
the  Cabinet  has  wielded  the  sceptre  of  despotic  pow- 
er.    Twenty  millions  of  people   have  raised   a  hun- 
dred millions  of  doliars,  and  their  credit  has  hardly 
oscillated  on  the  exchange.     We  have  mills  that  could 
almost  recloth  our  army   every  three  months;  prodi- 
gal harvests ;  armories  full  of  workmen,  crowded  with 
weapons;  and  yet,  to-day,  ten  months  since  the  inau- 
guration of  the  Cabinet,  these  rich,  active,  well-fur- 
nished, twenty  millions  of  people,  stand  checkmated, 
having  gained  no  one  advantage  worthy  of  note,  their 
capital  besieged  by   ten    millions  of -enemies,   whose 
credit  could  not  command  a  dollar  on  any  exchange  of 
the  world  ;  who  have  neither  a  granary  to  feed  nor 
mills  to  clothe  their  army  ;  and  whose  rare  statesman- 
ship, whose  singular,  unmatched  ability  holds  an   un- 
filing people,  and  a  fettered  race  quiet  while  threat- 
ened by  such  a  foe.     Ten  months,  of  which  the  his- 
tory  is  hardly    anything  but  disaster  and  disgrace  ! 
Ten  months — its  first  epoch   marked  by  the  flag  that 
never  feared  a  foe  lowered  to  an  insurrection,  then 
contemptible,  at  Sumter;  its  second  epoch  by  a  flight 
which  gave  us  the  jeers  of  the  world  for  a  comment; 
and  the  third,  by  the  stars  and  Btripes  trailed  in  too 
ready,   humiliating  submission  to  the   threats  of  the 
mother  land.     Ten  months,  such  as   the  world  never 
saw,  of  the  willingness  of  millions  to  pour  out  treas- 
ure and  blood  !     Public  opinion  has  stood   behind  the 
Cabinet  with   the  heartiest  enthusiasm  and  support. 
From  every  section,  from  the  pulpit  and  from  Iiteia- 
ture,  every   voice  has  been  Godspeed  and  auxiliary. 
From   the  press  came   that  most  remarkable  of  all  ut- 
terances, perhaps  the  most  eloquent  that  the  exigency 
has  called  out — "  The  Rejected  Stone,"  from  the  pen 
of  a  native  Virginian,  published  in  this  city  by  Walker 
&  Wise,   and  analyzing,  illustrating,  exhausting  the 
question,  with  a  home  knowledge,  with  an  earnestness, 
which  no  other  expression  has  reached.     The  pulpit 
has  done  its  work  with  remarkable  fidelity.     From 
Maine  to  the  Mississippi,  from  the  humblest  local  pul- 
pit to  the   broadest  metropolitan   see,  from   the  com- 
monest utterances  to  the  largest  religious  press,  the 
voice  has  all  been   in   support   of   the  Government. 
And  I  may  say,  in  passing,  that  nothing  shows  more 
emphatically  how  much  the  unfaithfulness  of  the  pul- 
pit for  thirty  years  has  forfeited  its  natural  influence 
on  the  intellect  of  the  people,  than  the  very  little 
fluence  which   this  unanimous  utterance,  in  such  a 
critical  hour,  has  had  upon  the  policy  and  the  hearts 
of  the  people.     Ten  months — nothing  is   its  record ! 
We   have  not  yet  turned   the  first  flank  of  the  foe. 
More  than  that,  the  Cabinet  has  neither  made  nor  met 
a  question.     I  call  it  the  Apology  Cabinet.     It  is  the 
only  Cabinet  in  the  history  of  the  nation  whose  whole 
record  is  a  series  of  apologies.     Sumter  ! — why  did  it 
fall?    In  long  columns,  with  elaborate  excuse,  with 
minute  detail,  the  Cabinet  will  tell  you  why.     Norfolk 
Navy  Yard   and   Harper's    Ferry  ! — why  were   they 
lost?     Listen!  and  if  you   will  listen  long   enough, 
the  Cabinet  will  elaborately  explain  how.     Manassas  ! 
a  disgraceful  defeat — why?     If  you  will   be  patient, 
sit  down  and  stay  a  week,  the   Cabinet  will  convince 
you  how   necessary  and  inevitable  and  beneficial  it 
was,  without  anybody's  fault.     Mason  and  Slidell  on 
board  a  British  gunboat  instead  of  in  a  Massachusetts 
fort !     Listen  !     and  the  three   columns  of  Mr.   Sec- 
retary Micawber,  ever  waiting  for  "  something  to  turn 
up,"   will  explain  to  you  exactly  why.  (Laughter.) 
The  Apology  Cabinet! 

Understand  me.  I  mean  to  find  no  excessive  fault 
with  the  Administration.  They  are  in  due  course  of 
being  educated;  but,  unfortunately,  it  takes  too  long. 
Every  hour  is  big  with  the  fate  of  the  Union,  and 
meantime,  the  scholars  at  Washington  have  not  got 
beyond  the  first  form.  If  we  had  an  American  for 
President,  and  not  a  Kentuckian,  we  might  have  had 
the  satisfaction  of  knowing,  -that  in  the  effort  to  save 
Kentucky,  we  had  not  lost  the  Union — in  the  vain  ef- 
fort to  save  Kentucky,  we  had  not  lost  the  Union.  I 
have  addressed  many  audiences  in  the  different  cities 
during  the  last  ten  months.  We  have  all  waited 
with  matchless  patience  for  the  action  of  this  body  of 
men  to  whom  the  helm  of  State  has  been  entrusted. 
They  have  raised  an  army  such  as  the  world  never 
saw.  England,  with  her  thousand  years  of  history, 
with  her  flag  given  to  the  battle  and  the  breeze  for  so 
many  centuries,  by  forced  impressment  and  pinched 
levies,  cannot  put  one  man  in  ten  in  the  field,  to  what 
the  patriotism  of  these  Northern  States  has  furnished 
the  Government.  So  much  the  Cabinet  has  done.  It 
waits  for  the  people  to  do  more.  For  one,  with  no  in- 
tention of  disrespect,  with -no  bitterness  of  criticism, 
I  must  say,  these  ten  months  have  exhausted  my  pa- 
tience with  the  Cabinet  at  Washington.  (Applause.) 
I  place  no  further  reliance  on  them.  1  do  not  assume 
to  divide  the  guilt  of  these  ten  months  of  inaction — 
whether  to  the  Administration  or  the  people.  History 
will  settle  that.  History  will  assign  the  rightful 
measure  of  responsibility  to  the  masses  and  to  their 
leaders.  All  I  have  to  say,  here  and  now,  is,  that  in 
my  opinion,  if  History  shall  find  that  the  heedless  in- 
capacity of  leading  men,  that  the  mousing  and  ill- 
timed  ambition  of  the  Administration,  that  the  fact 
that  we  had  a  man  for  President  who  could  not  open 
his  eyes  any  wider  than  to  take  in  Kentucky,  and 
statesmen  for  the  Administration  who  could  see  noth- 
ing at  present  but  their  chances  for  the  Presidency, — 
if  History  shall  find  the  verdict  that  this  caused  our 
national  disasters  and  humiliation,  posterity  will 
henceforth  divide  the  curses  that  have  usually  been 
monopolized  by  Aaron  Burr  and  Benedict  Arnold. 
The  treason  which  attempts  the  surrender  of  West 
Point  is  attended  with  less  bitter  results  than  that 
heedless  incapacity,  than  that  ill-timed  am  hi  lion, 
which  obliges  a  nation  to  such  humiliation,  and  brings 
us  into  our  present  jeopardy.  Everybody  agrees, 
that  this  last  month,  we  could  do  nothing  else  than 
surrender  the  Commissioners  to  Great  Britain.  Blon- 
din  on  his  tight  rope  is  in  no  condition  to  resent  an 
insult;  neither  is  this  nation  in  a  condition  to  hazard 
a  war  with  Great  Britain.  There  could  nothing  else, 
nothing  better  be  done,  than  to  surrender  the  Com- 
missioners, in  our  present  condition.  But  who  brought 
us  to  this  condition  ?  Who  wasted  the  enthusiasm  of 
hist  summer  1  Who  kept  half  a  million  of  men  idle 
since  the  first  day  of  October?  Who  omitted  to  put 
on  the  banner  of  the  Union  that  motto  which  would 
have  checkmated  ovvry  Emperor  anil  Cabinet  of  Eu- 
rope, by  an  appeal  to  the  sympathise  and  conscience 
of  the  people,  and  thus  barred  them  from  daring  lo 
insult  the   great  and  distracted   Republic  .'     1   throw 


my  share  of  the  humiliation  of  these  last  twenty  days 
on  the  heads  of  those  men,  who,  having  in  their  hands 
the  tools  of  conquest,  the  means  of  saying  to  the  des- 
potism of  Europe,  "Thus  far,  and  no  farther,"  for  the 
past  six  months,  have  wasted  both  time  and  means — 
I  care  not  why,  but  wasted  them,  until  we  stand  to- 
day where  we  are. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  for  one,  therefore,  expect 
nothing  from  the  Cabinet  at  Washington.  So  far  as 
they  are  concerned,  the  game  is  up;  the  Union  is 
severed;  the  men  who  were  murdered  at  Baltimore — 
their  lives  are  half  WHsted.  We  have  poured  out  two  mil- 
lion a  day,  and  we  have  purchased  nothing  but  disgrace, 
except  this  sublime  uprising,  which  shows  the  omnip- 
otence of  self-government,  and  whose  whole  merit 
belongs  to  the  people.  If  there  is  no  resort  else- 
where, if  there  is  no  appeal  to  any  other  part  of 
the  Government,  the  cause  is  closed,  the  verdict  is 
rendered,  and  the  Court  may  adjourn. 

Let  me  tell  you  why  I  think  so.  But  before  that, 
let  me  say  a  word  personal  to  the  party  with  which  I 
have  been  associated.  I  say  it  with  all  seriousness; 
and  for  the  next  three  months,  there  is  no  American 
who  can  afford  to  be  anything  but  serious.  Men  and 
their  faults,  their  ambitions,  their  successes,  their  vir- 
tues, sink  to  nothingness  before  the  majesty  of  the 
issue.  In  the  next  three  months,  I  more  than  half 
expect  disunion  ;  two  confederacies;  a  North  subju- 
gated by  events,  smarting  under  defeat,  bankrupt  in 
statesmanship  and  character.  Some  of  us  have  said — 
I  may  have  said — in  times  past,  that  Democracy  was 
on  trial  here.  It  was  a  mistake.  Democracy  has 
never  been  on  trial.  Except  in  our  Northern  State 
Governments,  we  have  never  had  a  Democracy  in  this 
country.  We  have  had  an  attempt  at  a  free  govern- 
ment, an  attempt  at  free  institutions,  poisoned,  tainted, 
conditioned  on  a  toleration  of  the  system  of  slavery. 
The  Abolitionists  have  said  for  thirty  years,  and  ev- 
ery thoughtful  man  on  the  other  side  of  the  water 
has  echoed  the  sentiment,  that  it  was  a  grave  ques- 
tion whether  the  public  and  its  leaders  in  the  free 
States  had  not  been  so  demoralized,  so  much  weaken- 
ed in  their  moral  sense,  so  much  dulled  in  their  ap- 
preciation of  the  responsibilities  of  self-government 
by  the  influence  of  slavery,  as  to  make  it  impossible 
for  us  to  survive  any  great  crisis.  The  anti-slavery 
party  of  these  free  States  have  again  and  again  aver- 
red their  confident  belief  that  the  slavery  question 
was  so  radical  that  this  Union  could  not  endure  it  and 
live.  We  have  often  said,  that  it  was  a  singular  and 
melancholy  fact,  that  the  monarchic  institutions  of 
Great  Britain,  a  ship  of  State  burdened  with  millions 
of  debt,  with  vast  evil  institutions,  with  a  Nobility  and 
anEstablishedClmrch,  was  still  able  to  endure  for 
fifty  years,  and  outlive  the  storm  of  anti  slavery  agita- 
tion ;  and  as  long  ago  as  during  the  life-time  of  Dr. 
Follen,  it  was  the  sad  but  confident  belief  of  many 
leading  men  in  the  anti-slavery  party,  that  this  Re- 
publican community  had  been  so  poisoned  by  sixty 
years  of  compromise  and  submission,  as  to  render 
such  a  result  almost  hopeless  here.  It  bids  fair  to  be 
prophecy  sadly  fulfilled.  Before  I  pass  on,  however, 
in  view  of  that  summer  upon  which  we  soon  shall 
enter,  and  which,  I  think,  unless  somebody  more  po- 
tent than  any  yet  in  power  bestirs  himself,  will  see  us- 
with  two  Confederacies,  let  me  say  one  word  about 
that  disunion  sentiment  which  I  have  so  long  repre- 
sented. 

We  advocated  disunion,  we  planned  disunion,  not, 
understand  us,  because  we  undervalued  Union,  be- 
cause we  did  not  see  how  broadly  it  ministered  to 
peace,  to  commercial  prosperity,  to  large  material 
life,  to  the  development  of  the  noblest  manhood,  to 
the  real  and  most  perfect  freedom  of  the  black 
race,  provided  it  could  be  an  honest  Union.  The 
Union  against  which  we  protested  was  a  Union 
bought  by  submission  to  slavery.  It  was  a  Union 
that  meant  slavery  in  the  Carnlinas,  and  gags  in 
New  York.  It  was  a  Union  that  meant  Massachu- 
setts with  the  right  to  say  so  much,  and  only  so  much, 
as  South  Carolina  would  permit.  It  was  a  Union  in 
which  no  man  dared  to  follow  out  the  logical  infer- 
ences from  right  and  wrong,  because  he  ran  against 
great  national  institution,  in  the  presence  of  which,  if 
he  had  any  hopes  of  political  advancement,  or  pub- 
lic favor,  he  must  be  silent.  It  was  a  Union  whose 
fundamental  conditions  violated  justice  —  a  Union 
whose  cement  was  the  blood  of  the  slave.  It  was  such 
Union  that  we  opposed ;  and  when,  in  the  spring  of 
the  last  year,  Slavery  unfurled  her  banner  against 
that  Union  —  when,  laying  a  corner-stone  of  the 
slave  trade  and  bondage,  she  announced  her  purpose 
to  take  possession  of  Washington,  and  dictate  terms 
to  the  nation — mark  you  !  not  secession.  The  Gulf 
States  never  read  to  us  the  programme  of  secession. 
The  first  plan,  threat,  proposal,  was  to  take  possession 
of  Washington, — to  prevent  the  inauguration  of  Lin- 
coln,— to  demand  the  recognition  of  Europe  as  the 
United  States  of  America, — to  call  the  roll  of  their 
slaves  on  Bunker  Hill, — to  dictate  peace  in  Faneuil 
Hall.  It  was  a  conspiracy  to  govern  this  belt  of  the 
continent.  It  was  a  conspiracy  to  put  at  the  head  of 
the  Union  the  guiding  star  of  American  slavery. 
When  that  phase  presented  itself  to  the  public,  when 
Lincoln — the  only  act  that  will  immortalize  his 
name,  the  only  act  that  gives  the  world  evidence  that 
he  did  not  leave  his  conscience  and  his  brains  in  Ken- 
tucky when  ho  removed  to  Illinois — when  Mr.  Lin- 
coln said,  "The  flag  of  Sumter  shall  never  be  low- 
ered by  an  order  signed  with  my  name," — when  the 
North  rose  in  arms  to  support  that  declaration,  and' 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi  rang  out  the  de- 
fiance to  this  Southern  confederacy  based  on  slave- 
ry, we,  like  our  fellow-citizens,  said  "All  hail  lo  the 
North  !  sleeping,  but  not  dead.  The  North — of 
which  no  man  dreamed — who  has  been  resting  on 
her  musket  since  Bunker  Hill — but  at  the  first  sound 
of  a  worthy  challenge  starts  up  ready  for  the  bat- 
tle. (Loud  cheers.)  The  North,  that  men  thought 
cankered  with  gold,  bought  and  smothered  with  cot- 
ton, the  North,  that  springs  to  arms  for  an  idea,  and 
sends  her  message  to  every  hovel  in  the  Carclinas, 
that  the  pledge  of  '76  shall  yet  be  a  reality,  and  all 
men  on  the  continent  shall  be  as  God  created  them, 
free  and  equal."  (Prolonged  applause.)  When  that 
voice  came  from  nineteen  States,  and  twenty  millions 
of  people, — that  the  corner-stone  of  the  Union  should 
be  justice, — we  dropped  our  prejudice  ngainst  a 
Union  big  with  such  a  purpose.  Like  all  of  you,  we 
placed  at  the  service  of  the  country  and  the  Cabinet 
any  little  item  of  influence  that  might  be  in  our  hands, 
and  for  ten  long  months  we  have  waited  to  see  what 
that  Administration  and  that  Cabinet  would  do.  They 
have  trailed  the  banner  we  gave  them  in  the  dust 
and  blood  of  every  possible  humiliation.  They  have 
left  no  bright  spot  on  the  history  of  1861  ;  no  act  of 
the  Government  at  thought  of  which  an  American 
must  not  put  his  hand  upon  his  lips  and  his  lips  in 
the  dust.  If  the  nation  lives,  it  is  the  untaught  en- 
ergy of  the  people  which  has  shown  the  world,  that 
outside  of  Washington  there  is  still  a  Democracy 
vital  and  sufficient  for  the  hour.     (Applause.) 

What  is,  as  far  as  any  man  can  learn  it,  the  pur- 
pose of  the  Government  ?  As  far  as  we  can  learn  it 
from  any  net,  from  any  official  source,  it  is  to  recon- 
struct this  nation  on  the  basis  of  '89.  It  is  to  put  bnck 
all  the  institutions  of  the  country  where  they  were  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1860.  The  only  property  which 
the  Administration  will  not  touch  is  the  pretended 
right  to  a  slave.  Charleston  herself  may  be  ruined; 
wo  may  stop  up  the  harbor  which  God's  own  hand  1ms 
scooped,  and  blot  out  of  existence  a  great  city;  but 
one  single  slave  that  walks  upon  its  dust,  the  Govern- 
ment is  not  brave  enough  to  touch.  The  Govern- 
ment stands  to-day  with  no  avowed  purpose  whatever, 
but  to  put  this  nation  where  it  was  on  the  4th  of  March, 
I860.  Every  man  with  his  eyes  open,  from  Charles 
Sumner  downward,  has  said  again  and  again,  that 
there  was  not  strength  enough  in  twenty  Stfttoe  to 
save  slavery  and  the  Union;    and  every  voice  from 

Europe,  of  impartial  judgment,  echoes  the  sentiment. 

In  ten  months  the  Cabinet  1ms  announced  its  choice  of 
the  alternative,  anil  to-day  stands  pledged  to  save  sia- 
very.  How?  There  is  but  one  will  in  tins  nation. 
1  look  upon  the  Cabinet  and  the  President  as  Absorbed, 
swallowed   up,   hidden,   "covert,"  as  the  law  calls  a 


wife— "covert"  by  Gen.  McClellan.  The  Cabinet— 
those  of  them  who  are  not  plotting  for  the  Presidency 
of  a  Union  that  has  so  little  chance  to  exist,— are  wait- 
ing for  Mr.  Secretary  Micawber;  the  President  is 
dumb  ;  and  there  is  no  living  man  in  the  Government 
but  General  McClellan.  He  announces  that  within 
thirty  days,  he  expects  to  crush  this  rebellion.  Lying 
on  a  bed  of  sickness,  to  be  raised  by  the  providence  of 
God  into  ordinary  strength,  he  announces  that  in  thirty 
days  he  means  to  give  us  a  victory  so  decisive,  so  im- 
mediate, that  it  will  pi'ai-:ica!ly  be  an  end  of  the  war. 
Grant  it!  If  he  does  mi,  he  saves  the  Union.  (Ap- 
plause.) If  he  does  so,  he  puts  France  and  England 
on  their  good  behavior.  (Applause.)  But,  mark  you  ! 
you  are  hanging  your  Union — and  I  value  it  as  much 
as  you  do,  as  much  as  any  man  does  ;  I  know  the  mo- 
mentous interests  we  served  when  we  bought  Florida, 
and  rounded  the  nation  to  the  Gulf.  Large  interests  of 
peace,  broad  reasons  of  trade,  strong  considerations  of 
a  well-fortified  neighborhood — I  know  the  strength  of 
that  necessity  which  led  Jefferson  to  override  the  Con- 
stitution and  buy  the  Mississippi.  Peace,  trade,  the 
interests  of  the  West,— I  know  the  gain,  I  recugnize 
the  temptation,  which  bowed  the  ambition  of  Webster 
to  that  scheme  of  Texan  annexation  which  was  politi- 
cal suicide.  It  was  to  complete,  to  make  harmonious, 
to  make  impregnable,  the  Union.  I  recognize  all  these 
interests.  Within  sixty  days  from  to-day,  if  we  have 
success,  immediate,  decisive,  unmixed,  covering  us 
with  glory  from  Port  Royal  to  Memphis,  from  the 
Potomac  to  New  Orleans,  the  Union  is  safe.  (Ap- 
plause.) But,  Mr.  President,  it  is  a  momentous  game. 
"On  the  nice  hazard  of  one  doubtful  hour,"  as  Hot- 
spur says, — twenty  million  of  people,  who  have  spent 
two  million  of  dollars  a  day,  and  sent  their  sons  by  half 
millions  to  die  by  disease  and  the  bullet, — "on  the 
nice  hazard  of  one  doubtful  hour"  hangs  the  whole 
determination  of  such  a  question.  Why  should  it 
be  so?  Why  were  no  other  attempts,  no  proba- 
ble success,  no  other  chances  evoked  in  October  ? 
Why  are  we  crowded  up  to  this  great,  last  danger  ? 
What  if  we  do  not  succeed,  if  we  have  but  half-and- 
half  success  ?  Does  any  man  believe  we  shall  wholly 
succeed  ?  With  a  hundred  thousand  men  at  Washing- 
ton, who  have  been  looking  in  the  faces  of  a  hundred 
thousand  on  the  other  side  of  the  Potomac  for  months, 
with  a  scattered  army,  which  has  never  met  a  South- 
ern foe  without  finding  him  superior  in  numbers,  is  it 
absolutely  certain,  beyond  all  question,  that  we  shall  gain 
nothing  but  victory  ?  Are  you  quite  sure,  are  you  ab- 
solutely confident  that  nowhere  in  the  broad  circle, 
hemming  in,  like  the  hunter's,  Memphis,  New  Orleans, 
East  Tennessee,  the  Potomac,  Port  Royal,  Mobile, — 
driving  the  foe  in  together, — is  it  absolutely  certain 
that  nowhere  we  are  to  meet  a  check  ?  If  we  do,  if 
our  success  is  mixed,  if  our  victory  is  uncertain,  if  out 
of  four  battles  we  lose  two,  if  we  are  driven  back,  if 
we  stand  on  the  4th  of  March  anywhere  as  we  stand 
to-day,  if  we  tide  over  to  April,  and  have  not  crushed 
out  the  insurrection,  what  thoughtful  man  doubts  that 
Spain,  France,  England,  who  even  now  keep  their 
fleets  afloat  in  the  Mexican  Gulf,  and  at  Halifax, 
with  an  army  in  Canada  —  who  doubts  that  these 
powers  will  acknowledge  the  Confederacy  ?  And 
Mr.  Seward  told  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  private  note, 
six  weeks  ago,  that  the  recognition  by  either  or  all  of 
these  States  would  mean  nothing  but  war  with  this 
Republic;  and  if  the  eight  or  nine  States  in  rebellion 
have  kept  us  ten  months  at  bay,  does  any  man  believe 
that  these  States  are  sufficient  to  subjugate  them  when 
France  and  England  stand  on  their  Bide  ? 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  I  say  to  you  what  I  believe 
to-night — sixty  days  settle  whether  we  are  to  have  one 
Union  or  two;  and  there  is  a  vast  meaning  in  those 
two  Unions.  There  was  a  time  when  1  think — I  may 
be  mistaken,  every  man  is  liable  to  be,  but  I  think 
there  was  a  time  when  we  might  have  divided ;  when, 
if  the  North  had  withdrawn,  or  the  South,  it  might 
have  been  possible  to  have  two  confederacies,  and  peace 
between  them.  But  to-day,  angered,  at  war,  smarting 
with  mutual  injuries,  with  hate  that  will  not  die  out 
for  two  generations,  two  Unions  mean  no  tariff,  two 
such  Unions  mean  bankruptcy  at  Lowell,  bankruptcy 
at  Lawrence ;  two  Unions  mean  an  almost  total,  a 
very  radical  change  of  the  manufacturing  and  me- 
chanical interests  of  these  nineteen  States ;  two  Unions 
mean  a  frontier  stretching  from  the  Potomoc  to  the 
Gulf,  and  every  ten  miles  a  smuggler ;  two  such  Unions 
mean  John  Brown  in  every  Northern  village,  and  fear 
in  every  Southern  Harper's  Ferry  that  he  attacks ;  two 
such  nations  mean  war  all  along  the  border — races  the 
most  ingenious  and  persistent,  ours  and  the  South, 
carrying  on  a  constant,  bloody,  bitter  strife,  until  per- 
haps in  thirty  or  fifty  years  natural  laws  kill  slavery. 
It  strikes  me  that  hazard  is  too  great  to  lay  upon  the 
power  and  the  capacity  of  Gen.  McClellan.  If  the 
Cabinet  rests  wholly  on  him,  we  have  got  something 
to  do  to  save  this  Union  of  ours.  What  right  have 
we,  Mr.'  President,  to  claim  the  control  of  this  Union  ? 
What  right  have  we  to  say  that  these  our  Northern 
States  are  entitled  to  a  preponderance  in  the  past  ? 
No  right  but  this — that  we  are  the  better — not  that  we 
are  the  stronger,  that  we  are  the  better  civilization. 
What  right  has  England  to  rule  India?  The  right  of 
conquest  is  too  bare,  without  real  basis.  Her  right 
is  that  her  sceptre  is  civilization,  thought,  humanity, 
and  her  subject  is  barbarism.  Why  should  we  claim 
that  our  institutions  have  a  right  to  govern  this  Union? 
The  ground  is  that  they  create  men — broader,  strong- 
er, betler,  nobler,  higher  men.  Thus  far,  we  have  not 
shown  it.  On  this  seventh  day  of  January,  I  take  the 
liberty  to  say  to  a  Boston  audience,  the  South  has 
shown  the  better  right  to  succeed.  She  has  shown 
more  statesmanship  than  we  have.  With  wonderful 
skill,  she  has  held  eight  millions  of  unwilling  people 
quiet,  four  millions  of  slaves  quiet,  marshalled  large 
armies,  larger  in  proportion  than  any  State  ever  raised, 
and  gathered  them  from  a  reluctant  people.  She  has 
coined  finances  out  of  nothing,  and  bread  out  of  stones, 
she  has  made  ten  millions  overmatch  twenty. 
A  Voice — I  don't  believe  that  doctrine,  for  one. 
Mit.  Phillips— Welt,  my  friend,  facts  are  hard 
things;  I  wish  it  was  not  true.  She  has  subsidized 
every  press  and  every  court  in  Europe.  Whence 
conies  it?  I  am  not,  mark  you!  saying  that  her 
means  are  moral.  I  speak  only  of  ability,  efficiency. 
How  does  South  Carolina  subsidize  the  Times  f  In 
the  same  way  that  she  bought  the  North  on  the  Texas 
question.  She  spread  Texas  scrip  over  nineteen 
States ;  worth  nothing,  paper,  when  she  gave  it  away  ; 
worth  seventy  cents  on  a  dollar  when  Northern  votes, 
so  bought,  had  made  Texas  a  part  of  the  Union.  She 
has  subsidized  the  literature  and  sources  of  opinion  in 
Europe  in  the  same  manner — with  Confederate  scrip, 
by  the  million — worth  nothing  to-day — worth  a  hun- 
dred cents  on  a  dollar,  perhaps,  for  a  while — long 
enough  for  shrewd  men  to  realize — if  the  Thunderer 
of  London  and  the  Despot  of  Paris  can  make  that 
Confederacy  a  fact,  instead  of  a  myth.  She,  like  a 
sagacious  pilot,  has  weathered  every  storm  until  to- 
day, and  deserves  to  succeed.  She  is  true  to  her  idea, 
Slavery.  She  makes  everything  bend  to  it.  Our 
idea  is  Liberty.  Instead  of  proclaiming  it,  living  by 
It  and  for  It,  our  Government  is  trying  to  tread  on 
eggs,  without  breaking  them.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
Our  Government  dare  not  whisper  the  idea  on  which 
it  rests.  Hardly  a  political  meeting  dare  speak  of  the 
sore  that  consumes  the  body  politic.  The  North  sends 
her  armies  into  the  field,  and  the  only  thing  Ihey  have 
done  for  ten  months  is  to  catch  negroes  and  find  out 
owners  for  them.  We  have  not  yel  vindicated  our 
title  to  govern  by  the  exhibition  of  a  civilization  and 
earnestness  of  ideas  superior  to  the  South. 

I  know,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  this  is  unwelcome 
truth  ;  hut  is  there  any  other  way  in  explain  our  posi- 
tion ?  Certainly,  we  have  not  conquered.  The  stars 
and  snipes  do  not  float  over  New  Orleans.    Richmond 

is  not  beuetged,  and  Washington  is.      Beauregard  ran 
ride   a   hundred  miles  in  either  direction,  and  General 

McClellan   cannot.     Explain  for  me    the    problem. 

Twenty  millions  of  people,  with  wealth  that  Knows  no 
limit,  and  yel  thus  we  stand  to-day.      Now,  it  seems  lo 

me  that  our  trial  of  Demowacy— our  mixed,  half- 
way,  conditional  trial  of  Democracy, — lias  proved  this, 

lhal  it.  does  mil.  breed   leaders.      This  war  was  not  he- 
gun  bj  statesmen  ;    it  has  UOl  been  Qawled  oil  by  (hem. 


The  Administration  was  forced  into  its  position  by  the 
people,  and  the  people   must  carry  it  forward.     We 
have  three  things  to  do.     We  must  avoid  war  with 
England  ;  we  must  avoid  an  insurrection  of  the  Blares ; 
and  wc  must  write  something  on  our  banner,  that  will 
appeal  to  the  people  of  Europe  against  the  CabinetB. 
How  do  you  propose  to  check  the  palpable  and  unmis- 
takable plan  of  Great  Britain  and  France  to  acknowl- 
edge the  Southern  Confederacy  within  four  months  ? 
McClellan  proposes  to  check  it  by  victory.     God  speed 
him  1    (Loud  cheers.)     He  proposes  to  check  it  by  en- 
camping in  Richmond.     God  speed  him  !     (Renewed 
cheering.)     He  proposes  to  cheek   it  by  putting  ttie 
stars  and  stripes  over  New  Orleans.     I  say,  Amen  ! 
(Loud  applause.)     If  he  will  only  do  it,  there  ih  noth- 
ing more  necessary ;  we  have  conquered,  and  there  is 
an  end;   and  although  I  shall  regret,  for  one,  that  it 
was   possible  to  reconstruct  the  Union  of  '89,  I  shall 
bow  my  head,  and  confess  that  he  has  done  it.     But  I 
doubt  his  ability.     I  do  not  believe  in  the  possibility  of 
doing  it  within  ninety  days.     It  seems  to  me  no  sane 
man,  wiio  has  looked  at  the  last  ten  months,  can  be- 
lieve it.     And  if  we  do  not  gucceed  in  that  time,  it  is 
death.     By  the  first  of  April,  that  Southern  Confed- 
eracy will  be  acknowledged.     There  is  one  exception, 
one  other  contingency.     The  slaves  may  rise.     There 
may  be  an  insurrection.     These  blacks,  of  whom  the 
complacent  white  man  is  constantly  asking,  "What 
shall  we  do  witli  them  ?  "  may  rise  up  and  say,  "We 
have  concluded  to  do  something  for  ourselves ! "     Yes, 
it  is  possible.     It  would  be  the  foulest  blot  on  states- 
manship ;  it  would  indicate  a  deplorable  defect  in  our 
civilization,  to  say  of  twenty  millions  of  people,  rich 
and  well  fed,  armed  to  two-thirds  of  a  million,  that 
they  could  not  pilot   the  slave  to  safety,  without  his 
murdering  his  master,  and  burning  from  New  Orleans 
to  the  Potomac.     It  would  be  bankruptcy  to  national 
character;   it  would  be  a  blot  such  as  seventy  more 
years  of  successes  would  hardly  erase.      We  must 
ivoid  that.     For  our  character,  still  more  for  hunian- 
ty's  sake,   we  must  prevent  it.     We  must  avoid  war 
with  England.    It  is  useless  to  boast.    We  cannot  now 
fight  England.     We  cannot  fight  England  when  she 
speaks  the  sentiments  of  Christendom,  and  when  she 
stands  behind  those  twelve  States  in  rebellion.     She 
will  not  move  until  she  moves  with  France,  and  Spain, 
and  possibly  the  rest  of  Europe  at  her  side;   and  you 
know,  every  one  of  you  that  thinks,  that  the  Despots 
of  Europe,   naturally,    constitutionally,   inevitably  — 
those  of  them  that  are  not  fit  for  a  mad  house  —  hate, 
dread  and  envy  this  Republic.     The  Earl  of  Shafts- 
bury,  we  are  told,  has  said  so  in  a  public  meeting  in 
Great  Britain.     It  is  natural  they  should;   we  must 
take  it  for  granted  they  do.     I  appeal  to  every  man 
before  me,  familiar  with  English  literature,   familiar 
ith  English  politics  for  the  last  thirty  years,  whether 
it  is  not  a  foregone  conclusion,  that  the  Tory  party  of 
Great  Britain,  much  more  that  of  the  Continent,  dread, 
and  would  seek  every  honorable  means  to  destroy,  this 
Republic.     On   the  fourth  of  March,  we   shall  have 
been  one  year  at  war;   on  the  first  of  June,  we  shall 
have  been  fifteen  months  at  war ;    and  if  Europe  is 
able  to  say — "  You  have  tried  it  and  cannot  succeed  ; 
you  have  done  your  utmost;   you  have  neither  states- 
manship nor  armies  worthy  the  name;  this  fratricidal 
strife,  this  disgrace  to  civilization,  this  destruction  of 
the  markets  of  the  world,  this  starvation  of  the  indus- 
try of  Europe,  must  cease  " — why  should  she  not  say 
so  ?     I  tell  you  an  open  secret,  when  I  tell  you  that 
many  a  member  of  Congress  at  Washington  expects 
it?     McClellan  may  be  victorious.     That  is  one  way. 
There  is  a  better.     Do  you  remember  that  Daniel 
Webster  said,  "  There  is  something  sharper  than  bay- 
onets,  there  is  something   stronger   than   thrones  "  ? 
"It  is,"  he  says,  "that  public  opinion  which  follows 
the   conqueror   home  from   the  scene  of  his  ovation, 
which  tells  him  that  the  world,  though  silent,  is  indig- 
nant; which  denounces  against  him  the  indignation  of 
an  enlightened  age;  which  turns  to  bitterness  the  cup 
of  his  rejoicing;  which  stings  him  with  the  conscious- 
ness that  he  has  outraged  the  opinion  of  mankind." 
To  that  public  opinion  we  can  appeal.     Let  these  nine- 
teen States  say  to  the  world  this — "  We  have  struggled 
for  ten  months  to  treat  this  rebellion  as  an  ordinary  in- 
surrection;   to  preserve  untouched  the  social  arrange- 
ments of  every  State.    We  find  ourselves  unable.    We 
recognize  the  central  disease  from  which  these  troubles 
spring.     We  pronounce  it  a  struggle  betwixt  Freedom 
and  Slavery,  nnd  the  Government  announces,  after  a 
long  and  patient  trial,  that  this  is  a  war  for  Liberty, 
that   only    impartial    Liberty   can    save    the    Union, 
and    hence    of    necessity,    it    proclaims    that    every 
man  that  sees  the  stars  and  stripes  shall  be  free ! " 
(Enthusiastic  and  prolonged  cheering.)     Let  McClel- 
lan put  that  upon  his  banner,  so  broad  that  it  can  be 
seen  in  London,  and  Earl  Russell  will  write  no  more 
haughty  notes  to  Mr.  Seward.     We  shall  checkmate 
any  Cabinet  in  Great  Britain.     If  my  Lord  Palmer- 
ton  will  not  carry  out  the  designs  of  peace  toward  such 
a  North,  my  Lord  Derby  will  succeed  him  ;   and  that 
religious,  and  slavery,  enlightened  middle  class  which 
has  not  been  heard  from  at  present,   which  finds  no 
voice  in  "  Blackwood's  Magazine,"  or  in  the  "Edin- 
burgh Review,"    will   say   to  Earl  Russell — "  In   the 
name  of  Clarkson  and  Wilberforee,  hold  your  tongue  ! 
(Cheers.)     These  brothers  of  ours  on  the  other  side 
the  Atlantic  are  engaged  in  a  struggle  which  means 
Magna   Charta.      In   the   name   of  John   Milton,    of 
Hampden,  and  Wilberforee,  our  hearts  go  out  to  them. 
God  save  the   great  Republic!"      (Loud  applause.) 
There  is  no  other  appeal  possible  for  the  people  of  this 
continent;  and  it  seems  to  me  that  we  have  too  much 
at  issue  to  trust  it  to  the  single  expectation  of  military 
victory.     I  am  willing  to  wait  as  long  as  any  man  for 
the  drill  of  Gen.  McClellan.     I  am  willing  to  wait  un- 
til he  has  made  an  army  as  perfect  as  that  of  the  great 
Napoleon.     But    I    know   an   army   already    drilled ; 
drilled  by  a  hundred  years  of  bitterest  oppression; 
every  drop  of  their  blood  in  earnest;  covered  hy  God 
with  black  faces,  so  that  you  may  know  them  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  always  to  be  trusted  (applause) ;  I  know  an 
army  that  are  spies  at  every  hearth-side  of  the  South  ; 
they  will  make  every  step  safe  while  he  walks  to  New 
Orleans;   and  whether  Manassas  is  a  barrier  on  one 
aide  or  Richmond  on  the  other,  he  shall  find  between 
him  and  every  Southern  cannon  a  hundred  thousand 
at  least  of  friends  in  the  very  territory  he  invades. 

Yon  may  think  I  speak  this  merely  as  an  Abolition- 
ist. I  allow,  with  perfect  readiness,  that  my  chief 
interest  in  politics  springs  from  my  sense  of  the  jus- 
tice which  this  country  owes  to  the  victim  race.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  want  to  see  a  Democracy  educated  to  the 
level  of  the  Roman  boast,  that  it  pulls  down  the  op- 
pressor, and  lifts  up  the  oppressed.  (Applause.)  I 
want  to  see  a  religion  in  the  North  that  recognizes  the 
responsibility  of  strength  to  protect  weakness.  I  want 
to  see  a  sense  of  justice  planted  in  the  soul  of  every 
American  citizen,  so  that  of  our  mere  motion  we  shall 
be  willing  and  desirous  of  metcing  out  this  justice  to 
the  negro.  But  I  confess  that,  to-night,  I  do  not 
speak  from  that  motive.  I  speak  from  a  broader 
motive — as  an  American  citizen,  charged  with  the 
welfare  of  all  races,  white  and  black,  foreign  and 
native.  (Applause,)  I  speak  from  what  I  thought 
I  had  torn  up  by  the  roots  —  pride  in  the  flag 
which  floated  over  our  fathers'  heads.  (Renewed  ap- 
plause.) I  confess  I  shall  feel  humiliated  if,  three. 
months  hence,  at  the  bidding  of  hostile  nations,  this 
Union  is  severed  in  halves.  I  shall  live,  I  hope,  to 
make  my  reckoning  with  (he  men  who  have  betrayed 
us  the  hist  six  months,  for  during  all  that  time,  this 
Union  might  have  been  placed  beyond  the  ranch  of 
contingency.  There  was  that  in  the  enthusiasm,  in 
the  strength  of  the  people,  which  would  have  placed 
us  beyond  the  contingency  of  expeditions  to  Savannah, 

to  Port  Royal,  to  Beaufort,  and  nobody  knows  vlu-re- 
Why,  the  merchants  of  BoetQD  would  have  taken  the 
blockade  of  the  Mexican  Cult,  Charleston,  Savannah, 
and  New  Orleans,  on  conlract,  on  the  tiisl  <]^\  of  July, 
and  finished  it  by  the  first  day  of  October.  (Laugh- 
ter and  applause.) 

I  know  nothing  (hat  the  Cabinet  has  done  hut  hold 
iiir  people  back  ;  and  I  confess  thai  to  my  mind,  there 

is  infinitely  more  danger  today  in  red  tape  llian  in 
despotism;  infinitely  more  dunger  from  the  men  who 
think  Of  nothing  but  routine.  limn  those  who  are  ready 


lOO 


THE     LIBERATOR 


JUNE   20 


For  the  Liberator. 

THE  SOLDIEK'S  LETTEE. 

"  From  your  Ed  " 

That  was  all  of  it  I  read  : 
Had  there  been  no  other  word, 
All  her  being  'twould  have  stirred. 
Think  not  that,  with  curious  eye, 
Such  fond  missive  I  would  spy  ; 
Only  these  three  words  I  read — 
"From  your  Ed." 

"  From  your  Ed  " 

Tenderly  the  words  I  read. 
From  the  field  of  bloody  strife, 
Where  full  many  a  brave,  young  life 
For  our  holy  cause  is  given  ; — 
Ah  !  they  wait  in  yonder  heaven  ; 
Fallen,  we'll  not  count  as  dead, 
Such  as  Ed. 

"  From  your  Ed  " 

lighter  grows  the  maiden's  tread  : 
Ah  !  thank  God,  he's  living  yet ! 
Tears  of  joy  her  eyelids  wet. 
And  her  woman's  heart  beats  fast  : 
"Gainst  the  letter,  come  at  last, 
Eer  sweet  lips  press  that,  instead 
Of  her  Ed. 

"From  your  Ed" 

Ah  !  her  cheek  is  growing  red  : 
He  who  penned  that  missive  brief, 
Could  he  guess  her  glad  relief? 
She  baa  seen  in  dreams,  at  night, 
Upturned  faces,  ghastly  white  ; 
Yet  her  brave,  though  girlish  heart 
Ever  hides  its  cruel  smart ; 
Hints  not  love  is  mixed  with  dread 
For  her  Ed. 

"From  your  Ed" 

Who  the  far-off  shores  must  tread 
Of  that  sunny,  sin-cursed  land, 
"Where  our  noble,  patriot  band 
Seek  the  tyrant  to  o'erthrow, 
While  the  hearts  that  love  tbem  so 
Bleed,  as  that  young  heart  has  bled, 
For  her  Ed. 

"  From  your  Ed  " 

We  are  stranger 8, — yet  I  said, 
Angels,  guard  him  safe  from  harm, 
Keep  his  heart  all  true  and  warm, 
Bring  him  safely  hack  once  more  ! 
Then,  all  doubts  and  heart-ache  o'er, 
May  that  gentle  maiden  wed 
With  her  Ed. 


TEE  WEST   AND   TEE  WAE, 

A    SERMON, 

Delivered  before  the   Twenty-Eighth    Congregational  So- 
ciety, at  Music  Hall,  Boston,  June  8,  1862. 

BY    REV,    DANIEL    FOSTES. 

-1  Cor.  14  :  20. 


Sherhorn,  June  3,1862. 


E.  D,  Morse. 


For  the  Liberator. 

PUT  OUT  TEE  LIGET! 

Written  on  eading  that  the  Military  Governor  of  North  Caro- 
lina had  forbidden  the  educaticnof  the  Negroes. 
P  ut  out  the  light !  ye  know  it  does  not  suit 

Oppression's  purpose  that  the  light  should  shine  : 
If  man  ye  would  degrade  into  a  brute, 

Ye  must  crush  out  the  soul — that  part  divine  ; 
Ye  must  extinguish  even  the  faintest  ray 

Of  knowledge,  lest  it  burst  upon  his  mind — 
Lest  it  illumine  with  the  blaze  of  day 

The  soul  encompassed  with  death's  gloom  Go,  bind 
(Soul-strangling  Thugs  !)  your  fetters  round  him  tight ; 
And  bid  your  servile  tools  put  out  the  light ! 

Put  out  the  light !    Tyrants,  blot  out  the  sun, 

And  quench  the  brilliancy  of  every  star  ; 
TJ  rag  down  the  Omnipotent  firm  hishigh  throne — 

Justice  annihilate  1    then  none  shall  war 
Against  the  wrong.     Oppression,  born  of  hell, 

Dark,  grim  and  terrible,  shall  rule  o'er  all, 
T  he  crown'd  and  sceptred  ;    and  his  baleful  spell 

All  living  things  shall  feel — his  cursed  thrall 
S  hall  bind  the  Universe  ;  all  fair  things  blight  :— 
Ye  who  can  wish  for  this,  put  out  the  light ! 

Andover.  Richard  Hinchcliffe. 


TO    GEEEIT    SMITH. 

Written  on  reading   his  Speech  before  the  Judiciary  Commit- 
tee of  the  New  York  Legislature,  Feb.  3,  1862. 
I  dare  not  speak  of  thee,  in  idle  rhyming, 

As  one  might  of  another  ;— 
Thou,  whose  great  soul  with  all  things  good  is  chiming, 

The  world's  most  loving  brother  ! 
Thou,  in  whose  heart  the  most  melodicus  measures 

Keep  sweetest  tune  and  time  ; 
Yet  I  have  nought,  from  all  my  little  treasures. 

To  give  thee  but  my  rhyme. 

For,  when  my  heart  with  beautiful  emotion 

Is  lifted  high,  and  higher, 
Thrilled  with  thy  thoughts,  from  o'er  the  Alps  and  ocean 

As  with  electric  fire — 

It  is  but  meet  to  find  some  sweet  oblation, 

With  reverence  to  bring 
Unto  thy  feet,  thou  living  revelation 

Of  what  the  mountains  sing  ! 

'  'And  I  have  nothing,  save  a  little  blossom 

Gathered  beneath  the  snow, 
Upon  St.  Gothard's  palpitating  bosom, 

Where  Alpine  roses  blow. 
Beyond  a  thousand  dimpling  dells  and  fountains, 

I  see  the  glaciers  gleam — 
O'er  the  white  vesture  of  the  Alpine  mountains 

Eternal  rainbows  beam. 

I  look — the  hills  are  towering  in  the  distance, 

Where  the  immortal  Three 
Swore  a  great  oath,  that,  with  the  Lord's  assistance, 

Their  country  should  be  free.   . 

And  the  Alps  heard  it,  while  at  their  foundations 

The  very  roses  smiled — 
They  thought  how  God  bad  given  to  the  nations 

The  freedom  they  denied. 

Therefore,  a  little  Alpine  flower  I  find  thee — 

A  messenger  of  light — 
Unfolden  on  the  mountains  to  remind  thee 

It  is  not  always  night. 
The  buds  of  freedom,  through  thy  spirit  breaking, 

Begin  to  burst  in  bloom, 
And  Liberty  shall  have  its  full  awaking 

O'er  Slavery's  tearless  tomb. 
Thy  life  has  been  a  beautiful  evangel 

To  all  the  weak  and  lowly  ; 
For  the  oppressed  thou  art  a  guardian  angel — 

A  psalter  high  and  lowly. 

The  soul  of  Switzerland  upsprings  to  meet  thee  j 

She  stretches  out  her  hand 
Across  the  mountains  and  the  seas,  to  greet  thee, 

And  lure  thee  to  her  land. 
Zurich,  (Switzerland.)  Mart  H.  C.  Booth. 


PATEIOTISM. 

"Tie  not  a  local  spot  of  earth, 

That,  in  the  patriot's  breast,  has  worth  ; 

'Tis  not  a  section — East  or  West, 

Or  North  or  South— that  he  loves  best. 

No  1  'tis  his  country,  as  a  whole, 

That  claims  allegiance  of  his  soul  ! 

And  what's  a  country?  'T  is  not  land, 

With  climate  either  stern  or  bland. 

It  is  not  hills,  vales,  streams  and  trees, 

But  of  far  greater  worth  than  these. 

It  is  a  people's  aggregate  ; 

A  commonweal — of  low  and  great  ; 

A  nation — based  on  human  claims 

To  life,  to  freedom,  and  to  aims 

For  highest  happiness  for  all, 

Unchecked  by  tyranny  and  thrall. 

'Tis  where  just  laws  o'er  all  preside  ; 

Where  arts  and  sciences  abide  ; 

Where  every  one,  by  honest  toil, 

Sees  plenty  round  his  homestead  smile, 

"lis  where  the  pulpit,  press,  aod  school 

Enlighten,  and  to  virtue  rule. 

'Tis  where  true  liberty  abides — 

Licentiousness  instinctive  hides. 

'Tis  where  with  pride  men  contemplate 

The  annals  of  forefathers  great ; 

While  gratitude  and  love  arise, 

And  woo  their  spirits  in  tbe  skies, 

To  prompt  and  guide  to  deeds  like  theirs, 

And  msdiate  the  Patriot's  prayers  . 


"  la  understanding  be  men 
This  exhortation,  addressed  by  one  of  the  great- 
hearted and  resolute  reformers  of  his  day,  to  those 
who  were  struggling  after  the  true  life,  is  always  ap- 
propriate, and  peculiarly  so  to  ourselves,  now  in  the 
midst  of  a  desperate  contest  for  a  free  and  united 
fatherland.  If  we  are  to  succeed  in  this  struggle,  we 
must  do  it  by  the  influence  of  a  manhood  broad  in 
apprehending  our  situation,  and  unflinching  in  ad- 
herence to  Justice  and  Right. 

It  is  seven  years  since  the  attempted  seizure  of 
Kansas  by  the  propagandists  of  slavery  broke  up  the 
old  political  parties,  and  aroused  the  whole  nation  to  a 
sense  of  an  "irrepressible  conflict"  between  Freedom 
and  Slavery.  Hitherto,  the  Slave  Power  had  been 
always  victorious.  God's  prophets  and  apostles  did 
not  cease,  day  nor  night,  to  lift  up  their  voice,  telling 
the  people  of  their  sins,  and  calling  to  immediate  re- 
pentance. And  although  to  self-seeking,  blinded  poli- 
ticians it  seemed  but  a1-" rub-a-dub  agitation"  which 
they  excited,  it  was  nevertheless  true  that  God1 
word,  through  the  despised  Abolitionists,  was  "  sharper 
than  a  two-edged  sword,"  and  mightier  than  Church 
or  Party  or  State.  Before  the  might  of  that  word  the 
great  men,  the  leaders  of  our  political  parties,  have 
gone  down  in  hopeless  defeat  to  their  graves  ;  parties 
have  been  dissolved,  churches  destroyed,  and  tbe  na- 
tion revolutionized. 

You  remember  well  the  fear  all  true  men  felt,  when 
Kansas  was  opened  by  the  Government  to  the  med- 
itated invasion  of  the  Slave  Power,  lest  another  Slave 
State  would  be  made  on  her  broad  and  fertile  prairies, 
and  that  in  spite  of  all  that  tbe  friends  of  Freedom 
could  do.  You  all  thank  God  to-day,  that  He  has 
shown  us  the  inherent  weakness  of  Slavery  and  the 
might  of  Freedom,  through  the  very  measure  we  so 
much  dreaded, — designed  as  it  was  to  perpetuate  and 
extend  the  dominion  of  the  Slave  Power  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Government.  Hardy  freemen  from  the 
Northern  and  Western  States,  with  Bible  and  rifle 
in  hand,  went  to  Kansas  to  find  there  a  home,  well 
knowing  that  schools,  and  churches,  and  prosperous 
industry,  and  a  free  press — essential  to  their  home — 
could  not  coexist  with  slavery,  and  therefore  deter- 
mined that  slavery  should  not  he  established  in  Kan- 
sas. Nor  did  such  men  come  only  from  the  Free 
States.  Judge  Conway,  the  Representative  of  Kansas 
in  Congress,  and  one  of  the  ablest  as  well  as  truest 
men  in  the  service  of  Freedom, — Col.  Montgomery, 
whose  name  is  a  terror  to  the  stavenolding  rebels  of 
Missouri,  and  many  others  in  humble  life  whom  I 
know  very  well  as  uncompromising  in  their  hatred  of 
slavery, — came  to  the  scene  of  the  all-important  strife 
from  the  South.  They  knew  from  bitter  experience, 
better  than  we  could  from  theory,  the  treason  and 
crime  of  slavery. 

Five  years  ago  I  went  to  Kansas,  there  to  labor  as 
a  radical  Abolitionist;  not  only  to  get  a  borne  for  my 
family,  not  only  to  build  up  there  a  true  Christian 
church,  but  to  inspire  the  people,  as  far  as  I  might, 
with  an  irresistible  resolution  to  wrest  that  fair  her- 
itage from  tbe  grasp  of  the  Slave  Power.  And  as  I 
pause  to-day,  and  look  over  the  events  that  crowd 
these  years,  so  full  of  great  results,  I  am  lost  in  won- 
der at  the  victory  Freedom  has  won  there,  and  at  the 
consequences  of- that  victory  to  our  country  and  the 
world.  The  first  three  months  of  my  residence  I 
spent  in  the  service  of  the  Free  State  cause  in  taking 
the  census  of  Southern  Kansas.  They  were  months 
of  arduous  toil,  of  danger,  of  great  privation,  unrecom- 
pensed,  save  by  the  consciousness  of  well-doing. 
And  yet  the  lessons  of  that  experience  I  shall  never 
forget.  I  met  the  pioneers  of  Kansas  iu  their  log 
cabins  and  in  conventions,  when  the  great  question  of 
interest  always  was,  "How  can  we  defeat  the  border 
ruffians  and  the  Government  officials  in  their  efforts  to 
fasten  slavery  upon  us?"  Ever  and  anon,  the  most 
illiterate  "squatter"  would  grow  eloquent,  as  the 
great  thoughts  touching  a  common  and  universal  hu- 
manity roused  to  its  intensest  force  the  life  within 
him.  Those  noble  aims  and  grand  purposes  which 
first  showed  the  world  the  hero  of  our  age,  in  the 
simple-hearted  old  man,  who  lived  only  to  destroy 
slavery,  and  for  that  end  cheerfully  died  on  the  gal- 
lows at  Charlestown,  were  ielt  by  many  of  tbe  bum- 
ble pioneers  of  Kansas;  and  thereby  Kansas  was.ena- 
bled  to  present  so  firm  a  front  against  slavery  that 
Freedom  triumphed,  in  spite  of  all  the  Government 
at  Washington  could  do  to  aid  the  Slave  Power  in 
gaining  possession  of  the  new  State. 

In  Kansas,  the  slaveholders  first  openly  attempted 
to  accomplish  their  purposes  in  direct  violation  of  all 
legal  forms.  They  sought  by  brute  force  to  execute 
the  behests  of  Missouri  lodges  of  border  ruffians  upon 
tbe  freemen  of  Kansas.  It  was  the  commencement 
of  that  great  revolution,  amidst  the  throes  of  which 
American  slavery  is  about  to  be  destroyed.  It  was  a 
great  school  in  which  a  new  order  of  statesmanship 
was  taught.  Whigs  and  Democrats  became,  there,  un- 
known terms.  All  men  were  openly  arrayed  in  favor  of 
slavery  to  be  established  by  force  and  fraud,  or  against 
its  establishment  in  Kansas.  The  next  step  was  in- 
evitable, and  taken  at  once — to  wit,  that  slavery  was 
detestable  everywhere.  So  when  John  Brown  went 
with  his  chosen  band,  and  took  a  dozen  slaves  from 
Missouri,  and  marched  openly  with  them  through 
Kansas,  he  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  people 
who  would  not  permit  the  United  States  Marshal  and 
his  posse  to  interfere  with  this  "  organized  emancipa- 
tion." Capt.  Brown  felt  no  fears  for  the  safety  of  his 
dark-skinned  proteges  till  he  got  into  Iowa,  and  there 
found  a  Democratic  party,  the  members  of  which  called 
him  a  thief,  and  as  such  tried,  some  of  them,  to  ar- 
rest him.  In  that  Kansas  school,  Jim  Lane  was 
changed  from  a  hoosier  Democrat  into  an  Abolitionist. 
There  have  been  thousands  of  such  "remarkable  con- 
versions "  in  Kansas,  which  we  would  earnestly  com- 
mend to  the  attention  of  the  Publishing  Committee  of 
the  American  Tract  Society.  But  the  attempt  to  en- 
slave Kansas  signally  failed.  Its  failure  ingulphed 
the  great  Democratic  party,  and  .destroyed  the  pres- 
tige of  the  South,  as  the  Russian  campaign  did  that 
of  the  Great  Napoleon.  From  the  election  of  Jami 
Buchanan  in  1856,  the  slaveholders,  realizing  that  the 
sceptre  of  dominion  was  departing  from  their  grasp, 
began  actively  and  generally  to  prepare  for  rebellion 
and  tbe  establishment  of  a  great  Southern  slavehold- 
jng  nation.  Skillful  use  they  made  of  the  four  years 
with  their  opportunities,  furnished  them  by  the  Imbe- 
cile they  had  put  into  the  Presidential  office. 

A  little  more  than  a  year  ago,  they  opened  the  civil 
war  for  a  slave  empire,  in  the  bombardment  of  Sum- 
ter. You  know  how  tbe  cannon  of  South  Carolina 
then  and  there  sounded  the  death-knell  of  slavery  ; 
how  it  roused  the  whole  nation  to  such  a  sense  of 
nationality  and  patriotism  as  had  been  hitherto  all 
unknown.  At  the  very  time  the  President's  procla- 
mation calling  for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers 
was  issued,  I  started  on  my  return  to  Kansas,  after  a 
winter's  labor  in  the  East  in  behalf  of  the  thousands 
lelt  destitute  by  the  famine  of  1861.  From  New 
York  to  the  Mississippi  river,  I  passed  directly  through 
the  most  sublime  uprising  of  a  nation  against  a  great 
and  mighty  oppression  this  age  has  ever  witnessed. 
At  New  York,  I  saw  the  people  compel  the  craven 
Herald,  News,  DayBook,  and  Journal  of  Commerce  to 
profess  a  loyalty  they  were  incapable  of  feeling.  At 
every  station  where  the  crowded  cars  stopped,  the  peo- 
ple were  gathered,  and  Borne  one  was  called  upon  to 
address  them.  At  Chicago  the  enthusiasm  was  at 
white  heat.  I  spent  Sunday  there,  and  that  young 
giant  of  the  West  was  turned  into  a  military  camp  on 
that  day.  Everywhere  the  question  was  asked,  what 
shall  be  done  with  slavery,  the  cause  of  this  war? 
And  everywhere  the  answer  came  from  the  people's 


heart  and  soul,  "Destroy  the  accursed  thing!"  I 
reached  Kansas,  anil  found  there  a  people,  crushed 
under  poverty  and  want,  organizing  ten  regiments, 
and  sending  ten  thousand  men  into  the  field  for  the 
express  and  openly  avowed  purpose  of  fighting  against 
slavery  and  for  a  free  fatherland.  From  Centralia,  my 
Kansas  home,  out  of  a  population  of  three  hundred, 
twenty  young  men  went  into  the  army  as  crusaders 
in  the  holy  cause  of  freedom.  .  Some  of  our  Kansas 
troops  have  been  in  almost  every  battle  in  Missouri, 
and  with  the  great  South-Western  army  in  all  the 
splendid  achievements  that  army  has  wrought.  Some- 
have  been  under  the  command  of  purse- 
proud,  pro-slavery  men,  like.  Sturgis  and  Denver; 
but  the  aim  of  the  soldiers  enlisted  in  Kansas  has 
been,  and  still  is,  to  destroy  slavery.  The  effects  of 
this  feeling  have  been  more  marked  in  Kansas  than 
elsewhere,  because  we  have  been  trained  by  tbe  bor- 
der ruffians  and  the  worse  United  States  officials,  for 
years,  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  character  of  Ameri- 
can  slavery.  Facts  show  the  wonderful  progress  of 
the  Abolition  doctrines  in  Kansas.  The  full  average 
of  the  American  prejudice  against  tbe  negro  race 
went  to  Kansas  with  nearly  all  the  settlers  who  emi- 
grated thither.  Nay,  the  feeling  was  naturally  stronger 
there  than  in  most  new  communities,  and  for  obvious 
reasons.  We  bordered  on  Missouri,  and  received  all. 
or  nearly  all,  our  merchandise  and  accessions  ovei 
great  highways  passing  directly  through  Missouri. 
East  and  south  of  us  were  Slave  States;  west  and 
north  of  us  an  unoccupied  wilderness;  yet,  such  have 
been  the  saving  effects  of  border  ruffianism  in  Kansas, 
that  the  whole  State  has  been  thrown  open  to  the 
colored  refugees  from  Arkansas  and  Missouri,  who 
have  escaped  by  thousands  from  those  States,  and 
now  reside  among  us,  scattered  through  the  whole 
State  as  hired  help  among  the  farmers.  They  are 
well  treated,  and  work  as  well  and  as  faithfully  as  any 
other  help  that  we  can  hire.  Tbe  slave-hunter  dares 
not  show  his  face  openly  in  the  State  of  Kansas.  The 
Centralia  College,  of  which  I  had  charge  last  winter, 
and  of  which  I  expect  again  to  have  charge,  on  my 
return,  is  open  to  colored  children  on  the  same  terms 
as  it  is  to  white  children.  The  pulpit  which  I  there 
occupy  is  open  to  any  colored  speaker  who  can  stand 
therein,  and  speak  to  tbe  edification  of  the  people,  just 
as  freely  as  it  is  to  me. 

But  why  should  I  speak  of  Kansas  or  the  West,  in 
connection  with  this  war,  and  not  rather  of  the  whole 
country  ?  Thank  God  for  the  lesson  which  this  year 
has  taught  us,  that  we  are  a  people  of  one  great  na- 
tion, and  that  the  animating  idea  and  inspiration  of 
our  nation  are  to  be,  impartial  justice  and  universal 
liberty.  The  East  has  shown  just  as  great  a  heroism 
and  as  earnest  a  loyalty  as  the  West.  The  people 
have  willed  and  determined  the  overthrow  of  slavery 
and  in  this  case,  most  assuredly,  the  voice  of  the 
people  is  the  voice  of  God.  Our  rulers  and  many  of 
our  generals  may  lack  faith,  and  walk  or  stumble 
rather  by  a  most  short-sighted  statesmanship.  But 
the  people  are  being  born  again, — translated  from  the 
kingdom  of  pro-slavery  darkness  into  the  marvellous 
light  of  a  genuine  democracy.  The  Commissioners 
sent  by  the  Illinois  Convention  to  take  the  vote  of  the 
Illinois  regiments  on  the  monstrous  pro-slavery  Con- 
stitution, framed  for  that  State  last  summer,  find  even 
the  regiments  raised  in  Egypt,  almost  to  a  man, 
against  the  infernal  injustice  which  would  outlaw  the 
colored  man  in  Illinois.  Those  men  have  -learned, 
through  this  war,  what  slavery  is,  and  by  that  knowl- 
edge you  will  find  them  henceforth  going  forward. 
The  proclamation  of  Fremont  was  received  by  the 
people  with  an  enthusiastic  approval,  and  if  it  had 
been  endorsed  and  applied  by  the  Government,  would 
have  ended  shivery  and  the  rebellion  together,  ere 
this.  The  policy  of  Hunter  is  obviously  the  policy  of 
the  people.  Governor  Stanly,  by  common  consent, 
as  well  as  by  the  approval  of  the  Herald  and  the 
Courier,  stands  forth  as  the  enemy  of  freedom,  and 
consequently  the  enemy  of  his  country. 

Let  us  see  now  what  is  already  established  by  the 
last  year's  experience. 

1.  The  fidelity  and  capacity  of  our  colored  fellow- 
citizens  at  the  South.  We  have  been  told  by  the 
vocates  of  slavery  that  the  negro  is  naturally  inefficient 
and  untrustworthy.  The  past  year  has  shown  to  the 
world  the  entire  maliciousness  and  falsehood  of  this 
constantly  reiterated  charge.  Fremont,  Montgomery 
Blunt,  Lane,  Burnside,  Banks,  Hunter  and  all  others 
who  have  sought  information  from  tbe  only  genuine 
loyalists  of  the  South,  the  colored  people,  have  al- 
ways found  them  true-hearted  and  efficient  allies, 
Burnside  would  have  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of 
North  Carolina,  but  for  tbe  services  of  a  slave  who 
came  to  him  with  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
passages  in  the  harbor,  and  the  distribution  of  all  the 
rebel  forces  on  the  main  land.  He  offered  bis  services 
General,  who  had  the  good  sense  to  accept  his 
offer.  And  now  that  pilot,  erewhile  a  slave,  but  now 
by  tbe  act  of  General  Burnside  a  freeman,  is  the 
friend  and  companion  of  the  noble  son  of  Rhode 
Island,  who  declares  in  the  full  gratitude  of  his  great 
heart,  that  so  long  as  he  himself  has  a  crust. of  bread, 
this  colored  brother  shall  have  the  half  of  it.  Yet,  if 
the  local  laws  of  North  Carolina  are  to  be  enforced  by 
Gov.  Stanly,  as  he  declares  must  be  done,  that  com- 
panion of  General  Burnside,  who  led  our  forces  to 
the  splendid  victories  they  gained,  must  be  given  up 
to  the  rebel  from  whom  he  escaped,  when  the  misera- 
ble sneak  goes  through  the  pitiful  form  of  taking  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  One  of  the  most  daring  and  im- 
portant feats  of  this  whole  war  was  performed  by  the 
slaves  who  took  the  Planter  from  the  shelter  of  the 
guns  of  Sumter  and  Moultrie,  and  delivered  her  to  the 
commander  of  our  fleet, — an  act  lor  which  Congress 
has  conferred  upon  them  half  the  worth  of  the  rich 
prize  so  adroitly  wrested  from  the  grasp  of  the  Charles- 
ton rebels.  Banks  was  saved  from  a  surprise,  by  the 
overwhelming  onslaught  of  Jackson's  army, — a  sur- 
prise which  must  have  proved  fatal, — by  the  timely 
warning  of  the  faithful  slaves,  who  rushed  into  his 
camp  with  news  of  Jackson's  rapid  approach  in  sea- 
son to  save  his  army  from  destruction.  Fremont  and 
other  commanders  have  trusted  the  slaves,  and  by  so 
doing  have  been  kept  informed  of  the  movements  of 
the  enemy.  The  surprise  at  Pittsburg  Landing, 
which  came  so  near  proving  fatal  to  our  heroic  South 
western  army,  would  have  been  impossible  but  for 
the  insane  policy  of  the  commander  of  that  depart- 
ment, in  forbidding  our  friends  to  come  within  tbe 
fines.  The  inglorious  blunder  of  McClellan,  in  per- 
mitting the  escape  of  the  rebel  army  from  Manassas, 
is  owing  to  the  same  insane  policy  of  shutting  our 
friends  out  of  our  camp.  How  was  it  that  Napoleon, 
in  all  his  wars,  was  always  enabled  to  discover  all  the 
movements  of  his  enemies  ?  He  fought  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  tbe  people  against  absolute  despotism 
Such* at  least  was  the  accepted  opinion  in  all  his  wars, 
except  the  invasion  of  Hayti  and  Spain.  Hence  the 
people  everywhere  flocked  to  his  camp  with  full  and 
accurate  intelligence  of  the  movements  of  his  ene- 
mies. Would  n't  it  have  been  a  "  masterly  strategy  ' 
if  he  had  pursued  the  policy  of  some  of  our  Gen- 
erals, by  driving  them  ignominiously  from  his  lines? 
I  speak  intelligently,  when  1  say  thaf/the  colored  peo- 
ple of  the  free  and  loyal  States  would  have  furnished 
as  many  and  as  brave  soldiers,  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers,  for  this  war,  as  we  have  done,  if  they  had 
been  permitted  to  enlist  and  fight  by  the  Government. 
You  have  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Vincent  Colyer, 
whom  Governor  Stanly  has  driven  from  his  fifteen 
hundred  colored  pupils  at  Newhern;  and  you  have 
the  testimony  of  all  the  other  teachers  and  missiona- 
ries sent  to  Fortress  Monroe  and  Port  Royal  and 
Beaufort  and  other  places,  to  look  after  and  help  the 
freed  colored  people  gathered  at  those  points, — testi- 
mony which  unequivocally  establishes  the  fact  that 
these  slaves  long  to  be  free,  that  they  are  glad  to 
work,  and  are  docile,  grateful  and  faithful.  West 
India  Emancipation  was  to  be  followed  by  fire  and 
sword,  eonrlngration  and  ruin.  So  the  slaveholders 
and  their  allies  prophesied.  The  experience  of  more 
than  twenty  years  has  proved  the  falsehood  of  their 
predictions,  and  shown  that  the  negro  has  just  as 
much  human  nature  as  the  white  man, 
2.  The  Power  of  Freedom. 


This  war  is  demonstrating  to  the  world  again  the 
lesson   or    truth  so  often  proved  in   the    past,    that 
freedom  is  one  cause  of  invincible  strength,  while  sla- 
very is  inevitable  weakness  and  defeat.     The  Nether- 
lands, set   free  and   raised   to  newness  of  life  by  the 
Gospel,    the    printers'    type  and  a   world-wide   com- 
merce, ranged  under  the  banner  of  the  great  William 
of  Orange,   hurled    themselves    against  the  mighty 
power   that  Charles  V.    had   established  on   absolute 
despotism  ;  and  after  a  struggle  of  such  heroism  as  the 
ages  have  rarely  witnessed,  they  shattered  that  colos- 
sal monarchy,  and  established  the  Dutch  Republic,  as 
the  precursor  and  promise  of  Europe's   ultimate  free- 
dom.    The  despised  Puritans  of  England,  at  all  times 
a  small  minority  of  the  people,  wrought  out  a  heroic 
revolution,  which  dethroned   the  Stuarts,   and  estab- 
lished   a   constitutional  government,   through   which 
truth  and    justice   have    made    steady    progress    for 
nearly  two  centuries.     And  this  great  work  they  ac- 
complished    because     Cromwell,     Hampden,    Pym, 
Milton,  Bunyan  and  others,  the  leaders  of  that  party, 
were  inspired  and  made  invincible  by  the  genuine  love 
of  freedom.     So,  in  the  Revolution,  Adams,  Washing- 
ton, Jefferson,  Green,  Henry,  Franklin,  Jay,  and  their 
compatriots,    resolved  to   be   free,    were   "invincible 
against   any  force  Great  Britain  could  send  to  subju- 
gate  them."      We  have    been     called    "  mudsills," 
and  taunted   with  cowardice  by  the  slaveholders   for 
thirty   years.      They   have   assumed    to    ther 
the  heroism  and  honors  of  chivalry.     They  have  told 
us  that  the  South  could  conquer  the  North  in  every  bat- 
tle, with  odds  as  five  to  one  against  them.     Well,  they 
have  tried  it,    and  the  result  is  seen  to  be,   that   the 
soldiers  of  freedom  are  to-day,  as  of  old,  the  invincible 
Ironsides,  before  whosestalwart  blows  the  forces  of  tbe 
Slave  Power  go   down  in   hopeless  and    irretrievable 
rout.     And  Freedom  has  shown  not  only  the  might  of 
her    soldiers,  but   the    magnitude    of    her   resources 
While  the  South,  cursed  with  slavery,  has   sunk  into 
hopeless   bankruptcy,   in   this   one    short   year;     the 
North   and   West,  blessed   with  freedom,  have  devel- 
oped new  resources,   and   moved   on  calmly  with   all 
their   gigantic   industries  ready    to   furnish  men  and 
money,  good  over  the  world  to  any  amount  necessary 
to  destroy  this  rebellion,  and  bless  the  dear  Fatherland 
with    universal    freedom.      Five   hundred    thousand 
men    are   fighting   for   freedom — at   least  are   doing 
this  as  far  as  the  government  will  permit.     To  wives, 
parents,  children,  brothers,  sisters  and  friends,  left  be- 
hind, they    weekly   freight  the   mail  with  a  precious 
tonnage  of  letters,  filled  with  love  and  patriotism,  and 
abhorrence   of  slavery.      And  these    precious  gospel 
leaves,  scattered  far  and  wide  over  our  whole  country, 
will  yet  be  sure  to  bear  with  them  to  the  people's  heart 
the  power  of  God  unto  the  salvation  of  the  American 
nation. 

3.  The    certain    execution   of    God's  law  against 
Wrong. 

The  law  of  God  denounces  the  severest  retributions 
against  the  sin  of  oppression.  We  have  seen  Ameri- 
can slavery,  well  called  "  the  sum  of  all  villanies," 
made  the  corner-stone  of  the  Southern  policy,  ruling 
the  Federal  Government,  controlling  the  American 
pulpit,  and  exercising  authority  over  the  commerce  of 
the  land.  The  statement  of  Abolitionists,  unheeded 
by  the  nation  for  thirty  years,  that  slavery  led  to  the 
worst  barbarism  and  licentiousness  that  ever  cursed 
the  earth,  has  been  so  demonstrated  the  past  year, 
that  all  men  are  compelled  to  see  it.  Garrison  and 
Phillips  have  never  painted  tbe  horrors  of  slavery,  and 
its  savage  and  immoral  influences,  in  colors  so  vivid  as 
this  year's  experience  has  done.  Words  are  inade- 
quate to  the  expression  of  the  truth  here.  I  was  made 
a  radical  Abolitionist  twenty  years  ago  by  the  moral 
degradation  which  I  saw  to  be  the  result  of  slavery  in 
Kentucky,  where  I  was  at  that  time.  It  turns  men 
into  fiends,  and  sinks  humanity  to  the  lowest  depths  of 
vice  and  cruelty  that  men  can  reach.  How  ourwoum 
ed  soldiers  have  received  treatment  at  the  hands 
of  the  rebel  soldiers,  that  would  have  disgraced  the 
original  savages  of  the  continent  I  And  what  a  terri- 
ble judgment  has  been  meted  out  this  year  to  tbe 
South  !  Desolation,  famine  and  bankruptcy  have  fall- 
en upon  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  rebel  States. 
When  I  came  through  Missouri,  a  few  weeks  since, 
I  was  profoundly  impressed  with  the  evidence  of  ruin 
that  rose  before  me  on  the  whole  line  from  the  Mis- 
souri to  the  Mississippi.  So  it  is  with  the  whole  land 
cursed  with  the  rule  of  the  rebel  desperadoes.  St. 
Joseph,  Hannibal,  Kansas  City,  Richmond,  Charles- 
ton, Mobile,  Memphis,  New  Orleans,  have  been  deso- 
lated. God's  law  has  executed  itself  in  a  wonderful 
way.  The  North  has  compromised  and  supported 
slavery.  The  great  commercial  houses  of  the  North 
engaged  in  Southern  trade,  and  for  the  profits  of  that 
trade  upholding  extreme  pro-slavery  doctrines,  have 
been  plunged  into  hopeless  bankruptcy.  Tbe  churches 
and  clergymen  who  have  earned  an  unenviable  noto- 
riety by  persecuting  Abolitionists,  now  find  themselves 
covered  with  shame  and  confusion  of  face.  And  the 
whole  North  is  burdened  with  debt  and  taxation,  and 
filled  with  sorrow  at  the  terrible  bereavements  which 
this  war  has  brought  home  to  every  generous 
heart.  And  what  is  all  this  but  a  renewal  of  God's 
command  made  to  us,  the  people,  with  all  the  empha- 
sis of  Sinai,  "Proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the 
land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof  " — "  Undo  tbe 
heavy  burdens,  break  every  yoke,  and  let  the  op- 
pressed go  free  "  f 

Oh,  my  beloved  country  !  so  richly  dowered  by  the 
hopes  and  sympathies  and  prayers  of  the  good  and 
the  true  all  over  the  world  1  God  grant  that  thou 
mayest  know  in  this  thy  trial-day  "the  things  that 
make  for  thy  peace"  I 


the  light  of  principles,  were  the  lessons  of  the  discus- 
sions. The  shame  and  guilt  of  our  national  preju- 
dice against  the  black  man,  and  the  right  of  all,  irre- 
spective of  color,  to  equal  treatment,  were  brought* 
up  forcibly  and  eloquently. 

A  Memorial  to  Congress  in  behalf  of  the  abolition 
of  slavery  was  adopted  with  great  unity  of  feeling. 

C.  D.  B.  Mills,  Wm.  Denton,  F.  Douglass,  E.  An- 
drews, George  Pryor,  Benjamin  Fish,  P.  D.  Moore, 
Lucy  N.  Coleman,  G.  B.  Stebbins,  J.  H.  W.  Toohey, 
E.  Wheeler  and  others,  spoke,  and  the  audience  gave 
excellent  attention. 

Each  session  brought  an  increase  of  numbers,  and 
on  Sunday  the  floor,  galleries,  stairs,  all  available 
space,  were  filled.  A  ram  kept  awny  the  crowd  who 
usually  fill  the  yard,  and  hear  as  they  best  can  through 
open  windows. 

The  practice  of  past  years,  of  leaving  each  speaker 
on  the  closing  day  to  take  up  such  subject  as  he  might 
choose,  unresWtined  by  any  order  of  business,  was 
adhered  to. 

A  paper  on  Physical  Education  was  read  by  Mrs. 
Choate,  of  Auburn  ;  several  excellent  addresses  on 
religious  reform,  spiritual  culture  and  growth,  were 
heard  with  well-sustained  interest.  Frederick  Doug- 
lass spoke  at  the  close,  briefly  but  eloquently,  on 
"What  shall  we  do  with  the  black  man?"  After 
which  the  meeting  ended  with  singing  the  "John 
Brown  Song." 

A  report  of  several  admirable  speeches  would  be 
valuable.  I  send  an  abstract  of  the  resolves  and  me- 
morial herewith,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  Meeting, 
make  this  informal  sketch,  rather  than  a  regular  and 
formal  abstract  of  its  doings. 

Yours  truly,  G.  B.  STEBBINS. 

N.  B.  The  next  Meeting  will  open  on  Friday, 
June  5,  1863.  G.  B.  S. 


WATEEL00  YEAELY  MEETING  OP  FEIENES 
OF  HUMAN  PEOGEESS. 

Rochester,  (N.  Y.,)  June  5,  1862. 
W.  L.  Garrison  : 

My  Friend, — I  am  just  home  from  the  Fourteenth 
Yearly  Meeting  at  Waterloo,  which  has  been  well  at- 
tended, successful,  and  full  of  interest. 

On  Friday  morning,  May  30th,  a  goodly  number 
gathered  in  the  grassy  yard  of  the  Friends'  meeting- 
house at  Junius — one  of  those  plain  structures,  void 
of  all  "worldly  vanity  "  in  the  shape  of  architectural 
ornament,  in  which  Quakers  met  for  worship  in  years 
fast  going  by.  Green  fields  and  blooming  orchards 
were  on  every  side,  and  the  shrill  scream  of  the  loco- 
motive heard  in  the  distance,  told  of  the  rush  and 
whir!  of  the  world  of  action. 

Philip  D.  Moore  called  the  meeting  to  order,  and  a 
Committee  soon  nominated  P.  D.  Moore  for  Chairman, 
G.  B.  Stebbins  and  Phebe  B.  Deane  for  Secretaries, 
and  Stephen  Shear  as  Treasurer. 

A  Business  Committee  to  prepare  resolves  and  plan 
the  conduct  of  the  meeting  was  chosen:  C.  D  B. 
Mills,  Frederick  Douglass,  Catharine  A.  T.  Stebbins, 
Seymour  Reed,  Lucy  N.  Coleman,  Rhoda  DeGarmo, 
Israel  Fisk. 

After  speaking  by  different  persons,  an  hour's  ad- 
journment gave  time  for  a  pic-nic  beneath  the  trees  in 
tbe  yard ;  and  at  the  opening  of  the  afternoon  session, 
resolves  were  reported  from  the  Committee,  and  at 
once  taken  up  for  examination,  after  the  reading  of 
several  interesting  letters  from  absent  friends  of  the 
Meeting. 

The  rebellion,  in  its  relation  to  slavery,  and  its 
bearings  on  the  character  and  condition  of  the  peo- 
ple, occupied  a  large  portion  of  the  first  two  days.  A 
wish  was  expressed  to  take  up  other  topics,  but  this 
was  so  absorbing,  bo  wide  in  its  range,  so  fills  the  hour, 
that  it  seemed  most  near  and  vital  of  all,  and  the  ut- 
terances on  its  moral  bearing  and  its  golden  opening 
for  Freedom  were  of  high  value  and  signal  interest. 

There  seemed  a  desire,  unanimous  and  earnest, 
that  slavery  should  die;  a  feeling  that  it  was  the 
deadly  foe  to  peace  and  safety.  The  wording  of  some 
resolutions  culled  out  some  differences  of  opinion  as 
to  the  amount  of  blame  resting  on  people  or  Govern- 
ment, and  the  mode  of  condemning  or  criticising;  but 
the  resolve  passed  heartily,  and  with  very  little  ex- 
pression of  dissent. 

The  danger  of  departure  from  Divine  laws — the 
primal  gospel  in  the  soul— the  glory  of  moral  couriige 
to  decree  the  doom  of  slavery — the  need  of  acting  in 


RESOLUTIONS, 

Adopted  at  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  the  Friends  of  Human 
Progress,  at  Junius,  N.  Y. 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  principles  which,  as  Friends 
of  Progress,  we  inscribe  on  our  banner, — the  peerless 
worth,  transcendent  majesty,  and  vital,  all-sovereign 
authority  of  the  truths  of  the  Soul,  the  laws  of  Rea- 
son, the  ordinances  of  Verity  and  Justice,  the  require- 
ments of  Virtue,  the  superlative  claims  of  Charac- 
ter,— far  enough  from  being  cold,  lifeless,  or  bar- 
ren abstractions,  recondite  and  well-nigh  inaccessible, 
buried  away  in  abysses  of  dim  and  dubious  specula- 
tion, are  warm  and  living  realities,  all  fruitful,  radiant 
with  light,  patent  to  the  earliest  thought  of  man,  more 
evident  and  certain  than  alt  else  beBide,  the  primal 
scripture,  oldest  and  completes!  bible,  lamp  for  the 
feet  through  all  the  labyrinths  of  time,  succor  and 
solace  to  the  souf,  talisman  of  accomplishment,  and 
standard    evermore  of  all  effective  doing  and  success. 

2.  Resolved,  That  these  truths,  always  pertinent 
and  apposite,  always  full  of  vital  bearings,  and  charged 
with  most  benign  guidance  and  blessing  for  men  under 
whatever  circumstances  and  in  every  age,  are  espe- 
cially pertinent  and  vital  and  pregnant  here  and  now, 
in  the  circumstances  of  this  hour,  and  the  exigencies 
upon  which  our  nation  is  to-day  east,  and  require, 
therefore,  to  be  proclaimed  and  urged  home  upon  the 
attention  of  the  people  with  an  emphasis,  directness, 
and  force  of  application  correspondent  to  the  formida- 
ble and  felt  peril*  of  the  position. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  importance  of  these  truths, 
the  fatally  ruinous  consequence,  amid  whatever  at- 
tention to  other  matters,  of  their  neglect  or  denial,  has 
very  signal  and  painfully  near  illustration  in  the  atti- 
tude of  our  nation  at  this  hour — a  nation  and  govern- 
ment murdeiously  assailed  of  rebellion,  involved  in 
perils  the  most  direct  and  fearful,  compelled  to  strug- 
gle at  immense  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure  for 
the  mainrenanee  of  its  existence,  held  day  after  day  and 
month  after  month  on  the  very  brink  of  ruin,  yet  un- 
daring  to  speak  itself,  delivered  and  free,  by  uttering 
the   word  Liberty,   held   spellbound  and  prostrate  by 

cantation  of  parchment  Constitution  and  statute  En- 
actment, as  before  all  truth,  all  justice,  and  even 
the  national  life  itself,  juggle  even  in  the  midst  of  its 
rebellion  and  fierce  exterminating  onslaught,  of  sup- 
posed inviolate  rights  of  slavery. 

4.  Resolved,  That  while  we  hail  more  than  willingly 
whatever  bright  and  hopeful  signs  the  time  affords — 
evidence  of  increasing  sobriety  on  the  part  of  con- 
siderable numbers  up  and  down  through  the  land — 
awakened  attention,  under  the  recent  startling  events 
in  our  history,  to  the  inherent  nature  of  slavery — 
growing  recognition  of  its  essential  character  as  crime 
and  atrocity — conviction  that  it  must  and  determina- 
tion that  it  shall  at  any  hazard  be  extinguished — indi- 
cations of  disposition  of  manly  and  humane  attitude 
on  the  part  of  some  of  the  commanding  Generals  in 
their  relation  to  the  negro,  beneficent  act  of  emanci- 
pation by  the  General  Government  throughout  the 
FVderal  District — and  remaining  hopeful  still  that, 
through  the  events  of  this, terrible  war,  liberty  for  the 
slave  shall  yet  be  wrung  from  this  unwilling  nation, 
we  yet  remember  that  our  relations  are  primarily  and 
most  of  all  to  simple  Truth  and  Justice;  that  never, 
in  the  sphere  of  human  conduct,  are  we  to  sit  supinely 
waiting  what  the  providential  issues  may  bring  ;  and 
so  we  still  bear  our  testimony  for  the  slave,  and  call 
upon  this  nation  and  government,  now  as  never  before 
responsible  for  slavery,  now  as  never  before  imperil- 
led and  involved  by  its  continuance,  instantly  to  wipe 
out  the  guilty  curse,  to  wash  its  hands  of  the  blood 
of  the  crushed  millions,  and  penitently  bid  them,  in 
God's  name,  be  free. 

6.  Resolved,  That  for  a  government  to  affiliate 
with  oppression,  to  extend  recognition,  fellowship  and 
protection  to  slavery,  is  at  the  outset  to  make  itself 
the  accomplice  of  treason,  partner  with  rebellion, — 
to  break  up  and  annihilate  all  true  grounds  of  distinc- 
tion between  loyalty  and  justice  and  their  opposites, — 
to  put  itself  exposed  perpetually  to  factional  revolt 
like  the  present,  wide-spread  and  violent,  and  tie 
its  hands  forever,  while  in  that  attitude,  against  the  pos- 
sibility of  effectual  resistance  and  repression. 

6.  Resolved,  That  the  attempts  still  widely  and  in 
official  quarters  avowed  and  persisted  in,  to  re-estab- 
lish on  its  old  basis  tbe  Union, — basis  of  fellowship 
and  guarantee  to  slavery, — is  the  attempt  to  repeat, 
and,  under  the  circumstances,  aggravating  ten-fold  its 
infatuation  and  its  guilt  the  old  mistake,  and  intrinsi- 
cally wrong,  and  a  crime  as  it  is  pronounced  by  late 
events  in  our  history,  to  be  from  this  time  forward  an 
utter  fatuity  ;  the  only  Union  henceforth  possible,  or 
even  desirahle,  or  even  worthy  of  toleration,  the  Union 
of  freemen  for  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  free- 
dom. 

7.  Resolved,  That  with  indignation  and  shame  we 
witness  the  renewal  and  prosecution,  with  unwonted 
rigor,  of  slave-hunting  in  the  midst  of  the  Federal 
Capital ;  and,  mortifying  and  humiliating  as  is  the  ad- 
mission, we  are  yet  compelled  to  believe  that  even 
now  the  government  and  nation  have  not  suffered 
enough  at  the  hands  of  the  rebellion  to  be  divorced 
and  emancipated  from  its  terrible  idolatry  of  slavery, 
and  insane  and  criminal  hope  of  still  propitiating  the 
monster,  or  at  least  regaining  its  indulgence  and  tole- 
rant favor. 

8.  Resolved,  That  we  hail  the  proclamation  of 
David  Hunter,  declaring  emancipation  to  the  slaves 
throughout  the  limits  of  his  military  district,  with 
great  gratulation  and  joy, — a  proclamation  worthy  to 
be  made,  honorable  to  his  judgment  as  a  commander, 
to  his  qualities  of  heart  as  a  man  ;  and  we  can  only 
here  testify  our  sorrow  and  indignation,  that  the  exec- 
utive head  of  the  nation  should  show  himself  so  sig- 
nally unfaithful  to  humanity,  so  lacking  in  just  com- 
prehension of  the  crisis,  so  subject  to  the  influence  of 
detestable  border  State  dictation,  us  to  interpose  with 
his  disavowal,  and  rescind  the  operation  of  this  benign 
proclamation, 

9.  Resolved,  That  in  the  desolating  warnow  raging 
in  our  country,  we  recognize  a  just  retribution,  visited 
on  the  people  as  the  sure  and  awful  result  of  their 
oppression  of  a  race  subjugated  by  our  fathers,  and 
attempted);  made  menial  not  only  by  governmental 
statutes,  but  by  social  restrictions  fed  mid  nourished 
by  uunaturat    teachings    that  the  negro    is    not    an 


equal  man  and  brother,  alike  eligible  to  place  and 
position,  not  only  by  and  for  himself,  but  with  and  for 
us. 

10.  Resolved,  That  the  time  has  gone  by  for  a 
people  professing  progress  to  set  hounds  which  any  of 
the  human  family  are  forbidden  to  pass,  because  of 
the  color  of  the  skin,  the  texture  of  the  hair,  or  the 
form  of  the  features ;  and  that  it  becomes  the  emphat- 
ic duty  of  every  refotmcr  who  has  learned  the  first 
letter  in  the  alphabet  of  justice,  to  insist  upon  the  en- 
tire emancipation  of  this  oppressed  people  from  all  in- 
vidious restrictions,  either  social,  ecclesiastical  or  po- 
litical. 

MEMORIAL. 

To  the  Congress  of  the  United  States: 

The  "Friends  of  Human  Progress,"  assembled  in 
their  yearly  meeting,  at  Junius,  near  Waterloo,  Seneca 
county,  New  York,  in  view  of  the  unhappy  condition 
of  our  country,  scourged  by  a  terrible  civil  war,  re- 
spectfully and  earnestly  offer  their  views  and  de- 
liberate judgment  as  to  the  cause  of  this  war,  and  the 
means  whereby  it  may  and  ought  to  be  brought  to  a 
close. 

Slavery  is  its  Cause.  This  nation  is  but  illus- 
trating anew  the  lesson  that  history  teaches,  that  Sla- 
very is  always  the  element  of  danger  in  the  State; — 
and  this  in  the  nature  of  things,  since  permanent 
Peace,  Union  and  Order  are  impossible,  save  through 
obedience  to  those  Divine  Laws  of  Justice,  Free- 
dom and  Fraternity,  which  Slavery  repudiates. 

Slaveholders  plotted  this  rebellion ;  slaveholders 
opened  this  war,  and  lead  in  its  conduct  with  desperate 
malignity.  By  an  evil  necessity,  inherent  in  the  sys- 
tem they  uphold,  it  must  either  rule  or  ruin.  Hence 
this  foul  rebellion. 

Our  sons  and  brothers  and  loved  ones  have  gone 
forth  freely  in_  our  country's  defence,  and  we  are 
grieved  and  heart-sick  to  see  them  the  victims  and 
sufferers  in  the  guilty  waste  of  precious  life,  and  the 
gratuitous  exposure  to  exhausting  labors  and  fatigues, 
results  of  a  weak  tenderness  towards  Slavery  in  the 
conduct  of  this  war  on  the  part  of  the  Government. 

It  is  shameful  that  a  wicked  prejudice,  created  and 
fostered  by  Slavery, — and  which  rebel  slaveholders 
now  rejoice  to  find  their  ally, — prevents  tbe  accept- 
ance of  the  proffered  aid  of  the  negro,  and  flings  all 
the  burthen  and  peril  of  the  war  on  the  Northern 
soldier.  It  is  folly  without  parallel  to  refuse  the  help 
of  the  only  friends  tbe  Government  has  in  large  por- 
tions of  the  South.  It  is  base  ingratitude  to  drive 
back  those  friends  into  cruel  hands. 

In  presence  of  national  law,  and  of  the  necessities 
of  war,  rebels  have  no  rights.  The  first  gun  fired 
against  Fort  Sumter  shattered  the  fetters  from  the 
limbs  of  every  slave  in  the  rebel  States,  under  the 
same  principle  by  which  that  base  act  made  all  its 
perpetrators  and  abettors  outlaws. 

No  legal  or  constitutional  barrier  stands  in  the  way. 
As  to  the  few  loyal  slave-owners  in  the  Border  States, 
if  they  be  truly  loyal,  they  will  share  any  sacrifice  to 
which  the  ending  of  slavery  may  subject  them,  as 
their  ready  offering  for  their  country's  safety ,—espe ■ 
cially  when,  in  the  light  of  a  few  years  of  freedom,  the 
sacrifice  will  be  found  more  seeming  than  real,  and 
when  Government  stands  ready  to  make  them  such 
compensation  as  may  be  its  share  of  indemnity  for  a 
common  complicity  with  the  slave  system. 

Under  the  war-power  there  is  ample  authority  for 
the  total  ending  of  Slavery, — so  necessary  to  the 
safety,  even  the  very  existence  of  our  nation. 

We  wish  peace,  but  it  is  only  possible  with  freedom, 
broad  and  impartial  as  the  right  of  all,  irrespective  of 
race. 

We  wish  safety  and  a  high  future  for  our  country, 
imperilled  by  the  wickedness  it  has  nursed  and  nur- 
tured in  its  midst. 

We  therefore  ask  that,  in  this  crisis,  yon  will  use 
your  abundant  powers  to  decree  the  emancipation  of  every 
with  a  high  faith  that  Divine  Wisdom  has  so  or- 
dered, that  it  is  always  safe  to  do  right. 

In  behalf  of  the  meeting  as  its  earnest  and  unani- 
mous expressien, 

PHILIP  D.  MOORE,   Chairman- 
G.   B.   Stebbiks,   )  Secreiarj£s_ 
Phebe  B.  Dean,  ) 


SPIEITUAL  STEENGTH  AND  SPIEITUAL 

UNION. 

The  following,  which  is  the  conclusion  of  an  article 

n  A.  J.  Davis's  Herald  of  Progress,  June   7,  contains 

i  most  important  truth,  however  mixed  with  an  error 

or  two  of  circumstance. — c.  k.  w- 

A  little  time  may  be  profitably  spent  in  consider- 
ing the  phi  osophy  of  feeding.  George  B.  Cheever, 
for  example:  What  supplies  the  spiritual  strength 
of  that  man  ?  Do  you  think  it  is  Moses,  off*  of  whom 
he  doubtless  believes  himself  to  be  dining  every  day  ? 
Not  at  all.  In  that  respect  he  is  as  much  mistaken, 
probably,  as  you  are.  I  know,  dine  with  him  and 
he  will  serve  you  up,  Moses  raw,  Moses  roasted,  Mo- 
ses boiled,  and  Moses  broiled;  and  for  supper  he 
will  but  change  the  order  of  the  dishes:  but  his 
spiritual  strength  is  not  from  thence.  That  man  is 
a  hunter  of  the  wild  beasts  which  infest  the  pleasant 
places  of  men,  and  his  spiritual  bread  is  the  humani- 
ty which  points  his  weapon.  It  is  the  living  inspi- 
ration of  a  present  need  which  is  his  daily  bread  for 
daily  work.  The  shape  of  the  loaf  is  nothing. 
Christmas-cake,  moulded  by  bakers'  art  into  the 
form  of  Santa-Claus,  is  still  cake,  and  is  just  as  grate- 
ful to  the  urchin's  stomach  and  helpful  to  his  growth 
as  in  another  form.  What  matter  though  Cheever 
bake  his  in  the  form  of  all  the  Patriarchs?  It  ia 
not  the  form  of  the  gingerbread,  but  the  fact  that 
nourishes.  Those  who  live  on  the  mere  form  of  the 
ancient  plum-cake  do  not  grow. 

Then  again,  (with  how  many  others')  he  supposes 
himself  to  belong  to  the  Presbyterian  Church — to  a 
church  of  mere  beliefs  anil  forms,  a  church  external. 
What  efficiency  there  is  in  him,  or  in  any  other  liv- 
ing soul,  is  from  membership  with  the  church  inter- 
nal and  universal — the  church  of  the  first-born 
whose  names  are  written  in  heaven,  and  the  church 
of  the  last  barn,  whose  deeds  upon  the  rarth  express 
their  love  of  man.  It  is  a  demonstrable  law  of  the 
soul,  that  sincerity  of  love  with  respect  to  any  noble 
purpose  under  the  sun  conjoins  all  who  are  in  the 
same  love.  Said  Jesus,  "  Where  two  or  three  are 
gathered  together  in  my  name,  (that  is  to  say,  in  the 
love  of  my  purpose,)  there  am  1  in  the  midst."  But 
Jesus  did  not  found  the  Presbyterian  Church,  nor 
did  he  furnish  the  material  out  of  which  John  Cal- 
vin constructed  it.  He  simply  revealed  the  church 
that  is — the  church  whose  foundation  is  human  na- 
ture, whose  ordinances  are  the  laws  of  the  soul.  To 
this  church  all  true  men  are  indebted  for  their 
strength  in  the  truth  :  and  it  will  be  blessed  for 
them  when  they  become  conscious  of  the  lint. 
When  men  come  to  fraternize  through  their  reason 
as  well  as  through  their  instincts;  when  the  bond  of 
brotherhood  is  strong  from  without  as  well  as  within, 
encircling  the  whole  manhood,  then  will  be  realized 
the  church  triumphant. 

A  recognition  of  this  fact  of  the  omnipotent  and 
invisible  Church  as  the  source  of  all  human  greatness 
is  among  the  pregnant  lessons  of  the  day.  The 
common  magnetism  of  a  great  and  noble  purpose; 
mark  how  it  unites!  Where,  for  example,  were  the 
"  two  or  three  "  even,  to  meet  with  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  as  Jesus  at  the  beginning  ?  Every  man- 
founded  Church  rejected  him.  Himself  a  Calvinist, 
he  but  proposed  the  peaceful  measures  openly  pro- 
fessed by  the  Quakers,  and  that  church  "forsook  him 
and  fled."  To  all  external  seeming,  the  man  was 
alone.  For  the  emergency ,  the  visible  Church  in  all 
its  forms  was  powerless  for  good,  mighty  for  evil. 
There  was  no  help  for  it ;  the  very  first  thing  for  the 
man  to  do  was  to  leap  its  harriers  for  that  broadest 
Church  whose  b;ise  is  the  common  humanity,  whoso 

fower  is  inspiration,  ami  whose  apostles  are  ideas. 
n  this  Church;  George  H.  Cheever  and  William 
Lloyd  Garrison  are  brothers.  Here,  inspired  bv  a 
common  purpose,  they  worship  at  a  common  altar, 
doing  manful  work  for  a  common  cause.  Here,  and  no- 
where else  on  earth  or  in  heaven,  can  these  two 
commune  together  with  Jesus.  Outside  of  the  sa- 
cred halo  of  this  divines)  purpose,  love  to  man,  these 

men  were  aliens  and  strangers.  Seen  only  from 
Calvin's  platform,  Garrison  was  an  infidel.  In  the 
great.  Church— the  Church  of  the  present,  the  past 
and  the  eternal  tiilurc.  of  all  the  generations  of 
men  now  upon  the  earth,  he  is  an  elder  brother." 
II.  T.  11. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS   PUBLISHED  — 

EVERY  FRIDAY  M0RKIITG-, 

221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    ROOM   Ho.  6. 


ROBERT  P.  WALLCUT,  Gknkeai.  Agent. 


E5f  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

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relating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  tlio  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

8^"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

JEF"  Tho  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

E^~  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
{,»per,  viz:  —  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
kond  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr, 


"  Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
tho  inhabitant  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.     I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  tho  place  ef  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,   and   SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  RK.ST  ; 
and  (bat,  under  that  stato  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive- 
management  of  the  subject,   not  only  the  President  of 
'    the  Uniteh  Status,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Armt, 
j    HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE    UNIVERSAL   EMAN- 
|    CIPATrON  OP  THE  SLAVES.  ♦.  .  .  From  the   instant 
j    that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
!    civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfere!* 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power,  ...  It  is  a  war  power.     I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
bas  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thh 
place  of  them.    When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  ema*. 
cipate  all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory  ."-J.  Q.  Ami, 


TO.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


©nr  towiry  i%  tfte  WmW,  mix  i&fmvXsmm  *»  «tt  Urtanfeiua. 


J.  B.  YERRIHflW  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    26. 


BOSTON,     FRIDAY,     JUNE    27,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1644. 


Uinp  tai  Wfptmmn* 


MAYOR  WIGHTMArT  vs.  GOV.  ANDREW. 

The  following  ridiculous  and  impudent  letter  from 
Mayor  Wightman  to  the  President  is  published  in 
the  Philadelphia  Inquirer: — 

Mayor's  Office,  City  Hall,  Boston,  ) 
May  23d,  1862.  $" 

Sir, — I  am  induced  to  write  you  this  from  a  sense 
of  duty,  for  the  purpose  of  repudiating,  in  the  mo'st 
emphatic  manner,  the  idea  that  the"  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  is  authorized  to  speak  for  the  loyal 
citizens  of  the  State  in  proposing  any  conditions  in 
regard  to  the  question  of  slavery,  as  affecting  a 
further  requisition  by  you  for  volunteers.  There 
may,  possibly,  be  small  sections,  or  towns,  in  the 
commonwealth,  where  the  doctrine  of  (-mancipation 
and  arming  the  slaves  is  regarded  'with  tavor,  and 
might  be  made  an  excuse  for  non-enlistment;  but  1 
assure  your  Excellency  that,  in  Boston,  and,  I  be- 
lieve, in  a  large  majority  of  the  other  cities  and 
towns  in  the  State,  the  mingling  of  questions  in  re- 
lation to  slavery  with  the  crushing  out  of  the  pres- 
ent rebellion,  is  viewed  with  the  strongest  feelings 
of  disapprobation,  while  the  efforts  you'  have  made 
to  resist  the  interpolation  of  this  discordant  element, 
and  to  restore  the  Union  on  the  basis  of  the  Con- 
stitution, as  evinced  in  your  appointment  of  Gov- 
ernors Johnson  and  Stanly,  yonr  sustaining  of  Gen 
eral  McClellan,  and  your  general  conservatism  in  all 
the  essential  matters  pertaining  to  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  has  given  hope  and  confidence  to  every  Union- 
loving  heart  in  our  State. 

Notwithstanding  the  opinions  of  the  Governor,  I 
believe  that  Massachusetts  may  be  relied  upon  for 
any  call  you  may  make  upon  her  patriotism  in  the 
present  emergency,  and  that  her  citizens  generally 
have  no  sympathy  with  those  who  are  agitating  the 
question  of  emancipation  at  this  time,  and  I  am  con- 
ndentthat  if  this  subject  was  introduced  in  conform 
ity  with  the  views  of  Governor  Andrew,  it  would 
produce  a  serious,  if  not  an  irreparable,  injury  to 
the  cause  of  enlistment. 

I  beg  you,  therefore,  to  make  your  requisition 
upon  the  State  of  Massachusetts  with  confidence  in 
the  loyalty  and  devotion  of  her  citizens,  and  with 
the  assurance  that  Boston  will  as  cheerfully  respond 
in  the  future  as  in  the  past  to  any  demand  of  the 
Government.  Trusting  that  you  will  continue  to  be 
firm  and  resolute  in  your  endeavors  for  the  restora- 
tion and  welfare  of  our  common  country,  and  in  ig- 
noring all  other  issues  which  tend  to  prevent  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  great  object,  I  have  the  honor 
to  be,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 
JOSEPH  M.  WIGHTMAN,  Mayor. 

His  Excellency  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of 
the  United  States,  Washington,  D.  fj. 


OUR   COUNTRY,   RIGHT  OR  "WRONG. 

The  editor  of  the  New  York  Observer,  writing 
from  Columbus,  Ohio,  where  he  has  been  attending 
the  sessions  of  the  (Old  School)  General  Assembly 
of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  comments  as  follows 
upon  the  suggestion  of  Governor  Andrew  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  that  enlistments  in  Massachusetts 
would  be  discouraged  and  retarded,  if  the  soldiers 
understood  that  they  were  forbidden  to  fire  into  the 
enemy's  magazine: — 

"  While  we  were  in  session,  we  received  the  pa- 
pers containing  the  response  of  the  Massachusetts 
Governor  Andrew,  to  the  call  for  troops.  We  read 
it  out  here  in  Ohio  with  shame  and  deep  regret.  In 
the  midst  of  a  loyal,  patriotic  people,  who  are  will- 
ing to  give  their  all  to  their  country,  it  was  most 
humiliating  to  read  from  the  Governor  of  the  Old 
Bay  State,  that  if  the  President  would  do  so  and  so, 
and  if  this,  that  and  the  other  thing  could  be  done, 
&c,  &c,  then  his  people  would  come  up  to  the  help 
of* the  Government!  Shame  on  such  patriotism! 
Away  with  such  half-way  patriots  when  we  are  at 
war  !  What  if  Governor  Tod,  of  Ohio,  should  pre- 
scribe the  conditions  on  which  he  would  send  his 
troops,  and  Morgan,  of  New  York,  make  other  con- 
ditions, and  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  put  in  his  ifs 
and  huts,  what  would  become  of  the  country  and  tbe 
cause  ?  I  confess  myself  ashamed  of  the  position 
which  the  Massachusetts  Governor  takes,  anfl  trust 
that  the  patriotic  press  of  Boston  will  utter  the  in- 
dignant sentiment  of  a  misrepresented  people.  Let 
us  give  no  quarter  to  disloyalty,  whether  it  shows  its 
miscreant  head  in  the  East  or  the  West,  the  North 
or  the  South.  *  Our  country,  our  whole  country,' 
is  the  motto  of  every  right  man." 


• 


GOV.  STANLY  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Newbern,  N.  C,  May  31,  1862. 

The  abolitionists  are  finding  considerably  more 
difficulty  in  making  their  living  under  Guv.  Stanly 
than  under  Gen.  Burnside. 

Since  the  arrival  of  this  discreet,  conservative  and 
firm-minded  man,  one  week  to-day,  we  have  had 
four  successive  acts  of  bold  policy,  which,  if  he  does 
nothing  else,  will  do  more  than  repay  the  govern- 
ment for  sending  him  here. 

These  acts  may  be  enumerated  thus : 

First — Closing  the  schools  for  the  negroes.  Nev- 
er before  the  arrival  of  that  crazy  abolitionist,  dubbed 
with  the  title  of  "  Doctor  "  Colyer,  was  there  such 
a  thing  heard  of  as  a  negro  learning  to  read.  The 
impudence  of  a  woolly-headed  urchin  running  up  to 
a  white  boy  and  saying,  "Aha,  I  am  learning  to 
read,  too,"  which  is  now  heard  constantly,  was 
never  thought  of.  More  than  one  of  our  old  citi- 
zens have  been  heard  to  declare,  that,  if  it  was  not 
for  the  military,  "  the  fellow  that  taught  them  would 
have  his  neck  stretched."  Well,  all  this  was  brought 
to  a  close  on  Wednesday  by  Governor  Stanly  very 
quietly  hinting  to  Colyer,  that  there  was  a  law  of 
North  Carolina  that  made  Buch  a  teacher  liable  to 
six  months  in  the  State  prison;  and  telling  him 
that  it  would  be  a  necessity  laid  upon  him  as  Gov- 
ernor to  apply  that  law  to  friend  Colyer,  if  com- 
plaint should  chance  to  be  made  against  him.  The 
result  was,  "Brother"  C.  closed  his  schools,  amid 
many  wailings,  lamentations,  sobbings,  rubbings  of 
noses,  &t\,  to  say  nothing  of  extra  smells  and  per- 
fumes that  evening. 

Second — The  next  good  rap  the  Governor  gave 
this  class  of  abolitionists  was  to  make  them  return 
the  stolen  negroes  they  were  harboring  in  their 
houses,  and  trying  to  run  North.  Nicholas  Bray,  a 
man  of  mild  and  gentlemanly  deportment,  applied 
to  Governor  Stanly  for  redress,  he  having  lost  tw 
darkey  women — one  a  very  lively  looking  brunette 
of  rapturous  sixteen,  for  whom  a  man  famous  fo 
his  fraternization  ideas  hail  offered  the  nice  fat  sum 
of  $1500.  The  Governor  at  once  helped  Bray,  anil 
told  him  to  take  his  property  wherever  he  could  find 
it.  He  did  so  at  once,  carrying  one  home  in  his 
barouche,  although  she  feigned  sickness,  and  giving 
Colyer's  resting-place  a  good  overhauling  for  the 
other. 


That  night,  however,  a  party  of  soldiers  from  one 
of  the  Massachusetts  regiments — i'ree  love  rights  men 
— and  true  to  their  principles,  went  to  this  poor 
man's  house,  broke  open  his  door,  frightened  his  sen- 
sitive wife,  because  she  had  heroically  assisted  her 
husband  in  the  capture  of  his  property,  stole  once 
more  his  slave  girl,  set  fire  to  his  bouse  and  decamp- 
ed. 

The  next  day,  the  Governor  sent  word  to  all  the 
captains  in  port,  that  if  they  took  away  a  single  ne- 
gro North,  their  ships,  on  their  return  to  Newbern, 
would  be  confiscated. 

That  same  afternoon,  H.  II.  Helper,  who  has 
been  a  constant  hanger  on  the  army  ever  since  its 
arrival  here,  and  getting  his  living  out  of  the  fat 
crib  of  the  United  States  Government,  pretending  to 
be  on  secret  service,  burning  bridges,  &c,  wrote  an 
impudent  letter  to  the  Governor,  presuming  to  criti- 
cise his  conduct  for  the  before  mentioned  acts.  For 
this  he  was  very  quietly  requested  to  report  himself 
in  New  York  as  soon  as  possible,  Dan  Messenger, 
our  gallant  Provost,  giving  him  an  additional  quietus 
in  the  shape  of  an  extra  shot,  telling  him  that  if  he 
(Messenger)  found  him  in  Newbern  after  the  de- 
parture of  the  next  steamer,  he  would  send  him  to 
jail,  and  feed  him  on  tough  beef.  Helper  cleared 
that  afternoon,  as  did  Colyer  also ;  and  so  your  city 
will  have  two  more  pets  for  Greeley  to  lubricate. — 
Correspondence  of  the  New  York  Herald. 


HUNTER'S  PROCLAMATION. 

It  is  yet  uncertain  whether  Hunter  has,  or  has  not, 
issued  the  dangerous  proclamation  attributed  to  him; 
but,  however  that  may  be,  the  Government  has  no 
small  share  of  bad  fortune  in  quite  a  number  of  its 
officers.  What  was  General  Fremont  in  Missouri  ? 
What  is  General  Jim  Lane?  What  are  several 
others?  Let  the  public  derangements  these  impru- 
dent persons  have  caused  answer.  We  have  always 
held  that  the  President  is  not  entirely  superior  to 
"  party  influences,"  and  no  one  will  say  that  facts 
to  sustain  that  conviction  have  not  happened.  Still, 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  one  of  the  best  Chief  Magis- 
trates the  Republic  ever  had ;  the  whole  North  is 
with  him  by  reason  of  his  merit ;  and  though  his 
party  has  had  much  to  do  in  provoking  the  rebellion 
which  he  is  now  so  energetically  putting  down,  his- 
tory will  vindicate  himself  as  having  been  one  of  the 
most  constitutional  Presidents  the  country  has  pro- 
duced. His  proclamation,  counteracting  the  pre- 
sumed one  of  General  Hunter,  exhibits  him  to  the 
people  in  the  old  resplendent  light  in  which  Andrew 
Jackson  more  than  once  appeared.  The  document 
is  eminently  Jacksonian.  It  speaks  so  high  and  so 
intrepid  a  regard  for  the  Union,  that  Jefferson  Da- 
vis himself  cannot  but  commend  it.  There  can  be  no 
mistake  as  to  its  grand  constitutional  sentiments. 
These  are  plainly  set  down,  and  Abraham  Lincoln 
declares  himself  "  for  the  responsibility."  The  na- 
tion has  reason  to  exult  in  such  a  proclamation.  It 
is  a  new,  honest,  and  powerful  pledge  to  it,  that  the 
fundamental  laws  of  the  land  will  suffer  no  rupture. 
To  be  sure,  the  Abolitionists  are  horrified  by  it :  but 
such  a  thing  is  a  great  eulogy  on  the  message,  for 
that  herd  of  fanatics  are  inveterate  rebels  to  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  Union.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  this  document  will  dispel  more  treason  in  the 
South  than  fifty  thousand  men;  for  it  will  convince 
it  that  conquest  is  not  the  aim  of  the  North,  and 
that  he  whom  it  took  to  be  a"  nigger-worshipper " 
is  as  true  a  President  as  the  hero  of  New  Orleans 
himself.  We  ourselves  firmly  opposed  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election.  This  we  did  in  view  of  his  political  char- 
acter, which  was  a  dangerous  one;  but  he  has  now 
our  support,  because  the  Constitution  is  his  guide. — 
Boston  (Catholic)  Pilot. 

We  have  no  refutation  for  the  statement  that  the 
Abolitionists  have  had  a  bold  hand  in  easting  the 
fires  of  rebellion  among  the  people  of  the  South. 
They  have  ever  been  a  herd  of  ungovernable'  and 
unconscionable  fanatics.  If  they  have  not  taught 
the  right  of  State  secession,  they  have  wickedly  pro- 
pounded that  the  Constitution  is  a  league  with  hell ; 
and  they  have  often  violated  the  national  laws,  out 
of  insane  enthusiasm  for  the  black.  It  is  certain, 
too,  that  they  have  desired  a  complete  rupture  be- 
tween the  two  sections  of  the  country, — on  the  prin- 
ciple that  such  a  fact  would  inevitably  lead  to  negro 
emancipation  ;  and  it  is  undoubted  that  they  are  ac- 
tually using  all  their  means  to  have  the  war  inde- 
finitely continued,  from  the  hope  that  slavery  it  may 
at  last  completely  destroy.  These  concessions 
against  Abolitionism  we  freely  make  ;  impeachment 
founded  on  them  we  shall  never  refuse  to  urge; 
against  that  ism  we  would  this  instant  commend  the 
rigors  of  military  law — for  it  is  an  ism  of  extreme- 
danger  to  the  Republic,  which  nothing  but  iron  rule 
can  suppress  ;  and  no  one  who  reads  our  columns  can 
hesitate  to  acknowledge  that  this  has  always  been 
the  course  of  The  Pilot.  Certainly,  the  Abolitionists 
themselves  will  make  no  denial  of  that  nature. 
They  have  always  admitted  our  antagonism,  and  it 
shad  not  be  turned  away  from  them.  All  this  we 
speak  from  principle,  (!  !)  without,  respect  either  to 
party  or  persons. — Ibid. 


brothers  and  sisters.  It  is  my  deliberate  opinion 
that,  in  their  present  state  of  ignorance,  the  slaves 
rather  fear  than  desire  emancipation.  They  only 
regard  their  appetites  and  comforts.  They  are  well 
housed,  well  dressed,  and  well  fed.  They  appear 
to  want  no  more.  These  facts  constitute  no  excuse 
for  slavery,  but  I  mention  them  as  tending  to  show 
that  statesmen  had  better  let  the  '  nigger'  alone  at 
present,  and  address  themselves  to  suppressing  this 
great  rebellion." 

2£gp=*  To  think  of  such  a  cold-blooded  and  menda- 
cious scribbler  being  entrusted  with  a  military  com- 
mand, however  suhordinate,  to  carry  on  the  war  (?) 
for  the  suppression  of  "  the  slaveholders'  rebellion"! 
And  the  army  is  cursed  with  multitudes  of  such. 


j?*l*(tt  0  »0  . 


Disunionists  Defined.  Hon.  Andy  Johnson, 
Military  Governor  of  Tennessee,  in  a  speech  at  Co- 
lumbia, on  the  2d  inst,  said: — 

"  An  Abolitionist  is  a  Disunionist.  A  Disunionist 
is  a  Secessionist.  A  Secessionist  is  a  Disunionist.  A 
Disunionist  is  an  Abolitionist.  Therefore  a  Seces- 
sionist is  an  Abolitionist.  There  is  not  a  particle  of 
difference  between  them.  Here  is  the  nation  tossed 
and  rent  almost  in  twain  by  these  unprincipled  and 
ambitious  office-hunters.  Now  there  is  a  great  mid- 
dle class  who  lie  between  these  extremes,  who  must 
come  up  and  save  the  Union.  The  mass  of  the 
Southern  people  are  for  the  Union.  The  great  mass 
of  the  Republicans  are  opposed  to  the  Abolitionists. 
The  body  of  the  people  everywhere  will  prove  true 
to  the  Union.  All  this  slavery  talk  is  a  mere  pre- 
text, whose  flimsiness  is  transparent." 


The  Southern  Slaves—  What,  a  Federal  Offi- 
cer Says  of  Them. — Colonel  Gibson,  of  the  Forty- 
ninth  Ohio  Regiment,  recently  wrote  a  letter  from 
Tennessee,  from  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 

"In  this  region,  every  one  owns  one  or  more 
slaves.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  where  I  have  been,  the 
slaves  arc  well  treated  and  well  provided  for.  They 
appear  happier,  and  certainly  live  and  dress  better 
that  the  poor  whites  or  the  i'mc  negro  of  Ohio  or 
the  North.  Thev  all  supposed  we  were  about  to 
liberate  them.  This  lie  had  been  trumpeted  in  tho 
South,  and  hundreds  of  honest  people  besides  slaves 
believed  it.  But  the  negro  here  instinctively  dreads 
the  North.  They  love  the  South,  and  are  "devoted 
to  their  masters. 

I  have  witnessed  some  touching  scenes  between 
exiled  masters,  returned  to  their  homes  and  their 
faithful  slaves.  It  is  strange  how  few  try  to  escape 
or  run  away.  I  doubt,  if  twenty  have  come  to  the 
army  with  which  I  have  been  connected  since  last 
September.  About  the  farm-houses  anifin  the  city, 
tin;  white  children  and  the  black  play  together  like 


CONFISCATION  AND  LIBERATION. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  GEORGE  W.  JULIAN, 

Of  Indiana,  in  the  U.  S.  House  of  Representatives,  May 
23,  1862/ 

The  House  having  under  consideration  the  bill  to 
confiscate  the  property  and  free  from  servitude  the 
slaves  of  rebels — 
Mr.  JULIAN  said: 

Mr.  Speaker  :  Before  closing  the  debate  on  the 
measures  of  confiscation  and  liberation  now  before 
us,  I  desire  to  submit  some  genural  observations 
which  I  hope  may  not  be  regarded  as  irrelevant  to 
these  topics,  or  wholly  unworthy  of  consideration. 
I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  these  particular  measures. 
I  deem  it  wholly  unnecessary.  I  believe  everything 
has  been  said,  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other, 
which  can  be  said,  and  far  more  than  was  demand- 
ed by  an  honest. search  after  the  truth.  Certainly, 
I  shall  not  argue,  at  any  length,  the  power  of  Con- 
gress to  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels.  I  take  it 
for  granted.  I  have  not  allowed  myself,  for  a  single 
moment,  to  regard  the  question  as  opeu  to  debate, 
nor  do  I  believe  it  would  ever  have  been  seriously 
controverted,  had  it  not  been  for  the  infectious  in- 
fluence of  slavery  in  giving  us  false  views  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  It  was  ordained  "  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  ensure 
domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  de- 
fence, promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity." 
I  lake  it  for  granted  that  our  fathers  meant  to  con- 
fer, and  did  confer  upon  us,  by  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution, the  power  to  execute  these  grand  purposes, 
and  made  adequate  provision  for  the  exercise  of  that 
power.  I  feel  entirely  safe  in  indulging  this  rea- 
sonable intendment  in  their  favor;  and  I  hand  over 
to  other  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  and  in  the  other  eud 
of  the  Capitol,  the  ungracious  task  of  dealing  with 
the  Constitution  as  a  cunningly  devised  scheme  for 
permitting  insurrectons,  conniving  at  civil  war,  and 
rendering  treason  to  the  Government  safer  than  loy- 
alty. 

Sir,  I  have  little  sympathy  for  any  such  friends  of 
tbe  Union,  and  I  honor  the  Constitution  too  much, 
and  regard  the  memory  of  its  founders  too  sacredly, 
to  permit  myself  thus  to  trifle  with  the  work  of  their 
hands.  Tbe  Constitution  is  not  a  shield  for  the  pro- 
tection of  rebels  against  the  Government,  but  a 
sword  for  smiting  them  to  the  earth,  and  preserving 
the  nation's  life.  Every  man  who  has  been  blessed 
with  a  moderate  share  of  common  sense,  and  who 
really  loves  his  country,  will  accept  this  as  an  ob- 
vious truth.     Congress  has  power — 

"  To  declare  war ;  to  grant  letters  of  marque  and  re- 
prisal ;  to  make  rules  concerning  captures  on  hand  and 
water;  to  raise  and  support  armies;  to  provide  and 
maintain  a  navy ;  to  make  rules  for  the  government 
and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval  forces ;  to  pro- 
vide for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws 
of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  inva- 
sions ;  and  to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  effect  the  foregoing  powers." 

Here  we  find  ample  and  express  authority  for  any 
and  every  measure  which  Congress  may  see  fit  to 
employ,  consistently  with  the  law  of  nations  and  the 
usages  of  war,  which  fully  recognize  the  power  of 
confiscation.  And  yet  for  long,  weary  months  we 
ve  been  arguing,  doubting,  hesitating,  deprecating. 
As  to  what  is  called  slave  property,  we  have  been 
most  fastidiously  careful  not  to  harm  it.  We  have 
seen  a  lion  in  our  path  at  every  step.  We  have 
seemed  to  play  the  part  of  graceless  stipendiaries  of 
slaveholding  rebels,  seeking,  by  technical  subterfuges 
and  the  ingenious  arts  of  pensioned  attorneys  in 
desperate  eases,  to  shield  their  precious  interests  from 
all  possible  mischief.  So  long  have  we  been  tug- 
^  i  the  harness  of  our  southern  taskmasters, 
that  even  this  horrid  conspiracy  of  rebel  slave-mas- 
ters cannot  wholly  divorce  us  from  the  idea  that  sla- 
very and  the  Constitution  are  one  and  inseparable. 
Sir,  while  I  honor  the  present  .Congress  for  its  great 
labors  and  the  many  good  deeds  it  has  performed,  I 
must  yet  count  it  a  shame  and  a  reproach  that  we 
did  not  promptly  enact  an  efficient  confiscation  bill 
in  December  last,  which  would  have  gone  hand  in 
hand  with  our  conquering  legions  in  the  work  of 
trampling  down  the  power  of  this  rebellion,  and  re- 
storing our  bleeding  and  distracted  country  to  the 
blessings  of  peace.  Many  thousands  of  dear  lives 
and  many  millions  of  money  would  thus  have  been 
spared  ;  for  which  a  poor  atonement,  indeed,  can  be 
found  in  the  learned  constitutional  arguments  against 
confiscation,  which  have  consumed  so  much  of  the 
time  of  the  present  session  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Speaker,  this  never  ending  gabble  about  the 
sacredness  of  the  Constitution  is  becoming  intolera- 
ble; and  it  comes  from  exceedingly  suspicious 
sources.  We  find  that  just  in  proportion  as  a  man 
loves  slavery,  and  desires  to  exalt  it  above  all  "  prin- 
cipalities a'nd  powers,"  he  becomes  most  devoutly 
in  love  with  the  Constitution  as  he  understands  it. 
No  class  of  men  among  us  have  so  much  to  say 
about  the  Constitution  as  those  who  are  known  to 
sympathize  with  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  pirate 
crew  at  his  heels.  It  will  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
red-handed  murderers  and  thieves  who  set  this  re- 
bellion on  foot  went  out  of  the  Union  yelping  for  the 
Constitution,  which  they  had  conspired  to  overthrow, 
through  the  blackest  perjury  and  treason  that  ever 
confronted  the  Almighty.  I  remember  no  men  who 
were  so  zealously  on  the  side  of  the  Constitution,  or 
so  studiously  careful  to  save  it  from  all  detriment,  as 
Breckinridge  and  Burnett,  while  they  remained 
nominally  on  the  side  of  the  Union.  Every  grace- 
less miscreant  who  has  wallowed  in  the  filthy  mire 
of  slavery  till  he  has  outlived  his  own  conscience,  ev- 
ery man  who  would  be  openly  on  the  side  of  the 
rebels  if  he  had  the  courage  to  take  his  stand,  ev- 
ery  opponent  of  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
by  the  use  of  all  the  powers  of  war,  will  be  found 
fulminating  his  dastardly  diatribes  on  the  duty  of 
standing  by  the  Constitution.  I  notice,  also— and 
I  do  not  mean  to  be  offensive— that  the  Democratic 
leaders  who  have  recently  issued  a  semi-rebel  ad- 
dress from  this  city,  are  most  painfully  exercised 
lest  the  Constitution  shoidd  suffer  in  the  hands  of 
the  present  Administration. 

Mr.  Speaker,  1  prefer  to  muster  in  different  com- 


pany. I  prefer  to  show  my  fealty  to  the  Constitu- 
tion by  treating  it  as  the  charter  of  liberty,  as  the 
I  foe  of  rebellion,  and  as  amply  armed  with  the  pow- 
er to  save  its  own  life  by  crushing  its  foes.  Sir,  who 
are  the  men  in  whose  behalf  the  Constitution  is  so 
persistently  invoked?  They  are  rebels,  who  have 
defied  its  power,  and  who,  by  taking  their  stand 
outside  of  the  Constitution,  have  driven  us  to  meet 
them  on  their  own  chosen  ground.  By  abdicating 
the  Constitution,  and  conspiring  against  the  Govern? 
ment,  they  have  assumed  the  character  of  public  en- 
emies, an  1  have  thus  no  rights  but  the  rights  of  war, 
while  in  dealing  with  them  we  are  bound  by  no 
laws  but  the  laws  of  war.  Those  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  which  define  the  rights  of  persons  in 
time  of  peace,  and  which  must  be  observed  in  deal- 
ing with  criminals,  have  no  application  whatever  to 
a  state  of  war,  in  which  criminals  acquire  the  char- 
acter of  enemies.  The  powers  of  war  are  not  un- 
constitutional, because  they  are  recognized  and  pro- 
vided for  by  the  Constitution  ;  but  their  function  ami 
exercise  are  to  be  regulated  by  the  law  of  nations 
governing  a  state  of  war,  and  "not  by  the  terms  of 
the  Constitution  applicable  to  a  state  of  peace. 
Hence  I  must  regard  much  of  this  clamor  about  the 
violation  of  the  Constitution  on  our  part  as  the  sick- 
ly higgling  of  pro-slavery  fanatics,  or  the  poorly  dis- 
guised rebel  sympathy  of  sniveling  hypocrites.  We 
must  fight  traitors  where  they  have  chosen  to  meet 
us.  They  have  treated  the  Constitution  as  no  long- 
er in  force,  and  we  should  give  them  all  the  conse- 
quences, in  full,  of  their  position.  By  setting  the 
Constitution  at  naught,  they  have  rested  their  case 
on  the  naked  power  of  lawless  might;  and,  there- 
fore, we  will  not  give  them  due  process  of  law,  by 
trying,  convicting,  and  hanging  them  according  to 
the  Constitution  they  have  abjured,  but  we  wilt  give 
them,  abundantly,  due  process  of  aw,  for  which  the 
Constitution  makes  wise  and  ample  provision. 

I  have  referred,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  the  influence  of 
slavery  in  giving  us  false  views  of  the  Constitution. 
It  has  also  given  us  false  ideas  as  to  the  character 
and  purposes  of  the  war.  We  are  fighting,  it  is  said, 
for  the  Union  as  it  was.  Sir,  I  should  bj  glad  to 
know  what  we  are  to  understand  by  this.  If  it 
means  that  these  severed  and  belligerent  States 
must  again  be  united  as  one  and  inseparable,  with 
secession  forever  laid  low,  the  national  supremacy 
vindicated,  and  the  old  flag  waving  over  every 
State  and  every  rood  of  the  Republic,  then  I  agree 
to  the  proposition.  Every  true  Union  man  will  sav 
am;n  to  it.  But  if,  by  the  Union  as  it  was,  we  are 
to  understand  the  Union  as  we  beheld  it  under  the 
thieving  Demojrajy  of  the  last  Administration,  with 
such  men  as  Davis,  Floyd,  Mason,  and  their  God-for 
saken  confederates,  restored  to  their  places  in  Con 
gress,  in  the  army,  and  in  the  Cabinet;  if  it  means 
that  the  reign  of  terror  which  prevailed  in  the 
southern  States  for  years  prior  to  this  rebellion  shall 
be  re-established,  by  which  uuoffending  citizens  of 
the  free  States  can  only  enter  "  the  sacred  soil  "  of  sla- 
very at  the  peril  of  life ;  if,  by  the  Union  as  it  was, 
be  meant  the  Union  with  another  James  Buchanan 
as  its  king,  and  Chief  Justice  Taney  as  its  anointed 
high-priest,  steadily  gravitating,  by  the  weight  of  its 
own  rottenness,  into  the  frightful  vortex  of  civil  war; 
then  I  am  not  for  the  Union  as  it  was,  but  as  I  be- 
lieve it  will  be,  when  this  rebellion  shall  have  worked 
out  its  providential  lesson,  I  confess  that  I  look  ra- 
ther to  the  future  than  the  past;  but  if  I  must  cast 
my  eye  backward,  I  shall  select  the  early  administra- 
tions of -the  Government,  when  the  chains  of  the 
slave  were  crumbling  from  his  limbs,  and  before  the 
Constitution  of  1789  had  been  mutilated  by  the  ser- 
vile Democracy  of  a  later  generation. 

Mr.  Spaaker,  this  clamor  for  the  Union  as  it  was 
comes  from  men  who  believe  in  the  divinity  of  sla- 
very. It  comes  from  those  who  would  restore  slavery 
in  this  District  if  they  dared  ;  who  would  put  back 
the  chains  upon  avevy  slave  made  free  by  our  army ; 
who  would  completely  re-establish  the  slave  power 
over  the  national  Government  as  in  the  evil  days  of 
the  past,  which  have  culminated  at  last  in  the  pres- 
ent bloody  strife,  and  who  are  now  exhorting  us  to 
"  leave  off  agitating  the  negro  question,  and  attend 
to  the  work  of  putting  down  the  rebellion."  Sir,  the 
people  of  the  loyal  States  understand  this  question. 
They  know  that  slavery  lies  at  the  bottom  of  all  our 
troubles.  They  know  that  but  for  this  curse,  this 
horrid  revolt  against  liberty  and  law  would  not  have 
occurred.  They  know  that  all  the  unutterable  ago- 
nies of  our  many  battle-fields,  all  the  terrible  sorrows 
which  rend  so  many  thousands  of  loving  hearts,  all 
the  ravages  and  desolation  of  this  stupendous  con- 
flict, are  to  be  charged  to  slavery.  They  know  that 
its  barbarism  has  moulded  the  leaders  of  this  rebel- 
lion into  the  most  atrocious  scoundrels  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  or  of  any  century  or  age  of  the 
world.  They  know  that  it  gives  arsenic  to  our  sol- 
diers, mocks  at  the  agonies  of  wounded  enemies,  fires 
on  defenceless  women  and  children,  plants  torpedoes 
and  infernal  machines  in  its  path,  boils  the  dead 
bodies  of  our  soldiers  in  cauldrons,  so  that  it  may 
make  drinking  cups  of  their  skulls,  spurs  of  their 
jaw  bones,  and  finger  joints  as  holiday  preseuts  for 
"  the  first  families  of  Virginia"  and  the""  descendants 
of  the  daughter  of  Pocahontas."  They  know  that  it 
has  originated  whole  broods  of  crimes  never  enacted 
in  all  the  ages  of  the  past,  and  that,  were  it  possible, 
Satan  himself  would  now  be  ashamed  of  his  achieve- 
ments, and  seek  a  change  of  occupation.  They 
knowthat  it  hatches  into  life  under  its  infernal  in- 
cubation, the  very  scum  of  all  the  villanies  and 
abominations  that  ever  defied  God  or  cursed  his 
footstool.     And  they  know  that  it  is  just  as  tmpossi- 


...  mpi 
ble  for  them  to  pass  through  the  fiery  trials  of  this 
war  without  feeling  that  slavery  is  their  grand  an- 
tagonist, as  it  is  for  a  man  to  hold  his  breath,  and 
live. 

Sir,  the  loyal  people  of  these  States  will  not.  only 
think  about  slavery,  and  talk  about  it,  during  the  pro- 
gress of  this  war,  but  they  will  seek  earnestly  to  use 
the  present  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  it  forever.  Noth- 
ing can  possibly  sanctify  the  sufferings  through 
which  we  are  called  to  pass  but  the  permanent  es- 
tablishment of  liberty  and  peace.  If  this  is  not  a 
war  of  ideas,  it  is  not  a  war  to  be  defended.  As  a 
mere  struggle  for  political  power  between  opposing 
States,  or  a  mere  question  of  physical  strength  or 
courage,  it  becomes  impious  in  the  light  of  its  horrid 
baptism  of  fire  and  blood.  It.  would  ~*nnk  with  the 
senseless  and  purposeless  wars  between  the  despot- 
isms of  the  Old  World,  bringing  with  it  nothing  of 
good  for  freedom  or  the  race.  What  I  said  on  this 
floor  in  January  last,  I  repeat  here  now,  that  the 
mere  suppression  of  this  rebellion  will  be  an  empty 
mockery  of  our  sufferings  and  sacrifices,  if  slavery 
shall  be  spared  to  canker  the  heart  of  the  nation 
anew,  and  repeat  its  diabolical  deeds.  Sir,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States,  and  the  armies  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  are  not  the  unreasoning  machines  of  ar- 
bitrary power,  but  the  intelligent  champions  of  free 
institutions,  voluntarily  espousing  the  side  of  the 
Union  upon  principle.  ■  They  know,  as  docs  the  civ- 
ilized world,  that  the  rebels  are  lighting  (o  diffuse 
and  eternize  slavery,  and  that  that,  purpose  must,  be 
met  by  a  manly  and  conscientious  resistance.  Tliev 
lecl  that 

"  Thrice  is  he  armed  who  hath  his  quarrel  just." 
and  that  nothing  can  "  ennoble  fight "  but  a  "  noblo 


cause."  Mr.  Speaker,  I  can  conceive  of  nothing 
more  monstrously  absurd,  or  more  flagrantly  recreant, 
thin  the  idea  of  conducting  this  war  against  a  slave- 
holders' rebellion  as  if  slavery  had  no  existence. 
Tiie  naadusss  of  such  a  policy  strikes  ma  as  next  to 
infinite.  Here  are  more  than  a  million  of  men  call- 
ed into  deadly  strife  by  the  struggle  of  this  black 
power  to  diffuse  itself  over  the  continent,  and  strike 
down  the  cause  of  free  government  everywhere,  de- 
luging these  otherwise  happy  States  with  suffering 
and  death  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the 
world;  and  yet  so  far  has  this  power  perverted  the 
judgment  and  debauched  the  conscience  of  the 
country,  that  we  are  seriously  exhorted  to  make 
still  greater  sacrifices,  in  order  to  placate  its  spirit 
and  spare  its  life.  I  thank  God  that  such  a  policy  is 
simply  impossible.  The  hearts  of  the  people  of  the 
free  States,  and  of  the  soldiers  we  have  sent  into  the 
field,  beat  for  liberty,  and  without  their  love  of  lib- 
erty, and  the  belief  that  it  is  now  in  deadly  peril,  the 
rebellion  would  have  triumphed,  just  as  the  struggle 
of  our  fathers,  in  1776,  would  have  ended  in  failure, 
'f  it  had  been  possible  to  make  them  ignore  the 
great  question  of  human  rights  which  nerved  their 
arms  and  fired  their  hearts. 

My  colleague,  [Mr.  VooiiHEEa,]  in  his  speech  the 
other  day,  was  quite  eloquent  in  his  condemnation 
of  the  financial  management  of  this  war,  and  quite 
painstaking  in  his  effort  to  show  the  magnitude  of 
the  debt  it  is  creating.     He  would  do  well  to  re- 
member that  when  Mr.  Chase  took  charge  of  the 
Treasury,  the  Government  could  only  borrow  money 
by  paying  one  per  cent,  per  month,  while  United 
States  six  per  cent,  bonds  are  now  at  two  per  cent, 
premium  over  American  gold.     As  to  the  immense 
burden   which  this  war  is  heaping  upon  us,  it  has 
been  chiefly  caused  by  the  mistaken  policy  of  ten- 
derness_  towards  the  rebals,  and  iinmunity'for  their 
pet  institution  ;  and  this  policy  has  been  steadily  and 
strenuously  urged  by  my  colleague  and  his  Demo- 
cratic associates.     It  has  been  far  less  the  fault  of 
the  Administration  than  of  some  of  our  commanding 
generals,  and  of  conservative   gentlemen   in   both 
Houses  of  Congress,   who   have   sought    by  every 
means  in  their  power  to  accommodate  the  war  policy 
of  the  Government  to  the  equivocal  loyalty  of  the 
border  States.     Many  precious  lives  and  many  mil- 
lions of  money  were  sacrificed  by  the  military  policy 
which  neither  allowed  the  army  of  the  Potomac  to 
march  against  the  enemy,  nor  go  into  winter  quar- 
ters, during  the  dreary  months  which  preceded  the 
order  of  the  President,  directing  a  combined  move- 
ment on  the  22d  of  February  last.     The  poliev  of 
delay,  which  has  also  sought  to  spare  slavery,  was 
never  accepted  by  the  President  of  his  own  choice, 
but  under  the  influence  of  those  both  in  and  out  of 
the  army  in  whom  he  reposed  confidence  at  the  time. 
I  rejoice  now  to  find  events  all  drifting  in  a  differ- 
ent direction.     I  believe  rebels  and  outlaws  are  to 
be  dealt  with  according  to  their  character.     I  trust 
slavery  is  not  much  longer  to  be  spared.     Congress 
has  already  sanctioned  the  policy  of  gradual  aboli 
tion,  as  recommended  by  the  President,  who  himself 
recognises  slavery  as  the  grand  obstacle  to  !___._ 
We  have  abolished  slavery  in  this  District,  and  thus 
branded  it  with    national  reprobation.     We  have 
prohibited  it  in  all  national  territory,  now  owned  ( 
hereafter  to  be  acquired.     We  have  enacted  a  ne 
article  of  war,  prohibiting  our  army  from  aiding  L 
the  recapture  of  fugitives,    and   I    trust   we  shall 
promptly  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850,  or 
at  least  suspend  its  operation  during  the  rebellion. 
We   have   given  freedom    to  multitudes  of  slaves 
through  our  confiscation  act  of  last  July,  and  by  re- 
ceiving them  into  our  camps,  and  retaining  them  in 
our  service.     We  have  enacted  the  homestead  bill, 
which  at  once  recognises  the  inalienable  rights  of  the 
people  and  the  dignity  of  labor,  and  thus  brands  the 
Slave  Power  as  no  act  of  the  nation  ever  did  before. 
Since  that  power  has  ceased  to  dominate  in  Congress 
we   are    perfecting,  and  shall  soon   pass  a  bit?  for 
the  construction  of  a  Pacific  railroad,  and  another 
for  the  abolition  of  polygamy  in  Utah.     Our  watch- 
words are  now — Freedom,  Progress. 

Those  patriotic  gentlemen  who  have  been  anxious 
to  hang  "  abolitionists,"  as  equally  guilty  with  the 
rebels,  are  changing  their  tune.  We  are  reconsider- 
ing the  folly  of  dealing  with  rebels  as  "misguided 
brethren,"  who  must  not  be  exasperated;  amf  while 
we  shall  not  imitate  their  barbarities,  we  are  learning 
to  apply  to  their  case  the  gospel  of  "  an  eye  for  an 
eye,  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth."  We  are  waginc  war 
in  earnest ;  we  are  beginning  to  love  freedom  almost 
as  dearly  as  the  rebels  love  slavery;  we  are  anima- 
ted by  a  measure  of  that  resentment  which  the  rebel- 
lion demanded  in  the  very  beginning,  and  has  con- 
stantly invoked  during  the  progress  of  the  war ;  and 
when  these  troubles  are  passed,  the  people  will  honor 
most  those  who  have  sought  to  crush  the  rebellion  by 
the  quickest  and  most  desperate  blows,  and  who,  in 
the  language  of  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts, 
have  been  willing  to  "  recognise  all  men,  even  black 
men,  as  legally  capable  of  that  loyalty  the  blacks 
are  waiting  to  manifest,  and  let  them  light  with  God 
and  nature  on  their  side."  The  proclamation  of 
General  Fremont,  giving  freedom  to  the  slaves  of 
rebels  in  Missouri,  has  done  more  to  make  his  name 
a  household  word  than  could  all  the  military  glory 
of  the  war;  and  1  rejoice  that,  while  the  PresTdent 


saw  fit  to  revoke  the  recent  sweeping  order  of  Gen- 
eral Hunter,  he  took  pains  to  couple  that  revocation 
with  words  of  earnest  warning,  which  have  neither 
meaning  nor  application  if  they  do  not  recognise  tbe 
authority  of  the  Executive,  in  bis  military  discretion, 
to  give  freedom  to  the  slaves.  That  tliis  authority 
will  be  executed,  at  no  very  distant  moment,  I  be- 
lieve most  firmly.  The  language  of  the  President 
obviously  implies  it,  and  foreshadows  it  among  the 
thick-coming  events  of  the  future.  Conservatives 
and  cowards  may  recoil  from  it,  and  seek  to  post- 
pone it ;  but  to  resist  it,  unless  Congress  shall  assume 
it,  will  be  to  wrestle  with  destiny. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  shall  support  the  two  measures  of 
confiscation  and  liberation  now  before  us,  for  tho 
same  reason  which  led  me  to  support  the  confiscation 
bill  of  last  July.  They  look  in  the  right  direction, 
and  I  am  glad  to  sec  any  advance  step  taken  by 
Congress.  But  I  shall  retain,  at  any  rate,  my  faith 
in  the  President,  and  in  that  logic  of  events  which 
hows,  amid  all  the  seeming  triumphs  of  slavery, 
that  the  anti-slavery  idea  has  neon  steadily  and  sure- 
ly marching  towards  its  triumph.  The  victories  of 
slavery,  in  fact,  have  been  its  defeats.  It  triumphed 
in  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1S20;  but  that 
triumph,  by  begetting  now  exactions,  kindled  and 
diffused  an  unslumbering  anti-slavery  sentiment 
which  kept  pace  with  every  usurpation  of  its  foe. 
It.  triumphed  in  the  annexation  of  Texas,  but,  this, 
by  paving  the  way  fur  the  Mexican  war,  nunc  folly 
displayed  its  spirit  of  rapacity,  and  led  to  an  organ- 
ized political  action  against,  it  which  finally  secured 
the  control  of  tho  Government,  It  triumphed  in 
I860,  in  the  passage  of  the  Fugitive  Stave  A, 'I,  the 
Texas  Boundary  Bill,  the  overthrow  of  tbe  Wilmol 
Proviso,  and  the  inauguration  of  the  policy  of  Popu- 
lar Sovereignty  in  our  Territories,  which  afterwards 
bTOUghl  forth  -such  bloody  iVuils  in  Kansas.  But 
these  incisures,  instead  Of  glutting    the    demands   of 

slavery, only  whetted  its  appetite,  and  brought  upon 
it  tlio  roused  and  intensified  hostility  of  the  people. 


it  triumphed  in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  restric- 
tion ;  but  this  was,  perhaps,  the  most  signal  defeat  in 
the  whole  history  of  its  career  of  aggression  and  law- 
lessness, completely  unmasking  its  real  character  and 
designs,  and  appealing  to  both  conservatives  and 
radicals  to  combine  against  it.  It  triumphed  again 
in  the  Dred  Scott  decision  and  the  election  of  James 
Buchanan  as  President;  but  this  only  enab  ed  slave- 
breeding  Democracy  to  grow  to  its  full  stature,  and 
bud  and  blossom  into  that  perfect  luxurrance  of  di- 
abolism through  which  the  Republican  party  mount- 
ed to  power.  Slavery  triumphed,  finally,  when  it 
clutched  the  national  Treasury,  sent  our  navy  into 
distant  seas,  plundered  our  arsenals,  fired  on  our  flag, 
and  sought  to  make  sure  its  dominion  by  wholesale 
perjury,  treason,  rapine,  and  murder;  but  all  this 
was  only  a  grand  challenge  to  the  nation  to  meet  it 
in  mortal  combat,  giving  us  the  right  to  choose  any 
weapons  recognised  by  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare. 
Baffled  and  overborne  in  all  its  previous  encounters, 
slavery  has  now  forced  upon  the  nation  the  question 
of  liberty  or  death;  and  I  cannot  doubt  that  the 
triumphs  of  freedom  thus  far  will  be  crowned  by 
final  victory  in  this  grand  struggle.  The  cost  of  our 
victory,  in  treasure  and  blood,  and  the  length  of  the 
struggle,  will  depend  much  upon  the  madness  or  the 
wisdom  which  may  dictate  our  policy ;  but  1  am  sure 
that  our  country  is  not  so  far  given  over  to  the  care 
of  devils  as  to  allow  slavery  to  come  out  of  this  con- 
test with  its  life.  To  believe  this,  would  be  to  take 
sides  with  "  the  fool  "  who  "  hath  said  in  his  heart, 
there  is  no  God." 

The  triumph  of  ant'-slavery  is  sure.  In  the  day 
of  its  weakness,  it  fa;ed  proscription,  persecution, 
violence  and  death,  but  it  never  deserted  its  fliw. 
It  was  opposed  by  public  opinion,  by  the  press,  by 
the  religious  organizations  of  the  country,  and  by 
great  political  parties,  which  it  fina'ly  rent  in  twain 
and  trampled  under  its  feet.  It  is  now  the  master 
of  its  own  position,  while  its  early  heroes  are  taking 
their  rank  among  "  the  noble  of  alt  ages."  It  has 
forced  its  way  into  the  presidential  chair,  and  rules 
in  the  Cabinet.  It  dictates  the  legislation  of  Con- 
gress, and  speaks  in  the  Courts  of  the  Old  World. 
It  goes  forth  with  our  armies,  and  is  every  hour  more 
and  more  imbuing  the  soldiers  of  the  Republic  with 
its  spirit     Its  course  is  onward,  and  while 

"The  politic  statesman  looks  back  with  a  sigh, 
There  ia  doubt  in  hi3  heart,  there  is  fear  in  his  eye"; 

and  even  those  slimy  doughfaces  and  creeping  things 
that  still  continue  to  hiss  at  "abolitionism,"  betray 
a  tormenting  apprehension  that  their  day  and  gen- 
eration are  rapidly  passing  away.  In  the  lio-ht  of 
the  past,  the  future  is  made  so  plain  that  "  he  that 
runs  may  read."  In  the  year  1850,  when  the  Slave 
Power  triumphed  through  the  "-final  settlement" 
which  was  then  attempted,  I  had  the  honor  to  hold 
a  seat  in  this  body;  and  I  said,  in  a  speech  then  de- 
livered, that — 

"  The  suppression  of  agitation  in  the  non-slavehold- 
ing  States  will  not  and  cannot  follow  the  '  peace  mea- 
sures '  recently  adopted.  The  alleged  death  of  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  will  only  prove  the  death  of  those 
who  have  sought  to  kill  it,  while  its  advocates  will  be 
multiplied  in  every  portion  of  the  North.  The  cove- 
nant for  the  admission  of  additional  slave  States  will 
be  repudiated,  while  a  renewed  and  constantly  increas- 
ing agitation  will  spring  up  in  behalf  of  tbe  doctrine 
of  '  no  mire  slave  States.'  The  outrage  of  surrender- 
ing free  soil  Co  Texan  slavery  cannot  fail  to  be  followed 
by  the  same  results,  and  j  ust  as  naturally  as  fuel  feeds 
the  flame  which  consumes  it.  The  passage  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Bill  will  open  a  fresh  wound  in  the 
North,  and  it  will  continue  to  bleed  just  as  long  as  the 
law  stands  unrepealed.  The  existence  of  slavery  in 
the  capital  of  the  Republic,  upheld  by  the  laws  of  Coih 
gress,  must  of  itself  keep  alive  an  agitation  which  will 
be  swelled  with  the  continuance  of  the  evil.  Sir,  these 
questions  are  no  longer  within  the  control  of  politicians. 
Party  discipline,  presidential  nominations,  and  the 
spoils  of  office,  cannot  stifle  the  free  utterance  of  the 
people  respecting  the  great  struggle  now  going  on  in 
this  country  between  the  free  spirit  of  the  North  and 
a  domineering  oligarchy  in  the  South.  Here,  sir,  lies 
the  great  question,  and  it  must  be  met.  Neither  acts 
of  Congress  nor  the  devices  of  partisans  can  postpone 
or  evade  it.  It  will  have  itself  answered.  I  am  aware 
that  it  involves  the  bread  and  butter  of  whole  hosts  of 
politicians;  and  I  do  not  marvel  at  their  attempts  to 
escape  it,  to  smother  it.  to  bile  it  from  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  and  to  dam  up  the  moral  tide  which  is  forcing 
it  upon  them.  Neither  do  I  marvel  at  their  firing  of 
guns  and  baejh  malian  libations  over  '  the  dead  body  of 
the  Wilmot.'  Such  labors  and  rejoicings  are  by  no 
means  unnatural,  but  they  will  be  followed  by  disap- 
pointment. It  is  vain  to  expect  to  quiet  agitation  by 
continued  concessions  to  an  institution  which  is  becom- 
ing every  hour  more  and  more  a  stigmi  to  the  nation, 
and  which,  instead  of  seeking  new  conquests  and  new 
life,  should  be  prepvring  itself  with  grave  clothes  for 
a  decent  exit  from  the  world  ;  concessions  revolting  to 
tbe  humanity,  the  conscientious  convictions,  the  relig- 
ion, and  the  patriotism  of  the  free  States." 

Sir,  I  speak  to-day  in  the  spirit  of  these  words, 
uttered  nearly  twelve  years  ago,  and  verified  by 
time.  A  small  band  of  men  in  Congress  braved  pub- 
lic opinion,  the  ruling  influences,  of  the  time,  and 
every  form  of  proscription  and  intimidation,  in  stand- 
ing by  the  cause  which  was  overwhelmingly  voted 
down.  But  although  outvoted,  it  was  not  conquered^—" 
"  It  is  in  vain,"  says  Carlyle,  "  to  vote  a  false  image 
true.  Vote  it,  and  revote  it,  by  overwhelming  ma- 
jorities, by  jubilant  unanimities,  the  thing  is  not  so  * 
it  is  otherwise  than  so,  and  all  Adam's  posterity,  vot^ 
ing  upon  it  till  doomsday,  cannot  change  it." 

The  history  of  reform  bears  unfailing  witness  to 
this  truth.  The  cause  which  bore  the  cross  in  1S50 
wears  the  crown  to-day.  "  No  power  can  die  that 
ever  wrought  for  truth,"  .while  the  political  graves 
of  recreant  statesmen  are  eloquent  with  warnings 
against  their  mistakes.  Where  are  those  Northern 
statesmen  who  betrayed  liberty  in  1820  ?  They  are 
already  forgotten,  or  remembered  only  in  their  dis- 
honor. Who  now  believes  that  any*  fresh  laurels 
were  won  in  1850,  by  the  great  men 'who  sought  to 
gag  the  people  of  the  free'States,  and  lav  the  slab 
of  silence  on  Jhose  truths  which  to-day  write  them- 
selves down,  along  with  the  guilt  of  slavery,  in  the 
flames  of  civil  war?  Has  any  man  in  the  whole 
history  of  American  politics,  however  deeply  rooted 
his  reputation  or  godlike  his  gilts,  been  able' to  hold 
dalliance  with  slavery  and  live  ?  1  believe  the  spirit 
of  liberty  is  the  spirit  of  God,  and  if  the  giants  of  a 
past,  generation  were  not  strong  enough  to  wrestle 
with  it,  can  the  pigmies  of  the  present  ?  It  has  beeu 
beautifully  said  of  Wilberforee  that  he  «  ascended 
to  the  throne  of  God  with  a  million  of  broken 
shackles  in  his  hands,  as  the  evidence  of  a  life  well 
spent."     History  wilt  take  care  of  his  niomorv  ;  ;md 

when  our  own  bleedins  oovntry  shall  again  "put  on 
the  robes  of  peace,  end  freedom  shall  have  leave  u. 

gather  up  her  jewels,  she  will  not  search  for  them 
among  the  political  lossils  who  are  now  seeking  to 
spare  the.  rebels  bv  pettifogging  their  eanse  in^the 
name  of  the  Constitution,  while  the  Slave  Power  is 
feehng  for  tin'  nation's  throat.  No;  God  is  not  to 
In-  mocked,  .Justice  is  suiv.  Tlio  defenders  of  sla- 
very and  its  despicable  apologists  will  iv  nailed  bq 
the  world's  pillory,  and  the  holiest  shrines  in  tho 
temple  of  American  liberty  will  be  rescued  for  those 

who  shall  most  faithfully  do  battle  against  this  rebel- 
lion, as  a  gigantic  oonsptraoy  against  the  rights' o| 
human  nature  and  the  brotherhood  of  our  race. 


102 


THE     LIBERATOR 


JUNE   27. 


GENERAL  LANE  AT  (JOOPER  INSTITUTE. 

On  Wednesday  evening,  4th  inst.,  'Gen.  Lane,  of 
Kansas,  appeared  before  an  immense  crowd  at  Coop- 
er Institute.  Wo  give  a  portion  of  his  speeeh>  wMcb 
is  characteristic  throughout : — 

If  there  is  anything  that  to  "me,  Wow-,  is  more  dis- 
graceful Hum  all  Others  to  manhood,  womanhood,  and 
childhood,  it  is  Northern  reference  for.  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  forget  the 
place  and  the  people  to  whom  I  speak,  the  city  of 
New  York-,  that  to  this  Government  is  a  power  be- 
hind the  throne  more  powerful  than  the  throne  it- 
self; and  if  here  1  could,  by  giving  up  my  life,  incul- 
cate a  fair  and  candid  spirit  concerning  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery,  God  knows  how  willingly  I  would 
die.  Had  the  people  of  New  York,  a  year  ago,  de- 
clared to  the  Government,  or  to  the  President,  "  We 
instruct  you  to  issue  a  proclamation  to  the  slave 
States,  saying,  You  must  within  thirty  days  lay 
down  your  arms,  or  I  will  free  all  your  slaves,"  that 
proclamation  would  have  been  issued,  and  the  war 
ended  long  ere  this. 

Why  has  this  war  been  so  long  kept  up?  That 
it  ini«ht  preserve  the  institution  that  inaugurated  it. 
It  commenced  in  the  fall  of  1855  on  the  plains  of 
Kansas.  Every  slave  State,  save  Maryland  and 
Delaware,  had  an  army  on  the  plains  of  Kansas, 
that  liberty  might  be  killed.  How  did  we  save  Kan- 
sas ?  A  handful  of  men,  weak  and  feeble,  with  a 
few  Sharpc's  rifles,  did  it.  We  said  to  slavery, 
«  You  have  brought  this  trouble  upon  us,  and  you 
shall  cease  to  exist  in  Kansas."  We  also  said  to 
those  whose  shackles  were  stricken  off,  "  Take 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  fight  with  us."  A  man  madi 
like  us,  and  with  hands  like  ours,  said,  "  Here,  Gen 
eral,  we  want  to  fight  for  freedom,"  and  we  gave 
him  the  gun,  knowing  he  would  fight  as  well  as  we. 
[Applause.] 

1  have  three  children,  and  I  suppose  most  of  you 
have  children;  if  not,  you  expect  to  have.  This 
war  has  been  a  dreadful  calamity  upon  ns,  and  I 
don't  want  my  children  to  suffer  from  such  a  war. 
I  look  upon  it  as  cowardly  to  entail  upon  our  chil- 
dren an  intestine  war  such  as  this.  It  is  upon  us 
so  far  as  operations  of  armies  go.  [Applause.]  If 
we  permit  a  vestige  of  slavery  to  remain  within  the 
boundaries  af  the  Union,  we  insure  a  civil  war  upon 
our  children.  Go  with  me  to  the  State  of  Delaware. 
There  are  1,200  slaves  in  Delaware;  is  she  any 
nearer  being  a  free  State  than  if  she  had  100,000  ? 
Look  at  her  Bayard  and  Saulsbury  !  I  have  noth- 
ing to  say  about  them,  except  that  they  would  sink  a 
thousand  Unions  like  this  rather  than  peril  their  in- 
stitution and  their  political  party.  In  Western  Vir- 
ginia, the  people  voted  ten  to  one  in  favor  of  eman- 
cipation. They  framed  a  constitution ;  and  yet 
they  dared  not  embody  a  resolution  in  favor  of  eman- 
cipation, however  gradual.  Why?  They  are  afraid. 
How  about  North  Carolina  ?  I  am  not  a  believer 
in  special  Providence;  but  I  do  believe  it  would 


No,  that  ain't  wWt  i  ttiean ;  a  place  where  they  se'.l 
stocks.;  aVi'd  vvWh  the  President  .believes  lie  can 
cina^K'ipaft1.  thw  slaves  without  seriously  affecting  the 
V>rice  ol' United  States  stocks,  he'll  do  it.  Why,  the 
longer  we  carry  on  this  war,  apparently,  the  more 
money  we've  got.  I  have  always  believed  that  a 
hand  stronger  than  ours  is  protecting  this  country, 
and  I  will  not  believe  that  He  will  permit  this  rebel- 
lion to  clot'e  without  establishing  on  every  foot  of 
this  continent  freedom,  freedom  where  lie  can  be 
worshipped,  and  worshipped  intelligently.  [Ap- 
plause.] We  have  our  work  to  do,  and  no  one  has 
a  greater  responsibility  than  the  people  of  New  York. 
Cast  aside  your  fear,  your  reverence  for  slavery. 
Write  upon  your  banner,  "  Emancipate,"  and  eman- 
cipation follows.  That  done,  what  will  restrict  our 
power?  We  will  then  have  peace,  permanent  peace. 
All  my  efforts  are  pledged,  all  my  energies  shall  be 
exhausted  to  secure  the  emancipation,  either  imme- 
diate or  gradual,  of  every  slave.  We  want  freedom 
for  all,  for  the  white  race  and  the  black  race.  [Ap- 
plause] 

G0VEKN0K  STANLY  OF  H0ETH  CAE0LIHA. 

The  course  of  this  person  has  caused  far  more 
sorrow  and  indignation  than  anything  that  the  reb- 
els could  have  done.  Just  as,  by  the  benevolent  ex- 
ertions of  Dr.  Colyer,  aided  by  the  noble,  efforts  of 
Gen.  Burnside  and  his  officers  and  men,  the  colored 
people  were  beginning  to  learn  how  to  live,  and 
were  obtaining  the  rudiments  of  knowledge  ;  just 
as  the  children  were  beginning  to  exult,  that  they, 
too,  as  well  as  the  white  children,  were  to  learn  to 
read,  and  they  were  learning  that  not  all  white  men 
were  slave  drivers  or  masters,  this  Gov.  Stanly 
comes,  and  sweeps  it  all  away  with  a  stroke  of  his 
pen — closes  the  schools,  by  which  the  darkness  of 
the  soul  was  being  enlightened  ;  drawing  around 
him  the  men-stealers,  and  hounding  them  upon 
their  prey  ;  exercising  dictatorial  powers,  by  banish- 
ing a  citizen  for  daring  to  tell  him  the  truth — and 
all  under  the  excuse  of  the  laws  of  the  State.  Laws 
of  the  State,  quotha  V  By  what  law  of  the  State  of 
North  Carolina  was  this  man  sent  as  Military  Gov- 
ernor ?  By  what  law  of  that  State  does  lie  hold 
his  position  ?  If  he  professes  such  reverence  for 
these  laws,  why  does  he  hold  his  office  one  moment? 
By  what  law  of  that  State  does  he  expatriate  a  citi- 
zen for  addressing  him  a  respectful  letter?  Have 
we  lavished  our  blood,  have  we  given  our  citizens, 
have  we  spent  our  property  for  this,  that  when  we 
have  conquered,  the  kidnapper  and  slave  catcher 
may  enter  and  seize  their  poor  shrinking  victim  ? 

Is  this  the  feast  to  which  we  are  invited  ?  If  it  is, 
let  us  know  it,  and  we  fancy  that  less  Massachusetts 
men  'will  respond  to  the  call  for  troops  in  the  future 
than  there  has  in  the  past.  President  Lincoln  mis- 
took his  man.  The  course  of  this  tyrant  has  been 
against  every  sentiment  and  expression  of  his  that 
he  has  uttered.  He  has  repeatedly  said,  that  no 
slave  that  became  free  in  consequence  of  this  war 


»&<*»t 0*. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,   FRIDAY,  JUNE  27,1852. 


have  been  well,  if,  after  Stanly  had  put  his  hand  to'  should  be  sent  back  into  slavery.  We  have  no 
that  order,  the  earth  had  opened,  and  he  had  been  doubt  but  that  this  Stanly  will  either  be  ordered  to 
sent — down.  [Laughter.]  Look  at  it  in  all  its  de-  alter  his  course,  or  to  leave  the  scene  of  his  labor 
formity  !  A  President  appoints  a  Governor — a  »  where  he  has  caused  more  evil  than  he  can  ever  re- 
President  who  has  repeatedly  declared  that  noj  trieve.  Let  him  go  to  California  again  from  whence 
slave,  once  within  our  lines,  shall  be  sent  back  to  j  he  came,  to  raise  more  mobs  to  put  down  Union 
slavery — and  this  Governor  declares  that  he  is  com-     meetings.     He  will  learn  before  he  dies,  that  this 


pelled',  by  the  laws  of  slavery,  to  issue  an  order  repul- 
sive to  every  sentiment  of  humanity. 

Find  me  a  Democrat  in  Washington,  who  was 
born  such,  and  he  is  one  who  declares  Stanly's  or- 
der is  all  right.  A  Democrat  in  New  York  does  the 
same  thing.  There  is  a  class  of  Democrats  who 
love  Democracy  a  great  deal  better  than  they  do 
the  Union.  I  suppose  there  is  no  man  who  will 
deny  that  slavery  is  in  direct  conflict  with  the  civil- 
ization of  the  age.  Emancipation  is  now  a  necessity. 
You  may  as  well  come  to  it,  because  the  slaves  have 
snuffed  freedom,  and  they  are  worthless  after  that, 
as  slaves.  It  may  have  occurred  to  you,  while  I  am 
speaking,  to  say,  What  will  you  do  with  them  ?  It 
is  upon  us — the  emancipation  of  every  slave  is  upon 
us — and  we  must  not  blink.  WThat  will  you  do 
with  them? 

We  have  in  Kansas  17,000  families.  Four  thou- 
sand slaves  have  recently  emigrated  from  Arkansas 
and  Missouri  into  Kansas,  and  yet  we  all  get  along. 
I  have  aided  2,500  slaves  to  emigrate  this  year, 
and  it  has  not  been  a  very  good  year  for  negroes  ei- 
ther. [Laughter.]  When  they  first  come  into 
camp,  thev  look  down,  but  after  a  while  they  look 
and  act  like  men.  It  is  truth  that  all  the  reliable 
information  I  received  in  Missouri,  I  received  from 
slaves. 

I  have  said  that,  so  soon  as  we  can  do  it,  these 
two  races  should  be  separated,  for  the  good  ol  both — 
not  now,  not  till  we  educate  them  and  prepare  them 
for  self-government.  I  am  not  quite  as  anxiour  -- 
you,  to  get  the  negroes  out  of  South  Carolina 
would  like  to  see  South  Carolina  forever  dedicated 
to  that  race.  [Applause.]  I'll  guarantee^  then 
would  be  no  .more  secession  in  South  Carolina,  if 
that  was  so.  [Renewed  applause.]  Educate  them 
where  they  are. 

'■But,"  say  you,  "how  about  cotton?"  New 
York  is  the  great  metropolis  of  the  country,  and  I 
believe  there  are  measures  now,  before  the  Con- 
gress of  the  nation,  which  will  make  New  York  the 
metropolis  of  the  world ;  and  we  hope  the  Pacific 
Railroad  Bill  will  be  passed,  thus,  connecting  the 
East  and  the  West,  and  effecting  that  result.  You 
won't  get  cotton  !  If  you  want  to  increase  it,  break 
dpwn  the  monopoly  held  by  slaveholders!  Do  you 
say,  how  break  it  down  ?  Why,  if"  these  men  don't 
want  to  ttay  and  work  with  free  labor,  let  them 
come  away,  and  make  room  for  northern  men  who 
know  how  to  make  money  out  of  free  labor.  [Ap- 
plause.] The  slave  will  increase  the  product  quad- 
uple  when  made  free.  As  a  slave,  he  has  no  incen- 
tive to  work — give  him  his  pay,  and  he  works  as 
other  men  work.  But,  says  one,  "I  don't  know 
about  arming  the  slaves."  1  should  not  have  said 
so,  perhaps,  in  conservative  New  York,  but  the 
time  is  coming  when  that,  too,  will  be  a  necessity. 
The  army  of  the  rebellion  will  be  scattered  in  a 
few  weeks,  but  they  will  exist  in  guerilla  bands.  In 
Missouri,  there  has  been  no  organized  army  in  three 
months;  yet  that  State  is  suffering  more  than  ever 
from  guerillas.  How  long,  and  how  much  did  it 
did  it  take  to  destroy  the  handful  of  Seminoles  se- 
creted in  the  glades  ?  Years,  and  millions  of  dol- 
lars. 

Is  not  the  guerilla  system  branded  by  all  nations 
as  murderous?  Well,  it  will  exist;  and  how  will 
we  meet  it  ? 

I  propose  to  meet  it  by  setting  the  slaves  of  those 
rebels  tree,  and  setting  them  to  hunt  them  out.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

When  we  get  these  guerillas  cleared  out  by  the 
use  of  the  slaves,  I  would  like  to  see  every  traitor 
who  has  to  die,  die  by  the  hand  of  his  own  slave. 
Let  the  slave  whom  he  has  oppressed  do  thejob.  A 
traitor  to  the  best  government  on  the  earth  would 
find  fault  with  the  hand  that  strikes  him  dead. 
— ~-He_pught  to  be  thankful  that  he's  permitted  to  die. 
[Laughter.]  The  tories  of  the  revolution  lived  a 
life  of  hell ;  and  how  much  worse  will  be  the  con- 
dition of  those  who  are  permitted  to  live  after  their 
traitorous  doings?  A  Northern  traitor!  The  mis- 
erable slave  of  slavery  !  It's  a  vocation.  0,1  wish 
that  I  was  forgiven  for  the  crime  of  having  once  in 
my  heart  reverenced  the  institution  of  slavery.  [Ap- 
plause.] The  devotee  of  slavery  is  a  human  fiend  ! 
There  is  no  crime  he  will  not  commit  for  slavery. 
Why,  a  thousand  of  these  fellows  would  march  over 
into  Kansas,  and  if  they  killed  an  unarmed  pioneer, 
or  a  defenceless  woman,  or  a  little  child,  they  claimed 
a  great  victory.  How  would  you  like  to  see  South 
Carolina  come  into  the  Union  with  the  same  statm 
as  she  had  before  ?  Who  would  like  to  see  South 
Carolina  come  into  the  Union  as  she  went  out  of  it  ? 
I  have  a  vote  to  cast  on  that  subjeatjn  behalf  of 
Kansas;  and  when  he  who  speaks  to  you  casts  a 
vote  in  favor  of  that,  he  will  never  again  face  the 
gallant  people  of  Kansas.  [Applause.]  And  first, 
then,  we  will  emancipate  the  slaves — the  slaves  of 
rebels,  if  you  say  so;  for  you  can  commence  where 
you  please,  for  I  know  it  will  result  in  the  freeing  of 
every  slave  in  every  slave  State.  I  tried  that  in 
Missouri.  [Laughter.]  I  said  to  my  officers  and 
men,  '-The  slaves  of  traitors  are  confiscated."  I 
issued  no  proclamation.      [Laughter.] 

I  got  to  a  certain  point  in  Missouri  one  day  with 
the  Kansas  Brigade.  That  night  the  negroes  came 
into  camp,  and  the  next  day  we  all  came  away  to- 
gether. I  had  no  time  to  discuss  legality  with  the 
masters.  I  believe  Congress  will  pass  that  law,  and 
all  you  have  got  to  do  is  to  petition  the  President — 
brave,  honest  old  Abe  Lincoln — [great  applause] 
— and  he'll  do  that  thing,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
speaker,  he  is  right  anxious  to  do  it.  [Applause.] 
I  believe,  and  always  shall,  why  he  modified  the 
proclamation  of  the  gallant  Fremont — [tremendous 
applause,] — and  that  of  Hunter— [applause] — was, 
that  he  wants  to  do  it  himself.  He  wants  to  write 
the  slaves  all  free  in  hia  own  homely  Btyle.  £Ap- 
plause.]  You've  got  an  institution  in  this  city — 
what  do  you  call  it  f  [A  voice — "  Herald,'"  "  Herald."} 


war  is  not  to  uphold  the  slave-catcher  or  the  pander — 
that  the  thousands  of  noble  men  who  are  risking 
their  lives,  and  enduring  hardships  and  privations, 
did  not  enter  the  service  of  their  country  to  build 
up  the  institution  of  slavery — that  the  loyal  and 
free  North  and  West  are  not  pouring  out  their  trea- 
sure like  water,  that  rebels  may  recover  their  lost 
property  in  man.  And  others  of  the  same  stamp  as 
this  Governor  Stanly  may  learn  the  same  lesson. 
Those  who  uphold  him,  and  who  bandy  coarse  jests 
and  brutal  remarks  upon  the  noble  man  who  gave 
his  earnest  endeavors  to  teach  these  poor  ignorant 
beings  to  be  men  and  women — they  will  learn  this, 
and  the  shame  of  their  words  will  haunt  them  to 
their  graves. —  Old  Colony  Memorial. 


800EPI0H  STABLY, 


The  name  which  the  indignant  O'Connell  used  to 
give  to  Lord  Stanly  will  much  better  apply  to  the 
cruel  wretch  whom  the  Government,  by  some  mis- 
take, has  appointed  Military  Governor  of  North 
Carolina.  He  is  a  scorpion  or  scourge  of  the  most 
malignant  sort.  His  first  act  on  arriving  within 
sight  of  his  seat  of  power  was  to  disperse  the  chari- 
table schools  which  the  benevolence  of  the  North 
had  gathered  in  that  benighted  State ;  his  second 
was  to  deliver  up  the  fugitive  slaves  who  had  es- 
caped to  our  camps,  to  their  owners,  whether  loyal  or 
disloyal ;  his  third  was  to  expatriate  in  the  most  arbi- 
trary manner  an  eminent  and  useful  citizen  of  the 
State,  who  dared  to  make  a  few  simple  suggestions 
of  policy;  and  the  fourth  will  be,  we  presume,  the 
ordering  of  Burnside  to  evacuate  his  tents,  surren- 
der all  the  property  he  has  seized,  and  betake  him- 
self and  his  Yankees  to  Rhode  Island  or  some  other 
part  of  New  England. 

Stanly  perpetrates  these  outrages  in  the  name  of 
the  local  law  of  North  Carolina,  which  he  alleges  he 
was  sent  to  execute.  But  his  plea  is  false  in  the 
first  place,  and  invalid  in  the  second.  He  was  not 
deputed  to  enforce  the  local  laws  of  North  Carolina. 
Mr.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  from  whom  he 
must  have  received  his  instructions,  declares  that  he 
would  not  belong  to  an  Administration  which  could 
authorize  or  sanction  such  nefarious  proceedings  as 
those  of  Stanly.  It  was,  however,  needless  for  him 
to  make  the  disavowal ;  for  no  one  with  a  grain  of 
sense  could  suppose  that  the  government  would 
stultify  itself  so  far  as  to  despatch  an  officer  to  en- 
force local  laws  which  would  deprive  that  officer 
himself  of  all  right  to  act.  Stanly  holds  his  place 
under  the  military  necessity  created  by  the  circum- 
stances of  the  times  ;  the  position  of  Military  Gover- 
nor is  not  known  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States;  neither  is  it  known  to  the  laws  of  North 
Carolina.  On  the  contrary,  the  only  Governor  those 
laws  recognize  is  Gov.  Clark,  a  secessionist;  and 
consequently,  if  Governor  Stanly's  business  is  to  en- 
force the  local  laws,  he  must  quit  his  appointment  at 
once,  and  hand  over  his  commission  to  Gov.  Clark, 
and  assist  Clark  in  expelling  Burnside  and  his  forces. 
Our  troops  are  in  the  State  in  opposition  to  tiie  lo- 
cal law,  so  far  as  there  is  any,  and  according  to 
Stanly's  logic  they  ought  to  depart  incontinently,  or 
be  sent  away,  just  as  Mr.  Helper  was  sent  away. 

Nay,  worse  than  that ;  if  the  local  laws  of  North 
Carolina  arc  to  be  enforced  at  all,  they  must  be  en- 
forced in  all  their  length  and  breadth  ;  the  penalties 
prescribed  for  their  infringement  must  be  executed  ; 
and  the  hundred  and  more  white  men  and  women 
who  have  been  engaged  in  the  laudable  task  of 
teaching  the  colored  people  must  be  punished  for 
their  temerity.  The  laws  of  North  Carolina  ordain 
that  any  one  who  shall  "teach  a  slave  to  read  or 
write,  or  sell  or  give  him  any  book  or  pamphlet, 
shall  be  punished  with  thirty-nine  lashes  or  impris- 
onment, if  the  offender  be  a  free  negro;  but  if  a 
white,  then  with  a  fine  of  two  hundred  dollars." 
Now,  Dr.  Colyer  and  his  scores  of  male  and  female 
assistants  have  made  themselves  amenable  to  these 
penalties.  Each  one  of  them  should  be  fined  in  the 
sum  of  two  hundred  dollars;  the  free  negroes  who 
have  assisted  them  should  receive  their  thirty-nine 
lashes  on  the  back,  administered  by  Scorpion  Stan- 
ly ;  and  all  the  volunteer  soldiers  from  R-hode  Island, 
New  York  and  New  Hampshire,  who  have  made 
themselves  accomplices  in  the  crime,  should  be  pro- 
portionately punished. 

The  audacity  of  this  Military  Governor  seems  to 
be  sufficient  to  carry  him  to  these  lengths.  In  his 
zeal  for  executing  the  local  laws  of  North  Carolina, 
he  does  not  scruple  about  violating  the  general  laws 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  a  law  of  the  United 
Slates  that  speech  shall  be  free  ;  but  Stanly  threat- 
ens to  expatriate  every  citizen  and  dismiss  every  of- 
ficer who  shall  express  an  opinion  of  the  propriety 
of  his  acts.  It  is  also  a  law  of  the  United  States 
that  "  all  officers  or  persons  in  the  military  or  naval 
service  of  the  United  States  are  prohibited  from  em- 
ploying any  of  the  forces  under  their  respective  com- 
mands for  the  purpose  of  returning  fugitives  from  ser- 
vice or  labor,  who  may  hare  escaped  from  any  person 
to  whom,  such  service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due, 
and  any  officer  who  shall  be  found  guilty  by  a 
court-martial  of  violating  this  article,  shall  be  dis- 
missed from  the  service."  But  Stanly,  an  officer  in 
the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  arrests  and 
returns  these  fugitives,  not  by  couples  or  dozens,  but 
by  the  hundred.  More  than  that,  too;  he  erects 
himself  into  a  supreme  dictator,  orders  all  departing 
vessels  to  be  searched  for  contrabands,  and  threat- 
ens such  as  harbor  them  with  confiscation  if  they 
are.  found. 

Are  the  laws  of  the  Union  to  be  set  at  nought  in 
this  manner  ?  Is  this  miserable  tool  of  the  North 
Carolina  Secessionists  to  bo  allowed  to  continue  his 
malignant  outrages  ?  Our  error,  from  the  beginning 
of  this  war,  has  been  the  want  of  decision  and  con- 
sistency in  the  prosecution  of  it.' — N.  Y.  Eve.  Post. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY! 

It  hns  been  the  invariable  custom  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  to  commemorate  this 
National  Anniversary ;  not,  however,  in  the  boastful 
spirit  and  inflated  manner  of  those  who  rejoiced  in  a 
Union  with  Slaveholders,  and  who  could  see  no  con- 
tradiction, in  such  a  Union,  to  the  great  principles 
of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence  of  July 
4th,  1776.  Our  celebration  has  ever  been  with  the 
distinct  and  simple  purpose  of  recalling  to  the  mind 
and  impressing  upon  the  heart  of  the  people  the 
great  "self-evident  truths,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  and  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  an  inali- 
enable right  to  Life,  Liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  Hap- 
piness." 

Confident  that  our  repeated  testimonies  on  these 
National  Anniversaries  have  been  as  good  seed,  sown 
upon  soil  long  indeed  stubborn  and  unyielding,  but  at 
length  fertilized,  and  now  full  of  promise  of  a  gl 
ous  harvest, — soon,  we  truBt,  to  be  gathered  in,— 
again  invite  and  summon  the  friends  of  Freedom,  of 
every  name  and  age,  and  whether  living  within  or  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  this  our  honored  Commonwealth 
to  meet  with  us,  as  aforetime,  and  in  even  greater 
numbers  than  ever  before,  at  the  beautiful  and  well- 
known  ERAMINGHAM  GROVE,  on  the  ensuing 
Fourth  of  July. 

We  need  say  nothing  of  the  beauty  and  many  at- 
tractions of  the  spot,  whether  for  adults  or  for  the 
young.  The  day  and  the  occasion  constitute  the  real 
claims  upon  our  attention,  and  to  these  let  the  Anti- 
Slavery  men  and  women  of  Massachusetts,  and  of 
New  England,  respond  fitly,  ns  they  so  well  know 
how  to  do. 

The  Boston  and  Worcester  Railroad  Go*,  will  convey 
passengers  to  and  from  the  Grove,  upon  their  main 
road  and  its  branches,  on  that  day,  at  the  following 
rates  of  fare  : — 

From  Boston,  Worcester,  and  Millbury,  70  cents 
for  adults,  35  cents  for  children. 

From  Grafton,  adults,  60  cents,  children,  30  cents. 

From  Milford,  Milford  Branch,  (except   Holliston,) 

Northboro',  Marlboro',  Needham,  Grantville,   Corda- 

ville,  Southboro',  and  Westboro',  50  cents  for  adults, 

25  cents  for  children. 

From  Natick,  Holliston,  and  Ashland,  adults  40 
cents,  children  20  cents. 

Trains  will  run  to  the  Grove,  as  follows  : — 
Leave  Boston  at  9.15,  and  Worcester,  at  9.40,  A.  M. 
stopping  at  way  stations;    from   Millbury,    regula 
morning  train  ;  Milford,  at  7.10,  or  9.40;  Northboro' 
at  7  ;  Marlboro',  at  7.24,  or  10.15. 

Returning,  leave  the  Grove  at  5.15  for  Boston 
and  Worcester;  at  6.15  for  Milford  and  Northboro' 
branches. 

Admission  fee  to  the  enclosure  of  the  Grove,  for 
those  not  coming  by  the  cars,  adults  10  cents,  chil- 
dren 5  cents.  Those  who  come  by  railroad  admit- 
ted free, 

^=  The  House  at  the  Grove  will  be  open  for  Re- 
freshments. 

In  ease  of  rain,  the  meeting  will  be  held  in  Wa- 
verley  Hall,  opposite  the  railroad  depot  at  South 
Framingham. 

Addresses  from  well  known  advocates  of  the  cause, 
with  Songs,  and  such  recreation  as  this  attractive 
place  affords,  will  occupy  the  day.  Among  the  speak- 
ers expected  are  Wsi.  Lloyd  Gaebison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Andrew  T.  Foss,  Chableb  C.  Bor- 
lbigh,  E.  H.  Hbvwood,  Wm.  Wells  Bbown,  John 
S.  Rock,  Esq.,  Rev.  Daniel  Foster  of  Kansas,  and 
others. 

SAMUEL  MAY,  Jr.,  1 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Committee 

E.  H.  HEYWOOD,  ]■  of 

HENRY  O.   STONE,  f  Arrangements. 

CHARLES  A.  HOVEY,        J 


and  devilish.  Still,  the  writer  persists  in  saying  that 
"the  anomaly  of  two  allegiances," — only  "the  anoma- 
ly," mark  you! — "  haB  converted  crowds  of  honest 
people  into  traitors,  who  seem  to  themselves  not 
merely  innocent,  hut  patriotic"!  And  be  magnan- 
imously adds — "If  a  man  loves  his  own  State,  there- 
fore, and  is  content  to  be  ruined  with  her,  let  ub  shoot 
him,  if  we  cm,  but  allow  him  an  honorable  burial  in 
the  soil  he  fights  for."  This  language  is  alike  sneer- 
ing, deceptive  and  contradictory;  for  why  should  we 
shoot  a  man  for  simply  loving  his  own  Shite  1  And 
what  hns  that  to  do  with  the  question  under  considera- 
tion ?  Here  is  what  all  the  rebellious  States  solemnly 
agreed  should  be  the  basis  of  the  Union,  the  test  of 
true  loyalty,  and  the  standard  of  State  obligation  : — 
Federal  Constitution,  Art.  VI.,  §  2. 
"This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and 
all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land ;  and  the  Judges  in  every  State  shall 
bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of 


THE  TH0EN  THAT  BEAES  HAWS. 

In  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  for  July,  is  an  article  en- 
titled "  Chiefly  about  War-Matters,  by  a  Peaceable 
Man,"  which  is  noticeable  only  for  its  flippant  and 
heartless  treatment  of  the  present  tremendous  na- 
tional convulsion.  Portions  of  it,  as  originally  writ- 
ten, the  publishers  have  felt  obliged  either  to  suppress, 
or  to  disclaim  in  sundry  foot-notes.  It  is  a  descrip- 
tion of  a  visit  made  by  the  writer  *  to  Washington  and 
to  Gen.  MeClellan's  camp,  last  March, — a  visit  made 
apparently  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  demonstrate 
his  secession  proclivities,  or,  at  least,  his  incapacity 
to  comprehend  the  nature  and  necessity  (philosoph- 
ically speaking)  of  the  struggle  now  rending  the  na- 
tion asunder.  He  has  not  one  cheering  word  to  say 
of  the  government,  nor  a  condemnatory  sentence  in 
relation  to  the  rebellion.  He  writes  automatically,  as 
though  his  veins  were  bloodless;  still,  obviously  with 
a  purpose,  and  that  to  whitewash  the  conduct  of  the 
traitors.  Standing  on  the  soil  of  Virginia,  in  Alex- 
andria, he  says  : — 

"I  tried  to  imagine  how  very  disagreeable  (!)  the 
presence  of  a  Southern  army  would  he  in  a  sober 
town  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  the  thought  considerably 
lessened  my  wonder  at  the  cold  and  shy  regards  that 
are  cast  upon  our  troops,  the  gloom,  the  sullen  de- 
meanor, the  declared  or  scarcely  hidden  sympathy 
with  rebellion,  which  are  so  frequent  here." 

No  doubt  such  a  "presence"  would  prove  "very 
disagreeable,"  but  what  is  the  design  of  such  a  trite 
remark  ? 

"No  rogue  e'er  felt  the  halter  draw, 
With  good  opinion  of  the  law"  ; 

and  it  is  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  the  Southern 
rebels,  intent  on  overthrowing  the  government,  will 
greet  the  Northern  army  sent  to  reduce  them  to  sub- 
mission, with  smiles  and  cheers!  But  w»uld  the 
writer  have  the  army  to' withdraw  on  that  account, 
and  the  rebels  to  be  permitted  to  have  their  own  way  f 
We  are  inclined  to  think  that  he  would,  on  the  whole, 
judging  from  this  specimen  of  his  patriotism.  It 
seems  questionable  whether  he  would  evince  even  the 
pluck  of  Dogberry, — supposing'hc  stood  in  the  Presi- 
dent's place,  or  at  the  head  of  the  army,  a  most  ab- 
surd supposition  indeed !— by  commanding  "all  va- 
grom  men  to  Btand  in  the  prince's  name,"  but  he„ 
would  be  pretty  sure  to  "take  no  note  of  them,  but 
let  them  go,  as  none  of  the  prince's  subjects."  Here 
is  the  hardest  thing  he  finds  it  in  his  heart  to  say  of 
the  rebels : — 

"Undoubtedly,  thousands  of  warm-hearted,  sym- 
pathetic, and  impulsive  persons  have  joined  the  rebels, 
not  from  any  real  zeal  for  the  cause,  but  because  be- 
tween two  conflicting  (!)  loyalties,  they  chose  that 
which  necessarily  lay  nearest  the  heart." 

But  how  is  the  army  to  discriminate  between  per- 
sons possessing  these  "sweetest  and  most  generous 
qualities,"  and  the  other  rebels  who  possess  them 
not1?  And  where  but  on  Southern  eoil,  and  in  the 
Calhoun  school,  is  any  such  nonsense  ab  that  of  "  two 
conflicting  loyalties"  gravely  advanced?  For,  po- 
litically speaking,  the  paramount  duty  of  the  citizen 
is  to  the  general  government;  and  the  State  which  is 
in  rebellion  has  no  valid  claim  upon  his  loyalty.  The 
assertion  of  the  writer,  that  "  there  never  existed  any 
other  government  against  which  treason  was  so  easy, 
and  could  defend  itself  by  such  plausible  arguments  (!) 
as  against  that  of  the  United  States,"  savors  strongly 
of  the  secession  sentiment,  and  is  singularly  menda- 
cious in  a  time  like  the  present.  It  is  a  Buchanan 
Democrat  who  thus  strikes  at  the  foundation  of  the 
American  government — the  government  of  the  peo- 
ple, as  against  the  government  of  dynasties;  and  he 
doea  it  in  the  Bervice  of  the  most  abhorrent  form  of 
treason  that  the  pages  of  history  record  !  Now,  it  is 
untrue  that  there  are  any  "plausible  arguments"  to 
be  adduced  in  defence  or  extenuation  of  such  treason  ; 
for  it  is  characterized  by  everything  perfidious,  brutal 

*  Understood  to  bo  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  tbo  author  of 
"  The  Soarlot  Lottor,''  &a. 


any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 

Having  wantonly  and  perfidiously  risen  up  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  Constitution,  in  a  murderous  and 
piratical  spirit,  not  to  gratify  State  love,  but  to  show 
their  hatred  of  free  institutions,  and  to  guard  and  per- 
petuate their  thousand  times  accursed  slave  system, 
what  claim  have  these  traitors  to  any  sympathy  or 
apology  beyond  what  is  due  to  the  worst  felons  of  tin 
human  race?  To  talk  of  "an  honorable  burial"  for 
such,  is  to  confound  all  moral  distinctions. 

The  writer  proceeds  to  State  that  he  visited  the 
tavern  in  Alexandria  in  which  Colonel  Ellsworth  was 
killed,  and  thinks  that  the  assassin  Jackson  and  his 
victim  must  have  almost  simultaneously  "  met  on  the 
threshold  of  the  spirit-world,  and  perhaps  came  to  a 
better  understanding  (!)  before  they  had  taken  many- 
steps  on  the  other  side." 

He  then  says  that,  driving  out  of  Alexandria,  he 
"stopped  on  the  edge  of  the  city  to  inspect  an  old 
slave-pen,  which  is  one  of  the  lions  of  the  place,  but 
a  very  poor  one  " — too  poor  to  elicit  one  word  re- 
specting its  horrid  design,  or  a  single  congratulation 
that  it  has  had  its  day. 

Meeting  a  party  of  contrabands,  "escaping  out  of 
the  mysterious  depths  of  Secessia," — which  fine  lan- 
guage means  escaping  from  whips  and  chains,  and 
compulsory  and  unpaid  toil,  and  mental  ignorance  and 
moral  debasement, — he  found  them  to  be  "unlike  the 
specimens  of  their  race  whom  we  are  accustomed  to 
see  at  the  North,"  but  "far  more  agreeable."  Whether 
it  was  because  they  "  were  so  rudely  attired,  as  if 
their  garb  had  grown  upon  them  spontaneously,"  or 
because  "they  seemed  a  kind  of  creature  by  them- 
selves, not  altogether  human,"  or  for  both  of  these  rea- 
sons, we  are  left  in  doubt.  It  is  plain,  however,  that 
the  well  clad,  intelligent,  educated,  independent  col- 
ored people  at  the  North  are  not  at  all  to  his  taste. 
We  must  take  his  word  for  it  that  he  "  felt  most  kindly 
towards  these  poor  fugitives,"  and  his  confession  of 
uncommon  stupidity  or  stoical  indifference  in  "not 
knowing  precisely  what  to  wish  in  their  behalf,  nor  in 
the  least  how  to  help  them"!!  There's  a  philoso- 
pher, philanthropist,  and  patriot  for  you — of  the  gen- 
uine democratic  stripe!  "A  fig  for  your  kindly  feel- 
ings," might  the  escaping  fugitives  say  to  him.  ■  He 
says  be  would  not  have  turned  them  back,  and  yet 
"should  have  felt  almost  as  reluctant,  on  their  own 
account,  to  hasten  them  forward  to  the  stranger's 
land  "  I  A  nice  balancing  of  considerations,  truly  ! 
But  the  fugitives,  it  seems,  had  no  difficulty  whatever 
iu  determining,  "on  their  own  account,"  whether  to 
remain  in  the  house  of  bondage  or  to  come  out  of  it ; 
for  they  were  marching  hopefully  on,  showing  ex- 
ceeding good  sense  in  coming  to  such  a  decision. 
"My  prevalent  idea,"  says  the  writer,  "was,  that 
whoever  may  be  benefitted  by  the  results  of  this  war, 
it  will  not  be  the  present  generation  of  negroes,"  We 
beg  leave  to  doubt  whether  he  has  any  idea  about  it, 
beyond  the  prejudice  engendered  by  negrophobia.  It 
is  remarkable  how  hopeful  and  cheerful  are  the  ne- 
groes of  the  South,  in  view  of  the  great  struggle  now 
going  on  ;  and  we  rely  far  more  upon  their  unlettered 
instinct,  in  this  matter,  than  upon  the  scholarly  skep- 
ticism of  this  dealer  in  "words,  words,  words." 

The  rebel  barbarities  seem  to  excite  his  facetious- 
ness  !     Here  is  what  he  says  : — 

"  If  the  report  of  a  Congressional  Committee  may 
be  trusted,  that  old-fashioned  kind  of  goblet  [an  ene- 
my's skull]  has  again  come  into  use,  at  the  expense  of 
our  Northern  head-pieces-, — a  costly  drinking-cup  to 
him  that  furnishes  it!  Heaven  forgive  me  for  seem- 
ing to  jest  upon  such  a  subject ! — only,  it  is  so  odd, 
when  we  measure  our  advances  from  barbarism,  and 
find  ourselves  just  here!" 

But  while  thus  disposed  to  indulge  in  merriment 
where  others  are  shudderingly  affected, — and  while 
taking  care  to  indulge  in  no  epithets  condemnatory  of 
the  traitors  and  their  savage  deeds, — he  readily  brands 
John  Brown,  of  immortal  memory,  "whose  soul  is 
marching  on,"  though  "  his  body  lies  a-moulderi:ig  in 
the  grave,"  as  a  "blood-stained  fanatic,"  and  coolly 
declares  that  "  nobody  was  ever  more  justly  hanged  "  ! 
Nay,  more — "any  common-sensible  man,  looking  at 
the  matter  unsentimentally,  must  have  felt  a  certain 
intellectual  satisfaction  in  seeing  him  hanged,  if  it 
were  only  in  requital  of  his  preposterous  miscalcula- 
tion of  possibilities  "  !  The  publishers  of  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  are  constrained  to  append  the  following  note 
to  this  brutal  assault: — "  Can  it  be  a  son  of  old  Massa- 
chusetts who  utters  this  abominable  sentiment?  For 
shame ! " 

Alluding  to  the  treasonable  sentiments  still  cher- 
ished and  avowed  by  may  residents  and  visitors  of 
Washington,  the  writer  says: — 

"  If  the  cabinet  of  Richmond  were  transferred  to 
the  Federal  city,  and  the  North  awfully  snubbed,  at 
least,  and  driven  back  within  its  old  political  limits, 
they  would  deem  it  a  happy  day.  /(  is  no  wonder,  and, 
if  we  look  at  the  matter  gem  ronxl y,  no  an  pardonable  crime. 
Very  many  people  hereabouts  remember  the  many 
dynasties  in  which  the  Southern  character  has  been 
predominant,  and  contrast  the  genial  courtesy,  the 
warm  anil  graceful  freedom  of  that  region,  with  which 
they  call  (though  I  utterly  disagree  with  them)' the 
frigidity  of  our  Northern  manners,  and  the  Western 
plainness  of  the  President." 

This  has  an  air  of  treasonable  sympathy  about  it, 
notwithstanding  the  parenthetical  dissent  thrown  in. 
No  genuine  loyal  man  would  write  thus. 


IKTEEYIE^"   WITH    THE    PRESIDENT    OK 
EMANCIPATION. 

A  delegation  from  the  Religious  Society  of  Pro- 
gressive Friends,  consisting  of  Thomas  Garrett,  Alice 
Eliza  Hambleton,  Oliver  Johnson,  Dinah  Menden- 
hall,  Wm.  Barnard,  and  Eliza  Agnew,  appeared  be- 
fore the  President  on  Friday  morning,  20th  inst., 
to  present  a  memorial,  praying  him  to  decree  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  The  deputation  was  in- 
troduced by  Senator  Wilmot,  and  accompanied  by 
Messrs.  Kellcy,  Davis  and  Campbell  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Delegation  in  the  House.  Mr,  Wilmot  having 
announced  the  objects  of  the  delegation,  Oliver  John- 
son said : — 

Mr.  President  :  We  appear  before  you  by  your 
kind  permission,  not  to  solicit  office  for  ourselves  or 
our  friends,  nor  to  ask  for  any  party  or  personal  fa- 
vor, but  in  the  interest  of  the  country  and  of  humani- 
ty. Our  clients  are  4,000,000  slaves,  who  cannot 
speak  for  themselves,  but  only  lift  up  their  chained 
hands  in  mute  but  agonizing  supplication  for  the  free- 
dom which  it  is  in  your  power  in  this  solemn  crisis  of 
the  nation's  fate  to  confer  upon  them. 

Mr.  Johnson  then  read  the  Memorial,  as  follows  : — 
To  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States  : 
The  Religious  Society  of  Progressive  Friends,  in 
Yearly  Meeting  assembled  at  Longwood,  Chester 
Co.,  Pa.,  from  the  5th  to  the  7th  of  Sixth  month,  1862, 
under  a  solemn  sense  of  the  perils  besetting  the  country, 
and  of  the  duty  devolving  upon  them  to  exert  what- 
ever influence  they  possess  to  rescue  it  from  impend- 
ing destruction,  beg  leave  respectfully  but  earnestly  to 


be  constrained  to  strike  for  the  overthrow  of  Blavery 
as  the  only  way  of  putting  down  the  rebellion.  The 
inaction  of  those  who  really  desire  emancipation,  and 
their  failure  to  make  their  voice  heard  in  Washington, 
leaves  those  who  administer  the  government  to  doubt 
whether  they  would  be  sustained  in  pursuing  an  anfi- 
Blavery  policy.  The  advocates  of  half-way  measures, 
on  the  other  hand,  arc  clamorous,  making  their  voices 
to  be  heard,  day  by  day,  by  the  President  and  his  con- 
stitutional advisers.  It  is  believed  that  if  the  senti- 
ment existing  at  the  North  in  fnvor  of  emancipation 
were  only  organized,  concentrated  and  brought  to  hear 
upon  the  government  through  the  legitimate  channels, 
it  would  sweep  everything  before  it.  But  while  the 
politicians  are  busy  with  their  schemes,  the  mass  of 
the  honest-hearted  people,  at  work  upon  their  farms  or 
in  their  shops,  take  no  sufficient  measures  to  make 
their  influence  felt  by  the  government.  Memorials 
for  emancipation  should  go  up  to  the  President  and 
Congress  from  every  county  and  town  in  the  free 
States;  and  the  religious  denominations  of  the  land 
should  send  deputations  to  Washington,  beseeching 
those  in  authority,  if  they  would  save  the  country 
from  utter  destruction,  to  proclaim  the  emancipation 
of  those  in  bonds.  The  White  House  ought  to  be  be- 
sieged, every  day,  by  the  earnest  men  and  women 
who  see  that  the  only  way  of  salvation  and  peace  is 
the  way  of  universal  liberty. 

The  Progressive  Friends  have  Bet  a  good  example. 
May  it  be  extensively  followed.  * 


The  Continental  Monthly — Devoted  to  Litera- 
ture and  National  Policy — No.  I.,  Volume  II. — July, 
1862.    Table  of  contents  :— 

1.  What  Bhall  he  the  end?  Rev.  C.  E.  Lord.  2. 
Bone  Ornaments.  Charles  G.  Leland.  3.  The  Molly 
O'Molly  Papers.  No.  V.  4.  Glances  from  the  Senate- 
Gallery.  5.  Maccaroni  and  Canvas.  No.  V.  Henry 
P.  Leland.  6.  For  the  Hour  of  Triumph.  7.  In 
Transitu.  8.  Among  the  Pines.  Edmund  Kirk.  9. 
Was  He  Successful  ?  Richard  B.  Kimball.  10.  New- 
born as  it  was  and  is.  11.  Our  Brave  Times,  12.  The 
Crisis  and  the  Parties.  Charles  G-.  Leland.  13.  I 
Wait.  14.  Taking  the  Census.  15.  The  Pelopon- 
nesus in  March.  16.  Adonium.  17.  Polytechnic  In- 
stitutes. Charles  G.  Leland.  18.  Slavery  and  Nobil- 
ity, vs.  Democracy.  Lorenzo  Sherwood.  19.  Watch- 
ing the  Stag.  An  unfinished  Poem,  by  the  late  Fitz- 
Jaraes  O'Brien.  20.  Literary  Notices.  21.  Editor's 
Table. 


The  Puli-it  and  Rostrum,  Supplement  1,  con- 
tains a  Sketch  of  Parson  Brownlow,  written  by  The- 
odore Tilton  for  the  Independent,  and  his  speeches  at 
the  Academy  of  Music  and  Cooper  Institute,  New 
York,  fully  reported  in  short-hand  by  Charles  B.  Col- 
lar. Fublished  in  neat  pamphlet  form  by  E.  D.  Baker, 
135  Grand  street,  New  York — price  10  cents. 

"Amono  the  Pines."  The  remarkably  interest- 
ing and  thrilling  articles,  descriptive  of  life  among 
the  poor  whites  of  South  Carolina,  which  have  been 
published  in  the  pages  of  the  Continental  Monthly,  have 
just  been  published  in  a  12mo.  volume,  by  Charles 
T.  Evans,  532  Broadway,  N.  Y.  That  this  work  will 
be  extensively  read,  there  is  no  doubt.  The  author, 
who  evidently  describes  facts  winch  have  fallen  under 
his  notice,  wields  a  graphic  pen,  and  is  destined  to 
take  a  high  place  in  the  ranks  of  American  authors. 


t  forth,  for  the  consideration  of  President  Lincoln 
That  they  fully  share  in  the  general  grief  and  rep- 
robation felt  at  the  seditious  course  pursued  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  General  Government  by  the  so-called 
"  Confederate  States  "  ;  regarding  it  as  marked  by  all 
the  revolting  features  of  high-handed  robbery,  cruel 
treachery,  and  murderous  violence,  and  therefore  ut- 
terly to  be  abhorred  and  condemned  by  every  lover 
of  his  country,  and  every  friend  of  the  human  race. 

That,  nevertheless,  this  sanguinary  rebellion  finds 
its  cause,  purpose,  and  combustible  materials,  in  that 
most  unchristian  and  barbarous  system  of  slavery 
which  prevails  in  that  section  of  the  country,  and  in 
the  guilt  of  which  the  whole  land  has  long  been  deep- 
ly involved  by  general  complicity  ;  so  that  it  is  to  be 
contritely  recognized  as  the  penalty  due  to  such  per- 
sistent and  flagrant  transgression,  and  as  the  inevitable 
operation  of  Die  law  of  eternal  justice. 

That  thus  heavily  visited  tor  its  grinding  oppression 
of  an  unfortunate  race,  "  peeled,  meted  out,  and  trod- 
den under  foot,"  whose  wrongs  have  so  long  cried 
unto  Heaven  for  redress — and  thus  solemnly  warned  of 
the  infatuation  as  well  as  exceeding  wickedness  of  en- 
deavoring to  secure  peace,  prosperity  and  unity,  while 
leaving  millions  to  clank  their  chains  in  the  house  of 
bondage — the  nation,  in  its  official  organization,  should 
lose  no  time  in  proclaiming  immediate  and  universal 
emancipation,  so  that  the  present  frightful  effusion  of 
blood  may  cease,  liberty  be  established,  and  a  perma- 
nent reconciliation  effected  by  the  removal  of  the 
sole  cause  of  these  divisions. 

That  in  his  speech  delivered  at  Springfield,  before 
his  election  to  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate,  the  Presi- 
dent expressly  declared  :  "  A  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand.  I  believe  this  government  cannot 
endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do 
not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved — I  do  not  expect 
the  house  to  fall — but  1  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be 
divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the 
other." 

That  this  Society,  therefore,  urgently  unites  with  a 
wide-spread  and  constantly  increasing  sentiment,  in  be- 
seeching the  President,  as  the  head  of  the  nation,  cloth- 
ed with  the  constitutional  power  hi  such  a  fearful  emer- 
gency, to  suppress  the  rebellion  effectually  by  the  re- 
moval of  its  cause,  not  to  allow  the  present  golden  op- 
portunity to  pass  without  decreeing  the  entire  abolition 
of  slavery  throughout  the  land,  as  a  measure  impera- 
tively demanded  by  a  due  regard  for  the  unily  of  the 
country,  the  safety  and  happiness  of  the  people,  the 
preservation  of  free  institutions,  and  by  every  consid- 
eration of  justice,  mercy,  and  peace.  Otherwise,  we 
have  fearful  reason  to  apprehend  that  blood  will  con- 
tinue to  flow,  and  fierce  dissensions  to  abound,  and  ca- 
lamities to  increase,  and  fiery  judgments  to  be  poured 
out,  until  the  work  of  national  destruction  is  con- 
summated beyond  hope  of  recovery. 

The  President  said  that,  as  he  had  not  been  furnish- 
ed with  a  copy  of  the  memorial  in  advance,  he  could 
not  be  expected  to  make  any  extended  remarks.  It 
was  a  relief  to  be  assured  that  the  deputation  were  not 
applicants  for  office,  for  his  chief  trouble  was  from  that 
class  of  persons.  The  next  most  troublesome  subject 
was  slavery.  He  agreed  with  the  memorialists,  that 
slavery  was  wroDg,  but  in  regard  to  the  ways  and 
means  of  its  removal,  his  views  probably  differed  from 
theirs.  The  quotation  in  the  Memorial,  from  his 
Springfield  speech,  was  incomplete.  It  should  have 
embraced  the  next  sentence,  in  which  he  indicated  his 
views  as  to  the  effect  upon  slavery  itself  of  the  resist- 
ance to  its  extension.  That  sentence  he  recited  as 
follows:  "Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  resist 
the  farther  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  pub- 
lic mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course 
of  ultimate  extinction  ;  or  its  advocates  will  push  it 
forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 
The  view  of  the  subject  presented  in  this  entire  pas- 
sage had  been  very  deliberately  expressed,  and  he  had 
never  retracted  it,  nor  felt  any  disposition  to  do  so. 
If  a  decree  of  emancipation  could  abolish  slavery, 
John  Brown  would  have  done  the  work  most  effectu- 
ally. Such  a  decree  surely  could  not  be  more  binding 
upon  the  South  than  the  Constitution,  and  that  cannot 
be  enforced  in  that  part  of  the  country  now.  Would 
a  proclamation  of  freedom  be  any  more  effective  ? 

The  President  having  put  this  interrogatory  as 
though  he  desired  an  answer,  Mr.  Johnson  said  : 

"  True,  Mr.  President,  the  Constitution  cannot  now 
be  enforced  at  the  South  ;  but  you  do  not  on  that  ac- 
count intermit  the  effort  to  enforce  it,  and  the  memo- 
rialists are  solemnly  convinced  that  the  abolition  of 
slavery  is  indispensable   to  your  success." 

The  President  said  that  he  felt  the  magnitude  of 
the  task  before  him,  and  hoped  to  be  rightly  directed 
in  the  very  trying  circumstances  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded. 

Wm,  Barnard  addressed  the  President  in  a  few 
words,  expressing  sympathy  for  him  in  all  his  em- 
barrassments, and  an  earnest  desire  that  he  might, 
under  divine  guidance,  be  led  to  free  the  slaves,  and 
thus  save  the  nation.  He  referred,  by  way  of  illus- 
tration, to  the  appeal  of  Mordecai  to  Queen  Esther, 
praying  for  her  interposition  witli  the  King  for  the  sal- 
vation of  his  nation  from  destruction.  "  For  if  thou 
altogether  boldest  thy  peace  at  this  time,  then  shall 
there  enlargement  and  deliverance  arise  to  the  Jews 
from  another  place  ;  but  thou  and  thy  father's  bouse 
shall  be  destroyed  :  and  who  knowest  whether  thou 
art  come  to  the  kingdom  for  such  a  time  as  this  ?  " 
Esther,  in  response  to  this  earnest  appeal,  exerted  her 
influence  successfully  for  the  salvation  of  a  whole  peo- 
ple. He  hoped  the  President  would  be  led  by  the 
influence  of  the  Divine  Spirit  to  exert  the  power 
placed  in  his  hands  for  the  liberation  of  those  in  bonds, 
and  for  the  salvation  of  the  country.  In  that  case, 
nations  yet  unborn  would  rise  up  to  call  him  blessed, 
and,    better  still,  he  would  secure  the  blessing  of  God. 

The  President  responded  to  the  remarks  of  Mr. 
Barnard  very  feelingly  and  impressively,  observing 
that  he  was  deeply  sensible  of  his  need  of  Divine  as- 
sistance. He  had  sometimes  thought  that  perhaps 
he  might  be  an  instrument  in  God's  hands  of  accom- 
plishing a  great  work,  and  he  certainly  was  not  un- 
willing to  be.  Perhaps,  however,  God's  way  of  ac- 
complishing the  cud  which  the  memorialists  have 
in  view  may  be  different  from  theirs.  It  would 
be  his  earnest  endeavor,  witli  a  firm  reliance  upon 
the  Divine  arm,  and  seeking  light  from  above,  to  do 
his  duty  in  the  place  to  which  he  had  been  called. 

The  deputation  thereupon  withdrew,  much  gratified 
by  the  character  of  their  reception. 

What  Influence,  if  any,  the  presentation  of  the  Me- 
morial may  have  exerted  upon  the  mind  of  the  Presi- 
dent is  known  only  to  Him  in  whose  hands  are  t* 
hearts  of  all  men,  rulers  and  ruled.  It  is  not,  how- 
ever, too  much  to  say,  that  members  of  Congress  and 
others  at  Washington,  who  have  the  cause  of  freedom 
at  heart,  have  been  not  a  little  gratified  by  the  ap- 
pearance at  the  Capital,  for  such  an  object,  of  a  dep- 
utation from  one  of  the  religions  bodies  of  (he  land. 
One  distinguished  member  of  Congress  said,  that  if 
all  the  churches  of  the  country,  or  the  major  portion  of 
ibcni,  would  only  follow  the  example  of  the  Progres- 
sive Friends,  the   President  and  Congress  would  soon 


MAY0E  WIGHTMAN'S  LETTEE. 

MABLnoiio',  (Mass.,)  June  23,  1862. 
To  his  Excellency,  Abkaham  Lincoln,  President  of 
the  United  States  : 
Sib, — "  I  am  induced  to  write  you  this  from  a  Bense 
of  duty,  for  the  purpose  of  repudiating,  in  the  most 
emphatic  manner,  the  idea  that"  Joseph  M.  Wight- 
man,  Mayor  of  Boston,  "  is  authorized  to  speak  for 
the  loyal  citizens  of  this  State." 

"There  may  possibly  be  small  sections"  in  some 
of  the' cities  "in  the  Commonwealth,"  there  probably 
is  in  Boston  a  rather  large  "section,"  soon  to  be  for- 
gotten, of  whom  this  Mr.  Wightman  may  be  the  (to 
be  still  more  speedily  forgotten)  oracle.  But  "las- 
sure  your  Excellency  "  that  he,  and  such  as  he,  do 
not  understand  the  spirit  of  Massachusetts,  and  have 
no  right  to  speak  of  her  intentions.  There  are  "  sec- 
tions," happily  growing  more  and  more  insignificant, — 
part  mob,  part  money, — that  tried,  soon  after  your 
election  to  the  Presidency,  to  suppress  free  speech  in 
this  State,  and  of  their  views  this  official  has,  there  is 
go63  reason  to  believe,  thorough  and  intimate  knowl- 
edge. There  is  a  "section,"  unhappily  not  "small," 
in  our  metropolis,  who  have  so  little  regard  for  our 
State  "  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  the  enforcement  of 
the  laws," — men  whose  "higher  law,"  scorning  all 
constitutions,  is  the  "  lower  law," — as  openly  and  defi- 
antly to  ply  an  iniquitous  and  criminal  traffic.  To 
this  section  Mr.  Wightman  was  largely  indebted  for 
his  election  and  reelection  as  Mayor  of  Boston.  Let 
him  speak  for  them,  but  not  for  glorious  old  Massa- 
chusetts. 

It  is  my  privilege,  sir,  to  live  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  Commonwealth,  in  a  community  instinct  with  the 
overflowing  life  of  that  free  labor,  whose  right  and 
whose  might  this  great  contest  is  to  vindicate  and  to 
settle, — farmers,  who  patiently  and  perseveringly  till 
the  soil;  mechanics,  who  make  the  crowded  work- 
shops resound  with  the  din  of  their  self-reliant,  un- 
flagging industry.  I  am  surrounded  by  families,  who 
have  given  up  ungrudgingly  husbands,  sons,  brothers, 
to  swell  the  hundreds  who  from  this  "rural  district" 
rallied  at  their  country's  call.  My  present  and  my 
past  experience  enable  me,  I  think,  to  appreciate  the 
feeling  of  the  old  Bay  State  as  well  as  those  who  have 
trodden  for  years  the  pavements  of  the  city.  So  far 
as  influence  is  concerned,  it  is  no  more  preposterous  in 
me  to  criticise  Joseph  M.  Wightman  than  it  is  for 
Joseph  M.  Wightman  to  criticise  John  A.  Andrew — 
so  ludicrously  insignificant  is  this  Mayor's  influence 
beyond  the  beats  of  las  own  policemen.  And  I  tell 
you,  sir,  that  those  who  speak  through  him  no  more 
represent  the  sentiment  of  Massachusetts  this  day, 
than  did  the  tory  addressers  of  Thomas  Hutchinson  in 
the  days  which  ushered  in  the  Revolution;  that  they 
neither  make  our  history,  (except  it  be  a  part  of  its 
least  creditable  part,)  nor  do  they  comprehend  it,  since, 
like  the  old  Bourbons,  they  (politically)  "learn  noth- 
ing and  forget  nothing."  Idolators  of  gold,  their  past 
subserviency  to  that  Southern  slaveholding  arrogance, 
which,  grown  bolder  and  bolder  by  the  servility  of  such 
as  they,  and  counting  on  their  cooperation,  plunged 
this  country  into  civil  war,  is  as  ready  as  ever  to  re- 
peat itself,  should  the  future  permit.  But  Massachu- 
setts— (I  am  now  saying  only  what  everybody  here 
knows,)  has  banished  them  from  her  councils,  and 
bidden  them  an  eternal  farewell.  "Her  citizens  gen- 
erally," (to  quote  Mr.  AY.  again,)  "have  no  sympa- 
thy "  with  them. 

Gov.  Andrew  was  probably  premature,  but  he  cer- 
tainly was  only  premature  in  his  reply  to  the  requisi- 
tion of  the  Government  for  more  recruits.  This  State 
will  not  long  continue  to  protect  slavery  in  a  war 
which  slavery  (misled  by  confidence  in  the  power  of 
its  "natural  allies"  in  the  North)  voluntarily  and  in- 
excusably began.  "John  Brown's  course  may  haw 
been  wrong,  but  John  Brown  himself  was  right," 
wrote  John  A.  Andrew  to  a  John  Brown  commemora- 
tive meeting,  and  as  this  sentence  expressed  precisely 
the  feeling  of  our  State,  she  elected  the  man  who 
wrote  it  her  Governor.  In  estimating  her  position, 
will  you  believe,  sir,  a  city  mayor,  who  saved  his  re- 
election by  a  diminished  and  in  no  wise  commanding 
majority,  or  her  large-hearted  adopted  son,  whom  she 
re-chose  her  Chief  Magistrate  by  a  two-thirds  vote  ? 

Be  assured,  sir,  how  muchsoever  we  here  in  Massa- 
chusetts may  wish  that  some  measures  could  have 
been  different,  we  believe  that  President  Lincoln 
"himself  is  right,"  We  confide  in  your  integrity, 
patriotism  and  wisdom.  Free  labor  trusts  her  repre- 
sentative in  the  Presidential  Chair.  The  "mudsills" 
will  not  believe  that  he  can  or  would  betray. 

"  Confide  in  the  loyalty  and  devotion  "  of  our  State. 
She  "  will  as  cheerfully  respond  in  the  future  as  in 
the  past,"  true  to  her  oft-avowed  and  long-cherished 
principles,  and  believing  that  the  President  whom  she 
helped  elect  will  be  true  to  them  also. 

"  Trusting  that  you  will  continue  to  be  firm  and 
resolute  in  your  endeavors  for  the  restoration  and  wel- 
fare of  our  common  country,  and  in  ignoring  "  all  ad- 
visers "  whose  counsels  tend  to  prevent  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  great  object,"  and  whose  uiisceml- 
ency  in  our  nation  "  would  produce  an  irreparable 
injury  to  the  cause  "  of  liberty  and  law,  I  remain, 
With  sentiments  of  the  highest  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

WM.  C.  TENNEY. 
E^=  [  Mr.    Tenney    is   the    Cnitariun   minister   at 
Marlboro'.] — Ed.  Lib, 


^=  We  are  indebted  to  Hon.  Henry  Wilson  for  a 
large  and  handsomely  illustrated  volume,  entitled  "  Re- 
port upon  the  Colorado  River  of  the  West,  explored 
in  1867  :nul  1888  by  Lieutenant  Joseph  C.  Ives,  Corps 
of  Topographical  Engineers,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Office  of  Explorations  and  Surveys,  A.  A.  Hum- 
phreys, Captain  Topographical  Engineers,  in  charge. 
By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War."  It  is  accompan- 
ied with  numerous  maps,  and  representations  of  the 
most  sublime  and  interesting  objects  in  nature,  in  that 
wonderful  region. 

We  also  acknowledge  with  thanks  the  receipt, 
from  the  lion.  John  1\  Hale,  of  Vol.  XI.  of  the  Sen- 
ate Document  rntithJ.  "  Reports  of  Explorations  and 

Surveys  tQ  ascertain  the  most  practicable  and  eco- 
nomical route  for  a  railroad  from  the  Mississippi  River 
to  the  Pad  lie  Ocean." — a  work  of  the  highest  value 
and  beauty,  recording  the  labor  of  toot  years  in  our 
Western  wilds  by  the  pioneers  of  an  unborn  civiliza- 
tion. The  inception  of  the  present  Undertaking,  so 
vast  are  its  proportions,  goes  baoV  to  (lie  days  of  Jef- 
ferson Pavis,  Secretary  of  War,  and  furnishes  another 
example  of  one  who  budded  better  than  he  knew. 


/ 


JUNE    537. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


103 


"PARSON  BEOWNLOW"  AKD  THE  ABOLI- 
TIONISTS. 

[Extract  fien  <m  Aildwss  to  the  Cithern  vf  Cmcinmti, 
on  their  Relations  to  Institutions,  JMen  and  Measures, 
in  the  preset  Crisis.  Delivered  vt  Turner's  Hull,  May 
5,  1862.    By  Okson  S.  Murray.] 

****** 
W.  G-  Brownlow  In  Knoxville  is  comparatively  a 
harmless  being.  W.  G.  Brownlow  in  Cincinnati  is  an 
instigator  of  mobs  and  murder.  Mobbing  and  murder 
in  Tennessee  are  at  home,  and  in  place — in  Ohio, 
they  are  away  l'roni  home,  and  out  of  place.  Mobbing 
anil  murder  in  a  slave  Stale  are  legitimate,  and  in  cha- 
racter— in  a  free  State,  they  are  illegitimate,  and  out 
of  character. 

Why  does  W.  G.  Brownlow  want  "Abolitionists 
hung,  their  bodies  buried  in  a  ditch,  and  their  souls 
sent  to  hell  "  !*  Because  he  is  a  slaveholder  ;  and  be- 
cause Abolitionists  want  the  abolishment  of  the  slave- 
holding  institution,  which  is  the  prime  instigator,  the 
ultimate  cause  of  mobs  and  murder,  of  anarchy,  war 
and  ruin.  Herein  is  manifest  the  difference  between 
him  and  them — a  difference  which  the  citizens  of  Cin- 
cinnati, and  of  Ohio,  and  of  the  people  who  would 
constitute  a  republic,  will  do  well  to  consider  and  heed. 
He,  a  slaveholder,  wants  men  abolished — wants  moral- 
ity abolished — wants  righteousness  abolished.  Aboli- 
tionists want  the  abolishment,  not  of  men,  but  of  the 
institution  which  makes  men  immoral,  makes  men  un- 
righteous, makes  men  murderous.  This  is  the  differ- 
ence. Calling  attention  to  it  cannot  be  too  often  re- 
peated. Its  consequence  cannot  be  too  strongly  illus- 
trated. Brownlow,  Torquemada-like,  would  destroy 
men  for  their  convictions,  their  sentiments.  Aboli- 
tionists would  destroy  the  institution  that  makes  such 
a  brute  of  Brownlow. 

Does  this  preacher  "know  what  manner  of  spirit 
he  is  of"  t  And  do  they  who  sustain  him  with  "im- 
mense applause,"  while  he  is  "  breathing  out  his 
threatenings  and  slaughter,"  know  what  is  involved 
in  what  they  are  doing  ?  Brownlow's  is  the  same 
assassin-spirit  that  struck  down  Sumner  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate.  They  who  cheer  him  on  do  the  same  work 
which  was  done  by  Douglas  and  Keitt,  who  stood  by 
the  blood-thirsty  Brooks,  to  see  that  he  did  his  assassin- 
•work  effectually,  and  to  see  that'the  assassin  received 
aio  harm  from  his  struggling  victim.  Brownlow's  is 
the  identical  spirit  that  stoned  Stephen  at  Jerusalem. 
They  who  applaud  hini  in  it  do  the  work  that  was 
■done  by  the  "young  man  Saui,"  holding  the  clothes 
of  the  mob  while  they  perpetrated  the  murder. 
Brownlow's  is  the  same  infernal  spirit  that  crucified, 
and  otherwise  tormented  to  death,  the  other  Christian 
martyrs,  and  then  made  persecutors  of  Christians  ; — 
that  inspired  Peter  the  Hermit; — that  animated  the 
first  Inquisitor  General  of  Spain,  who,  according  to 
Davenport,  during  sixteen  years,  gave  eight  thous- 
and eight  hundred  victims  to  the  flames,  and  condemn- 
ed ninety  thousand  to  perpetual  imprisonment  and 
other  severe  punishments  ; — the  same  spirit  that  burnt 
Servetus  on  a  green  wood-pile.  Brownlow's  is  the 
identical  animus  that  has  moved  the  mobbing,  shoot- 
ing and  hanging  of  Northern  citizens  throughout  the 
Southern  States, — the  plotting  against  President 
Lincoln's  life, — the  firing  down  of  the  Federal  flag  at 
Sumter, — the  using  of  Northern  skulls  for  drinking- 
cups  and  washing-dishes, — the  employment  of  savages 
to  scalp  our  soldiery, — the  besieging  of  the  National 
Capital,— the  throttling  of  the  U.  S.  Government. 
Abolitionists  don't  lay  these  sins  to  the  charge  of  the 
men — they  charge  them  on  the  execrable  institution 
that  makes  such  brutes  of  men.  They  call  for  the 
abolishment,  the  eradication,  the  extinction  of  the  in- 
stitution ;  for  the  salvation  of  the  men. 

Parenthetically  here,  there  is  a  very  able  political 
writer  in  the  West,  who  declares  to  us  that  there  is 
no  such  institution  as  slavery  in  existence — that  there 
never  was,  and  I  suppose  of  course  never  can  be,  such 
an  institution  in  existence.  It  is  said  he  has  written 
a  book  to  establish  this  position.  The  book  has  not 
fallen  into  my  hands.  While  he  was  editing  a  paper, 
in  which  his  readers  were  not  permitted  to  reply  to 
'  him,  his  assumption  in  words  was,  that  "  slavery  is  not 
an  institution,  bat\sa.re!ation."  Well, Abolitionists  go 
for  the  abolishment  of  such  a  relation.  He  likened  the 
relation  to  that  of  husband  and  wife,  and,  if  my  mem- 
ory be  correct,  to  that  between  parent  and  child. 
Well,  if  husband  can  put  wife  on  auction-block  with 
child,  and  wife  and  child  with  dogs  and  pigs,  and  sell 
them  together  for  gold  that  will  get  him  the  gratifica- 
tion of  his  lusts,  all  Abolitionists  worthy  of  the  name 
or  true  to  the  nature,  go  for  the  abolishment  of  such  a 
relation  also.  No  matter  whether  gods  or  men  have 
joined  things  thus  together — Abolitionists  say,  let 
them  be  put  asunder. 

Thus  much  for  the  thing,  call  it  "institution,"  or 
call  it  "  relation."  So  much  for  such  a  defence  of  it  by 
such  a  perversion  of  words — by  such  an  exhibition  of 
perverseness  in  the  use  of  the  English  language. 

But,  to  return  to  the  "  Parson  "  and  his  patrons — 
his  sympathizers  and  backers.  Why  is  it,  how  is  it, 
that  this  pious  personage  publicly  puts  himself  forth 
in  full  propensity,  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  for  killing 
Abolitionists — at  least,  for  instigating  the  killing  of 
them?  And  why  is  it,  and  how  is  it,  that  he  gets 
"immensely  applauded"  and  lauded  in  the  city  of 
Cincinnati  for  making  such  an  exhibition  of  himself? 
It  is  not  that,  on  the  part  of  the  Parson  and  his  pat- 
rons, there  is  natural  enmity  toward  the  men  who  are 
Abolitionists.  It  is  not  that  those  men  hate  these  men, 
as  men,  and  want  to  kill  them.  It  is  not  that  the  Ohio 
river  runs  between  them, — for  the  haters  of  the  Abo- 
litionists appear  to  be  on  both  sides  of  the  stream  ;  at 
least,  the  sympathizers  with  the  hatred  appear  to  be 
the  wrong  side.  There  is  no  reason  in  nature — no 
good  reason — why  men  born  in  Virginia  should  hate 
men  born  in  Vermont.  The  malicious  hatred,  then, 
the  brutal  malignity,  is  not  to  be  laid  to  the  charge  of 
the  men — it  is  chargeable  to  the  murderous  institu- 
tion— otherwise,  the  illegitimate  "  relation." 

Brownlow  certainly  is  admirable  pluck,  or  he  would 
not  have  suffered  so  much  for  so  bad  a  cause  as  that 
of  his  favorite  institution,.  His  Southern  brethren 
are  pluck  too,  or  they  would  long  ago  have  abandon- 
ed so  bad  a  jub  as  they  have  undertaken  against  the 
Abolitionists.  The  family  quarrel  between  Brownlow 
and  his  brethren  is  an  affair  of  filial  fidelity.  These 
children  of  slavery  are  divided  in  their  views — there 
is  disunion  among  them — as  to  the  policy  to  be  pursued 
in  nourishing  and  cherishing  their  alma  mater.  Brown- 
low's radical  brethren  think  they  have  waxed  fat,  and 
can  venture  to  kick.  They  proudly,  scornfully,  dis- 
dainfully protest  against  longer  playing  the  part  of 
paupers,  and  begging  help  for  the  maternal  support. 
Brownlow  and  his  Border-State  brothers  are  conser- 
vative and  modest  in  their  pretensions.  They  are 
more  than  willing  to  have  the  help  of  their  neighbors 
in  keeping  the  old  brute  clad,  and  hiding  the  shame 
of  her  nakedness  before  the  surrounding  world. 

Now,  I  am  among  those  who  protest  against  help- 
ing longer  to  clothe  the  old  beggar  and  harlot.  In- 
stead of  helping  to  make  her  respectable  and  comfort- 
able, and  to  protract  her  life-giving  energies  for  mul- 
tiplying her  kind,  1  would  uncover  her  nakedness,  and 
turn  her  out  in  the  cold,  to  shiver,  and  starve,  and  die. 
For  this,  Brownlow  wants  me  hung.  So  he  says  ; 
for  I  am  an  Abolitionist.  And  this  is  what  he  wants 
done  with  Abolitionists,  particularly  and  especially 
the  original  ones, — and  I  am  among  the  original  ones. 
He  regrets  that  a  hundred  of  these  could  not  have 
been  disposed  of  many  years  ago,  by  this  process,  not 
then  conceivable,  in  the  imperfect  development  of  fac- 
ulties and  facilities  for  providing  refined  treatment. 
Such  a  conception  was  for  no  previous  stage,  no  ante- 
cedent specimen,  of  human  development.  It  was  for 
W.  G.  Brownlow,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-two  of  the  current  era  in  the  West, 
to  give  the  world  such  an  idea  of  what  our  glorious 

*  The  following  is  the  language  he  is  reported  to 
have  used  in  his  Ohio  speech  : — 

"If,  fifty  years  ago,  we  had  taken  one  hundred 
Southern  0re-«UeM  and  one  hundred  Abolitionists, 
and  banged  them  up,  and  buried  them  in  a  common 
ditcb,  and  sent  their  souls  to  hell,  we  should  have  had 
none  of  this  war." 


Constitution  means   when   it  says,  "  There  shall  be 
no  cruel  and  unjust  punishments  inflicted." 

Nothing  is  more  legitimate  than  that  Brownlow 
should  have  such  propensities,  and  manifest  them.  It 
is  but  an  outburst  of  filial  affection.  I  have  said  that 
Brownlow  has  pluck.  So  has  John  C.  Heenan.  So 
has  my  small  bull-terrier,  who  has  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte for  a  namesake.  It  may  be  that  Brownlow  lias 
.a  conscience.  If  he  has,  it  is  one  of  the  strongest 
arguments  yet  against  the  institution  that  has  given 
him  sueh  a  conscience.  Who  shall  say  that  Badahung, 
Brownlow's  coadjutor  in  making  "merchandize  of 
slaves  and  the  souls  of  men,"  has  not  a  conscience 
too?  The  lordly  Southrons,  the  sovereign  sons  of 
the  South,  have  boasted  of  their  institutions  for  pro- 
ducing men  of  superior  parts — of  transcendent  quali- 
ties. Is  this  Reverend  descendant  from  one  of  the 
second  families  of  Virginia,  who  has  on  these  claims 
received  such  distinguished  attention  and  regard  from 
the  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  a  specimen  ? 

I  was  saying  he  would  have  been  after  a  hundred 
of  the  original  offenders  who  have  been  stripping  his 
mother  naked,  and  showing  her  shame  to  the  world. 
It  may  not  be  quite  modest  in  me  to  presume  I  was 
among  trite  jSrri  hundred  to  put  their  hands  to  this 
work.  But  I  was  at  it  more  than  thirty  years  ago; 
and  expect  to  continue  at  it  while  I  live,  and  slavery 
lasts.  Such  identity  as  mine  with  original  Abolition- 
ism must  be  my  apology  for  making  my  appearance 
personally,  when  Abolitionists  are  menaced  as  they 
have  been  recently  in  Cincinnati.  I  was  a  mobbed 
Abolitionist  before  Wendell  Phillips — not  because  I 
was  a  belter  man,  but  because  I  was  older.  My  name 
stands  alone  for  my  native  State,  among  others  for 
other  States,  enrolled  on  the  original  parchment,  un- 
der the  designation  of  the  "  National  Anti-Slaveky 
Convention,"  organized  in  Philadelphia  in  1833.  A 
lithograph  copy  of  the  Declaration  then  put  forth — a 
Declaration  that  wilt  in  no  way  suffer  in  future  history 
by  the  side  of  the  American  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence— has  hung  in  my  room  ever  since,  and  can 
be  seen  and  read  there  to-day.  That  is  the  flag  I  fight 
under;  and  it  is  no  rag,  and  the  enlistment  extends 
during  the  war. 

[In  regard  to  exploits  of  relatives  in  the  war  of 
1812, 1  could  say  something,  to  go  with  what  was  said 
by  Brownlow  on  that  matter;  and  it  is  a  pity  if 
there  be  any  points  of  union  between  us,  we  should  at 
such  points  be  disunited.  One  incident,  from  seve- 
ral on  sides  paternal  and  maternal :  On  the  paternal 
side — to  say  nothing  of  my  father,  going  through 
the  neighborhood,  rallying  volunteers,  and  going  with 
them  to  meet  the  British  at  Pittsburgh — a  brother 
of  his,  a  volunteer  in  the  battle  of  Queenstown,  in  a 
bayonet  engagement,  when  one  of  the  enemy's  drilled 
veterans  had  adroitly  wrenched  his  bayonet  from  his 
musket,  turned  the  breech,  and  broke  his  way  entirely 
through  the  enemy's  ranks ;  and  then  wheeling  about, 
made  his  way  back,  in  the  same  manner,  into  his  own 
ranks.] 

To  give  you  a  little  more  of  the  experience  of  those 
who  don't  want  to  be  hung,  by  the  side  of  the  experi- 
ence of  those  who  want  to  hang  them,  or  to  have  them 
hung.  [Possibly,  the  experience  of  those  who  have 
stood  up  for  freedom  my  be  as  salutary  to  you,  if  not 
as  savory,  as  that  of  those  who  would  "strike"  free- 
dom "down."]  Allow  me,  then,  to  inform  you  that, 
through  my  efforts,  riding  on  horseback  through  the 
snows  of  the  Green  Mountains,  the  first  State  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  was  organized,  auxiliary  to  the  Na- 
tional Society.  Furthermore,  this  right  hand  penned 
the  first  resolution  passed  by  a  State  Legislature,  and 
sent  to  Washington,  instructing  Senators  and  request- 
ing Representatives  to  use  their  endeavors  for  the 
abolishment  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  the  United  States  Territo- 
ries, and  the  suppression  of  the  inter-State  traffic 

The  passage  of  this  resolution  was  procured  by  the 
aid  of  Col.  Jonathan  P.  Miller,  a  member  of  the  House 
in  the  Vermont  Legislature,  from  the  town  of  Berlin. 
Miller  was  another  of  these  offenders,  who  should 
long  ago  have  been  hung,  if  Brownlow  and  his  kind 
are  to  be  gratified  at  the  expense  of  the  laborers  for 
the  deliverance  of  those  who  pine  in  bondage  and 
pant  for  freedom.  Miller  of  Vermont,  like  Randolph 
of  Virginia,  was  proud  of  having  in  his  veins  the 
blood  of  the  American  Aborigines.  He,  or  his  brother, 
used  to  boast  that  his  great  grandmother  was  a  full- 
blood  Pequot  squaw.  He  left  his  class  in  the  Vermont 
University ,'foregoing  his  diploma,  to  get  out  as  agent, 
carrying  aid  to  the  Greeks,  in  their  struggles  for  free- 
dom. Not  content  with  feeding  them  and  strengthen- 
ing them  for  their  struggle,  he  seized  a  sword,  and  went 
with  them  to  the  field  of  conflict.  He  was,  I  think, 
in  the  battle  of  Missolonghi.  He  told  me  of  standing 
hand  to  hand  against  a  Turk  six  feet  high.  Miller 
was  only  of  Napoleon's  height ;  and  was  no  whit  Napo- 
leon's inferior  in  courage  and  intrepidity.  He  was  ter- 
rible in  onset,  with  lightning  celerity  and  lion  power. 
Thoughtlessly,  I  asked  him  how  it  went  with  him  and 
the  Turk.  He  turned  the  conversation  without  tell- 
ing. It  was  plain  he  did  not  want  to  tell  how  it  fared 
with  a  foe  to  freedom,  with  Jonathan  P.  Miller  for  an 
antagonist.  My  first  acquaintance  with  him  was  on 
this  wise: — I  was  at  Montpelier  lecturing  on  Anti- 
Slavery,  at  the  time  of  the  annual  assembling  of  the 
State  Legislature.  At  the  close  of  a  meeting  held  in 
the  Congregational  meeting-house,  when  I  reached 
the  bottom  of  the  pulpit  stairs,  a  man  came  rushing 
toward  me  through  the  crowd,  and  exclaiming,  "  Mur- 
ray, I  came  here  to  fight  you;  but  I  believe  you  are 
right;  give  me  your  hand!  Now,  if  you  have  any- 
thing to  lay  before  the  House  ou  the  subject,  bring  it 
to  me  in  the  morning,  and  I  will  see  it  through." 
This  was  Col.  Jonathan  P.  Miller.  Such  was  our  in- 
troduction to  each  other.  I  can  never  forget  that 
frank  and  manly  avowal,  and  that  hearty  grasping  of 
my  hand.  In  the  morning  I  drafted  a  resolution,  and 
carried  it  to  him.  Miller  was  the  man  for  the  sub- 
ject, and  it  was  the  subject  for  the  man.  He  used 
but  few  words,  but  they  were  with  electric  power. 
When  he  obtained  permission  to  introduce  the  mea- 
sure, he  electrified  the  House,  and  it  went  with  accla- 
mation. This,  if  my  memory  be  correct,  was  the 
first  "fire-brand"  of  the  kind  thrown  into  Congress 
from  a  State  Legislature.  It  was  in  1833,  I  think— I 
have  not  now  the  record  at  hand  A  generation  has 
passed  away  before  Congress  has  got  about  any  earnest 
action  on  the  subject,  otherwise  than  to  trample  under 
their  feet  these  instructions  and  petitions  from  their 
constituents.  Long  ago,  a  direct  vote  of  the  people, 
uninfluenced  by  corrupt  politicians,  would  have  abated 
that  national  crime  and  disgrace. 

When  Samuel  J.  May,  an  Anti-Slavery  lecturer, 
was  afterward  mobbed  in  the  Montpelier  Court-House, 
and  stones  were  thrown  through  the  windows,  Col. 
Miller,  being  in  the  audience,  hoisted  a  window  that 
had  been  smashed  in  with  stones,  and  sat  himself 
quietly  in  it.  No  more  stones  were  thrown  through 
that  window.  It  is  well  for  such  as  Davis  and  Beau- 
regard that  Miller  is  asleep  among  the  mountains  of 
Vermont.  Suffer  me  to  suggest  here,  that  with  Jessie 
Benton  Fremont  in  the  White  House,  and  John  C. 
Fremont  and  some  living  Jonathan  P.  Miller  in  the 
field — accompanied  by  such  as  Sigel,  and  a  few  like 
Foote  with  gunboats  and  Monitors,  a  work  would  soon 
be  done  that  would  extract  the  bile — would  pump  the 
poison — from  the  stomachs  of  those  who  are  howling 
for  Abolitionists  to  be  hung. 


Thh  Atlantic  Monthly,  for  July,  is  received. 

The  following  is  its  table  of  contents  : — 

1.  Some  Soldier- Poetry.  2.  Froudc's  Henry  the 
Eighth.  3.  Why  their  Creeds  Differed.  4.  Presence. 
y.  Chiefly  about  War  Matters.  0.  The  Minute  Guns. 
7.  Originality.  8.  Ericsson  and  his  Inventions.  9. 
Moving.  10.  Methods  of  Study  in  Natural  History. 
11.  Lyrics  of  the  Street.  12.  Friend  Eli's  Daughter. 
13.  Taxation  no  Burden.  14.  The  Poet  to  his  Read- 
era.  16.  The  Children's  Cities.  16.  Reviews  and 
Literary  Notices.     17.  Recent  American  Publications. 

Terms,  $3  per  annum,  or  25  cents  a  number.  Tick- 
nor  &  Fields,  Publishers,  135  Washington  Street,  Bos- 
ton. This  periodical  has  now  a  national  reputation, 
which  is  not  oidy  well  sustained,  but  heightened,  by 
each  succeeding  number. 


From  the  Dedham  Gazette. 
THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPERIMENT. 

Edward  L.  Pierce,  of  Milton,  who  was  appointed 
Special  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department  for  the 
management  of  the  abandoned  plantations  at  Port 
Royal,  including  the  support  and  control  of  the  con- 
trabands, has  submitted  his  final  report  to  Secretary 
Chase,  and  the  supervision  of  affairs  has  been  trans- 
ferred from  the  Treasury  to  the  War  Department. 
When  the  position  of  Special  Agent  was  accepted  by 
Mr.  Pierce,  he  expected  that  the  duties  of  the  com- 
mission would  terminate  in  three  months ;  but  the  en- 
larged field  of  operations  and  the  protracted  military 
movements  of  the  Government  have  prevented  the 
earlier  transfer  of  this  important  department.  Mr. 
Pierce  has  at  last  been  able  to  arrange  matters,  so  that 
the  military  superintendent,  Gen.  Saxton,  will  imme- 
diately on  his  arrival  at  Port  Royal  assume  the  direc- 
tion of  affairs.  During  the  last  week,  Mr.  Pierce  has 
visited  Washington,  and  submitted  his  report;  and, 
after  making  a  flying  visit  to  his  home,  has  returned 
to  Port  Royal  for  the  purpose  of  formally  transferring 
the  commission  to  the  charge  of  the  military  super- 
intendent, and  may  be  expected  home  in  the  course  of 
three  weeks.  Mr.  Pierce  is  entitled  to  great  credit  for 
the  excellent  manner  in  which  lie  has  discharged  the 
delicate  and  responsible  duties  of  the  position  to  which 
he  was  so  unexpectedly  called,  and  we  have  no  doubt 
that  the  signal  success  of  this  important  movement  is 
in  a  great  measure  owing  to  his  earnest,  unwearied 
and  judicious  labors  in  its  behalf. 

As  much  interest  has  been  expressed  in  the  progress 
and  result  of  this  experiment,  we  give  the  following 
summary  of  results  and  the  closing  remarks  of  the 
Agent,  which  our  readers  will  find  well  worthy  of  pe- 
rusal. 

Mr.  Pierce  states  that  seventy  men  and  sixteen  wo- 
men are  engaged  in  missionary  work  among  the  ne- 
groes, under  the  auspices  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment. The  number  of  plantations  under  the  care  of 
these  persons  is  189,  having  upon  them  9,050  Africans, 
classified  as  follows :  309  mechanics  and  house  ser- 
vants, not  working  in  the  field;  693  old,  sickly,  and 
not  able  to  work ;  3,619  children  not  useful  for  field 
labor,  and  4,429  field  hands.  The  latter  are  classified 
as  full,  three-quarters,  one-half,  and  one-quarter  hands 
— according  to  their  capacity  for  labor;  3,202  are  full 
hands,  295  three-quarter  hands,  597  half  hands.  335 
one-quarter  hands.  Fresh  arrivals,  to  the  number  of 
about  200,  have  been  distributed  among  the  plantations 
since  the  above  enumeration  was  made.  Besides,  ne- 
groes in  camp  are  not  included.  With  their  families, 
they  number  about  2,000.  They  have  been  instruct- 
ed, however,  and  cared  for  like  the  rest  as  far  as  possi- 
ble. An  accurate  account  is  kept  of  the  amount  of 
labor  performed  by  the  negroes,  which  is  summed  up 
as  follows  :— 

"  The  aggregate  result  makes  (adding  the  negro 
patches  to  the  corn-fields  of  the  plantations)  8,314 
12-100  acres  of  provisions  (corn,  potatoes,  &c)  planted, 
5,489  11-100  acres  of  cotton  planted— in  all,  13,795 
23-100  acres  of  provisions  and  cotton  planted.  Add- 
ing to  these  the  2,394  acres  of  late  corn,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent for  fodder,  cow-pens,  &c,  to  be  planted,  and  the 
crop  of  this  year  presents  a  total  of  16,189  23-100 
acres.  The  crops  are  growing,  and  are  in  good  condi- 
tion. 

The  sum  of  §5,479  has  been  distributed  among  4,030 
negroes  in  payment  for  labor  on  the  plantations.  The 
rate  is  $1  per  acre  for  cotton." 

The  following  is  the  concluding  portion  of  the  re- 
port : — 

"  The  educational  labors  deserve  a  special  statement. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  more  teachers  had  not  been 
provided.  The  labor  of  superintendence  at  the  begin- 
ning proved  so  onerous,  that  several  originally  intend- 
ed to  be  put  in  charge  of  schools  were  necessarily  as- 
signed for  the  other  purpose.  Some  fifteen  persons, 
on  an  average,  bad  been  specially  occupied  with  teach- 
ing, and  of  these  four  were  women.  Others  having 
less  superintendence  to  attend  to  were  able  to  devote 
considerable  time  to  teaching  at  regular  hours.  Near- 
ly all  gave  some  attention  to  it,  more  or  less,  according 
to  their  opportunity  and  their  aptitude  for  the  work. 

The  educational  statistics  are  incomplete,  only  a  part 
of  the  schools  having  been  open  for  two  months,  and 
the  others  having  been  opened  at  intervals  upon  the 
■rival  of  persons  designated  for  the  purpose.  At 
present,  according  to  the  reports,  2,509  persons  are  be- 
ing taught  on  week  days,  of  whom  not  far  from  one- 
third  are  adults  taught  when  their  work  is  done.  But 
this  does  not  complete  the  number  occasionally  taught 
on  weekdays  and  at  the  Sunday  schools.  Humane 
soldiers  have  also  aided  in  the  case  of  their  servants 
and  others.  Three  thousand  persons  are,  in  all  proba- 
bility, receiving  more  or  less  instruction  in  reading  on 
these  islands.  With  an  adequate  force  of  teachers 
lis  number  might  be  doubled,  as  it  is  to  be  hoped  it 
ill  be  on  the  coming  of  autumn.  The  reports  state 
that  very  many  are  now  advanced  enough  so  that  even 
if  the  work  should  stop  here,  they  would  still  learn  to 
read  by  themselves.  Thus  the  ability  to  read  the 
English  language  has  been  already  so  communicated 
to  these  people,  that  no  matter  what  military  or  social 
vicissitudes  may  come,  this  knowledge  can  never  per- 
ish from  among  them. 

There  have  been  forwarded  to  the  special  agents  the 
reports  of  the  teachers,  and  they  result  in  a  remark- 
able concurrence  of  testimony.  All  unite  to  attest  the 
universal  eagerness  to  learn,  which  they  have  not 
found  equalled  in  white  persons,  arising  both  from  the 
desire  for  knowledge  common  to  all,  and  the  desire  to 
raise  their  condition,  now  very  strong  among  these 
people.  The  reports  on  this  point  are  cheering,  even 
enthusiastic,  and  sometimes  relate  an  incident  of  as- 
piration and  affection  united  in  beautiful  combinations. 
One  teacher,  on  his  first  day's. school,  leaves  in  the 
rooms  a  large  alphabet  card,  and  the  next  day  returns 
to  find  a  mother  there  teaching  her  little  child  of  three 
years  to  pronounce  the  first  letters  of  the  alphabet  she 
herself  learned  the  day  before.  The  children  learn 
without  urging  by  their  parents,  and  as  rapidly  as 
white  persons  of  the  same  age,  often  more  so,  the  pro- 
cess being  quickened  by  the  eager  desire.  One  teach- 
er reports  that  on  the  first  day  of  her  school,  only 
three  or  four  knew  a  part  of  their  letters,  and  none 
knew  all.  In  one  week  seven  boys  and  six  girls  could 
read  readily  words  of  one  syllable,  and  the  following 
week  there  were  twenty  in  the  same  class.  The  cases 
of  dulness  have  not  exceeded  those  among  whites. 
The  mulattoes,  of  whom  there  are  probably  not  more 
than  five  per  cent,  of  the  entire  population  on  the 
plantations,  are  no  brighter  than  the  children  of  pure 
African  blood.  In  the  schools  which  have  been  opened 
for  some  weeks,  the  pupils  who  have  regularly  attend- 
ed have  passed  from  the  alphabet,  and  are  reading 
words  of  one  syllable  in  large  and  small  letters.  The 
lessons  have  been  confined  to  reading  and  spelling,  ex- 
cept in  a  few  cases  where  writing  has  been  taught. 

There  has  been  great  apparent  eagerness  to  learn 
among  the  adults,  and  some  have  progressed  well. 
They  will  cover  their  books  with  care,  each  one  being 
anxious  to  be  thus  provided,  carrying  them  to  the 
fields,  studying  them  at  intervals  of  rest,  and  asking 
information  of  the  superintendents  who  happen  to 
come  along.  But  as  the  novelty  wore  away,  many  of 
the  adults,  finding  perseverance  disagreeable,  have 
dropped  off.  Except  in  rare  eases,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  adults  over  thirty  years,  although  appreciat- 
ing the  privilege  for  their  children,  will  persevere  in 
continuous  study  so  as  to  acquire  the  knowledge  for 
themselves.  Still,  when  hooks  and  newspapers  are 
read  in  negro  houses,  many,  inspired  by  the  example 
of  their  children,  will  be  likely  to  undertake  the  labor 
again. 

It  is  proper  to  state  that  while  the  memory  in  color- 
ed children  is  found  to  be,  if  anything,  livelier  than  in 
the  white,  it  is  quite  probable  that  further  along,  when 
the  higher  faculties  of  comparison  and  combination  are 
more  to  be  relied  on,  their  progress  may  be  less. 
While  their  quickness  is  apparent,  one  is  struck  with 
their  want  of  discipline.  The  children  have  been  re- 
garded as  belonging  to  the  plantations,  rather  than  to 
a  family,  and  the  parents,  who,  in  their  condition,  can 
never  have  but  a  feeble  hold  on  their  offspring,  have 
not  been  instructed  to  training  their  children  into 
thoughtful  and  orderly  habits.  It  has,  therefore,  been 
found  not  an  easy  task  to  make  them  quiet  and  atten- 
tive at  the  schools. 

Through  the  schools,  habits  of  neatness  have  been 
encouraged.  Children  with  soiled  faces  or  soiled  cloth- 
ing, when  known  to  have,  better,  have  been  sent  home 
from  the  schools,  and  have  returned  in  better  condition. 
In  a  few  cases,  the  teachers  have  been  assisted  by 
negroes  who  knew  how  to  read  before  we  came.  Of 
these  there  are  very  few.  Perhaps  one  may  be  found 
on  an  average  of  one  or  two  to  three  plantations. 
These,  bo  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  were  in  most  cases 
taught  clandestinely,  often  by  the  daughters  of  their 
masters,  who  were  of  about  the  same  age.  A  colored 
person  among  these  people  who  has  learned  to  read 
does  not  usually  succeed  so  well  as  a  white  teacher. 
He  is  apt  to  teach  the  alphabet  in  the  usual  order,  and 
needy  special  training  for  the  purpose. 

The  Sabbath  schools  have  assisted  in  the  work  of 
teaching.  Some  three  hundred  persons  are  present  at 
the  church  on  St.  Helena  in  the  morning,to  be  taught. 
There  are  other  churches  where  one  or  two  hundred 
attend.  A  part  of  these,  perhaps  the  larger,  attend 
some  of  the  day  schools,  but  they  comprehend  others, 
as  adults,  and  still  others  coming  from  localities  where 
schools  have  not  been  opened.  One  who  regards  spec- 
tacles in  the  light  of  their  moral  aspects  can  with  dif- 
ficulty find  sublimer  scenes  than  those  witnessed  on 
Sabbath  morning  on  these  islands,  now  ransomed  to  a 
nobler  civilization. 

The  educational  labors  have  had  incidental  results 
almost  as  useful  as  those  which  have  been  direct.  At 
a  lime  when  the  people  were  chafing  the  most  under 
deprivations,  and  the  assurances  made  on  behalf  of  the 
Government  were  most  distrusted,  it  was  fortunate 
that  we  could  point  to  the  teaching  of  their  children 
as  a  proof  of  our  interest  in  their  welfare,  anil  of  a  new 
and  better  life  which  we  were  opening  before  them. 

An  effort hfll  been  made  lo  promote  clean  and  health- 
ful habits.  To  that  end.  weekly  cleanings  of  quarters 
were  enjoined.     This  effort,  where  it  could  be  proper- 


ly made,  met  with  reasonable  success.  The  negroes, 
finding  that  we  took  an  interest  in  their  welfare,  ac- 
ceded cordially,  and  in  many  cases  their  diligence  in 
this  respect  was  most  commendable.  As  a  race,  it  is 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  they  are  indisposed  lo  clean- 
liness. They  appear  to  practise  it  as  much  as  white 
people  under  the  same  circumstances.  There  are  dif- 
ficulties to  obstruct  improvement  in  this  respect. 
There  has  been  a  scarcity  of  lime  and  (except  at  too 
high  prices)  of  soap.  Their  houses  are  too  small,  not 
ailbrding  proper  apartments  for  storing  their  food. 
They  are  unprovided  with  glass  windows.  Besides, 
some  of  them  are  tenements  unfit  for  beasts,  without 
floor  or  chimneys,  One  could  not  put  on  a  face  to  ask 
the  occupants  to  clean  such  a  place.  But  where  the 
building  was  decent  or  reasonably  commodious,  there 
has  been  no  difficulty  in  securing  the  practise  of  this 
virtue.  Many  of  these  people  are  examples  of  tidi- 
ness, and  on  entering  their  houses  one  is  sometimes 
witness  of  rather  amusing  scenes,  where  a  mother  is 
trying  the  effect  of  beneficent  ablutions  on  the  heads 
of  her  children. 

The  religious  welfare  of  these  people  has  not  been 
neglected.  The  churches,  which  were  closed  when 
this  became  a  seat  of  war,  have  been  opened.  Among 
the  superintendents  there  were  several  persons  of  cleri- 
cal education,  who  have  led  in  public  ministrations. 
The  larger  part  of  them  are  persons  of  religious  ex- 
perience and  profession,  who,  on  the  Sabbath,  in  week- 
ly praise  meetings  and  at  funerals,  have  labored  for 
the  consolation  of  these  humble  believers. 

These  people  have  been  assured  by  the  Special 
Agent,  that  if  they  proved  themselves  worthy  by  their 
industry,  good  order,  and  sobriety,  they  should  be  pro- 
tected aga|nst  their  Rebel  masters.  It  would  be  wast- 
ed toil  to  attempt  their  development  without  such  as- 
urances.  An  honorable  nature  would  shrink  from 
his  work  without  the  right  to  make  them.  Nor  is  it 
possible  to  imagine  any  rulers,  now  or  in  the  future, 
who  will  ever  turn  their  backs  on  the  laborers  who 
have  been  in  the  service  of  the  United.  States. 

Special  care  has  been  taken  to  protect  the  property 
of  the  Government  on  the  plantations.  The  cattle 
had  been  taken  in  such  large  numbers  by  the  former 
owners,  and  later  by  the  army,  the  latter  sometimes 
slaughtering  fifty  or  more  head  on  a  plantation,  that 
the  necessity  of  a  strict  rule  for  the  preservation  of 
those  remaining  was  felt.  For  that  purpose  the  Spec- 
ial Agent  procured  orders  from  the  military  and  naval 
authorities',  dated  respectively  April  17th  and  2Gth, 
forbidding  the  removal  of  'subsistence,  forage,  mules, 
horses,  oxen,  cows,  sheep,  cattle  of  any  kind,  or  other 
property,  from  the  plantations,  without  the  consent  of 
the  Special  Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department,  or  or- 
ders from  the  nearest  General  Commanding.'  No 
such  consent  has  been  given  by  the  Special  Agent  ex- 
cept in  one  case,  as  an  act  of  mercy  to  the  animal,  and 
in  another  where  he  ordered  a  lamb  killed  on  a  special 
occasion,  and  has  charged  himself  with  the  same  in  his 
account  with  the  Department.  Your  instructions, 
which  expressed  your  desire  to  prevent  the  deteriora- 
tion of  the  estates,  have  in  this  respect  been  sedulous- 
ly attended  to.  The  Superintendents  have  not  been 
permitted  to  kill  cattle,  even  for  fresh  meat,  and  they 
have  subsisted  on  their  rations,  and  fish  and  poultry 
purchased  of  the  negroes. 

The  success  of  the  movement,  now  upon  its  third 
month,  has  exceeded  my  most  sanguine  expectations. 
It  has  had  its  peculiar  difficulties,  and  some  phases  at 
times,  arising  from  accidental  causes,  might  on  a  par- 
ticular view  invite  doubt,  which  vanished  however  at 
once  by  a  general  survey  of  what  had  been  done. 
Already  the  high  treason  of  South  Carolina  has  had  a 
sublime  compensation,  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  The 
liurches  which  were  closed  have  been  opened.  No 
uaster  now  stands  between  the  people  and  the  words 
vhich  the  Savior  spoke  for  the  consolation  of  all  peo- 
ples and  all  generations.  The  gospel  is  preached  in 
fullness  and  purity,  as  it  has  never  before  been  preach- 
ed in  this  territory,  even  in  colonial  times.  The  read- 
ng  of  the  English  language,  with  more  or  less  sys- 
tem, is  being  taught  to  thousands,  so  that  whatever 
military  or  political  calamities  may  be  in  store,  this 
precious  knowledge  can  never  more  be  eradicated. 
Ideas  and  habits  have  been  planted,  under  the  growth 
of  which  these  people  are  to  be  fitted  for  the  responsi- 
bilities of  citizenship,  and  in  equal  degree  unfitted  for 
any  restoration  to-  what  they  have  been.  Modes  of 
administration  have  been  commenced,  not  indeed 
adapted  to  an  advanced  community,  bntjust,  paternal, 
and  developing  in  their  character.  Industrial  results 
have  been  reached  which  put  at  rest  the  often  reitera- 
ted assumption  that  this  territory  and  its  products  can 
only  be  cultivated  by  slaves — a  social  problem  which 
has  vexed  the  wisest,  approaches  a  solution.  The  ca- 
pacity of  a  race,  and  the  possibility  of  lifting  it  to  civ- 
ilization without  danger  or  disorder,  even  without 
throwing  away  the  present  generation  as  refuse,  is  be- 
ing determined.  And  thus  the  way  is  preparing  by 
which  the  peace  to  follow  this  war  shall  be  made  per- 
petual. 

Finally,  it  would  seem  that  upon  this  narrow  theatre, 
and  in  these  troublous  times,  God  is  demonstrating 
against  those  wli  >  would  mystify  His  plans  and  thwart 
His  purposes,  that  in  the  councils  of  His  infinite  wis- 
dom lie  has  predestined  no  race,  not  even  the  African, 
to  the  doom  of  eternal  bondage." 


REV.  SAMUEL  J.  MAY'S  REPORT. 
A  large  and  very  respectable  assi/mblag:;  of  our  citi- 
zens filled  the  City  Hall  on  Saturday  evening,  to  listen 
to  the  report  of  Rev.  Samuel  J  May,  of  his  mission 
among  the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  various  hospitals 
at  Washington,  Yorktown  and  White  House,  in  the 
capacity  of  agent  to  distribute  articles  of  comfort  on  be- 
half of  the  Ladies'  Relief  Society  of  this  city.  The 
report  was  interesting,  and  quite  satisfactory  in  its  de- 
tails, and  exhibited  the  faithfulness  with  which  the 
reverend  gentleman  discharged  the  important  duties 
assigned  to  his  charge.  A  large  majority  of  the  au- 
dience present  were  ladies,  who  have  taken  the  most 
lively  interest  in  this  Good  Samaritan  work,  the  relief 
of  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  in  the  hospitals.  It 
would  require  more  space  than  we  can  appropriate  this 
.orning  to  follow  the  reverend  gentleman  through  his 
lengthy  report  of  his  mission,  and  we  must  content 
ourselves  with  a  brief  notice  of  it,  especially  as  so 
large  a  number  of  our  citizens  heard  it  from  his  own 
lips. 

He  was  astonished  at  the  patience  exhibited  by  the 
sufferers,  and  the  sights  that  met  his  eyes  would  re- 
main fresh  in  his  memory  to  his  latest  day.  Thou- 
sands of  soldiers  crowded  the  hospitals  in  all  horrible 
forms  of  suffering.  Some  shot  through  the  head,  the 
lungs,  the  chest,  and  various  parts  of  the  body  ;  others 
'ng  one,  ami  in  many  instances  both  eyes  carried 
away  by  the  bullets  of  the  enemy,  and  yet  they  lived 

lingering  and  patient  with.hope.  It  was  delightful 
to  the  heart  of  the  philanthropist  to  see  how  eagerly 
the  soldiers  desired  that  the  greatest  sufferers  were  at- 
tended to  first,  forgetting  their  own  wants  and  fore- 
going their  own  claims  in  pity  and  out  of  sympathy 
for  their  fellow- comrades  in  suffering.  He  counselled 
that  the  good  work  commenced  by  the  Ladies'  Relief 
Society  be  continued,  and  that  articles  of  comfort  in 
the  way  of  good  leather-soled  slippers,  colored  flannel 
Bhirts,  and  the  like,  be  provided,  as  they  were-  the 
most  needed  by  the  sick  and  wounded  soldiers.  The 
articles  of  concentrated  milk  and  soup  were  the  most 
acceptable,  and  of  the  greatest  service  in  the  hospitals. 
The  soldiers  were  very  grateful  for  the  nourishment 
dealt  out  to  them  in  the  way  of  bread  and  milk,  as  it 
reminded  them  of  their  homes.  He  stated  that  the 
Twelfth  regiment  had  been  in  no  important  affair  since 
the  disastrous  battle  of  Bull  Run,  except  a  few  slight 
skirmishes  ;  but  the  next  battle  would  be  the  Battle  of 
Despair,  and  our  regiment  will  undoubtedly  be  in  it, 
and  its  disastrous  consequences  will  be  the  wounding 
of  hundreds,  lie  counselled  the  continuance  of  sup- 
plies, as  they  would  undoubtedly  be  needed.  Especial- 
ly was  food  wanted  of  that  nature  that  would  be  quick- 
ening to  their  appetites, 

Mr.  May  answered  the  several  questions  put  to  him 
to  the  satisfaction  of  inquiring  parties,  and  the  success 
of  his  mission  seemed  to  be  highly  gratifying  and  sat- 
isfactory throughout.  The  Reverend  gentleman  was 
taken  sick  at  the  stomach  before  he  concluded  his  re- 
port, and  was  obliged  to  take  Ids  seat  by  an  open  win- 
dow,  where  several  ladies   attended   upon  him,   and 

ughl  to  revive  him.  Owing  to  this  fact,  a  motion 
was  made  to  adjourn  the  meeting,  and  after  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  the  speaker,»the  meeting  was  dismissed. 
— Syracuse  Courier  and  Union. 

g^=  A  correspondent  of  the  same  paper,  referring 
to  Mr-  May's  Report,  pays  him  the  following  merited 
tribute : — 

"  The  fidelity  and  earnestness  with  which  that  mis- 
sion was  performed,  and  the  genuine  philanthropy 
which  prompted  it,  commended  the  generous  hearted 
man  to  my  warm  applause.  The  results  of  his  mis- 
sion were  alike  cheering  to  the  friends  of  the  poor 
soldier,  to  whose  wants  the  Reverend  gentleman  con- 
tributed, and  whose  pains  and  griefs  he  assuaged  to 
the  extent  of  his  ability.  He  was  the  man  of  all  others 
to  perforin  this  labor  of  humanity  anil  mercy  on  the 
fields  of  death  and  carnage.  The  bosom  ol  no  man  in 
our  beautiful  and  active  city  throbs  with  a  larger 
heart;  there  is  not  one  in  our  midst  whose  large  be- 
nevolence is  more  unselfish  anil  disinterested;  his 
kind  demeanor,  his  pure  Christian  character,  and  his 
humane  and  generous  impulses — all  point  him  out  as 
a  most  suitable  person  to  perforin  the  work  in  which 
he  engaged  on  going  to  the  Potomac.  If  I  were  in 
the  situation  of  the  poor  soldier,  whom  he  described, 
as  having  both  bis  eyes  shot  out,  and  bis  body  riddled 
with  bullets,  with  every  prospect  of  death  before  him, 
1  know  of  no  man  whose  brotherly  kindness,  whose 
gentle  ministrations  ami  whose  wise  and  holy  counsels 
would  be  more  apt  to  relieve  the  gloom  of  "the  nar- 
row house,"  and  make  my  transit  from  time  to  eter- 
nity a  pathway  of  hope,  anil  happiness  and  peace,  than 
the  Reverend  gentleman,  to  whose  description  of  the 
wounded,  the  dying  and  the  ih/iul  who  were  brought 
from  the  battle-field,  1  have  this  night  listened." 

Still,  the  writer  holds  Mr.  May  and  the  Abolition- 
ists  as  fearfully  responsible  for  the  warl  1  1 


GOV.  STANLY  AND  THE  LAWS  OF  NORTH 
CAROLINA. 

Gov.  Stanly  will  not  allow  negroes  at  Newbern  to 
be  taught  to  read  and  write,  because  the  laws  of  North 
Carolina  forbid  it. 

Let  us  see  how  this  scrupulous  functionary  respects 
that  fundamental  law,  the  Constitution  of  North  Car- 
olina. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  he  directed  the  following  note 
to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Helper,  a  native-born  citizen  of 
North  Carolina  :— 

Office  of  the  Provost   Marshal,  1 
Newbern,  N.  C,  May  31,  1862.  J 

II.  H.  Helper,  Esq. : 

Sir — I  am  instructed  by  his  Excellency  the  Military 
Governor  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  to  inform 
you  that  he  requires  you  to  leave  this  department  in 
the  first  vessel  going  North. 

lam,  very  respectfully,  yours, 

Dan.  Messenger,  Provost  Marshal. 

Now,  the  Declaration  of  Rights  of  North  Carolina 
declares : 

"  That  no  freeman  ought  to  be  taken,  imprisoned,  or 
disseized  of  his  freehold,  liberties  or  privileges,  or  out- 
lawed OR  EXILED,  or  in  any  manner  destroyed  or 
deprived  of  his  life,  liberty  or  property,  but  by  the 
law  of  the  land." 

And  the  Constitution  of  North  Carolina  declares  : 

"  The  Declaration  of  Rights  is  hereby  declared  to 
be  part  of  the  Constitution  of  this  State,  and  ouaht 
never  to  be  violated  ON  ANY  PRETENCE  WHAT- 
EVER." 

Gov.  Stanly  is  only  a  specimen  of  that  numerous 
class  of  politicians  whose  vision  never  embraces  any 
laws  except  those  which  advance  the  interests  of 
slaveholders. —  Cleveland  Leader. 


Gen.  Butler  and  the  Women.  The  order  of  Gen. 
Butler  in  relation  to  the  women  who  insult  our  sol- 
diers in  New  Orleans  has  been  sharply  criticised.  A 
gentleman  just  returned  from  that  city,  where  he  has 
resided  ever  since  the  war  broke  out,  says  we  can 
have  no  conception  of  the  indignities  our  brave  fel- 
lows were  compelled  to  suffer  at  the  hands  of  these 
fiends  in  petticoats.  AH  sense  of  shame  and  decency 
appears  to  have  departed  out  of  them.  They  rival 
the  most  degraded  street- walkers,  not  only  in  ribaldry, 
but  in  obscenity.  Women  who  have  been  regarded  as 
the  pattern  of  refinement  and  good  breeding,  indulge 
in  language  towards  our  officers  and  men  which  no 
decent  journalist  would  dare  to  put  into  print.  Pre- 
suming upon  the  privileges  of  the  sex,  they  not  only 
assail  them  with  the  tongue,  but  with  more  material 
weapons.  Buckets  of  slops  are  emptied  upon  them  as 
they  pass;  decayed  oranges  and  rotten  eggs  are  hurl- 
ed at  them ;  and  every  insult  a  depraved  fancy  can 
invent  is  offered  to  the  hated  Federals. 

The  forbearance  of  our  troops,  this  gentleman  says, 
is  wonderful.  They  endure  the  jibes  and  persecu- 
tions of  these  unsexed  wretches  with  a  philosophy  that 
none  can  overthrow.  But  the  nuisance  was  fast  be- 
coming intolerable.  The  offenders  were  presuming 
upon  the  chivalry  of  the  troops  to  commit  physical 
assaults.  Something  like  the  order  of  General 
Butler  became  imperative.  If  women  pretending  to 
be  decent  imitated  the  conduct  of  "  women  of  the 
town,"  it  was  proper  that  something  like  the  same 
punishment  should  be  meted  out  to  them. — Albany 
Evening  Journal. 

2^°  In  the  British  Parliament,  a  false  and  brutal 
construction  has  been  placed  upon  the  order  of  Gen. 
Butler,  respecting  this  class  of  women,  and  he  has 
been  severely  denounced  by  Palmerston  and  others. 


_  ij^The  following  is  related  of  the  Yankee  soldiers 
and  Secesh  viragos  at  Norfolk: — "At  Norfolk,  a  wo- 
man passing  by  two  Union  soldiers,  gathered  hastily 
her  robes  close  to  her  side  to  prevent  her  garments 
being  polluted  by  touching  a  soldier's  coat.  The  sol- 
diers stopped,  and  one  said  loudly,  'Ah,  but  a  nice 
kind  of  woman  is  that;  don't  you  see"  she  has  got 
som-j  contagious  disease,  and  is  afraid  we  Union  sol- 
diers shall  catch  it  from  her?'  The  Secesh  female 
looked  mad  enough  at  this  interpretation  of  her  folly. 
Another  soldier  passing  on  the  sidewalk  was  also  met 
by  a  similar  Secesh  woinan,  who  deliberately  marched 
into  the  street  to  avoid  contact  with  him.  '  Excuse  me, 
Midanv,'  said  the  soldier,  '  bat  L  a.m  ■&  Union  soldier, 

d  not  a  Sacesh  soldier,  such  as  you  have  been  used 
to,  and  so  I  am  not  lousy.'  " 


Q^"  An  apology  is  made  for  refusing  the  use  of 
Gen.  Lee's  mansion  in  Virginia  as  a  hospital  for  the 
use  of  our  wounded  soldiers,  who  are  lying  in  the  mi- 

raatic  swamps  around  it,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  out 
of  regard  to  the  associations  with  the  memory  of 
Washington,  and  not  to  the  property  of  a  traitor.  The 
apology  is  worse  than  the  original  act.  No  property 
is  too  sacred  to  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  human  be- 

_  i.  King  David  took  the  shew  bread  from  the  altar, 
and  was  held  blameless.  The  Catholic  Church,  in 
the  early  periods  of  Christianity,  took  pride  in  selling 
the  sacred  vessels  of  the  churches  for  the  ransom  of 
slaves.  To  make  such  an  excuse  as  the  above  for 
holding  a  fine  house  sacred  from  human  use,  is  con- 
temptible. Were  Washington  himself  alive,  he  would 
blush  at  the  conduct  of  his  descendants. — New  Bed- 
ford Standard. 


$3^*  Some  of  the  loyal-  border  State  members  did  not 
ike  the  vote  of  the  House,  by  which  Robert  Small 
and  his  heroic  brother  contrabands  were  awarded  one 
half  the  value  of  the  Steamboat  Planter,  which  they 
ran  off  from  Charleston  harbor,  and  delivered  to  the 
U.  S.  fljet.  Mr.  Crittenden  was  particularly  outraged 
at  the  "unconstitutionality"  of  the  proceedings. 
When  the  rules  were  suspended  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  up  the  bill,  that  gentleman  took  up  his  hat  and 
left  the  hall,  followed  by  some  of  the  other  loyal  Ken- 
tucky members.  At  the  door,  a  friend  expostulated 
with  him,  but  the  testy  old  gentleman  pushed  matter- 
ing by.  Only  nine  voted  against  the  bill,  among  them 
Vallandigham,  of  course,  and  Philip  Johnson  of  Penn- 
sylvania. Many  of  those  who  opposed  confiscation 
and  emancipation  on»the  ground  of  unconstitutionality 
a  moment  before,  voted  to  grant  Robert  Small  his 
freedom  and  half  the  value  of  the  Planter,  thereby 
confirming  the  right  of  Robert  and  all  other  loyal 
South  Carolinians  to  confiscate  vessels  and  slaves,  a 
power  they  deny  Congress  and  the  President. 


Secretary  Welles  on  Fugitives.  Secretary 
Welles  has  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Commo- 
dore Rowan,  commanding  the  flotilla  in  the  North 
Carolina  Sounds  ; — 

Navy  Department,  Washington,  Jane  8, 1862. 

Sir,— In  your  dispatch  of  the  17th  ult.  allusion  is 
made  to  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Brooks,  at  Elizabeth 
City,  N.-C,  relative  to  his  efforts  to  obtain  a  favorite 
servant,  supposed  to  be  with  the  Uuitud  States  forces. 
As  similar  applications  may  frequently  be  made,  it  is 
proper  to  remind  you  that  persons  who  have  enlisted 
in  the  naval  service  cannot  be  discharged  without  the 
consent  of  the  Department,  and  that  no  one  should  be 
"given  up"  against  his  wishes. 

Very  respectfully,  Gideon  Welles. 

Captain  J.  C.  Rowan,  Commanding  Naval  Forces, 
North  Carolina  Sounds. 


Horrible  Accident  in  Bridgewater.  A  boil- 
er explosion  occurred  in  the  iron  works  of  Lazell, 
Perkins  &  Co.,  in  Bridgewater,  about  nine  o'clock 
on  Monday  morning,  killing  six  workmen,  and  more 
or  less  injuring  several  others. 

Messrs.  Lazell,  Perkins  &  Co.,  who  have  a  store  at 
No.  28  Broad  Street  in  this  city,  were  apprised  of  the 
accident  by  telegraph,  and  have  sent  a  surgeon  to  at- 
tend the  wounded. 

The  boiler  was  attached  to  the  forge  shop,  which  is 
a  short  distance  from  the  railroad   depot. 

The  names  of  the  killed  are  William  Carson,  Thorn- 
Casey,  Dennis  McCarty,  Johu  Davan,  Felix  Kelly 
and  John  Pickett. 

Samuel    Washburn   was   mortally   wounded  ;  

Wiley,  dangerously  ;  and  John  Crosslcy,  A.  D.  Rob- 
inson, Charles  T.  Hall,  Jeremiah  Lynch  and  Frank 
Casey,- seriously. 

All  these  men,  we  understand,  were  at  work  inside 
the  forge  shop,  about  a  large  trip-hammer.  The 
building  was  badly  damaged,  one  end  being  blown  out 
and  the  roof  shattered.  The  iron  works  are  very  ex- 
tensive, and  form  a  group  of  buildings  near  the  rail- 
road, the  forge-shop  being  in  the  centre.  They  are 
kept  in  operation  all  the  time  for  government,  aud  em- 
ploy a  large  force  of  men. 


Picked   up   at    Sea.     Capt.  Conway  of  the  brig 

Drunimoud,  arrived  on  Monday  from  Aspinwall,  re- 
ports: June  15,  lat.  25  20,  long.  79  40,  180  miles 
from  land,  picked  up  an  escaped  slave  from  Havana, 
and  brought  him  to  this  port.  He  bad  been  six  days 
in  a  canoe,  without  food  or  water.  He  talks  but  little 
English,  and  says  he  came  from  Africa  to  Havana  in 
a  slaver  about  two  months  ago. 


JjTjT1"  The  President  has  approved  the  act  passed  by 
Congress  to  secure  freedom  in  all  the  Territories  of 
the  United  States.  The  bill  consists  of  a  single  sec- 
tion, and  provides — "  That  from  and  after  the  passage 
of  this  act,  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involun- 
tary servitude  in  any  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States  now  existing,  or  which  may  at  any  time  here- 
after be  formed  or  acquired  by  the  United  States,  oth- 
erwise than  in  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the  par- 
ty shall  have  been  duly  convicted." 


"ONTO  RICHMOND"— OUR  ADVANCE  BE- 
GUN 1 

Despatches  from  Gen.  McClellan,  June  25,  state — 
"  The  enemy  are  making  a  desperate  resistance  to 
the  advance  of  our  picket  lines.  Kearney's  and  one 
half  of  Hooker's  divisions  are  where  I  ,want  them  .  . . 
Our  men  are  behaving  splendidly  ;. the  enemy  are 
fighting  well,  also.  This  is  not  a  battle — merely  an 
affair  of  II eintzel man's  corps  supported  by  Keyes,  and 
thus  far  all  goes  well,  and  we  hold  f±rery  foot  of 
ground  we  have  gained.  If  we  succeed  in  what  wo 
have  undertaken,  it  will  be  a  very  important  advan- 
tage gained.  Loss  not  large  thus  far.  The  fighting 
up  to  this  time  has  been  done  by  Gen.  Hooker's  divi- 
sion, which  has  behaved  as  usual — that  is,  most  hand- 
somely." 

Gen.  McCleilan's  last  despatch,  June  25 — 5,  P.  M., 
says — "  The  affair  is  over,  and  we  have  gained  our 
point  fully,  with  but  little  loss,  notwithstanding  the 
strong  opposition.  Our  men  have  done  all  that  could 
be  disired.'  The  affair  was  partiatlially  decided  by 
two  guns  that  Capt.  Deerusy  JDusenbnry]  brought 
gallantly    into  action,   under   very  difficult    circum- 


WOMAN   AND    THE   PBESS. 

On  Friday  afternoon,  May  30,  a  meeting  was  held  in 
Studio  Building,  Boston,  for  conference  in  regard  to  a  new 
periodical  to  be  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Woman.  While 
none  questioned  the  value  and  the  need  of  such  an  instru- 
ment in  the  Woman's  Rights  cause,  the  difficulties  that 
would  endanger  or  even  defeat  the  enterprise  were  fully 
discussed,  but  with  this  issue — that  the  experiment  should 
be  made.  For  the  furtherance,  therefore,  of  so  desirable 
an  object,  we  insert  and  call  attention  to  tbe  following 

PROSPECTUS  OF   THE  WOMAN'S  JOURNAL  : 

When  we  consider  that  there  is  scarcely  a  party,  sect, 
business  organisation  or  reform  which  is  not  represented 
in  the  press,  it  appears  strange  that  women,  constituting 
one  half  of  humanity,  should  have  no  organ,  in  America, 
especially  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  their  interests,  par- 
ticularly as  these  interests  have  excited  more  wide-spread 
attention  in  this  country  than  in  any  other,  while  in  no 
other  country  can  the  double  power  of  free  speech  and  a 
free  press  be  made  so  effective  in  their  behalf.  This  ap- 
pears stranger  from  the  fact  that  conservative  England  has 
successfully  supported  a  journat  of  this  sort  for  years  with 
acknowledged  utility. 

America  needs  sueh  a  journal  to  centralize  and  give  Im- 
petus to  tbe  efforts  which  are  being  made  in  various  direc- 
tions to  advance  the  interests  of  woman.  It  needs  it  most 
of  all  at  this  time,  when  the  civil  war  is  calling  forth  the 
capabilities  of  woman  in  an  unwonted  degree,  both  a*  act- 
md  sufferers — when  so  many  on  both  sides  are  seen  to 
exert  a  most  potent  influence  over  the  destinies  of  the  na- 
tion, white  so  many  others  are  forced  by  the  loss  ot  hus- 
bands, sons  and  brothers,  to  seek  employment  for  the  sup- 
port of  themselves  and  families.  Social  problems,  too,  are 
gradually  becoming  solved  by  the  progress  of  events,  which 
will  leave  to  that  of  woman  the  most  prominent  place 
henceforth. 

To  meet  this  want  of  the  times,  we  propose  to  establish 
a  Woman's  Journal,  based" on  the  motto,  "Equal  Rights 
for  all  Mankind,"  and  designed  especially  to  treat  of  all 
questions  pertaining  to  the  interests  of  women,  and  to  fur- 
nish an  impartial  platform  for  the  free  discussion  of  these 
interests  in  their  various  phases.  It  will  aim  to  collectand 
compare  the  divers  theories  promulgated  on  the  subject, 
to  chronicle  and  centralize  the  efforts  made  in  behalf  of 
women,  in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  and  to  render  all 
possible  aid  to  such  undertakings,  while  at  the  same  time 
it  will  neglect  no  field  of  intellectual  effort  or  human  pro- 
gress of  general  interest  to  men  of  culture.  It  will  com- 
prise reviews  of  current  social  aud  political  events,  arti- 
cles on  literature,  education,  hygiene,  etc.,  a  feuilleton, 
composed  chiefly  of  translations  from  foreign  literature — 
short,  whatever  may  contribute  to  make  it  a  useful 
and  entertaining  family  paper.  Its  columns  will  be  open, 
and  respectful  attention  insured,  to  all  thinkers  on  tbe  sub- 
jects of  which  it  treats,  under  the  usual  editorial  discretion, 
only  requiring  that  they  shall  accept,  a  priori,  the  motto  of 
the  paper,  and  shall  abstain  from  all  personal  discussion. 

Among  the  contributors  already  secured  to  the  Journal 
whom  we  are  permitted  to  name,  are  Mrs.  Lydia  Maiia 
Child,  Mrs.  Caroline  M.  Severance,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cady 
Stanton,  Mrs.  Frances  D.  Gage,  Miss  Elizabeth  Palmer 
Peabody,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips, 
George  Wm.  Curtis,  T.  W.  Higgjrfsou,  Moncure  D.  Conway, 
Theodore  Tilton,  and  William  H~.  Channiog ;  and  other 
distinguished  writers  have  promised  us  their  aid.  No  pains 
will  be  spared  to  enlist  the  best  talent  in  the  country,  and 
to  make  the  paper  one  of  literary  merit  as  well  as  practical 
utility. 

The  Journal  will  be  issued  semi-monthly,  in  octavo  form, 
sixteen  pages,  at  Two  Dollars  per  annum,  the  first  number 
appearing  on  the  1st  of  October  next,  and  will  be  publish  - 
id  in  Boston. 

Subscriptions  will  be  received  from  this  date  by  agents  o  t 
oe  Journal,  or  by  the  Editors,  Roxbury,  Mass.,  lockbox  2  , 
to  be  paid  on  the  receipt  of  the  first  number  of  the  Journal  .. 
'n  this  connection,  we  would  earnestly  solicit  the  co-operation 
f  friends'  of  woman  throughout  the  country,  in  extendin  g 
the  subscription  list  of  the  Journal,  and  thus  placing  it  on 
that  permanent  basis  which  will  insure  its  continued  util  - 
ty  and  success.  Those  interested  in  the  enterpriss^are  re  - 
spectfullyrequested  to  communicate  with-the  editors-at  th  a 
above  address. 

A  discount  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  will  be  made  to  agents  . 

Agents  will  please  return  all  prospectuses  with  name  s 
before  the  15th  of  July. 

MARY  L.  BOOTH, 

MARIE  E.  ZAKRZEWSKA,  M.  D. 

Boston,  May  15,  1862. 


^  ESSEX  COUNTY  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVEN- 
TION AND  PIC-NIC.—  By  invttation-of  Rev.  ElamBurn- 
bam,  the  friends  and  lovers  of  freedom-will  hold  an  Anti- 
Slavery  gathering  on  his  premises,  in  Hamilton,  on  Sunday, 
tbe  sixth  day  of  July,  commencing  at  10  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon.  Should  the  day  prove  favorable,  it  is  confident- 
ly expected  that  alarge  concourse  will  bo  present  from  th  e 
surrounding  towns. 

It  is  proposed  that  all  attending  should  furnish  their 
own  refreshments,  the  place  b^iug  at  some  distance  from 
the  village,  in  the  south-easterly  part  of  the  town. 

Parker  Pillsbury,  C.  L.  Reiiukd  and  other  speakers 
are  expected  to  address  the  Convention. 

GP"  NASHUA,  N.  H. — Parker  Pillsbcrt  will  give 
two  addresses  on  "The  Country  and  the  Times,"  in  Nash- 
ua, (N.  H.)  Town  Hall,  on  Sunday  afternoon  and  evening, 
22d  instant,  at  tbe  usual  hours  of  public  assembly. 


BT  E.  II.  HEYWO0D  will   speak  in*  Qtu'ncy,  i 
June   29,  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  and  at  half-past 
2,  P.  M. 


jg^"  The  P.  0.  address  of  Mrs.  Caroli>tR  H.  Dall  is 
changed  from  No.  5  Ashland  Place,  to  Medford,   Mass. 

Books,  pamphlets,  and  matters  requiring  literary  atten- 
tion, may  be  left  with  Walker,  Wise  <fc  Co.,  245  Washington 
street,  Boston. 


J^"  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  tho  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  tho 
present  to  Sauuel  Miv,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 


J^"  HANDBILLS  of  the  Fourth  of  July  Celebration 
at  Framingham  Grove  have  been  seat  to  friends  in  many 
places,  who  will  please  help  forward  the  meeting  by  post- 
ing them  in  their  respective  towns, 


OT  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.—  Margaret  B.  Brows,  M.  D.,  and  Wit. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chaunoy  Street,  Boston,  whoro  they  may  be  nonsuited  on 
tho  above  disoascs.  OQice  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M.  3 m  March  28. 


JKJf"  The  trial  of  Apple  ton  Oaksmith,  formerly  of 
Portland,  On  a  charge  Of  fitting  nut  a  vrssid  fur  the 
slave  trade,  was  concluded  before  the  U.S.  Circuit 
Court  in  Boston,  on  Saturday,  11th  inst.,  und  a  ver- 
dict of  "guilty"  rendered. 


ST  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  on 
fi05  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to   Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References,— Luther  Clark,  M.  D.;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Offloe  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


Ijy  SUMMER  RESORT— Rovno  Hn.i,  Hotel,  Xohtii- 
amim'on,  Mass.— Terms— $1.50  per  day,  or  7  to  $10  per 
week. 

'*  Here  Nature  is  clothed  in  her  most  attractive  gnrb  ; 
aud  woods,  glens,  brooks  and  flowers,  eaoh  oontribatoa  It) 
part  to  make  Round  Hill  a  delightful  spot  lor  alt,  whether 
In vaiids seeking  lienitu,  or  others  swMhiug  tor  pleasure." 

Home  Journal, 


104 


THE     LIBERA-TOP?, 


0  e  i  t  g 


For  the  Liberator. 

JOHN  BBOWU  AVENGED. 

Said  ye,  "  John  Brown  is  dead  "  ? 
Even  so  the  murderers  said 

At  Cavalry ; 
Nor  was  the  boast  more  vain 
Than  theirs  who  here  grew  fain, 
Exulting  thoy  had  slain 

Their  enemy. 

For  as  that  cross  of  shamo 
Forever  thence  became 

Earth's  holiest  shrine  ; 
So  most  t  ii  i.--  gallows  tree. 
Redeemed  front  infamy, 
Become  to  bond  and  free 

A  sacred  sigu. 

And  he  that  en  it  hung, 
Mocked  by  the  tamoting  toragm 
And  tearless  eye, 

To  pay  bis  itgosty, 

Math  plaeked  from  that  dsath-ftre* 

Ad  imniortxlity 

That  cainnoi  die. 

Tliongji.  Bo  trke  fstoin  given 
"Wiidh  sh&uie  atai  wrartb,  ifo  hins 

With  honor  rife  : 
"Where  gusJB,  witih  shadd'ring  >rea«!b. 
Sees  buS  the  beau  oS  death, 
Be  fonnd,  through  deathless  faith, 

A  tree  of  life. 

Kot  even  dead  to  earth  - 

Say,  be  hath  gained)  new  birtb 

Through  martyrdom ; 
And  buried,  though  be  bo,. 
Forever  speaketh  hay 
Saying  to  the  slaie,   "Ee  free  ! 

\oar  koor  has  come  !  " 

And  come  indeed  it!  bath, 
The  day  c£  nighfceows-  wrath; 

On  Tyranmy  ; 
Armies  paepare  Ms  tomb, 
And  trump  and  ejunnon's  booio 
SroolaiiEi  tii'  impending  doom- 

Of  Slavery. 

Quiet  hath  the  reefieatbg  come  :; 
The  o'erpushed  pendulum 

Swings  buck  am  ewe.  ; 
And  Freedom,  stung  lf»  sir if  8' 
For  her  imperilled  life. 
Avenges  to  the  1im5b- 

Her  martyxs-  s"ia'ih':- 
How.  shall  their  stripes  and  -th*ia3-, 
Now  shall  their  dy&ig  pains,, 

Be  recompensed  ! 
Ten  thousand  aaisoreaat  lives-, 
'Sen  thousand  widowed  wwes-,, 
With  thraldwn's  broken  gyves* 

Balanced  against. 

Tfoa  to  uha-  gaslfey  la*w3 
"Where  Treason's  impious  hand! 

Strikes  Freedom  down  ! 
See  !   from  the  oaSragei  jSortih;, 
From  flood  and  field  and  hearth^, 
A  miiliBnr  foes-  leap  forth 

For  one  John  Brown ! 

iet  the  profane  stand  baefe  I 
Kod  roleth,  and  they  laok 

The;  skill  to  read 
The  writing  »a  the  wall, 
€tf  proud  Oppression's  fall. 
And  freedom  to  the  ibrali 

By  Him  deereed. 

Aye — not  ia  aimless  wrath 
He  chastens,  though  His  path 

Be  in  the  storm  ; 
The  sky  shall  clear  again. 
And  from  this  blood*  ram, 
O'er  all  yon  slave-cursed  plain 

Shall  spring  Reform. 


Benjamin  H.  Clark. 


JUNE   27 


ill*  IBiftuotfl*. 


For  the  Liberator. 

OHIVALEY. 

A  mailed  horseman  rode  along  a  plain, 

Thick  forests  scowled  on  it,  and  castles  grim  ; 

Knights  fought  upon  it  as  their  trade  and  gain  ; 
Slaves  tilled  it  from  the  centre  to  the  rim. 

Each  warrior  there  was  lawgiver  and  law — 
His  sword,  the  oracle  of  right  and  wrong  ; 

His  wealth,  what  he  could  grapple  with  the  claw 
Of  force,  and  wrest  from  the  surrounding  throng. 

The  man  in  mail  said,  musing  on  the  scene, 
"  I,  too,  am  one  of  these,  and  wear  a  sword  ; 

But  'tis  not  mine — to  Bight  belongs  its  sheen, 
Its  every  stroke  to  Justice  and  the  Lord." 

He  raised  it  then  for  Beauty  in  distress  ; 

For  Honor  threatened,  stricken  Piety  ; 
And  roughly  strove,  as  best  he  knew,  to  bless 

The  world — and  this  was  ancient  Chivalry. 

In  later  days  stood  up  a  strong,  kind  man, 

In  Freedom's  land,  of  Freedom  slothful  grown, 

And  smote  injustice  with  the  Christian  ban 
Of  honest  words,  "and  even  smote  it  down, — 

And  bent  his  life  to  lift  the  poorest  low  : — 

Some  laughed,  some  called  his  work  philanthropy; 

Bot  in  his  breast,  and  on  his  thoughtful  brow, 
There  beamed  the  glory  of  all  Chivalry. 

Troy.  o. 

For  the  Liberator. 

TO  TEE  PEESIDEUT  OP  THE  UNITED 
STATES. 

0,  Abraham  Lincoln  !  from  your  sleep  awake  ! 

Will  ye  still  be  like  Pharaoh  of  old, 
Until  the  judgments  of  the  Lord  shall  shake 

Our  nation's  fabric  from  its  tottering  hold  ? 

Speak  but  the  word  the  Lord  to  thee  hath  given — 
"  Release  my  people  from  their  bondage  sore," 

Ere  shall  go  forth  from  out  the  throne  of  Heaven 
The  appalling  mandate  that  was  heard  of  yore. 

How  long  shall  we  in  anxious  hope  remain? 

Alas  !  our  fear  already  drowns  our  hope  : 
Undo  the  heavy  burdens  and  the  chain, 

And  from  the  weary  slave  remove  the  yoke. 

Spare,' too,  more  blood,  more  sacrifice  of  life  ; 

Our  land  already  heaves  with  sighs  and  groans  ; 
Thy  word  alone  can  end  the  bloody  strife  : 
Heed  thou  the  orphan's  and  the  widow's  moans  ! 
New  Bedford,  June  18,  1862.  d.  h. 


From  the  New  York  Independent. 

THE  TEAITOE'S    HOME. 

Vritten  after  a  visit  to  the  desolate  house  of  James  M.  Mono; 
On  Mason's  home  the  sunlight  falls, 

But  not  as  Once  it  fell  ; 
Grim  shadows  cloud  the  cheerless  walls, 
And  the  east  wind  to  the  west  wind  calls 
Through  the  broken  casements  and  ruined  halls, 

As  it  echoes  the  traitor's  knell. 
Thick  crowding  fancies  throng  my  brain, 

While  thoughtful  hero  I  stand  ; 
I  people  these  ancient  rooms  again, 
Light  forms  move  swift  to  a  music  Btrain — 
But  I  feel  a  blight  of  a  deathless  stain, 

The  clasp  of  a  traitor's  hand. 

And  here,  where  beauty  decks  the  earth, 

A  traitor's  feet  have  trod  ; 
Here  had  that  hellish  treason  birth 
That  perilled  freedmen,  blackened  worth, 
Brought  ruin  to  the  cotter's  hearth, 

And  dared  the  wrath  of  God. 

0  Liberty  !  methinks  I  see 

Thy  gleaming  banners  oome  ; 

Thou  free-horn  mother  of  the  free, 

We  consecrate  to  heaven  and  tlioo 

This  "mated  soil,''  no  more  to  bo 

The  coward -traitor's  home. 

Winchester,  (Va.)  1862.  Mks.  M.  A.  Dbnison. 


HOPE,  TRUST  AND  PATIENCE. 

The  time  is  fit  hand  when  all  true-hearted  American 
citizens  should  take  courage.  The  "sum  of  all  villa- 
nies"  is  soon  to  be  among  the  "tilings  that  were.  A 
new  era  dawns  on  our  glorious  Republic.  Freedom 
will  be  the  rule,  and  no  longer,  as  in  times  past,  the 
exception.  North,  South,  East  and  West  shall  ugain 
join  hands,  when  the  nation  will  emerge  from  its  un- 
told disgraces  and  sacrifices  into  dignity  and  splendor. 
"  There  is  a  Divinity  which  shapes  our  ends,"  and  we, 
the  people,  President,  military  chieftains,  slavehold- 
ers, rebels,  the  legislature  and  judiciary,  bogus  Demo- 
crats and  vacillating  Republicans,  may  "rough-hew" 
them  as  we  will,  still  God  in  his  inapproachable  light 
and  majesty  reigns,  and  through  His  providence  over- 
rules and  disposes.  Never  through  pulpit,  through 
press,  through  the  teachings  of  the  schoolB,  through 
literature  or  art,  did  a  people  enjoy  a  fairer  opportu- 
nity to  study  the  evidence  in  all  parts  of  this  agitated 
land  of  the  presence  of  Divine  superintending  power. 
Amidst  such  unparalleled  efforts  in  eighty  years  to 
organize  society  with  us,  and  to  erect  a  nation  in  a 
wilderness,  scarcely  has  the  Church  been  able  to  pre- 
serve the  great  truth  that  God  rules  and  reigns.  Ac- 
tors and  instruments,  as  we  have  all  been  in  this  great 
business,  with  faces  turned  earthward,  with,  brains, 
arms  and  hands  intent  on  the  conquest  of  material 
nature,  there  now  comes  a  cessation  from  these  la- 
bors. Nature  has  in  part  yielded  up  her  stores  of 
wealth  to  industry.  A  period  of  reflection  succeeds 
a  period  of  activity,  and  out  of  the  clash  of  arms  and 
ideas  will  arise,  it  is  hoped,  a  new  era,  in  which 
broader  and  higher  views  of  man's  rights  and  destiny 
shall  receive  a  more  hearty  recognition.  Then  will 
this  people  be  great  and  free,  respected  at  home  and 
abroad,  united,  brave,  powerful  and  just.  Democracy 
in  its  noblest  and  best  sense  shall  rule  the  country,  no 
longer  divided  against  itself. 

Short  of  a  result  so  glorious,  no  American  citizen 
should  rest  satisfied.  Short  of  this,  to  be  a  nation 
without  perpetual  faction  and  anarchy  is  impossible 
with  us.  Without  a  result  like  this,  no  expenditure 
of  blood  and  treasure  can  ever  be  worth  the  cost. 
Who  of  us  will  consent  to  reestablish  the  United 
States  of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century?  None  but 
traitors.  And  who  believes  that  a  result  so  desirable 
can,  by  any  possibility, — even  with  all  the  wisdom  of 
Kentucky  and  Abraham  Lincoln, — be  reached  short  of 
the  use  of  the  Constitutional  and  legitimate  means 
possessed  by  our  Government  to  crush  or  to  create  and 
use  any  and  all  powers  to  this  end  ? 

Till  this  rebellion  is  made  to  bite  the  dust,  no  whole- 
some word  can  bear  more  frequent  repetition  than 
that  which  should  be  proclaimed  in  thunder  tones, 
that  slavery  is  the  cause  and  root  of  the  rebellion ;  and 
no  theory  based  on  a  knowledge  of  facts  can  be  so 
tenable  as  that  which  avers  that  slavery  and  rebellion 
must  sink  together  into  a  common  grave. 

Thank  God,  the  sufferings  of  the  nation  in  one 
short  year  are  fast  producing  this  conviction.  In  the 
loyal  Northern  States  it  is  all  but  unanimous.  In  the 
pseudo-loyal  Border  States,  the  conviction  is  fast 
growing;  and  in  the  Cotton  States,  even,  it  cannot 
now  be  a  matter  of  indifference,  with  all  their  insan- 
ity. A  few  more  rebel  barbarities  in  the  heat  of  des- 
peration; drinking  cups  and  keepsakes  wrought  out 
of  the  bones  of  our  noble  dead ;  the  butchery  of 
wounded  soldiers;  poisoned  wells  and  treacherous 
torpedoes;  cruelties  to  the  imprisoned,  at  which  even 
barbarism  .itself  should  blush, — these  and  many*more 
wickednesses,  too  gross  to  be  recorded,  pass  in  review, 
and  remind  us  that  something  sterner  than  a  "  military 
necessity  "  will  yet  arm  the  Government  with  power 
to  overthrow  this  accursed  rebellion  by  the  speediest 
means.  With  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of 
Columbia — an  event  of  itself  at  any  time  of  the  highest 
significance — and  prohibited  entrance  to  the  Territo- 
ries, the  provision  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign 
stave-trade,  the  confiscation  question  in  Congress,  pro- 
clamations of  freedom  by  Generals  and  the  revocation 
of  the  same,  the  experiment  of  free  labor  at  Port 
Royal,  and  last,  though  not  least,  the  insulting  appli- 
cation of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  the  District, 
which  the  people  had  fondly  thought  forever  free  by 
act  of  the  present  Congress, — all  these  are  fast  open- 
ing the  understandings  of  the  people  to  the  true  cause 
of  our  troubles.  A  few  months  more  of  rebellion, 
coupled  with  the  observation  and  reflection  of  the 
people,  with  the  help  of  conventions  and  mass  meet- 
ings all  over  the  North  and  in  the  States  which  now 
show  signs  of  returning  loyalty,  and  the  President  may 
feel  warranted  to  declare  a  definite  policy  in  this  direc- 
tion, and  bring  about  unity  of  action  between  himself 
and  his  generals  at  the  head  of  the  armies. 

Seeing  that  the  course  of  events  is  tending  to  this 
end  about  as  fast  as  Providence  usually  works,  we  can 
afford  "to  labor  and  to  wait."  In  the  mean  time, 
questions  will  arise.  Individuals  and  organizations 
will  look  at  them  in  the  light  of  their  respective  pro- 
clivities; some  will  fasten  upon  details,  the  more 
querulous  will  make  themselves  cognizant  of  the 
phrase  which  indicates  the  method,  and  it  will  become 
to  such  matter  of  immense  importance  whether  the 
slave  finally  gets  "abolishment"  or  abolition.  Still, 
all  will  observe  and  think  and  work  finally  to  the 
same  end,  only  differing  as  to  means  to  which  in  this 
stage  of  the  "abolishment"  of  slavery  we  can  afford 
to  be  indulgent.  To  the  more  philosophically  inclined, 
questions  reaching  into  the  future  will  all  the  while 
suggest  themselves ;  but,  so  fast  as  philosophy  be- 
comes practical,  it  will  be  seen  that  but  one  question 
at  a  time  can  receive  undivided  attention,  and  that  the 
future  will  bring  with  it  its  own  light  to  guide  us,  or 
those  who  come  after  us. 

To  end  this  rebellion,  and  make  the  country  free 
and  united,  is  the  only  question  now.  Let  the  "  Union, 
the  Constitution,  and  the  Laws,"  be  as  ever  the  watch- 
words with  both  soldier  and  citizen  ;  but  let  the 
Union  be  one  in  reality,  the  Constitution  with  a  free 
and  not  with  a  slaveholder's  interpretation,  and  the 
Laws  bear  with  equal  justice.  While  the  struggle 
with  rebellion  goes  on,  let  the  names  of  Fremont, 
Hunter  and  Sigel  remind  us  of  the  true  significance 
of  the  "stars  and  stripes,"  destined  as  we  may  fondly 
hope  to  wave  over  a  nation  that  shall  be  free  indeed. 
Let  us  be  patient,  but  not  idle,  while  the  contest  lasts, 
and  remember  that  not  more  to  military  power  than 
to  the  revolution  of  opinion  should  be  credited  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  final  restoration 
of  peace  under  democratic  rule  in  its  broadest  sense. 

P.  S.  Since  the  above  was  written,  the  country 
has  another  example — in  the  earliest  attempt  of  Gov. 
Stanly  at  the  performance  of  his  official  duties  in 
North  Carolina — to  add  to  many  others  which  prove 
that  no  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  professions  of  loy- 
alty among  slaveholders  or  their  sypathizers.  They 
are  of  the  same  stripe  wherever  found,  whether  in 
border  or  cotton  States.  Their  problem  always  was, 
is,  and  ever  will  be,  to  get  under  that  kind  of  govern- 
ment—regardless of  form  or  name — in  which  their 
views  shall  make  the  controlling  element  in  which 
they  can  best  rule  or  ruin,  while  they  secure  the  am- 
plest protection  to  their  beloved  "institution." 

It  is  idle  to  talk  of  union,  in  contradistinction  to  se- 
cession slaveholders.  Neither  are  to  be  trusted.  Both 
have  been  trained  under  the  same  influences,  and  are 
equally  selfish  and  despotic  in  their  tendencies.  The 
country  cannot  prosper  while  the  occasion  exists  for 
these  two  classes  of  men.  What  happened  at  New- 
born only  goes  to  show  what  they  will  do  when  not 
restrained.  No  wonder  that  the  foremost  nations  of 
Europe  call  us  "belligerents"  and  refuse  sympathy 
to  the  North.  Why  should  these  nations  fail  to  dis- 
cover that  we  are  fighting  for  an  immortal  truth, 
while  neither  people  nor  government  have,  up  to  this 
moment,  had  courage  to  openly  proclaim  either  a 
cause  for  or  a  policy  toward  this  infernal  rebellion? 
France  and  England,  and  we  as  a  people  in  our  con- 
sciences, know  that  the  rebellion  is  not  uncaused.  It 
will  be  well  for  Hie  Northern  mind,  when  it  fully 
awakes  to  the  fact  of  the  more  than  iron  grasp  wM** 


the  slaveholder  yet  has  upon  it.  The  sooner  we 
break  away  from  the  delusion,  that  an  act  of  justice 
on  the  part  of  this  nation,  to  a  greatly  oppressed  peo- 
ple within  its  borders,  can  be  held  by  any,  except 
slaveholders  and  traitors,  to  be  a  violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution— torn  to  tatters  and  trampled  upon  by  these 
very  traitors  and  their  abettors  in  rebellion — the  sooner 
we  shall  have  the  respect  from  abroad  we  so  much 
crave.  This  country,  hereafter,  will  never  be  broad 
enough  to  hold  within  its  embrace,  as  it  has  done,  the 
two  incompatible  elements  of  freedom  and  slavery. 
One  or  the  other  must  die.  When  and  which  shall 
it  be  1  W. 


ESSEX  COUNTY  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 


meeting  of  the  Essex  County  Anti-Sla- 
was  held  at  Century  Chapel,  in  Essex, 


The  annual 
very  Society 
June  16,  1862. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  C.  L.  Bemond, 
the  President.  In  the  absence  of  the  Secretary,  Jo- 
seph Merrill  of  Dauvera  was  chosen  Secretary  pro 
tern. 

It  was  then  voted,  that  a  Committee  to  nominate 
officers  be  appointed  by  the  chair. 

Joseph  Merrill,  Warren  Low  of  Essex,  and  Henry 
Elwell  of  Manchester  were  named  as  this  Committee, 
and  accepted  by  the  meeting.  Before  this  Committee 
withdrew  for  consultation,  C.  L.  llemond  declined  to 
be  a  candidate  for  President. 

Henry  C.  Wright  presented  the  following  resolu- 
tions for  the  consideration  of  the  meeting : — 

Whereas,  Congress  has  the  constitutional  power  to 
establish  a  "uniform  rule  of  naturalization";  and 
whereas,  there  are  but  two  classes  of  persons  in  the 
nation,  recognized  by  the  Constitution — i.  e.  aliens 
and  citizens;  and  whereas,  the  slaves  are  all  citizens 
or  aliens;  and  whereas,  if  aliens,  Congress  has  power 
to  naturalize  them,  and  to  declare  them  citizens;  and 
whereas,  if  being  born  in  the  nation  and  under  the 
Constitution  makes  a  man  a  citizen,  and  entitles  him 
to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizenship,  the  slaves 
are  entitled  to  such  rights  and  privileges ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  constitutional  right  and 
moral  duty  of  Congress  at  once  to  pass  an  act,  declar- 
ing the  slaves  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  to  se- 
cure to  them  the  rights  and  privileges  of  such  citi- 
zenship. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  constitutional  right  and 
moral  duty  of  Congress,  by  special  enactment,  to  de- 
clare every  person  under  its  jurisdiction,  without  re- 
gard to  color  or  condition,  competent  to  sue  and  be 
sued,  and  to  bear  witness  in  all  the  courts  of  the 
United  States,  in  whatever  State  such  courts  may  be 
held. 

H.  C.  Wright  commented  briefly  on  the  above,  and 
was  followed  in  an  eloquent  manner  by  A.  T.  Foss. 

Afternoon  Session.  Mr.  Pillsbury  presented 
four  resolutions  for  the  consideration  of  the  meeting, 
as  follows : — 

1.  Resolved,  That,  as  Abolitionists  devoted  to  the 
great  work  of  overthrowing  slavery,  we  renew  and 
repeat  our  old  pledge,  "  No  Union  with  Slaveholders." 
No  support  of  any  administration,  or  government, 
that  permits  slavery,  on  any  portion  of  its  soil — and 
we  value  this  war  only  as  we  believe  it  must  lead  to 
Emancipation  by  order  of  the  Federal  authorities,  or 
to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  whiclj  must  speedily 
produce  the  same  result. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  war,  as  hitherto  prosecuted, 
is  but  a  wanton  waste  of  property,  a  dreadful  sacrifice 
of  life,  and,  worse  than  all,  of  conscience  and  charac- 
ter, to  preserve  and  perpetuate  a  Union  and  Constitu- 
tion which  should  never  have  existed,  and  which,  by 
all  the  laws  of  justice  and  humanity,  should,  in  their 
present  form,  be  at  once  and  forever  overthrown. 

3.  Resolved,  That  any  reconstruction  of  the  govern- 
ment on  the  former  basis,  or  any  basis  that  permits 
the  holding  of  a  single  slave,  in  any  State,  District  or 
Territory,  or  a  war  waged  for  such  a  purpose,  should, 
and  eventually  will,  consign  us,  as  a  people,  to  the 
scorn  and  execration  of  all  the  decent  and  virtuous 
among  mankind,  throughout  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

4.  Resolved,  That  a  church  and  ministry  that  could 
practise  as  well  as  sustain  and  sanctify  the  slave  sys- 
tem, through  successive  generations,  breeding,  buy- 
ing and  selling  slaves,  robbing  them  not  only  of 
wages,  but  of  education,  of  marriage,  and  alt  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  human  beings,  and  could  then  al- 
most instantaneously  become  soldiers  to  butcher  and 
be  butchered  by  their  fellow-communicants  and  breth- 
ren, are  a  church  and  ministry  that  have  too  long  de- 
ceived the  nations :  by  their  unfaithfulness  and 
falsehoods,  they  are,  to  a  fearful  extent,  the  cause 
of  our  present  national  calamity;  and  since,  even 
now,  while  we  are  so  terribly  suffering  the  Di- 
vine displeasure,  they  fail  to  proclaim  righteousness 
and  repentance,  the  doing  of  justice  and  loving  mercy, 
irrespective  of  all  "  military  necessities"  or  political 
expediencies,  they  prove  that,  as  an  institution,  they 
should  be  utterly  and  forever  repudiated,  along  with 
the  slave  system  they  have  so  long  and  so  faithfully 
served  and  supported. 

After  the  resolutions  were  read,  Mr.  Pillsbury  made 
a  very  able  appeal  to  the  people  to  wake  to  the  alarm- 
ing state  of  affairs. 

H.  C.  Wright  then  spoke  on  the  barbarities  of  sla- 
very, and  the  indignities  and  insults  practised  on  our 
wounded  and  dead  soldiers. 

The  Business  Committee  reported  the  following 
names  as  officers  for  the  ensuing  year  : — 

President — Richard  Plumer,  of  Newburyport. 

Vice  Presidents — D.  P.  Harmon,  Haverhill ;  Moses 
Wright,  Georgetown;  Edward  N.  Andrews,  Essex; 
William  Ashby,  Newburyport;  Thomas  Haskell, 
Gloucester;  D.  L.  Bingham,  Manchester;  Elam  Burn- 
ham,  Hamilton;  John"  Cutler,  Danvers;  J.  N.  Buf- 
fum,  Lynn  ;  William  Jenkins,  Andover ;  Joshua  P. 
Ordway,  Groveland  ;  Pratt,  Rockport. 

Executive  Committee — Maria  S.  Page,  Danvers ;  John 
B.  Pierce,  Lynn ;  Lucy  P.  Ives,  Salem  ;  Mehitable 
Haskell,  Gloucester;  Joseph  Pierce,  Manchester; 
Joseph  Merrill,  Danvers  ;  Ingalls  K.  Mclntyre,  Sa- 
lem. 

Treasurer — J.  W.  Roberts,  Danvers. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Sarah  P.  Remond,  Salem. 

Recording  Secretory— Margaret  E.  Bennett,  Glouces- 
ter. 

Voted,  That  these  officers  be  accepted. 

C.  L.  Remond.  made  an  eloquent  and  stirring 
speech. 

Evening  Session.  Called  to  order  by  Thomas 
Haskell,  in  absence  of  the  President.  The  resolutions 
of  Mr.  Pillsbury  were  again  read,  and  A.  T.  Foss  spoke 
on  them.  He  took  exceptior^to  the  second  resolution. 
Mr.  F.  said,  we  stand  here,  to-day,  to  reassert  the 
strong  sentiments  we  have  heretofore  asserted.  We 
recant  nothing.  We  say  now,  the  Constitution  is  "a 
covenant  with  death  and  an  agreement  with  hell," 
Mr.  Garrison  did  right  to  burn  it,  in  the  presence 
of  two  thousand  people,  as  he  did  a  few  years  ago 
at  Framingham. 

A  Voice— Why  is  Mr.  Phillips  in  favor  of  the  Union 
now  ? 

Mr.  Foss  replied— In  so  far  as  the  nation  is  at  wRr 
with  Blavery,  Mr.  Phillips  approves,  and  does  right. 
Shall  we  not  rejoice  in  every  right  action,  even  if 
those  who  do  these  right  acts  are  guilty  of  doing  many 
wrong  ones  ?  Approving  the  right  does  by  no  means 
imply  countenancing  everything  done,  however  wrong 
it  may  be. 

Mr.  F.  alluded  to  the  instincts  of  man  as  worthy  of 
notice.  The  instincts  of  slaves  tell  them  this  war  is 
to  bring  them  freedom;  and,  notwithstanding  all  the 
discouragements  they  meet  with  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment, they  still  cling  to  the  idsft.  One  poor  igno- 
rant slave,  believing  the  appellation  in  so  common  use 
at  the  South  to  be  part  of  the  Yankee  name,  prayed, 
"  Lor'  bress  the  damned  Yankees  1  " 

The  old  Union  is  dead:  of  this  there  is  the  same 
evidence  that  there  was  of  the  death  of  Lazarus.  If 
not  dead,  why  appoint  a  military  Governor  of  North 
Carolina  1 

Wo   have  not  backed   down  from  our  principles. 


There  is  great  Anti-Slavery  gain.     We  have  not  gone 
down,  but  the  people  have  conic  up. 

H.  C.  Wright  followed  in  a  few  remarks.  He 
thought  it  evidence  of  some  life  to  excite  the  hearty 
disapproval  of  slaveholders.  The  Constitution  now 
empowers  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  ;  therefore,  it 
is  an  Anti-Slavery  document.  Let  the  feeling  of  death 
to  slavery  be  put  forth  first  on  the  ground  of  justice 
and  right,  and  then  on  the  ground  of  expediency.  Let 
it  be  asked,  what  is  this  war  for  ?     Is  it  for  liberty  1 

Sumner's  letter,  in  palliation  of  President  Lincoln, 
was  called  for,  and  read  in  part. 

ParkerPillsbury  followed,  and  asserted  that  Lincoln 
is  the  greatest  slaveholder  in  the  nation— i.  e.,  he 
holds  the  greatest  number  in  bondage.  In  proof  of 
this,  he  cited  the  revoking  of  Hunter's  order  which 
freed  the  slaves  in  his  department.  "No  Union  with 
Slaveholders  !  "  must  still  be  our  watchword. 

He  considered  Abraham  Lincoln  justifiable  from  his 
position  in  prosecuting  a  waragainst  slaveholders  who 
are  attempting  to  overthrow  this  government;  but  he 
would  not  have  him  bo  crouching  before  the  Slave 
Power  as  to  offer  to  deliver  up  seventeen  pirates  to 
regain  Col.  Corcoran. 

Mr.  P.  read  from  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard  a  letter 
from  the  Washington  correspondent  of  that  paper,  (a 
Republican,)  in  which  he  laments  the  want  of  policy 
on  the  part  of  the  government. 

Mr.  P.  read  Burnside's  and  Goldshoro's  proclama- 
tion to  North  Carolinians,  in  which  they  say,  "  We 
are  Christians  as  well  as  yourselves."  He  warned  the 
people  against  settling  down  into  a  feeling  of  security, 
as  if  all  were  going  on  prosperously,  for  the  attempt 
will  certainly  be  made  to  reinstate  the  Democratic 
party,  and,  if  successful,  much  that  has  been  done  by 
this  administration  would  be  undone.  Beware  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  and  the  like  secret  as- 
sociations, plotting  mischief  to  this  government.  He 
wished  us  to  remember,  that  though 

"  Cannon  balls  may  aid  the  truth, 
Thought 's  a  weapon  stronger." 

He  referred  to  a  lecture  of  Mr.  Phillips,  entitled  "  The 
Lost  Arts,"  and  hoped  Mr.  Phillips  would  include  re- 
pentance. He  alluded  to  a  Virginian  employed  in 
constructing  one  of  our  government  vessels,  who,  in 
an  important  part,  where  great  strength  was  required, 
introduced  plaster  so  painted  and  polished  off  as  to  re- 
semble iron,  which  was  the  material  required.  This 
imposition  was  discovered,  however,  in  time  to  pre- 
vent disaster.  Our  fathers,  when  they  laid  the  ship 
of  state,  instead  of  good  iron,  introduced  a  preparation 
of  plaster  in  the  form  of  compromises  with  slavery ; 
and  now,  when  the  old  ship  lies  in  scattered  fragments, 
Abraham  Lincoln,  instead  of  constructing  a  ship  of 
sounder  materials,  is  out  with  all  his  jolly-boats,  try- 
ing to  pick  up  the  fragments  to  set  out  as  before. 

Voted  to  accept  the  resolutions  of  H.  C.  Wright  and 
Parker  Pillsbury. 

Voted,  That  the  next  meeting  of  this  Society  be 
held  at  Haverhill,  three  months  from  this   day. 

Voted,  That  this  report  be  sent  to  the  Liberator 
for  publication.     Adjourned. 

EICHARD  PLUMER,   President. 

Margahet  E.  Bennett,  Rec.  Sec. 


And  if,  as  our  honored  friend,  Ciiahleb  Sumner, 
his  recent  letter  more  than  intimates,  the  President 
is  at  heart  on  the  side  of  Liberty,  and  so  near  the 
kingdom,  let  us  rally  in  unwonted  numbers,  on  the 
Fourth  of  July,  at  Framingham,  and  swell  the  current 
so  strong  that  Washington  may  feel  its  power,  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  find  his  tongue  loosened,  and  his 
pen  moving  to  write  the  immortalVord— EMANCI- 
PATION I  o.  W.  S. 


MEETING  OF  COLORED  CITIZENS. 

Pursuant  to  a  call  through  the  public  journals  of 
Buffalo,  N.  Y".,  a  large  and  highly  respectable  number 
of  colored  citizens  of  that  place  assembled  at  the  old 
Court  House,  on  Sunday  evening,  18th  ult.,  together 
with  a  large  number  of  our  white  citizens,  for  the 
purpose  of  commemorating  the  "  Emancipation  of 
Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia."  The  meeting 
was  called  to  order  by  Mr.  George  Weir,  Jr.,  and  pur- 
suant to  previous  arrangements,  was  presided  over  by 
Mr.  N.  D.  Thompson,  supported  by  a  number  of  Vice 
Presidents.  The  meeting  being  duly  organized,  on 
motion,  the  Secretary,  Mr.  John  H.  Burch,  read  the 
call  upon  which  the  meeting  had  assembled,  together 
with  a  series  of  resolutions  adopted  at  a  prior  meet- 
ing, and  also  the  Act  of  Emancipation.  The  audience 
then  joined  in  singing  the  following  hymn,  written  for 
the  occasion  by  Mrs.  Nancy  M.  Weir: 

We  meet,  0  Lord,  to  offer  thee 
Unnumbered  thanks  and  praise  ; 

The  District  of  Columbia's  free 
Through  thy  prevailing  grace. 

The  Morning  Star  of  Liberty 

In  this  great  act  we  see  ; 
Freedom's  bright  day  is  soon  to  be  : — 

Columbia's  soil  is  free  ! 

No  more  the  scars  of  servile  chains 

On  human  limbs  shall  be, 
Within  the  limits  of  thy  bounds, 

Columbia's  land  is  free  ! 

God  bless  the  Nation's  honored  Chief! 

Tby  servant  may  he  be, 
Who  wisely  has  advised  relief, 

Columbia's  soil  to  free. 

May  those  who  now  in  bondage  sigh 

Rejoice  with  us  to  see 
The  good  old  Stars  and  Stripes  on  high — 

Thank  God  !  Columbia's  free  ! 


LETTER  FROM  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Newbehn,  N.  C,  June  13,  1862. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Boston  Journal: 

Considerable  surprise  is  manifested  at  the  unwar- 
ranted and  scurrilous  correspondence  of  the  New 
York  Herald  from  this  place,  relative  to  Gov.  Stan- 
ly's proceedings.  Its  slurs  at  General  Burnside  are 
ridiculous  as  well  as  strictly  untrue  in  their  reflec- 
tions, and  the  attack  upon  Massachusetts  soldiers  has 
not  the  slightest  foundation  or  excuse.  What  could 
have  instigated  the  writing  of  such  a  tissue  of  mis- 
representations is  what  causes  the  greater  wonder, 
unless  the  writer  should  prove  to  be  some  resident 
Secessionist  who  thus  found  vent  for  his  rage  over  the 
exceeding  good  nature  of  the  military  leader  here. 

Now  here  are  the  facts  relative  to  this  affair: 
Among  Mr.  Bray's  considerable  body  of  negroes 
were  two  young  females,  who  were  valued  at  $2,500. 
Mr.  B.  got  track  of  these  two.  He  captured  one, 
and  the  other  escaped  narrowly,  and  is  now  far  away. 
The  one  captured  was  married,  and  after  her  return 
to  her  master's  house,  her  negro  husband  determined 
to  release  her.  He  visited  the  premises,  as  Mrs. 
Bray  asserts,  accompanied  by  five  soldiers  who  had 
the  letter  "M"  and  a  bugle  on  their  caps,  and  they 
suited"  her,  set  fire  to  an  outhouse  a  long  dis- 
tance from  the  house  of  Mr.  B.  (not  his  residence  as 
asserted  by  the  correspondent),  and  took  away  the 
slave.  The  house  set  fire  to  was  an  old  building  not 
worth  a  farthing,  and  it  was  fired  by  the  negro, 
probably  in  a  not  very  commendable  spirit  of  re- 
venge. 

As  to  the  soldiers,  there  is  not  a  regiment  here 
from  Massachusetts  that  wears  a  cap  after  the  style 
described.  But  one  infantry  regiment  here  (not 
from  New  England)  numbers  its  companies  down 
farther  than  "  K,"  (ten  companies,)  consequently  the 
letter  "M"  is  not  on  the  cap  of  any  Massachusetts 
or  New  England  soldier.  [It  should  be  understood 
that  these  letters  indicate  the  company  which  the 
soldier  belongs  to.]  This  was  investigated  at  the 
time,  as  some  violent  Secessionists  undertook  to  as- 
sert then  that  it  was  "Massachusetts  thieves"  that 
took  the  negro  away,  but  it  was  plainly  settled  that 
there  was  no  proof  that  a  soldier  from  the  Common- 
wealth had  been  there,  and  there  was  only  the  as- 
sertion of  this  Mrs.  Bray,  that  any  soldiers  had  been 
to  her  house  at  all. 

Now  this  woman  who  had  been  so  troubled  by  the 
sight  of  soldiers,  is  the  same  who  has  for  a  long  time 
made  a  practise  of  regularly  calling  upon  Mr. 
Colyer,  the  Superintendent  of  the  Poor,  for  her  al- 
lowance of  provisions.  She  would  drive  up  in  a  two 
horse  team,  secure  her  plunder  and  drive  away,  al- 
ways with  the  air  of  an  offended  princess  if  any  one 
failed  to  treat  her  with  distinction.  She  thus  sponged 
the  United  States  Government,  when  her  husband 
owned  a  large  plantation,  with  nearly  fifty  acres  un- 
der cultivation,  and  was  able  to  furnish  her  with  her 
carriage  and  two  horses.  And  again,  when  a  cer- 
tain gentleman  who  was  investigating  the  above  cir- 
cumstances called  upon  her,  she,  in  her  frantic  mode, 
offered  him  five  hundred  dollars  to  put  out  of  the 
way  the  same  negro,  who  was  the  husband  of  her 
runaway  slave.  Such  are  the  facts,  and  still  more 
may  be  forthcoming  to  prove  the  inconsistencies  of 
these  immaculate  people.  SCOUT. 

|5T  For  the  "  scurrilous  correspondence"  here  referred 
to,  see  "  Befuge  of  Oppression." 


nomination,  being  a  Chaplain  in  the  1 8th  Mississip- 
pi regiment.  Not  long  after  the  Ball's  Bluff  affair, 
lie  took  dinner  with  a  clerical  'brother'  in  Lees- 
burg,  who  at  heart  wan  a  Union  man.  After  din- 
ner he  remarked  to  a  young  lady  that  he  wai  going 
to  Ball's  Bluff  after  trophies.  He  wanted  some 
bones  of  the  Yankee  soldiers,  in  order  to  make  fin- 
ger rings,  &c,  to  carry  as  presents  to  some  of  his  fe- 
male friends  in  Mississippi.  One  man  boasted  to 
our  informant  that  he  had  a  Yankee  skull  slung  un- 
der his  wagon  by  two  strings,  using  it  for  a  '  tar  cup ' 
to  the  vehicle.  These  arc  merely  .specimens  of  the 
hundreds  of  instances  which  are  well  known  occur- 
rences in  the  vicinity." 


Lord,  with 

The  praise  va 
Let  every  one  i; 

Columbia  hut 


U><1  h 


.rt  and  voice, 
give  to  thee  ! 
truth  rejoice  ! 
is  free  ! 


After  which,  the  throne  of  Grace  was  fervently  ad- 
dressed by  the  Rev.  A.  S.  Broken  borough.  The  Rev. 
George  Weir  then  read  a  select  portion  of  Scripture, 
and  preached  a  very  able  and  interesting  sermon  from 
these  words— "Righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  but 
sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people."  The  remarks  of  the 
reverend  gentleman  were  listened  to  with  the  strictest 
attention  throughout  the  entire  discourse,  which  was 
an  effort  worthy  the  head  and  heart  of  the  venerable 
author.  At  the  close  of  the  sermon,  a  unanimous 
vote  of  thanks  was  tendered  by  the  meeting,  and 
briefly  responded  to  by  the  speaker.  The  following 
resolutions  were  then  offered  by  Prof.  Hall,  and  unani- 
mously adopted: — 

Resolved,  That  as  we  find  from  history  that  in  East 
Asia  and  Africa  the  arts  and  sciences  flourished  in 
their  greatest  grandeur  and  perfection  of  any  peri- 
od or  country  known  to  man ;  we  therefore  recog- 
nize in  the  African  race,  untrammeled  and  free,  a  ca- 
pacity for  improvement  and  progress  equal  if  not  sur- 
passing any  other  race  now  inhabiting  this  globe. 

Resolved,  That,  whereas,  the  ministry  and  churches 
of  the  Northern  States  have  cooperated  with  the 
Southern  churches  and  ministry  in  extending  and 
prolonging  this  great  national  sin,  we  therefore  call 
on  the  ministers  and  churches  in  the  land  to  ap- 
point a  special  day  of  humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer 
to  Almighty  God  that  he  would  forgive  them  this  great 
sin,  and  from  henceforth  forever  blot  it  out  from  the 
book  of  his  remembrance. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting- appoint  a  Committee 
to  draft  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  Congress  and"  the 
President  for  their  noble  and  philanthropic  action  in 
abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Resolutions  of  thanks  were  then  presented  to  the 
Sheriff  and  his  assistants  for  the  use  of  the  Court 
House,  and  to  the  press  of  the  city  for  having  kindly 
given  gratuitous  notice  of  the  meeting.  The  congre- 
gation then  joined  in  singing  the  closing  hymn,  enti- 
tled "  The  Captive's  Song,"  written  by  Mrs.  Weir. 
The  benediction  then  closed  the  exercises  of  the 
evening.  * 


"HARMONY  GROVE." 

"  Roll  on  4he  Liberty  Ball ! " 
True,  we  are  not  at  our  next  annual  gathering,  in 
God's  beatuiful  temple,  to  celebrate  the  abolition 
of  American  Slavery  ;  but  are  we  not  nearer,  may  we 
not  hope  much  nearer,  that  joyful  event,  than  our 
doubts  will  allow  us  to  believe?  God  grant  it  may  be 
so!  Let  us  be  as  hopeful  as  we  can,  and  at  the  same 
time  remember  that  there  was  never  an  hour  in  our 
warfare  when  we  should  labor  with  more  zeal  and 
faithfulness. 

Suffer  not,  for  a  moment,  the  thought  that  we  may 
lay  o-'ir  armor  by,  or  in  the  least  relax  our  efforts  for 
the  sighing  captive.  On  every  hand  we  stilt  meet 
with  the  latent  hatred  of  the  negro,  and  of  the  faith- 
ful advocates  of  his  race.  The  Government  and 
Church  are  still  in  the  "gall  of  bitterness."  We 
must,  therefore,  reiterate  our  testimony,  and  preach 
from  place  to  place  the  "  unsearchable  riches  "  of  uni- 
versal, unconditional  and  immediate  emancipation. 


A  Clerical  Falsifier.  Lieut  Kennett,  su- 
perintending the  United  States  ordnance  depart- 
ment at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duty  had  occasion  to  examine  the  premises  of  that 
hot-bed  of  rebellion,  the  "  Southern  Methodist  Pub- 
lishing House."  One  of  the  clerical  managers  took 
the  lieutenant  into  the  basement,  where  machinery 
had  been  placed  for  manufacturing  certain  parts  of 
confederate  ordnance,  and  began  explaining  that 
certain  bolts  and  screws  were  used  in  stereotyping, 
and  this  and  that  in  the  printing  business,  and  soon 
through  quite  a  list  of  articles.  After  the  reverend 
had  finished  his  explanation,  the  lieutenant  said  to 
him,  "  I  judge,  sir,  by  your  white  cravat  and  dress 
that  you  profess  to  be  a  clergyman  ;  now  let  me  tell 
you,  sir,  that  every  sentence  you  have  uttered  is  a 
tissue  of  falsehoods ;  J  have  been  educated  for  the 
ordnance  department,  and  I  know  where  every  one 
of  those  bolts,  nuts,  and  screws  belongs  on  a  gun- 
carriage.     Good  morning,  sirl" 


Preachers.  Parson  Brownlow  is  not  very  com- 
plimentary to  gentlemen  of"  the  cloth."  In  a  late 
speech  at  Cincinnati  he  said: — 

The  worst  men  in  the  Southern  Confederacy 
are  Methodist,  Baptist,  Presbyterian,  and  Episcopa- 
ian  preachers.  They  drink  and  swear  week  days, 
and  preach  Sundays.  When  they  became  secesh, 
they  bade  farewell  to  honesty,  truth,  and  decency. 
The  Confederacy  originated  in  lying,  stealing  and 
perjury.  Floyd  did  the  stealing,  the  common  mas- 
ses the  lying,  and  fourteen  Senators  from  the  cotton 
States  the  perjury — the  latter  class  while  still  re- 
taining their  seats  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
laking  a  pretence  of  observing  their  oaths,  but  at 
igfat,  till  twelve  o'clock,  holding  secret  meetings, 
sending  dispatches  to  their  respective  States  to  pass 
ordinances  of  secession,  to  seize  forts,  &c,  &c. 

"  Among  other  instances  illustrating  the  spirit 
prevailing  among  the  Southern  elergv,  Mr.  Brown- 
low  said  that  the.  pastor  of  the  First  Presbyterian 
Church  in  Knoxviile  called  a  Union  prayer-meeting 
to  pray  that  Gen.  Burnside's  fleet  might  sink,  and 
the  blockade  be  raised.  The  same  minister  had 
said  (hai  he  would  rather  use  a  Bible  printed  and 
bound  in  hell  than  one  from  the  North.  Also  that 
Jesus  Christ  was  born  on  Southern  soil,  and  that  all 
his  apostles  were  Southern  men,  except  Judas  Iscar- 
iot,  who  was  a  Northern  man.  This  was  said  openly, 
from  his  pulpit  on  Sunday." 


Brutalized     Clkkoymen.— The    Washington 
Republican  says : — 

In  all  the  outrages  at  Lcosburg,  ihe  etiTgynien 
of  that,  vicinity,  with  one  exception,  fully  sympa- 
thized. Rev.  Samuel  Cornelius  is  one  of  these  reb- 
el divines,  Be  is  a  member  of  the.  Baltimore  Con? 
ference  of  the  Meihodisi  Episcopal  Church,  and  is  a 
blatant  secessionist.  The  Presbyterian  minister  is 
lni  \t;  ith  r  Kvm.l  Bacesctcnisl  namid  KIv 
listinguished  hhnsell'hy  his  outrage*  He,  also,  is  a 
Methodist,  though  of  the  Southern  wing  of  I  lie   fo. 


Peppery  Letter  from  a  Nashville  She 
Rebel.  The  following  peppery  letter  was  written 
by  a  Nashville  girl  to  her  John,  who  is  a  prisoner  at 
Camp  Morton,  Indiana  : — 

"  John,  I  want  you  to  tell  me  about  the  fight,  and 
how  many  Lincoln  devils  you  killed.  I  would  like 
to  be  there  and  seen  them  Lincoln  devils  keel  over. 
It  would  have  done  my  soul  good  to  have  seen  them 
fall  by  the  thousands.  John,  as  you  are  a  prisoner, 
and  cannot  have  the  pleasure  of  Lincoln  hirlands,  I 
believe  I  will  take  your  place,  and  I  tell  you  what 
I  would  kill  live  yankees,  I  will  do  more  for  them 
than  Morgan  has  done  for  them.  I  tell  you  Morgan 
is  tearing  up  the  burg  for  them ;  he  is  doing  the 
work  for  them.  John,  I  wish  I  was  a  man,  I  would 
come  there  and  I  would  soon  get  you  out  of  that  lin- 
coln  hole.  I  would  tar  there  hearts  out,  and  then 
cook  them  and  make  them  eat  them;  but  I  will  do 
all  I  can  for  you,  and  when  they  come  into  Shelby 
I  will  get  some  of  their  skelps  and  hang  them  up  in 
my  room  to  look  at.  I  will  be  for  Jeff  Davis  till  the 
tenessee  river  freezes  over,  and  then  be  for  him  and 
scratch  on  the  ice — 

Jeff  davis  rides  a  white  horse, 

Lincoln  rides  a  mule, 
Jeff  davis  is  a  gentleman, 

And  Lincoln  is  a  fule. 

I  wish  I  could  send  them  lincoln  devils  some  pies, 
they  would  never  want  any  more  to  eat  in  this 
world.  May  Jeff,  ever  be  with  you.  This  is  from 
a  good  southern  rights  girl — from  your  cousin 

Marianne." 


THE  NEW  TORE  JOURNAL  OP  COMMERCE. 

In  a  recent  number  of  this  miserable  pro-slavery 
and  secession  print,  the  editorial  vials  of  wrath  were 
poured  upon  the  head  of  Mr.  George  Thompson,  to 
whose  speeches  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  the 
present  crisis  is  attributed.  As  a  specimen  of  the 
writer's  veracity,  we  may  state  that  the  alleged  quid 
pro  quo  for  his  first  American  trip,  when  his  life  was 
hunted  for,  and  a  reward  of  $5,000  was  offered  for 
his  apprehension,  was  an  immediate  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment for.  the  Tower  Hamlets,  procured  him  by  ihe 
government.  The  facts  are  these:  Mr.  Thompson's 
return  to  England  was  in  1835  ;  his  election  for  the 
Tower  Hamlets  was  in  1847  ;  the  immediate  seat  in 
Parliament  was  therefore  twelve  years  afterwards. 
On  that  occasion,  moreover,  he  defeated  one  of  the 
then  ministers,  Major  General  Fox,  the  Master- 
General  of  the  Ordinance,  and  who  was  also  a  son- 
in-law  of  King  William  the  Fourth.  In  1851,  Mr. 
Thompson  again  visited  the  United  States,  which 
journey  led  to  the  loss  of  his  seat  for  this  same,  the 
largest  borough  constituency  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
Mr.  Thompson  was  always  in  opposition  to  the  gov- 
ernment, and  never  received  a  favor  at  the  hands  of 
either  Whig  or  Tory.  How  can  we  believe  such 
writers,  even 

"when  they  should  state  the  thing  that's  true"? 

There  is  a  secondary  sense  in  which  the  wrath  of 
man  is  made  to  praise  God's  servants  as  well  as  God 
himself.  Mixed  with  this  compound  of  folly  and 
lying  is  a  remarkable  testimony  to  the  truth  that  the 
measure  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  and  the  admission  of  colored  persons 
in  the  American  postal  service,  are  fruits  of  the  mar- 
vellous eloquence  of  our  gifted  countryman  during 
his  two  transatlantic  visits.  We  hope  he  will  ere 
long  reap  his  crowning  glory  in  the  abolition  of 
slavery  throughout  the  entire  American  continent. 
— Clerkenwell  (London)  News. 


SONG    OF   THE   SECESSION   WARRIOR. 

BLIGHILY  ALTERED  FROM  THE  CHOCTAW. 

I  made  a  spur  of  a  Yankee  jaw, 
And  in  New  Orleans  I  shot  his  squaw — 
Shot  bis  child  like  a  yelping  cur, 
lie  had  no  time  to  fondle  her. 

Hoo  !  hoo  !  hoo  t  for  tbe  rifled  graves  ! 

Wah  !  wall !  wan  !  for  the  blasted  slaves  ! 

I  scraped  his  skull  all  naked  and  bare, 
And  here 's  his  scalp  with  a  tuft  of  hair  .' 
His  heart  is  in  the  buzzard's  maw, 
His  bloody  bones  tbe  wolf  doth  gnaw. 

Hoo  !  hoo  !  hoo  !  for  the  Yankee  graves  ! 

Wah  !  wah  !  wah  !  for  the  blasted  slaves  ! 

With  percussion  caps  we  filled  each  gun, 
And  put  torpedoes  where  he'd  run  ; 
And  with  poisoned  bullets  and  poisoned  rum 
Helped  him  along  to  kingdom  come. 

Hoo  !  hoo  !  -hoo  !  for  the  Yankee  graves  ! 

Wah  !  wah  !  wah  !  for  tbe  blasted  slaves  ! 
— Knickerbocker  for  June. 


8^=- "Ah,  how  fortune  varies!"  Captain  W.  H. 
Harris,  whose  name  is  signed  to  the  following  "  Notice 
Extraordinary,"  is  now  a  prisoner  in  the  Federal 
camp,  under  Gen.  Dumont,  at  Nashville  : — 

"  Notice  Extbaordinary.  We,  the  undersigned, 
will  pay  five  dollars  per  pair  for  fifty  pairs  of  well-bred 
hounds,  and  fifty  dollars  for  one  pair  of  the  rough-bred 
bloodhounds  that  will  take  the  track  of  a  man.  The 
purposes  for  which  those  dogs  are  wanted  is  to  chase  . 
the  infernal  cowardly  Lincoln  bushwhackers  of  East 
Tennessee  and  Kentucky  (who  have  taken  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  bush  to  kill  and  cripple  many  good 
soldiers)  to  their  dens,  and  capture  them.  The  said 
hounds  must  be  delivered  at  Captain  Hanner's  Livery 
Stable,  by  the  10th  of  December  next,  where  a  mus- 
tering officer  will  be  present  to  muster  and  inspect 
them.  F.  N.  McNart, 

W.  H.  Harris. 

Camp  Crinfort,  Campbell  Co.,  Tenn.,  Nov.  16." 


TERRIBLE  SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  REBELS 
IN  THE  LATE  BATTLE. 
A  member  of  Battery  A,  New  York  Artillery,  in 
Casey's  division,  which  is  known  as  the  "Napoleon 
gun  battery,"  which  was  in  the  front  line  of  the  first 
day's  battle  before  Richmond,  has  written  to  a  relative 
in  New  York  a  thrilling  description  of  the  carnage  in- 
flicted upon  the  rebels  Dy  the  fire  of  that  battery,  from 
which  we  make  an  extract : — 

"  The  destruction  was  horrible.  Our  spherical  case 
shot  are  awful  missiles,  each  of  them  consisting  of  a 
clotted  mass  of  seventy-six  musket  balls,  with  a  charge 
of  powder  in  the  centre,  that  is  fired  by  a  fuse  the 
same  as  a  shell.  The  missile  first  acts  as  a  solid  shot, 
ploughing  its  way  through  masses  of  men,  and  then, 
exploding,  hurls  forward  a  shower  of  musket  balls,  that 
mow  down  the  foe  in  heaps.  Our  battery  threw 
twenty-four  of  these  a  minute,  and  as  we  had  the  exact 
range  of  every  part  of  the  field,  every  shot  told  with 
frightful  effect.  But  the  enemy  were  not  at  all 
daunted. 

They  marched  steadily  on,  and  hailed  a  perfect 
tempest  of  balls. upon  us.  Why  we,  as  well  as  our 
horses,  were  not  every  one  shot  down,  will  forever  re- 
main a  mystery  to  me.  We  did  not  mind  the  leaden 
hail,  however,  but  kept  pouring  our  case  shot  into  the 
dense  masses  of  the  foe,  who  came  on  in  prodigious 
and  overwhelming  force.  And  they,  fought  splendid- 
ly, too.  Our  shot  tore  their  ranks  wide  open,  and 
shattered  them  asunder  in  a  manner  that  was  frightful 
to  witness ;  but  they  closed  up  again  at  once,  and  came 
on  as  steadily  as  English  veterans. 

When  they  got  within  400  yards,  we  closed  our  case 
shot  and  opened  on  them  with  canister,  and  such  de- 
struction I  never  elsewhere  witnessed.  At  each  dis- 
charge, great  gaps  were  made  in  their  ranks — indeed, 
whole  companies  went  down  before  that  murderous 
fire;  but  they  closed  up  with  an  order  and  discipline 
that  was  awe-inspiring.  They  seemed  to  be  animated 
with  the  courage  of  despair  blended  with  the  hope  of 
a  speedy  victory,  if  they  could  by  an  overwhelming 
rush  drive  us  from  our  position. 

It  was  awful  to  see  their  ranks  torn  and  shattered 
by  every  discharge  of  canister  that  we  poured  right 
into  their  faces,  while  their  dead  and  dying  lay  in  piles, 
close  up,  and  still  kept  advancing  right  in  the  face  of 
that  fire.  At  one  time  three  lines,  one  behind  the 
other,  were  steadily  advancing,  and  three  of  their  flags 
were  brought  in  range  of  one  of  our  guns  shotted  with 
canister. 

Fire!  shouted  the  gunner,  and  down  went  those 
three  flags,  and  a  gap  was  opened  through  them,  and 
the  dead  lay  in  swaths.  But  they  at  once  closed  up 
and  came  steadily  on,  never  hailing  or  wavering,  right 
through  the  woods,  over  the  fence,  through  the  field, 
right  up  to  our  guns,  and  sweeping  everything  before 
them,  captured  every  piece. 

When  we  delivered  our  last  fire,  they  were  within 
fifteen  or  twenty  paces  of  us,  and  as  all  our  horses  had 
been  killed  or  wounded,  we  could  not  carry  off  a 
gun." 


S^=*  Another  writer  describes  the  following  scene  : 
"The  wounded  were  left  on  the  field  all  night,  and 
to  hear  their  cries  for  water  and  help  was  most  ago- 
nizing ;  and,  to  add  to  their  sufferings,  toward  morn- 
ing it  commenced  raining.  One  poor  fellow,  belong- 
ing to  a  North  Carolina  regiment,  who  was  wounded 
in  three  places,  called  me  to  him,  saying— ■■  For  God's 
sake,  get  assistance,  and  take  me  where  I  can  have 
my  wounds  dressed— 1  have  been  lying  here  ail  night, 
and  am  cold.'  Procuring  the  assistance  of  an  officer 
of  the  California  regiment,  we  took  the  poor  fellow 
where  he  could  be  properly  cared  for.  Others  w?re 
taken  care  of  as  soon  as  possible,  and  you  can  hardly 
imagine  the  grateful  looks  bestowed  upon  us  for  this 
unexpected  kindness.  They  were  too  much  exhaust- 
ed lo  talk  much,  hut  appeared  to  be  surprised  at 
receiving  such  good  treatment. 

The  next  morning,  (Sunday,)  we  were  ordered  to 
the  other  side  of  .the  woods,  only  a  short  distance,  and 
halted.  Here  we  had  aii  opportunity  to  see  the  havoc 
our  firing  hail  made  in  their  ranks.  The  ground  was 
literally  covered  with  dead  and  wounded;  and  of  all 
the  scaly  individuals  I  ever  saw,  these  were  the 
worst— dressed  in  all  slyles  and  colors,  some  without 
hata,  and  some  without  shoes.  They  lav  in  all  posi- 
tions ;  some  in  the  act  of  firing,  some  just  loading, 
others  retreating,  due  had  loaded  his 'musket,  and 
was  sitting  on  a  log,  tnking  aim,  when  he  was  struck 
by  a  bullet.  The  muzzle  ot  his  gun  dropped,  Booking 
the  bayonet  into  the  ground,  which  lelt  him  in  his 
position  sitting  on  the  log  stone  dead,  li  took  us 
three  days  to  bury  the  dead,  which  was  done  M  dig- 
ging a  trench  and  hiving  then)  three  or  four  deep, 
they  lay  in  heaps  on  the  ground,  it  appeared  as  if 
y  belonged  in  soma  other  nation,  $«  differmt  did 
■  look  from  our  mot.  They  were  dressed  in  ■  dirty, 
gray  elnih  of  ihe  poorest  <|uiiliiy,  some  of  which  look- 
ed as  if  it  had  been  through  a  tan-pit  From  prison- 
era  we  learned  thai  they  attempted  three  timet  to 
charge  on  our  battery,  but  no  sooner  did  ihev  oome 
into  line,  than  our  grape  and  canister  mowed  them 

down    in  heaps.      Old  Magrudcr  said.  '  Boy«,  we  must 
lake    thai    haiiery!'"      Htu    „:■   couldn't    see  ii  in  -i-it 

light,  and  so  didn  't  let  them  lake  it.    Magrudw  turn 

ed    away    m  despair,    saying.    -All    hell  couldn't  stand 
Ihe  lire  of  that  brigade,'  meaning  I  Ionium's." 


JANUAEY  17. 


THE     LIBEEATOE 


11 


to  trust  every  power  to  tlie  Government  necessary 
for  the  salvation  of  the  Union.  My  idea  of  Democ- 
racy is  this:  it  must  rest  on  educated  masses.  Un- 
like despotism,  it.  cannot  rest  on  anything  else.  That 
very  element  of  Democratic  institutions  makes  it  safe 
to  trust  Government,  in  an  emcrf-ency,  with  the 
gravest  powers.  France  cannot  trust  them — she  is  a 
wreck,  as  she  stands  to-day,  when  she  does.  Germa- 
ny cannot;  Austria  cannot;  Italy  cannot;  England 
hardly  could;  but  we  can.  As  John  Adams  said— 
"  The  reason  why  George  Washington  was  not 
Cromwell  was  because  we  would  not  permit  it."  ?o, 
today,  you  trust  your  Government  with  despotic 
powers ;  and  the  reason  why  no  man  becomes  a  Na- 
poleon Bonaparte  is  because  there  are  twenty  million 
of  men,  Yankees,  to  ask  htm  why; — educated,  self- 
sufficient,  strong-hearted  men,  who  know  their  rights 
and  mean  to  maintain  them.  And  these  twenty  mil- 
lions of  men  would  have  put  this  Union  beyond 
doubt,  if  they  had  had  a  man,  not  a  Keiituckian,  to 
lead  them  the  last  ten  mouths. 

Sow,  I  iTiako  no  complaint  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
No  man  can  be  broader  than  his  cradle.  (Laughter.) 
Unfortunately,  he  was  born  in  Kentucky  ;  and  slavery 
had  produced  such  a  state  of  things  in  this  nation  that 
it  was  not  possible  to  choose  for  President  an  unmixed 
loyal  Northern  man.  That  spirit  of  compromise  which 
had  been  inoculated  in  our  blood  ever  since  '89,  obliged 
us  to  choose  such  a  man,  and  the  result  is,  the  history 
of  the  last  months.  I  do  not  blame  him  that  he  is  not 
a  Daniel  Webster,  an  Oliver  Cromwell,  a  George 
Washington,  or  any  one  else.  Incapacity  is  no  man's 
fault.  What  I  dread  is,  that  a  man  in  the  wrong  place 
should  baulk  and  defeat  twenty  million  of  people. 
Woe  to  such  influence  !  He  is  in  the  hands  of  abler, 
deeper  men  than  himself.  Woe  betide  those  who 
stand  beside  him,  with  some  little  title  to  the  name  of 
statesmen,  if,  years  hence,  one  race  shall  rise  up  and 
find  that  it  has  been  baulked  of  its  highest  ambition 
and  the  other  of  its  dearest  hope  I 

But  it  is  no  longer  Gen.  McClellan  and  the  Cabinet. 
Ever  since  the  4th  of  December,  we  have  had  another 
tribunal.  Congress  is  sitting.  The  representative  of 
the  public  sentiment  is  in  Washington.  Men  fresh 
from  the  midst  of  us  are  there,  endowed  with  the  pow- 
er to  cope  with  this  rebellion.  AsJohn  Quincy  Adams 
says — Government — the  Senate  and  the  House  of 
llepresentatives,  to  whom  the  Constitution  gives  the 
power  to  make  war,  have  therefore  inevitably,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  an  unlimited  power  to  carry  it  on  as 
they  please.  It  is  a  power  conferred  by  the  Consti- 
tution— a  constitutional  power,  but  not  one  limited  by 
the  Constitution.  It  is  a  despotism.  Every  dollar, 
every  musket,  every  right  of  the  nation  is  in  the  hands 
of  Congress.  The  principle  is,  that  when  the  ship  is 
in  danger,  the  captain  may  throw  the  cargo  overbonrd 
to  save  the  hull.  So,  to-day,  in  this  storm  and  con- 
vulsion, Democracy  vindicates  its  title  to  be  a  Gov- 
ernment. It  would  not  otherwise  be  so.  To  the 
hands  of  its  great  functionaries,  it  entrusts  des- 
potism for  national  safety.  Recollect,  liberty  dots 
not  mean  universal  suffrage.  Louis  Napoleon  wns 
chosen  by  universal  suffrage.  Liberty  does  not  mean 
the  ballot-box  and  primary  schools.  Liberty  does 
not  mean  the  grog-shops  of  Boston  at  liberty  to  choose 
its  Mayors.  (Applause.)  Liberty  means  institutions 
anchored  in  the  habits  of  the  people,  become  a  part 
of  their  moral  and  intellectual  nature,  sufficient  for 
any  crisis  that  can  come  over  a  country.  When 
France,  in  her  great  revolutionary  convulsion,  met 
the  eye  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  seeking  a  throne, 
there  were  no  institutions  to  check  him  ;  only  twen- 
ty-five millions  of  unorganized,  uneducated,  half-crazy 
Frenchmen,  and  he  put  them  under  his  right  hand — 
of  course  he  could.  But  we  are  taught,  from  the  very 
cradle  up  to  the  Presidency,  every  one  of  us,  to  be 
part  of  and  preside  over  public  meetings,  initiate  and 
work  all  the  machinery  of  civil  government — to  op- 
pose, not  individuals,  but  well-planned  institutions  and 
old  habits,  to  all  efforts  of  tyranny.  We  are  a  nation, 
the  institutions  of  which  guarantee  liberty.  Why,  a 
Yankee  baby,  six  months  old,  is  ready  to  manage  a 
town-meeting.  ( Laughter. )  He  inherits  it.  If  a 
dozen  Yankees,  or  five  hundred,  find  themselves  on 
the  prairies,  they  extemporize  a  Constitution  or  a 
State.  No  other  race  could  do  it.  The  correlative 
of  that  power  is,  that  it  is  safe  to  trust  government 
with  the  gravest  despotism.  Lancets,  knives  and 
surgeons'  saws  are  terrible  instruments — dangerous. 
"What  is  the  use  of  surgeons  ?  It  is,  that  when  you 
need  lancets,  somebody  knows  how  to  use  them.  Just 
so  with  Democracy.  It  is  a  government  that,  when, 
for  a  moment,  despotism  is  necessary,  it  can  be  safely 
exercised.  AsJohn  QuimyAdamssays,  therefore,  Con- 
gress has  the  power — let  her  use  it.  Let  Congress  to- 
morrow abolish  slavery  in  every  State  by  *au  au- 
thority equal  to  the  Constitution,  which  says  there 
shall  not  be  nobles  in  any  State.  Let  her  add  to  it 
that  every  loyai  man  shall  he  compensated  for  any 
loss  that  he  can  show  ;  and  we  cover  two  great  dan- 
gers. If  there  is  a  Unionist  at  the  South,  who  is  not 
a  negro,  we  search  him  out.  The  magnet  of  compen- 
sation draws  him  to  the  surface;  he  shows  himself; 
he  finds  his  voice.  Those  men  trembling  to-day  at 
Eichmond  and  Norfolk,  those  dumb  friends  of  ours  in 
northern  Arkansas,  in  the  upper  counties  of  Alabama, 
at  Macon,  at  Columbus,  in  every  small  town  of  the 
South,  if  they  knew  that  a  people  strong  enough  to 
enforce  their  will,  and  capable  of  finding  it  out,  had 
proclaimed  that  the  success  of  the  Union  troops  should 
be  to  them  safety,  would  (if  there  be  any  such)  make 
themselves  known.  Then,  on  the  other  hand,  we  say 
to  Europe,  "  Let  four  thousand  miles  of  salt  water 
roll  between  you  and  us  ;  we  can  manage  this  quarrel." 
On  a  sound  basis,  I  do  not  want  the  advice  nor  the 
sympathy  of  Great  Britain.  On  a  sound  basis,  I  have 
no  fear  of  her  thousand  frigates,  or  of  her  hundred 
thousand  soldiers.  On  a  sound  basis,  this  nation  is 
equal  to  anything.  The  brains  of  nineteen  millions  of 
Yankees,  with  a  territory  four  times  as  large  as  France, 
make  no  second  rate  power.  If  we  can  only  survive 
this  war,  we  are  safe.  If  Jefferson  Davis  is  not  able 
to  say — "There  are  nineteen  millions  of  people  who 
w  anted  to  be  accomplices  with  me  in  slaveholding,  and 
I  would  not  let  them ;  there  are  nineteen  millions  of 
Yankees  who  were  willing  to  sink  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  provided  only  they  could  have  cotton 
enough  lo  keep  Lowell  going,  and  I  held  them  as  fish 
to  my  hook  as  long  as  I  wanted  thein,  and  then  I 
tossed  them,  half-dead,  into  the  sea" — if  we  do  not  go 
out  of  this  war  bankrupt  in  statesmanship  and  bank- 
rupt in  character,  I  have  no  fear  for  the  future  of  the 
nation.  But  there  is  a  better  hope,  there  is  a  nobler 
aim,  there  is  a  more  glorious  destiny  for  us  in  the 
ninety  days  that  are  coming.  We  can  override  this 
Cabinet.  We  can  at  least  ask  Congress  to  do  its  duty. 
We  can  at  least  ask  of  the  Government  that  it  shall 
show  Democracy  equal  to  the  struggle.  To-day  is  the 
accepted  time  !  To-day  is  the  hour  of  our  salvation  ! 
It  is  madness  to  trust  bo  much  to  the  vigor  of  one 
brain,  to  the  uncertain  fate  of  a  single  great  battle. 
If  you  do,  I  fear  that  venerable  man,*  who  still,  in 
our  own  city,  the  oldest  of  ourstatesman,  lies  on  a  bed 
of  sickness,  who,  ahoy,  saw  the  formation  of  the  Union, 
needs  to  live  only  a  hundredth  part  of  the  years  we 
wish  him,  to  see  its  end. 

It  ia  too  great  a  stake  for  a  single  card.  I  ex- 
hort you,  therefore,  not  as  I  usually  have  done, 
for  the  negro,  but  for  the  honor  of  the  fathers, 
let  us  show  ourselves  worthy  of  our  blood.  If  no 
other  State  speaks,  make  Massachusetts  utter  her 
voice.  We  have  always  been  the  brain  of  the 
Union — elaborate  ideas  for  her  now.  Massachusetts 
has  the  greatest  stake  in  this  issue.  Her  million 
of  men  grow  nothing,  almost,  on  her  barren  acres  and 
her  granite  ;  we  have  only  cunning  fingers.  The  cus- 
tomers of  the  South  and  West  are  our  wealth.  Our 
cousins  across  the  Atlantic  are  this  day  cheating  them 
out  of  our  hands.  Children  of  Hancock,  of  Adams, 
of  Jay,  of  the  statesmen  of  J7<i,  show  that  you  value 
your  government,  and  have  the  sagacity  to  preserve 
it!  Checkmate  Europe;  inspirit,  give  courage  to 
yonr  Cabinet;  make  your  army's  expense  win  some- 
thing ;  let  the  year  18(>2,  by  its  successes,  blot  out  the 

*  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  Sen. 


disaster  and  the  disgrace  of  '61  ;  and  if  wo  can  never 
bring  back  those  Commissioners,  if  we  can  never  wipe 
out  that  stain  on  the  flag  of  the  Union,  for  Heaven's 
sake,  let  us  put  ourselves  in  such  a  condition  that  no 
Lord  Russell  of  Great  Britain,  no  aristocrat  of  Eu- 
rope, can  dictate  terms  a  second  time  to  the  nineteen 
States  of  this  Union  !  {Loud  applause.)  This  week, 
this  fortnight,  has  been  sad  enough.  You  know  its 
record.  The  seaboard  dictates  submission  because  of 
mercantile  interests,  and  the  country  bows  its  head, 
with  ill-concealed  grief,  to  the  very  power  that  for 
sixty  years  has  claimed  the  right  to  stand  on  our  quar- 
ter-decks,  any  time,  and  take  anybody  therefrom. 

Bear  with  me  a  moment,  while  I  tell  you  why  I 
differ  from  the  popular  view  of  this  question.  I  allow 
the  surrender  was  unavoidable.  In  our  present  cir- 
cumstances, we  could  not  fight  England.  Let  them 
bear  the  shame  whose  shuffling  policy  has  brought 
us  to  this  necessity.  But  let  us  not  deceive  our- 
selves as  to  its  real  significance  or  the  world  as  to  our 
reasons  for  doing  it.  We  did  it  because  we  could  not 
help  it,  because  we  were  not  in  a  condition  to  resent 
the  ins-ult;  not  because  international  law,  or  any 
National  pledge  or  course  in  times  past,  required  it. 
No  President  would  have  dared  or  dreamed  of 
doing  it  from  1800  to  1800.  Let  us,  fellow-citi- 
zens, so  bestir  ourselves  that  no  President  will  again 
be  obliged  to  do  it.  So  much  for  our  reasons  ;  and  I 
think  our  wisest,  most  dignified  way  would  have 
been  frankly  to  have  said  so,  in  the  face  of  the  world, 
and  sent  the  Commissioners  to  England. 

Now  for  the  meaning  and  consequence  of  the  act. 
For  one,  I  do  not  see  that  our  surrender  of  these 
men,  in  present  circumstances,  binds  England  to  any 
principle  of  international  law  heretofore  disputed,  or 
that,  by  accepting  it,  she  relinquishes  any  of  her  for- 
mer pretensions.  Earl  Eussell  simply  demands  "  cer- 
tain individuals,"  forcibly  taken  from  on  board  a  Brit- 
ish s-hip,  "  pursuing  a  lawful  and  innocent  voyage." 
Now,  that  statement,  and  that  only,  binds  the  British 
Government.  No  matter  what  the  Times  has  said — 
what  French  journals  or  British  speakers  have  said. 
The  British  Government  rests  its  case  on  Russell's 
despatch.  Observe  its  language — "certain  individu- 
als." It  is  very  significant,  he  no  where  even  allows 
that  they  are  Americans.  They  are  "four  persons," 
"four  gentlemen,"  "certain  individuals."  Now,  sup- 
pose our  Government,  instead  of  running  with  such 
undignified  haste  to  surrender,  (the  only  business 
they  have  not  dawdled  over  for  months  since  they 
came  into  office,)  had  replied — "  Yes  ;  certain  indi- 
viduals were  so  taken  ;  they  are  Ainerican  citizens. 
We  took  them  as  you  have  often  taken  British  sub- 
jects from  the  decks  of  our  ships,  merchant  and  na- 
tional, pursuing  lawful  and  innocent  voyages,  in  time 
of  peace,  without  your  having  resort  to  any  judge  or 
tribunal."  It  is  by  no  means  evident,  nan  constat,  as 
the  lawyers  say,  from  anything  in  Russell's  despatch, 
that  his  Government  would  not  have  admitted  the 
exception,  the  precedent,  or  at  least  submitted  the 
question  to  arbitration.  As  Earl  Russell's  letter 
stands,  Great  Britain  has  a  right,  clear  and  undisput- 
ed, to  demand  the  surrender  of  individuals  forcibly 
taken  from  her  ships.  That  is  the  general  rule.  The 
plaintiff  always  brings  his  action  on  general  princi- 
ples of  law,  and  claims  all  he  can,  leaving  it  to  the 
defendant  to  plead  the  exceptions.  To  this  rule  of 
Russell's  there  are  several  exceptions.  England  claims 
the  right  to  take  her  subjects  at  any  time  from  any 
deck.  All  nations  claim  the  right  to  take  an  enemy's 
soldiers  from  neutral  decks  in  war  time.  To  bind 
England  to  any  new  principle,  we  should  have  re- 
plied claiming  the  exception ;  and  if  she  then  still 
claimed  the  men,  spite  of  lier  own  practice,  she  must 
have  been  held  to  have  renounced  her  pretensions. 
But  she  will,  as  the  case  stands,  take  a  British  sailor 
this  year  or  next  from  a  Boston  brig,  whenever  she 
wants  him;  and  I  do  not  see  anything  in  Russell's 
despatch  to  forbid  it. 

Again,  I  except  to  the  whole  argument  of  Mr.  Sew- 
ard on  its  merits,  as  well  as  that  the  nation  knows  it 
is  only  a  pretext  to  serve  a  turn.  It  is  absurd  to  say 
that  any  nation  is  bound  always  to  act  on  the  side  she 
has  usually  chosen  of  disputed  rules  of  international 
law.  International  law  is  common  sense  as  recognized 
by  nations  ;  it  is  natural  j  ustice  as  nations  now  under- 
stand it,  not  as  any  one  man  or  one  nation  fancies  it. 
Hence,  while  so  considerable  a  maratime  nation  as 
Great  Britain  excepts  to  any  rule  of  that  law,  the 
question  is  open,  and  any  nation  has  the  clear  right  to 
act  on  either  side  she  sees  best  at  the  time.  Indeed, 
the  only  way  to  make  those  governments  which  main- 
tain a  cruel  practice  surrender  it,  is  to  let  them  feel 
the  smart  of  it  from  other  hands.  Now,  the  question 
whether  a  government  may  arrest  its  citizens  any- 
where, at  any  time,  is  open.  England  keeps  it  so. 
Practise  it  on  her,  as  we  rightfully  may,  till  she  sur- 
renders it.  So  as  to  Mason  and  S Udell  being  or  not 
being  belligerent,  England  cannot  urge  that  question  ; 
she  so  considers  them.  So  of  this  talk  of  refugees, 
like  Kossuth  and  Mazzini,  under  the  British  flag. 
Everybody  knows  Mason  was  no  refugee  ;  he  was  the 
public  agent  of  a  strong  government  passing  to  his 
post;  in  no  sense  whatever  a  refugee,  and  he  would 
disdain  the  excuse.  If  we  subjugate  the  South,  Davis 
and  his  officers  may  become  refugees,  and  then  this 
question  may  come  up;  but  not  yet.  So  of  their  not 
being  contraband  because  men  are  not  contraband,  or 
only  soldiers  are,  certain  decisions  and  treaties  having 
so  affirmed.  This  is  all  idle.  International  law  is  no 
fantastic  relic  of  feudalism  or  curious  old  machine, 
painfully  adapted  to  new  times,  like  some  other  laws. 
It  is  common  sense,  as  national  emergencies  call  it 
into  action.  Now,  why  are  soldiers  contraband  '<  Be- 
cause they  are  tools  of  an  enemy — helps  to  him.  The 
same  reason  makes  agents,  ambassadors,  contraband. 
A  wily  agent,  passing  from  land  to  land,  may  do  a 
belligerent  more  harm  than  forty  colonels  or  a 
thousand  men  in  arms.  A  blue  or  red  coat,  or  metal 
buttons,  do  not  make  contraband.  It  is  the  hostile 
purpose  and  probable  use  of  a  person  or  thing.  Let 
us  not  smother  our  sense  with  the  dust  of  such  tri- 
fling. We  are  dealing  with  a  code  that  knows  no 
basis  but  common  sense,  not  fanciful,  arbitrary,  or  ob- 
solete distinctions.  This  is  the  way  Sir  Wm.  Scott, 
who  created  so  much  international  law  to  meet  new 
circumstances,  did  and  would  have  looked  at  this  case. 
No  ;  England  claims  the  right  to  take  her  subjects 
from  our  decks  while  at  peace  with  us,  and  does  not 
condescend  to  tell  us  why  she  wants  them.  That 
right  she  refused  even  to  discuss  with  Webster,  as  late 
as  1842.  That,  therefore,  the  practice  of  a  great  na- 
val power,  is  allowable,  to-day,  in  international  law. 
We  may  therefore  claim  the  use  of  such  a  rule,  when 
we  need  it,  however  much,  on  general  principles,  we 
may  wish  to  see  it  changed.  Jackson  or  either  Ad- 
ams would  have  said  so,  and  might  have  put  this  Nota 
Bene  at  the  bottom  of  such  an  answer — "  Consult 
the  record  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Leopard,  off  Hamp- 
ton Roads,  June  '22,  1807."  All  our  disgrace  hitherto 
was  domestic.  Our  flag,  lowered  at  Sumter,  might 
be  atoned  by  its  triumphantfolds  floating  over  Charles- 
ton ;  the  flightat  Manassas  by  McClellan  encamped  in 
Richmond  This  last  disgrace  reverses  our  arms,  and 
hacks  off  our  spurs  in  the  temple  of  the  world's  knight- 
hood. There  is  no  cure  for  that  humiliation  but  in 
twenty  millions  of  people  using  their  brains  to  make 
themselves  strong  enough  to  prevent  any  nation  on 
earth  from  repeating  the  insult.  (Loud  applause.)  I 
wish  to  be  a  citizen  of  a  great,  strong,  righteous 
State.  (Renewed  applause.)  I  wish  to  be  a  citizen  of 
that  country  which  our  fathers  won,  acting  on  those 
principles  which  they  announced,  and  able  to  set  the 
world  at  defiance.  (Cheers.)  Hitherto  we  have  done 
so.  The  next  fifty  years  promised  that  neither  Rus- 
sia nor  Great  Britain  could  stand  up  in  our  presence. 
The  contemptible  root  of  bitterness,  American  bond- 
age, has  poisoned  the  future  of  this  Republic,  and 
your  contented,  subdued  politicians  are  waiting  for 
the  victory  of  a  single  General  to  save  all  that  Han- 
cock and  Washington,  all  that  Adams  and  Jay,  all 
that  the  Revolution  and  the  war  of  1812  have  handed 
down  to  us.  Let  us  demand  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  that  they  conquer  with  a  better 
cannon  than  that  of  McClellan,  with  a  nobler  army 
than  any  you  have   yet  raised.     When   I  meet  yon 


again,  I  hope  I  may  bo  privileged  to  meet  you  in  the 
face  of  a  triumphant  country,  with  the  starB  and 
stripes  covering  only  free  men,  and  owning  from  Bos- 
ton to  New  Orleans,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Gulf. 
May  God  grant  that  you  wake  up  in  time  1  (Loud  ap- 
plause.) 

ANOTHER  SPEE0H  BY  GEORGE  THOMPSON 

A  second  lecture  on  the  American  Question  was 
delivered  at  Leigh,  Lancashire,  (England,)  to  a  large 
and  deeply  interested  audience,  by  Georuk  Tiiomi- 
son,  Esq.  It  was  very  able,  lucid,  sensible,  and  elo- 
quent. So  crowded  are  our  columns  this  week,  that 
we  can  find  room  for  only  the  following  extracts : — 

"Let  us  survey  the  theatre  of  that  civil  war  which 
is  now  raging  so  fiercely  on  the  other  side  the  At- 
lantic. It  is  a  war  between  the  States  which  main- 
tain slavery  and  the  States  where  slavery  has  no  ex- 
istence. It  is  a  war  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  It  is  a  war  between  nine  million  on  the  one 
side  and  eighteen  million  on  the  other.  It  is  a  war, 
on  the  one  side,  for  national  existence — for  the  main- 
tenance of  government — for  the  preservation  of  the 
Constitution  devised  and  founded  by  the  fathers  of 
the  Republic — for  the  supremacy  of  law — the  punish- 
ment of  treason,  and  reintegration  of  the  States :  and 
on  the  other,  for  the  establishment  of  an  empire  based 
upon  the  absolute  and  perpetual  degradation  of  one 
race  for  the  benefit  and  exaltation  of  another  race. 
The  South  is  fighting  for  slavery  and  nothing  else. 
The  North  is  fighting  for  the  Union,  the  Constitu- 
tion, the  honor  of  the  national  flag,  the  limitation, 
within  certain  bounds,  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  the 
rccstablishment  of  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, and  its  own  freedom  from  the  domination  of 
the  Slave  Power  which  has  hitherto  ruled  the  entire 
country.  The  North  is  in  the  right,  the  South  is  in 
the  wrong.  In  the  cause  of  the  South  are  united  all 
the  elements  of  cruelty,  despotism  and  irreligion, 
white  in  the  cause  of  the  North  is  bound  up  every- 
thing that  is  precious  to  man  in  connection  with  his 
freedom,  progress,  and  future  welfare.  Looking  upon 
the  war  as  inevitable  and  irrepressible,  looking  to  the 
combatants  engaged  in  it  with  reference  to  their  an- 
tecedents, their  character,  and  their  objects;  looking 
to  the  results  which  would  follow  from  a  victory  by 
the  South,  and  those  which  would  crown  the  success 
of  the  North,  I  must  say,  '  God  speed  the  North  I ' 
And  this  I  must  say  without  being  the  admirer,  the 
friend,  or  the  advocate  of  war.  I  hate  war.  I  hold  it 
to  be  unholy,  and,  to  the  followers  of  Christ,  unlaw- 
ful. I  know  and  deplore  the  passions,  excesses,  cru- 
elties and  crimes  of  war ;  but  if  war  there  must  be, 
d  if  success  on  the  one  side  must  be  followed  by  the 
establishment  of  the  reign  of  slavery,  while  success 
the  other  will  be  the  defeat  of  a  vile  confederacy 
of  despots,  and  the  deliverance  of  a  race  from  bond- 
age, I  cannot  but  desire  that  the  final  issue  may  be 
that  which  will  promote  justice,  and  ensure  the  free- 
dom of  the  oppressed.   (Cheers.)         *        *        * 

"Just  before  I  came  to  this  meeting,  I  glanced  at  the 
contents  of  a  speech  made  by  Lord  Russell  at  New- 
castle the  night  before  last.  His  lordship  expresses 
hi3  belief  that  the  North  will  be  unable  to  bring  the 
South  either  to  surrender  or  to  submit.  In  this  opin- 
ion I  concur.  That  the  North  will,  in  the  end,  what- 
■  may  be  their  temporary  reverses,  prove  the 
stronger  party,  I  have  no  doubt.  Should  the  North 
be  determined  to  prolong  the  war,  the  resources  of  the 
South  may  be  exhausted,  and  their  country  be  over- 
and  occupied  by  the  victorious  troops  of  the 
North  ;  but  I  do  not  believe  that  the  South  will  atany 
stage  of  the  war,  surrender,  or,  when  overcome,  sub- 
mit to  the  authority  of  the  North.  One  event  might 
greatly  change  the  aspect  of  affairs.  That  event 
would  be  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  South. 
(Cheers.)  This  would  necessitate  the  inauguration  of 
a  wholly  new  state  of  things,  and  deprive  the  rebels 
of  the  South  of  that  for  which  they  have  gone  to 
war,  for  which  they  are  now  fighting,  and  for  which 
they  will  contend  to  the  last,  Why,  then,  it  may  be 
asked,  does  not  Mr.  Lincoln  proclaim  emancipation  ? 
It  is,  of  course,  impossible  for  me  to  state  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's reasons  for  not  doing  so,  but  I  may  conjecture 
some  of  those  reasons.  He  may  think  that  such  an 
act  would  altogether  transcend  his  constitutional  pow- 
ers. He  may  think  that  it  would  lose  him  the  support 
he  now  receives  from  the  slave  States  which  are  yet 
in  the  Union,  but  might  be  driven  out  of  it  by  such  a 
measure.  He  may  think  it  would  be  an  act  of  injus- 
tice to  the  Unionists  within  the  seceded  States.  He 
ay  think,  also,  that  he  would  alienate  large  numbers 
of  persons  in  the  North,  who,  while  earnestly  support- 
ing him  in  carrying  out  the  declared  objects  of  the 
war,  would  not  sustain  him  in  a  measure  of  wholesale 
and  univeral  emancipation.  Or,  Mr.  Lincoln  may 
have  serious  doubts  both  as  regards  the  practicability 
and  safety  of  that  measure  which,  doubtless,  many  in 
the  United  States  would  rejoice  to  see  him  adopt. 
It  is  within  my  knowledge,  however,  that  very  many 
of  the  most  sincere  and  uncompromising  Abolitionists 
of  the  United  States  are  of  opinion  that,  though  the 
war  is  not  ostensibly  and  declaredly  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  it  is  as  practically  and  really  an  abolition 
war  as  if  it  had  been  officially  declared  to  be  one ; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  the  war,  in  its  progress,  is 
more  and  more  educating  the  people  of  the  North  into 
the  conviction  that  the  interests  of  the  country,  as  well 
as  the  claims  of  humanity  and  justice,  require  the 
utter  extirpation  of  slavery  from  the  soil  of  their 
country.  Moreover,  they  deem  it  probable  that  the 
exigencies  of  the  war  at  some  future  stage  will  fur- 
nish some  pretext  to  those  who  direct  it  on  the  part 
of  the  North,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  exercise  of  that 
power  which  is  always  vested  in  those  who  have  the 
chief  military  command.  For  myself,  I  do  not  look 
to  official  utterances  so  much  to  learn  the  views  and 
policy  of  the  Government,  as  to  form  a  judgment  re- 
specting the  influence  of  the  popular  sentiment  upon 
the  minds  of  the  Government.  For  eight  and  twenty 
years,  I  have  watched  with  anxiety  the  spread  of 
anti  slavery  opinions  in  the  United  States.  My  ob- 
servation of  the  growth  of  those  opinions  goes  back 
to  the  time  when  John  Quincy  Adams  stood  alone 
upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  as  the  advocate  of  the 
right  of  petition,  and  when  Edward  Everett,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  recommended  to  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  State  the  passage  of  laws  to  prohibit  free- 
dom of  speech  and  publication  on  the  question  of  sla- 
very. When  I  look  at  the  present  state  of  public 
opinion  at  the  North,  I  am  constrained  to  exclaim — 
1  What  hath  God  wrought!'  Yes,  I  know  how  few, 
comparatively,  are  Abolitionists  from  a  genuine  and 
thorough  conviction  of  the  sinfulness  of  slavery,  and 
a  sincere  desire  to  give  the  slave  his  rights  because 
he  is  a  man.  I  know,  too,  how  various  are  the  mo- 
tives which  lead  hosts  of  men  at  the  North,  at  the 
present  moment,  to  denounce  slavery.  I  do  not  won- 
der, therefore,  that  the  Administration  at  Washington, 
held  back  by  constitutional  considerations,  and  better 
informed  than  we  can  be  respecting  the  real  state  of 
public  opinion,  should  pause  ere  by  any  act  of  theirs 
they  proclaim  the  war  one  for  the  extinction  of  sla- 
very. In  the  meantime,  I  rejoice  at  the  change  that 
has  been  effected.  I  rejoice  to  see  the  improved 
tone  of  the  public  journals  of  the  country.  I  re- 
joice, above  all,  in  the  knowledge  that  by  every  blow 
that  is  struck,  some  damage  is  done  to  that  institu- 
tulion  which,  but  a  few  short  months  ago,  seemed  to 
rest  on  immutable  foundations. 

"  Let  it  not  be  forgotten,  that  this  war  on  the  part  of 
the  North  has  been  caused  by  a  wide-spread  and  trea- 
sonable combination  for  the  overthrow  of  a  National 
Government — the  division  of  an  empire — the  prostra- 
tion of  the  most  cherished  institutions  of  a  great 
people,  and  the  building  up  of  a  powerful  State  upon 
principles  more  odious,  impious,  inhuman  and  atheis- 
tic than  were  ever  adopted  at  the  formation  of  any 
previous  government  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The 
objects  sought  to  be  obtained  by  the  South  explain 
the  objects  which  are  sought  by  tho  North.  The  lat- 
ter are  contending  for  national  existence.  With 
them,  '  To  be  or  not  to  be,'  is  the  first  great,  qurs- 
t  ion.  Our  Government,  shall  il.  sluml  or  fall?  Our 
Constitution,  shall  it  be  vindicated,  or  left  to  bo  tram. 


pled  in  the  dust?  Our  common  country,  shall  its  in- 
tegrity be  preserved,  or  shall  its  fairest  and  sunniest 
portions  be  surrendered,  henceforth,  to  support  a  gov- 
ernment based  on  principles  the  reverse  of  their  own, 
and  in  alliance  with  the  enemies  of  human  freedom 
throughout  the  world  1  Thank  God !  the  Unionists 
of  America  can  only  gain  their  ohject  by  the  accom- 
plishment of  ours.  Union  without  slavery,  or  entire 
and  perpetual  separation,  are  the  only  alternatives. 
Once  I  feared  a  compromise ;  now,  I  believe  the  day 
of  compromise  is  past.  The  ferocity,  infatuation  and 
madness  of  the  South  forbid  it.  The  spirit,  determi- 
nation and  awakened  conscience  of  the  North  forbid 
it.  The  circumstances  and  necessities  of  the  war 
forbid  it,  and  the  future  peace  and  welfare  of  the 
country  forbid  it. 

"  I  should  like  to  say  a  few  words  respectingthe  real 
strength  and  numbers  of  that  party  at  the  South  with 
which  the  North  is  at  this  moment  contending.  The 
South  has  always  been  ruled  by  a  few  thousands  of 
wealthy  slaveholders.  Their  slaves,  which  were 
themselves  wealth,  and  the  capital  of  the  country, 
were  the  producers  of  that  which  brought  to  their 
owners  additional  riches,  and  enabled  them  to  live  in 
luxury  and  idleness,  devoting  themselves  to  pleasure, 
politics  and  war — war  being  the  means  of  extending 
their  slave  territory.  After  their  slaves  who  tilled 
the  soil,  overseers,  merchants,  brokers  and  agents  did 
the  rest.  Education  in  the  South  has  always  been 
confined  to  the  children  of  the  wealthy.  The  rest  of 
the  Southern  white  population  is  poor,  ignorant,  vi- 
cious and  degraded.  The  slavocracy  of  the  South 
have  been  the  gentry,  landholders,  knowledge-hold- 
ers, office-holders,  and  rulers  of  the  country.  I  have 
explained  by  what  means  they  acquired;  and,  until 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  retained,  the  control  of 
the  affairs  of  the  entire  country,  and  secured  all  their 
sectional  and  selfish  objects  through  their  predominant 
influence,  and  always  at  the  cost  of  the  resources  and 
reputation  of  the  North.  A  portion  of  these  men 
have  succeeded  in  calling  into  existence  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  They  have  staked  every  thing  upon 
the  issue  of  the  conflict.  I  believe  that,  were  it  pos- 
sible to  arrive  at  a  knowledge  of  the  real  sentiments 
of  all  the  people  at  the  South,  it  would  be  found  that 
the  majority  desire  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  even 
though  its  restoration  should  involve  the  overthrow  of 
ilavery.  Unhappily,  however,  the  secessionist  war 
party  is  the  controlling  party,  and  are  able  to  suppress 
the  true  opinions  of  the  rest  of  the  people.  The  time 
will  come,  nevertheless,  when  the  millions  of  poor 
whites,  when  the  helpless  women,  when  the  free  col- 
ored people,  and  when  the  slaves  themselves,  will  be 
able  to  speak  out.  There  is  a  body  of  men  in  the 
free  States  who  have  yet  to  be  called  into  action.  I 
refer  to  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  colored  pop- 
ulation, multitudes  of  whom  are  fugitives  from  sla- 
very. If  the  war  should  continue,  they  have  an  im- 
portant part  to  play  in  this  crisis,  and  will  not  be  found 
wanting.  Nay,  they  are  even  now  ready  and  eager 
to  assist  in  demolishing  that  system  of  oppression  of 
which  they  have  been  the  victims,  and  under  which 
many  of  their  dearest  friends  still  groan.  Recogniz- 
ing the  war  in  America  as  a  fact,  and  having  carefully 
.tudied  the  history  of  its  causes,  and  its  probable  re- 
sults, I  must  declare  my  conviction  that  it  is  likely  to 
eventuate  in  the  overthrow,  at  no  distant  day,  of  that 
nstitution  which  for  more  than  seventy  years  has  been 
the  disgrace  of  the  American  republic.  More,  I  do 
not  deem  it  necessary  to  say.  The  white  race  will 
take  care  of  themselves.  Respecting  the  future  wel- 
fare, prosperity  and  greatness  of  the  North,  I  have  no 
fears.  My  sympathies  are  with  the  enslaved,  and  my 
humble  prayer  is,  that  when  the  smoke  of  battle  shall 
have  passed  away,  when  the  sword  of  civil  war  shall 
have  returned  to  its  scabbard,  and  the  heavens  are 
once  more  clear,  we  may  behold  upon  the  continent  of 
America  four  million  of  emancipated  slaves,  and  a 
government  whose  Constitution  shall  prohibit  all  fu- 
ture traffic  in  the  bodies  and  the  souis  of  men." 


H0TI0E  TO  DELIHQUEHT  SUB80EIBEES. 

Though  by  the  terms  of  the  Liberator,  payment  for 
the  paper  Bhould  be  made  in  advance,  yet  it  has  not 
only  not  been  insisted  upon,  but  an  indulgence  of  thir- 
teen months  lias  hitherto  been  granted  delinquent 
subscribers,  before  proceeding  (always,  of  course,  with 
great  reluctance)  to  erase  their  names  from  the  sub- 
scription list,  in  accordance  with  the  standing  hulk 
laid  down  by  the  Financial  Committee.  But,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  generally  depressed  state  of  business, 
this  indulgence  will  be  extended  from  January  1,18(51, 
to  April  1,  18(32,  in  cases  of  necessity.  We  trust  no 
advantage  will  be  taken  of  this  extension  on  the  part 
of  those  who  have  usually  been  prompt  in  complying 
with  our  terms — payment  in  advance. 

ROBERT  F.   WALLCUT,   General  Agent. 


FORM  OF  PETITION  TO   OOrJGRESS. 

CIRCULAR. 
The  undersigned,  having  prepared  with  care,  and 
after  mature  deliberation,  the  accompanying  petition 
on  the  subject  of  "Emancipation,"  recommend  it  to 
the  public  for  general  adoption  and  circulation.  Copies 
may  be  obtained  from  either  of  the  subscribers. 
NewYork,  December,  1861. 

W.  C.  Bryant,  Wm.   Curttss  Noyes, 

II.  A.  Ilartt,  M.  D.    J.    W.  Edmonds, 
.Tames  McKaye,  Oliver  Johnson, 

Wm.    Goodetl,  J.  E.  Ambrose, 

Sam'l  R.  Davis,  Edward  Gilbert, 

Nathan  Brown,  Mansfield.    French, 

Edgar  Ketcham,  Andrew   W.  Morgan, 

Andrew  Bowdoin,        James  Wiggins, 
John  T.  Wilson,         Geo.  B.  Cheever,  D.D., 
S.  S.  Jocelyn,  J.  R.    W.  Shane, 

Theodore  Tilton,         Dexter  Fairbanks, 
James  Freeland,  Samuel  Wilde, 

Charles  Gould,  Alexander   Wilder, 

Wm.  C.  Russell. 

PETITION. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  to  Congress  : 

The  people  of  the  United  States  represent :  That 
they  recognize  as  lying  at  the  very  foundation  of  our 
government,  on  which  has  been  erected  the  fabric  of 
our  free  institutions,  the  solemn  and  undying  truth, 
that  by  nature  all  men  are  endowed  with  an  unaliena- 
ble right  to  liberty. 

That  so  far  as  this  great  truth  has  been  in  any 
respect  departed  from  by  any  of  our  people,  or  by 
any  course  of  events,  the  toleration  of  such  depar- 
ture has  been  caused  by  an  overshadowing  attach- 
ment to  the  Union,  and  by  conscientious  fidelity  to 
those  with  whom  we  had  voluntarily  united  in  form- 
ing a  great  example  of  free  government. 

That  such  departure — whether  willing  or  unwilling, 
whether  excusable  or  censurable — has  nevertheless 
given  birth  to  a  mighty  power  in  our  midst — a  power 
which  has  consigned  four  millions  of  our  people  to 
slavery,  and  arrayed  six  millions  in  rebellion  against 
the  very  existence  of  our  government;  which  for 
three-quarters  of  a  century  has  disturbed  the  peace 
and  harmony  of  the  nation,  and  which  has  now  armed 
nearly  half  a  million  of  people  against  that  Union 
which  has  been  hitherto  so  dear  to  the  lovers  of  free- 
dom throughout  the  world. 

That  by  the  very  act  of  the  Slave  Power  itself,  we 
have,  all  of  us,  been  released  from  every  obligation 
to  tolerate  any  longer  its  existence  among  us. 

That  we  are  admonished — and  day  by  day  the  con- 
viction is  gathering  strength  among  us — that  no  har- 
mony can  be  restored  to  the  nation,  no  peace  brought 
back  to  the  people,  no  perpetuily  secured  to  our  Union, 
no  permanency  established  for  our  government,  no 
hope  elicited  for  the  continuance  of  freedom,  until  sla- 
very shall  be  wiped  out  of  the  land  utterly  and  forever. 

Therefore,  we  who  now  address  you,  as  co-heirs 
with  you  in  the  great  inheritance  of  freedom,  and  as 
free  men  of  America,  most  earnestly  urge  upon  the 
President  and  upon  Congress — 

That,  amid  the  varied  events  which  are  constantly 
occurring,  and  which  will  more  and  more  occur  during 
the  momentous  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged, 
such  measures  may  be  adopted  as  will  ensure  emanci- 
pation to  all  the  people  throughout  the  whole  land,  and 
thus  complete  the  work  which  the  Revolution  began. 


Special  Notick.  Contributions  of  articles  I'm-  the 
re  fresh  meat- table,  at  the  Twenty-Eighth  Anti-Slavery 
Subscription  Anniversary,  should  be  sent  to  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Office,  221  Washington  street,  until  2  o'clock, 
P.  M.,  of  Wednesday,  the  22d ;  from  that  hour  to  6, 
P.  M.,  directly  to  the  Music  Hall. 


IJfj^"*  There  is  one  clnsa  of  men,  says  the  Now  York 
Tribune,  who  arc  now  getting  their  deserts;  tho  Yan- 
kees who  have  married  Southern  plantations,  or  other- 
wise taken  up  their  residence  ami  cast  in  their  lot  with 
(he  slave drivers.  Contempt  and  ruin  are  their  meri- 
ted portion, 


THE    PATH    OF    SAFETY, 

The  time  seems  rapidly  coming  for  decision  of  the 
great  question  whether  this  nation  is  to  be  saved  or 
dashed  in  pieces.     Saved  it  can  be  only  by  repentance 

id  reform.  Whether  or  not  McClellan  shall  gain 
that  promised  group  of  decisive  victories  for  which 
we  have  been  so  long  waiting,  unless  slavery  is  ut- 
terly overthrown,  and  the  rights  of  man  constitution- 
ally established  in  its  place,  there  is  no  peace,  quiet- 
ness or  prosperity  in  store  for  this  country.  It  is 
preposterous  and  utterly  impossible  to  suppose  that 
either  side  will  consent  to  such  quietude.  While  a 
slaveholding  power  remains,  it  must  seek  to  extend 
and  fortify  its  tyranny.  While  a  single  friend  of  jus- 
tice and  freedom  remains,  he  must  exert  himself  in  de- 
fence of  justice  and  freedom,  in  opposition  to  the  in- 
cessant invasions  of  a  system  of  tyranny  bo  thorough 
and  so  shameless.  Until  slavery  is  exterminated,  our 
battle  remains  to  be  fought.  Until  the  existing  war 
is  turned  against  slavery,  no  decisive  progress  is  made 
towards  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  or  the  reestab- 
Hshment  of  law  and  order.  Until  the  Government 
shall  begin  a  systematic  assault  upon  that  which  is  at 
once  the  weak  point  of  the  enemy  and  the  cause  and 
object  of  their  hostile  movements,  every  day  is  so 
much  lost  time,  every  appropriation  is  treasure  wast- 
ed, every  life  lost  is  lost  by  the  fault  of  the  Adminis- 
tration,.and  every  battle  is  a  series  of  murders.  And 
if  this  fatal  neglect  of  duty  is  continued  until  the  fail- 
ure of  the  North  to  succeed  causes  the  recognition  and 
aid  of  the  South  by  European  nations,  the  whole  situ- 
ation will  become  still  more  complicated,  and  still  more 
perilous. 

If  the  Captain  is  deaf  or  heedless  in  time  of  extreme 
danger,  the  crew  should  repeat  and  emphasize  their 
demand  upon  him  to  save  the  ship.  It  seems  plain 
that  Seward  and  Lincoln  will  go  in  the  right  direction 
only  as  they  are  driven.  Let  urgent  calls  be  made 
upon  Congress,  therefore,  by  men  and  women  in  all 
parts  of  the  country,  to  do  that  one  thing  which  alone 
can  save  us — Emancipate  every  slave.  Let  such  safe- 
guards be  added  to  the  measure  as  Congress  may 
deem  necessary  ;  but  let  this  one  thing  be  done  with- 
out delay.     It  is  our  one  thing  needful.— c.  k.  w. 


ftj^*  The  crowd  of  matters  pressing  upon  our  col- 
umns for  months  past  must  be  our  excuse  for  not  hav- 
ing earlier  noticed  the  excellent  sermon  of  Rev.  S.  J. 
May,  preached  at  Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  last  Thanksgiving 
day.  This  notice  must  not  be  longer  postponed  by 
waiting  till  we  have  room  for  extended  comments. 
His  thanksgiving  is  uttered  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  progress  of  slavery  has  been  arrested,  and  that 
we  have  not  been  suffered  to  continue  the  quiet  tole- 
rance of  so  great  an  iniquity.  The  lesson  which  he 
enforces'  is,  that  we  should  use  this  occasion  to  destroy 
slavery  altogether.     Let  all  the  people  say,  Amen  ! 


jjg^*  The  Post  and  Courier  here,  and  the  Journal  of 
Commerce  in  New  York,  agree  in  frequently  repeating 
the  sentiment,  that  the  overthrow  of  slavery  would  be 
as  ruinous  to  the  country  as  the  triumph  of  the  South- 
ern rebels.  Not  now,  any  more  than  in  the  time  of 
Jesus,  do  we  find  grapes  on  thorns,  or  figs  on  thistles. 


A  Woistht  Appeal.  A  colored  man  named  Levi 
Ward  has  called  upon  us,  whose  simple  story,  which 
seems  to  be  well  sustained  by  vouchers,  illustrates 
what  a  colored  man  can  do  under  the  greatest  difficul- 
ties. He  with  his  family  were  slaves  in  Somerset 
county,  Maryland.  By  extra  labor,  economy  and  per- 
severance, continuing  over  a  period  of  sixteen  years, 
he  bought  his  freedom  for  §1300.  He  then  went  to 
work  to  secure  the  freedom  of  his  wife  and  two  chil- 
dren, for  whom  he  was  to  pay  §1400.  By  his  own  la- 
bor, and  by  the  contributions  of  the  benevolent,  he  has 
already  secured  all  but  §310 — his  wife  and  one  child 
being  now  free.  He  is  now  in  this  city  endeavoring  to 
secure  the  balance,  in  which  we  hope  he  will  succeed. 

Ward  has  worked  for  the  Hon.  William  EL  Seward 
among  others  since  his  freedom,  who  gave  him  the 
following  letter: — 

"  I  am  satisfied  that  Mr.  Levi  Ward's  statements  are 
true,  and  that  he  is  worthy  of  confidence  and  sympa- 
thy in  his  efforts  to  buy  the  freedom  of  his  two  chil- 
dren. William  H.  Seward. 

Auburn,  Aug.  29,  1860." 

The  above  letter,  the  original  of  which  we  have 
seen,  is  endorsed  by  Gov.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Ward  also  has  letters  from  other  distinguished  gentle- 
men, including  some  who  have  employed  him.  He  is 
a  fine  specimen  of  what  is  called  down  South  "  a  smart 
negro,"  able  to  turn  his  hand  to  anything,  from  mak- 
ing a  garden  to  navigating  a  vessel.  He  professes  to 
be  familiar  with  all  the  bays  and  creeks  in  Chesapeake 
Bay,  having  sailed  over  those  waters  for  several  years. 
Those  upon  whom  he  calls  cannot  fail  to  be  interested 
in  his  simple  history. 


Rev.  Dr.  Cheever  in  Washington.  Rev.  Dr. 
Cheever's  address  last  night  was  listened  to  and  vo- 
ciferously applauded  by  an  immense  audience.  His 
subject  was  the  Justice  and  Necessity  of  Immediate  Mili- 
tary Emancipation,  and  I  do  not  think  such  severe  and 
biting  sarcasm  upon  the  management  of  the  war  has 
been  uttered  here  or  elsewhere  since  it  began.  He 
insisted,  with  his  peculiar  and  effective  energy,  that 
slavery  was  annihilated  by  the  act  of  rebellion";  that 
the  Government  could  only  crush  the  insurrection  by 
conquering  the  Rebel  States,  and  reducing  them  to 
Territories ;  that  our  armies  were  acting  only  as  a  po- 
lice force,  to  guard  the  ghost  of  an  institution  which 
had  now  no  existence  under  our  Government;  that 
the  loyal  slave  States,  by  their  negative  position, 
were  delaying  the  progress  of  our  arms  more  as  friends 
than  they  could  as  open  enemies;  that  we  should  arm 
the  slaves,  and  sweep  from  the  hands  of  rebellion  all 
that  could  aid  it,  and  proclaim,  if  not  by  the  President, 
then  by  Act  of  Congress,  the  freedom  of  every  indi- 
vidual in  the  land  who  yields  allegiance  to  the  country. 
The  address  will  be  published,  and  excite  a  very  gen- 
eral sensation,  especially  because  it  was  delivered 
within  sound  of  the  Capitol  and  of  the  White  House, 
and  was  received  with  such  evident  approbation  by 
the  great  audience  who  heard  it. —  Washington  corre- 
spondent of  the  Boston  Traveller,  Jan.  Ib7/i. 


Another  Eight  in  Kentucky. — Prestonburg,  Ku., 
January  lltk.  Capt.  J.  B.  F«v,  A.  A.  G. ;— I  left 
Pointaville  on  Thursday  noon  with  1100  men,  and 
drove  in  the  enemies  pickets  two  miles  below  Preston- 
burg. The  men  slept  on  their  arms.  At  4  o'clock 
yesterday  morning  we  moved  towards  the  main  body 
of  the  enemy  at  the  forks  of  Middle  Creek,  under 
command  of  Humphrey  Marshall.  The  skirmishing 
with  his  outposts  began  at  8  o'clock,  and  at  1  o'clock, 
P.  M,,  wc  engaged  his  force  of  2500  with  three  cannon 
posted  on  tho  hill.  We  fought  them  until  dark,  hav- 
ing been  reinforced  by  about  700  men  from  Pointaville, 
and  drove  the  enemy  from  all  his  positions,  lie  cur- 
ried oil' the  majority  of  his  dead,  and  all  his  wounded. 
This  morning  we  found  27  of  his  dead  on  the  field. 
His  killed  cannot  be  less  than  ISO.  We  have  taken  'S< 
prisoners,  10  horses,  and  a  quantity  of  stores.  The 
enemy  burnt  most  of  his  stores,  and  tied  precipitately 
in  the  night.  To-day  1  have  crossed  (he  river,  and 
am  now  occupying  Prestonburg.  Our  loss  is  two 
killed,  and  twenty-live  wounded. 

(Signed,)  J.  A.  Garfield, 

Col.  Commanding  Brigade. 


EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE. 
That  the  people  may  have  an   opportunity    to  examine 
tho  reasons  presented  in  this  criwht  of  our  country's  affairs 
for  emancipating  the  slaves, 

A  COURSE  OF  SIX  LECTURES 
will  be  delivered,  under  the  auspiceflof  the  Emancipation 
League,  in 

TREMONT  TEMPLE, 
as  follows  : 
Tuesday,  Jim.  21,  by  ORESTES  A.  BROWKSON. 

Subject—"  .Abolition  of  Slavery." 
Wednesday,  Jan.  29,  by  M.  D.  CON  WAY,  a  native  of  Vir- 
gin",. 

Subject — "  Liberty,  challenged  by  Slavery,  ha*  the  right 
to  choose  tiie  weapon.    Liberty's  true  weapon  is  Free- 
dom.'' 
Wednesday,  Feb.  5th,  by  FREDERIC  DOUGLASS. 

Subject— "The    Black    Man's  Future    in    the  Southern 
States." 
Wednesday,  Feb.  12th,  (to  be  announced.) 
Wednesday,  Feb.  19tb,  (to  be  announced.) 

Organist        -        -        JOHN  S.   WRIGHT. 
Tickets,  admitting  a  gentleman  and  lady  to  the   course, 
$1,  for  sale  by  James  M.  Stone,  22  Bromfield  street,  and  by 
J.  H.  Stephenson,  53  Federal  street,  and  at  Tremont  Tem- 
ple. 

Door3  open  at  G  1-2  o'clock,  and  the  Lectures  will  coin- 
mence  at  7  1-2  o'clock. 


IW  OLD  COLONY  A.  S.  SOCIETY— The  next  quar- 
terly meeting  of  this  Society  will  be  held  in  Abington  Town 
Hall,  on  Sunday,  19th  inst.,  at  10  o'elock,  A.  BE 

Parker  I'illsbury,  Charles  L.  Reinond  and  others  will  bo 
in  attendance. 

"  Rule,  or  Ruin  "  has  been  long  the  Southern  cry.-  Give 
us  Sli-very,  or  give  us  Death,  is  its  last  variation  !  How 
shall  it  be  met  by  the  North  ?  is  the  mostjfearful  question 
ever  submitted  to  this  generation.  How  shall  it  be  met  by 
the  Abolitionistsof  the  Old  Colony  ?  Let  a  mass  meeting  of 
them  at  Abington  be  prepared  to  answer  ! 

BOURNE  SPOONER,  President. 

Samuel  Dyeh,  Sec'y. 


H^-  AARON  M.  POWELL,  Agent  of  the  American 
A.  S.  Society,  will  speak  at  the  following  places  in  the  State 
of  NewYork  :— 


Feb.       1. 


NEW   YORK  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTIQ. 
JEgp"  The  Sixth  Annual  Anti-Slavery  Convention  fort: 
State  of  New  York  will  be  held  in  ALBANY,  at  Associ- 
ation Hai.l,   on   FRIDAY  and  SATURDAY,  February 
7th  and  8th,  commencing  at  10  1-2  o'clock,  A.  M.     Three 
sessions  will  be  held  each  day.     [Particulars  next  week.] 


Dover  Plains, 

Tuesday, 

Washington, 

Thursday, 

Verbank, 

Friday, 

Washington  Hollow, 

Sunday, 

Clinton  Hollow, 

Tuesday, 

Salt  Point, 

Thursday, 

Pleasant  Valley, 

Saturday, 

Pkpartiirk  of  the  Rurnsidk  ExpisnmoN.    The 
Burnsido  expedition  sailed  from  Fortress  Monroe  on 

Saturday  and  Sunday  last.  It  is  supposed  that  the 
destination  of  the  expedition  is  Pamlico  and  Albemarle 
Sounds.  A  few  days  will  remove  all  doubl  in  the 
matter.     There  are  five  Mnssachusctls  regiments  in 

the  expedition. 


S*~  CHARLES  LENOX  REMOND  will  speak  at  the 
Twelfth  Baptist  Church  in  Southac  Street,  (Rev.  Mr. 
Grimes's,)  on  Monday  evening,  Jan.  20.  Subject:  The 
Pcople  of  Cobr— Their  Relation  to  the  Country,  and  their 
Duties  in  the  present  Crisis. 


^~  A.  T.  F03S,  an  Agent  of  the  American  Anti-Slave- 
ry Society,  will  speak  on  "The  War,"  in 

Johnstown,  N.  Y.,  Sunday,    Jan.  19. 


HP"  E.   H.  HEYWOOD   will  speak   in  the  Unitarian 
Church  at  Ncponset,  Sunday  evening,  Jan.  19. 


DIED  —  In  Pembroke,  Mass.,  Dec  28,  of  typhoid  fever, 
Moses  Bbown, youngest  son  of  Samuel  and  Maria  Brown, 
aged   2G  years. 

Seldom  doth  tho  dark  messenger  fold  h\s  wings  over  one 
of  greater  promise,  one  more  universally  beloved  and  la- 
mented. Gifted  by  nature  with  a  mind  of  no  ordinary  ca- 
pacity, well-cultivated  by  a  liberal  education,  (being  a 
graduate  of  Dartmouth  College,)  and  frequent  social  inter- 
course, with  a  remarkably  high-toned  and  conscientious 
principle,  and  a  kind  heart  going  out  in  sympathy  to 
the  down-trodden  and  oppressed,  these  noble,  traits  served 
to  render  him?  an.  object  of  peculiar  int-— est,  a  star  of  un- 
common brightness.  Alas!  it  has  gone  down  ere  it  had 
reached  its  meridian  height,  and  fond  bearts  are  left  to 
mourn  his  absence,  though  they  would  nc 
for,  through  faith  in  his  Redeemer,  "death  lost  its  sting, 
and  the  grave  its  victory,"  and  another  soul  is  safely  an- 
chored in  the  haven  of  eternal  rest — another  redeemed 
ono  gathered  early  to  our  heavenly  Father's  fold.      e. 

[Most  deeply  do  we  sympathize  with  the  aged  parents, 
devoted  brothers  and  sisters  in  their  afflictive  bereavement 
in  the  death  of  the  promising  young  man  whose  symme- 
try of  character  is  so  truly  though  briefly  portrayed 
above.  He  had  been  a  reader  of  the  Liberator  from  earli- 
est youth,  which  he  highly  approciated,  and  jjbieii,  we 
trust,  was  no  small  instrumentality  in  makiqg  nfm  what  he 
was — one  to  be  esteemed  and  loveaTor his  virtues,  and  ad- 
mired for  his  talents.]— y. 

In  Rockport,  Jan.  i,  Lilue,  second  daughter  of  L.  B, 
and  Eveline  Pratt,  aged  7  years. 

"  Farewell  !  if  ever  fondest  prayer 

For  others'  weal  availed  on  high, 
Mine  will  not  all  be  lost  in  air, 

But  waft  thy  name  beyond  the  sky. 
'T  were  vain  to  speak,  to  weep,  to  sigh  : 

Oh  !  more  thau  tears  of  blood  can  tell, 
When  wrung  from  guilt's  expiring  eye, 
Is  in  that  word — Farewell !  Farewell  !  " 

Death  of  Rev.  J.  W.  Lewis,  Hatti.  By  a  letter  in. 
tho  Pine  and  Palm,  we  learn  of  the  death  of  Rev.  John  W. 
Lewis,  at  Hayti,  on  the  29th  of  August.  He  went  to  Hay- 
ti,  it  tuny  be  remembered,  at  tho  head  of  a  company,  soma 
of  whom  seemed  to  be  earnest  Christians,  and  who,  having 
been  members  of  different  churches  in  this  country,  united 
themselves  together,  in  church  relations,  just  before  start- 
ing for  Hayti.  Mr.  Lewis  was  to  be  their  pastor,  and,  it 
was  expected,  would  perform  other  missionary  labor  there. 
Ho  was  much  respected  in  Hayti,  and  his  death  is  sin- 
cerely regretted  by  the  government  and  people. 


IMPROVEMENT  IN 
Champooing   and  Hair  Dyeing, 


v\ 


'  WITHOUT     SMUTTING." 


MADAME    CAETEAUX    BANNISTER 

TOULD  inform  the  public  that  she  has  removed  from 
L      223  Washington  Sireet,  to 

No.  31   "WINTER    STREET, 
where  sho  will  attend  to  nil  diseases  of  the  Hair. 

She  is  sure  to  cure  iu  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  as  she  has 
for  many  years  made  the  hair  her  study,  and  is  sure  there 
are  none  to  excel  her  in  producing  a  new  growth  of  hair. 

Her  Restorative  differs  from  that  of  any  ono  else,  being 
mndo  from  the  roots  and  horbs  of  the  forest. 

Sho  Champoos  with  a  bark  which  does  not  prow  in  this 
country,  and  which  is  highly  beneficial  to  the  hair  before 
using  tho  Restorative,  and  will  prevent  the  hair  from 
barbing  grey. 

Sli«  nlso  has  another  for  restoring  grey  hair  to  its  natu- 
ral color  in  nearly  all  eases.  She  is  not  afraid  ,to  ^ufttk  jjf 
her  Restoratives  in  any  part  of  the  world,  as  they  are  u-*ed 
In  every  olty  in  tho  country.  They  are  also  packed  for  hot 
customers  to  take  to  Europe  with  them,  enough  to  last  two 
Or  throe  years,  as  they  often  say  they  oan  got  nothing 
abroad  like  them. 

MADAME    CARTEAtJX  BANNISTER, 
Ho.  31  Winter  Street,  Boston. 


The  Life  and  Letters  of 

CAPTAIl  JOHN  BROWN, 

"ITrilO  was  Executed  :it  Charleston,,  Virginia,   Peoeui- 
y\     ber  2,    1869,  for    nu    Armed  Attook  noon  Amoriean 
Slavery  :  with  Notices  of  some  of  his  Confederates.     BdiM 
by  RICHARD  D.  Wbbb.— This  very  valuable  ami  intonating 
work,  which  has  mot  with  a  most  favorablo  recoptiou  nud 
ready  sale  in  England,  has  been  oarelully  prepare 
of  tho  moat  intelligent  mid  experienced  friends  .  : 
in  the  old    world.     For  sale   at  the  Anti -Slavery  Ottne  in 
Boston,  --!  Washington  street,  Room  No.  6,     A 
York,  :U  No.  6  Bookman  street,  j   and  in  Philadelphia    at 
No.  Kb)  North  Tenth  sireet. 


PRIVATE    TUITION. 

IT  having  been  deemed  advisable  to  raenend,  temporari. 
ly,  the  llo|H(t:i]e  Home  Sehool  at  the  expivntion  of  the 

preeeat  term,  aaanwtoeinanl  is  hereby  made,  iimt  Mrs 

A.  I>    11  m  H.ioi.,  oil>  of    the  Principal!",  will  bo   pleased  ro 
receive  *  few  Swung  Ladles  Into  ber  family  (br  EBatrae- 

:.ion  in  the   fcirjliitti,   fi  ..„,/    J\„nt. 

'y.y,  and  Mn.\i,:      Ihe  lei  in  *  inunwueoa   9/l 

iim.  !,  LStiJ,  and  oontinu<  ■   H 

For  purtionliir.--,  pioMti  il 

B   ii  n  rTOOD 
UonodaJe,  Hllford,  >  [0,  [881 


1Q 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


JANTJAEY  17. 


0  C  t  «  J| 


"ON  TO  FREEDOM!" 

There  lias  been  a  cry,   "  On  to   Richmond  !  "  and  still 
mother  cry,  "  On  to  England  !  "    Better  than  either  is  tho 
iry,  "  On  to  Froedom!" — Charles  Sioinkk. 
On  to  Freedom  !    On  to  Freedom  ! 

'Tis  tho  everlasting  cry 
Of  tho  floods  that  strivo  with  Ocean, 
Of  the  storms  that  smite  the  sky; 
Of  the  atoms  in  the  whirlwind, 

Of  the  seed  beneath  the  ground, 
Of  each  living  thing  in  Nature 

That  is  bound  ! 
'T  was  the  cry  that  led  from  Egypt, 

Through  the  desert  wilds  of  Eilom  : 
Out  of  Darkness— Out  of  Bondage— 
"  On  to  Freedom  !    On  to  Freedom  ! " 

0  !  thou  stony-hearted  Pharaoh, 

Vainly  warrest  thou  with  God  ! 
Moveless,  at  the  palace  portals, 

Moses  waits,  with  lifted  rod  ! 
0  !  thou  poor  barbarian,  Xerxes, 

Vainly  o'er  tho  Pontic  main 
Flingest  thou,  to  curb  its  utterance, 

Scourge  or  chain  ! 
For  the  cry  that  led  from  Egypt, 

Over  desert  wilds  of  Edoni, 
Speaks  alike  through  Greek  and  Hebrew  : 

"  On  to  Freedom  !     On  to  Freedom  !  " 
In  the  Roman  streets,  from  Gracchus, 

Hark  !    I  hear  that  cry  outswell  ; 
In  tho  German  woods,  from  Herrmann, 

And  on  SwiUer  hills,  from  Tell  ! 
Up  from  Spartacus,  the  bondman. 

When  his  tyrants'  yoke  he  clave  ; 
And  from  stalwart  Wat  the  Tyler, 

Saxon  slave  ! 
Still  the  old,  old  cry  of  Egypt, 

Struggling  out  from  wilds  of  Edoni, 
Bounding  down  through  all  the  ages  : 

"  On  to  Freedom  !     On  to  Freedom  ! " 

God's  own  mandate  :  "  On  to  Freedom  !  " 

Gospel-cry  of  laboring  Time  ! 
Uttering  still,  through  seers  and  heroes, 

Words  of  Hope  and  Faith  sublime  ! 
From  our  Sydneys,  and  our  Harapdons, 

And  our  Washington,  they  come  ; 
And  we  cannot,  and  we  dare  not, 

Make  them  dumb  t 
Out  of  all  the  shames  of  Egypt, 

Out  of  Darkness— out  of  Bondage — 
L      "  On  to  Freedom  !    On  to  Freedom  !  " 

A.  J.  H.  Dugaxnb. 
New  York,  Dee.  25,  1861. 


RESPONSE. 

Inscribed  to  the  National  Hymn  Committee. 

BY   St.    NORTON. 

A  voice  from  the  people  comes  sounding  along, 
"  Give  us,  oh  give  us,  a  National  Song  ! 
Words  that  shall  thrill  through  the  hearts  of  met 
Music  to  breathe  them  o'er  hill-top  and  glen  ;— 
Spirit  of  Poesy,  speed  it  along — 
Give  us,  oh  give  us,  a  National  Song  !  " 
What  say  the  poets  throughout  the  land  ? 
List,  the  response  to  the  People's  demand  ; 
"  Never — for  ever — for  ever — never," 
Answers  the  Muse  for  every  endeavor. 
"  Never  for  over  while  Slavery  reigns, 
Never  till  broken  for  ever  its  chains, 
Never  till  righted  this  terrible  wrong, 
Call  on  tho  Muse  for  a  National  Song. 
"Crush  out  Rebellion — crush  out  its  cause, 
Give  to  the  white  and  black  similar  laws, 
Give  to  tho  bondman  a  right  to  his  life. 
Give  to  the  husband  a  right  to  his  wife  : 
Wait  for  tho  triumph  of  freedom — and  then 
ill  for  a  National  Anthem  again. 

;t>e  dashing  of  ocean's  shere, 

.;:  lakes  and  the  cataract's  roar, 
Ana      •  .     —.^prairies  and  mountains  grand, 

i  the  orange  groves  of  a  Southern  land, 
And  through  tho  old  forest,  dark  and  dim, 
Shall  3weep  a  worthy  National  Hymn  ; 
And  the  song  of  the  angels  be  heard  again —    • 
'  Peace  on  earth,  and  good  will  to  men.' " 


SLAVERY    OR    DEATH. 

Fools  who  have  from  Union  fled — 
Fools  whom  pride  has  oft  misled — 
Welcome  to  your  new-made  bed, 
"^"—-v        Made  for  Slavery. 

How's  the  «3-J,  and  now's  the  hour — 
See  tho  walls  of  Pickens  lower  ;    _ 
Stay  the  spread  of  Freedom's  power  ; 

'Stnblish  Slavery. 
Ye  who  love  the  traitor  knaves, 
Ye  who  sell  your  souls  for  slaves, 
Ye  who  spurn  the  patriots'  graves, 

Fight  for  Slavery  ! 
Who  for  human  ri{;ht3  and  law 
Freedom's  sword  shall  dare  to  draw, 
Dare  for  Freedom  stand  or  fa', 

Make  him  turn  and  flee. 
By  oppression's  woes  and  pains, 
By  your  sons  in  servile  chains, 
By  the  blood  that  fires  your  veins, 

Let  them  not  be  free. 
By  your  altars  and  your  fires, 
By  the  strength  of  your  desires, 
Heed  not  tho  graves  of  your  sires  ; 

Die  for  Slavery. 
Lay  the  bold  reformer  low  ; 
Freedom  falls  with  every  foe  ; 
Slavery 's  in  every  blow, 

Liberty  must  die. 

From  the    Boston  Pilot, 

OLD  "WINTER. 

A  snow-plume  of  white  on  the  wings  of  the  breeze, 
A  diamond  mail  on  the  bare  coated  trees, 
A  whir  of  dead  leaves  as  the  wind  whistles  by, 
A  fresh  gleam  of  light  to  the  blue  of  the  sky — 
Pile  up  the  good  fire,  boys— ring  cheer  upon  cheer, 
For  jolly  old  Winter  is  King  of  tho  year  ! 
Then  cheer,  let  us  cheer,  boys— each  blast  that  floats  by 
Is  strength  to  the  life-blood,  and  light  to  the  eye  ; 
Before  we  bad  travelled  life's  pathway  as  now, 
When  the  sunshine  of  childhood  was  bright  on  each  brow; 
The  Queen  of  the  Springtime  might  do  for  us  then, 
But  jolly  old  Winter  's  tho  monarch  for  men  ! 
~ Hurfuh,"boy"s,  hurrah  !    There's  a  life  in  his  breath, 
That  would  shako  its  grim  spear  from  the  whito  hand  of 

Death  ; 
The  kiss  of  his  lips  bids  tho  brave  heart  rejoice, 
And  the  pulse  rushes  free  at  tho  sound  of  his  voice; — 
See  !  over  the  grey  hills  the  Autumn  has  flown, 
And  Winter,  King  Winter,  has  mounted  his  throne  ! 

No  longer  the  Summer  will  woo  us  to  rest, 

With  the  birds  in  her  hand,  and  the  buds  on  her  breast,— 

Tho  wind  of  tho  North  rushes  down  to  the  strife, 

And  our  spirits  awake  to  tho  contest  of  life  : 

Old  Time  has  full  many  a  chief  at  his  call, 

But  jolly  old  Winter  is  King  of  them  all  ! 

Then  cheer  once  again,  boys — and  send,  as  it  rings, 
One   prayer  to  the  throne  of  Hie  great  King  of  kings, 
That  so  we  may  live,  as  the  seasons  roll  on, 
When  the  flowers  of  our  Summer  are  withered  and  gone, 
We  may  smile  with  as  hearty  a  gladness  as  now, 
When  the  snows  of  life's  Winter  are  whito  on  eaoh  brow  ! 
South  Quincy,  December,  1861.  Ma  rib. 


THE    RAINBOW. 

God  of  the  fair  and  open  sky  ! 

How  gloriously  above  us  springs 
The  tented  dome  of  heavenly  blue, 

Suspended  on  the  rainbow's  rings! 
Each  brilliant  star  that  sparkles  through, 

Each  gilded  cloud  that  wanders  freo 
In  evening's  purple  radiance,  gives 

The  beauty  of  its  praise  to  thee  ! 


"THE    SWORD    IN    ETHICS." 

The  slate  of  war  in  which  we  now  are,  nntl  in 
the  maintenance  of  which  the  country  ia  perfccily 
united — for  most  of  the  few  who  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  oppose  war  are  now  silent  upon  that  subject, 
and  the  voice  of  the  remainder  is  as  a  whisper  amid 
the  roar  of  Niagara — has  brought  out  a  large  crop  of 
eennons  and  essays  in  justification  of  the  use  of  the 
sword.  These  apologies  for  war  of  course  vary  very 
widely,  both  in  positive  sufficiency  of  argument  for 
the  end  proposed,  and  in  candor  towards  the  advocates 
of  peace.  Some,  like  Henry  Ward  Hcceher,  are  con- 
tent to  rest  their  cause  upon  transparent  sophisms, 
deliberately  presenting  the  wolf  and  the  tiger  as  valid 
precedents  for  the  soldier,  and  symmetrically  filling 
out  their  plea  by  misstatement  of  the  position  of 
peace-men  ;  while  others  attempt  a  justification  of  tin 
sword  by  serious  appeal  to  philosophy  and  religion, 
with  neither  bitterness  nor  unfairness  to  those  who 
think  differently.  The  ablest  production  of  this  latter 
class  that  I  have  seen  is  an  article  in  the  Christian  Ex- 
aminer for  January,  entitled — "  The  Sword  in  Ethics." 
The  closing  sentence  of  this  article  is  as  follows  ; — 
"Man  may  lawfully  use  no  other  sword  than  that 
which  pure  Heaven  puts  into  his  hand;  but  the  sword 
that  Heaven  gives,  if  he  make  it  not  sharp  against 
those  that  deserve  its  edge,  wilL  become  sharp  against 
himself." 

Thoroughly  agreeing  in  both  parts  of  this  state- 
ment, and  rejoicing  in  the  rare  opportunity  of  meet- 
ing so  just  and  .candid  an  opponent,  I  propose  to  give 
a  fair  and  full  abstract  of  the  course  of  the  Examiner's 
argument,  and  to  give,  as  far  as  it  can  be  done  in  such 
brief  space,  the  reply  made  to  it  by  Non-Kesistance. 
The  writer  begins  by  referring  to  the  laws  of  the 
material  world,  and  of  the  lower  orders  of  the  animal 
creation.  He  thinks  it  plain  that  Nature  is  no  non-re- 
sistant, since  every  one  of  her  laws  is  a  force  that  cuts 
its  own  way,  with  never  a  "  By  your  leave,"  nor  the 
least  offer  to  desist  in  case  of  objection  made.  Among 
the  lower  animals,  the  class,  the  genus,  the  species, 
that  lacks  vigor  to  support  and  protect  itself,  ceases 
from  off  the  earth.  Taking  creatures  by  kinds,  it  is 
the  inexorable  rule,  that  those  which  cannot  make 
good  a  place  for  themselves  shall  have  no  place. 

Consequently,  in  the  construction  of  any  creature, 
Nature  has  always  in  mind  the  thought  of  self-preser- 
vation, commonly  of  direct  self-defence,  and  works 
this,  generally  largely  and  openly,  into  its  organization. 
The  question  arises,  Does  nature  desist  from  this 
portion  of  her  plan  on  arrival  at  man  ?  True,  he  has 
no  ostensible  natural  weapon ;  hut  why  ?  Because 
he  is  to  command  the  use  of  all.  Moreover,  in  this 
apparent  deprivation  there  is  a  definite  purpose,  one 
that  Nature  has  always  very  dearly  at  heart;  that, 
namely,  of  compelling  man  to  an  exercise  of  his  un- 
derstanding. She  makes  self-preservation  a  mental 
discipline,  and  will  allow  her  best-beloved  to  be  safe 
only  as  he  is  intelligent.  One  might  as  well  argue 
against  clothing  from  the  nakedness  of  man's  cuticle, 
as  against  his  use  of  weapons  from  his  want  of  fangs 
and  claws. 

But  the  above  question,  our  author  thinks,  has 
broader  and  more  sufficient  answer.  Nature  never 
does  abandon  any  leading  idea.  Accordingly,  having 
once  found  the  idea  of  self-defence  in  her  hands,  we 
may  be  sure  that  it  is  never  cast  aside.  With  higher 
organizations,  there  are  higher  expressions  of  every 
leading  thought;  and  therefore,  on  arriving  at  man, 
we  find  that  the  provisions  for  defence  partake  of  the 
general  elevation,  and  are,  for  the  most  part,  much 
removed  from  a  beastly  simplicity  of  biting  and 
scratching.  For  physical  defence,  man  is  weaponed 
in  part  by  the  power  and  cunning  of  the  hand,  but  far 
more  by  that  command  of  natural  forces  which  the 
finer  cunning  of  understanding  confers  upon  him. 
For  subtler  encounters,  he  has  the  powers  of  the  eye 
and  the  voice.  These,  then,  are  man's  natural  wea- 
pons; body  for  the  defence  of  body,  and  mind  for  the 
defence  of  mind. 

Man,  therefore,  having  a  higher  nature,  has  a  higher 
order  of  weapons  than  the  brute.  The  question  then 
arises,  Why  should  he  not  trust  to  these  alone  for 
protection?  The  answer,  the  writer  thinks,  is  easy. 
In  all  defences,  you  necessarily  use  a  weapon  not  only 
fit  for  you,  as  a  man,  to  employ,  but  appropriate  also 
to  the  foe  or  danger  that  threatens  you.  Powder  and 
ball  are  the  proper  weapons  against  wolves  ;  therefore 
the  use  of  the  rifle  is  not  intrinsically  unsuitable  to  a 
man.  The  only  question  then  is — Is  ever  a  fellow- 
man  one  of  those  foes  against  whom  the  rifle  may  be 
turned  1 

Our  author  answers  his  own  question  thus  :  When- 
ever a  man  is  a  wolf,  as  too  many  men  are,  then 
weapon  against  wolf  is  weapon  against  him.  Is  it  de- 
clared, on  the  other  hand,  that  men  cannot  properly 
be  called  wolves  ?  Let  us  see  !  What  is  a  wolf?  or, 
in  other  words,  what  is  that  fact  in  the  wolf-nature 
which  of  right  exposes  the  creature  to  odium  and 
deadly  assaults  Not  the  fact  that  he  is  a  four-footed 
animal  of  the  canine  family  ;  but  simply  that  he  is  a 
lawless  depredator  and  destroyer.  The  wolf  is  shot,  not 
as  a  beast,  but  as  a  beast  of  prey ;  and  the  men  of  prey 
are  in  the  same  category  with  him  in  the  fulness  of 
that  fact  which  alone  condemns  him  to  death.  It  is  the 
habits  and  purposes,  not  the  anatomy,  against  which 
the  sword  is  turned  ;  it  is  base  and  bloody  dispositions 
thatjustify  the  recriminations  of  battle.  Wolf  is  wolf 
to  us  only  as  he  is  a  murderer  of  the  flock ;  man  is 
man  to  us  only  as  he  is  human,  not  inhuman. 

To  these  general  provisions  (our  author  proceeds) 
nature  has  added  the  force  of  a  special  commandment. 
Nature's  ordinances  arc  instincts;  and  the  instinct  of 
the  human  race  points  undividodly  to  defence  of  your 
own  person  and  rights,  and  st ill  more,  and  with  added 
dignity,  to  protection  of  those  whom  nature  has  left  in 
some  degree  defenceless — babes  and  children,  disabled 
persons,  weak  minorities,  and  women.  Moreover, 
muscular  resources  are  specially  provided  to  meet  the 
demands  of  this  instinct.  The  man  who  sees  a  child 
or  a  woman  brutally  assaulted  feels  the  tides  of  force 
streaming  towards  his  hands,  and  doubling  their 
strength  ;  the  bidding  of  the  highest  authority  to  in- 
terfere, and  the  power  to  interfere  with  efficacy,  burn 
along  every  artery,  thrill  down  every  sinew ;  and 
who  shall  gainsay  them  ?  Who  shall  gainsay,  unless 
he  be  prepnred  to  show  that  Nature  is  superfluous, 
irrational,  wicked  ? 

To  object  to  these  instincts  as  "brutal"  is  a  misuse 
of  language.  By  a  figure  of  speech,  we  call  those  ac- 
tions or  impulses  of  men  brutal  which  are  unnaturally 
base,  fierce  or  obscene  ;  hut  it  will  not  do  to  assume 
that  whatsoever  instincts  man  has  in  common  with 
brutes  are  bad  ;  in  other  words,  that  a  part  of  his  na- 
ture is  unnatural.  All  that  brutes  do  is  not,  in  the  op- 
probrious sense,  brutal.  The  insfinct  of  resislance  in 
man,  as  in  the  inferior  animal,  has  just  that  dignity 
which  is  afforded  by  the  affections  which  support  and 
surround  it, 

It  is,  however,  asserted  that  human  life  is  inviola- 
ble ;  that  under  no  circumstances  can  it  be  touched 
without  blame.     Is  this  true  ? 

If  a  man  swallow  arsenic,  does  Nature  say,  "Hu- 
man life  is  inviolable,"  and  therewith  dismiss  him 
without  consequences?  Nature  takes  life  in  mere 
fidelity  to  physiological  law  :  can  hnmnn  life  be  ame- 
nable to  this,  and  not  amenable  to  the  more  sacred 
law  of  justice?  Nature  draws  her  line  and  says — "  On 
one  side  is  life,  and  on  the  other  death";  may  not 
justice,  speaking  by  the  hearts  and  working  by  the 
hands  of  innocent  men,  in  like  manner  draw  her 
bounds,  and  utter  her  solemn  warning,  "  Pass  this 
limit,  and  you  pass  forbearance"?  If  nature  may 
thus  commission  a  stone,she  may  thus,  with  yet  more 
reason,  commission  man. 

Thus  capital  punishment  is  shown  to  be  justifiable. 
The  Slate  and  every  social  hody  is  bound  to  indicate, 
and  to  indicate  with  emphasis,  a  more  precious  esti- 
mate of  justice,  freedom,  and  the  honor  and  innocence 
of  man  and  woman  than  of  mere  physical  life;  and, 
failing  flagrantly  to  do  this,  it.  is  eie  long  weighed  in 
the  balances,  and  found  wanting. 


But  perhaps  the  final  intrenchment  of  the  extreme 
upholders  of  peace  is  found  in  the  doctrine  that  evil 
must  not  he  rendered  for  evil,  or  in  the  yet  stronger 
demand  that  good  shall  be  rendered  for  evil,  and  en- 
mity met  only  with  love. 

But  what  is  a  doing  evil  ?  To  confront  perfidy  with 
peril,  is  that  evil  ?  To  apply  the  great  laws  of  retri- 
bution, is  this  a  doing  of  evil?  If  so,  the  universe,  it- 
self is  chargeable  with  guiltiness ;  for  it  is  the  law  of  the 
universe  that  danger,  danger  to  life  and  limb,  danger 
to  the  top  of  menace,  shall  confront  iniquity.  Either, 
therefore,  the  universe  is  in  fault,  or  the  principle  of 
making  wrong-doing  dangerous  to  the  wrong-doer 
stands  vindicated. 

It  is  the  crime  itself,  not  the  pains  and  penalties 
which  oppose  it,  that  is  hurtful  to  the  criminal.  To 
do  wrong  is  the  worst  that  can  befal  any  man  ;  next 
worst  it  is,  not  to  be  directly  punished  for  the  wrong, 
having  done  it. 

The  highest  service  we  can  over  render  a  human 
being  is  to  breed  and  incite  him  to  virtue  ;  the  next 
highest  service  is  to  dissuade  him  from  purposed 
vice  ;  but  these  being  excluded,  the  only  remaining 
service  is  to  oppose  with  impassable  barriers  a 
ricked  will,  to  which  reason  and  right  are  no  barrier. 
If,  to  withhold  success  from  accursed  purposes,  you 
meet  them  with  the  most  biting,  inexorable  edge  of 
resistance,  you  still  bless  where  you  smite,  and  are  in 
finitely  kinder  to  the  culprit  than  he  to  himself.  To  re 
move  any  of  the  perils  necessary  to  hold  in  check  in 
cipient  iniquity  is  cruelty  instead  of  kindness.  The 
hope  of  impunity  is  the  nurse  of  crime,  and  one  suc- 
cess breeds  a  thousand  attempts.  We  therefore  betray 
and  injure  our  brother  when  we  make  it  safe,  or  less 
than  utterly  unsafe,  for  him  to  become  a  villain. 

To  the  objection  that,  since  prevention  of  crime 
destroys  not  the  intent,  it  cannot  benefit  him  by  whom 
the  criminal  intent  is  cherished,  our  author  rejoins 
that  the  objection  is  not  true  ;  that,  by  walling  up  the 
doors  of  opportunity,  we  tend  more  and  more  to  stifle 
criminal  wishes,  and  thus  to  help  the  growth  of  the 
natural  (though  tardy)  crop  of  good;  while  submission 
and  forbearance  to  evil  may  so  encourage  tyranny  as 
to  bear  all  the  fruits,  though  they  want  all  the  animus 
of  hate  and  injury.  Confidently  affirming  this,  he 
nevertheless  willingly  admits  that  Mercy  will  common- 
ly come  bringing  tender  counsels  ;  that  love  is  oftenest 
shown  by  long-suffering  and  meekness;  that  life  is 
precious,  and  not  to  be  lightly  taken ;  and  that  men 
err  far  more  frequently  by  over-suddenness  of  wrath 
than  by  excess  of  charitable  forbearance.  Yet  the 
Italians  and  ourselves  have  erred  otherwise ;  they 
yielding  too  much  to  the  Bourbons,  and  we  to  the 
slaveholders. 

As  to  peace  between  nations,  excellent  and  desira- 
ble as  it  is,  there  are  discriminations  to  be  made. 
There  is  a  living,  and  there  is  a  dead  peace  ;  the  one 
obtaining  where  justice  prevails,  the  other  where  it  is 
disregarded  and  undesired.  These  stand  to  each 
other  as  yea  and  nay,  as  life  and  death,  as  heaven  and 
hell.  Not  to  distinguish  between  them  is  to  elect  the 
worse ;  while  to  choose  the  true  peace  is  so  to  deny 
and  abhor  the  false,  that  war,  with  all  its  fearfulness, 
shall  be  incomparably  less  fearful.  War  is  worthy  of 
all  good  men's  choice,  in  comparison  with  a  peace  of 
■-perfidy  and  corruption. 

Peace  is  indeed  precious  when  it  means  intelligent 
communion  in  justice.  But  if  any  one  affirm  that  jus- 
tice is  less  precious  than  the  outward  circumstances  of 
peace,  he  is  a  traitor  not  only  to  right,  but  to  peace 
herself;  since  true  peace  foltows  after  purity,  and 
only  as  it  is  worthy  can  be  enduring.  There  is  a  dead 
peace ;  but  upon  the  heels  of  death  treads  decay,  and 
its  soldier,  the  worm.  No  allegiance  therefore  to 
peace  can  there  be  without  due  recognition  of  the  fact 
that  war,  whenever  it  takes  place  in  needful  vindica- 
tion of  justice,  is  honorable,  noble,  sacred,  so  far  as  the 
champions  of  justice  are  concerned.  Therefore,  a  Peace 
Society  that  respects  outward  peace  only  or  chiefly  is 
the  very  Judas  of  the  time,  not  only  selling  God's  jus- 
tice for  a  price,  but  in  the  end  hanging  its  cause  and 
itself  on  a  tree. 

For  wars  in  and  of  themselves  we  have  no  word 
either  of  praise  or  extenuation.  Wars  are  great  evils ; 
but  barbarous  tyranny,  and  the  submissions  that  flat- 
ter and  perpetuate  it,  are  great  crimes.  And  between 
evils  and  crimes  there  is  but  one  choice. 

Consider,  further,  the  preventive  function  of  war. 
Possible  war  is  the  gage  of  actual  peace.  The  alter- 
native Right  or  Fight  secures  right,  and  saves  from  the 
necessity  of  fighting.  On  this  basis  reposes  the  State, 
with  every  civil  means  of  adjustment  and  red 
Legislature,  jury,  bench,  the  binding  codes  and  rites 
that  secure  men  and  women  from  perpetual  liability  to 
naked  contact  with  savage  passions  and  brutish  appre- 
hensions, all  rest,  as  their  basis  of  security,  upon  no 
other  foundation.  A  nation  is  a  nation  only  as  it  is 
religiously  banded  and  bound  to  support  a  social  order 
against  all  assault.     Hence  the  sacredness  of  law. 

Love  and  terror  are  the  two  powers  which  uphold 
civilization.  Terror  in  the  service  of  love  holds  the 
world  together.  Terror  serving  love  and  guided  by 
reason  is  our  only  safeguard  from  constant  risk  and 
dread  of  hostility.  Society  begins  there  where  two 
men  say,  implicitly  or  otherwise,  "  We  two  will  guar- 
antee each  other's  defence,  and  between  us  reason  and 
right  shall  be  for  a  law."  And  this  pact,  widened, 
reads,  "  We  twoscore,  or  twoscore  thousand,  will  up- 
hold the  law  of  reason  and  justice  over  such  a  terri- 
tory; it  shall  be  binding  on  all  within  that  limit; 
we  pledge  to  good  understandings  and  rational  modes 
of  adjustment  our  total  and  united  force." 

Without  some  arrangement  like  this,  there  must  be 
constant  danger  and  constant  fear.  What  is  so  pre- 
cious as  a  permitted  forgetfulness  of  violence,  ob- 
scenity and  outrage?  But  observe  that,  if  love  and 
reason  will  enlist  terror  in  their  service,  they  shall  be 
served  of  it;  but  if  they  refuse,  terror  will  become 
the  soldier  of  confusion,  and  will  scare  away  the  sanc- 
tities and  refinements  it  might  have  championed. 
Which  is  the  better? 

We  counsel,  therefore,  a  frank  acknowledgment  of 
the  dignity  of  the  military  calling,  when  worthily  em- 
braced; of  the  honorableness  and  sacredness  of  war 
in  the  vindication  of  justice,  else  trodden  under  foot  ; 
of  the  constant  uses  of  possible  (which  must  some- 
times be  actual)  war,  as  the  guardian  of  a  noble 
peace  ;  and  we  counsel  the  final  abolition  of  the  Peace 
Society,  except  in  so  far  as  it  seeks  peace  by  the  pro- 
motion of  justice.  Let  the  sword  be  baptized,  not 
broken.  Let  charity,  faith,  intelligence,  wield  it;  not 
wantonness  and  outrage. 

Now  comes  the  question  of  limits.  First,  only  fire 
is  to  be  met  with  fire — only  the  sword  quelled  by  the 
sword— only  the  destroyer  visited  with  destruction. 
Rightful  war  is  always  defensive,  for  ourselves  or 
others.  It  is  only  the  armed  hand  of  injustice  which 
justice  with  irresistible  hand  may  smite.  Secondly, 
in  all  preparations  against  violence  and  crime,  the  aim 
must  be  the  prevention  of  ill  deeds  ;  their  punishment 
or  open  resistance  being  simply  an  inferential  result, 
upon  failure  of  the  primary  aim.  Thirdly,  so  far  as 
the  use  of  these  hindrances  con  be  superseded  by  pos- 
itive attractions  toward  reason,  right  and  good,  super- 
seded they  must  be.  Finally,  forbearance  is  to  be 
held  in  perpetual  honor.  Love,  having  in  vain  done 
its  utmost  to  cause  continuance  of  public  and  private 
rectitude,  that  is  to  say,  of  noble  peace,  by  mild  in- 
ducements, is  yet  to  wait,  trusting  somewhat  to  the 
ministries  of  time,  and  somewhat  accepting  as  a  bur- 
den to  be  borne.  Let  it  wait,  with  brave  wisdom; 
yet,  while  staying  its  hand  from  blows,  not  withhold 
it  from  preparations.  Always  there  are  allowances  to 
be  made  ;  always  there  is  a  call  for  tolerance,  endur- 
ance and  forgiveness.  Nevertheless,  when  impersna- 
sible  wrong  has  stilled  its  conscience,  gathered  its 
force,  taken  death  in  ifs  hands,  and  now  comes  to  de- 
stroy forever  your  power  of  reasoning  ami  bearing 
with  it — then,  when  fruitful,  noble  waiting  is  no  lon- 
ger possible — then  may  you,  must  yon,  strike  the  as- 
sailant with  the  same  weapon,  and  with  the  same  vio- 
lence, which  he  seeks  to  use  against  you.  Never  till 
then  may  you;  but  then,  brave  and  true  heart,  you 

MUST. 

The  Examiner's  article  cuds  with  flu1  sentence  winch 
I  have  quoted  at  the  commencement  of  £htB  notice. 


Its  author  has  chosen  to  sum  up  his  argument  for  war, 
in  words  which  an  opposer  of  war,  yes,  even  a  Non- 
Resistant,  can  thoroughly  accept  an<l  adopt.  Heartily 
and  thoroughly  agreeing  in  that  final  statement,  and 
in  very  many  of  the  previous  statements  of  this  able 
and  candid  writer,  I  shall  attempt,  in  another  article, 
to  show  wherein  his   main   argument  is   unsound. — 


A  THANKSGIVING   SEEMON. 

To  Rev.  Linus  H.  Shaw, 

Minister  of  the  First  Parish  in  Sudbury,  Mass. : 
A  friend  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  your  Thanksgiv- 
ing Sermon,  upon  which  I  propose  to  make  some  com- 
ments, not  because  I  consider  it  particularly  good,  or 
bad,  (though  it  has  excellencies  and  defects,)  but  be- 
cause I  consider  it  a  fair  expression  of  the  average 
ideas  of  the  great  body  of  ministers 'and  people  at  the 
present  time. 

You  give  (p.  4)  as  the  position  of  the  Abolitionists, 
that  "it  (slavery)  should  be  destroyed  at  once,  by 
law,  or  by  force,  or  by  whatever  way  it  may  best  be 
done;  but  that  it  be  done  entirely  and  immediately." 
You  also  say,  that  "  no  person  who  knows  what  an  Ab- 
olitionist is,  can  name  more  than  five  or  ten  persons 
in  all  our  free  States  who  are  persons  of  distinction 
and  influence."  I  will  not  stop  to  criticise  either  of 
these  propositions,  though  I  think  you  greatly  under- 
rate their  influence,or  that  of  the  truths  they  inculcate. 
You  say,  p.  10,  "If  we  would  find  the  root  and 
germ  of  our  present  war,  we  must  go  hack  to  1620, 
when  the  cargo  of  slaves  landed  at  the  mouth  of 
James  river,  and  also  to  the  landing  of  the  Puritans 
at  Plymouth,  two  plants  opposite  in  their  name,  oppo- 
site in  their  nature,  opposite  in  all  theirfruits  and  con- 
sequences, planted  in  the  same  national  field,  growing, 
as  it  were,  side  by  side."  You  say  also,  p.  11, 
in  asking  for  the  cause  of  the  present  state  of  things, 
that  it  is  the  natural  and  necessary  growth  of  the  two 
antagonistic  principles;  that  it  has  taken  this  long 
period  to  grow  and  develop  themselves,  and  reach 
their  maturity.  You  also  say,  p.  14,  16,  that  you  do 
not  cast  any  particular  blame  upon  the  South  ;  that  it 
is  in  their  circumstances.  All  this  is  right.  There  is 
no  controversy  between  you  and  the  Abolitionists  as 
to  the  "cause,"  the  "germ,"  the  "root,"  and  necessa- 
ry fruit.  The  whole  controversy  lies  in  the  treat- 
ment of  the  disease. 

The  few  Abolitionists  say,  remove  the  cause,  and 
the  effects  will  cease.  But  all  the  other  doctors, 
of  whatever  stripe,  either  of  law  or  divinity,  say, 
touch  not  the  cause.  Among  these  you  mention,  p.  5, 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Henry,  Franklin,  Randolph 
and  Clay,  of  former  times,  and  say  there  are  many 
now.  You  endorse  this  mode  of  treatment  yourself. 
You  refer  us,  p.  12,  to  1787-'9,  when  our  Constitution 
was  formed  by  wise.  men.  You  say,  p.  14,  "  Tiiis  nat- 
ural result  of  slavery  could  have  been  averted  but  in 
one  way,  and  that  is,  by  keeping  it  where  the  fathers  left- 
it."  Had  this  been  done,  all  our  present  war,  and  a 
vast  proportion  of  our  national  troubles,  would  have 
been  avoided ;  for  slavery,  in  one  way  or  another,  has 
been  the  prolific  source  of  most  of  these  troubles." 
The  italics  are  mine. 

Now  you  have  had  all  but  about  half  a  dozen  of  the 
great,  wise  and  influential  men,  and  nearly  all  the  lit- 
tle and  uninfluential  ones,  and  you  have  not  been  able 
to  stop  the  "  natural  and  necessary"  growth  of  this 
cause  and  consequent  effect.  Not  a  very  high  recom- 
mendation of  your  course  of  treatment. 

To  illustrate  :  There  is  a  healthy  flow  of  blood 
through  the  system.  Something  poisonous  orantago- 
nistic  may  be  introduced  or  get  into  the  system,  which 
will  produce  a  disease  or  a  sore.  It  takes  time  to  de- 
velop it;  the  part  swells,  and  is  inflamed,  and  causes 
irritation  to  the  system.  Physicians  are  called.  Dr. 
Garrison  says,  expel  the  cause.  It  is  now  nearly  to  a 
head,  lance  it,  lake  out  the  core,  it  will  then  heal 
soundly.  But  all  the  other  great  and  wise  doctors, 
from  Washington  to  Lincoln  and  Shaw,  say  no;  let 
the  cause  remain  ;  it  will  be  painful  to  lance  the  sore 
and  remove  the  core;  just  bring  it  back  to  its  incipi- 
ent stage,  when  there  was  comparatively  but  little  in- 
flammalion  and  pain;  counteract  the  laws  of  cause 
and  effect  so  that  it  shall  never  come  to  a  head.  But, 
after  all,  you  seem  to  have  some  forebodings  that  Dr. 
Garrison's  mode  may  yet  be  resorted  to  as  a  last  re- 
sort, as  a  measure  of  necessity,  not  of  right;  you  do 
not  intimate  that  you  would  go  so  far. 

You  claim  to  be  a  religious  teacher,  a  minister  of 
the  gospel,  and  yet  you  have  given  no  intimation 
that  in  this  whole  tampering  with  slavery,  from  first  to 
last,  there  has  been  any  moral  wrong,  any  sin  against 
God,  or  any  injustice  to  the  slave,  which  should  be 
repented  of  and  forsaken. 

You  have,  in  your  discourse,  well  and  conclusively 
shown,  that  the  Constitution  being  the  standard,  the 
South  lias  no  cause  of  complaint.  Page  9:  "So  far 
as  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  Southern  States  are 
concerned,  nothing  has  been  done,  and  nothing  omit- 
ted, of  which  they  can  complain." 

This  reminds  me  of  a  prayer  I  heard  from  the  put- 
pit  last  summer.  The  minister,  in  order  to  set  himself 
and  congregation  right  at  the  court  of  Heaven,  told  the 
Lord  that  "We  are  not  to  blame  for  this  war,  for  we 
have  been  ready  to  compromise  and  compromise  with 
the  rebels."  Another  asked  the  Lord,  "  If  consistent 
with  His  will,  in  his  own  time  and  way  to  put  an  end 
to  slavery,*  which  is  the  cause  of  all  this  trouble." 
When  does  the  Lord  wish  men  to  repent?  So  far 
as  your  sermon  shows,  you  do  not  wish  either  the 
Lord  or  man  to  do  more  than  to  keep  slavery  within 
constitutional  limits. 

I  have  been  an  Abolitionist  for  nearly  thirty  years. 
My  first  and  great  reason  is,  because  eternal  justice  and 
right  towards  the  slave  demand  it.  Second,  the  best 
interest  of  the  slave-owner  demands  it.  I  now  have 
two  additional  reasons.  It  is  the  shortest  if  not  the 
only  way  to  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion.  It  is  the  only 
way  permanent  peace  can  be  secured.  Without  abo- 
lition, the  two  antagonistic  forces  will  still  be  in  opera- 
tion, and  like  causes  will  produce  like  effects. 
Yours, 
Auburn,  N.  H.  BENJAMIN  CHASE. 


SOUTH   0AE0LINA   ITEMS. 

The  Port  Royal  correspondent  of  the  Chicfigo 
Tribune  Bays: — 

UKIIKI,    SOI.DIEKR    SHOT. 

I  do  not  remember  whether  in  my  last  I  acquaint- 
ed you  with  the  fact  that  several  of  the  soldiers  at 
Fort  Walker  were  shot  for  refusing  !o  fight,  or  rather 
for  declaring  that  they  would  nut  fight.  This  was 
before  our  arrival.  Two  or  three  are  believed  to 
have  been  shot  down  by  their  officers  the  day  of  our 
victory  :  and  during  the  lime  they  were  building  the 
works,  an  average  of  fifty  men  were  at  work  with 
ball  and  chain,  lor  attempting  to  escape.  These 
were  the  non-slaveliolding  recruits,  called  "crack- 
ers," who  were  forced  into  the  Southern  army;  and 
that  the  So ut/ier a  army  is  full  of  such,  I  do  not  the 
least  doubt.  Much  must  be  deducted  from  the  state- 
ments of  the  negroes,  but  not  so  much  in  matters  of 
tltis  sort  as  you  may  imagine.  On  all  points  which 
could  be  tried  and  tested  and  compared  with  known 
facts,  they  have  been  strangely  truthful. 
THE   CONTRABAND    BILLY. 

While  in  occupancy  of  the  Seabrook  plantation, 
with  our  company,  during  the  past  week,  Iliad  long 
conversation  with  "Billy,"  the  body  servant  of  an 
officer  of  tho  Beaufort  Guerillas,  who  were  posted 
on  the  Island.  He  is  intelligent  and  smart — a  mu- 
latto. By  the  way,  1  had  underrated  the  general 
intelligence  of  the  negroes  here.  Even  the  field 
hands  have  ideas  of  their  own  as  to  how,  why  and 
what.  They  make  common  cause,  and  what  "Billy" 
hears  read  from  the  newspapers  at  li is  master's  table, 
becomes  common  property  in  the  "quarters"  with 
Gumbo  and  Cuil'ee,  within  twenty-four  hours.  All 
hints,  all  expressed  mistrust,  even  hidden  fear  on  the 
part  of  whites  incautiously  exposed,  is  caught  by  the 
watchful  ears  of  men  and  women  who  have  long 
hoped  and  looked  for  an  event  like  the  present. 
Even  the  looks  and  actions  of  confident  masters  are 
translated  by  the  watchful  eye  of  supposed  trusty 
servants,  and  are  promulgated  among  the  "  hands." 

THE    TRUSTY    "WILLIAM. 

Talk  of  "  trusty  servants  who  will  fight  for  their 
masters"!  the  thing  is  a  monstrous  absurdity.  If 
such  people  exist  among  the  slaves,  they  do  not  exist 
in  South  Carolina.  There  is  no  such  thing.  Pinck- 
ney,  after  his  hasty  flight  to  the  main,  resolved 
to  return  and  burn  his  buildings,  some  full  of  corn 
and  cotton.  (He  owned  Pinckney  Island,  which  lies 
right  opposite  the  Seabrook  place,  and  we  made 
visits  there,  containing  three  fine  plantations,  work- 
ing about  400  slaves.)  His  trusty  negro  William, 
who  had  driven  on  Espetango  plantation  for  over 
thirty  years,  and  whom  he  had  taken  with  him  to 
the  main,  discouraged  him  by  saying  "  The  Yankees 
are  all  around  tho  Island,  master,  and  they  will 
catch  you;  let  me  go."  William  came  with  full  in- 
structions in  regard  to  ascertaining  our  force,  and 
how  to  proceed,  etc.,  etc.,  much  of  which  he  detailed 
to  me,  but  Mr.  Pinckney  has  not  seen  William  since. 
"  I  am  old,"  said  William  to  me,  "  but  I  want  to  die 
rather  than  go  back  to  Master  Pinckney." 

IF    THE    SLAVES    ONLY    KNEW    THEIR     STRENGTH. 

Set  it  down  once  for  all,  if  the  negroes  only  knew 
their  strength,  we  should  have  no  need  of  Northern 
soldiers  to  put  down  this  rebellion.  Jfc  would  be  de- 
stroyed by  flames,  lighted  by  those  who  are  vaunted 
to  be  ready  to  die  for  its  promoters. 

"Master,"  said  "Billy"  to  me,  not  in  reply  to 
any  question  of  mine,  but  of  his  own  accord,  "there 
are  a  groat  many  of  the  rebel  soldiers  who  will  not 
fire  a  shot  at  your  troops  when  you  advance  upon 
them."  "  Do  you  think  so  ?  "  "  Why  ?  "  "  Indeed, 
sir,  I  know  it.  I  have  heard  several  say  so  in  Mas- 
ter Scriven's  command,  (the  Guerillas.)  and  several 
were  shot  at  the  Fort,  because  they  ran  away,  and, 
when  brought  back,  declared  they  would  not  fight 
the  Union  men.  None  of  the  '  crackers'  will  fight 
you.  They  had  enough  men  to  make  a  company  at 
work  with  ball  and  chain  for  the  same  reason,  and 
more  down  in  the,  black-hote  at  the  Fort,  all  for  that 
very  same  reason.  Master  Scriven  and  Master  Du- 
pont  used  to  talk  about  it,  and  say  they  were  afraid 
some  of  our  company  wouldn't  fight  either." 

The  above,  somewhat  improved  into  English,  is 
the  exact  language  of  one  of  the  intelligent  mulat- 
toes  who  had  ample  opportunity  to  know,  and  its 
sentiments  are  corroborated  in  every  conversation 
with  the  necrocs. 


HOW  JOHN  BEfflfl  SAVED  THE  CAPITAL. 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Jour- 
nal tells  the  following  singular  story  of  the  way  in 
which  John  Brown's  invasion  of  Virginia  became  the 
remote  cause  of  the  salvation  of  the  federal  capital : 

When  the  marines  dashed  up  fo  the  door  of  the 
engine  house,  where  Virginia  chivalry  quailed,  they 
seized  not  only  John  Brown,  but  a  quantity  of  pow- 
der, within  the  building,  which  he  had  brought  from 
Pennsylvania.  After  Brown  and  his  party  were  se- 
cured, the  powder  was  placed  in  one  of  the  buildings, 
where  it  remained  till  April  last.  When  the  United 
States  troops  found  that  Virginia  forces  were  pre- 
paring to  make  a  descent  upon  the  ferry  for  the 
purpose  of  capturing  the  arms,  they  looked  about  for 
ammunition.  Tlicy  did  not  dare  to  visit  the  maga- 
zine, for  there  were  sharp  eyes  which  watched  every 
movement,  and  an  attempt  to  take,  powder  from 
there  would  precipitate  an  attack.  Then  it  was 
that  John  Brown's  powder  was  valuable.  It  was  in 
small  packages,  and  where  it  could  be  taken  and 
distributed  unbeknown  to  any  outsiders.  It  was 
placed  in  the  different  buildings,  the  trains  were  laid, 
and  just  as  tho  Virginians  thought  the  prize  was 
theirs,  they  found  that  the  flames  wcro  ahead  of  them. 
It  was  designed  that  the  several  thousand  stand  of 
arms  there  stored  should  be  distributed  in  li.dl  inmre. 

where,  as  you  know,  the  outbreak  immediately  oc- 
curred, and  that  thence  a  descent  would  lie  made 
upon  Washington.  So  John  Brown's  powder  Baved 
the  capital.  All  of  this  will  appear,  I  am  informed, 
with  satisfactory  evidence,  in  the.  report  of  the  com- 
mitters appointed  to  inv^stigato  the  Harper's  Ferry 
affair. 

"  John  TSrmvn's  body  lies  a  mouldering  in  tho  grave, 
But  liis  soul  is  mimming  on." 


to  prefer  freedom  to  slavery  !    And  here,  Mr.  Editor, 

let  me  contradict  a  report  which  has  appeared  jn 
your  columns  as  well  as  elsewhere,  thai  the  contra- 
bands In  I  bis  region  are  unwilling  to  work,  and  have 
many  of  them  run  back  to  their  masters. 

Both  statements,  involved  in  this  report,  are  un- 
true. The,  contrabands  are,  as  a  general  thing,  will- 
ing to  labor,  though  complaining  much  that  tin-  Gov- 
ernment docs  not  pay  them  wages,  as  (hey  had  been 
led  to  expect.  But  1  speak  from  personal  observa- 
tion when  1  Hay  they  are  anxious  for  any  employ- 
ment reasonably  remunerative.  My  tent  door  has 
been  besieged  with  applications  from  boys  and  men, 
desiring  fo  be  servants.  I  was  over-persuaded,  at 
last,  to  take  a  contraband  youth  into  my  service  for 
a  few  days,  who  proved  diligent,  faithful  and  indus- 
trious beyond  my  expectations.  I  had  engaged 
another  servant  for  the  place,  who  yaeterday  arrived, 
but  1  have  seen  enough  of  this  poor  African  lad  to 
know  that  some  of  his  race,  at  least,  are  skilful, 
truthful  and  energetic.  On  board  the  U.  S.  flag-ship 
Minnesota,  there  is  a  boat's  crew  of  contrabands.  I 
was  assured  by  one  of  the  officers  the  other  day, 
when  visiting  the  frigate,  that  this  crew  excelled  in 
fidelity,  and  was  the  only  one  which  needed  not  an 
officer  to  accompany  them  when  they  went  ashore, 
as  not  a  man  of  them  would  get  drunk  or  desert. 

As  to  their  returning  to  rebeldom,  it  would  not 
have  been  a  matter  of  surprise  if  some  few  of  a  race 
proverbially  affectionate  had  returned  to  their  for- 
mer homes  and  masters,  (no  doubt  some  of  them 
kind  ones,)  and,  above  all,  to  their  kindred  left  be- 
hind when  they  fled  ;  but  after  thorough  inquiry,  I 
cannot  hear  of  one  such  instance,  ami  am  assured  by 
those  who  are  in  a  position  to  know,  that  not  one 
such  case  has  occurred.  I  have  been  thus  particular 
in  this  refutation,  because  here  the  colored  race  are 
being  tested  as  to  their  desire  for  freedom  and 
adaptedness  to  it.  The  question  is  one  which  mnrt 
and  will  soon  interest  the  whole  nation,  and  a  de- 
cision cannot  long  be  postponed.— Correspondent  of 
the  lioston  Traveller. 


THE   CONTRABANDS   IK  KANSAS, 

We  find  in  one  of  the  most  pertinacious  of  our 
pro-slavery  journals,  The  World,  a  letter  from  a 
correspondent  at  Fort  Scott,  Kansas,  containing 
some  statements  respecting  the  negroes  liberated 
in  connection  with  the  recent  march  of  Gen.  Lane's 
brigade  into  Missouri,  which  are  so  remarkable  that 
we  transfer  them  to  our  page,  as  follows  : — 

"  I  propose  to  state  the  present  condition  of  the 
2000  liberated  by  the  march  of  the  Kansas  army. 
These  negroes  were  owned  principally  by  secession- 
ists, but  where  the  question  was  of  freedom  or  sla- 
very for  themselves,  the  negroes  failed  to  make  any 
such  distinction ;  and  when  they  sought  our  camp 
they  were  protected,  and  no  questions  were  asked 
as  to  the  political  status  of  their  former  masters. 
Families  came  in — sometimes  three  generations  in  a 
single  wagon  ;  sometimes  a  man  and  woman  came 
in,  leaving  all  family  ties  to  secure  personal  liberty, 
daring  untold  dangers,  enduring  fatigue,  starvation, 
perils  by  night  and  greater  dread  by  day,  never 
feeling  safe  till  they  knew  they  were  in  the  Kansas 
camp.  One  day,  as  we  marched  from  Osceola,  we 
saw  three  men  riding  at  full  speed  across  the  prairie. 
As  they  approached,  we  saw  that  one  was  a  negro, 
and  the  others  white  men  in  pursuit.  Fast  came 
the  slave,  but  the  whites  steadily  gained,  and  one 
was  in  the  act  of  catching  the  fugitive,  when  a  bor- 
derer dashed  out  from  the  column  and  raised  his 
Sharp's  rifle.  '  About  face  '  went  the  slave-catch- 
ers, and  a  ride  ball  sang  an  ominous  warning  in 
their  ears  as  they  made  off. 

But  night  is  their  great  time.  Sixty  came  to 
camp  in  one  evening,  and,  as  Gen.  Lane  observed, 
'  It  wasn't  much  of  a  night  for  niggers  neither.'  AVe 
put  the  able  men  to  work  immediately,  driving 
teams,  cooking,  grooming  the  horses,  and  doing  all 
the  extra  duties  of  the  brigade.  Each  officer  en- 
gaged one  as  a  body-servant,  instead  of  taking  a 
soldier  from  his  duty.  In  this  manner  they  earned 
from  eight  to  ten  dollars  a  month. 

Parsons  Moore,  Fisher  and  Fish,  chaplains  of  the 
brigade,  started  hist  month  with  a  train  of  negroes, 
to  establish  them  on  Kansas  farms.  After  "three 
weeks,  these  gentlemen  returned  to  headquarters, 
having  found  comfortable  situations  for  every  man, 
woman  and  child  under  their  charge.  Many  were 
hired  as  farm  hands,  house  servants,  etc.,  at  wages 
from  88  to  Si 2  per  month;  and  the  least  effective 
secured  places  for  the  winter,  where  they  will  be 
sure  of  food  and  clothing,  with  good  chances  for  lu- 
crative employment  when  spring  opens.  The  fugi- 
tives are  generally  shrewd  and  industrious,  and  the 
farmers  of  Kansas  gladly  avail  themselves  of  this 
supply  of  laborers.  This  is  an  assertion  utterly  at 
variance,  with  the  general  impression.  It  is,  never- 
theless, literally  true.  In  Slavery,  one  can  hardly 
imagine  a  more  shiftless,  indolent  "being  than  a  Mis- 
souri negro.  But  the  change  from  Slavery  to  Free- 
dom effects  an  instantaneous  and  complete  revolu- 
tion in  his  character.  AVith  tho  consciousness  of 
liberty  comes  the  necessity  for  exertion,  and  effort 
is  born  of  necessity.  The  slave  who  worked  care- 
lessly felt  that  he  had  no  interest  in  the  result  of  his 
labor;  no  amount  of  industry  would  benefit  him, 
and  he  naturally  did  as  little  as  he  could  consistent 
with  safety.  But  when  he  is  a  free  man,  he  rises 
equal  to  the  emergency.  This  has  been  the  case 
wherever  my  experience,  has  extended.  There  is 
not  a  man  who  has  been  liberated  by  this  brigade 
but  is  abundantly  able  and  willing  lo'take  care  of 
himself.  In  every  case  we  have  found  the  slave  fl 
for  freedom." 

There  can  be  no  question,  wo  think,  respecting 
the  truth  of  thia  writer's  report..  No  doubt  these 
negroes  are  able  to  support  themselves  ;  nor  is  there 
any  doubt  that  freedom  will  awake  in  them  a  desire 
for  industry  and  its  benefits,  unknown  fo  /hem  while 
slaves. — N,  Y.  Tribune. 


]-  '"  '•"!  it  he  bnl.Ilv  said,"  exclaims  the  Inde- 
pendent, "  that  the  slaves  of  rebels  arc  the  nation's 
frccdmeu  !  "  Weeelmilie  en,  adding  that  when 
the  nation  comes  to  that,  point,  the  rebellion  will 
eease.  like  the  ceasing  of  a  frightful  dream.  A'.  )  . 
Tribane.      [And  let  all  the  people  say,   "  Amen!"] 


Conversation  with  a  Contbaband  at  Hil- 
ton Head.  In  speaking  to  Israel  yesterday,  I  am 
afraid  I  made  him  uncomfortable  for  the  rest  of  the 
day.     Said  I — 

"  Do  you  like  stopping  here  better  than  on  the 
plantation  ?  " 

"  Oh  I  yes,  sir,"  he  said  promptly. 

"  What  will  you  do  when  the  soldiers  leave 
here?"  At  this  question,  the  look  of  surprise 
which  passed  over  Israel's  face  was  irresistibly  droll. 
He  finally  replied — 

"  I'd  go  wi'  'cm  '  " 

"  But  suppose  they  won't  let  you  ?"  I  said. 

"  Den  1  jump  into  de  boat  !  " 

"  Ah  !  "  I  answered,  "  they  might  put  you  out 
again  ! " 

It  was  evident  that  no  such  contingency  had  pre- 
sented itself  to  his  mind  before.  He  simply  ejacu- 
lated, with  great  emphasis,  as  if  overwhelmed  with 
astonishment  and  fear  at  the  bare  idea — 

"  Christ  A'mighty  !" 

I  asked  him  what  he  was  afraid  of,  and  he  replied, 
"  If  Massa  Elliott   Garrard  catch  me,  might  as  well 
be  dead — he  kill  me,  certain."     I  reassured  him  of 
his  safety  before  we  parted. — Correspondence  New u 
York  Times. 


CONTRABANDS. 
Foutki'ss  Mokroe,  January  ?,  1862. 

Every  day  brings  fresh  arrivals  of  the  fugitives 
from  bondage.  As  the  enemy  withdraws,  a  portion 
of  his  property  is  destroyed  by  fires,  and  lliu.s  lakes 
to  itself  wings  of  smoke  and  'flame  and  flies  awaw 
ami  other  "property,"  household  chattels,  takes  to 
itself'  legs,  and  runs  off  to  the  forties*  as  ful  as 
possible.  Ungrateful  beings,  to  desert  masters  ami 
mistresses  who  have  been  so  kind,  and  to  leave  a 
stale  of   servitude  which    South-Side   clergymen  de 

ctare  to  be  almost  Elysiuml    Wliai  igrioranl  fools, 


$40  PAEKEE  $40 

Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 
rrmiS  is  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
I  Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  tbe  patents  of 
Howe,  AYheeler  &  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  the  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  tbe  market. 

|gP  Sales  Room,  188  "Washington  street, 

■  GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 

Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice. 

Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 

IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last'  Fair  of  the  Masvtchusc'ts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"For/it  Parker's  Sewing  Machines.  This  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Macliine.  They  are  sold  from  S40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  ganging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz:  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
tho  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  iu  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  oat  of  repair.  It  is  tho 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Itsmotions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton-,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. T\iq  ttitrk  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston  Traveller. 

Ji3f  Wc  would  call  the  attention  of  oar  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  the  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  A  Wilson,  and 
Grover  &  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company;  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed  machine  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ms  - 
chines;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  tho  vari- 
ous parte  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liabilityof  get- 
ting oat  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them;  and 
also  the  necessity  of  the  purchase*  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  the  various  motions  to  the  machine. 
Tho  favor  with  which  tho  Parker  Sewing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  tho  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  fur  the  best  machine  now  in  market. — 
South  Reading  Gazttte,  Nov.  24.  18U0. 

Tut;  I'.MiNiai  Si:wi\<;  MaQBIKU  is  taking  fhe  lead  iu  the 
market.  For  beauty  ami  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made — strength 
and  utility  combined — and  is  emphatically  the  cJtt aprst  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  delighted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parker's  machine  the 
preference  overall  ethers.  We  are  pleased  to  learn  thai 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  Ghorqe  E.  Leonard,  188  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines, and  sells  them  as  Fast  aa  they  can  be  mao- 
ufaotured,  notwithstanding  the  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  manufacturers  have  almost  "holly  suspended 
operations.  This  filet,  of  itself,  speaks  move  strongly  in 
its  favor  than  any  thing  we  can  mention  ;  for  were  it  net 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  sum-rod  From  the  gen- 
eral depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  the  wricks  of 
its  rivals.  What  we  tell  you  is  no  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
one  of  thorn,  and  you  will  say  that  "hall' of  it$  good  qval- 
itieshnd  DOVai  been  told  you."  1'very  niiin  W09 
tho  health  am!  happiness  of  Ma  wife  should  i  raj 
theM  machines  to  assist  her  iu  Lessening  life's  toilsome 
<l»sk. —J/„ ,-/.',  re1  Qnxttte,  JiU$  18,  1S<;1. 


Diseases   of  Women  and  Children. 


si 


WM,  SYMINGTON  BKOWN,  M.  D,,  ami 
Mrs,  MARGARET  B.  BRO^  Y    I 
Wl'l  ripened  an  office    "<    ".'7 1    Washington   Street, 


Boston,  iiml   will  dovoio  BpeolaJ   attention  to    the 

h-ciiiuu'iii  of  tho  aliovo  diseases, 

OffiOB  Hours,  from    IU.  a.  m.,  to  i,  r.  ||, 

Boston,  Oct.  i,  1861,  sm 


'>;  HE     I.  IBERATO  R 

—  IS     1'UB1.1S1I1:1>  — 

EVERT   FRIDAY  MORNING, 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,    BOOM    Wo.    6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


f^*  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

§^"  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  addross  for  ten 
dollars,  if  payment  bo  made  in  advance. 

JE^*  All  remittances  are  to  be  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agont. 

E^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  live  cents  por 
line. 

E^"Tho  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

fg^"The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  rl/,  : — Francis  Jackson,  Edmoxd  Qcincy,  Eojiund 
Jackson,  and  Wbndell   Phillips. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  thiH  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  nay  that  mil- 
itary authority  tikes,  for  tho  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  stato  of  thingn,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tbe  President  or 
the  Usiteo  States,  but  the  Oommawder  of  the  Arkv, 
HAS  POWER  TO  0  RUB  It  THE    UNIVERSAL    BMAK- 

CTPATION  OF  THE  SLAVES From  the   instant 

that  the  slaveholding  States  become  tbe  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  jn  every  way  im  which  it  can  bb  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power,  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  3ay  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  tbe  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory  ."--J.  Q.  Aimjub, 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


Cfltor  ffimmfrtj  te  tUs  WoxU,  <mv  <&m\\tv\jmm  m  all  tWmtluMl. 


J.  B.  YEERINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    4. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     JANUARY    24,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1622. 


Bring*  tff  Gppttjjttton. 


A  MYSTEEY  UNSOLVED. 

The  Liberator  furnishes  its  explanation  of  the  dis- 
use of  its  motto.  It  seems  to  amount  to  this,  namely, 
— that,  whereas  the  Constitution  is  now  abrogated 
in  relation  to  the  South,  "  a  covenant  with  death, 
an  agreement  with  hell "  no  longer  exists.  Conse- 
quently, that  tenderness  of  conscience,  for  which 
abolitionists  in  general  and  the  Liberator  in  particu- 
lar are  distinguished,  rendered  proper  the  hauling 
down  of  the  flag  in  question.  This,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived, assumes  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  a  fact 
accomplished,  and  is  as  treasonable,  though  not  quite 
so  irreverent  and  profane,  as  the  Liberator's  old  use 
of  Scriptural  language.  But  will  this  assumption 
answer?  Is  there  not  a  covenant  with  Kentucky — 
an  agreement  with  Maryland?  Is  not  the  declared 
policy  of  the  Government  to  restore  all  things,  to  the 
utmost  jot  and  tittle,  under  the  Constitution,  inter- 
fering with  slavery  only  just  so  far  as  the  unavoida- 
ble necessity  of  the  case  may  demand  ?  If,  therefore, 
on  any  such  theory  as  the  Liberator  professes,  it  has 
lowered  its  treasonable  Black  Flag,  it  is  surely 
leaning  on  a  broken  reed. 

It  denies,  however  that  it  has  received  any  inti- 
-.j»ation,  appropriate  to  its  seditious  character  ;  which 
leaves  Mr.  Sumner's  movement  for  the  freedom  of  the 
press  still  unaccounted  for.  Nor  does  it  speak  well 
for  the  vigilance  of  the  Government,  while  they  are 
in  the  way  of  sending  imputed  traitors  to  State  pris- 
ons, that  they  should  overlook  the  very  worst  traitors 
in  the  land — -the  source  of  "  all  our  woe."  By  way 
of  retort  to  our  suggestion,  however,  Mr.  Garrison 
favors  us  with  a  personal  recollection  of  his  own,  and 
says  "  he  remembers  that  it  is  not  long  since  the 
Courier  required  a  significant  popular  intimation  as 
to  its  seditious  course,"  &c.  There  was  certainly  a 
brief  period,  many  months  ago,  when  every  news- 
paper known  to  be  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  Union  in  their  integrity  was  ex- 
posed to  insult  by  a  faction  which  has  subsequently 
made  its  true  character  evident  in  the  eyes  of  all  men 
— aud  perhaps  from  other  earnest  but  misguided  per- 
sons, who  have  since  seen  their  error.  Intimations, 
a  few,  and  always  anonymous,  certainly  came  to  us 
then,  which  were  treated  with  the  contempt  which 
such  cowardly  attempts  deserved.  But  at  the  same 
time,  we  had  other  more  gratifying  intimations,  grow- 
ing stronger  and  stronger,  until  they  became  faith- 
ful assurances,  that  if  any  attack  threatened  the  of- 
fice, of  the  Courier,  thousands  would  be  instantly 
there,  reaxly  for  its  defence,  and  prepared. 

Happily  nothing  of  the  sort  ever  occurred;  but 
we,  too,  remember  an  incident  of  the  time,  which 
Mr.  Garrison's  reference  to  his  own  recollections 
induces  us  to  bring  forward,  and  which  always  seem- 
ed to  us  to  have  a  highly  humorous  turn  to  it. 
There  was,  it  is  said,  a  sort  of  conference  of  a  cer- 
tain set  of  persons,  about  "mobbing  the  Courier." 
They  had  become  somewhat  brave  in  words,  and  it 
feemed  almost  likely  that  they  might  actually  pass 
some  resolution  on  the  subject,  when  one  of  the  com- 
pany spoke  up  and  said,  "  Yes,  boys,  we'll  mob  the 
Courier  certainly, — but  all  things  in  order — let's  be- 
gin with  the  beginning.  We  must  go  to  Garrison's 
paper  first — that  has  been  preaching  open  treason 
for  these  twenty-five  years, — and  when  we  have  put 
that  down,  we  can  then  take  into  consideration  the 
case  of  the  Courier,  which  has  always  been  in  op- 
position to  the  unconstitutional  doctrines  of  Garrison 
and  all  his  crew."  Thereupon,  the  meeting  dissolved. 
— Boston  Courier. 


Our  abolition  neighbor,  the  Transcript,  thus  an- 
nounces a  very  bad,  but  very  silly  course  of  lectures; 

Emancipation  League. — The  course  of  lectures 
before  this  League,  advertised  in  our  columns,  will  be 
delivered  by  some  of  the  ablest  advocates  of  emanci- 
pation.   See  the  advertisement. 

Upon  referring  to  the  advertisement,  we  see  that 
the  first  lecture  is  to  be  delivered  by  thai  pure  and 
peaceable  divine,  Dr.  Cheever ;  the  second,  by  that 
weathercock  of  politics  anil  religion,  O-  A.  Brownson; 
the  third,  by  M.  D.  Conway,  said  to  be  "  a  native  of 
ia," — we  suppose  to  remind  us  of  tbe  proverb 


about  the  ill  bird  and  its  own  nest;    and  the  fourth, 
by  the  negro,  Fred  Douglass. 

The  Transcript  sets  these  forth,  including  the  re- 
maining two  lecturers,  not  yet  ascertained,  as  "some 
of  the  ablest  advocates  of  emancipation."  Let  us 
hope  that  nothing  serious  will  happen  in  consequence 
of  their  efforts;  but  we  give  them  this  notice  gratui- 
tously, because  we  forbade  the  appearance  of  their 
advertisement  in  our  columns  formerly,  and  as  they 
have  not  called  for  the  money  paid  at  our  counting- 
room  in  advance,  according  to  request,  intending, 
as  we  understood,  to  bring  a  suit  for  failure  to  fulfil 
a  contract,  we  wish  to  square  the  account- — Ibid. 


TREASON  RAMPANT  IK  BOSTON. 

Treason  is  still  rampant  in  Boston,  as  well  as  in 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  and  we  may  ask  where 
are  the  authorities  that  such  treason  is  tolerated 
here,  when  thousands  of  the  sons  of  Massachusetts, 
on  the  line  of  the  Potomac,  and  on  the  Southern 
seaboard,  are  risking  their  lives  to  put  it  down  ? 
The  Liberator  once  paraded  at  its  head,  "the  Con- 
stitution is  a  covenant  with  death,  and  an  agree- 
ment with  hell."  This  was  as  strong  with  treason 
as  any  words  ever  littered  by  Yancey  or  Rhett,  or 
any  other  minion  of  Secession.  In  all  probability, 
the  District  Attorney  gave  the  Liberator  notice  that 
this  offending  was  too  rank  in  the  nostrils  of  this 
loyal  people  to  be  longer  continued  with  safety. 
The  Liberator  complies,  and  erases  the  words,  but 
with  a  dexterous  sleight-of-hand  the  same  treason 
now  leers  out  of  these  other  words  at  the  head  of  its 
columns,  "No  Union  with  Slaveholders";  which  is 
inculcating  a  spirit  of  disloyalty  to  that  Constitution 
whose  unbroken  integrity  makes  a  Union  with  slave- 
holders a  legal  necessity.  Yet  the  Liberator  remains 
unrestricted  in  its  circulation  through  the  mails,  un- 
im prisoned  for  its  treason.  Let  the  authorities 
again  show  their  sword  of  justice,  if  they  would  save 
the  property  and  the  lives  of  Massachusetts  men  now 
imperilled  to  undo  the  treason  these  men  have  ac- 
complished. 

We  must  also  pay  our  most  gracious  compliments 
to  Mr.  Phillips,  as  he  stands  in  the  same  category 
with  those  who  are  warring  on  the  Constitution  and 
the  legal  authorities  of  the  United  States.  He  at- 
tacks all  things  and  constituted  powers  vehemently. 
He  attacks  the  Generals  for  making  no  advance  ;  he 
attacks  the  Cabinet  for  being  an  Apology  Cabinet; 
he  attacks  the  President  for  not  being  a  man;  he 
attacks  these  gentlemen  in  power  as  men  whose 
memories  would  sink  to  the  infamy  of  Burr  and  Ar- 
nold ;  he  attacks  them  for  giving  up  Slidell  and  Ma- 
son ;  he  attacks  the  North  as  bankrupt  in  character 
and  in  money;  and,  above  all  the  rest,  he  comes  out 
and  acknowledges  the  crime  which  we  have  so  long 
imputed  to  him  and  to  the  anti-slavery  party  of  the 
country,  that  of  treason,  by  saying  that  "  the  anti- 
slavery  party  had  hoped  for  and  planned  disunU/n,  be- 


cause it  would  lead  to  the  development  of  mankind  and 
the  elevation  of  the  black  man."  He  commends  the 
South  in  this  manner,  by  saying  that  she  "  deserved 
to  succeed  because  she  had  exhibited  better  statesman- 
ship and  more  capacity  for  contest."  These  words 
are  listened  to  in  Boston,  by  Boston  audiences,  and 
they  are  applauded.  On  the  line  of  the  Potomac 
these  words  uttered  would  consign  him  to  Fort  La- 
fayette; in  Boston  they  consign  him  to  the  Elysium 
of  the  Abolitionists. 

By  Congressional  assumption  of  power,  by  the 
influence  of  our  Greeleys,  Bryants  and  Clieevers,  of 
New  York,  and  Garrisons  and  Phillipses  of  Boston, 
there  is  serious  danger  of  Secession  becoming  revo- 
lution, and  of  the  utter  thwarting  of  all  the  attempts 
which  have  been  made,  and  may  be  made,  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Union.  But  the  loyal  men  of  the 
North  must  stand  firm,  and  the  right  will  prevail. 
— Boston  Post. 


Constitutional  Dutie3.  In  renewing  my  sub- 
scription, I  can  but  express  my  gratitude  to  you  for 
the  faithful  discharge  of  your  duties  as  public  jour- 
nalists. In  view  of  all  that  is  now  being  enacted, 
what  real  patriot  does  not  mourn  that  your  counsels 
have"  been  so  disregarded  for  tbe  last  eighteen 
months  ?  Had  those  counsels  prevailed,  peace  now 
would  have  been  achieving  its  most  splendid  vic- 
tories; the  sum  of  human  happiness  would  have 
been  larger  than  ever  before.  But  the  Abolitionists 
say  that  it  is  the  Lord's  doings,  that  His  ways  are 
marvelous  in  our  sight.  Do  you  believe  that  ?  Can 
you  believe  that  they  and  their  twin  brothers  in 
crime,  the  Secessionists  of  the  South,  can  escape 
their  own  guilt  by  laying  it  to  tbe  Lord  ?  If  so, 
then  all  guilt  is  banished  from  the  earth,  and  Provi- 
dence is  responsible  for  all  the  wickedness  commit- 
ted. But  this  is  not  so;  every  intelligent  being  is 
responsible  for  the  natural  consequence  of  his  own 
acts.  By  this  rule,  some  men  of  the  North  are  just 
as  responsible  for  this  war  as  the  South.  We  to- 
gether have  made  a  Constitution.  We  have  pros- 
pered beyond  all  expectation  under  that  instrument. 
When  slavery  became  unprofitable  in  the  North,  the 
slaves  were  sold  to  the  South,  and  the  cash  paid  for 
them.  Now,  shall  we  turn  right  about,  and  carry 
on  the  war  to  liberate  the  slaves  of  the  South  ? 
- — Letter  of  a  subscriber  of  the  Journal  of  Commerce. 


MEN,  NOT  SLATES. 

There  are  four  millions  of  black  people  in  the  re- 
bellious States  of  this  republic.  A  portion,  and  pos- 
sibly the  whole  of  them,  are,  in  the  providence  of 
God,  to  be  freed  from  their  subjection  to  white  mas- 
ters, and  brought  under  the  control  of  the  Federal 
Government.  Its  duty  to  them  may  be  complicated 
and  manifold  ;  the  relation  to  such  a  people  is  a  new 
one,  and  time  and  events  must  define  it  in  all  its 
bearings.  But  one  thing  is  plain — one  thing,  as  a 
starting-point,  admits  of  no  doubt,  needs  no  hesita- 
tion: Let  us  forget  that  these  blacks  ever  were 
slaves,  and  remember  only  that  they  are  men.  With 
this  as  our  first  principle,  we  cannot  go  far  wrong. 

As  the  strength  of  a  chain  is  in  its  weakest  part, 
so  the  power  and  the  virtue  of  a  government  are  in 
its  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  weakest  and  hum- 
blest of  the  people.  To  strike  a  man  when  he  is 
down  is  the  part  of  a  bully  and  a  coward;  and  this 
is  as  true  of  a  State  as  it  is  of  an  individual.  To 
wrong  a  man  because  he  has  been  a  slave,  and  can- 
not assert  his  own  rights,  is  to  act  in  the  spirit  of  a 
slaveholder.  It  is  only  to  strike  a  man  when  he  is 
down.  Let  us  not,  if  we  can  help  it,  be  guilty  of  this 
meanness. 

He  who  has  been  a  slave  may  be  helpless.  Is  that 
a  reason  why  we  should  rob  him  ?  He  may,  degrad- 
ed and  enervated  by  bondage,  be  a  fit  subject  for 
peculiar  care  and  peculiar  training.  Is  that  a  reason 
why  our  guardianship  should  be  only  a  mitigated 
form  of  slavery?  If*  we  do  not  at  first  see  our  duty 
clearly  to  these  people,  our  sight  will  be  anointed  if 
we  can  remember  that  we  are  dealing  with  men 
whom  we  would  raise  to  all  the  dignity  of  manhood, 
and  forget  that  they  have  been  slaves,  belonging  to 
a  despised  race,  worth  so  many  cents  a  day  as  labor- 
ers. The  mistake  would  be  as  fatal  as  that  of  Car- 
dinal Xim.en.es,  who,  that  he  might  redeem  the  In- 
dians from  bondage,  and  make  them  Christians,  pro- 
cured the  importation  of  heathens  from  Africa  for 
the  Spanish  colonies,  and  made  them  slaves.  It  is 
the  spirit  of  slavery  that  we  must  rid  ourselves  of, 
and  not  merely  a  particular  form  of  it. 

It  is  this  error  into  which  Congressional  legislation 
seems  likely  to  fall.  Wherever,  in  the  Southern 
country,  the  war  strikes  a  blow,  the  Federal  forces 
are  met  by  a  people  who  welcome  their  coming  as 
deliverers ;  who,  abandoned  by  those  who  have 
hitherto  controlled  them,  hold  up  their  hands,  yet 
numb  from  the  manacles  that  have  just  dropped  from 
them,  and  ask,  in  their  helplessness,  "  What  will  you 
do  with  us?"  There  are  two  answers:  "  Slaves! 
■we  will  take  care  of  you!"  or,  "Men,  be  men,  and 
take  care  of  yourselves!"  If  their  helplessness  ap- 
peals to  us,  let  not  their  manhood  be  dumb.  To  the 
oppressed  and  weak  of  all  other  nations,  we  offer  an 
asylum  and  a  welcome.  To  the  Irish,  the  English, 
the  French,  and  the  Germans,  driven  from  home  and 
want,  we  have  ready  work  for  ready  hands;  all  that 
benign  laws,  free  schools,  free  churches,  and  the 
rights  of  free  citizenship  can  give,  we  offer  freely  to 
them  and  their  children.  We  do  not  stop  to  ask  how 
deep  the  wounds  are  that  the  brand  of  suffering,  of 
starvation,  and  of  tyranny  has  stamped  upon  their 
souls  for  centuries.  We  do  not  seize  upon  and  bind 
them  over  to  an  apprenticeship  of  five  or  five-and- 
twenty  years,  appropriating  some  small  pittance  of 
wages,  held  in  our  hands,  for  their  maintenance,  till 
such  time  as  we  shall  think  they  may  become  fit  to 
be  the  free  citizens  of  a  republic.  We  appropriate 
no  far-off  region  for  their  colonization,  but  leave 
them  to  dissolve  into  the  surrounding  mass,  trusting 
to  our  own  strength  to  absorb  theirs,  and  to  neutral- 
ize their  weakness.  Shall  we  trust  ourselves  less, 
and  be  less  kind  to  that  more  unfortunate  class 
among  ourselves,  hitherto  isolated  from  all  those  pe- 
culiar blessings  that  have  made  our  country  the  most 
favored  of  all  the  earth  ?  There  is  nothing  in  their 
character,  their  intelligence,  or  their  conduct,  past 
or  present,  that  demands  that  they  should  be  made 
an  exception  in  the  treatment  we  extend  to  the  poor 
of  all  the  earth;  and  we  only  propose  to  do  so  in 
their  case  because  they  have  been  the  oppressed  of 
our  own  countrymen,  and  because,  in  tolerating  the 

freat  injustice  of  which  they  have  been  guilty,  we 
ave  learnt  to  govern  ourselves  by  their  spirit.  We 
are  consenting  to  perpetuate,  in  some  measure,  the 
crime  of  which  they  have  been  guilty,  because  these 
slaveholders  have  been  our  masters  also,  and  have 
instilled  into  us  their  own  contempt  of  the  blacks. 
We  shall  achieve  our  own  emancipation  as  we  work 
out  theirs,  and  justify  our  own  manhood  as  we  recog- 
nize theirs,  and  any  other  COtiree  is  only  an  evidence 
that  we  liave  not  yet  broken  even  our  own  bonds. 
The  country  is  not  yet  agreed  that  the  abolition 


of  slavery  is  justifiable  even  as  a  war  measure. 
There  are  well-meaning  people  who  question  the 
constitutional  right  to  confiscate  the  property  in 
slaves;  but  there  should  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  con- 
stitutional and  natural  wrong  of  reducing  to  a  new 
slavery  those  who  may  fall  into  our  hands.  If  we 
cannot  make  men  of  stives,  surely  nothing  can  justi- 
fy us  in  making  slaves  of  men.  If  the  Federal  forces 
find  Beaufort  District  in  the  possession  of  black  men, 
and  no  others  there  to  claim  ownership  of  houses 
ami  land?;— or,  only  such  as  have  earned  by  rebellion 
the  penalty  of  confiscation — then  it  is  no  business  of 
such  forces  to  inquire  into  the  past  condition  of  those 
loyal  laborers  found  in  possession.  They  are  men, 
and  women,  and  children,  living  in  their  own  hom,;s, 
to  whose  labo"  th.at  soil  is  peculiarly  necessary,  whose 
wealth  that  labor  has  created,  understanding  and 
fitted  for  its  production,  acclimated  by  birth  to  that 
climate,  asking  only  now  the  protection  of  our  laws, 
and  ready,  under  any  equable  system,  to  go  to  work 
as  free  laborers.  By  what  law  of  God  or  man  do 
we  tear  them  from  their  homes,  and  consign  them  to 
a  new  servitude  ia  some  region  to  be  yet  redeemed 
from  the  wilderness?"  Why  should  we  desolate  a 
whole  section  of  country  by  banishing  from  it  the 
needed  labor  already  on  the  spot  ?  We  pride  our- 
selves on  our  practical  character,  while  we  propose 
to  outrage  common  sense  by  removing  the  labor 
which,  we  are  told,  is  alone  fitted  for  that  locality, 
from  a  region  whose  industry  is  already  organized 
and  producing  vast  results,  to  one  where  it  may  not 
be  needed  to  all,  aud  where,  at  any  rate,  a  genera- 
tion or  two  must  pass  away  before  there  can  be  any 
results  whatever,  except,  perhans,  a  bare  subsistence 
for  incompetent  colonists.  We  pretend  to  know 
something  of  political  economy,  and  welcome  the 
laborer  from  evury  quarter  of  the  globe  even  to  our 
most  populous  cities,  and  yet  propose  to  banish  from 
our  richest  lands  the  sparse,  but  proper,  labor,  which 

nder  the  worst  system  gets  from  them  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  every  year.  And,  as  if  this  gigan- 
tic blunder  were  not  enough,  we  propose  to  found 
new  colonies  by  an  enforced  system  of  serfdom,  a 
system  of  apprenticeship,  the  to-be-continued  of  sla- 
very, concentrating  in  new  communities  all  tbe  vices, 
all  the  discontent,  and  all  the  evils,  so  far  as  the 
blacks  are  concerned,  with  new  ones  added,  which 
slavery  has  engendered  !  And  this,  the  mere  feculum 
of  a  pro-slavery  prejudice,  the  unreasonable  and  un- 
reasoning hatred  of  a  race  that  owes  us  nothing  but 
the  remembrance  of  centuries  of  wrong,  is  called 
statesmanship  !  If  it  were  not  so  wicked,  one  could 
laugh  at  its  utter  foolishness  and  blindness.  But  it 
is  as  unworthy  of  us  as  Christians  as  it  is  as  discredi- 
table to  us  as  freemen- 
No;    let  us  treat  the  blacks  as  men — simply  as 

an.  If  we  remember  that  they  have  been  slaves 
at  all,  let  it  only  be  that  we  may  listen  to  that  ap- 
peal to  our  humanity.  Extend  to  them  all  the  ad- 
vantages of  free  labor,  and  the  free  institutions  we 
so  cherish  for  ourselves  and  our  children  ;  give  to 
them  the  right  of  the  "  pursuit  of  happiness  "  in 
their  own  way;  secure  to  them  the  right  of  a  fair 
day's  wages  for  a  fair  day's  work ;  aud  welcome  them 
to  common  justice  and  a  common  toil.  We  may 
safely  listen  in  this  matter  to  the  dictates  of  common 

mse,  and  leave  the  event  of  simply  doing  right  to 
follow. — New  York  Independent. 


NEGKOES  FOE  SOLDIERS. 

In  a  speech  before  the  Legislature  of  Vermont,  at 
its  last  session,  Geo.  Butler  declared  that,  in  the  event 
of  a  foreign  war,  "  we  would  arm  every  man  on  the 
continent,  be  he  white,  grey,  blue,  or  black."  The 
statement  was  welcomed  with  vociferous  applause  by 
the  audience,  who  seemed  to  have  no  horror  of  a 
piebald  host  composed  of  such  constituents.  But 
since,  when  men  have  coolly  considered  the  proposi- 
tion, some  have  gravely  raised  the  question  as  to  the 
capacity  of  negroes  to  make  good  soldiers.  The  insane 
cry,  so  rife  a  few  years  ago,  "  Put  none  but  Ameri- 
cans on  guard,"  is  now  rendered  by  many  people : 
"  Put  none  but  white  men  men  on  guard."  The 
former  slogan  has  lost  its  charm.  It  has  been  found 
that  Irishmen  and  Germans  are  loyal,  and  will  fight ; 
that  they  will  do  "  to  put  on  guard."  Perhaps  ac- 
tual trial  will  show  that  black  men  may  be  trusted, 
too.  But  are  negroes  fit  for  brave  and  efficient  sol- 
diers ? 

There  is  no  instance,  that  we  remember,  of  regu- 
lar and  protracted  warfare  between  negroes  and 
whites,  save  in  the  island  of  Hayti.  We  shall  not 
now  discuss  the  political  aspects  of  the  Haytien  Rev- 
olutions, but  barely  examine  them,  to  discover  what 
light  they  shed  on  the  question  which  has  been 
raised.  Napoleon  attempted  to  reduce  the  emanci- 
pated slaves  on  the  island  to  slavery  again.  They 
fought  out  a  bloody  conflict  with  him  in  the  defence 
of  their  rights,  and  worsted  him.  Toussaint  L'Ou- 
verture,  the  great  leader  of  the  blacks,  who  showed 
the  highest  qualities  of  a  general  and  statesman,  was 
of  pure  negro  descent ;  was  a  slave  in  the  capacity 
of  coachman,  when  the  Iiaytien  troubles  first  began. 
He  gradually  rose  from  the  most  subordinate  posi- 
tion to  that  of  leader  and  Liberator  of  his  fellows. 
His  chief  lieutenants  and  coadjutors  were  blacks,  or 
of  mixed  descent.  Before  L'Ouverture  gained  the 
command,  the  blacks  fought  in  predatory,  guerilla 
bands,  plundering,  burning,  and  murdering;  but  he 
organized  them  into  regular  military  organizations, 
disciplined  them,  and  curbed  their  fierce  and  vindic- 
tive passions.  The  French  veterans  founil  them  a 
stubborn  enemy,  contesting  every  inch  of  ground, 
and  finally  driving  them  back  into  the  sea. 

When  Napoleon  determined  to  subjugate  the  blacks 
in  Hayti,  he  made  the  most  formidable  preparations. 
The  fleet  was  composed  of  twenty-one  frigates  and 
thirty-five  other  vessels  of  war — exceeding  the  Port 
Royal  expedition.  The  fleet  bore  one  of  the  most 
valiant  of  armies.  It  was  composed  of  French  vet- 
erans who  had  served  in  Italy,  in  Egypt,  on  the 
Rhine,  numbering  more  than  30,000  men,  under  the 
command  of  Leclcrc,  brother-in-law  of  Napoleon. 
Toussaint's  forces  numbered  16,000  men.  When  he 
saw  the  hostile  fleet,  he  exclaimed  to  his  officers,  "  We 
must  perish  ;  all  France  is  coming  to  St.  Domingo." 
With  skilful  strategy,  however,  the  negro  general 
retired  from  the  seaports  to  the  mountains.  After 
considerable  parleying  and  manecuvcring,  Leclerc 
advanced  on  Toussaint  with  an  army  of  25,000  men. 
His  advance  guard  under  the  command  of  Rocham- 
beau,  son  of  the  Frenchman  who  commanded  the 
French  auxiliaries  in  our  Revolution,  was  met  in  a 
ravine  at  Conleuvre  by  the  black  army,  and  repulsed. 
Dr.  Beard  thus  describes  the  conflict : — 

"  The  impetuosity  of  the  French  attack  was  checked 
by  the  bravery  of  the  resistance.  The  troops  in  am- 
bush pressed  forward  on  the  flanks  and  in  the  rear  of 
the  French,  who  everywhere  presented  a  bold  front  to 
the  assailants.  The  retrenchment  having  been  ojiencd, 
the  conflict  became  bloody  and  obstinate.  Now  the 
victory  inclined  to  this  side,  now  to  that.  *  *  *  With 
such  fury  did  the  conflict  rage,  that  arms  were  thrown 
aside,  and  combatants,  seizing  each  other,  struggled 
for  life  and  death.  The  field  of  battle  was  covered 
with  slain.     A  decisive  effort  was  necessary.      Putting 

himself  at  the  head  of  hi*  grenadiers,  Toussaint  rushed 
to  the  attack,  and  drove  Itocharnbeau  over  tbe  river, 
where  in  the  morning  the  fight  had  begun." 


That  is  very  decent  behavior  for  negroes  under  a 
negro  leader,  matched  against  the  elite  of  Napoleon's 
soldiers  !  In  the  siege  of  Crete- a- Pierrot,  trie  same 
determined,  steady  courage  was  displayed  by  the 
blacks.  The  French  made  the  first  assault  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1802.  They  rushed  forward  to  the  at- 
tack with  bravery  aud  enthusiasm,  but  were  hurled 
back  discomfited.  Thegenerai-in-chief,  Debelle,  was 
wounded  as  well  as  brigadier-general  Devaux. 
Tiie  division  fell  ba.'k  with  a  loss  of  400  men.  Soon 
another  assault  was  made.  General  Boudet  was 
wounded.  When  his  division  was  on  the  point  of 
perishing,  that  of  General  Digua  came  up.  That 
general  was  struck  down;  only  one  general  officer 
kept  the  field.  The  blacks  charged,  and  the  French 
were  again  repulsed.  This  second  attack  cost  them 
800  men.  Preparations  for  a  third  attack  were 
made.  The  .  stronghold  was  regularly  invested. 
Fresh  troops  were  brought  up,  and  partial  successes 
obtained.  Encouraged  by  them,  Rschambeau  was 
emboldened  to  attempt  to  carry  a  battery,  but  failed 
with  the  loss  of  300  men.  Tiie  garrison  finally  cut 
its  way  out  with  the  loss  of  less  than  half  its  number, 
leaving  to  the  assailants  only  a  pile  of -ruins.  The 
contest  was  finally  renewed  elsewhere.  By  the  bas- 
est treachery,  Leclerc  entrapped  Toussaint,  whom 
he  could  not  vanquish  in  the  field.  But  other  lead- 
ers were  found.  Tiie  French  army  was  decimated 
by  disease,  and  by  its  contests  with  an  active  foe.  The 
splendid  army  was  completely  reduced,  and  Napo- 
leon was  compelled  to  send  out  another  army  of 
20,000  men.  But  he  still  failed  of  his  purpose.  The 
blacks  rose  throughout  the  island  under  the  command 
of  Dessalines,  Christophe  and  Ferrou,  ravaged  the 
Interior,  laid  waste  the  coasts,  and  invested  the 
Frenchmen  at  Cape  Francais,  and  they  were  finally 
compelled  to  capitulate.  ILtving  expelled  the  in- 
vading foe,  Dessalines,  once  a  slave  himself,  proceed- 
ed to  organize  a  government,  of  which  he  became 
the  head. 

These  are  some  salient  points  of  the  contest  in 
SUyti.  The  negroas  minifested  fortitude,  courage 
and  enthusiasm  through  the  long  war.  They  were 
intrepid  in  attack,  steady  and  uuflinching  when  as- 
SAilerl.  They  met  face  to  face  the  best  troops  the 
world  had  then,  and  proved  themselves  "  foemen 
worthy  of  their  steel."  Tiiey  were  organized  and 
led  by  negroes  who  had  just  been  freed  from  sla- 
very. The  history  of  the  Hiytien  Revolution  is 
positive  proof  that  negroes  have  made  good  soldiers. 
— Burlington  (Vt.)  Times. 


QUIETISM. 

There  have  been  in  all  periods  a  class  of  persons 
who,  either  from  natural  disposition  or  from  person- 
al or  class  interest,  hive  been  opposed  to  all  innova- 
tion upon  established  institutions  or  usages,  and 
averse  to  all  change  in  the  constitution  of  soeiety. 
We  miy  call  them  Q  delists.  Tuey  are  forever 
praying  for  peace  and  harmonv.  They  deprecate 
all  discussion  and  agitation.  They  miy  acknowl- 
edge the  existence  of  alleged  evils,  but  beg  that 
these  ravy  not  be  disturbed  in  their  day.  "  After  us 
the  deluge.  Let  us  eat  and  drink,  mirry  and  give 
in  mirriago,  and  let  our  descendants  look  out  for 
themselves.  As  for  this  Noah  who  goes  about  preach- 
ing so  much  of  his  righteousness,  and  finding  fault 
with  our  way  of  living,  and  predicting  soma  terrible 
disaster  which  is  soon  to  overtake  us,  hs  is  only  a 
noisy  fanatic,  seeking  popularity  with  the  misses 
whom  he  deludes  by  his  talk.  He  ought  to  be  put 
down,  and  not  be  allowed  to  create  all  this  strife  and 
discussion,  and  overturn  the  founditions  of  society, 
aud  disturb  the  peace  and  repose  of  his  betters." 

Such  is  a  specimen  of  the  arguments  in  all  ages 
of  the  Q  iietists.  Some  of  them  are  honest,  and 
some  are  dishonest.  Tne  former  might  be  suffered 
to  babble  away,  for  they  could  never  exert  any  in- 
fluence on  the  general  current  of  aifairs.  Tuey 
could  pore  over  their  books,  or  retire  to  their  coun- 
try scats,  lamenting  over  the  unsettled  state  of  af- 
fairs, and  deploring  the  passions  of  men,  but  they 
are  of"  no  particular  consequence.  It  is  only  when 
interested  men  take  up  the  same  strain,  and  seek  to 
prolong  the  existence  of  bad  institutions  in  religion, 
government  or  society,  that  it  is  worthy  of  notice, 
and  the  necessity  and  duty  of  discussion  and  agita- 
tion need  to  be  boldly  asserted  and  practised. 
'  The  Northern  friends  of  slavery  have  been  the 
greatest  quietists  in  this  country  from  the  beginning. 
Both  the  sincere  and  the  insincere  have  endeavored 
to  prevent  discussion,  to  put  down  agitation,  to  stifle 
the  voice  of  those  who  were  seeking  to  arouse  tho 
people  to  its  injustice,  and  to  the  disasters  which 
must  reside  from  a  persistence  in  maintaining  it.  All 
through  the  pro-slavery  and  anti-slavery  agitation  of 
the  last  thirty  years,  this  has  been  one  of  the  weap- 
ons in  the  hands  of  slavery,  and  one  it  has  wielded 
with  no  little  effect.  Time  and  again  have  the  peo- 
ple been  deluded  by  the  cry  of  quietism.  The  tiger 
has  withdrawn  his  claws  and  concealed  his  teeth  for 
a  brief  period  when  the  popular  sense  of  his  ferocity 
and  danger  seemed  growing  so  strong  as  to  endanger 
his  ease  and  safety,  and  then  his  keepers  have  cried 
out,  "  What  a  handsome  animal  he  is !  What 
smooth  fur,  aud  pretty  stripes,  and  soft  tread,  and 
meek  look  he  has  !  There  is  no  harm  in  him.  Let 
him  alone."  And  so  the  people  have  been  quieted, 
and  the  tiger  has  revived  his  nature,  and  has  gone 
on  devouring  men  and  women,  and  seeking  further 
prey  for  his  insatiable  appetite.  And  those  who 
have  declared  his  true  character,  and  warned  against 
his  continuance  in  the  land,  have  been  stigmatized 
with  the  most  opprobrious  epithets,  the  vilest  preju- 
dices have  been  excited  against  them,  until  the  name 
of  Abolitionist  has  become  one  of  more  terror  than 
that  of  the  tiger  himself  they  have  sought  to  destroy. 

And  so  we  have  come  down  to  our  times.  And 
the  savage  beast  slavery  has  developed  its  nature  to 
the  fullest  extent,  by  seeking  to  rend  the  country  in 
twain,  and  involving  us  in  a  civil  war  with  all  the 
untold  and  imaginable  evils  that  accompany  it. 
Having  failed  in  establishing  its  lair  in  the  national 
government,  it  has  resolved  to  build  a  den  for  itself, 
and  to  enclose  a  forest  where  it  may  roam  and  riot 
at  pleasure.  And  arc  there  quietists  still  ?  Are 
there  men  who,  when  we  are  engaged  in  this  deadly 
struggle,  in  which  cither  liberty  or  slavery  must 
triumph,  bid  us  refrain  from  discussion,  forget  the 
causes  which  led  to  this  lamentable  strife,  aud  con- 
duct the  struggle  without  reference  to  the  causes  in 
which  it  had  its  origin  ?  One  would  deem  it  impos- 
sible. If  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  one  calling 
himself  a  patriot  American  had  stood  up  in  Faucnil 
Hall,  after  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Bunker 
Hill,  and  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  urged  on  tho  people  to  continue  the  struggle 
against  Great,  Britain  till  independence  was  achieved, 
but  for  the  future  to  make  no  mention  of  the  causes 
of  the  contest  in  which  they  were  engaged,  of  the 
tyranny  of  the  mother  country,  of  her  hostility  to 
the- interests  of  America,  of  her  intention  by  all 
means  to  prevent  our  growth  and  prosperity,  would 
not  the  sound  common  sense  of  our  fathers  have 
hooted  him  from  the  platform,  and  would  he  not, 
have  been  a  marked  man,  suspected  as  regarded  Ins 
fidelity  to  the  cause  ever  a.fl.er  ? 

Equally  absurd  it  is  at  the  present  day  to  carry 
on  l  he  present  contest,  and  ignore  the  causes  which 


I  have  led  to  it.  If  we  would  conduct  the  struggle  to 
a  successful  issue,  if  we  would  establish  the  final 
triumph  of  liberty  over  slavery,  of  democratic  over 
class  and  privileged  institutions,  we  must  keep  con- 
stantly in  view  the  causes  of  the  war.  If  we  do  not, 
if  we  suffer  ourselves  to  be  deluded  by  the  cry  of  the 
Quietists,  if  we  forget  that  it  is  slavery  against  which 
we  are  fighting,  we  shall,  before  we  know  it,  have 
the  old  palliative  proposed,  we  shall  have  some  new 
compromise,  some  new  concession  to  slavery  pre- 
sented as  a  means  of  settling  our  difficulties.  We 
may  thus  secure  a  superficial  and  transient  truce, 
but  we  shall  leave  the  cause  of  the  war,  the  same 
sources  of  discord,  of  trouble,  and  of  war  that  have 
brought  the  present  evils  upon  us,  as  a  doubly  bane- 
ful legacy  to  our  descendants.  Let  us  not  be  so 
cowardly  as  that.  Let  us  probe  the  matter  to  the 
root  for  ourselves.  Let  us  continue  to  keep  in  mind 
the  great  cause  of  our  national  troubles,  and  resolve 
that  there  shall  be  no  more  compromise  with  it  or 
concession  to  it.  And  let  us  look  with  distrust  upon 
the  Quietists  who  every  little  while  are  raising  their 
soft  voices  amid  this  struggle  of  great  principles  and 
ideas,  and  begging  us  to  forget  all  principle,  and  only 
seek  for  peace.  All  such  are  either  incapable  of  ap- 
preciating tiro  magnitude  and  the  character  of  the 
struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged,  or  they  are  base- 
ly seeking  to  deceive  the  people,  to  blind  their  sense 
of  justice,  to  administer  an  opiate  to  their  con- 
sciences, and  in  reality  to  aid  and  sustain  the  exist- 
ence and  the  evils  of  human  slavery. — New  Bedford 
Republican   Standard. 


MANUFA<JTUKING    PUBLI0   OPINION   IN 
FAV0E  OP  THE  SOUTH. 

The  slaveholders  of  the  Southern  States  have  one 
characteristic  of  the  children  of  this  world  in  a  very 
high  degree.  They  are  wise  in  their  generation. 
Tney  have  been  preparing  for  their  great  secession 
for  years  with  all  the  subtlety  of  the  serpent;  and 
they  have,  as  one  means  of  securing  aid  and  comfort 
for  their  cause,  sought  and  obtained  a  strong  feeling 
in  their  favor  in  Britain  and  her  dependencies.  By 
artful  representations  that  the  secession  movement 
was  for  liberty  and  free  trade,  when  it  was  really 
for  slavery,  they  have  secured  many  powerful  advo- 
cates; and  they  have  been,  it  is  believed,  skilful  in 
the  use  of  still  more  direct  inducements  to  manufac- 
ture public  opinion  in  favor  of  their  cause. 

The  results  of  this  engineering  are  obvious.  In 
the  West  Indies,  for  instance,  British  neutrality  is 
very  one-sided.  Everything-that  can  be  done  with- 
out transgressing  the  law  of  nations,  is  done~fbr 
Southern  belligerents;  and  everything,  within  the 
same  limits,  against  Northern  belligerents.  This  is 
not  very  extraordinary,  seeing  the  frequent  inter- 
course between  the  West  Indies  and  tbe  Southern 
States,  and  the  aristocratic  pro-slavery  feeling  which 
almost  everywhere  prevails  among  officials  and  offi- 
cers. 

The  leading  paper  of  Britain,  and  perhaps  of  the 
world,  followed  by  a  host  of  satellites,  has  gone 
thoroughly  for  the  South  and  against  the  North,  in 
a  way  that  is  a  perfect  disgrace  to  British  fairness. 
Everything  that  tells  in  favor  of  one  side  is  magni- 
fied and  set  in  the  most  favorable  light,  whilst  every- 
thing injurious  to  the  other  "  is  set  in  a  note-book, 
learned  and  conned  by  rote,  to  east  into  her  teeth." 
The  unanimity,  vigor,  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice  of 
the  Northern  States  are  sneered  at  and  misrepre- 
sented in  a  manner  worthy  of  Meplnstophiles  him- 
self; whilst  their  every  error,  weakness  and  fault, 
is  made  the  most  of.  It  is  not,  however,  surprising 
that  the  Times  should  take  the  pro-slavery  side;  it 
always  has  done  so.  In  all  questions  respecting 
West  India  slavery,  it  has  been  on  the  side  of  the 
merchants,  planters  and  capitalists ;  and  when  their 
views  conflicted  with  humanity  and  justice,  the 
Times  was  always  in  antagonism  with  both.  Tiie 
unscrupulous  character  of  the  "  leading  journal,"  in 
this  respect,  has  been  the  subject  of  remark  for 
many  years ;  and  it  is  one  of  the  reproaches  of  Eng- 
land that  such  a  wrong-principled  paper  should  be 
its  prominent  organ.  The"  Times,  we  believe,  can- 
not be  bribed  with  Secession  gold  ;  but  its  instincts 
are  on  the  side  of  aristocracy,  slavery  and  cotton, 
versus  human  rights  and  human  freedom  ;  and  those 
instincts  are  shown  in  the  present  struggle,  in  the 
most  malignant  manner.  It  is  doing  its  very  best 
to  incite  the  British  nation  to  war  with  the  United 
States  at  this  time,  as  the  best  opportunity  for  over- 
throwing what  it  calls  "  unbridled  democracy" — aid- 
ing slavery  and  other  aristocratic  institutions,  and 
obtaining  cotton  to  promote  commerce  and  manu- 
factures. 

It  is  in  Canada,  however,  that  the  greatest  triumphs 
of  Secession  intrigue  in  ay  be  seen.  The  West  In- 
dies— on  account  of  near  neighborhood,  long  mutual 
acquaintance,  and  frequent  intercourse — was,  doubt- 
less, predisposed  to  favor  the  Suuth.  Eigland  has 
the  powerful  inducements  of  free  trade  and  cotton 
to  draw  her  sympathies  in  that  direction  ;  but  the 
intercourse  and  interests  of  Canada  were  all  with 
the  North,  and  to  have  secured  as  much  as  they  have 
done  of  public  opinion  here,  in  favor  of  Dixie,  shows 
no  little  ability  in  manufacturing  public  opinion  on 
the  part  of  the  knot  of  clever  Secessionists  who  have 
been  residing  for  some  months  in  Canada. — Montre- 
al Witness. 


we  are  in  danger  of  negro  equality  ! "  Hardly,  Mr. 
Smith.  We  imagine  you  would  say:  "  Boyths,  do 
your  duty,  thoot  the  athathins."  The  soldiers  from 
Southern  Indiana  do  not  know  why  receiving  aid 
from  negroes  in  the  army  any  more  puts  them  on  an 
equality,  than  such  aid  as  Mr.  Smith  receives  in 
Washington   makes  equality  there. — Ind.  American. 


CALEB  B.  SMITH  ON  AKMIHG  THE  SLAVES. 

In  his  speech  at  the  Prentice  dinner  at  Washing- 
ton, Hon.  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
said  of  the  Cochrane  Cameron  proposition  to  arm 
the  slaves  : — ■ 

"Putting  arms  into  slaves' diands !  If  this  be  at- 
tempted to  any  extent,  the  whole  world  will  cry  out 
against  our  inhumanity,  our  savagery,  and  the  sym- 
pathies of  all  mankind  will  be  turned  against  us  as 
they  were  against  the  blacks,  who  murdered  and 
drove  the  French  from  Hayti.  And  if  it  be  attempt- 
ed, the  soldiers  in  the  army  from  Southern  Indiana, 
Illinois,  ail  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Delaware,  Penn- 
sylvania, nearly  all,  and  from  Now  York  south  of 
the  Erie  Canal,  with  the  strong  regiments  from  New 
Jersey,  will,  before  God,  protest  against  being  thus 
puton  an  equality  with  negro  soldiers  in  their  ranks." 

All  very  nice,  Hon.  Mr.  Smith,  with  your  sons 
comfortably  housed  around  you  in  fat.  offices  in  Wash- 
ington, guarded  by  200.000"  soldiers  who  sleep  in  the 
innd  and  eat  army  biscuits !  You  theorize  bravely 
about  the  soldiers  in  tho  army  from  Southern  Indiana, 
while  you  know  not  a  whit  about  their  feelings. 
'  Negro  equality,'  forsooth  !  Do  you  protest  before 
God  against  being  put  on  an  equality  with  the  ne- 
gro who  docs  chores  for  you  anil  your  dear  sons  in 
Washington?  Be  assured,  Mr.  Smith,  that  the  sol- 
diers have  just  as  good  sense  as  you  have,  and  will 
not  flare  up  if  negroes  lire  put  between  them  and 
bayonets,  a  bit  more  than  the  Hon.  Smith's  family 
would  if  their  hoolbhek  and  t.heir  cook  should  thrust 
their  sable  persons  between  the  aforesaid  Smith  fam- 
ily and  an  armed  assassin,  or  perchance  a  scout 
from  tho  rebel  army.  Wouldl.hu  Smiths  feel  their 
dignity  so  endangered  (hat  they  would  say,  a  Boys, 

you  black  rascals,  stand  back  '      We  BOOrO  to  be  skiv- 
ed by  the  negroes,  lost  Southern  Indiana  should  say 


HON.  CHARLES  SUMNEE. 

The  intelligent  Washington  correspondent  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  Standard  writes  that  paper  under  date 
of  Dec.  3,  that  Mr.  Sumner  is  doing  a  brave  work 
in  the  Senate  : — 

"  Scarcely  a  day  passes  on  which  he  does  not  give 
slavery  a  hard  blow.  The  members  from  New  Vir- 
ginia, or  Kanawha,  have  taken  his  attacks  upon  the 
institution  in  very  bad  humor.  Each  of  them  has 
made  a  bitter  speech  against  slavery^-agitation  and 
Abolitionists.  When  Senator  Carlisle  hadlTni34 
his  speech  the  other  day,  a  Republican  Senator  re- 
marked quietly,  "  A  poor  exchange  for  Mason !" 
The  fact  is,  you  can't  cure  a  man  educated  under 
the  influence  of  slavery  of  his  love  for  the  institution, 
though  he  may  have  no  pecuniary  interest  in  it  for 
years.  The  ignorance  engendered  by  slavery  is  not 
to  be  overcome  at  once. 

"  Mr.  Sumner  is  now  a  leading  man  in  the  Senate, 
occupying  the  position  for  which  his  talents  eminent- 
ly fit  him.  The  pro-slavery  Senators  complain  some- 
times that  he  keeps  the  picture  of  slavery  constantly 
before  their  eyes,  but,  to  tell  the  truth,  it  is  very 
pleasant  to  an  outsider  to  see  these  old  tyrants 
obliged  to  sit  still  for  awhile,  and  hear  things  uttered 
on  the  subject  of  slavery  which  it  is  very  unpleasant 
for  them  to  hear.  It  will  do  them  good,  and  wheth- 
er it  will  or  not,  Sumner  will  not  give  them  rest- 
To  see  men  like  Bright  and  Powell  sit  still  when 
Charles  Sumner  charged  Baker's  murder  on  slavery 
was  worth  at  least  ten  years  of  anti-slavery  priva- 
tions. The  pro-slavery  interest  in  the  Senate  is 
quite  respectful,  and  does  not  indulge  in  the  old  time 
bluster  and  parade." 

Washington,  January  9,  1862. 

The  speech  of  Mr.  Sumner  in  the  Senate  to-day, 
on  the  Trent  affair,  was  a  masterly  and  exhaustive 
exposition  of  the  triumph  of  American  principles  as 
applied  to  international  law.  In  all  his  arguments 
and  illustrations,  he  left  our  respected  mother  Eng- 
land "out  in  the  cold."  He  demonstrated  that,  by 
;-ti  other  leading  European  Powers,  the  American 
^.rjtrine  had  been  recognized  and  admitted  for  many 
y  rarsyavuLtha^Englaud  alone  had  opposed  it.  The 
inconsistency  orTri"e^^rv<.'rii---[iiiUicm  of  England, 
with  her  policy  in  all  the  past  was  tuTMBJByaJUlii 
trated,  and  the  conclusion,  that  Great  BritamT 
stopped  from  any  future  assertion  of  her  doctrine  in 
reference  to  the  right  of  visitation  and  search  was 
brilliant  and  effective.  The  speech  was  impressive- 
ly delivered.  The  galleries  of  the  Senate  were 
densely  crowded.  Notwithstanding  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather,  the  ladies'  gallery  was  filled  to  over- 
flowing. Mrs.  Vice  President  Hamlin  aud  a  party 
of  her  friends  occupied  seats  in  the  diplomatic  gal- 
lery, which  was  also  filled.  Secretaries  Chase  and 
Cameron  occupied  seats  on  the  floor  of  the  chamber, 
where  were  also  the  French,  Russian,  _4«**i»n, 
Prussian,  Dmish  and  Swedish  Ministers.  Lord 
Lyons  was  not  present,  as  etiquette  required  that  he 
should  not  be  there  on  such  an  occasion.  M.  Mer* 
cier,  the  French  Minister,  occupied  a  seat  nest  to 
Mr.  Bright,  and  exchanged  salutations  with  Mr. 
Sumner  at  the  conclusion  of  the  speech,  as  did  also 
most  of  the  other  foreign  dignitaries. 

Mr.  Sumner's  speech  has  created  a  marked  im- 
pression on  the  public  in  regard  to  himself.  It  has 
removed  much  prejudice  that  existed  against  him, 
and  added  greatly  to  his  reputation  as  a  profound 
statesman.  Tiie  impression  prevailed  that,  with  all 
his  learning,  his  extraordinary  acquirements  and 
splendid  talents,  he  could  not  avoid  the  introduction 
of  his  peculiar  views  in  reference  to  slavery  :  and  on 
account  of  the  strong  anti-slavery  proclivities  of 
England  hitherto,  and  the  sympathy  heretofore  from 
this  cause  existing  between  leading  English  politi- 
cians and  our  own  anti-slavery  men  of  Mr.  Sumner's 
class,  it  was  apprehended  by  many  that  he  would  be 
inclined  to  lean  towards  Great  Britain  in  this  con- 
troversy. His  course  to-day  was,  therefore,  an  agree- 
able surprise.  Tiie  absence  of  any  allusion  in  his 
speech  to  the  negro  question  demonstrated  his  abil- 
ity ami  willingness  to  rise  superior  to  the  one  idea 
attributed  to  him,  and  the  scathing  exposition  of 
British  inconsistency  in  regard  to  the  right  of  search, 
and  the  dignified  rebuke  he  administered  to  England, 
exhibited  his  capacity  to  regard  public  affairs  with 
the  eye  of  a  genuine  statesman. 

The  applause  accorded  to  this  really  great  produc- 
tion is  universal  and  unqualified.—  Washington  cor- 
respondent of  the  New  York  Herald. 


GLEAMS   OF  M0BNLNG  LIGHT. 

"  It  now  seem?,"  says  the  Worcester    Transcript, 
as  if  we  could  already  catch  the  first  gleam  of  the 
breaking  day  of  emancipation.     Already  public  sen- 
timent  is  indicating  its  unmistakable  tendency   to- 
wards the  removal  of  the   great   cause    of  all    our 
troubles.     The  Yankees  may  be  anything  else  one 
chooses  to  call  them,  but  they  are  not  fools.     If  the 
best  way  to  carry  on  this  war  is  by  striking  at  slav- 
ery, they  will  find  it  out,  and  they  will  not  submit 
to  have  it  carried  on  by  any  but  the  best  way.     Al- 
ready, men  who  wait  till  they  are  sure  they  can  move 
in  a  majority,  and  others  who  move  bec&Uai 
ity  is  moving,  are  beginning  to  feel 
the  platform  where  the  few  des| 
move  because  duty  bids  them,  and  not  it' 

they  stand  alone,  so  that  they  BW  rtgfei,  n.iw  bjmu 
this  long  while  standing.  Already  they  are  begin- 
ning to  say,  "Down  with  slavery,  if  it  is  the  stumb- 
ling block  in  the  way  of  the  lvesiablishnient  of  the 
Union  !  "  And  such  is  the  response  of  the  people  to 
these  words  that  it  will  soon  require  more  courage 
not  to  say  than  to  say  them. 

Our  army  is  now  upon  enemies*  territory.  It  i 
surrounded  by  tens  of  thousands  of  slaves  who  were 
deserted  by  their  terrified  masters.  It  must  extend 
to  them  the  rights  of  which  they  have  been  deprived. 
It  must  accept  their  services,  and  make  the  most  of 
them.  And  the  moment  this  is  done,  the  30,000  slaves 
around  Beaufort,  are  more  terrible  to  the  rebels  than 
an  army  with  banners.  They  arc  30,000  missionaries 
lo  carry  the  gospel  of  emancipation  to  the  millions 
of  their  fellow-bondmen,  who  have  so  long  been  kept 
from  the  light  aud  knowledge  which  alone  are  nec- 
essary to  mike  them  tVeemcn. 

And  the  blow  which  has  fallen  upon  South  Caro- 
lina impends  with  equal  certainty  over  all  the  rebel 
States.  One  aftersanother,  they  must  fall  before 
the  Northern  invaders,  and  slavery  cannot  survive 
in  thu  presence  of  an  army  of  freemen." 


&2P*  The  U.  S.  Senate,  after  an  Executive  session 
of  three  hours  on  Friday,  confirmed  tbe  nomination 
of  Mr.  Cameron  as  Minister  to  Russia,  by  a  vote  of 

21  against  14. 


14 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


JAUSTTJ^IRY  24. 


%\it  ffifonatflt'. 

Ho  Uaiou  with  Slaveholders! 
BOSTON,  TODAY,  JANUARY  24, 1862. 


MR.  GARRISON'S  SPEECH  AT  NEW  YORK. 

The  Abolitionists  and  their  Relations  to  the  "War, 

(  Phonograph  ically  reported  by  As  drew  J.  Gkahab.] 
[revised  by  the  lecturer.] 

■William  Lloyd  G-arrisox  lectured  at  the  Cooper 
Institute,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  Tuesday  eve- 
ning, 14th  hist,  on  "  The  Abolitionists,  and  their  Re- 
lations to  the  War."  Previous  to  the  lecture,  a  lady 
[Mrs.  Abby  Hutchinson  Paton]  modestly  advanced 
from  one  of  the  seats  on  the  platform,  and  placed  a 
bouquet  of  fragrant  flowers  beside  the  speaker's  desk, 
and  also  an  ivy  wreath.  The  tribute  was  noticed  by 
the  audience  with  an  outburst  of  applause.  Among 
others  present  on  the  crowded  platform  were  ltev. 
Dr.  Tyng,  Superintendent  S.  A.  Kennedy,  Rev.  Mr. 
Sloan,  and  others  of  prominence. 

At  8  o'clock,  Mr.  Garrison  arrived,  escorted  by 
Mr.  Theodore  Tilton,  who,  after  announcing  a  forth- 
coming lecture  by  Davis,  the  contraband,  introduced 
the  orator  of  the  evening,  as  follows  : — 

SPEECH  OF  THEODORE   TILTON. 

Ladies  asd  Gentlemen, — I  put  myself,  for  a 
moment,  between  you  and  him,  [pointing  to  Mr.  Gar- 
rison,] because  I  have  been  asked,  and  honored  in  the 
asking,  to  give  to  a  genuine  Yankee  a  genuine  Yan- 
kee welcome;  and  I  know  not  how  to  do  it  better 
than  just  to  make  the  old-fashioned  sign  of  the  right 
hand,  which  is  the  Yankee  token  of  good  fellowship, 
and  in  your  name  to  offer  it  to  William  Lloyd  Gar- 
bison.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Tilton  thereupon  extended  his  hand  to  Mr. 
Garrison,  who  forthwith  advanced,  and  was  cordially 
welcomed.     Mr.  Garrison  spoke  as  follows  : — 

SPEECH  OF  WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON. 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — No  public  speaker,  on 
rising  to  address  an  assembly,  has  any  right  to  pre- 
sume that,  because  at  the  outset  he  receives  a  cour- 
teous and  even  warm  approval,  therefore  they  are  pre- 
pared to  endorse  all  his  views  and  utterances.  Doubt- 
less, there  are  some  points,  at  least,  about  which  we 
very  wjdel^trrrrer ;  and  yet,  I  must  frankly  confess,  I 
Snw  of  no  other  reason  for  your  kind  approval, 
this  evening,  than  that  I  am  an  original,  uncompro- 
mising, irrepressible,  out-and-out,  unmistakable,  Gar- 
risonian  Abolitionist.  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  By 
that  designation,  I  do  not  mean  one  whose  brain  is 
crazed,  whose  spirit  is  fanatical,  whose  purpose  is  wild 
and  dangerous;  but  one  whose  patriotic  creed  is  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence,  (loud  cheers,) 
■whose  moral  line  of  measurement  is  the  Golden  Rule, 
whose  gospel  of  humanity  is  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount,  and  whose  language  is  that  of  Ireland's  Lib- 
erator, O'Connell — "  I  care  not  what  caste,  creed  or 
color  slavery  may  assume.  Whether  it  be  personal 
or  political,  mental  or  corporeal,  intellectual  or  spir- 
itual, I  am  for  its  instant,  its  total  abolition.  I  am  for 
justice,  in  the  name  of  humanity,  and  according  to 
the   law  of  the  living  God."  (Cheers.) 

Hence,  what  I  wrote  many  years  ago,  I  feel  proud 
once  more  to  affirm : — 

' '  I  am  an  Abolitionist ! 

I  glory  in  the  name; 
Though  now  by  Slavery's  minions  hissed, 

And  covered  o'er  with  shame. 
It  is  a  spell  of  light  and  power — 

The  watchword  of  the  free; 
Who  spurns  it  in  the  trial-hour, 

A  craven  soul  is  he  ! " 


(Applause.) 

I  know  that  to  be  an  Abolitionist  is  not  to  be  with 
the  multitude— on  the  side  of  the  majority — in  a  pop- 
ular and  respectable  position;  and  yet  I  think  I  have 
a  right  to  ask  of  you,  and  of  all  who  are  living  on 
the  soil  6T  the  Ejm^irje^-&ta1e7aTt6^ot^fne-peopIe  of  the 
je",  why  it  is  that  you  and  they  shrink 
frornTne  name  of  Abolitionist?  Why  is  it  that,  while 
you  profess  to  be  opposed  to  slavery,  you  nevertheless 
desire  the  whole  world  to  understand  that  you  are  not 
radical  Abolitionists  ?  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  ? 
Why  are  you  not  all  Abolitionists  ?  Your  principles 
are  mine !  What  you  have  taught  me,  I  adopt. 
What  you  have  taken  a  solemn  oath  to  support,  as 
essential  to  a  free  Government,  I  recognize  as  right 
and  just.  The  people  of  this  State  profess  to  believe 
in  the^Xteclaration  of  Independence.  That  is  my 
Abolitionism.  Every  man,  therefore,  who  disclaims 
Abolitionism,  repudiates  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. Does  he  not?  "All  men  are  created  equal, 
and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  an  inalienable 
right  to  liberty."  Gentlemen,  that  is  my  fanaticism — 
that  is  all  my  fanaticism.  (Cheers.)  All  I  ask  is 
that  this  declaration  may  lie  carried  out  everywhere 
in  our  country  and  throughout  the  world.  It  belongs 
to  mankind.  Your  Constitution  is  an  Abolition  Con- 
stitution. Your  laws  are  Abolition  laws.  Your  insti- 
tutions are  Abolition  institutions.  Your  free  schools 
are  Abolition  schools.  (Cheers.)  I  believe  in  them 
fill;  and  all  that  I  ask  is,  that  institutions  so  good,  so 
free.,  .so  noble,  may  be  everywhere  propagated,  every- 
where accepted.  And  thus  it  is  that  I  desire,  not  to 
esr.se  the  South,  or  any  portion  of  her  people,  but  to 
bless  her  abundantly,  by  abolishing  her  infamous  and 
demoralizing  slave  institution,  and  erecting  the  tem- 
ple of  liberty  on  the  ruins  thereof.  (Loud  applause.) 
I  believe  in  Democracy;  but  it  is  the  Democracy 
which  recognizes  man  as  man,  the  world  over. 
(  Cheers. J  It  is  that  Democracy  which  spurns  the  fet- 
ter and  the  yoke  for  itself,  and  for  all  wearing  the 
human  form.  And  therefore  I  say,  that  any  man  who 
pretends  to  be  a  Democrat,  and  yet  defends  the  act  of 
aaaking  man  the  property  of  his  fellow-man,  is  a  dis- 
sembler and  a  hypocrite,  and  I  unmask  him  before  the 
universe.  {Loud  cheers.) 

We  profess  to  be  Christians.  Christianity — its  ob- 
ject is  to  redeem,  not  to  enslave  men!  Christ  is  our 
Redeemer.  I  believe  in  Him.  He  leads  the  Anti- 
Slavery  cause,  and  always  has  led  it.  The  Gospel  is 
the  Gospel  of  freedom  ;  and  any  man  claiming  to  be 
a  Christian,  and  to  have  within  him  the  same  mind 
that  was  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  yet  dares  to  hold  his 
fellow -man  in  bondage,  as  a  mere  piece  of  perishable 
property,  is  recreant  to  all  the  principles  and  obliga- 
tions of  Christianity.  (Applause.) 

Why  js  it,  men  of  the  Empire  State,  that  there  are 
no  slaveB  here?  Four  millions  of  people,  and  not  a 
single  slave  among  them  all !  On  what  ground  was 
slavery  abolished  in  the  State  of  New  York?  On 
-tlae-raerc  sr»und  of  policy  or  expediency,  or  -because 
it  was  ar,  immoraJiJy,  a  crime,  an  outrage,  and  there- 
fore not  to  be  tolerated  by  a  civilized  and  Christian 
people  ?  Hfcwse  I  affirm  that  the  people  of  this  State 
are  committed  to  radical,'"  ultra"  Abolitionism.  And 
so  I  have  a  right  to  expect  everywhere  a  friendly 
hearing  and  a  warm  cooperation  on  the  part  of  the 
people  when  I  denounce  slavery,  and  endeavor  to 
bring  it  to  the  dust,  and  to  take  the  chains  from  those 
who  are  laboring  under  the  lash  of  the  slave-dri 
You  have  abolished  slavery,  because  it  can  havi 
rightful  existence  here.  You  allow  no  man  to  decide 
whether  he  can  humanely  hold  a  slave.  So  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, so  of  New  England,  and  so  of  the  nine 
teen  free  States.  Slavery  is  pronounced  a  curse  by 
them  all.  Every  man  before  the  law  is  equal  to  every 
other  man;  and  no  man  may  lay  his  hand  too  heavily 
upon  the  shoulder  of  Ids  brother  man,  except  at  his 
peril. 

In  the  very  generous  notice  of  this  lecture  last  Sun- 
day, by  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  he  said  that  he  fully 
accorded  with  me  in  my  principles,  which  strike  at 
the  foundation  of  slavery.  AH  slavery  is  wrong,  Un- 
just, immoral  and  unchristian,  and  ought  to  termi- 
nate, but  he  expressed  some  difference  of  opinion  in 
regard  to  my  methods  for  its  abolition.  I  am  confi- 
dent that,  upon  further  reflection  and  investigation,  he 
will  find  my  methods  of  Abolition  are  as  unexcep- 
tionable as  my  principles.     My  method  is  simply  this: 


when  I  see  a  slaveholder,  I  tell  him  he  is  bound  by 
every  consideration  of  justice  and  humanity  to  let  the 
oppressed  gi»  free.  That  is  God's  method,  and  1 
think  there  can  be  no  improvement  upon  it.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  when  1  find  an  accomplice  of  the  slave- 
holder sustaining  him  in  his  iniquity,  I  bid  him  re- 
pent, and  demand  that  he  bring  forth  fruits  meet  for 
repentance.  That  is  my  method.  (Renewed  ap- 
plause.) 

Now  I  say  that  if  we  are  right  in  establishing  our 
itisiitutions  upon  the  foundations  of  equal  liberty,  we 
have  a  right  to  endeavor  to  propagate  those  institu- 
tions all  over  the  country  and  throughout  the  world. 
We  have  a  right  to  say  to  those  in  the  slave  States, 
"  Your  system  of  slavery  is  inherently  wrong  and 
dangerous.  Regard  your  slaves  as  men,  treat  them 
as  such,  establish  free  institutions,  substitute  for  the 
lash  a  fair  compensation,  and  you  will  be  blest,  won- 
derfully blest."  Have  I  not  a  right  to  say  this?  Is 
it  not  a  natural,  God-given,  constitutional  right?  On 
the  other  hand,  they  have  a  perfect  right  at  the  South 
to  endeavor  to  proselyte  us  in  regard  to  their  institu- 
tions; and  I  think  they  have  done  their  best — that 
is,  their  worst — in  that  direction. 

I  never  have  heard  any  complaint  in  regard  to  the 
unlimited  freedom  of  speech  on  the  part  of  Southern 
slaveholders  and  slave-traffickers.  We  are  told  by 
pro-slavery  men  here,  that  we  have  no  right  to  discuss 
this  matter  !  They  point  us  to  our  national  compact. 
They  gravely  tell  us  to  remember  that,  at  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Government,  the  slave  States  were  iu 
existence,  and  came  into  the  Union  on  terms  of  equal- 
ity, and,  under  the  compact,  we  have  no  right  to  criti- 
cise or  condemn  them  because  of  their  holding  slaves. 
Now,  my  reply  to  them  is,  in  the  first  place,  that  no 
compact  of  man's  device  can  bind  me  to  silence  when 
I  see  my  fellow-man  unjustly  oppressed.  (Applause.) 
I  care  not  when  or  where  the  compact  was  made,  or 
by  whom  it  was  approved.  My  right  to  denounce 
tyrants  and  tyranny  is  not  derived  from  man,  nor 
from  constitutions  or  compacts.  I  find  it  in  my  own 
soul,  written  there  by  the  finger  of  God,  and  man 
can  never  erase  it.  (Applause.)  I  am  sure  that,  if  it 
were  your  case ;  if  you  were  the  victims  of  a  com- 
pact that  denied  the  right  of  any  one  to  plead  for  your 
deliverance,  though  you  were  most  grievously  op- 
pressed— though  your  children  and  wives  were  for 
sale  in  the  market,  along  with  cattle  and  swine — you 
would  exclaim,  "Accursed  be  such  a  compact!  Let 
none  be  dumb  in  regard  to  our  condition  I" 

My  reply  again  is,  that  the  compact,  bad  as  it  is  in 
its  pro-slavery  features,  provides  for  the  liberty  of 
speech  and  of  the  press,  and  therefore  I  am  justified 
in  saying  what  I  honestly  think  in  regard  to  slavery 
and  those  who  uphold  it.  The  Southern  slaveholders, 
I  repeat,  have  always  exercised  the  largest  liberty  of 
speech.  They  have  denounced  free  institutions  to  an 
unlimited  extent.  Is  the  right  all  on  one  side  ?  May 
I  not  reciprocate,  and  say  what  I  think  of  their  slave 
institutions  t  Yes,  I  have  the  right,  and,  by  the  help 
of  God,  I  mean  to  exercise  it,  come  what  may.  (Great 
applause.) 

The  times  are  changing.  Yes,  it  is  spoken  of  with 
exultation, — and  well  it  may  be  as  a  cheering  sign  of 
progress, — that  even  Dr.  Brownson  has  been  able  to 
speak  against  slavery  in  the  city  of  Washington,  with- 
out being  in  peril  of  his  life  ;  that  even  Horace  Gree- 
ley and  George  B.  Chcever  have  been  permitted  to 
stand  up  in  the  Capital  of  their  country,  and  utter 
brave  words  for  freedom  ;  and  nobody  mobbed  them  ! 
(Applause.)  And  I  am  told  it  is  expected  that  my 
eloquent  friend,  and  the  friend  of  all  mankind,  Wen- 
dell Phillips,  (cheers,)  will  also  soon  make  his  ap- 
pearance at  Washington,  to  be  heard  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, without  running  any  great  personal  risk.  This 
is  something  to  boast  of!  And  yet  I  must  confess, 
that  I  feel  humiliated  when  I  remember  that  all  this 
is  rendered  possible,  under  our  boasted  Constitution, 
only  because  there  is  a  Northern  army  of  150,000  sol- 
diers in  and  around  the  Capital !  (Applause.)  Take 
that  army  away — restore. the  eld  state  of  things — and 
it-would  not  be  possible  for  such  speeches  to  he  made 
there ;  but  while  we  have  Gen.  McClellan  and  150,000 
Northern  bayonets  in  that  section,  a  Northern  man 
may  say  aloud  at  Washington,  "Let  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  be  applied  to  all  the  oppressed  in  the 
land,"  and  his  life  is  not  specially  endangered  in  so 
doing!  (Cries  of  "Hear,  hear!")  If  that  is  all  we 
have  to  boast  of  now,  what  has  been  our  condition 
hitherto  ? 

Now,  I  maintain  that  no  institution  has  a  right  to 
claim  exemption  from  the  closest  scrutiny.  All  our 
Northern  institutions  are  open  for  inspection.  Every 
man  may  say  of  them  what  he  pleases.  If  he  does  not 
like  them,  he  can  denounce  them.  If  he  thinks  he 
can  suggest  better  ones,  he  is  entitled  to  do  so.  No- 
body thinks  of  mobbing  him,  nobody  thinks  of  throw- 
ing rotten  eggs  and  brickbats  at  his  head.  Liberty  ! 
why,  she  is  always  fearless,  honest,  open-hearted. 
She  says,  as  one  did  of  old,  "  Search  me  and  try  me, 
and  see  if  there  be  anything  evil  in  me."  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  are  not  permitted  to  examine  Southern 
institutions.  O  no  !  And  what  is  the  reason?  Sim- 
ply because  they  will  not  bear  examination  1  Of 
course,  if  the  slaveholder  felt  assured  that  they  could, 
he  would  say,  "  Examine  them  freely  as  you  will,  I 
will  assist  you  in  every  way  in  my  power."  Ah! 
"'tis  conscience  that  makes  cowards  of  them  all!" 
They  dread  the  light,  and  with  the  tyrant  of  old  they 
cry,  "  Put  out  the  light — and  then  put  out  the  light ! " 
That  is  their  testimony  in  regard  to  the  rectitude  of 
their  slave  institutions. 

The  slaveholders  desire  to  be  let  alone.  Jefferson 
Davis  and  his  crew  cry  out,  "Let  us  alone!  "  The 
Slave  Oligarchy  have  always  cried  out,  "  Let  us 
alone  !  "  It  is  an  old  cry— 1,800  years  old  at  least— it 
was  the  cry  of  those  demons  who  had  taken  possession 
of  their  victims,  and  who  said  to  Jesus,  "Let  us 
alone  !  Why  hast  thou  come  to  torment  us  before  the 
time?"  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Now,  Jesus  did 
not  at  all  mistake  the  time  ;  he  was  precisely  in  time, 
and  therefore  he  bore  his  testimony  like  the  prince  of 
emancipators,  and  the  foul  demons  were  cast  out,  but 
not  without  rending  the  body.  The  slaves  of  our 
country,  outraged,  lacerated  and  chained,  cry  out 
agonizingly  to  those  who  are  thus  treating  them,  "  Let 
us  alone !  " — but  the  slaveholders  give  no  heed  to  that 
cry  at  all !  Now,  I  will  agree  to  let  the  slaveholders 
alone  when  they  let  their  slaves  alone,  and  not  till 
then.     (Applause.) 

"  Let  this  matter  rest  with  the  South ;  leave  slavery 
in  the  care  and  keeping  of  slaveholders,  to  put  an  end 
to  it  at  the  right  time,  as  they  best  understand  the 
whole  matter."  You  will  hear  men,  claiming  to  be  in- 
telligent, talking  in  this  manner  continually.  They 
do  not  know  what  idiots  they  are  ;  for  is  it  anything 
better  than  idiocy  for  men  to  say  :  "  Leave  idolatry  to 
idolaters,  to  be  abolished  when  they  think  best;  leave 
intemperance  to  drunkards  ;  they  best  understand  all 
about  it ;  they  will  undoubtedly,  if  let  alone,  in  God's 
own  time,  put  an  end  to  it  (laughter) ;  leave  piracy  to 
be  abolished  by  pirates;  leave  impurity  to  the  lieen- 
tioua  to  be  done  away ;  leave  the  sheep  to  the  con- 
siderate humanity  of  wolves,  when  they  will  cease  to 
prey  upon  them  !  "  No,  this  is  not  common  sense  ;  it 
is  not  sound  reason  ;  it  is  nothing  but  sheer  folly.  Sal- 
vation, if  it  comes  at  all,  must  come  from  without. 
Those  who  are  not  drunkards  must  save  the  drunken ; 
those  who  are  not  impure  must  save  the  impure ;  those 
who  are  not  idolators  must  combine  to  put  down  idol 
try  ;  or  the  world  can  never  make  any  progress.  So 
we  who  are  not  slaveholders  are  under  obligati 
combine,  and  by  every  legitimate  method  endeavor  to 
abolish  slavery  ;  for  the  slaveholders  will  never  do  it 
if  they  can  possibly  help  it.  Why  do  you  send  your 
missionaries  abroad  ?  Why  do  you  go  to  the  isles  of 
the  sea,  to  Hindostan  and  Burmah  and  other  parts  of 
the  heathen  world  with  your  meddlesome,  impertinent, 
disorganizing  religion  1  Because  you  affirm  that  your 
object  is  good  and  noble  ;  because  you  believe  that  the 
Christian  religion  is  the  true  religion,  and  that  idolatry 
debases  and  deludes  its  votaries  ;  and  to  abolish  it,  or 
to  endeavor  to  do  sn,  is  right.  And  yet  you  have  no 
complicity  with  heathenism  abroad.  Nevertheless, 
your  missionaries  are  there,  endeavoring  to  effect  a 
thorough  overturn  of  all  their  institutions  and  all  their 


established  ideas,  so  that  old  things  shall  pass  away, 
and  all  things  become  new.  But  how  is  it  in  regard 
to  slavery  ?  You  haoe  something  to  do — aye,  a  great 
deal  to  do  with  it.  You  ought  to  know  precisely 
where  you  stand,  and  what  are  your  obligations  in  re- 
lation to  it.  Only  think  of  it!  Under  your  boasted 
Constitution,  two  generations  of  slaves  have  been 
driven  to  unrequited  toil,  and  gone  down  into  bloody 
graves ;  and  a  third  generation  is  going  through  the 
same  terrible  career,  with  the  Star  Spangled  Banner 
floating  over  their  heads  I  This  is  by  your  complicity, 
men  of  the  North  !  Oh,  how  consentingly  the  North 
has  given  her  sympathy  to  the  South  in  this  iniquity 
of  slaveholding  !  How  everywhere  the  Anti-Slavery 
movement  has  been  spit  upon,  and  denounced,  and 
caricatured,  and  hunted  down,  as  if  it  were  a 
beast,  that  could  not  be  tolerated  safely  for  an  hour  in 
the  community  !  What  weapon  has  been  left  unused 
against  the  Abolitionists  of  the  North  ?  How  thor- 
oughly have  the  people  been  tested  everywhere,  both 
in  Church  and  State,  in  relation  to  the  slave  system  of 
the  South!  But"  Wisdom  is  justified  of  her  children." 
The  Abolitionists  serenely  bide  their  time.  The 
verdict  of  posterity  is  sure;  and  it  will  be  an  honor- 
able acquittal  of  them  from  all  the  foul  charges  that 
have  been  brought  against  them  by  a  pro-slavery 
people. 

I  do  not  think  it  is  greatly  to  the  shame  of  Abolition- 
ists that  the  New- York  Herald  cannot  tolerate  them. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  I  do  not  think  it  at  all  to 
their  discredit  that  the  Journal  of  Commerce  thor- 
oughly abominates  them.  (Laughter.)  I  do  not  think 
they  have  any  cause  to  hang  their  heads  for  shame  be- 
cause the  New-York  Express  deems  them  fit  only  to  be 
spit  upon.  (Applause.)  I  do  not  think  they  have  any 
reason  to  distrust  the  soundness  of  their  religion  be- 
cause the  New- York  Observer  brands  them  as  infidels. 
(Applause.)  Capt.  Rynders  is  not  an  Abolitionist. 
{Great  laughter.)  The  Bowery  Boys  do  not  like  Abo- 
litionism. (Laughter  )  And  as  it  was  eighteen  hun- 
dred years  ago,  so  we  have  had,  in  this  trial  of  the 
nation,  the  chief  priests  and  scribes  and  Pharisees  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  rabble  on  the  other,  endeavor- 
ing by  lawless  means  and  murderous  instrumentali- 
ties to  put  down  the  Anti-Slavery  movement,  which  is 
of  God,  and  cannot  be  put  down.  (Applause.)  The 
slaveholders  who  have  risen  in  rebellion  to  overthrow 
the  Government,  and  crush  out  free  institutions,  are 
the  mood  of  mind,  and  ever  have  been,  to  hang 
every  Abolitionist  they  can  catch.  I  hold  that  to  be 
a  good  certificate  of  character — (applause) — and  when 
I  add,  that  the  millions  of  slaves  in  bondage,  perish- 
ing in  their  chains,  and  crying  unto  Heaven  for  de- 
liverance, are  every  ready  to  give  their  blessings  to 
the  Abolitionists  for  what  they  have  done,  and  when 
they  run  away  from  their  masters  come  to  us  who  are 
represented  to  be  their  deadliest  enemies,  it  seems  to 
me  we  have  made  out  our  case.  Such  Abolitionism 
every  honest,  humane,  upright  and  noble  soul  ought  to 
endorse  as  right. 

And,  besides,  I  say  it  is  a  shame  that  we  should  any 
longer  stand  apart — I  mean  we  of  the  North.  What 
are  all  your  paltry  distinctions  worth  ?  You  are  not 
Abolitionists.  O,  no!  You  are  only  Anti-Slavery  ! 
Dare  you  trust  yourself  in  Carolina,  except,  perhaps, 
at  Port  Royal?  (Laughter.)  You  are  not  an  ultra 
Anti-Slavery  man;  there  is  nothing  ultra  about  you. 
You  are  only  a  Republican  !  Dare  you  go  to  New 
Orleans  ?  Why,  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
chosen  by  the  will  of  the  people,  and  duly  inaugurated 
by  solemn  oath,  is  an  outlaw  in  nearly  every  slave 
State  in  this  Union  !  He  cannot  show  himself  there 
except  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  And  so  of  his  Cabi- 
net. I  think  it  is  time,  under  these  circumstances, 
that  we  should  all  hang  together,  or,  as  one  said  of  old, 
we  shall  be  pretty  sure,  if  caught,  to  hang  separatelj', 
(Laughter.)  The  South  cares  nothing  for  these  nice 
distinctions  among  us.  It  is  precisely,  on  this  mat- 
ter of  slavery,  as  it  is  in  regard  to  the  position  of 
Rome  respecting  Protestantism.  Our  Protestant  sects 
assume  to  be  each  one  the  true  sect,  as  against  every 
other,  and  we  are  free  in  our  denunciation  of  this  or 
that  sect  as  heretical,  because  not  accepting  our  par- 
ticular theological  creed.  What  does  Rome  care  for 
any  such  distinction  ?  Whether  we  are  High  Church 
Episcopalian  or  Methodist,  Quaker  or  Universalist, 
Presbyterian  or  Unitarian,  we  are  all  included  in  un- 
belief, we  are  all  heretics  together;  and  she  makes 
no  compromise.  Just  so  with  slavery.  If  we  avow 
that  we  are  at  all  opposed  to  slavery,  it  is  enough,  in 
the  judgment  of  the  South,  to  condemn  us  to  a  coat  of 
tar  and  feathers,  and  to  general  outlawry. 

I  come  now  to  consider  what  are  the  relations  of 
the  Abolitionists  to  the  war.  Fourteen  months  ago, 
after  a  heated  Presidential  struggle  with  three  candi- 
dates in  the  field,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  duly  and 
constitutionally  chosen  President  of  the  United  States. 
Now  where  are  we  ?  At  that  time,  who  doubted  the 
stability  of  the  American  Union  ?  What  power  in  the 
universe  had  we  to  fear?  Was  it  not  pronounced 
impossible  for  any  real  harm  to  come  to  us?  How 
strong  was  our  mountain,  and  how  confident  our  ex- 
pectations in  regard  to  the  future !  And  now  our  coun- 
try is  dismembered,  the  Union  sundered,  and  we  are 
in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  civil  war  that  the  world 
has  ever  known.  For  a  score  of  years,  prophetic 
voices  were  heard  admonishing  the  nation,  "Because 
ye  have  said,  We  have  made  a  covenant  with  death, 
and  with  hell  are  we  at  agreement;  when  the  over- 
flowing scourge  shall  pass  through,  it  shall  not  come 
unto  us ;  for  we  have  made  lies  our  refuge,  and  under 
falsehood  have  we  hid  ourselves.  Therefore,  thus  saith 
the  Lord  God,  Judgment  will  I  lay  to  the  line.and  right- 
eousness to  the  plummet ;  and  the  waters  shall  over- 
flow the  hiding  place  ;  and  your  covenant  with  death 
shall  be  annulled,  and  your  agreement  with  hell  shall 
not  stand."  And  now  it  is  verified  to  the  letter  with 
us.  In  vain  are  all  efforts  to  have  it  otherwise.  "  He 
that  sitteth  in  the  heavens  shall  laugh,  the  Lord  shall 
have  them  in  derision."  "  Though  hand  join  in  hand, 
yet  shall  not  the  wicked  go  unpunished."  Yes, 
America!  "Though  thou  exalt  thyself  as  the  eagle, 
and  though  thou  set  thy  nest  among  the  stars,  thence 
will  I   bring  thee   down,   eaith   the  Lord." 

Who  are  responsible  for  this  war?  If  I  should  go 
out  into  the  streets  for  a  popular  reply,  it  would  be, 
"  The  Abolitionists  " — or,  to  use  the  profane  vernacu- 
lar of  the  vile,  "  It  is  all  owing  to  the  d — d  Abolition- 
ists, (Laughter.)  If  they  had  not  meddled  with  the 
subject  of  slavery,  everything  would  have  gone  on 
well ;  we  should  have  lived  in  peace  all  the  days  of  our 
lives.  But  they  insisted  upon  meddling  with  what 
doesn 't  concern  them;  they  indulged  in  censorious 
and  harsh  language  against  the  slaveholders  ;  and  the 
result  is,  our  nation  is  upturned,  and  we  have  immense 
hostile  armies  looking  each  other  fiercely  in  the  face, 
and  our  glorious  Union  is  violently  broken  asunder." 
Let  me  read  an  extract  from  the  New  York  Express, 
(laughter,)  for  your  express  edification  : — 

"Our  convictions  are,  that  Anti-Slavery  stimulated, 
and  is  the  animating  cause  of  this  rebelli™.  If  Anti- 
Slavery  were,  now,  removed  from  the  field  el'  action,  Pro- 
Slavery  woidd  perish  of  itself,  at  home,  in  its  own  contor- 
tions."    (Laughter.) 

Well,  I  do  not  think  I  can  make  a  better  reply  to 
such  nonsense  than  was  made  by  your  Chairman,  in  a 
brief  letter  which  he  sent  to  the  annual  meeting  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery  Society  at  West  Ches- 
ter, a  few  weeks  ago,  and  by  his  permission  I  will 
read  it : — 


"  My  opinion  is  this  :  There  is  war  because  there  was  a 
Republican  party.  There  was  a  Republican  party  because 
there  was  an  Abolition  party.  There  was  an  Abolition 
party  because  there  was  Slavery.  Now,  to  charge  the  war 
upon  Republicanism  is  merely  to  blame  the  lamb  that,  stood 
in  the  brook.  To  oharge  it  upon  Abolitionism  is  merely  to 
blame  the  sheep  for  being  tbe  lamb's  mother.  (Laughter.) 
Hut  to  charge  it  upon  Slavery  i3  to  lay  the  crime  flat  at 
the  door  of  the  wolf,  where  it  belongs.  (Laughter.)  To 
end  the  trouble,  kill  the  wolf.  (Renewed  Inuglitcr.)  I  be- 
long to  the  party  of  wolf-killors."  (Applause  and  merri 
ment,) 


And  let  all  the  people  say,  Amen  !     (Cheers.) 
But   consider  the  absurdity  of  this  charge.     Who 
are  the  avowed  Abolitionists  of  our  country  ?     I  have 
told  you  they  occupy  a  very  unpopular  position 
ciety ;  and,  certainly,  very  few  men  have  yet  had  the 
moral  courage    to  glory   in  the  name  of  Abolitionist. 


they  have  overturned  the  Government!  They  have 
been  stronger  than  all  the  parties  and  all  the  religious 
bodies  of  (he  country, — stronger  than  the  Church,  and 
stronger  than  the  State!  Indeed!  Then  it  must  be 
because  with  them  is  the  power  of  God,  and  it  is  the 
Truth  which  has  worked  out  this  marvellous  result. 
(Cheers.) 

How  many  Abolition  Presses  do  you  suppose  exist 
in  this  country  ?  We  have,  I  believe,  three  or  four 
thousand  journals  printed  in  the  United  States;  and 
how  many  Abolition  journals  do  you  suppose  'there 
are?  (Laughter.)  You  can  count  them  all  by  the 
fingers  upon  your  hand  ;  yet,  it  seems,  they  are  more 
than  a  match  for  all  the  rest  put  together.  (Loud 
cheers  and  laughter.)  This  is  very  extraordinary; 
but,  our  enemies  being  judges,  it  is  certainly  true. 
And  now,  what  has  been  our  crime?  I  affirm,  before 
God,  that  our  crime  has  been  only  this  :  we  have  en- 
deavored, at  least,  to  remember  those  in  bonds  as 
bound  with  them.  I,  for  one,  am  guilty  only  to  this 
extent : — I  have  called  aloud  for  more  than  thirty 
years  to    my  beloved  but  guilty  country,  saying: — 

"There  is  within  thy  gates  a  pest, 
Gold,  and  a  Babylonish  vest  ; 
Not  hid  in  sin -concealing  shade. 
Rut  broad  against  the  sun  displayed  ! 
Repent  thee,  then,  and  quickly  bring 
Forth  from  the  camp  th'  accursed  thing  ; 
Consign  it  to  remorseless  fire, 
Watch  till  the  latest  spark  expire  ; 
Then  strew  il3  ashes  on  the  wind, 
Nor  leave  one  atom  wreck  behind. 
So  shall  thy  wealth  and  power  increase  ; 
So  shall  thy  people  dwell  in  peace  ; 
On  thee  th'  Almighty's  glory  rest, 
And  all  the  earth  in  thee  be  blest ! "         (Cheers.) 

And  what  if  the  Abolitionists  had  been  heeded 
thirty  years  ago  ?  Would  there  now  be  any  civil  war 
to  talk  about?  (Cries  of  "No.")  Ten  years  ago?  five 
years  ago?  one  year  ago?  And  all  that  time  God 
was  patient  and  forbearing,  giving  us  an  opportunity 
of  escape.  But  the  nation  would  not  hearken,  and 
went  on  hardening  its  heart.  Oh  !  how  guilty  are 
the  conspirators  of  the  South  in  what  they  have  done ! 
How  utterly  unjustifiable  and  causeless  is  their  rebel- 
lion !  How  foul  and  false  their  accusations  against 
the  Government,  against  the  Republican  party,  against 
the  people  of  the  North  !  Utterly,  inexcusably  and 
horribly  wicked !  But  let  us  remember,  to  our  shame 
and  condemnation  as  a  people,  that  the  guilt  is  not  all 
theirs,  I  assert  that  they  have  been  encouraged  in 
every  conceivable  way  to  do  all  this  for  more  than 
thirty  years — encouraged  by  the  press  of  the  North, 
by  the  churches  of  the  North,  by  the  pulpits  of  the 
North,  (comprehensively  speaking.)  Abolitionists 
have  been  hunted  as  outlaws,  or  denounced  as  wild 
fanatics;  while  the  slaveholders  have  been  encour- 
aged to  go  on,  making  one  demand  after  another, 
until  they  felt  assured  that  when  they  struck  this  blow, 
they  would  have  a  powerful  party  at  the  North  with 
them,  to  accomplish  their  treasonable  designs  ;  and  it 
is  only  by  God's  providence  we  have  escaped  utter 
ruin.  (Loud applause.)  Therefore  it  is  that  the  vials 
of  Divine  retribution  are  poured  out  so  impartially. 
We  are  suffering;  our  blood  is  flowing,  our  property 
is  melting  away — and  who  can  see  the  end  of  it  ? 
Well,  if  the  whole  nation  "should  be  emptied,  I  should 
say  :  "  Oh  !  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord  ;  for  he  is 
good,  for  his  mercy  endureth  forever!"  Our  crime 
against  these  four  millions  of  slaves,  and  against  a 
similar  number  who  have  been  buried,  cannot  be  ad- 
equately described  by  human  language.  Our  hands 
are  full  of  blood,  and  we  have  run  to  do  evil ;  and  now 
a  heavy  butrigbteousjudgmentisuponus  !  Let  us  rev- 
erently acknowledge  the  hand  of  God  in  this;  let  us 
acknowledge  our  sins,  and  put  them  away ;  and  let 
each  man  put  the  trump  of  jubilee  to  his  lips,  and 
demand  that  the  chains  of  the  oppressed  shall  be  bro- 
ken forever !     (Cheers.) 

"The  Abolitionists  have  used  very  irritating  lan- 
guage"!- I  know  it.  I  think,  however,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  that  charge  has  been  fully  offset  by  the 
Southern  slaveholders  and  their  Northern  accomplices ; 
for,  if  my  memory  serves  me,  they  have  used  a  great 
deal  of  irritating  language  about  the  Abolitionists.  In- 
deed, I  do  not  know  of  any  abusive,  false,  profane,  ma- 
licious, abominable  epithets  which  they  have  not  ap- 
plied without  stint  to  the  Abolitionists — besides  any 
amount  of  tarring  and  feathering,  and  other  brutal  out- 
rages, in  which  we  have  never  indulged  towards  them  ! 
(Laughter  and  cheers.)  Irritating  language,  forsooth  ! 
Why,  gentlemen,  all  that  we  have  said  is,  "  Do  not 
steal,"  "  Do  not  murder,"  "Do  not  commit  adultery," 
— and  it  has  irritated  them  !  (Applause  and  laughter.) 
Of  course,  it  must  irritate  them.  The  galled  jade  will 
wince.  John  Hancock  and  Sam  Adams  greatly  irri- 
tated George  the  Third  and  Lord  North.  There  was 
a  great  deal  of  British  irritation  at  Lexington  and  Bun- 
ker Hill,  and  it  culminated  at  last  at  Yorktown.  (Loud 
cheers.)  Well,  it  is  certain  that  a  very  remarkable 
change  has  taken  place  within  a  short  time.  They 
who  have  complained  of  our  hard  language,  as  applied 
to  the  slaveholders,  are  now  for  throwing  cannon  balls 
and  bombshells  at  them!  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
They  have  no  objection  to  blowing  out  their  brains, 
but  you  must  not  use  hard  language  !  Now,  I  would 
much  rather  a  man  would  hurl  a  hard  epithet  at  my 
head,  than  the  softest  cannon  ball  or  shell  that  can  be 
found  in  the  army  of  the  North.  (Laughter.)  As  a 
people,  however,  we  are  coming  to  the  conclusion  that, 
after  all,  the  great  body  of  the  slaveholders  are  not  ex- 
actly the  honest,  honorable  and  Christian  men  that  we 
mistook  them  to  be,  (Applause.)  It  is  astonishing, 
when  any  wrong  is  done  to  us,  how  easily  we  can  see 
its  true  nature.  What  an  eye-salve  it  is  !  If  any  one 
picks  our  pocket,  of  course  he  is  a  thief;  if  any  one 
breaks  into  our  house,  he  is  a  burglar;  if  any  one  un- 
dertakes to  outrage  us,  he  is  a  scoundrel.  And  now 
that  these  slaveholders  are  in  rebellion  against  the 
Government,  committing  piracy  upon  our  commerce, 
confiscating  Northern  property  to  the  amount  of  hun- 
dreds of  millions  of  dollars,  and  plunging  the  country 
into  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  why,  of  course,  they 
are  pirates — they  are  swindlers — they  are  traitors  of 
the  deepestdye  !  (Cheers  and  laughter.)  Ladies  and 
gentlemen,  let  me  tell  you  one  thing,  and  that  is,  they 
are  just  as  good  as  they  ever  were,  (Cheers.)  They 
are  just  as  honest,  just  as  honorable,  and  just  as  Chris- 
tian as  they  ever  were.  (Laughter.)  Circumstances 
alter  cases,  you  know.  While  they  were  robbing  four 
millions  of  God's  despised  children  of  a  different  com- 
plexion from  our  own,  stripping  them  of  all  their 
rights,  selling  them  in  lots  to  suit  purchasers,  and  traf- 
ficking in  their  blood,  they  were  upright,  patriotic, 
Christian  gentlemen  !  Now  that  they  have  interfered 
with  us  and  our  rights,  have  confiscated  our  property, 
and  are  treasonably  seeking  to  establish  a  rival  con- 
federacy, they  are  downright  villains  and  traitors,  who 
ought  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  they  are  dead. 
(Lai*ghter  and  cheers.) 

"Abolitionists  should  not  have  intermeddled  with 
their  affairs,"  it  is  said.  "  We  of  the  North  are  not 
responsible  for  slavery,  and  it  is  a  very  good  rule  for 
men  to  mind  their  own  business,"  Who  say  this  ? 
Hypocrites,  dissemblers,  men  who  are  condemned  out 
of  their  own  mouths.  They  are  those  who  are  always 
justifying  or  apologizing  for  slavery,  who  are  in  relig- 
ious fellowship  with  these  traffickers  in  human  souls, 
who  claim  political  affinity  with  them,  and  who  give 
constitutional  guarantees  that  fugitive  slaves  may  be 
hunted  and  captured  in  every  part  of  the  North,  and 
that  slave  insurrections  shall  he  suppressed  by  the 
strong  arm  of  the  national  government,  if  need  be  ; 
and  yet  they  have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery  1  Hypo- 
crites and  dissemblers,  I  spurn  you  all !  When  I  see 
a  man  drowning,  if  I  can  throw  him  a  rope,  I  will  do 
it;  and  if  I  would  not,  would  I  not  be  a  murderer ? 
When  I  see  a  man  fallen  among  thieves,  and  wounded 
and  forsaken,  if  I  can  get  to  him  with  oil  and  wine  to 
bind  iij)  his  wounds,  I  am  bound  to  do  it;  and  if  I  re- 
fuse, I  become  ns  base  as  the  robber  who  struok  him 
down.  And  when  I  see  tyranny  trampling  upon  my 
fellow-man,  I  know  of  no  law,  human  or  divine,  which 
binds  me  to  silence.  1  am  bound  to  protest  against  it. 
(Cheers.)  1  will  not  be  dumb.  It  is  my  business  to 
meddle  with  oppression  wherever  I  see  it.   (Apptft' 


makes  his  appearance.  It  reigns  in  Hungary  until 
Kossuth  conies  forward,  —  in  Italy,  until  Garibaldi 
lakes  the  field.  (Loud  cheers.)  No  trouble  until 
the  Abolitionists  came  forward  !  The  charge  is  false, 
— historically  untrue.  Witness  the  struggle  that  took 
place  at  the  formation  of  your  Constitution,  in  regard 
to  the  slavery  guarantees  of  that  instrument.  What 
is  the  testimony  of  John  Qutncy  Adams  on  that  point? 
He  says  : — 

"  In  the  articles  of  Confederation,  there  was  no  guaran- 
ty for  the  property  of  the  slaveholder — no  double  repre- 
sentation of  him  in  the  Federal  councils— no  power  of  taxa- 
tion— no  stipulation  fur  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves. 
But  when  the  powers  of  Government  came  to  be  delegated 
to  the  Union,  the  South— that  is,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia — refused  their  subscription  to  the  parchment,  till 
it  should  be  saturated  with  the  infection  of  slavery,  which 
fumigation  eould  purify,  no  quarantine  could  eitinguish. 
The  freemen  of  the  North  gave  way,  and  the  deadly  venom 
of  Slavery  was  infused  into  the  Constitution  of  Freedom." 

And  so  at  the  time  of  the  Missouri  struggle  in  1820. 
There  were  no  Abolitionists  then  in  the  field ;  yet  the 
struggle  between  Freedom  and  Slavery  was  at  that 
time  so  fierce  and  terrible  as  to  threaten  to  end  in  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union.  (Chcens.)  Oh!  no  stain  of 
blood  rests  on  the  garments  of  the  Abolitionists.  They 
have  endeavored  to  prevent  the  awful  calamity  which 
has  come  upon  the  nation,  and  they  may  wash  their 
hands  in  innocency,  and  thank  God  that  in  the  evil 
day  they  were  able  to  stand.     (Applause.) 

No,  my  friends,  [his  fearful  state  of  things  is  not  of 
men ;  it  is  of  Heaven.  As  we  have  sowed,  we  are 
reaping.  The  whole  cause  of  it  is  declared  in  the 
memorable  verse  of  the  prophet:  "Ye  have  not 
hearkened  unto  me  in  proclaiming  liberty,  every  man 
to  his  brother,  and  every  man  to  his  neighbor :  be- 
hold, I  proclaim  a  liberty  for  you,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the 
sword,  to  the  pestilence,  and  to  the  famine."  That  is 
the  whole  story.  This  is  the  settlement  day  of  God 
Almighty  for  the  unparalleled  guilt  of  our  nation  ;  and 
if  we  desire  to  be  saved,  we  must  see  to  it  that  we  put 
away  our  sins,  "break  every  yoke,  and  let  the  oppress- 
ed go  free,"  and  thus  save  our  land  from  ruin.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Be  not  deceived : — this  rebellion  is  not  only  to  eter- 
nize the  enslavement  of  the  African  race,  but  it  is  also 
to  overturn  the  free  institutions  of  the  North.  The 
slaveholders  of  the  South  are  not  only  opposed  to 
Northern  Abolitionists,  but  to  Northern  ideas  and 
Northern  institutions.  Shall  I  refresh  your  memories 
by  one  or  two  quotations  in  point  ?  Listen  to  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Richmond  Examiner: — 

"The  South  now  maintains  that  slavery  is  right,  nat- 
ural and  necessary,  and  does  not  depend  upon  complexion. 
The  laws  of  the  slave  States  justify  the  holding  of  white 
men  in  bondage." 

The  Charleston  Mercury  says  : — 

"Slavery  is  the  natural  and  normal  condition  of  the 
laboring  man,  whether  white  or  black.  The  great  evil,  of 
Northern  free  [mark  you,  not  Abolition']  society  is  that  it  is 
burdened  with  a  servile  class,  mechanics  and  laborers,  unfit 
for  self-government,  and  yet  clothed  with  the  attributes 
and  powers  uf  citizens.  Master  and  slave  is  a  relation  in 
society  as  necessary  as  that  of  parent  and  child  ;  and  the 
Northern  States  will  yet  have  to  introduce  it.  Their  theory 
of  free  government  is  a  delusion." 

Yet  you  are  for  free  government,  but  not  for  Aboli- 
tionism !  What  do  you  gain  by  the  disclaimer?  The 
South  is  as  much  opposed  to  the  one  as  she  is  to  the 
other — she  hates  and  repudiates  them  both  ! 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  says  : — 

"Two  opposite  and  conflicting  forms  of  society  cannot, 
among  civilized  men,  coexist  and  endure.  The  one  must 
give  way  and  eease  to  exist.  The  other  becomes  universal. 
If  free  society  be  unnatural,  immoral,  unchristian,  it  must 
fall,  and  give  way  to  slave  society — a  social  system  old 
as  the  world,  universal  as  man." 

An  Alabama  paper  says  ; — 

"  All  the  Northern,  and  especially  the  New-England 
States,  are  devoid  of  society  fitted  for  well-bred  gentlemen. 
The  prevailing  class  one  meets  with  is  that  of  mechanics 
struggling  to  be  genteel,  and  small  ftrmers  who  do  their 
drudgery,  and  yet  who  are  hardly  fit  for  associating 
with  a  Southern  gentleman's  body-servant." 


It  is  said,  again, 
until  the  Abolii 


'The 

its  appeared.1 


i 

i  trouble  in  tin1  rand 
Well,  the  mor 


They  are  comparatively  a  mere  handful.     And  yet !  the  pity  !     Order  reigns  in  Warsaw  until  Kosciusko 


You  see,  men  of  the  North,  it  is  a  war  against  free- 
dom— your  freedom  as  well  as  that  of  the  slave — 
against  the  freedom  of  mankind.  It  is  to  establish  an 
oligarchic,  slaveholding  despotism,  to  the  extinction  of 
all  free  institutions.  The  Southern  rebellion  is  in 
full  blast ;  and  if  they  can  work  their  will  against  us, 
there  will  be  for  us  no  liberty  of  speech  or  of  the 
press — no  right  to  assemble  as  we  assemble  here  to- 
night, and  our  manhood  will  be  trampled  in  the  dust. 
(Applause.)  I  say,  therefore,  under  these  circum- 
stances, treason  consists  in  giving  aid  or  countenance 
to  the  slave  system  of  the  South — not  merely  to  Jeff. 
Davis,  as  President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  or 
to  this  rebel  movement  in  special.  Every  man  who 
gives  any  countenance  or  support  to  slavery  is  a 
traitor  to  liberty.  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  I  say  he 
is  a  dangerous  and  an  unsafe  man.  (Renewed  cheers.) 
He  carries  within  him  the  seeds  of  despotism  ;  and  no 
one  can  tell  how  soon  a  harvest  of  blood  and  treason 
may  spring  up.  Liberty  goes  with  Union  and  for 
Union,  based  on  justice  and  equality.  Slavery  is  ut- 
ter disunion  and  disorganization  in  God's  universe. 
(Cheers.) 

But,  we  are  told,  "hang  the  Secessionists  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Abolitionists  on  the  other,  and  then 
we  shall  have  peace"!  (Laughter.)  How  very  dis- 
criminating !  Now,  I  say,  if  any  hanging  is  to  be 
done,  (though  I  do  not  believe  in  capital  punishment — 
that  is  one  of  my  heresies,) — if  any  hanging  is  to  be 
done,  I  am  for  hanging  these  sneaking,  two-faced, 
pseudo  loyal  go-betweens  immediately.  (Loud  and 
enthusiastic  applause.  A  voice,  "  That's  the  talk  !  "J 
Why,  as  to  this  matter  of  loyalty,  I  maintain  that  the 
most  loyal  people  to  a  free  government,  who  walk  on 
the  American  soil,  are  the  uncompromising  Abolition- 
ists. (Cheers.)  It  is  not  freedom  that  rises  in  rebel- 
lion against  free  government.  It  is  not  the  love  of 
liberty  that  endangers  it.  It  is  not  those  who  will  not 
make  any  compromise  with  tyranny  who  threaten  it. 
It  is  those  who  strike  hands  with  the  oppressors. 
Yes,  I  maintain,  the  Abolitionists  are  more  loyal  to 
free  government  and  free  institutions  than  President 
Lincoln  himself;  because,  while  I  want  to  say  every- 
thing good  of  him  that  I  can,  1  must  say  I  think  he  is 
lacking  somewhat  in  backbone,  and  is  disposed,  at 
least,  to  make  some  compromise  with  slavery,  in  order 
to  bring  back  the  old  state  of  things;  and,  therefore, 
he  is  nearer  Jeff.  Davis  than  I  am.  Still,  we  are  both 
so  bad  that  I  suppose  if  we  should  go  amicably  to- 
gether down  South,  we  never  should  come  back 
again.     (Laughter  and  cheers.) 

"Hang  the  Abolitionists,  and  then  hang  the  Seces- 
sionists " !  Why,  in  the  name  of  common  sense, 
wherein  are  these  parties  agreed  ?  Their  principles 
and  purposes  are  totally  dissimilar.  We  believe  in 
the  inalienable  rights  of  mau — in  "liberty,  equality, 
fraternity."  'They  disbelieve  in  all  these.  We  believe 
in  making  the  law  of  God  paramount  to  all  human 
codes,  compacts  anil  enactments.  They  believe  in 
trampling  it  under  their  feet,  to  gratify  their  lust  of 
dominion,  and  in  "exalting  themselves  above  all  that 
is  called  God."  We  believe  in  the  duty  of  liberating 
all  who  are  pining  in  bondage.  They  are  for  extend- 
ing and  perpetuating  slavery  to  the  latest  posterity. 
H'e  believe  in  free  government  and  free  institutions. 
They  believe  in  the  overthrow  of  all  these,  and  have 
made  chattel  bondage  the  corner-stone  of  their  new 
confederacy.  Where  is  there  any  agreement  or  simi- 
larity between  these  parties  ? 

But  it  may  be  said,  you  are  for  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  I  was.  Did  I  have  any  sympathy  with 
the  spirit,  of  Southern  secession  when  I  took  that  po- 
si  lion  '.  No.  My  issue  was  a  mural  one — a  Christian 
one.  It  was  because  of  the  pro-slavery  nature  of  the 
compact  itself  that  I  said  I  could  not  as  a  Christian 
man,  as  a  friend  of  liberty,  swear  to  uphold  such  a 
Union  or  Constitution.  Listen  to  the  declaration  of 
John  Quiney  Adams,  a  most  competent  witness,  I 
think,  in  regard  to  this  matter  : — 

"It  cannot,  bo  denied— the-  slaveholding  lords  of  the 
South  pi'c.-eribi'ii  us  a  condition  of  their  aaaenl  bo  bho  Con- 
stitution, throe  OpOOiflo  provisions  to  secure  the  perpetuity 
di  their  dominion  ovor  their  slatos.  The  Urol  was  the  im- 
munity for  twenty  y-.n*  of  pivsi'ivhi£  the  slave  bads ; 
thesooond  was  tho stipulation  to  ourrondov  fugitive  slaves 
— an  engagement  positively  prohibited  bj  flu-  laws  of  Sod 
delivered  from  Sinai  j  ami  thirdly,  tho  niaatioa,  fatal  to 
t.l n-  prlnoiplea  of  popular  representation,  of  a  representa- 


tion of  slaves — for  article*!  of  merchandise,  under  the  name 
of  penoni. 

The  bargain  between  Freedom  and  Slavery,  contained  in 
tho  Constitution  of  tho  United  States,  in  mwo/ly  and  po- 
litically vicious — inconsistent  with  (he  principles  on  which 
alone  our  revolution  can  be  justified— cruel  and  oppressive, 
by  riveting  the  chain*  of  Slavery,  by  [ilr-dging  I  lie  faith  of 
Freedom  to  maintain  and  perpetuate  the  tyranny  of  tbe 
matter,  and  grossly  unequal  and  impolitic,  by  admitting 
that  slaves  are  at  once  enemies  to  be  kept  in  f  objection, 
property  to  be  secured  and  returned  to  their  owner*,  and 
persona  not  to  be  represented  theniKtlvee,  but  for  whom 
their  masters  are  privileged  with  nearly  a  double  rfmre  of 
representation.  The  consequence  has  been  thai  this  slave 
representation  has  governed  the  Union.  Benjamin's  por- 
tion above  his  brethren  has  ravined  as  a  wolf.  In  the 
morning  he  has  devoured  tbe  prey,  and  in  the  evening  has 
divided  the  spoil." 

Hence  I  adopted  the  Jangnage  of  the  prophet 
Isaiah,  and  pronounced  the  Constitution,  in  these  par- 
ticulars, to  be  "a  covenant  with  death, and  an  agree- 
ment with  hell."  Was  I  not  justified  as  a  Christian 
man  in  so  doing  1  Oh,  but  the  New  York  Journal  of 
Commerce  says  there  seems  to  have  taken  place  a 
great  and  sudden  change  in  my  views — I  no  longer 
place  this  motto  at  the  head  of  my  paper.  Well,  la- 
dies and  gentlemen,  you  remember  what  Benedick  in 
the  play  says  :  "  When  I  said  I  would  die  a  bachelor, 
I  did  not  think  I  would  live  to  get  married."  (Laugh- 
ter.) And  when  I  said  I  would  not  sustain  the  Con- 
stitution, because  it  waB  "a  covenant  with  death,  and 
an  agreement  with  hell,"  /  hail  no  idea  that  I  would 
live  tosee  death  and  hell  secede.  (Prolonged  applause  and 
great  laughter.)  Hence  it  is  that  I  am  now  with  the 
Government,  to  enable  it  to  constitutionally  stop 
the  further  ravages  of  death,  and  to  extinguish  the 
flames  of  hell  forever.     (Renewed  applause.) 

We  are  coolly  told  that  slavery  has  nothing  to  do 
with  this  war  !  Believe  me,  of  all  traitors  in  this  coun- 
try who  are  most  to  be  feared  and  detested,  they  are 
those  who  raise  this  cry.  We  have  little  to  fear,  I 
think,  from  the  Southern  rebels,  comparatively  :  it  i» 
those  Northern  traitors,  who,  under  the  mask  of  loyal- 
ty, are  doing  the  work  of  the  devil,  and  effectively  aid- 
ing the  secessionists  by  trying  to  intimidate  the  na- 
tional government  from  striking  a  direct  blow  at  the 
source  of  the  rebellion,  who  make  our  position  a  dan- 
gerous one.  (Applause .)  What!  slavery  nothing  to 
do  with  this  war  !  How  does  It  happen,  then,  that  the 
war  is  all  along  tbe  border  between  the  Free  and  the 
Slave  States?  What  is  the  meaning  of  tins?  For 
there  is  not  a  truly  loyal  Slave  State  in  the  Union — 
not  one.  (Voices — "That's  so.")  I  maintain  that 
Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri  are,  by  their  feigned 
loyalty,  greater  obstacles  in  the  way  of  victory  than 
Carolina,  Alabama  and  Georgia.  Nothing  hut  the  pres- 
ence on  their  soil  of  the  great  army  of  the  North  keeps 
them  loyal,  even  in  form,  and  even  under  such  a  pres- 
sure they  are  full  of  overt  treason.  They  have  to  be 
enticed  to  remain  in  the  Union  as  a  man  said  be  once 
enticed  a  burglar  out  of  his  houses — he  enticed  him 
with  a  pitchfork!  (Laughter-)  Withdraw  your  troops, 
and  instantly  they  will  tall  into  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy by  the  law  of  gravitation.  That  is  the  whole 
of  it.  But  this  is  not  to  be  loyal — this  is  not  a  willing^, 
support  of  the  Constitution  and  Union.  No  !  On  the 
other  hand,  every  Free  State  is  true  to  the  Govern- 
ment, It  is  the  inevitable  struggle  between  the  chil- 
dren of  the  bond-woman  and  the  children  of  the  free. 
(Applause.). 

Treason — where  is  it  most  rampant  ?  Just  where 
there  are  the  most  slaves  !  It  disappears  where  there 
are  no  slaves,  except  in  those  cases  to  which  I  have 
referred,  of  skulking,  double-faced  hypocrites,  wearing 
the  mask  of  loyalty,  and  yet  having  the  heart  of  trait- 
ors. (Applause.)  What  State  led  offin  this  atrocious 
rebellion?  Why,  South  Carolina,  of  course;  for  in 
that  State,  the  slave  population  outnumbers  the  white. 
And  so  of  Louisiana,  out  of  which  every  avowed 
Unionist  has  been  driven  by  violence  :  more  than  half 
of  her  population  are  slaves.  Charleston  and  New 
Orleans  are  the  head-quarters  of  treason,  because  the 
head-quarters  of  slavery.  Besides,  do  not  the  rebels 
proclaim  to  the  world  that  tbe  issue  they  make  is  the 
perpetuation  of  their  slave  system  and  the  overthrow  of 
free  government?  Commend  them  for  their  open- 
ness: they  avow  just  what  they  mean,  and  -i^hat  tbey 
desire  to  accomplish.  Now,  then,  for  any  party  at 
the.  North  to  say,  "Don't  point  at  slavery  as  the 
source  of  the  rebellion — it  has  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  it — the  Abolitionists  are  alone  to  be  held  respon- 
sible " — why,  I  have  no  words  to  express  my  contempt 
for  such  dissemblers.  I  brand  them  as  worse  than  the 
rebels  who  are  armed  and  equipped  for  the  seizure  of 
the  Capital. 

It  is  loudly  vociferated  in  certain  quarters,  "  This 
is  not  a  war  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  solely  to 
maintain  the  Union."  Granted,  ten  thousand  times 
over  !  I,  as  an  Abolitionist,  have  never  asserted  the 
contrary.  But  the  true  issue  is,  in  order  that  the 
Union  may  be  perpetuated,  shall  not  slavery,  the 
cause  of  its  dismemberment,  be  stricken  down  to  the 
earth  ?  The  necessity  is  found  in  the  present  imperil- 
led state  of  the  Government,  and  in  the  fatal  experi- 
ment of  the  past.  There  cannot  again  be  a  union  of  the 
States  as  it  existed  before  the  rebellion  ;  for  while  I 
will  not  underrate  Northern  valor,  but  believe  that 
Northern  soldiers  are  competent  to  achieve  anything 
that  men  can  can  do  in  the  nature  of  things,  I  have 
no  faith  in  the  success  of  the  army  in  its  attempt  to 
subdue  the  South,  while  leaving  slavery  alive  upon  her 
soil.  If  any  quarter  is  given  to  it,  it  seems  to  me  that 
our  defeat  is  just  as  certain  in  the  end  as  that  God 
reigns.  We  have  got  to  make  up  our  minds  to  one  of 
three  alternatives  :  either  to  he  vanquished  by  the 
rebel  forces,  or  to  see  the  Southern  Confederacy  short- 
ly acknowledged  by  the  European  powers;  or  else, 
for  self-preservation  and  to  maintain  its  supremacy 
over  the  whole  country,  the  Government  must  trans- 
form every  slave  into  a  man  and  a  freeman,  henceforth 
to  be  protected  as  such  under  the  national  ensign. 
(Applause.)  The  right  of  the  Government  to  do  this, 
in  the  present  fearful  emergency,  is  unquestionable. 
Has  not  slavery  made  itself  an  outlaw  !  And  what 
claim  has  an  outlaw  upon  the  Constitution  or  the 
Union?  Guilt}'  of  the  blackest  treason,  what  claims 
have  the  traitors  upon  the  Government?  Why,  the 
claim  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  they  are  "  dead, 
dead,  dead" — nothing  else.     (Applause.) 

What  sane  man,  what  true  patriot,  wants  the  old 
Union  restored — the  Slave  Oligarchy  once  more  in 
power  over  the  free  States — Congress  under  slavehold- 
ing mastership — the  army,  navy,  treasury,  executive, 
supreme  court,  all  controlled  by  the  traffickers  in  hu- 
man flesh  ?  No  !  No !  Happily,  the  Government  may 
now  constitutionally  do  what  until  the  secession  it 
had  not  the  power  to  do.  For  thirty  years  the  Aboli- 
tionists have  sent  in  their  petitions  to  Congress,  ask- 
ing that  body  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, to  prevent  the  furiher,oxtensiou  of  slavery,  to 
repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill,  &c,  &c;  but  not  to  in- 
terfere with  slavery  in  the  Southern  States.  We  re- 
cognized tbe  compact  as  it  was  made.  But  now,  by 
their  treasonable  course,  the  slaveholders  may  no 
longer  demand  constitutional  protection  for  their  slave 
property.  The  old  "covenant  with  death"  should 
never  have  been  made.  Our  fathers  siniud — sinned 
grievously  and  inexcusably — when  they  consented  to 
the  hunting  of  fugitive  slaves — to  a  slave  representa- 
tion in  Congress — to  the  prosecution  of  the  foreign 
slave  trade,  under  the  national  ring,  for  twenty  years — 
to  the  suppression  of  slave  insurrections  by  the  whole 
power  of  the  Government.  I  know  the  dire  extremi- 
ty in  which  iiiov  were  placed— exhausted  by  ■  seven 

years'  war,  reduced  to  bankruptcy,  bleeding  at  every 
pore,  fearing  that  tbe  colonies  would  he  conquered  in 
detail  by  England  if  they  did  not  unite — if  was  ■  ter- 
rible temptation  to  compromise:  but  if  does  nol  exon- 
erate Ihem  from  guilt.  The  Union  should  not  have 
been  made  upon  such  conditions]  hut  now  that  the 
South  has  trampled  it  under  foe.f,  it  must  not  be  re- 
stored as  if  was,  even  if  it  can  IV  done.  (Applause.) 
Hut  it  oannOf  be  done.  There  fen  tWO  parties  who  v.  ill 
make  such  ■  reunion  impossible:  the  first  is.  ilie  Somii 
the  second.,  tint  North.  Besides,  what  reliable  guar- 
antee   could    be  given    that,     atier    coming    back, 

the  South  would  not  secede  within  twenty  lour  bonis  ' 
The  right  to  secede  ad  libitum  is  her  Cardinal  doctrine. 
Moreover,  she  declares  thai  she  bus  tsikeii  her  leave 
of  us  forever;  she  will  not  unite  with  us  on  anv  terms. 


JANIJAEY  24. 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


15 


Let  mc  read  you  flu  extract  from  Jefferson  Davis's 
last  message  to  the  Confederate  Congress  : — 

"  Not  only  do  tho  causes  which  induced  us  to  separate 
still  last  in  full  force,  but  they  have  boon  strengthened  ; 
ami  whatever  doubt  may  have  lingered  on  the  minds  of 
any,  must  have  been  completely  dispelled  by  subsequent 
events.  If,  instead  of  being  a  dissolution  of  a  league,  it 
wore  indeed  a  rebellion  in  whieh  wo  are  engaged,  wo  might 
fool  ample  vindication  for  the  course  wo  have  adopted  in 
the  scenes  whieh  are  now  being  enacted  in  the  United 
States.  Our  people  now  look  with  contemptuous  astonish- 
ment on  those  with  whom  they  have  been  no  recently  asso- 
ciated. They  shrink  with  aversion  from  the  bare  idea  of 
renewing  such  a  connection.  With  such  a  people  we  may 
be  content  to  live  at  peace,  but  our  separation  la  Hunt,  and 
for  the  independence  wo  have  asserted  we  will  accept  no 
alternative." 

Now,  this  is  open  and  above-board,  and  it  ought  to 
be  resolutely  met  by  the  North  in  the  glorious  spirit  of 
freedom,  saying,  "  By  the  traitorous  position  you  have 
assumed,  you  have  put  your  slave  system  under  the 
absolute  control  of  the  Government;  and  that  you 
may  be  saved  from  destruction,  as  well  as  the  country, 
■we  shall  emancipate  every  slave  in  your  possession." 
i(Cheers.) 

But— say  the  sham  loyalists  of  the  North,  "there  is 
aio  constitutional  right  or  power  to  abolish  slavery— it 
would  be  the  overthrow  of  the  Constitution  if  Con- 
gress or  the  President  should  dare  to  do  it."  This  is 
nothing  better  than  cant,  and  treason  in  disguise.  I 
should  like  to  know  what  right  Gen.  McClellan  lias 
■with  an  invading  army  of  150,000  men  in  Virginia  ? 
Us  that  constitutional?  Did  Virginia  bargain  for  that 
■when  she  entered  the  Union  ?  By  what  right  did  we 
hatter  down  the  fort  lit  Cape  Hatteras?  By  what 
right  do  Northern  soldiers  "  desecrate  tiie  sacred  soil " 
■of  South  Carolina  by  capturing  Port  Royal  and  occu- 
pying Beaufort'?  By  what  right  has  the  Government 
■half  a  million  of  troops,  invading  the  South  in  every 
■quarter,  to  kill,  slay  and  destroy,  to  "cry  havoc  and 
let  slip  the  dogs  of  war,"  for  the  purpose  of  bringing 
Jier  into  subjection?  Where  is  the  right  to  do  this  to 
ibe  found  in  the  Constitution  ?  Where  is  it!  It  is  in 
this  section — "  Coxgress  shall  have  power  to 
declare  war";  and  when  war  comes,  then  come 
the  rules  of  war,  and,  dsder  the  war  power,  Con- 
gress has  a  constitutional  right  to  abolish  slavery  if 
it  be  necessary  to  save  the  Government  and  maintain 
the  Union.  (Loud  applause.)  On  this  point,  what 
better  authority  do  we  want  than  that  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  1     Hear  what  he  says  : — 

"I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  mu- 
nicipal institutions,  and  slavery  among  the  rest  ;  and  that 
under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being  true  that 
^the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive  manage- 
ment of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  but  tho  commander  of  the  army,  has  power  to  order 

■  the  universal  emancipation,  of  the  slaves.  *  *  *  From  the  in- 
stant that  the  slavoholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a 
war,  civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the   war 

; powers  of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery,  in  every  way  in  whieh  it  can  be 
interfered  with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves 
taken  or  destroyed,  to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with 
slavery,  to  a  foreign  power.  *  *  *  It  is  a  war  power.  I 
say  it  is  a  war  power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually 
in  war,  whether  it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insur- 
rection, Congress  has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must 
.-carry  it  on,  according  to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws 
of  war,  an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal 
institutions  swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes 
ithe  place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in 
martial  array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power 
i  to  emancipate  all  the  slaves  in.  the  invaded  territory." 

I  hope  Gen.  McClellan,  or  President  Lincoln,  will 
Boon  be  inclined  to  say  "ditto"  to  John  Quincy  Ad- 
ams. (Applause.)  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army, 
by  the  law  of  nations  and  under  the  war  power  given 
by  the  Constitution,  in  this  terrible  emergency  you 
have  the  right  and  glorious  privilege  to  be  the  great 
deliverer  of  the  millions  in  bondage,  and  the  savior  of 
■your  country  1     May  you  have  the  spirit  to  do  it ! 

There  are  some  well-meaning  wen  who  unreflect- 
ingly say  that  this  is  despotic  power.  But  the  exer- 
-cise  of  a  constitutional  right  is  not  despotism.  What 
the  people  have  provided  to  save  the  Government  or 
■the  Union  is  not  despotism,  but  the  concentration  of 
extraordinary  power  for  beneficent  purposes.  It  is  as 
nini.'ii  a  constitutional  act,  therefore,  for  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan, or  the  President,  or  Congress,  to  declare  sla- 
very at  an  end  in  this  country,  as  it  is  to  march  an 
.army  down  into  the  South  to  subdue  her — as  it  is  to 
give  shelter  and  freedom  to  the  thousands  of  contra- 
bands already  set  at  liberty.  The  way  is  clear;  and 
under  these  circumstances,  how  tremendous  will  be 
the  guilt  of  the  Government  if  it  refuses  to  improve 
this  marvellous  opportunity  to  do  a  magnificent  work 
of  justice  to  one  seventh  portion  of  our  whole  popula- 
tion—to  do  no  evil  to  the  South,  but  to  bestow  upon 
,her  a  priceless  blessing,  and  thereby  perpetuate  all 
that  is  precious  in    our  free   institutions!     I   would 

■  rather  take  my  chance  at  the  judgment-scat  of  God 
-with  Pharaoh  than  with   Abraham  Lincoln,  if  he  do 

not,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  in  this  solemn 

■  exigency,  let  the  people  go.  (Applause.)  ,  He  has  the 
p0wer — he  lias  the  right.  The  capital  is  virtually  in 
a  state  of  siege — the  rebels  are  strong,  confident,  de- 
fiant— scarcely  any  progress  has  been  made  in  quelling 

ithe  rebellion.  We  do  not  know  where  we  are,  or 
■what  is  before  us.  Already  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars  in  debt — blood  flowing  freely,  but  in  vain — 
the  danger  of  the  speedy  recognition  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  by  European  Powers  imminent — what 
valid  excuse  can  the  Government  give  for  hesitating 
under  such  a  pressure  1  And  when  you  consider  that 
•filavery, — which,  in  itself,  is  fuil  of  weakness  and 
danger  to  the  South, — is,  by  the  forbearance  of  the 
Government,  made  a  formidable  power  in   the  hands 

■  of  the  rebels  for  its  overthrow,  you  perceive  there  is 
;a  pressing  reason  why  there  should  be  no  delay. 

Only   think   of  it!     Our  colored    population,  bond 
:and  free,  could  furnish  'an  army  of  a  million 
from  18  to  45  years  of  age  ;  and  yet,  not  one  of  them 
is  allowed  to  shoulder  a  musket!     There  are  in  sla- 
very more  than  eight  hundred  thousand  men,  capable 
■of  bearing  arms — a  number  larger  than  the  two  great 
hostile  armies  already  in   the  field.     They  are  at  the 
service  of  the  Government  whenever  it  will  accept 
■them  as  free  and  loyal  inhabitants.   (Applause.)     It 
will  not  accept  them  !     But  the  rebel  slaveholders  are 
mustering  them  in  companies  and  regiments,  and  they 
;are  shooting  down  Northern  men,  and  in  every  way 
giving  strength  and  success  to  the  rebellion.     Slavery 
is  a  thunderbolt  in  the  hands  of  the  traitors  to  smite 
the  Government  to  the  dust.     That  thunderbolt  might 
be  seized,  and  turned  against  the  rebellion  with  fatal 
effect,  and  at  the   same  time  without  injury  to  the 
South.     My  heart  glows  when   I  think  of  the  good 
thus  to  be  done  to  the  oppressors  as  well  as  to  the  op- 
pressed ;  for  I  could  not  stand  here,  I  could  not  stand 
anywhere,   and   advocate  vindictive  and   destructive 
measures  to  bring  the  rebels   to  terms.     I  do  not  be- 
lieve in  killing  or  doing  injury  even  to  enemies — God 
forbid  I     That  is  not  my  Christian  philosophy.     But  I 
-do  say,  that  never  before  in  the  history  of  the  world 
has  God  vouchsafed  to  a  Government  the  power  to  do 
such  a  work  of  philanthropy   and  justice,  in  the  ex- 
tremity of  its  danger  and  for  self-preservation,  as  he 
now  grants  to  this  Government.     Emancipation  is  to 
destroy  nothing  but  evil;  it  is    to  establish  good;  it 
is  to  transform  human  beings  from   things  into  men ; 
it  is  to  make  freedom,  and   education,  and  invention, 
and  enterprise,  and  prosperity,  and  peace,  and  a  true 
Union  possible  and  sure.     Redeemed  from  the  curse 
of  slavery,  the  South  shall  in  due  time  be  as  the  gar- 
den of  God.     Though  driven  to  the  wall  and  reduced 
to  great  extremiiy  by  this  rebellion,  still  we  hold  off, 
hold  off,  hold  off,  and  reluctantly  say,  at  last,  if  it  must 
be  so,  but  only  to  save  ourselves  from  destruction,  we 
will  do  this  rebellious  South  the  most  beneficent  act 
that  any  people  ever  yet  did— one  that  will  secure 
historic  renown  for  the  Administration,  make  this 
struggle  memorahle  in  alt  ages,  and   bring  down  upon 
the  land  the  benediction  of  God  I     But  we  will  not  do 
this,  if  we  can  possibly  avoid  it!     Now,   for  myself, 
both  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the  oppressed  and  to  serve 
the  cause  of  freedom  universally,  I  want  the  Govern, 
ment  to  be  in  haste  to  blow  the  trump  of  jubilee.    I 
desire  to  bless  and  not  curse  the  South— to  make  her 
prosperous  and  happy  by  substituting  free  institutions 
fur  her  leprous  system  of  slavery.     lamas    much  in- 
terested in  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  slaveholders, 
as  brother  men,  as  I  am  in  the  liberation  of  their  poor 


slaves  :  for  we  are  all  the  children  of  God,  and  should 
strive  to  promote  the  happiness  of  all.  I  desire  that 
the  mission  of  Jesus,  "Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to 
men,"  may  be  fulfilled  in  this  and  in  every  land. 

Bear  in  mind  that  the  colored  people  have  always 
been  loyal  to  the  country.  You  never  heard  of  a  trai- 
tor among  them,  when  left  to  freedom  of  choice.  Is 
it  not  most  humiliating — ought  wi  not  to  blush  for 
shame — when  we  remember  what  we  have  done  to 
them,  and  what  they  have  done  for  us  7  In  our  Rev- 
olutionary struggle  they  freely  participated,  and  help- 
ed to  win  our  national  independence.  The  first  pa- 
triotic blood  that  stained  the  pavements  of  Boston,  in 
1770,  was  that  ofCrispus  Attucks,  a  black  man.  It 
was  Peter  Salem,  a  black  man,  who  shot  the  British 
leader,  Major  Pitcaim,  as,  storming  the  breastworks 
at  Bunker  Hill,  he  exclaimed,  "The  day  is  ours!" 
Throughout  that  memorable  struggle,  the  colored  men 
were  ever  ready  to  pour  out  their  blood  and  lay  down 
their  lives  to  secure  the  liberties  we  now  enjoy  ;  and 
they  were  admitted  to  have  been  among  the  bravest 
of  the  brave.  In  the  war  of  1812,  when  New  Orleans 
was  threatened  by  a  formidable  British  force,  do  you 
remember  what  Gen.  Jackson  said  when  he  needed 
their  help  ?  He  did  not  scorn  them  in  the  hour  of 
peril :  far  from  it.     This  was  his  proclamation  :— 

"Headquarters,  Seventh  Military  District,  ) 
Mobile,  Sept.  21,  IBM.  S 

To  the  Free.  Colored  Inhabitants  of  Louisiana  : 

Through  a  mistaken  policy,  you  have  been  heretofore  de- 
prived of  a  participation  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  na- 
tional lights  in  which  this  country  is  engaged.  This  no 
longer  shall  exist. 

As  sons  of  freedom,  you  are  now  called  upon  to  defend 
our  most  inestimable  blessings.  As  Americana,  your  coun- 
try looks  with  confidence  to  her  adopted  children  fur  a 
valorous  support,  as  a  faithful  return  for  the  advantages 
enjoyed  under  her  mild  and  equitable  Government.  As 
fathers,  husbands  and  brothers,  you  are  summoned  to  rally 
round  the  standard  of  the  eagle,  to  defend  all  which  is  dear 
in  existence. 

Yeur  country,  although  calling  for  your  exertions,  does 
not  wish  you  to  engage  in  her  cause  without  remunerating 
you  for  the  rervioes  rendered.  Your  intelligent  minds  are 
not  to  be  led  away  by  false  representations.  Your  love  of 
honor  would  cause  you  to  despise  the  man  who  should  at- 
tempt to  deceive  you.  With  the  sincerity  of  a  soldier  and 
the  language  of  truth  I  address  you. 

To  every  noble-hearted  freeman  of  color  volunteering  to 
serve  during  the  present  contest  with  Great  Britain,  and  no 
longer,  there  will  be  paid  the  same  bounty,  in  money  and 
lands,  now  received  by  the  white  soldiers  of  the  United 
States,  viz. :  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  dollars  in  money, 
and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land.  The  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  privates  will  also  be  entitled  to  the 
same  monthly  pay,  daily  rations  and  clothes,  furnished  to 
any  American  soldier. 

As  a  distinct,  independent  battalion  or  regiment,  pursu- 
ing the  path  of  glory,  you  will,  undivided,  receive  the  ap- 
plause and  gratitude  of  your  countrymen." 

Then  again,  after  the  struggle,  he  addressed  them 
as  follows : — 

"  Soldiers  !  When,  on  the  banks  of  the  Mobile,  I  called 
upon  you  to  take  up  arms,  inviting  you  to  partake  of  the 
perils  and  glory  of  your  white  fellow-citizens,  I  expected 
much  from  you  ;  for  I  was  not  ignorant  that  you  possessed 
qualities  most  formidable  to  an  invading  enemy.  I  knew 
with  what  fortitude  you  could  overcome  hunger  and  thirst, 
and  all  the  fatigues  of  a  campaign.  I  knew  well  how  you 
loved  your  native  country,  and  that  you,  as  well  as  ourselves, 
had  to  defend  what  man  holds  most  dear — his  parents,  wife, 
children  and  property.  You  have  done  more  than  I  expected. 
In  addition  to  the  previous  qualities  I  before  knew  you  to 
possess,  I  have  found  among  you  a  noble  enthusiasm,  which 
leads  to  the  performance  of  great  things." 

What  a  splendid  tribute  ! — "  I  expected  much  from 
you,  but  you  have  done  more  than  I  expected  "  I 

I  do  not  believe  in  war,  hut  I  do  say  that,  if  any 
class  of  men,  being  grievously  oppressed,  ever  had 
the  right  to  seize  deadly  weapons,  and  smite  their 
oppressors  to  the  dust,  then  all  men  have  the  same 
right,  {Applause.)  "A  man's  a  man,  for  a' that." 
If  the  right  of  bloody  resistance  is  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  oppression  inflicted,  then  no  people  living 
would  be  so  justified  before  heaven  and  earth  in  re- 
sisting unto  blood  as  the  Southern  slaves.  By  that 
rule,  any  Nat  Turner  has  a  right  to  parody  the  famous 
Marsellaise,  and,  addressing  his  suffering  associates, 
exclaim  : — 


of  the  English  people,  the  bone  and  muscle  and  moral 
force  of  the  nation,  beats  sympathizingly  with  the 
North,  rather  than  with  the  South;  (applause) — 
though  we  have  not  secured  that  sympathy  to  the  full 
extent,  because  of  the  manner  in  which  we  have 
dealt  with  the  slavery  question.  I  will  venture  to 
say,  that  any  Northern  man,  intelligent  and  qualified 
to  address  a  public  assembly,  may  travel -from  "the 
Land's  End  to  John  o'  Groat's  House,"  and  wherever 
he  shall  meet  a  popular  assembly,  and  fairly  present 
the  issue  now  pending  before  them,  so  that  they  can 
understand  it,  he  will  "bring  down  the  house"  over- 
whelmingly in  support  of  the  Government,  and  against 
the  traitorous  Secessionists.     (Loud  applause.) 

Shall  I  refer  to  one  representative  man  of  the  mid- 
dle classes,  John  Bright — (reilerated  and  long-con- 
tinued applause) — whose  recent  masterly  analysis  of 
this  tangled  American  question,  before  his  constitu- 
ents at  Rochdale,  will  brighten  his  name  and  fame  as 
the  discriminating,  fearless  and  eloquent  champion  of 
freedom  at  home  and  abroad  ?  He  represents  the  peo- 
ple of  England,  in  the  best  meaning  of  that  word. 
Richard  Cobden,  too,  stands  by  his  side,  and  ren- 
ders the  same  enlightened  verdict.  (Applause.)  And 
on  that  side  of  the  Atlantic,  there  is  not  a  more  firm, 
faithful  and  earnest  supporter  of  this  Government,  in 
its  struggle  to  uphold  the  democratic  theory,  and  to 
put  down  the  tory  sentiment  of  the  South, — for  slavery 
is  toryism  run  to  seed, — than  the  calumniated  but  el- 
oquent and  peerless  advocate  of  negro  emancipation, 
George  Thompson.  (Cheers.) 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  thank  you  a  thousand  times 
over  for  your  patient  indulgence  in  so  protracted  a 
speech,  and  for  the  approval  you  have  bestowed  upon 
my  sentiments.  "We  will  go  forward  in  the  name  of 
God,  in  the  spirit  of  liberty,  determined  to  have  a 
country,  and  a  whole  country — a  Constitution,  and 
a  free  Constitution— a  Union,  and  a  just  and  glo- 
rious Union,  that  shall  endure  to  the  latest  posterity; 
and  when  we  shall  see  this  .civil  war  ended,  every 
bondman  set  free,  and  universal  lioerty  prevailing  from 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  we  may  exultingly  repeat 
the  language  of  one,*  who,  in  his  youthful  days, 
seemed  to  have  the  flame  of  liberty  brightly  burning 
in  his  soul — 

"  Then  hail  the  day  when  o'er  our  land 
The  sun  of  freedom  shone  ; 

When,  dimmed  and  sunk  in  Eastern  skies, 
He  rose  upon  our  own, 

To  chase  the  night  of  slavery, 

And  wake  the  slumbering  free  ! 

May  his  light  shine  more  bright, 
May  his  orb  roll  sublime, 
Till  it  warm  every  clime, 

And  illume  from  sea  to  sea  ! "  — (Applause.) 

*  Caleb  Cushing. 


"  Ye  fettered  slaves  !  awake  to  glory  ! 

Hark  !  hark  !  what  myriads  bid  you  rise  ! 
Your  children,  wives,  and  grandsires  hoary, 
Behold  their  tears  and  hear  their  cries  ! 
To  arms,  to  arms,  ye  brave ! 

The  patriot  sword  unsheath  ! 
March  on,  march  on,  all  hearts  resolved 
On  liberty  or  death  !  " 

Thus  do  I  vindicate  the  equal  humanity  of  the 
slaves.  Let  them  he  emancipated  under  law  as  the 
flag  of  the  Union  goes  forward,  and  they  will  behave 
as  well  as  any  other  class.  They  are  not  a  blood- 
thirsty race ;  they  are  calumniators  who  make  this 
charge.  The  Anglo-Saxon  race  are  far  more  vindic- 
tive and  revengeful ;  but  the  African  race  are  peculiar- 
ly mild,  gentle,  forbearing,  forgiving.  So  much  in- 
deed do  they  dread  to  shed  blood,  that  they  cannot 
successfully  conspire  to  throw  off  the  yoke  without 
some  one  of  them  who  has  been  treated  kindly,  and 
who  desires  to  shield  his  master  or  mistress  from  harm, 
reveals  the  secret !  When  they  are  set  free  and  pro- 
tected as  free  men  by  the  Government,  there  will  be 
little  need  of  a  Northern  army  at  the  South  ;  for  they 
will  take  care  of  the  rebel  slaveholders,  and  the  rebel- 
lion will  speedily  collapse.     (Applause.) 

It  is  further  said,  by  way  of  intimidation,  that  if 
the  Government  proclaim  emancipation,  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  officers  in  the  army  will  instantly  resign, 
and  the  army  itself  be  broken  up.  Then  they  will  be 
guilty  of  treason.  [A  Voice — "They  ought  to  be 
hanged."]  If  such  are  the  officers  and  such  the  sol- 
diers, then  the  army  is  filled  with  traitors.  But  I  be- 
lieve the  imputation  to  be  as  false  as  the  prediction  is 
intended  to  be  mischievous. 

There  is  no  squeamishness  at  the  South,  on  the 
part  of  the  rebels,  in  making  use  of  the  slaves  to  carry 
on  their  treasonable  purposes.  They  are  used  in 
every  way,  not  merely  to  provide  food  and  raise  cot- 
ton, but  to  make  rifle-pits,  construct  batteries,  and 
perform  military  service.  There  are  two  regiments 
of  black  soldiers  at  Centerville,  with  more  than  a 
thousand  men  each,  compelled  to  engage  in  the  work 
of  butchering  those  who  are  loyal  to  the  Union  !  Yet 
the  Government  can  have  them  all  any  hour  it  chooses 
to  ensure  their  liberty.  Refusing  to  do  this,  is  not 
the  Government  itself  practically  guilty  of  treason  to 
that  extent,  and  making  its  overthrow  doubly  sure'? 
This  is  a  serious  inquiry,  and  it  ought  to  be  answered 
in  a  serious  manner. 

The  worst  traitors  are  those  who  claim  an  exemp- 
tion for  the  rebels  from  loss  of  slave  property,  which 
the  rebels  themselves  do  not  demand.  I  turn  to  the 
latter,  and  ask,  "Do  you  claim  anything  of  us?" 
"Nothing,  except  to  hate  and  spurn  you."  "Do  you 
claim  anything  of  the  Constitution  ?  "  "  Nothing,  ex- 
cept the  right  to  trample  it  beneath  our  feet."  "Dc 
you  deny  that  we  have  a  right  to  abolish  slavery,  if  we 
can,  since  you  have  treasonably  withdrawn  from  the 
Union  1 "  "  No — we  do  not  deny  it ;  we  counted  the 
cost  of  secession,  and  took  all  the  risk;  you  have  not 
only  the  right,  as  a  war  power,  to  liberate  every  Blave 
in  our  possession,  but,  [aside,!  if  you  are  not  idiots, 
you  will  do  so  without  delay."  What  if  they  had  a 
similar  advantage  on  their  side  1  What  if  there  were 
eight  hundred  thousand  men  at  the  North,  qualified  to 
bear  arms,  who,  at  a  signal,  could  be  made  to  coopera- 
ate  for  the  triumph  of  secession  t  Do  you  suppose 
they  would  allow  such  an  opportunity  to  pass  unim- 
proved for  one  moment  1  If  they  do  not  pretend  to 
have  any  rights  under  the  old  Constitution,  are  they 
not  more  to  be  detested  than  the  rebels  who,  here  at 
the  North,  still  insist  that  they  have  forfeited  none  of 
their  rights  as  slaveholders  under  that  instrument  ? 

This  struggle  can  he  happily  terminated  only  in 
one  way — by  putting  "freedom  for- all"  on  our 
banner,  We  may  then  challenge  and  shall  receive 
the  admiration  and  support  of  the  civilized  world. 
We  shall  not  then  be  in  any  danger  from  abroad.  No 
— although  England  has  seemed  to  be  hot,  and  com- 
bative, and  inclining  southward  ;  although  the  English 
government  has  taken  ub  at  disadvantage,  with  a  me- 
nacing aspect,  in  the  Mason  and  Slidell  affair;  and 
although  the  London  Times  and  other  venal  presses, 
bribed  with  secession  gold,  have  indulged  in  con- 
temptuous ami  bullying  language  towards  the  Ameri- 
can Government;  yet  I  thjnk  I  know  something  of 
the  English  heart— and  I  hesitate  not  to  say  that,  in 
spile  of  all  these  unfriendly  demonstrations,  the  heart 


j^=  On  Sunday  morning,  12th  inst.,  Rev.  Henry 
Ward  Beecber,  after  notifying  his  congregation  of  Mr. 
Garrison's  lecture  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  made  the 
following  generous  observations-: — 

"  The  lecture  will  be  on  a  rather  novel  subject  for 
Mr.  Garrison :  that  is  to  say,  on  Abolitionism,  the 
Abolitionists,  and  their  Relations  to  the  War.  Proba- 
bly, outside  of  the  Indians,  there  is  not  a  man,  woman 
or  child  on  this  continent  who  has  not  heard  that  man's 
name,  and  heard  it  cursed.  If  there  ever  was  a  man 
who,  by  other  men's  speeches,  has  been  set  upon  and 
trodden  down  into  the  mire,  it  is  William  Lloyd  Gar- 
rison. It  seems  a  little  unmanly  for  me  to  speak  in 
his  favor  now,  when  all  the  community  are  beginning 
to  have  some  sense  of  that  heroism  which  has  sus- 
tained him  against  the  most  violent  public  opinion,  in 
the  Church  and  out  of  the  Church,  in  the  State  and 
out  of  the  State,  for  more  than  thirty  years.  I  recol- 
lect that  twelve  or  thirteen  years  ago,  when  Abolition- 
ism was  not  so  popular  as  now,  and  when  no  man 
thought  it  right  to  express  a  dislike  of  slavery,  with- 
out first  preparing  the  ear  by  cursing  the  Abolition- 
ists— I  recollect  that  at  that  far-away  period,  I  took  oc- 
casion, much  to  the  distaste  of  many  of  you  (for  then 
you  were  in  a  very  different  state  of  mind  from  that 
in  which  you  are  now,  on  this  subject),  to  say  that  I 
thought  this  man  heroic;  that  I  admired  him  all  the 
more  because  I  did  not  agree  with  his  extreme  meth- 
ods. I  agree  with  Mr.  Garrison  in  tho  life-long  hatred 
that  he  holds  toward  every  form  of  oppression.  I 
agree  with  him  in  every  letter  and  punctuation  of  his 
belief,  that  the  Bible  abhors  slavery,  from  end  to  end. 
I  agree  wholly  with  him  in  this,  that  every  man  who 
is  a  man  ought  to  give  whatever  influence  he  has,  of 
head,  and  heart,  and  money,  and  power,  to  the  extinc- 
tion of  slavery.  In  regard  to  the  practical  modes  and 
instruments  by  whieh  slavery  is  to  be  reached  and  ex- 
tinguished, and  almost  only  in  that  regard,  have  I  bad 
occasion  to  differ  from  Mr.  Garrison.  But  after  all, 
differences  among  men  as  to  the  mere  methods  of 
carrying  out  principles  are  nothing  in  comparison  with 
the  value  of  the  principles  themselves.  This  man 
has  stood  fearless*  and  faithful  amid  universal  defec- 
tions for  many  years  ;  but  4he  days  are  soon  coming 
when  men  will  mention  his  name  only  with  praise," 


Garrison  in  New  York.  The  Nestor  of  Abo- 
litionism was  greeted  with  a  hearty  welcome  at  the 
Cooper  Institute,  on  Tuesday  evening  last.  The  au- 
dience, which  consisted  of  over  a  thousand  persons, 
was  one  of  evidently  superior  intelligence  and  refine- 
ment, quite  a  large  proportion  of  whom  were  ladies. 
The  clergy  were  sparingly  represented  by  Dr.  Tyng 
and  some  ten  or  twelve  others  whom  we  observed 
among  the  auditors.  The  lecture  occupied  an  hour 
and  a  half,  but  in  consequence  of  the  numerous  cries 
of  "  Go  on,"  the  speaker  was  induced  to  prolong  his 
remarks.  The  lecture  was  a  highly  patriotic  one, 
and  has,  we  doubt  not,  disarmed  considerable  of 
the  prejudice  which  has  been  industriously  propa- 
gated against  Mr.  Garrison  and  Abolitionists  gene- 
rally.— American  Baptist. 


the  Emancipation  League.  The  spirit  was  excellent, 
the  views  comprehensive,  the  statements  clear  and 
conclusive.  His  plans  for  the  campaign  struck  me  as 
very  j  udicious  and  practical.  Ah !  if  we  only  had  such 
a  mind  at  the  head  of  atlairs  !  " 


LITE    AND    LETTERS    OF    JOHN    BS0WN 

Watland,  Jan.  15,  1862. 
Dear  Friend  May  : 

I  cannot  thank  you  too  warmly  for  the  copy  of 
"  John  Brown's  Life  and  Letters,"  edited  by  our  high- 
ly esteemed  friend,  Richard  D.  Webb.  It  is  a  book 
to  do  good  through  all  coming  time.  It  is  impossible 
to  read  it  without  being  inspired  with  firmer  trust  in 
God,  and  a  deeper  sense  of  obligation  to  all  our  breth- 
ren of  the  human  race. 

The  Life  of  John  Brown,  as  presented  in  this  vol- 
ume, is  a  perpetual  Hymn  to  God;  simple,  grand,  and 
strong,  like  "Old  Hundred."  No  discordant  note 
jars  on  the  ear  throughout.  The  religious,  moral 
and  domestic  character  of  the  old  hero  predominates 
over  alt  other  traits  ;  and  this  is  the  true  point  of  view 
from  which  to  judge  of  him.  His  wife,  conversing 
with  a  friend,  soon  after  his  death,  said,  "I  am  sorry 
they  say  so  much  about  him  as  a  fighter.  He  believed 
that  God  called  him  to  serve  the  oppressed  in  that 
way;  hut  fighting  was  not  all  there  was  to  my  hus- 
band." 

Frederic  Brown  expressed  a  similar  idea  to  me.  He 
said  that  his  brother  John  was  very  kind-hearted; 
that  he  never  shot  even  a  bird ;  that  in  fact  he  believ- 
ed he  never  had  a  gun  in  his  house,  or  knew  how  to 
discharge  one,  till  he  began  to  feel  it  his  duty  to  arm 
in  aid  of  Kansas. 

His  character,  as  presented  in  this  volume,  in  its 
just  and  true  proportions,  inspires  me  with  more  reve- 
rence and  admiration  than  I  ever  experienced  from 
the  contemplation  of  any  character  in  history.  I  know 
of  no  book  I  should  be  more  desirous  to  place  in  libra- 
ries throughout  the  country,  as  a  model  of  manhood 
for  the  benefit  of  coming  generations. 

L.  MARIA  CHILD. 

gl^=  In  a  private  letter  from  Mrs.  L.  Maria  Child, 
she  says  : — 

"  I  am  rejoiced  beyond  measure  that  the  war  with 
England  is  averted.  The  prospect  of  it  drove  me  al- 
most to  despair.  Whether  international  law  had  b?en 
violated  or  not,  was  a  question  for  lawyers  to  settle. 
Since  the  lawyers  and  statesmen,  both  of  England  and 
Prance,  decided  that  it  had  been  violated,  and  since 
our  own  statesmen  could  not  disprove  it,  it  was  plain- 
ly right  on  our  part  to  admit  that  Capt.  Wilkes  had 
made  a  mistake.  It  would  have  been  worse  than  fool- 
ish to  have  gone  to  blowing  out  brains  to  show  that 
we  were  not  afraid  to  fight.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
England  wants  to  get  into  a  war  with  us,  but  she  must 
be  very  careful  now  to  have  an  adequate  cause,  or  the 
whole  world  will  judge  her  to  he  clearly  in  the  wrong. 
That  seems  to  mo  a  great  advantage  gained  by  our 
concession  to  her  claims. 

What  a  magnificent  speech  is  that  of  Kansas  Con- 
way 1  It  seems  to  me  one  of  the  very  beBt  I  ever 
read.     I  also  greatly  admired  Boutwell's  speech  before 


THE   EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE. 

DR.    CHBBVEIt'a    LECTURE. 

The  object  of  this  League  is  to  urge  upon  the  Peo- 
ple and  tho  Government  Emakcipation  of  the 
Slaves,  as  a  measure  of  justice,  and  as  a  military 
necessity.  The  lecture  of  Dr.  Cheever,  in  the  Tre- 
mont  Temple  last  week,  was  the  first  of  a  course  of  six, 
to  be  given  under  the  direction  of  the  League,  in  Bos- 
ton. Its  subject  was  "  The  Necessity  of  Emancipa- 
tion." 

The  lecturer  declared  his  conviction  that  if  we  do 
not  emancipate,  we  cannot  conquer;  and  that  if  we 
do  not  conquer  thoroughly  and  entirely,  we  are  lost. 

In  this  war  there  have  already  been  several  op- 
portunities eminently  favorable  for  the  adoption  of 
such  a  policy,  and  a  speedy  end  might  have  been  put 
to  the  rebellion  had  the  Government  chosen  to  meet 
it  in  this  manner.  When  Fort  Sumter  was  surren- 
dered, a  proclamation  of  emancipation  would  have 
been  received  with  approbation  throughout  the  North. 
But  the  Government  wanted  to  conciliate  the  border 
States,  and  so  dared  not  touch  the  question  of  sla- 
very. The  Hatteras  expedition  tailed  from  the  same 
cause;  the  neglect  of  a  vigorous  pushing  of  the  first 
success,  an  immediate  occupation  of  the  adjacent 
country,  and  a  summoning  of  the  slaves  of  rebels  to 
seek  protection  and  take  service  with  the  United 
States.  The  treatment  of  Fremont  by  the  Adminis- 
tration was  yet  worse.  He  would  have  done  the  work 
but  for  its  active  interference  to  forbid  the  only  right 
policy.  And  the  success  at  Port  Royal  might  have 
had  results  unspeakably  more  damaging  to  the  rebels 
and  beneficial  to  the  country,  had  it  not  been  curbed 
by  tenderness  for  the  Slave  Power. 

Justice  to  the  slaves,  and  wisdom  for  ourselves, 
alike  demand  that  they  shall  he  set  free.  If  John 
Brown  had  commanded  the  Beaufort  expedition, 
(here,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  gentleman  on  the  plat- 
form, the  audience  gave  three  energetic  cheers  for 
John  Brown,)  he  would  have  swept  the  State  of  South 
Carolina  before  this  time,  and  would  have  doubled  his 
own  force  by  freeing  the  slaves. 

Dr.  Cheever  declared,  that  by  refraining  from  this 
policy,  our  Government  had  brought  upon  itself  and 
the  country  two  very  great  evils  ;  at  once  chilling  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  North,  and  losing  the  sympathy  and 
aid  which  we  might  have  had  from  Europe. 

He  urged  in  a  most  forcible  and  convincing  manner 
that,  by  the  act  and  process  of  the  rebellion  itself,  the 
slaves  of  the  rebels  had  become  free;  that,  as  far  as 
they  are  concerned,  no  additional  legislation  is  needed ; 
that  no  barrier  of  law  now  prevents  their  using  their 
freedom  in  any  honest  way ;  that  in  the  Beaufort 
district,  and  elsewhere  where  their  masters  have  be- 
come fugitives  from  them,  they  may  properly  hold  and 
possess  the  lands  on  which  they  have  always  worked, 
the  ownership  of  which  those  masters  have  lost  in  law 
by  their  rebellion  ;  that  the  feelings  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity should  lead  all  Northern  men  to  help  them  to 
establish  themselves  securely  in  this  relation,  and  that 
self-interest  joins  with  justice  in  urging  the  U.  S.  Gov- 
ernment to  favor,  protect  and  help  them. 

Dr.  Cheever  showed  most  conclusively  that  no  po- 
sition of  the  Constitution  warranted  the  Government 
in  viewing  or  treating  these  men,  hitherto  held  as 
slaves  by  rebels,  in  any  other  manner  than  as  free  men 
and  citizens ;  that  the  Government  have  no  right  to 
take  possession  of  them,  or  transfer  them,  or  remove 
them,  or  make  any  compulsory  arrangements  for  them 
whatever,  least  of  all  to  hold  them  in  trust  for  the  re- 
bel masters,  or  offer  the  renewed  possession  of  them 
as  a  bribe  for  the  return  of  those  masters  to  loyalty  ; 
that,  the  rebel  States  having  taken  themselves,  with 
their  laws  and  institutions,  out  from  allegiance  to  this 
Government,  and  devoted  themselves  to  the  service 
of  another  Government,  the  state  of  slavery,  as  far  as 
our  administration  has  to  do  with  them,  falls,  and  is 
annihilated  ;  and  that  every  consideration  of  interest, 
honor,  justice  and  humanity  now  calls  upon  our  civil 
authority  to  protect  and  encourage  its  free  black  citi- 
zens in  those  States. 

The  lecture  was  a  vigorous  and  excellent  one,  and 
the  audience  gave  it  enthusiastic  applause. 

The  second  lecture  of  this  course, — a  forcible  and 
admirable  argument  for  emancipation, — was  given  by 
Orestes  A.  Brownson.  He  frankly  admitted  the 
very  great  difference  between  his  present  position  and 
that  which  he  had  held  for  many  previous  years.  He 
had  never  loved  slavery,  but  had  been  willing  to  spare 
it  for  the  sake  of  the  Constitution,  while  the  slave- 
holders were  loyal  to  that  instrument.  Now  that  they 
are  open  rebels,  they  have  utterly  forfeited,  not  only 
what  advantage  the  Constitution  formerly  gave  them, 
but  all  consideration  and  advantage  whatever.  As  he 
had  opposed  abolition  for  the  sake  of  the  Union  in  for- 
mer years,  so,  to  preserve  the  Union,  in  our  altered 
circumstances,  he  would  now  favor  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  It  is  certainly  not  abolitionism  which  now 
endangers  the  Union. 

He  urged  the  abolition  of  slavery,  first  as  a  matter 
of  military  necessity  for  the  complete  overthrow  of 
the  rebellion,  next  as  a  measure  of  justice  to  the  slave, 
and  still  more  as  a  necessity  of  the  slaveholder.  He 
looked  upon  the  Union  in  its  old  form  as  gone,  and  had 
no  wish  that  that  form  of  it  should  be  revived.  The 
point  in  hand  now  is  to  save  the  life  and  integrity  of 
the  nation.  We  have  now  to  prove  whether  we  are 
a  nation,  and  when  that  question  shall  be  settled,  we 
may  hope  toestablish  a  better  Union. 

The  rebellion  gives  us  the  right  to  abolish  slavery. 
Let  it  be  abolished,  not  only  because  that  measure  is 
just  in  itself,  but  because  it  is  the  best  and  speediest 
method  of  quelling  the  rebellion.  If  we  pretend  to 
make  war  at  all,  let  us  do  it  vigorously  and  thoroughly. 
There  has  been  too  much  false  tenderness  in  this 
matter,  too  much  precaution  to  carry  on  the  war  in 
such  a  manner  as  not  to  hurt  anybody's  feelings,  es- 
pecially if  he  is  a  traitor.  The  poorest  and  most  in- 
human method  of  making  war  is  to  conduct  it  on  peace 
principles.  Let  the  Government  proclaim  the  negroes 
free,  and  call  on  them  to  aid  the  Government.  A  man's 
complexion  forms  not  the  slightest  reason  against  the 
concession  to  him  of  every  human  right,  including  cit- 
izenship. It  is  simply  justice  to  the  slave  that  he  be 
made  free.  He  was  born  of  the  same  race  as  ourselves, 
and  redeemed  by  the  same  Savior,  and  is  destined  to 
the  same  beatitude  hereafter.  People  who  talk  this 
way  have  been  called  fanatics,  but  the  earnest  man  is 
always  a  fanatic  to  the  lukewarm.  Right  and  wrong 
depend  not  on  majorities.  God  will  assuredly  secure 
the  triumph  of  the  right. — c.  K.  w. 


Death  op  Mr.  Francis  Todd.  The  death  of  Mr. 
Francis  Todd,  of  Newburyport,  Mans.,  was  announced, 
last  month,  at  the  age  of  83.  Mr.  Todd  was,  we  be- 
lieve, a  worthy  man  in  the  ordinary  relations  of  life, 
beloved,  no  doubt,  by  his  friends,  and  respected  by  his 
fellow-citizens.  A  single  act  of  his  lite,  however, 
gives  his  name  a  place  in  history,  but  for  which  he 
would  never  have  been  heard  of  beyond  his  narrow 
world  of  New  bury  port.  Thirty  years  ago,  while  Mr. 
Todd  was  an  influential  citizen  and  a  prosperous  mer- 
chant of  large  means,  another  native  of  Newburyport, 

ho  had  struggled  along  in  the  world,  with  little  aid, 
and  against  many  obstacles,  poor  and  unknown,  was 
at  work  as  a  printer  in  Baltimore.  His  name  was 
Garrison.  In  1829  he  became  associated  with  Benja- 
min Lundy  in  conducting  a  little  dingy  sheet  called 
The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  a  paper  repre- 
senting the 'Anti-Slavery  party  of  that  day.  It  hap- 
pened that  the  ship  Francis,  of  Newburyport,  came  to 
Baltimore,  where  she  took  on  board  a  cargo  of  slaves 
for  New  Orleans  and  a  market.  Whether  it  was  that 
Garrison  was  moved  by  the  fact  that  the  ship,  engaged 
in  such  infamous  business,  came  from  his  native  town, 
or  whether  because  for  that  reason  it  came  specially  to 
his  knowledge,  he  denounced  it  as  "  domestic  piracy," 
and  declared  that  he  would  "cover  with  thick  infamy  " 
all  concerned  in  it.  But  the  great  Newburyport  mer- 
chant was  not  disposed  to  submit  to  such  criticism 
upon  his  conduct,  and  thereupon  he  brought  an  action 
of  libej  against  the  young  printer;    and,  although  it 

as  shown  by  the  Custom  House  returns  that  the 
Francis  was  engaged  in  the  domestic  slave-trade,  and 
carried  more  slaves  than  Garrison  had  asserted,  yet  a 
Baltimore  jury  found  him  guilty  of  libel  in  denounc- 
ing such  business  as  infamous  and  piratical,  and  in  de- 
fault of  payment  of  a  fine  of  §50  and  costs  of  Court, 
he  was  committed  to  jail.  Here  he  remained  40  days, 
till  Arthur  Tappsn,  of  New  York,  hearing  of  the  case, 
paid  fine  and  costs,  and  released  him.  But  this  did 
not  satisfy  Todd.  He  brought  a  civil  suit  against 
Garrison,  and  obtained  a  verdict  of  §1,000  against  him. 
As  he  probably  only  wanted  to  establish  the  fact  that 
to  engage  in  the  domestic  slave-trade  was  perfectly 
honorable,  and  that  his  own  character  was  unsullied, 
the  damages  of  §1,000  was  never  exacted.  So  Mr. 
Todd  takes  his  niche  in  history. — New  York  Tribune. 


Federal  Victory  in  Kentucky.    A  battle  was 

fought  at  Somerset,  Ky.,on  Sunday  last,  between  the 
rebel  forces  under  Zollicoffer,  and  the  Federal  troops 
commanded  by  Gen.  Schoeff,  which  resulted  in  the 
utter  rout  of  the  rebels,  after  a  fight  lasting  all  day. 
The  attack  was  made  by  the  rebel  troops,  but  they 
were  beaten  off,  with  heavy  loss,  and  compelled  to  re- 
treat, leaving  all  their  artillery,  horses,  ammunition, 
camp  equipage,  &c,  in  the  hands  of  the  Union  forces. 
Gen.  Zollicoffer  was  among  the  killed.  The  loss  on 
the  Union  side  is  supposed  to  have  been  considera- 
ble, but  the  details  have  not  yet  been  received.  The 
tenor  of  all  the  official  despatches  indicates  that  the 
battle  resulted  in  the  most  brilliant  victory  of  the  war. 
No  prominent  officers  on  our  side  were  killed. 

Negroes  Fighting  on  the  Union  Side.  The 
Martinsburg  (Va.)  Republican,  of  the  11th,  appeals  to 
the  Governor  to  arm  the  negroes,  saying,  that  at 
the  late  battle  near  Bath,  the  rebels  were  met  by  700 
negroes  on  the  Union  side,  who  killed  three  rebel 
officers,  two  privates,  and  wounded  50  members  of  the 
German  Southern  regiment. 

Stepping  into  the  Shoes  or  Slaves,  A  de- 
serter from  the  rebel  army  makes  the  ominous  state- 
ment that  the  slaves  of  Richmond  in  many  instances 
are  compelled  to  give  up  their  shoes  to  the  soldiers, 
and  go  barefoot. 

JU^"  We  are  informed  that  numerous  houses  and 
barns,  belonging  to  residents  of  Henry  county,  have 
recently  been  fired  and  burned  to  the  ground  by  the 
negroes,  and  that  in  consequence  a  general  feeling  of 
insecurity  prevails  throughout  the  entire  community. 
— Frankfort  (Ky.)  Yeoman. 

^^="  The  Russian  army  at  the  present  time  is  about 
850,000 ;  the  Austrian,  740,000 ;  the  Prussian,  720,000 ; 
the  French,  826,000;  the  English  pretend  to  muster 
534,000,  but  this  includes  218,000  blacks  in  India, 
18,000  Colonists,  64,000  military  and  yeomanry,  140,- 
000  volunteers,  15,000  pensioners,  and  12,000  consta- 
bles.  

J^=Wehave  a  large  number  of  communications 
on  hand,  unable  to  find  room  for  them  in  the  present 
crowded  srate  our  columns.  Have  patience,  one  and 
alt! 


J2f  AARON  M.  POWELL,  Agent  of  the  American 
A.  8.  Society,  will*peakat  the  following  places  in  the  Stats 
of  New  York:— 


Verbankj 

Wellington  Hollow, 
Clinton  Hollow, 
Salt  Point, 
Pleasant  Valley, 


Friday, 

Sunday, 

Tuenday, 

Thursday, 

Saturday, 


Jan.  24. 
"       26. 


Feb. 


1. 


SOUTH  A  B1NGTON.— Parker  Ph.lsbcry  will  lecture 
in  South,  AWngton,  on  Tuesday  evening,  28th  inst.,  at  7 
o'clock.  Subject,  (by  request)—"  The  Philosophy  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  Mov 


NORTH  BRIDGEWATER. 

lecture  in  North  Eridgewatcr, 
inst.,  at  7  o'clock. 


-Parker    Pillbbury   will 
on  Thur»day    evening,  30tb 


1^-  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  ».,  has  removed  to 
€95  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren-  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.D.;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


PARKER 


H0TI0E  TO  DELIKQUENT  SUBS0EIEEES. 

Though  by  the  terms  of  the  Liberator,  payment  for 
the  paper  should  be  made  in  advance,  yet  it  has  not' 
only  not  been  insisted  upon,  but  an  indulgence- -of  thir- 
teen months  has  hitherto ,  been  granted  delinquent 
subscribers,  before  proceeding  (always,  of  course,  with 
great  reluctance)  to  erase  their  names  from  the  sub- 
scription list,  in  accordance  with  the  standing  rule 
laid  down  by  the  Financial  Committee.  But,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  generally  depressed  state  of  business, 
this  indulgence  will  be  extended  from  January  1, 1861, 
to  April  1,  1862,  in  caaes  of  necessity.  We  trust  no 
advantage  will  be  taken  of  this  extension  on  the  part 
of  those  who  have  usually  been  prompt  in  complying 
with  our  terms — payment  in  advance. 

ROBERT  P.  WALLCUT,   General  Agent. 


NEW  YORK  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION. 
03P*  The  Sixth  Annual  Anti-Slavery  Convention  for  the 
State  of  New  York  will  be  held  in  ALBANY,  at  Associ- 
ation Hall,  on  FRIDAY  and  SATURDAY,  February 
7th  and  8th,  commencing  at  10  1-2  o'clock,  A.  M.  Three 
sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

The  exigencies  of  the  slave's  cause  in  the  present  Na- 
tional crisis  call  for  a  full  representation  at  this  Conven- 
tion of  the  friends  of  freedom  from  all  parts  of  the  State. 
During  the  past  year,  tho  slave  States  have  dissolved  the 
Federal  Union,  repudiated  the  United  States  Constitution, 
and  organized  a  gigantic  conspiracy  in  the  name  of  a  new 
Confederacy,  the  chief  stone  in  the  corner  of  which,  it  is 
red;  is  Human  Slavery.  The  Federal  Government, 
which  began  its  career  by  fatal  concessions  to  slaveholding 
barbarism,  and  has  since  been  disgraced  and  weakened  by 
numerous  like  concessions,  until  now  its  very  existence  is 
imperilled  by  the  same  aggressive,  unscrupulous  power,  is 
still  administered  in  a  spirit  of  suicidal  submission  to  the 
unrighteous  dictation  of  slaveholders.  Though  there  has 
been  a  great  and  most  gratifying  increase  of  an ti -slavery 
sentiment  since  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  and  a  strong 
tide  of  opposition  to  slavery  is  steadily  rising  among 
the  people  of  the  North,  still,  in  our  midst,  the  enemies  of 
impartial  liberty,  and  of  a  truly  republican  government, 
masked  under  professions  of  loyalty,  are  not  a  few.  It  is 
no  time,  therefore,  for  Abolitionists  to  relax  their  efforts, 
but  rather  is  increased  fidelity  called  for.  Special  ear- 
nestness and  activity  are  yet  denmuded  of  every  friend  of 
freedom,  and  of  just  govcrntmont,  to  secure  the  speedy  ab- 
olition of  slavery  under  the  war  power.  The  present  aud 
future  well-being  of  not  only  four  millions  of  slaves,  but 
of  every  inhabitant  of  the  land,  is  at  stake.  The  dangerous 
and  fatal  spell  of  submission  to  slavery  must  now  be  broken, 
the  slaves  rescued  from  the  vilo  grasp  of  traitorous  op- 
pressors, and  thus,  justice  having  been  done,  an  abiding 
peace  ensue.  Lot  all  who  possibly  can  come  to  the  ap- 
proaching annual  Convention,  and  contribute  by  personal 
presence,  and  wise  counsel,  to  render  its  influence  mighty 
and  effective  in  tho  service  of  tho  sacred  cause  of  liberty. 

[The  names  of  the  speakers  who  will  attend  tho  Conven- 
tion,^— among  whom  are  confidently  expected  Wm.  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Parker  Pillsbury  aud  Theo- 
dore Tilton, — will  be  announced  hereafter.] 

In  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements, 

A.  M.  POWELL. 


Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARB. 

rpiIIS  is  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
|  Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Miner 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Abso- 
ciiition,  and  are  ihe  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market. 

fl^p"  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 

Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notics, 

Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 

IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report   of  the  Judges   of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 

"Four  Parker's  Sewing  Machines.  This  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &,  Baker,  for  whieh  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  fefedj  '  bS 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  sin 
itive  and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  guaging  the  ; 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  Well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  maehine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
ehine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. The  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston  Traveller. 

g™  We  would  call  the  attention  of  our  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  the  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and 
Groves^  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company  fcoitsBqueiitlj1,  r^ii^g^ad  vantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed^macirige  ;  secondj  &MB 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  importantiBrJPhrrt-  - 
ments  which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
also  the  necessity  of  the  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  the  variousjatftions  to  the  machine. 
The  favor  with  which  the  Pajfker  Sewing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  tifc  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  bust  machine  npjP-JB-J 
South  Reading  Gazette,  Nov.  24,  1860. 

The  Parker  Sewing  Machine  is  taking  the  lead  in  the 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made — strength 
and  utility  combined — and  is  emphatically  the  cheapest  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  d^g^ted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parkers  machine  the 
preference  over  all  others.  We  are  pleased  to  learn  that 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  George  E.  Leonard,  188  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  and  sells  them  as  fast  as  they  can  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  the  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  manufacturers  have  almost  wholly  suspended 
operations.  This  fact,  of  it-self,  speaks  more  strongly  is 
its  favor  than  any  thing  we  can  mention  ;  for  were  it  not 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  suffered  from  the  gen- 
eral depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  the  wrecks  of 
its  rivals.  What  we  tell  you  is  no  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
one  of  them,  and  you  will  say  that  "  half  of  its  good  qual- 
ities had  never  been  told  you."  Every  man  who  regards 
the  health  and  happiness  of  his  wife  should  buy  one  of 
these  machines  to  assist  her  in  lessening  life's  toilsome 
<iask.— Marlboro'  Gazette,  July  13,  1861. 


JEJT"  Our  paper  goes  to  press  too  early  (if  we  had 
room,  which  we  have  not)  to  give  any  sketch  of  the 
doings  at  the  Ladies'  Anti-Slavery  Subscription  Anni- 
versary, at  Music  Hall,  on  Wednesday  evening;  or  at 
the  annua!  meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery 
Society  at  Allston  Hall  on  Thursday.  Two  additional 
sessions  will  be  held  this  day,  (Friday,)  at  Allston 
Hall ;  in  the  evening,  at  Music  Hall,  to  be  addressed 
by  Wendell  Phillips,  Rev.  Mr.  Manning,  Rev.  Mr. 
Miner,  and  others.  Admission  fee  in  the  evening,  10 
cents. 

J33^"*  Our  friends,  who  are  visiting  the  city  this 
week,  will  doubtless  be  glad  to  be  reminded  of  the  new 
Life  of  Captain  John  Brown,  by  Richard  I). 
Webb,  some  copies  of  which  still  remain  for  sale  at 
the  Anti-Slavery  office,  2^1  Washington  street. 


Youth's  Casket  and  Playmate  ;  a  Magazine  for 
Roys  and  Girls.  Filled  with  interesting  and  instruc- 
tive matter,  and  published  monthly.  Kach  number, 
besides  containing  excellent  stories,  has  a  page  devo- 
ted to  Knigmas,  Charades,  Conundrums,  &c.  Itised- 
iled  by  Mark  Forrester,  and  published  by  William 
Guild  &,  Co.,  f>  Water  street,  Boston.  Terms— §1  a 
year,  if  paid  in  advance,  ijll.^fi,  if  not. 


EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE. 

That  the  pcoplo  may  have  an  opportunity  to  examine 
the  reasons  presented  in  this  crisis  of  our  country's  affairs 
for  emancipating  the  slaves, 

A  COURSE  OF  SIX  LECTURES 
will  be  delivered,  undor  tho  auspices  of  the  Emancipation 
League,  in 

TREMONT  TEMPLE, 
as  follows  : 

Wednesday,  Jan.  29,  byM.  D.  CONWAY,  a  native  of  Vir- 
ginia. 

Subject — "  Liberty,  challenged  by  Slavery,  has  the  right 
to  ohooso  tho  weapon.   Liberty's  true  weapon  is  Free- 
dom." 
Wednesday,  Feb.  5th,  by  FREDERIC  DOUGLASS. 
Subject — "The  Black    Man's  Future   in   the  Southern 
States." 
Wednesday,  Feb.  12th,  (to  be  announced.) 
Wednesday,  Fob.  19th,  (to  ho  announced.) 

Organist        -        -        JOHN  S.   WRIGHT. 
Tickets,  admitting  a  gent  Ionian  aud  lady  to  the   course, 
SI,  for  sale  by  Jamos  M.  Stone,  22  BromRehl  street,  and  by 
J.  11.  Stephenson,  53  Federal  street,  and  at  Tromont  Tom- 
pie. 

DOOM  open  at  6  '-2  o'clock,  and  the  Lectures  will  coin- 
monoo  at,  1  1-2  o'olook. 


IMPROVEMENT  IN 
Champooing  and  Hair  Dyeing, 

"WITHOUT     SMUTTING." 
MADAME    0ARTEAUX    BANNISTER 

"VT7"OULD  inform  the  public  that  she  has  removed  from 
YY     223  Washington  Street,  to 

No.  31  'WINTER  STREET, 
where  she  will  attend  to  all  diseases  of  the  Hair- 
She  is  sure  to  cure  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  as  she  has 
for  many  years  made  the  hair  her  study,  and  is  sure  there 
are  none  to  excel  her  in  producing  a  new  growth  of  hair. 
Her  Restorative  differs  from  that  of  any  one  else,  being 
made  from  the  roots  and  herbs  of  the  forest. 

Sho  Cbarapoos  with  a  bark  which  does  not  grow  in  this 
country,  aud  whieh  is  highly  beneficial  to  the  hair  before 
using  the  Restorative,  .and  will  prevent  the  hair  from 
turning  grey. 

She  also  has  another  for  restoring  grey  hair  to  its  natu- 
ral color  in  nearly  all  oases.  She  is  not  afraid  to  speak  of  . 
her  Restoratives  in  any  part  of  the  world,  as-fctrey-srW-ffsed 
in  every  city  in  the  country.  They  are  also  packed  for  her 
customers  to  take  to  Kurope  with  them,  enough  to  last  two 
or  three  years,  as  they  often  say  they  can  get  nothing 
abroad  like  them. 

MADAME    CARTEAUX  BANNISTER, 
No.  31  Winter  Street,  Boston. 

Deo.  BO. 


The  Life  and  Letters  of 
CAPTAIN  J0M   BROWN, 

"ITTHO  was  Executed  at  Chnrlestowu,  Virginia,  Deoem- 
YY  bor  2,  1859,  for  an  Armed  Attack  upon  American 
Shivery  :  with  Notices  of  some  of  his  Confederates.  Edited 
by  Riciunn  D.  Wkub. — This  very  valuable  aud  interesting 
work,  whioh  has  met  with  a  most  favorable  reception  and 
ready  sale  in  England,  lias  been  carefully  prepared  by  one 
of  tho  most  intelligent  and  experienced  friends  of  America 
in  the  old  world.  For  salo  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Office  in 
Boston.  221  Washington  street,  Room  No.  6.  Also  in  New 
fork,  ftt  No.  S  Hoekman  street  ;  and  in  Philadelphia,  at 
No.  L06  North  Tenth  street. 


Diseases   of  Women  and  Children. 

WM,  SYMINGTON  BROWN,  M.  P.,  and 
Miis.  MARGARET  »    BROWN,  Actx 

n\\V,  opened  M  officii    nt    27J     Washington    Street, 
BoatOU,   and    will  devote  special    attention    to    tha 
trciitnu-iil   of  tUfl  febon  &tMMW< 

CHBm  It «,  From  U'.  a.  ■.,  to  4,  v.  m. 

Boston,  Oct.  l,  18fil.  3m 


16 


THE     LIBEEATOE, 


JANUARY   24. 


Otttg. 


For  the  Liborator. 

JONATHAN'S   APPEAL    TO    OAKOLINEi 

OR, 

Mr.  North  to  Madam  South. 

Air Teannctte  and  Jtannot. 

You  are  going  far  away,  far  away,  my  little  pet ; 

There  's  no  one  left  to  love  me  now— oh,   darling  !   you 

forget 
How  I  've  always  bowed  to  you,  let  you  always  have  your 

way  ; 
Now,   dearest,  don't  ungrateful    be,    and    tear   yourself 

away  I — 
Think  of  all  I  Ve  sacrificed,   just  for  you  to   keep  your 

slaves, 
And  to  inorease  your  wealth  and  power,  and  make  your 

children  knaves  ; — 
Think,  too,  how  I  have  compromised,  every  time  you  wished 

you  know  : 
Carolina,  'tis  a  shame  to  treat  your  loving  Johnny  so  ! 


Only  think  the  gold  I  paid,  buying  all  your  lands  and 

State, 
And  then  pursued  the  Seminole  with  war  and  deadly  hate; 
Texas,  too,  I  bought  with   blood,  besides  a  beap  of  gold, 
Because  you  mean  that  men  shall  be  like  cattle  bought 

and  sold  : 
Then  I  've  carried   all  your  mails,  letters,  papers,  all  for 

you, 
And  from  my  pocket  I  have  paid  most  of  your  postage,  too ; 
Then  to  think  how  you  have  ruled,  in  Congress,  Church 

and  State, 
And  always  had  your  President,  nor  cared  to  please  your 

mate. 

in. 
How  because,  for  onee,  my  votes  outdo  all  your  swindling 

plan, 
Ton  mean  to  break  the  Union  up,  and  do  what  harm  you 

can  ! 
Think  to  please  you  bow  I  worked,   down  upon  my  knees 

I've  toiled, 
■While    for   my  sake  you've  never  onee  your  dainty  fin- 
gers soiled. 
Then  you've  called  me  wicked  names,  Yankee  mudsill, 

farmer  small, 
And  yet  I  have  a  Christian  been,  and  borne  in  meekness 

all  ; 
Yea,  you  know  I  've  borne  all  this,  and  a  thousand  other 

i!ls,^-^~ " 
Jnat4oJfiVe  in  peace  with  you,  and  run  my  cotton  mills. 

IV. 
Then,  you  know,  I've  active  been,  mobbing  preachers  ;   if 

they  dared 
Say  aught  against  your  darling  sin,  hard  was  the  fate  they 

shared  : 
Then  to  think  I've  caught  your  slaves,  when  they  tried  to 

run  away, 
And  never  let  them  stop  to  rest  this  side  of  Canada  ! 
Now  it  really  makes  me  mad  to  think  how  foolish  I  have 

been, 
How  for  your  sake  I've  lost  my  peace,  and  steeped  my  soul" 

And  yet  you  have  a  traitor  proved,  and  stole  my  guns 

away  ; 
But  as  I  have  a  few  more  left,  I  guess  I  'II  stop  your  play 


Madam,  you  will  trouble  see  unless  your  temper  soon  is 


And  much  you'll  wish  you'd  stayed  with  me,  before  the 

war  is  ended  ; 
But  as  you  the  war  have  brought,  blame  yourself  for  all 

the  sorrow 
That  now  enshrouds  all  hearts  and  homes,  and   fills    our 

land  with  horror. 
Though  I  fight  but  for  the  laws,  stand  on  the  Constitu- 

Yet  blame  yourself  if,  midst  the  crash,    down  comes  your 

institution  ; 
And  devoutly  good  men  pray  for  such  a  consummation, 
And  wise  ones  say  peace  cannot  come  but  by  emancipation. 


Bead  the   names  of  nations  lost ! — once  they  built  their 

Babel  towers, 
But  sin  hath  swept  them  from  the  earth  :  will  justice  pass 

by  ours  ? 
Madam,  I  am  half  inclined  to  think  that  good  men 

aright,  ^^-v^^ 

That  naught  but  justice  to"t~n* slave  will  bring  our  nation 

light.  \ 

.,  gWta*  me  sight,  ibow  to  me  thy  path  more 

clear, 
And  grant  me  strength  to  walk  therein,  untrammelled,  too, 

by  fear  !  Mary  Stoddard. 


TYom  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  February. 

BATT1S  HYMN  OP   THE  BEPUBLIO. 

\Y  MRS.    JULIA  WARD    HOWE. 

Mine  eyes  hare  seen  the  glory  of  the  coming  of  the  Lord : 
He   is    trampling  out   the  vintage  where    the  grapes    of 

wrath  are  stored  ; 
He  hath  loosed  the  fateful  lightning  of  His  terrible  swift 

sword  : 

His  truth  is  marching  on. 

I  have  seen  him  in  the  watch-fires  of  a  hundred  circling 

camps ; 
They  have   builded    Him  an  altar  in   the   evening  dews 

and  damps  ; 
I  have  read  His  righteous  sentence  by  the  dim  and  Baring 

lamps  : 

His  day  is  marching  on. 

I  have  read  a  fiery  gospel  writ  in  burnished  rows  of  steel 
"  As  ye  deal  with  my  contemners,  so  with  you  my  grace 

shall  deal ; 

Let  the  Hero,  born  of  woman,  crush  the  serpent  with  his  heel, 
Since  God  is  marching  on." 

He  has  sounded  forth  the  trumpet  that  shall  never  call 
retreat  ; 

He  is  sifting  out  the  hearts  of  men  before  His  judgment- 
seat  : 

Oh,  be  swift,  my  soul,  to  answer  Him  !  be  jubilant,  my  feet ! 
Our  God  is  marching  on. 

In  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  Christ  was  born  across  the  sea, 
With  a  glory  in  his  bosom  that  transfigures  you  and  me  : 
As  he  died  to  make  men  holy,  letua  die  to  make  men  free, 
While  God  is  marching  on. 


From  the  American  Baptist. 

OUE    FATHERLAND, 

BY    CRAMMOSD   KENHKDY. 

"We  love  our  glorious  fatherland. 
The  master-work  of  Freedom's  hand  ; 

t  thou  of  &very  land  the  trust, 
We  love  her  very  atones  and  dust. 
Oh  I  let  Thy  love  to  her  flow  down, 
And  bo  of  liberty  the  crown  ! 
Our  mountains  stand,  colossal  throngs  ; 
Our  rivers  flow,  like  heavenly  songs  ; 
From  sea  to  sea  our  vales  extend, 
And  o'er  them  Freedom's  angels  bend  ; 
This  rich  possession,  broad  and  free. 
We  consecrate,  0  God  !  to  thee. 
As  beam  the  radiant  stars  of  even, 
Within  th'  tm  fathomed  blue  of  heaven, 
On  Southern  groves  and  Northern  anow, 
So  may  the  lamps  of  science  glow. 
Our  moon  is  Peace,  our  rising  sun 
The  Liberty  our  fathers  won. 

In  discord's  night,  when  treason  shrouds 
The  light  of  peace  in  thunderclouds  ; 
In  times  of  war,  when  empires  shako, 
And  slumbering  kings  in  fear  awake, 
0  God  !  our  Sovereign  and  our  Rock, 
Let  Freedom's  temple  stand  the  shook  ! 

As,  at,  thy  word,  th'  effulgent  sun 
Proclaimed  the  reign  of  Chaos  done, 
So  let  immortal  Freedom's  light 
Kise  o'er  Oppression's  starless  night ; 
And  ever  may  our  country  be 
The  lion*  of  Liberty  and  Thee  ! 


THE    SWORD    IN    ETHIOS. 

NO.       II. 

The  defender  of  war,  an  abstract  of  whose  able  ar- 
ticle in  the  Christian  Examiner  was  given  in  last 
■week's  Liberator,  sums  op  his  argument  with  this  sen- 
tence : — "  Man  may  lawfully  use  no  other  sword  than 
that  which  pure  Heaven  puts  into  his  hand;  but  the 
sword  that  Heaven  gives,  if  he  make  it  not  sharp 
against  those  that  deserve  its  edge,  will  become  sharp 
against  himself."  It  singularly  happens,  that  this 
very  sentence  precisely  expresses  the  idea  held  by 
me,  an  opposer  of  war,  and  a  Non-Resistant,  It  can- 
n:)t  but  be  a  profitable  exercise  to  examine  the  course 
of  an  argument  which  leads  to  such  a  conclusion,  and 
see  precisely  wherein  we  differ,  and  which  of  our 
opposite  positions  is  the  sound  one.  Before  commenc- 
ing this  examination,  I  must  beg  the  reader  to  keep 
in  mind  that  the  word  Non-Resistance  is  a  title,  adopt- 
ed for  its  breviiy,  not  by  any  means  a  definition; 
that  the  Non-Resistant  is  not  one  who  allows  evil  to 
have  free  course,  but  who  seeks  to  overcome  it  with 
good,  and  with  good  only ;  and  that  what  he  repudi- 
ates is,  not  the  use  of  bodily  strength  or  of  physical 
force,  but  only  of  injurious  force. 

I  am  happy  to  be  able  freely  to  admit  many  of  my 
antagonist's  positions,  and  of  this  sort  are  those  with 
which  he  begins  his  argument. 

1.  "In  the  construction  of  any  creature,  Nature  lias 
always  in  mind  the  thought  of  self-preservation,  com- 
monly of  direct  self-defence;  and  works  this  into  its 
organization." 

Granted.  I  have  not  a  word  to  say  against  either 
self-preservation  or  self-defence.  Every  creature  has 
these  impulses,  and  rightfully  uses  them. 

2.  Nature  never  abandons  any  leading  idea;  and 
man,  as  well  as  the  inferior  animals,  finds  wrought 
into  Ins  organization  the  thought  and  the  means  of 
self-preservation  and  self-defence. 

Granted.  But  it  is  to  be  kept  in  mind  that  man,  pos- 
sessing a  higher  degree  of  the  reasoning  faculty  than 
other  animals,  is  able  to  discriminate  between  defence 
and  offence,  as  they  cannot.  Moreover,  being  en- 
dowed with  a  moral  nature,  he  is  capable  of  distin- 
guishing that  the  same  great  law  which  makes  it 
wrong  for  others  to  injure  him,  makes  it  equally 
wrong  for  him  to  injure  others.  He  is  therefore  bound 
to  take  care  that  bis  defence  is  free  from  complication 
with  offence,  or  injury  of  his  antagonistic  fellow-man. 
He  is  bound,  further,  to  beware  of  letting  self-preser- 
vation seduce  him  into  the  violation  or  the  neglect  of 
other  duties.  The  shipmaster  who,  when  his  vessel 
is  about  to  sink,  jumps  into  the  only  boat,  and  leaves 
bis  passengers  to  drown,  is  not  excused  by  the  world, 
any  more  than  by  his  own  soul.  He  has  a  duty,  in 
that  case,  antecedent  to  self-preservation;  and  many 
other  duties  may  claim  precedence  of  that  one. 

3.  With  higher  organizations,  there  are  higher  ex- 
pressions of  every  leading  thought.  The  provisions 
for  defence  in  man  partake  of  the  general  elevation, 
and  are,  for  the  most  part,  much  removed  from  a  beast- 
ly simplicity  of  biting  and  scratching.  For  physical 
defence,  man  has  the  immediate  powers  and  cunning 
of  the  hand,  and  the  command  of  natural  forces  ( 
ferred  by  understanding.  For  subtler  encounters,  he 
has  the  powers  of  the  eye  and  the  voice.  He  has 
body  for  the  defence  of  body,  mind  for  the  defence  of 
mind. 

Granted ;  keeping  in  mind  the  distinction  above 
stated. 

Since,  however,  man  possesses  a  higher  order  of 
weapons,  why  should  be  not  trust  to  these  alone  for 
protection  ?  In  answer  to  this  very  pertinent  inquiry, 
our  author  alleges — 

4.  In  all  defences,  you  necessarily  use  a  weapon  not 
only  fit  for  you,  as  a  man,  to  employ,  but  appropriate 
also  to  .the  foe  or  the  danger  that  threatens  you.  Tht 
wolf  is  appropriately  met  with  powder  and  ball 
Therefore  the  use  of  the  rifle  is  not  intrinsically  un 
suitable  to  man. 

Granted. 

From  this  be  easily  slides  into  the  next  question, 
namely — Is  ever  a  fellow-man  one  of  those  foes  against 
whom  mortal  defences  may  be  turned?  And  he  re- 
plies— 

5.  The  answer  is,  that  whenever  man  is  a  wolf,  as 
too  many  men  are,  then  weapon  against  wolf  is  wea- 
pon against  him.  Whenever  man  shows  the  special 
characteristic  of  the  wolf-nature,  in  being  a  lawless 
depredator  and  destroyer,  \he.n  be  is  to  be  considered 
wolf,  and  killed  as  a  wolf. 

Here  a  most  important  discrimination  is  to  be  made, 
which  our  author  fails  to  make. 

It  is  true  that  man  is  often  a  wolf,  a  lawless  depre- 
dator and  destroyer.  But  he  is  never  merely  a  wolf. 
Sometimes,  unfortunately,  be  has  so  adopted  and  cul- 
tivated the  wolf-nature  that,  to  a  superficial  examina- 
tion, there  seems  to  be  nothing  else  in  him.  The  ap- 
pearance is  deceitful.  The  man  also  is  invariably 
there,  fundamental  and  permanent,  while  the  wolf- 
character,  which  has  been  taken  on  (with  more  or  less 
guilt)  under  the  influence  of  circumstances,  is  only  fac- 
■  titious  and  temporary,  and  the  ejection  of  it  (which  is 
necessarily  to  come  sooner  or  later,  since  God  reigns,) 
may  be  greatly  expedited  by  applying  influences  of 
an  opposite  character.  The  wolf-man  is  certainly  to 
be  restrained,  and  kept  from  doing  harm,  while  his 
wolf-stage  lasts.  As  certainly,  the  man  underneath 
the  wolf  is  to  be  helped,  even  against  his  perverted 
will,  to  get  freed  from  this  unnatural  and  beastly  part- 
nership. As  surely  as  the  wolf  ought  to  be  killed,  sc 
surely  ought  the  man  to  be  redeemed.  Let  us  apply 
ourselves  to  both  these  needful  things,  instead  of  using 
the  vulgar,  penny-wise,  pound-foolish  expedient  of 
killing  both. 

6.  But  defence,  our  author  proceeds,  is  needed,  and 
is   demanded  by  the  intensest  natural  instincts,   not 

'only  for  a  man's  own  person  and  rights,  but  for  pro- 
tection of  those  whom  Nature  has  left  in  some  degree 
defenceless;  babes  and  children,  disabled  persons, 
weak  minorities,  and  women.  And  he  justly  calls  it 
an  error  to  stigmatize  these  instincts  as  "  brutal,"  and 
justly  protests  against  the  implication  that  an  entire 
category  of  man's  powers  and  impulses  is  made  only 
to  be  eradicated.  Natural  instincts,  far  from  being 
brutal  in  the  opprobrious  sense,  are  sacred  and  author- 
itative. 

To  all  this  I  agree  ;  only  claiming,  as  above,  that 
the  natural  should  be  held  in  subordination  to  the 
moral  and  spiritual.  The  native  instincts  of  the  im- 
mature human  being  are  not  despotically  to  clamor 
down  the  cultivated  reason  and  enlightened  conscie 
of  the  mature  one.  The  fact  that  our  safety  and  that 
of  our  family  is  threatened,  does  not  annihilate 
our  other  duties,  obligations  and  relations.  What  I 
claim  is,  that  these  opposing  claims  shall  be  fairly 
weighed,  and  the  decision  of  right  and  justice  folio' 
ed,  at  the  expense  of  whatever  self-denial  or  suffer- 
ing. Has  not  the  whole  world  applauded  him  who 
refused  to  violate  his  trust  and  betray  his  country, 
even  to  save  the  lives  of  his  children  ?  Let  us  recog- 
nize the  fact,  that  even  such  sacrifices  may  possibly 
be  required  of  us. 

7.  Our  author  proceeds  to  deny  the  assertion  that 
"human  life  is  inviolable";  to  quote,  as  sufficient 
disproof  of  this  assertion,  the  fact  that  if  a  man  swal- 
low arsenic,  he  dies;  and  to  draw  from  this  quite  ir- 
relevant fact  the  following  conclusion  : — "Nature  takes 
life  in  mere  fidelity  to  physiological  law :  can  human 
life  be  amenable  to  this,  and  not  amenable  to  the  more 
sacred  law  of  justice  1 " 

The  general  strain  of  the  article  in  question  shows 
so  much  candor  towards  opponents,  that  X  cannot 
doubt  that  its  writer  would  have  freely  admitted,  had 
this  point  been  suggested  to  him,  not  only  that  his 
statement  of  the  arsenic  case  is  not  just  to  his  oppo- 
nent, but  that  a  fair  statement  of  (hat  very  case  (so  far 
as  it  goes)  is  in  favor  of  his  opponent.  Nobody  ever 
pretended  that  arsenic  would  not  destroy  human  life. 
The  idea  (above  referred  to)  of  some  opposcrs  of  war 
and  capital  punishment,  is  not  that  human  life  cannot 
be  destroyed,  but  that  lie  is  guilty  who  purposely  de- 
stroys either  his  own  life  or  another's.     The  man 


who  takes  poison,  intending  to  kill  himself,  is  guilty 
for  so  doing;  the  man  who  intentionally  kills  another 
by  poison  is  guilty.  Human  beings  have  not  been  en- 
trusted, by  their  Father,  with  the  right  to  kill  them- 
selves or  each  other.  The  burden  of  proof  lies  upon 
him  who  affirms  that  they  have  been  so  entrusted. 
And  such  proof  has  never  yet  been  shown. 

But  is  not  human  life  amenable  to  "  the  sacred  law 
of  justice  "  ?  An  important  question  indeed.  But  he 
>  would  justly  answer  and  decide  it  is  bound  to 
show  who  is  the  authorized  expounder,  and  who  the 
uthorized  executor  of  that  law.  For  men's  opinions 
differ  very  greatly,  in  regard  not  only  to  these  two 
functions,  but  to  the  demand  of  justice  itself  in  many 
particular  cases. 

We  are  told  that  the  great  Cyrus,  in  his  boyhood, 
chancing  to  meet  a  small  boy  with  a  jacket  too  large 
for  him,  and  a  larger  boy  with  a  jacket  too  small  for 
him,  compelled  them  to  exchange  ;  and  was  surprised 
to  learn  afterwards,  from  his  preceptor,  that  he  had 
done  injustice  instead  "of  justice.  The  question,  Who 
is  the  authorized  judge  1  is  a  very  important  one ;  the 
question,  What  is  justice  in  a  specified  case?  is  yet 
more  important,  and  neither  of  these  is  so  easily  set- 
tled as  people  are  accustomed  to  imagine. 

A  man  kills  another.  Clearly,  justice  has  some 
function  to  perform  in  the  matter;  but  what  is  it? 
by  what  human  head  is  it  to  be  decided  1  and  when, 
and  by  what  human  hand,  is  it  to  be  executed1? 

Most  men  assume  at  once  that  the  murderer  is  to 
be  killed;  but  whether  by  the  witnesses  of  the  mur- 
der, or  by  the  next  of  kin  to  the  victim,  or  by  some 
public  functionary  appointed  for  the  purpose,  there 
has  been  much  difference  of  opinion.  Moreover,  after 
what  interval  for  calm  examination,  trial,  and  formal 
sentence,  this  retributive  killing  shall  be  done,  and 
after  what  further  interval  for  the  murderer's  repent- 
ance and  reformation,  there  is  much  difference  of 
opinion.  People  usually  discover,  after  he  has  been 
tried  and  condemned,  that  even  the  murderer  is  a 
man  and  a  brother,  and  temper  their  judgment  with 
some  grains  of  mercy.  Even  our  defender  of  the 
sword  and  the  gailows  counsels  long  patience  and  for- 
bearance, and  would  have  justice  done  not  only  justly 
but  humanely.  If  we  could  accomplish  these  things 
without  the  sword  or  the  gallows,  it  would  be  a  decided 
improvement.  But  our  author  makes  a  further  state- 
ment.    He  says — 

8.  "  The  State  and  every  social  body  is  bound  by 
sacred  obligations  to  indicate,  and  to  indicate  with  em- 
phasis, a  more  precious  estimation  of  justice,  free- 
dom, and  the  honor  and  innocence  of  man  and  wo- 
man, than  of  mere  physical  life,  or  of  property,  or  of 
aught  else;  and  failing  flagrantly  to  do  this,  it  is  ere 
long  weighed  in  the  balances,  and  found  wanting." 

I  heartily  grant  that  the  State  is  bound  to  provide, 
as  carefully  and  thoroughly  as  possible,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  justice,  and  of  the  freedom  and  security  of 
its  citizens.  Perhaps  these  points  may  be  found  to  be 
best  guarded  without  the  deliberate  shedding  of  blood 
by  its  functionaries.  At  any  rate,  the  failure  to  at- 
tempt these  things  is  a  flagrant  failure  in  the  duty  of 
a  State.  But  does  not  the  entire  fulfilment  of  that 
duty  include  one  important  exercise  of  the  power  of 
the  State  to  which  our  author  has  not  alluded, 
and  which  should  come  in  place  of  his  plan  of 
capital  punishment  %  I  refer  to  the  establishment  of  a 
place  of  secure  detention,  with  an  apparatus  of  means 
adapted  to  accomplish  the  reformation  of  criminals 

To  "confront  perfidy  with  peril"  is  not  the  whole 
of  justice.  The  crime  and  the  criminal  may  have 
many  mitigating  circumstances,  and  of  these  justice 
must  take  account,  in  favor  of  the  criminal,  as  well 
as  prevent  the  repetition  of  the  offence,  for  the  sake 
of  the  community.  To  kill  even  the  worst  of  crimi- 
nals, on  mere  conviction  of  the  fact,  without  inquiry 
how  be  first  fell  into  guilt,  and  how  he  might  possi- 
bly be  yet  reclaimed,  would  be  very  gross  injustice. 
Even  allowing  aggravated  guilt  to  be  proved,  and  a 
disposition  to  persevere  in  it  also  proved,  punishment 
is  not  necessarily  the  main  duty  of  the  community. 
The  disposition  to  treat,  a  man  as  badly  as  lie  deserves 
is  quite  as  nearly  akin  to  vice  as  to  virtue.  Circum- 
stances in  the  history  of  this  very  man  may  show 
him  to  be  far  more  sinned  against  than  sinning 
Justice  is  bound  to  investigate  these  circumstances  as 
much  as  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  the  offence;  and 
she  is  also  bound  to  make  a  prolonged  trial  of  the  ef- 
fect of  forcible  seclusion  from  evil  companionship, 
and  the  influence  of  appropriate  medico-moral  treat- 
ment, if  thus  possibly  the  bad  man  may  be  changed 
to  a  good  man,  before  proceeding  to  harsher  measures. 

Is  it  denied  that  such  reformation  can  be  effected 
upon  the  class  of  men  and  women  in  question?  Is  it 
further  denied  that  they  can  be  arrested  and  placed 
in  the  bouse  of  reformation  without*  the  use  of  inju- 
rious force?  I  reply,  no  government  has  ever  at- 
tempted the  latter  at  all,  and  the  former  has  been  tried 
only  in  a  very  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  manner 
Men  can  generally  accomplish  what  they  persistently 
determine  upon,  and  labor  for,  especially  when  they 
have  the  resources  of  a  State  to  work  with.  Until 
these  two  things  have  been  faithfully  tried,  no  one 
is  authorized  to  declare  them  visionary  or  impossi- 
ble. 

Our  author  next  comes  to  the  very  essence  and 
kernel  of  the  matter. 

9.  Perhaps  the  final  entrenchment  of  the  extreme 
upholders  of  peace  is  found  in  the  doctrine  that  evil 
should  not  be  rendered  for  evil;  that yoorf  should  be 
rendered  for  evil,  and  enmity  met  only  with  love. 
And  this  is  conceded  to  be  very  clear — that  "  the  good 
man  will  do  good,  and  not  evil;  not  evil,  but  good, 
to  all  men,  and  under  all  circumstances." 

I  am  perfectly  satisfied  with  this  concession.  I  ask 
no  more  than  that  our  author  shall  hold  to  it.  But 
he  proceeds  to  ask — "What  is  doing  evil?  To  con- 
front perfidy  with  peril,  is  that  evil?  To  apply  the 
great  laws  of  retribution,  is  this  a  doing  of  evil?" 

I  reply,  the  deeds  here  specified  are  needful  and  sal 
utary  when  they  are  done  justly,  and  done  by  the  au- 
thorized power.  What  power  this  is,  is  the  very  ques- 
tion that  we  have  not  yet  settled.  Perhaps  the  just 
and  full  application  of  "  the  great  laws  of  retribution  " 
is  something  as  much  beyond  the  province  as  beyond 
the  power  of  man.  Who  can  certainly  know  how 
much  peril  to  allot  to  how  much  perfidy.  Are  we 
so  sure  of  doing  this  work  aright  as  to  take  it  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  Supreme  Judge  ?  Since  the  records 
of  the  best  intentioned  Courts  have  shown  so  many 
instances  of  error,  perhaps  our  efforts  had  better  be 
directed  to  the  prevention  of  future  evil,  by  the  re- 
straint and  reform  of  criminals,  rather  than  to  the 
infliction  of  punishment  (especially  irrevocable  pun- 
ishment) for  past  evil.  God  will  assuredly  take  care 
of  that;  and  if  we  do  our  duty  in  regard  to  the  for- 
mer, we  shall  lose  nothing  by  leaving  the  latter  to 
Him. 

With  the  following  statement  of  the  duty  of  the 
State  to  its  vicious  members,  I  cordially  agree  : — 

"The  highest  service  that  we  can  ever  render  a 
human  being  is  so  to  breed  and  incite  him  to  virtue, 
that  flagitious  thoughts  shall  be  foreign  from  his 
heart;  next  to  this,  the  highest  service  lies  in  so 
bringing  home  good  considerations  to  one's  mind,  as 
to  dissuade  him  from  carrying  into  act  an  evil  intent, 
though  it  have  been  harbored  in  his  bosom;  but 
these  being  excluded,  the  only  remaining  service  con- 
sists in  opposing  with  impassable  barriers  a  wicked 
will,  to  which  considerations  of  reason  and  right  arc 
no  barrier." 

When  the  writer  adds  to  the  foregoing  that,  in  the 
last  resort,  the  criminal  should  be  killed  rather  than 
suffered  to  prey  upon  society,  I  must  dissent;  and  I 
offer  as  a  substitute  this  :  that  the  whole  power  of  the 
State  should  be  applied  to  the  work  of  placing  him 
under  restraint,  secluding  him  from  evil  influences, 
and  bringing  good  influences  to  bear  upon  him;  and 
that  this  restraint,  seclusion  and  beneficent  tutorship 

*  Those  who  oaro  to  see  how  a  police  foroo  can  act  effi- 
ciently without  the  uso  of  injurious  violence,  and  can  be 
so  organizod  and  used  as  to  ollect  a  progressive  diminution 
of  crime  and  reduction  in  tlio  number  of  criminals  in  a 
community,  far  greater,  in  tlio  lung  run,  than  that  now  at- 
tained, are  referred  to  a  tract,  entitled — '*  Non-Rosiatanoa; 
applied  to  tlio  Internal  doi'otiou  of  a  community" pub- 
lished by  It.  P.  Walluut,  22]   Washington  street. 


should  continue  as  long  as  it  seems  needful ;  that  is, 
until  the  State  can  return  a  good  citizen  to  that  com- 
munity from  which  it  took  away  a  bad  one.  It  seems 
to  me  that  this  system  would  not  only  improve  socie- 
ty, in  any  given  period,  far  more  than  our  present 
one,  but  that  all  the  improvement  made  would  tend 
towards  permanence,  and  would  increase,  in  succes- 
sive periods,  in  a  geometrical  ratio;  constantly  ac- 
complishing more  and  more  permanent  good ;  con- 
stantly leaving  a  less  number  of  criminals  for  the  pro- 
cesses of  the  moral  hospital. 

10.  Our  author  manfully  marches  up  to  the  main 
difficulty  of  his  position,  and  attempts  next  to  show 
that  the  killing  of  a  criminal  who  seems  desperately 
and  impersuasibly  bent  upon  crime  is  an  act  of  love, 
not  to  the  community  only,  but  to  him.  I  think  he 
utterly  fails  in  that  attempt.  But,  supposing  him  to 
have  proved  it,  the  love  shown  to  the  criminal  by  my 
method  is  at  once  more  obvious  and  more  fruitful. 
For  its  tendency  will  be  towards  the  reform  of  all; 
and  if  faithfully  and  perseveringly  tried,  it  can  scarce- 
ly fail  to  restore  some,  even  of  those  who  seemed 
most  hardened  and  hopeless,  to  be  worthy  and  useful 
members  of  society.  And  if  this  is"  true,  the  deliber- 
ate killing  of  a  prisoner  who  lies  bound  and  helpless 
in  the  hands  of  the  State,  without  extended  attempt 
at  his  restoration,  wilt  appear  nothing  short  of  mur- 
der. And  I  see  not  bow  one  who  (like  our  author) 
has  demanded  absolute  justice,  and  counselled  ex- 
tremest  forbearance,  can  counsel  the  killing  of  a  crim- 
inal who  is  already  under  restraint,  and  prevented 
from  doing  further  harm,  instead  of  proposing  his 
pirmanent  restraint,  with  or  without  the  attempt  at  his 
reformation. 

Moreover,  if  the  killing  of  a  man  desperately  and 
impersuasibly  bent  upon  crime  be  an  act  of  love  and 
benefit  to  him,  why  should  not  this  service  be  rendered 
him  by  some  individual  friend,  or  by  any  person  be- 
nevolently disposed,  who  understands  the  criminal's 
character  and  necessity  ?  Is  the  State  to  monopolize 
the  bestowal  of  benefits  ?  Must  we  summon  Sheriff, 
Judge  and  Jury  before  we  can  confer  a  favor  upon  one 
who  stands  in  urgent  need  of  i't?  And  again,  must 
the  individual  philanthropist  postpone  the  bestowal  of 
the  great  favor  in  question  until  his  failure  to  bestow 
it  risks  the  loss  of  his  own  life? 

The  portion  of  the  Examiner's  article  which  treats 
of  the  distinction  between  a  living  and  a  dead  peace — 
which  insists  that  purity,  justice  and  freedom  rightful- 
'  ly  take  precedence  of  outward  peace,  and  are  to  be 
maintained  even  if  that  be  sacrificed — and  which 
stigmatizes  as  unworthy,  treacherous  and  contempti- 
ble, any  Peace  Society  which  should  disregard  these 
distinctions,  is  thoroughly  admirable  and  excellent. 
It  justly  declares  that,  for  us,  in  this  nation,  a  war 
turned  against  slavery  would  be  far  better  than  a  eon 
tinued  allowance  of  the  tyranny  of  the  slaveholders. 
Heartily  agreeing  to  this,  I  yet  say  that  there  was  a 
third  way,  better  than  either,  which  we  should  have 
taken. 

11.  Our  author  next  proceeds  to  claim  for  war  a  use- 
ful preventive  function ;  to  claim  that  possible  wai 
is  the  gage  of  actual  peace ;  and  that  "  the  alterna- 
tive Might  or  Fight  secures  right,  and  saves  from  the 
necessity  of  fighting." 

The  hardihood  of  this,  assertion,  in  view  of  the  his- 
tory of  wars  between  nations,  in  view  of  the  causes 
and  the  results  of  such  wars,  and  in  view  of  our  ex 
perience  of  the  tendency  of  elaborate  preparation  for 
war,  is  no  less  than  amazing.  I  utterly  deny  both 
parts  of  the  assertion  above  quoted. 

If  powerful  nations  were  always  in  the  right  in 
their  controversies  with  weaker  ones,  that  statement 
would  come  a  little  nearer  being  true.  But  wl 
there  is  much  disparity  of  force,  the  powerful  nation 
that  offers  war  is  almost  always  in  the  wrong;  "its  de- 
mand therefore  is — Submit  to  Wrong,  or  Fight.  If 
the  weak  nation  has  spirit  or  sound  principle  enough 
to  refuse  such  submission,  it  replies — Right,  or  Fight 
and  it  fights  and  is  beaten.  Success  is  on  the  side  of 
the  strongest  battalions,  entirely  irrespective  of  j 
tice.  Did  the  Seminole  Indians  beat  us?  Did  the 
Mexicans  beat  us  ?  Right  is  generally  overthrown  and 
trampled  down  in  unequal  wars.  And  to  say  that 
elaborate  and  systematic  preparation  for  war  secure! 
peace  between  nations  of  equal  strength,  is  much  like 
asserting  that  the  Southern  habit  of  going  armed  with 
bowie-knife  and  revolver  promotes  quietness,  good 
order,  courtesy,  and  respect  for  the  rights  of  others 
in  a  community.  Both  assertions  are  alike  prepos- 
terous. 

It  is  nevertheless  true,  as  our  author  says,  that  "  a 
nation  is  a  nation  only  as  it  is  religiously  banded 
and  bound  to  support  a  social  order  against  all 
assanlt."  It  is  true,  as  he  further  says,  that  right  and 
justice  are  to  be  preserved  by  the  ministry  of  "  Terror 
serving  love  and  guided  by  reason."  And  it  is  true  again 
as  he  well  remarks,  that  "if  -love  and  reason  will  en- 
list terror  in  their  service,  they  shall  be  served  of  it ;  but 
if  they  refuse,  terror  will  become  the  soldier  of  con- 
fusion." Yet  these  truths  do  not  imply  the  rightful 
ness  or  the  advantage  of  the  abominable  thing  called 
war.  The  nation  is  bound  to  undertake  the  preserva- 
tion of  social  order,  the  vindication  of  justice,  and  the 
suppression  of  crime;  and  it  may  rightfully  enlist 
terror  in  its  service  as  far  as  terror  can  be  rightfully 
used;  and  the  whole  wisdom  of  the  State  should  be 
bent  to  the  solution  of  the  question — with  what  least 
amount  of  terror  and  violence  can  these  important 
works  be  done;  and  at  what  point  do  the  imperative 
voices  of  justice  and  right  forbid  us  to  use  them  fur- 
ther ?  For  there  does  come  a  time,  now  not  less  than 
in  the  first  years  of  Christianity,  when  the  advocate 
of  right  and  truth  finds  himself  hedged  up  from  act- 
ing, and  when,  for  the  time,  he  must  reconcile  himself 
to  suffer,  finding  no  right  means  by  which  either  to 
evade  or  overcome  the  assailant. 

The  precise  definition  of  the  limits  of  a  justifiable 
use  of  violence  and  terror  in  the  service  of  love  is 
very  difficult  to  settle.  Because  it  is  so  difficult,  I  ask 
for  it  the  deepest  consideration  of  the  profoundest 
wisdom  of  the  nation.  My  own  conviction' is,  that 
the  use  of  these  means  should  stop  short  of  injury  to 
the  offender.  Render  him  good,  and  only  good,  for 
his  evil.  This  good  may  be  in  the  form  of  very  un- 
palatable medicine.  All  that  I  demand  is,  that  it  shall 
be  actually  designed,  and  actually  suited,  to  effect  hts 
good ;  that  the  relation  of  the  criminal  to  those  around 
him  as  a  man  and  a  brother  be  not  disregarded  or  ig- 
nored; and  that  the  prodigal  son  be  pitied  and  helped 
as  a  son,  in  all  methods  suited  to  bring  him  to  a  bet- 
ter mind,  even  before  he  has  spontaneously  "come  to 
himself."  If  the  whole  wisdom  and  power  of  the 
State,  applied  to  the  work  of  devising  and  accom- 
plishing such  reformation,  can  effect  it  upon  even  a 
proportion  of  the  malefactors  who  are  now  merely 
punished,  it  would  be  a  most  honorable  and  advantage- 
ous work.  My  own  conviction  is,  that  a  fair  trial  of 
Buch  means  would  triumphantly  vindicate  them,  in 
the  mind  of  every  reasonable  man,  as  far  superior  to 
our  present  system. 

In  like  manner,  since.it  is  difficult  to  see  how  an  of- 
fensive war  is  to  be  met  without  the  use  of  just  such 
barbarous  and  brutal  methods  of  operation  as  the  as- 
sailant uses,  I  would  have  the  highest  wisdom  and 
goodness  of  the  State  applied  to  the  solution  of  this 
question.  In  private  life,  the  wise  man  does  not 
fight,  though  in  the  course  of  his  life  he  comes  in  con- 
tact with  various  insolent  and  injurious  persons.  He 
finds  some  better  way,  even  when  his  antagonist 
wishes  to  fight,  and  offers  him  various  provocations 
to  that  end.  What  I  say  is,  that  this  better  way  can 
be  found  by  nations  also,  if  they  will  set  themselves 
to  the  inquiry.  I  hold  it  to  be  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant duties  of  wise  and  thoughtful  men,  and  especial- 
ly of  those  intrusted  with  the  government  of  nations, 
to  make  such  inquiry.  And  I  am  sure  the  lime  will 
come  when  the  wars,  and  the  elaborate  preparations 
for  war,  of  the  present  age,  will  be  classed,  in  point 
of  folly  and  wickedness,  with  the  old  "ordeal  by 
battle,"  and  with  the  Southern  duels  of  the  present 
day,  the  attempts  of  two  men  to  slaughter  each  other, 
with  pistol  and  bowie-knife,  upon  "a  point  of  honor." 

If  Non-Kesistnuee,  the  refusal  to  use  injurious  force, 
and  thus  return  evil  lor  evil,  sometimes  leaves  the 
right  defeated  and  the  wrong  victorious,  we   in  us  I   rc- 


lber  that  battle,  whether  between  nations  or  indi- 
viduals, often  leaves  the  right  defeated  and  the  wrong 
victorious.  Battle  no  more  secures  right  than  prepa- 
ration for  war  averts  war.  Our  writer  in  the  Exomin- 
r,  like  most  writers  in  defence  of  war,  claims  fnr  more 
for  its  successful  accomplishment  of  good  purposes 
than  facts  will  warrant.  Its  evil  has  unspeakably  out- 
weighed its  good. 

When  the  Non-Resistant  fails,  deliberately  declining 
save  himself  by  the  return  of  evil  for  evil,  he  has 
not  made  so  utter  a  failure  as  the  warrior  supposes.  He 
is  the  inheritor  of  that  promise — "  He  that  will  lose 
life  for  my  sake,  the  same  shall  save  it."  If 
we  are  careful  to  follow  God's  methods,  and  to  keep 
our  bodies  and  spirits  in  subjection  to  his  will,  we 
may  safely,  yea,  triumphantly,  trust  him  with  the 
sequences  of  such  action.  Is  there  no  meaning  in 
that  declaration  of  a  wise  and  brave  man  of  old,  that  we 
may  be  "  more  than  conquerors  "  after  tribulation,  and 
distress,  and  persecution,  and  famine,  and  nakedness, 
and  peril,  and  sword,  have  done  their  worst  upon  us? 
Death  is  not  necessarily  a  failure  ;  and  one  of  the 
ost  obviously  proper  times  to  die  is  when  life  cannot 
continue  without  some  unjustifiable  action  or  omis- 
sion. An  important  [mrt  of  our  business  in  this  world 
is  manfully  to  take  the  risks  of  right  acting,  and  of 
right  refraining. 

Finally,  the  frank  concessions  of  our  author  re- 
specting the  moral  qualities  by  which  war  itself  is  to 
be  restrained,  if  reduced  to  practice,  would  render  im- 
possible the  existence  and  action  of  any  such  army 
as  now  exists,  of  any  army  such  as  those  that  have 
hitherto  made  war,  and  of  almost  all  the  movements 
and  methods   now  considered  appropriate  to  war. 

First  among  the  duties  of  a  State  he  reckons  to  be 
"a  precious  estimation  of  justice,  freedom,  and  the 
honor  and  innocence  of  man  and  woman." — p.  9. 

He  declares  that  a  right  war,  as  well  as  the  true 
peace,  must  be  that  "  where  justice  prevails " — 
"  where  its  supremacy  is  undisputed." — p.  15. — And 
the  thing  which  he  deems  so  indispensable  that  a  na- 
tion may  even  go  to  war  for  it  is  "intelligent  com- 
munion in  justice." — p.  16. 

His  accepted  national  compact  is — "  We  twoscore, 
or   twoscore    thousand,  will  uphold  the  law  of  reason 

and  justice It  shall  be  binding." — p.  18. — 

What  he  upholds  is  "  the  honorableness  and   sacred- 
ness  of  war  in  the  vindication  of  justice." — p.  20. 

As  to  the  persons  who  are  rightfully  to  be  assailed 
in  war,  he  says — "  Only  the  destroyer  is  to  be  visited 
with  destruction  "  ;  .  .  .  '-  it  is  only  the  armed  hand 
of  injustice  that  justice  with  irresistible  hand  may 
smite."— p.  21. 

"Finally,  forbearance  is  to  be  held  in  perpetual 
honor." — p.  21. 

Very  well.  Accepting  these  concessions  as  made 
in  good  faith,  let  us  see  what  consequences  inevitably 
flow  from  them  to  the  army,  and  to  the  customary 
methods  of  war. 

If  the  war-making  power  restricts  itself  to  methods 
just  and  honorable  in  raising  an  army,  its  recruiting 
officers  will  be  forbidden,  not  only  to  impress  men 
into  their  service,  but  to  persuade  them  to  enlist  by 
delusive  representations  of  the  facts  and  probabilities 
of  a  soldier's  life.  A  (rwe  representation  of  that  life 
would  deter  most  persons  from  entering  upon  it. 

In  like  manner,  if  strict  justice  and  honor  are  to  rule 
the  operations  of  the  army  after  it  is  formed,  the 
meanness  of  falsehood  must  be  wholly  avoided.  No 
deceptions  must  be  practised  upon  the  enemy,  no 
false  representations  made  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of 
the  army. 

Again,  if  justice,  and  the  honor  and  innocence  of 
the  citizen-soldier  are  to  be  respected,  the  soldier  must 
not  be  required  to  do  any  act  which  his  conscience 
distinctly  forbids.  He  has  no  more  right  to  sin  in  the 
army  than  in  the  shop  or  on  the  farm ;  and  his  right 
must  be  conceded  to  say  to  his  officer,  "  I  cannot  in 
conscience  comply  with  this  command."  For  the 
same  reason,  if,  at  any  time,  it  becomes  clear  to  him 
that  the  main  purpose  of  the  war  is  an  unjust  one,  or 
if,  in  the  prosecution  of  it,  a  part  is  assigned  to  him 
which  he  considers  a  direct  violation  of  justice  and 
right,  the  private,  as  well  as  the  officer,  must  be  al- 
lowed to  resign  and  withdraw.  Is  an  honest  man,  a 
humane  man,  a  lover  of  justice  and  freedom,  to  be 
obliged  to  return  men  and  women  to  slavery,  or  to 
refrain  from  helping  them  to  freedom,  because  he  is 
a  soldier?  Must  he  be  compelled  to  do  any  vicious 
act  because  he  is  a  soldier  ?  Yet  military  law  com- 
mands implicit  obedience,  utterly  irrespective  of  right 
and  wrong.     Shakspeare  tells  us — 

"Jt  is  the  curse  of  kings  to  be  attended 
By  slaves  who  take  their  humors  for  a  warrant 
To  break  within  the  bloody  house  of  life  ; 
.And,  on  the  winking  of  authority, 
To  under.-tand  a  law." 

The  very  thing  that  is  here  stamped  as  base  in  the 
parasite,  is  the  thing  imperatively  required  of  the  sol- 
dier. The  act  of  enlistment  is  the  formal  surrender  of 
the  soldier's  conscience  to  whatever  vulgar  or  vicious 
man  may  chance  to  be  his  officer. 

If  only  the  destroyer  is  to  be  visited  with  destruc- 
tion, only  the  armed  hand  of  injustice  smitten,  no  in- 
jury must  be  done  to  those  innocent  men  whom  the  en- 
emy have  compelled,  against  their  earnest  remon- 
strance and  protestation,  to  march  in  their  ranks,  labor 
on  their  forts,  or  serve  in  their  ships  of  war.  And, 
above  all,  the  fearful  process  of  the  bombardment  of 
towns,  which  mangles  women  and  children,  the  aged 
and  the  sick,  equally  with  the  opposing  officers  and 
soldiers,  must  be  repudiated  with  horror,  It  must  be 
as  carefully  provided  that  shot  and  shell  shall  not  hit 
the  innocent,  as  that  they  shall  hit  the  guilty. 

For  the  same  reasons,  in  the  reduction  of  a  town  by 
siege,  no  measures  must  be  adopted  which  involve  wo- 
men and  children  with  soldiers  in  one  common  dis- 
tress, such  as  the  cutting  off  of  water,  or  the  keeping 
out  of  supplies  of  food,  or  the  destruction  of  property, 
or    the  stopping  of  letters. 

If  ^forbearance  is  to  be  held  in  perpetual  honor," 
time  and  indulgence  must  be  granted  to  the  enemy 
when  he  demands  it,  a  spirit  of  vindictiveness  against 
him  must  be  sedulously  discouraged,  and  any  particu- 
lar injustice  done  him  in  the  course  of  the  war  must 
be  immediately  acknowledged  and  repaired. 

These  are  but  specimens  of  what  honor,  justice,  for- 
bearance and  a  practical  respect  of  the  individual  con- 
science would  require  in  the  formation  and  manage- 
ment of  an  army,  and  in  the  prosecution  of  war.  If 
the  maintenance  of  these  virtues  (upon  which  our 
author  has  insisted  as  indispensable)  be  absolutely  in- 
compatible with  war,  which  shall  be  relinquished  ? 
If  a  general  disregard,  and  a  frequent  violation  of 
moral  rules — if  despotic  authority  in  the  officer,  and 
an  utter  ignoring  of  the  soldier's  reason  and  con- 
science—if a  mingling  of  the  innocent  and  guilty  on 
the  opposite  side  in  one  common  destruction — if  a  sys- 
tematic stimulation  of  zeal  in  support  of  one's  own 
party,  right  or  wrong,  and  of  bitter  resentment  against 
the  opposing  party,  right  or  wrong — if  all  these  shall 
be  found  indispensable  to  success  in  war,  does  it  not 
form  an  additional  reason,  profoundly  momentous  and 
important,  for  applying  the  highest  wisdom  of  every 
nation  to  the  search  for  some  better  method  of  adjust- 
ing national  difficulties  ? — c.  k.  w, 


Citrr  for  Frosted  Feet.  It  is  said  that  frozen 
feet  can  be  speedily  and  certainly  cured  b>'  being 
bathed  and  well  rubbed  with  kerosene  or  coal  oil  for 
a  few  times  at  night  before  retiring  to  bed.  Several 
persons  have  already  tried  it,  all  of  whom  unite  in 
pronouncing  it  an  effectual  cure,  which,  if  they  are 
correct,  is  art, easy  and  cheap  mode  ol  getting  rid  of  a 
very  sore  and  troublesome  affliction.  Those  who  have 
died  it  Inform  us  that  the  feet  should  he  well  Warmed 
by  a  hot  stove  during  and  after  Application  of  the  oil, 
anil  it  will  certainly  effect  a  speedy  our*.  Persons 
suffering  from  the  pain  of  frosted  feet  will  no  doubt 
do  well  in  giving  it  a  trial,  for  it  is  surely  a  very 
cheap  ointment,  and  one  which  is  very  easily  applied. 
-.Xtiniatoirn  /-'iyc  PreSB- 


TUB  DlCTIORARIBS.  The  Massachusetts  Legisla- 
ture last  year  rejected,  by  a  large  majority,  n  proposi- 
tion to  put  a  copy  of  Worcester's  Dictionary   in  each 

ol'  Hie    public    schools  of  the   Slate.      In    the  home   of 

the  two  dictionaries,  Webster  seems  to  be  the  favor 
as  well  as  elsewhere,  Efforts  lor  Worcester  have 
also  recently  foiled  with  the  Legislatures  of  Maine 
ami  Pennsylvania.— R,  I.  Schoolmaster, 


MEEITED  TKIBUTE8. 

We  copy  the  following  critical  notices  from  the  last 
number  of  the  Christian  Examiner,  which  evince  com- 
mendable candor  and  justness  of  appreciation  in  re- 
gard to  the  valuable  publications  referred  to: — 

Under  an  appropriate  and  attractive  title,*  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society  publishes  a  report 
for  tiie  year  ending  May  1,  1860,  which  is  already 
of  much  value,  and  will  gain  in  value  as  time  passes. 
It  is  a  singularly  clever  and  comprehensive  resume 
of  the  position  of  our  great  national  controversy  a 
little  prior  to  its  passage,  into  the  present  fiery  phase. 
Including,  as  the  caption  would  lead  one  to  expect, 
a  spirited  account  of  the  enterprise  and  death  of 
John  Brown  and  his  companions,  and  of  the  hypo- 
critical hunt  for  treason,  conducted  by  traitors,  whieh 
ensued,  it  embraces  also  instructive  statements  under 
many  other  heads,  such  as  Kansas  and  Nebraska ; 
Foreign  Slave  Trade;  Domestic  Slave  Trade;  Fugi- 
tive Slaves  and  Rescue  Trials;  Projects  for  New 
Slave  Stales;  Barbarism  Rampant;  Free  Colored 
People;  Congress;  Action  of  States;  The  Church, 
&c.  The  Report  must  have  been  written  by  one 
who  had  long  lived  in  the  thick  of  this  great,  contro- 
versy, and  grown  into  an  acquaintance  with  all  its 
aspects.  Jn  character  it  may  be  described  as  stand- 
ing about  half-way  between  history  and  the  news- 
paper, possessing  in  a  good  degree  the  accuracy  of 
the  one,  with  the  detail,  familiarity,  and  immediate 
interest  of  the  other.  To  the  future  historian  it  will 
be  invaluable.  And  any  one  will  find  it  very  inter- 
esting reading,  who  desires  to  study  the  existing 
contest,  not  as  an  accident,  "  a  causeless  war,"  but  as 
a  great  passage  in  history,  proceeding,  as  great  facts 
in  history  always  do,  from  antecedents  that  admitted 
of  no  other  result.  So  far  as  moral  justification  is 
concerned,  this  is  indeed  "  a  causeless  war,"  if  ever 
one  was;  but  considered  as  the  product  of  historical 
forces,  it  was  strictly  inevitable.  There  are  fewer 
accidents  in  history  than  one  might  fancy.  Effects 
proceed  from  adequate  causes.  It  is  true,  "tall 
oaks  from  little  acorns  grow,"  but  oaks  grow  only 
from  acorns.  A  lighted  match  will  set  a  city  on  fire ; 
but  why  ?  Because  it  is  itself  on  fire,  and  so  is  an 
adequate  cause  for  such  effects, 

Without  intending  to  foreshadow  any  such  result, 
this  able  report  really  does  so.  Whoever  reads  it  in 
the  light  of  passing  events,  will  see  that  the  preced- 
ing events  were  strictly  preliminary  to  this.  On 
either  side  the  forces  were  marshalling.  Herfthe 
reader  will  perceive  the  malignant  ferment  of  sla- 
very swelling  against  all  its  containing  borders,  rag- 
ing at  restriction,  certain  to  burst  forth  erelong.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  will  see  the  love  of  freedom  and 
justice,  long  murderously  outraged  and  oppressed, 
also  breaking  through  outward  restraints,  and  issuing 
in  the  heroic  failure  of  John  Brown  and  his  brave 
followers.  John  Brown  was  the  heart  and  conscience 
of  the  North  Hung  before  it  in  the  fight,  as  the  heart 
of  Bruce  was  cast  in  advance  of  him  by  Douglas, 
ere  he  rushed  to  encounter  the  infidels.  His  attempt 
symbolizes  the  noble  indignation,  the  hot  love  of  jus- 
tice, the.  dauntless  courage,  which  in  the  bosom  of 
the  North  lay  hidden  under  Respect  for  usage  and 
aversion  to  tumult  and  war. 

It  is  the  more  desirable  that  such  works  as  this 
should  be  read,  because  most  of  us  but  half  appre- 
ciate our  national  position.  Have  modern  times 
furnished  a  parallel  case  ?  Has  any  other  nation 
had  an  evil  so  gigantic  and  so  firmly  imbedded  to 
lift  away  ?  Has  there  been  demanded  of  any  other, 
in  order  to  the  achievement  of  national  success,  a 
sympathy  so  broad,  a  faith  so  energetic,  a  reverence 
for  its  own  ideas  and  ideal  aims  so  deep  ?  "Would  a 
little  dimness  of  eye  or  feebleness  of  heart  involve 
elsewhere  results  so  disastrous  ?  When  before  has 
it  been  said  to  a  nation,  as  this  war  is  thundering  in 
our  ears,  "  Xou  must  do  ideal  justice  to  a  race  an- 
tipodal to  your  own,  and  that  in  opposition  to  every 
conceivable  temptation,  or  you  must  perish"? 

*  The  Anti-Slavery  History  of  the  John  Brown  Tear  ; 
being  the  Twenty-Seventh  Annual  Keport  of  the  American. 
Anti-Slavery  Society.     New  York. 

The  able  and  candid  Scotch  missionary,  Buyers,  in 
his  admirable  work  on  India,  asserts  with  great  em- 
phasis the  identity  of  the  moral  sentiment  of  India 
with  that  of  England.  Hardly  anything,  be  affirms,  is 
recognized  as  vice  or  virtue  in  England,  but  is  equal- 
ly so  recognized  in  India,  and  reprobated  or  com- 
mended accordingly.  But  the  calamity  is,  he  says, 
that  the  popular  religion  of  Hindostan  does  noi^up- 
port,  or  supports  very  imperfectly,  its  moral  feeling 
and  judgment.  It  is  now  a  very  grave  question  how 
far  the  same  complaint  would  be  just  against  the 
popular  religion  of  our  own  land.  There  are  im- 
mense establishments,  sustained  at  great  cost,  for 
sending  missionaries  to  other  countries  ;  but  what  do 
these  missionaries  bear  with  them  ?  Do  they  carry 
a  divine  ethics,  duly  enshrined,  or  is  it  only  another 
substitute  for  purity  and  spirituality?  Those  who 
are  interested  to  obtain  a  true  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion,— and  surely  there  are  many  whom  it  pointedly 
concerns, — should  read  the  little  book  of'Mr.  Whip- 
ple.* It  may  make  them  sadder,  but  can  only  do 
so  by  rendering  them  wiser  men.  • 

Mr.  Whipple's  is  a  book  of  facts  and  citations, 
with  comparatively  little  of  comment.  With  great 
industry  be  lias  traced  out  the  relation  of  one  great 
missionary  Board  to  one  great  moral  question, — of 
course  finding  all  moral  questions  incidentally  in- 
volved. He  writes  earnestly,  but  not  uncharitably  ; 
with  something  of  the  ethical  rigor  characteristic  of 
men  who  have  extreme  energy  of  conscience  and 
clearness  of  understanding,  but  less  of  imagination, 
flexibility,  and  interpretative  sympathy,  yet  with 
entire  fairness  ;  and  he  is  inspired  by  a  noble  homage 
to  justice,  and  a  frank,  though  not  exclamatory  in- 
dignation against  inhumanity  and  trickery,  which 
must  be  acceptable  to  all  honest  men. 

Some  of  the  facts  he  adduces  are  not  exhilarating  ; 
but  all  the  more  they  ought  to  be  known, — especial- 
ly as  the  Board  seem  guilty  of  disingenuous  conceal- 
ments. And  we  mistake  if  he  who  reads  these  pages 
does  not  obtain  some  help  toward  the  conclusion, 
that  there  is  room  for  one  denomination  of  Chris- 
tians in  America,  whose  position  openly  is,  that  men 
are  to  be  saved  hereafter  by  being  saved  from  injus- 
tice, impurity,  and  all  unmanliness  and  all  ungodli- 
ness here. 


*  Relation  of  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for 
Foreign  Missions  to  Slavery.  By  Charles  K..  Whipple. 
Boston  :   JR.  h\  Wallcut.     1861. 

If  the.  ultimate  success  of  a  reform  depend  upon 
the  ability  and  fidelity  of  its  advocates,  the  cause  of 
"  Woman's  Rights"  is  on  the  high  road  to  a  trium- 
phant consummation.  Mrs.  Dall,  whose  former  ad- 
mirable works— -"  Woman's  Right  to  Labor"  and 
"  A  Practical  Illustration  of  Woman's  Right  to  La- 
bor "  —  have  received  our  attention,  offers  a  third 
book,*  which,  touching  as  it  does  the  root  and  founda- 
tion of  the  whole  matter,  might  well  have  been  the 
pioneer  in  her  crusade  against  "man's  inhumanity 
to"  woman.  As  with  her  former  works,  the  strength 
of  this  is  in  the  abundance  and  conclusiveness  of  its 
tacts,  which  have  been  collected  with  indefatigable 
industry,  and  are  presented  in  all  their  native  ugli- 
ness of  outline.  No  intelligent  man  can  read  the 
copious  extracts  from  the  English  Common  Law  and 
United  States  Law  relating  to  women,  without  arriv- 
ing at  one  of  two  conclusions — either  that  the  men 
who  made  the  laws  have  acted  the  part  of  tyrants, 
or  that  women  are  essentially  inferior  to  men,  and 
must  be  subject  to  the  restraints  of  incompetent 
minority. 

In  the  majority  of  statutes  relating  to  property, 
no  argument  is  needed  to  convince  any  lair  man  of 
their  injustice,  beyond  a  simple  statement  of  the  law, 
and  the  presentation  of  a  ease  falling  under  it. 

With  regard  to  the  laws  debarring  women  from 
office,  and  from  voting,  Mrs,  Dall  urges  that  their 
advocates  entirely  fail  to  make  out  a  ease.  All  tlie 
customary  objections  to  iheir  repeal  she  meets  with 
frankness,  and  arguments  which  have  at  least  the 
merit  of  being  difficult  to  answer.  She  claims  that, 
the  presence  of  women  in  the  halls  of  legislation  and 
nt  the  polls  would  lend  to  purity  those'  assemblies  ; 
that  never  till  women  are  included  OH  juries  will  n 
woman  accused  of  crime  be  tried  by  her  peers;  thai 
the  peculiar  qualities  of  the  female  mind  are  requisite 

to  complement  those  ol'  man  in  all  the  multiplex 
affairs  of  business,  political  ami  social  life  ;  that  men 
and  mankind  lose  greatly  by  an  arbitrary  limitation  of 
woman's  "  sphere."  We  cordially  commend  (he  hook 
for  the  importance  of  its  subject  matter,  its  wealth  of 
material  and  lael,  its  Straightforward  earnestness  of 
purpose,  its  purity  of  Sty HJ,  and,  not  least,  lor  its 
freedom  from  some  unpleasant  idiosyncrasies,  p.ir 
lonahle,  indeed,  but  whieh  marked  and   marred   the 

ixecution  of  its  predecessors.    It  has  also  the  rare 

malit)   of  eliciting   from    the   reader   a    regret    (hat 
here  is  not  more  of   it, 

*  Woman's  Rights  ondw  tin-  Law-  In  Ones  Ltatorei 
delivered  in  Boston,  January,  t&Gl.  By  Mrs.  C,  11.  Dau. 
Boston  :    WnlUn-,  Wise,  i  0o.     Ifimo,    ppl  1M, 


V  HE     I.  I  B  E  It  A  T  O  It 

—  IS     PUBLISHED — 

EYEEY  FRIDAY  MORNING, 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,   BOOM   No.    6. 


ROBERT  F.   WALL-CUT,  General  Agent. 


[TjP~  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

J^~Five  copies  will  be  sent  to  ono  address  for  ten 
dollars,  if  payment  1>b  made  in  advance. 

j£^"  All  remittances  are  to  bo  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  lie 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

t-^T"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents  per 
line. 

Or""  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

£^~  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  viz  : — Francis  Jackson,  Edmund  Quixcy,  Edmund 
Jackson,  and  Wendell   Phillips. 


"Proolaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof/' 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERS'  AMONG  THE  REST; 
and  that,  under  that  Btato  of  things,  so  far  from  ita  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho  President  of 
ths  United  States,  but  the  Commander  or  the  Aiimt, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES From  tho   instant 

that  tho  elaveholding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  CoNrip.KKS  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  wast  in  which  it  can  bb  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  .  .  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  jt  on,  ac- 
cording to  tub  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  OF  THEM.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."-- J.  Q.  Adams. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor, 


©it*  (Souutvy  is  tit*  W$M,  mv  <&Q\mtx\jmm  me  »U  UtauftM. 


J.  B.  YERRrNTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    ]STO.    5. 


BOSTON,     FRIDAY,     JANUAEY    31,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1623. 


Ufttp   0f   $pptt$!M0tt* 


WITHDRAWAL  OF  SECRETARY  CAMERON, 

The  public  cannot  but  be  glad  at  the  retirement 
of  (his  gentleman  from  the  great  office  of  Secretary 
of  War.  We  give  him  credit  for  his  fine  energies, 
and  his  fortune  from  obscurity  and  indigence-  to 
wealth  and  power  may  well  be  admired  ;  but  his  in- 
tegrity has  been  often  severely  questioned,  and  on 
an  important  feature  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
land,  lie  has  principles  of  the  most  pestiferous  de- 
scription. It  is  on  the  latter  ground  that  there  must 
be  common  exultation  on  his  withdrawal.  He  is  the 
very  man — the  identical  Secretary  of  War — who  re- 
cently urged,  in  an  official  paper,  the  arming  of  the 
blacks  of  the  South  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebel- 
lion. The  illegality  and  imprudence  of  this  sugges- 
tion need  not  now  be  enlarged  upon.  When  he  had 
the  audacity  of  broaching  it,  the  independent  jour- 
nals of  the  country — and  in  independence  The  Pi- 
lot must  be  allowed  to  be  bold  enough — arraigned 
him  in  merited  terms.  Had  his  advice  been  respect- 
ed by  the  President,  the  loyal  parts  of  Virginia  and 
Tennessee,  and  the  whole  of  the  States  of  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  and  Maryland,  had  now  been  out  of  the 
Union,  and  for  seceding  they  could  not  be  condemn- 
ed. In  that  case,  the  Federal  Constitution  had  been 
broken  against  them,  and  in  self-defence  they  would 
be  compelled  to  rebel  openly  against  the  consequenc- 
es of  the  violation,  But  the  Chief  Magistrate  kept 
bis  oath  of  office,  and  the  allegiance  of  those  sections 
of  the  Union  has  not  been  destroyed.  Nor  is  this  all 
the  trouble  Cameron's  abolition  manifesto  had. been 
followed  by:  it  would  have  intensified  the  treason 
of  the  remainder  of  the  South  ten  thousand  degrees, 
given  incalculable  augmentation  to  the  savagery  of 
the  war,  and  it  would  lead  to  the  perfect  disse.t- 
tlement  of  the  whole  negro  race  in  the  coun- 
try. Nothing  so  pestiferous  to  the  Republic  as  this 
arming  plan  of  Simon  Cameron  ever  issued  from  the 
Cabinet.  Various  causes  are  assigned  for  bis  retir- 
ing. We  dare  say  the  man  has  been  politely  expel- 
led the  Cabinet  on  account  of  his  rabid  abolitionism. 
For  the  same  powerful  reason,  the  President  should 
never  have  engaged  his  services.  But  better  late 
than  not  at  all ;  and  the  people  of  the  United  States 
may  thank  Providence  that  the  politician  who  was 
bent  on  arming  the  four  millions  of  blacks  at  the 
South  is  now  out  of  office.  We  hope  the  Chief  Mag- 
istrate will  put  more  scurvy  heads  in  the  basket. 
Lane  and  Phelps  should  not  be  continued  a  single 
instant  in  Oie  army.  T!.>-o  u.ig.ii  Hrlg-.i;*.™  ™ 
indebted  for  their  epaulets  to  Simon  Cameron, 
and  Simon  Cameron's  principles  they  are  carry- 
ing out  with  all  their  fanatic  zeal.  If  they  be  not 
went  borne,  they  will  do  irretrievable  damage  to  the 
cause  of  the  Union.  Their  present  course  of  con- 
duct indicates  nothing  else.  It  is  the  chief  misfor- 
tune of  this  nation  that  electioneering  services  are 
the  most  powerful  recommendations  for  place.  As 
those  "services  are  in  a  majority  of  instances  of  a  dis- 
graceful kind,  and,  therefore,  the  work  of  rogues. 
the  fact  cannot  but  lead  to  irretrievable  public  loss. 
Simon  Cameron  is  a  striking  evidence  of  this.  It 
may  be  that  lie  will  get  another  post:  whether  he 
does  or  not,  there  is  ground  for  national  exultation 
that  he  has  no  more  control  over  the  war  department. 
One  deadly  foe  to  the  Constitution  is  now  out  of  the 
Cabinet.  This  is  a  weighty  blow  on  the  fustian,  fa- 
natic head  of  abolitionism.  The  rail-splitter  has 
used  a  heavy  axe.  His  oath  of  office  requires  of  him 
to  continue  wielding  the  weapon. — Boston  Pilot. 


demand  of  real  action  by  the  government  with  the 
fanatic  rebels  of  the  North.  If  they  be  tolerated,  the 
fires  of  the  rebellion  will  continue  inextinguishable. 
But  we  have  an  abolitionist  Congress  1 1 ! — Ibid. 


ABOLITION    LICENSE. 

The  civil  war  by  which  the  Republic  is  no 
the  verge  of  irreparable  dissolution,  is  the  effect  of 
two  causes  :  the  disappointed  political  ambition  of 
the  South,  and  the  abolition  doctrines  of  the  North 
fanatically  used  for  the  overthrow  of  the  chief  South- 
ern interests.  These  are  the  agents  from  which  the 
rebellion  has  sprung.  Had  the  latter  never  existed,  it 
is  certain  that  treason  would  not  make  its  appearance 
in  the  slave  States.  The  public  men  of  those  wretch- 
ed sections  of  the  country  have  shown  a  disobedient, 
distempered,  aspiring,  violent  nature,  in  presence  of 
which  no  legislation  could  be  permanent — before  the 
arrogance  of  which  no  laws  could  endure.  In  the 
absence  of  abolitionism,  the  treason  of  the  South  had 
not,  perhaps,  yet  appeared,  but  break  out  it  would 
before  a  great  length  of  time.  The  rabid  conduct  of 
tlie  philanthropists  only  hastened  its  incubation. 
But  had  the  latter  shameful  truth  not  existed  at  all, 
had  it  been  the  case  that  the  loyalty  of  the  South 
were  as  entirely  free  from  all  taint  as  the  fair  spirit 
of  the  Constitution  could  require  it  to  be,  a  doubt 
cannot  be  entertained  that  abolitionism  perse  would 
provoke  the  slave  States  to  rebellion.  There  is  guilt 
in  the  South  proper  to  itself;  but  had  it  been  com- 
pletely free  from  guilt  from  proper  reasons,  its  sub- 
missiveness  the  Black  Republicans  would  lash  into 
open  revolt.  In  each  division  of  the  country,  the 
Constitution  has  been  murderously  aimed  at.  It  is 
difficult  to  settle  on  which  side  the  larger  treason 
prevails.  On  the  first  perception,  abolitionism  has 
it,  and  like  all  first  judgments  of  a  universal  nature; 
this  first  perception  may  be  very  well  admitted  to 
be  true. 

We  have  now  in  the  field  over  six  lmndred  thou- 
sand armed  men  for  the  suppression  of  the  Southern 
rebels.  Against  this  nothing  can  be  said  ;  in  favor 
of  it,  every  tongue  and  pen  in  the  land  should  be  de- 
liberately exercised.  But  the  Northern  rebels  are 
allowed  to  persist  in  their  treason.  Nay,  they  are 
at  full  liberty  to  increase  in  it.  Abolitionism,  which 
lias  been  the  principal  cause  of  Southern  disloyalty 
springing  to  action,  was  never  so  violent,  so  extreme, 
so  wicked,  so  fanatic  as  it  is  at  this  very  instant.  Its 
clergymen,  its  editors  and  its  "  wretched  spouters  " 
— both  men  and  women — are  now  in  bold  enjoyment 
of  the  utmost  license  of  action.  The  Administration, 
however,  does  nothing  to  check  them.  On  they  go, 
in  tbeir  certain  treason,  without  a  single  barrier  to 
stop  their  progress.  The  pillars  of  the  abolition 
churches  are  made  to  vibrate  every  day  and  evening 
with  emancipation  sermons  of  the  most  turbulent 
kind;  throughout  the  country,  the  anti-slavery  so- 
cieties arc  in  the  fullest  exercise;  for  the  abolition 
journalists,  no  excess  is  too  wild  for  advocacy,  and 
the  speakers  of  the  tribe  are  utterly  unbridled  in 
their  speech.  Still,  the  government  at  Washington 
does  nothing  to  hinder  the  guilt..  This  may  be  the 
result  of  having  too  much  duty  on  hand.  No  doubt 
the  rebellion  of  the  South  will  be  squelched  down 
at  last.  But  the  real  integrity  of  the  Union  is  im- 
possible while  abolitionism  is  allowed  to  prevail. 
The  rebels  of  the  South  are  not  better  entitled  to 
the  misfortunes  of  war  than  the  abolitionists — the 
traitors  of  the  North.  Down  the  latter  must  be  put, 
as  deeply  as  the  former,  or  there,  can  be  no  contin- 
uance of  the  Republic.  It  may  be,  that  the  Admin- 
istration, which  has  given  high  military  places  to 
Lane  and  Phelps,  has  a  clear  perception,  and  an  up- 
right, patriotic  resolve  on  the  case:  but  we  advocate 
the  uprising  of  the  people  in  public  meetings  for  the 
suppression  of  abolitionism— for  the  removal  of  one 
of  the  feiVMi  of  the  present  rebellion— for  the  stern 


s/    A  GOOD   SYMPTOM. 

We  quote  below  from  the  Worcester  Spy  the  fol- 
lowing timely,  and  no  doubt  just,  piece  of  criticism 
upon  Wendell  Phillips's  lecture.  From  the  descrip- 
tion given  of  it,  the  philippic  is  the  same  which  this 
past  favorite  of  the  Spy,  and  of  the  other  abolition 
newspapers,  and  of  abolition  gatherings  in  general, 
has  delivered  on  repeated  occasions  recently.  The 
charm  of  his  oratory,  however,  now  ceases  to  exer- 
cise its  wonted  influence  over  even  a  Worcester 
audience.  The  reason  is  plain.  The  country  is 
now  dealing  with  facts  instead  of  theories,  and  with 
those  facts  the  speculations  of  Mr.  Phillips  are  in- 
consistent, so  that  "  his  tone  in  reference  to  the 
Government,  was,"  as  the  Spy  justly  observes,  "  in 
all  respects  unfriendly."  In  a  word,  the  good  peo- 
ple of  Worcester,  who  have  been  in  the  habit  for 
years  of  listening  with  delight  to  Mr.  Phillips,  who 
were  fed  upon  his  diatribes  and  rolled  his  invectives 
as  a  sweet  morsel  under  the  tongue,  begin  to  feel 
that  this  indulgence  has  betrayed  them  into  a  false 
position  towards  their  country;  and  as  they  feel 
this,  "outward  graces"  and  all  the  tricks  or  accom- 
plishments of  elocution  pall  upon  the  eye  and  the 
ear — and,  as  the  Spy  now  does,  they  call 
"Him  vile  who  was  their  garland." 

This  is  the  natural  course  of  things;  and  the 
change  which  it  exhibits  is  no  less  inevitable  than 
gratifying.  Mr.  Phillips's  lecture  is  no  whit  worse 
in  the  key-tone  and  animus  of  it,  than  Mr.  Sumner's, 
at  the  Worcester  Convention,  early  in  October  last, 
which  was  received  by  a  majority  of  that  body  with 
such  enthusiasm— but  the  times  have  changed,  and 
men's  minds  with  them. 

The  Spy  cannot,  however,  forgive  those  who  have 
always  seen  and  resisted  by  argument  and  expostu- 
lation that  course  of  fanatical  abolitionism,  which 
has  brought  our  country  to  its  present  deplorable 
state ;  and,  accordingly,  in  the  same  sheet,  in  which 
it  disposes  of  Mr.  Phillips  so  summarily,  it  uses 
some  characteristically  elegant  language  towards  a 
Boston  newspaper,  the  "organ  and  oracle,"  it  would 
seem,  of  those  who  have  felt  the  folly  and  guilt  of 
destroying  their  country  on  professed  philanthropic 
principles.  It  dreads  the  effect  of  the  "  memorial,'' 
to  Congress,  sent  forth  by  the  Courier,  and  which  is 
having  so  wide  a  circulation.     It  denounces  Phillips 

j'.ji    !,;..  !■■_■:. .:■.'.   '1../1  M ..» Ii.nc  i'mm  '-  i.1l«  lu-'uvn  u lu-.rft lOil ," 

and  assails  the  newspaper  in  question  for  taking 
means  to  induce  Congress  to  let  the  negro  alone. 
This  is  the  Spy's  article  : — 

"Wendell  Phillips's  lecture,  last  night,  brought  out 
a  large  audience  at  Mechanics  Hall,  thought  not  so 
large  as  some  we  have  had  there  on  other  occasions, 
this  winter.  He  spoke  of  the  war,  a  topic,  he  said, 
that  should  be  the  only  one  with  every  serious -minded 
American.  But  the  lecturer  fell  below  his  reputation 
for  eloquence.  There  was  a  lack  of  heartiness  and 
generous  enthusiasm.  We  have  never  heard  him 
when  his  words  had  so  little  power  to  control  the 
sympathy  of  his  audience. 

There  was  no  lack  of  the  outward  graces  that  have 
contributed  to  give  him  his  high  position  as  an  orator. 
The  failure  came  from  the  clear,  strong,  and  just  con- 
viction that  he  was  atrociously  unjust  to  the  men  in 
whose  hands  rests  the  control  of  our  national  affairs. 
The  man  who  can  so  unhesitatingly  denounce  Mr. 
Seward  as  a  'Micawber,'  and  Mr.  Lincoln  as  a  man 
'who  left  his  brains  and  conscience  in  Kentucky,' 
does  not  deserve  to  hear  enthusiastic  responses  from 
an  intelligent  audience.  His  injustice  was  felt  as  one 
feels  the  utterance  of  falsehood.  Moreover,  his  vitu- 
peration was  ill-timed  as  well  as  misdirected. 

His  tone  in  reference  to  the  Government  was  In  all 
respects  unfriendly.  Looking  at  the  rebels,  he  saw 
ability,  statesmanship,  and  other  great  and  noble 
qualities,  on  account  of  which,  he  said,  they  deserve 
success;  while  in  our  Government  lie  saw  nothing 
but  imbecility  and  lack  of  everything  that  can  merit 
eulogy.  It  is  not  thus  that  patriotic  men  deal  by  the 
Government  at  a  time  like  this.  It  is  the  habit  of 
Mr.  Phillips  to  utter  invectives,  and  in  his  mind,  it 
may  be,  they  have  less  meaning  than  to  those  who 
hear  them.  This,  however,  cannot  render  such  in- 
justice excusable." — [Boston  Courier. 


THADDEUS  STEVENS. 

We  trust  that  no  good  citizen  and  patriot  read  the 
telegraphic  report  in  yesterday's  paper  of  Mr.  Thad- 
deus  Stevens's  fanatical  ami  insane  ravings  without 
indignation  and  disgust.  The  madness  and  reckless- 
ness of  such  language  at  such  a  time  are  inconceiv- 
able ;  we  can  compare  the  man  who  talks  in  this 
bedlamitish  strain  to  nothing  so  much  as  to  a  mis- 
chievous monkey  playing  with  fire  in  the  magazine 
of  a  splendid  line-of-battle  ship.  But  Mr.  Stevens 
is  no  inconsiderable  person,  but  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  the  leader,  so 
to  say,  of  the  House  of  Representatives;  and  thus 
his  words  are  not  like  water  spilled  upon  the  ground, 
but  rather  the  dragon's  teeth  that  sprang  up  armed 
men.  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  exer- 
ised  pretty  liberally  during  the  past  year  the  privi- 
'ge  of  arrest  and  imprisonment  during  his  pleasure  ; 
if  such  powers  are  to  be  used  at  all,  we  recommend 
Mr.  Stevens  as  a  proper  subject  for  them.  We 
would  not  send  him  to  Fort  Warren  or  Fort  La- 
fayette, but  simply  to  the  nearest  lunatic  asylum, 
where  he  may  have  his  head  shaved,  a  large  blister 
put  on  between  the  shoulder-blades,  and  be  fed  on 
bread,  water,  oat-meal  gruel  and  other  anti-phlogistic 
diet,  till  returning  reason  re-assume  its  sway.— .Bos- 
ton Courier. 


©It*    3B  i  b  1 1  ft  1 0  * . 


The  further  reports  of  the  Anti-Slavery  meetings 
show  that  we  even  grow  in  grace,  beyond  the  pitch 
noticed  by  our  correspondent,  "  Bristol."  In  old 
Federal  and  Democratic  party  times,  many  of  our 
readers  will  remember  that  famous  writer  on  the 
side  of  the  Democrats,  Mr.  Austin,  who  signed  his 
communications  "  Honestus" — whence  he  became 
known  to  his  opponents  as  "  Hony  Austin."  When 
a  specially  fierce  attack  was  made  upon  him  from 
the  opposite  quarter,  it  was  the  custom  of  "Hones- 
tus" to  retort — "By  their  roaring  you  may  know 
they  are  hit."  We  infer,  on  the  same  grounds,  that 
the  gentle  stirring  up  of  the  negrophilists  in  this 
paper,  of  yesterday,  made  them  feel  their  mortality, 
and  afforded  another  convincing  illustration  of  how 
these  gentle  philanthropists  can  rail. 

But  as  the  best  set-off  we  can  furnish  for  their 
amiable  allusions  to  this  paper,  the  following  pas- 
sage in  the  speech  of  Senator  Davis  of  Kentucky, 
delivered  in  his  place,  on  the  22d  inst.,  seems  to  fit 
their  case  precisely  :— 

"But,  Mr.  President,  these  fanatics,  these  political 
and  social  demons,  your  Beechers,  your  Cheevers, 
your  Phillipses,  and  your  Garrisons,  cotne'here  breath- 
ing pestilence  from  Pandemonium,  trying  to  destroy 
this  Union,  so  as  to  secure  over  its  broken  fragments 
the  emancipation  of  slaves.  They  oppose  Mr.  Lincoln, 
as  honest  and  pure  a  man  as  ever  lived,  because  he 
stands  by  the  Constitution,  and  is  opposed  to  interfer- 
ing with  slavery.  The  utterances  they  have  put  forth 
in  this  city  have  desecrated  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion. If  the  Secessionists  had  dared  to  give  expres- 
sion to  the  same  utterances,  they  would  have  heen 
sent,  and  properly  sent,  to  Port  Lafayette  or  Fort  War- 
ren. What  will  you  do  with  these  monsters'?  I  will 
tell  you  what  I  would  do  with  them,  and  with  that  ter- 
rible monster  Greeley,  as  they  come  sneaking  around 
here,  like  hungry  wolves,  after  the  destruction  of 
Slavery.  If  I  had  the  power,  I  would  take  them  and 
the  worst  Seceshers,  and  hang  them  in  pairs.  (Laugh- 
ter.) I  wish  to  God  I  could  inflict  that  punishment 
upon  them. '  It  would  be  just.  They  are  the  disunion- 
ists.  They  are  the  madmen,  who  arc  willing  to  call 
up  all  the  passions  of  the  infernal  regions,  and  all  the 
horrors  of  a  servile  war.  This  they  would  carry  out 
over  the  disjected  fragments  of  a  broken  Constitution 
to  obtain  their  unholy  purposes,  and  1  am  too  fearful 
that  the  Hon.  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Sum- 
ner) sympathizes  with  them.     (Laughter)." 

No  wonder  that  Senators  more  familiar  with  Mr. 
Sumner's  sympathies  laughed  that  Mr.  Davis  should 
feci  i  he  slightest  hesitation  about  his  entire  commu- 
nion with  the  others  designated. — Boston  Courier. 


TWEMTY-NIKTH    ANNUAL    MEETING 


MASSACHUSETTS  AKTT-SLAVEET  SOCIETY. 

The  twenty-ninth  annual  meeting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  was  held  in  Boston,  on 
irsday  and  Friday  of  last  week,  commencing  at 
10  o'clock  on  Thursday,  at  Allston  Hall,  corner  of 
Tremont  and  Bromfield  streets,  with  the  exception 
of  the  closing  one  on  Friday  evening,  which  was  held 
at  Music  Hall.  A  large  number  of  the  old  and  tried 
friends  of  the  cause  were  in  attendance,  from  various 
parts  of  the  State,  and  the  proceedings  were  charac- 
terized by  the  same  earnestness  and  faith  in  the  ulti- 
mate triumph  of  the  right,  which  have  made  the 
meetings  of  the  Society  memorable  frem  its  organi- 
zation to  the  present  hour. 

Edmund  Qdincy,  Esq.,  one  of  the  "Vice  Presi- 
dents, presided  on  Thursday,  and,  after  calling  the 
meeting  to  order,  stated  that  prayer  would  be  offered 
by  Eev.  Geo.  W.  Stacy,  of  Milford.  After  the  con- 
clusion of  the  prayer  —  which  was  appropriate  to  the 
ision,  and  to  the  condition  of  the  country  —  Ed- 
tD  Jackson,  Esq.,  Treasurer,  read  his  report,as  fol- 
lows : — 

RECEIPTS 
Of  tke  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery    Society  fro; 

1861,  to  January  1,  18G2. 
Balance  in  the  Treasury,  Jan.  1, 1861, 
Bequest  of  the  late  Juhn  Rogers, 
Receipts  from  the  Bazaar, 
Contributions  at  the  meeting  of  July  4th, 
Contributions  at  annual  meeting, 
Contributions  at  the  1st  ofAugust  meeting, 
Donation  from  the  Hovey  Fund, 
Pledges,  subscript ions  and  donations,  as  published 
monthly  ia  the  Liberator, 

Total, 

DISBURSEMENTS 

During  the  same  period,  as  follows  : 
Paid  Office  Rent, 

Expenses  of  annual  meeting, 

R.  E.  Wallcut,  one  year's  salary, 

E.  H.  Heywood,  General  Agent,   one  y 

salary  and  expenses, 
C.  C.  Burleigh,  lecturing  and  expenses, 
Printing, 
Office  furniture, 

Reporting  by  J.  M.  W.  Yerrintou, 
American  A.  S.  Society, 
Repository, 

Expenses  at  Framingham  meeting, 
Circulating  Petitions, 
Fifty  copies  Liberator, 
A.  T.  Foss,  lecturing  and  expenses, 
Sallie  Holloy,     do.  do. 

Charles  L.  Remond, 
Samuel  May;  Jr., 

Balance, 


anuary  1, 
$1234  24 

100 

00 

183 

33 

161 

15 

192 

KH 

89 

75 

150 

00 

1599  08 

6487 
250 

50 
00 

425 

04 

886  14 

167 

(10 

K4 

:h*2 

U 

on 

97 

on 

408 

33 

80 

mi 

75 

(iii 

19 

01 

U 

oi' 

fiflft 

81 

ISO 

7:-; 

1 

51 

41 

'25 

11 

0b 

g<§="  The  sole  object  of  solicitude  with  the  aboli- 
tionists," says  Wendell  Phillips,  "  is  thener/ro."  The 
thirty  millions  of  white  people  arc  not  regarded  at 
all— 'the  BOle  object  is  the  negro!  Why  don't  they 
all  go  to  Africa,  then?  They  could  indulge  their 
"  solicitude  "  there  without  harm  to  any  one,  except 
the  "object"  of  it. — Barton  Port. 


Total,  $3710  i3 

EDMUND  JACKSON,  Trcas'r. 

January  10,  18.62.  I  have  examined  the  accounts  of 
Edmund  Jackson,  Treasurer,  for  the  year  18G1,  and  find 
the  same  to  be  correct,  and  properly  vouched  ;  and  the 
foregoing  abstract  of  the  same  is  correct. 

WM;  I.  BOWDITC1I,  Auditor. 

Three  Assistant  Secretaries  were  then  appointed — 
C.  K.  Whipple,  J.  M.  W.  Yeriunton,  Wendell 
P.  Garrison. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Garrison,  a  Business  Committee 
was  appointed,  ns  follows  : — W.  L.  Garrison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Maria  W.  Chapman,  C.  L.  Remond,  Lydia 
Maria  Child,  Henry  C.  Wright,  Giles  B.  Stebbins. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  May,  the  following  Committees 
were  appointed : — 

On  Nomination  of  Officers — Samuel  May,  Jr.,  of  Lei- 
cester; Jas.  N.  Buffum,  of  Lynn;  Win.  Ashby,  of 
Newburyport;  J.  B.  Swasey,  of  Roxbury ;  Briggs 
Arnold,  of  Abington  ;  Henry  Abbot,  of  Amherst; 
Samuel  Barrett,  of  Concord  ;  George  Miles,  of  West- 
minster; Alvan  Howes,  of  Barnstable. 

Finance  Committee — E.  D.  Draper,  E.  II.  Heywood, 
Maria  S.  Page,  Mary  Willey,  Thos.  M.  Hathaway, 
Elbridge  Sprugue,   Georgina   Otis. 

The  President  then  introduced  Rev.  Wm.  R.  Al- 
ger, of  Boston,  who  was  received  with  applause. 
SPEECH  OF  REV.  WM.  R.  ALGER. 
I  congratulate  you,  Mr.  President,  on  the  goodly 
auspices  which  are  over  you  nt  this  time  of  your 
meeting — friendly  and  hopeful  May  breathing  in  your 
ranks,  although  frosty  January  hangs  in  the  air. 

Since  you  last  met  together,  all  abroad,  gigantic 
leps  have  been  taken  towards  the  consummation  you 
have  so  long  devoutly  wished.  Then,  John  Brown 
(applause) — I  believe,  Mr.  President,  it  is  the  custom 
for  all  the  speakers  on  your  platform,  outside  of  your 
own  circle,  to  apologize  for  making  any  allusion  to 
that  departed  hero,  and  say  they  don't  approve  of 
his  course;  we  will  omit  that,  on  the  present  occa- 
sion (applause) — then,  I  say,  John  Brown  had  just 
stepped  serenely  from  North  Elba  to  Harper's  Perry, 
and  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  the  Stars.  Now,  his  soul, 
multiplied  by  half  a  million,  and  transfused  through 
as  many  gallant  hearts,  is  marching  on.  His  bouI, 
filling  the  heavens  with  fhiine  and  the  earth 
thunder,  is  marching  on  to  that  victory  which  his  right 
arm  and  rifle  could  not  achieve.    (Applause.)     T 


oi^ens  of  the  bour  are  good.  Even  if  this  rcvolu- , 
tionary  spasm  should  terminate  by  restoring  things 
simply  as  they  were  before,  ostensibly,  still,  an  un- 
speakable gain  will  have  been  made  in  reality;  for 
the  dominance  of  the  South  in  our  polities  is  hope- 
lessly broken  forever,  (Loud  applause.)  And,  fur- 
thermore, the  exclusive  monopoly  of  the  production 
and  supply  of  cotton  is  hopelessly  broken  forever. 
(Renewed  applause.)  And,  in  consequence  of  that, 
still  more  and  further,  the  price  of  slaves  has  been 
fatally  lowered,  and  thus  the  backbone,  the  vital  mo- 
tive, to  slavery  propagandism  taken  out;  so  that,  even 
should  worst  come  to  worst,  a  colossal,  unimaginable 
advance  and  gain  have  been  made.  But  I,  for  one, 
do  not  believe  that  these  things  will  eventuate  and 
close  in  a  simple  restoration  of  the  status  quo.  Far 
from  it.  Our  Southern  brethren — "our  misguided 
brethren  of  the  South  " — saw  what  is  called  by  sailors 
a  cyclone ;  that  is,  one  of  those  gales  in  southern  seas 
which  have  a  rotary  motion,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a 
very  rapid  forward  motion  on  their  axis.  They  saw 
this  storm  whirling  round  in  the  direction  in  which 
their  ship  Confederacy  was  sailing,  towards  the  gloomy 
port  of  slavery.  They  cut  into  the  outer  circle  of 
the  storm,  thinking  to  be  hastened  on  their  way — for- 
getting that  it  was  moving  with  irresistible  and  tre- 
mendous activity  on  the  line  of  its  axis  towards  the 
smiling  haven  of  Liberty.  (Applause.)  I  expect,  Mr. 
President,  one  of  these  bright  mornings,  to  see,  by 
some  Providential  interposition  or  other,  the  bloody 
curtain  of  this  tragedy  which  is  going  on  in  our  eouu- 
try  torn  aside,  and  the  lights  of  Justice  and  Free- 
dom streaming  across  the  stage  on  the  ruins  of  the 
sole  cause  of  our  troubles,  on  the  sprouting  germs  of 
united  interests,  and  on  a  people,  hand  in  hand,  march- 
ing to  the  goal  of  a  harmonious  and  enduring  pros- 
perity. (Applause.)  This  cheerful  faith  I,  for  one, 
cherish,  and  mean  to,  until  disastrous  facts  and  neces- 
sities shall  destroy  it, — which  I  think  they  never  will. 
It  is  true,  events  move  too  slowly  for  our  impatient 
hopes.  Old  Augustine  said — "  God  is  patient,  be- 
cause he  is  eternal."  We,  being  finite,  and  so  quickly 
passing  off  the  stage,  are  naturally  impatient.  And 
sometimes,  when  we  see  how  slowly  events  appear  to 
be  moving  towards  the  end  we  covet,  we  cannot  but 
sigh  and  complain,  and  wish  the  end  were  clearer  and 
nearer.  The  old  Greeks  were  accustomed  to  com- 
memorate the  battle  of  Platsea,  on  each  occurrence  of 
its  anniversary,  by  crowning  the  bowl  of  Liberty 
amidst  the  very  scenes  of  its  occurrence.  They  went 
out  with  pagans  and  garlands,  beneath  the  brilliant 
Grecian  sky,  and,  amidst  the  tombs,  weaving  wreaths, 
and  hanging  them  on  the  sepulchres,  they  filled  the 
bowl  with  wine,  and  poured  it  out  upon  the  sod,  con- 
juring hack  again  the  shades  of  the  immortal  heroes 
of  the  asphodel  Elysium,  to  join  with  them. in  their 
rite  of  Liberty.  We,  too,  have  our  famous  battle- 
fields, our  storied  tombs,  our  illustrious  names,  our 
blue  sky,  our  mountains  and  our  sea;  when,  when 
shall  we,  too,  crown  our  bowl  of  Liberty?  (Applause.) 
Mr.  President,  the  subject  upon  which  I  propose  to 
submit  a  few  thoughts  to  you  and  to  this  audience,  on 
this  occasion,  is  this  :  What  to  do  for  the  public  good, 
and  how  to  do  it.  As  constituent  members  of  the 
country,  it  belongs  to  us  to  do  whatever  properly  lies 
in  our  power  for  the  good  of  the  country.  Now,  in 
this  direction,  what  can  a  single  citizen  do,  and  how 
shall  he  do  it? 

First  of  all,  he  is  bound  to  exemplify,  in  himself, 
the  principles  and  virtues  which  he  wishes  to  see  be- 
come universal  and  supreme  in  the  institutions  and 
usages  of  the  country.     This  is  a  direct  way  to  the 
accomplishment  of  his  end;  for  the  collective  country 
is  made  up  of  individual  citizens.     Its  character,  con- 
duct, experience  and   destiny  are  composed  of  and 
determined  by  them.     To  fulfil  this  duty  is  also  the 
direct  way  for  him  to  acquire  public  respect  and  influ- 
ence, private  integrity  and  peace.    But  to  fail  of  doing 
this  is  to  incur  serious  censure  and  odium — to  become 
himself  a  sour,  querulous  and    pernicious  disorgan- 
izes   Now,  I  believe  that  it  will  usually  be  found 
true  of  Reformers,  that  they  observe  this  primal  and 
cardinal  obligation.     They  do  incarnate  in  themselves 
and  observe  in  their  conduct,  in  an  unusual  degree, 
the  principles  and  sentiments  and  rules  which   they 
hold  up  for  the  observance  of  others.     It  is  one  of 
the  great,  current,  fashionable  fallacies  of  the  world  to 
charge  them  with  the  opposite ;  because  every  one 
wliose  interests  are  assailed,  whose  ease  is  disturbed, 
whose  complacency  is  rebuked  by  their  assaults,  by 
their  requirements,  by  the  ideal  which  they  setup  in 
superiority  to  his  real, — every  such  one,  naturally  fol- 
lowing the  mean  impulses  of  our  nature,  strives  to 
avoid  the  point  and  edge  presented  to  him  by  some 
evasion  or  other ;  and  the  most  obvious  is,  to  retort  and 
say — "  You  are  guilty  of  as  great  crime  in  this  par- 
ticular as  I  am  in  that";  and  in  that  way  undertake 
to  evade  the  obligation.     So  that  the  fashionable  criti- 
cism of  Reformers  as   "malignant  philanthropists," 
and  all  that  style  of  invective  which  is  so  current  and 
common,  is  really,  as  a  general  law,  in  my  opinion, 
unfounded  and  false.     So  obvious  and  almost  inevita- 
ble is  the  result  of  rebuke  and  odium  which  will  come 
upon  the  Reformer,  if  he  does  not  exemplify  in  him- 
self what  he  preaches  to  others,  that  he  will  naturally 
be  very  careful  to  exemplify  it.     Perhaps  some  of  you 
have  read  the  modern  fable — as  good  as  anything  in 
^sop,  I  think,  although  it  is  new — The  Sparrow  and 
the  Eagle.     One  day  the  sparrow  went  to  the  eagle, 
and  said  to  him,  "  May  it  please  your  royalty,  1  notice 
that  you  fly  away  with  kids  and  lambs,  that  never  did 
any  harm  to  anybody.     There  is  no  creature  in  the 
world  so  malignant  as  the  cat.     She  prowls  round  our 
nests,  eats  up  our  young,  and  bites  off  our  own  heads. 
She  feeds  so  daintily,  she  must  be  good  eating  herself. 
She  is  lighter  to  carry  than  a  kid,  and  then  you  would 
get  a  famous  grip  in  her  loose  fur !     Why  don't  you 
feed  on  cat?"     "O,"  replied  the  eagle,  "  I  had  the 
worm  here  this  morning,  who  asked  me,  'Why  don't 
you  feed  on  sparrow  1 '    Is  that  a  piece  of  worm's  Bkin 
I  see  on  your  beak,  child!"     The  sparrow  cleaned 
her  beak  on  her  feathers,  and  said,  "  I  should  like  to 
see  the  worm  that  asked  you  that  question."    "  Stand 
forth,   worm,"  said   the  eagle;   when  the  worm  ap- 
peared, the  sparrow  snapped  him  up,  and  then  went,  on 
with  his  argument  against  cats.    (Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.)    The  application  of  this  fable  is  obvious.     I 
do  not  believe  that  the  charges  which  are  so  fre 
qiicntly  made  against  Reformers  have  any  fuuiidatkm 
in   one   case  in   ten   thousand.     However,  it  is  well 


holding  up  a  high  standard  of  duty  for  others  and  for 
th.2  State,  we  are  to  be  careful  to  see  to  it  that  we 
come  up  to  it  ourselves. 

Then  the  next  thing  which  the  individual  may  do 
for  the  public  good  is  with  a  quick  and  generous  eye 
to  recognize  every  form  and  particle  of  good  already 
existing  in  others  or  in  the  State,  and  strive,  in  the 
most  cordial  and  most  hearty  manner,  to  nourish  and 
extend  that — to  increase  and  diffuse  that,  so  that,  from 
the  present  beginnings  of  good,  there  may  be  spread 
abroad,  to  final  consummation,  universal  good.  To 
labor  consciously  and  earnestly  in  that  direction  is  a 
contribution  to  the  public  good  which  every  individ- 
ual may  make — an  offering  to  lay  on  the  altar  of  the 
great  human  weal  which  will  be  incense  in  the  nos- 
trils of  the  Almighty,  and  upon  which  no  man  can 
fling  odium. 

Now.what  are  these  beginnings  of  good  which  we  are 
to  recognize,  and,  by  recognition,  by  praise  and  honor, 
strive  to  increase  ?  Weil,  the  consummation  of  all  hu- 
man good  is  the  full,fVee  and  happy  exercise  and  fruition 
of  all  the  faculties  of  human  nature  ;  and  whatever  con- 
tributes towards  that  is  in  its  degree  good,  and  to  be  re- 
cognized and  prized.  Knowledge  is  good,  freedom  is 
enterprise,  energy,  industry,  resolution,  are 
good  ;  but,  above  ail,  truth  and  virtue  are  good.  But 
n  order  to  know  what  the  truth  is,  and  to  feel  the 
sanctions  of  virtue,  there  must  be  a  free  stage  for 
their  exhibition — there  must  be  unhampered  freedom 
of  speech  and  discussion — unlimited  criticism,  pro  and 
n  order  that  all  fallacies  may  be  refuted,  and  all 
truths  be  enforced  and  established.  Every  individual, 
according  to  his  lights,  his  gifts,  his  opportunities, 
should  contribute  his  part  to  this  great  process  of  puri- 
fication and  enlightenment,  helping,  according  to  what 
in  him  lies,  to  establish  correct  ideas  on  all  points 
which  concern  the  welfare  of  the  country.  The  op- 
position to  this  course,  which  is  so  common  in  every 
direction  wherever  we  look,  is  as  absurd  as  it  is  aston- 
hing  and  disastrous. 

There  is  but  one  other  particular  specification  that  I 
desire  to  make  under  this  general  head, — a  matter  very 
nis,  and  yet  most  sadly  unappreciated  and  vio- 
lated,— and  that  is,  the  duty  of  selecting  for  our  pub- 
lic offices  none  but  sound,  trusty,  and  competent  men. 
If  we  could  see  in  one  view  the  amount  of  evil  which 
has  come  to  the  character  of  our  people  and  to  the 
welfare  of  our  country,  from  the  predominance  j*ciur 
offices  of  political  advancement  and  power  of  unprinci- 
pled men,  there  is  not  a  man  on  the  continent  who 
would  not  shudder  with  surprise  and  horror.  And,  on 
the  other  hand,  if  we  could  see  what  an  amount  of 
good  would  be  consummated  at  once  if  no  man  was 
ever  put  into  any  office  in  the  gift  of  the  American 
people,  who  was  not  a  wise,  honorable,  and  devoted 
man,  determined,  according  to  the  best  of  his  abili- 
ties, to  support  justice  and  human  well-being,  we 
should  be  filled  with  wonder  and  delight.  We  have 
been  slow  to  learn  the  lesson  that  Carlyle  has  taught 
with  prophetic  eloquence  and  power,  that  only  the  best 
men  ought  to  be  in  places  of  rule.  There  is  no  trouble 
in  finding  out  who  the  best  men  are,  if  we  only  desire 
to  do  it.  The  difficulty  is,  we  do  not  care  much  about 
it,  but  let  things  drift  along  as  they  will.  In  ancient 
Greece,  it  came  to  be  considered  that  the  lot  was 
the  best  symbol  of  Democracy.  They  chose  ora- 
tors, commanders,  magistrates,  by  lot.  Antisthe- 
nes  once  advised  the  Athenians  to  vote  that  asses 
were  horses,  because  they  had  made  generals  by  votes. 
This,  instead  of  being  the  highest  expression  of  free- 
dom, is,  as  Dr.  Lieberhas  well  said,  "  the  annihilation 
of  freedom."  When  a  speech  is  to  be  made  on  an 
important  occasion,  if  Demosthenes  can  be  had,  how 
absurd  it  is  to  put  his  name  into  an  urn,  with  those  of 
a  dozen  tedious  declaimers,  and  run  the  direful  risk  of 
which  will  come  out  first?  The  lot  is  the  blank  nej 
tive  of  intelligence.  Chance  is  the  direct  antithesis 
of  choice.  Now,  it  is  true,  we  do  not  take 
rulers  in  this  way — by  sheer  luck;  but  we  often  do 
what  is  a  great  deal  worse — a  great  deal  worse ;  we  let 
half  a  dozen  corrupt  politicians  combine  and  collude 
in  nominating  men  who  they  suppose  will  be  the 
most  subservient  to  their  selfish  ends,  and  then  we 
support  them  pell  mell, without  a  question.  ( Applause.) 
In  the  Koran  of  Mohammed  there  is  this  verse — 
The  ruler  who  appoints  any  man  to  an  office  when 
there  is  within  his  dominions  another  man  better  quali- 
fied for  it,  sins  against  Allah  and  against  the  State." 
I  wish  that  same  verse  were  iu  our  Bible.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

But  another  political  crime  we  are  guilty  of,  which 
every  citizen  ought  to  understand,  is  that  of  permit- 
ting selfish  ambition  and  resolute  perseverance  to  put 
itself  into  whatever  office  it  pleases,  and  bear  away  the 
authorities  and  the  honors  of  the  country.  Instead  of 
seeking  out  the  noblest  men, — those  who  are  the  most 
competent  to  fulfil  official  duties  in  the  most  beneficent 
manner, — and  conferring  upon  them  offices  and  honors 
and  responsibilities,  we  lie  quietly  back,  and  allow  self- 
seekers,  noisy  sclf-asserters,  who  are  omnipresent,  to 
lay  hold  of  whatever  prizes  they  desire,  and  take 
whatever  positions  they  assume  themselves  to  be 
worthy  of.  I  have  nothing  to  say  on  this  platform,  or 
anywhere  else,  against  an  honorable  ambition, — a  man 
seeing  a  high  prize,  fixing  his  eye  fast  upon  it,  and 
firing  his  heart  to  pay  the  price  manfully,  and  win 
and  wear  it  worthily  ; — that  is  good.  But  it  is  a  very 
dUFerent  thing  when  we  allow  selfish,  incompetent  as- 
pirants by  frauds  and  tricks  to  accomplish  their  ends, 
and  injure,  perhaps  destroy,  the  country.  A  true  pa- 
triot, who  climbs  by  genuine  superiority,  mounts  as  the 
lark  mounts  through  the  matin  clouds,  with  prophetic 
sunshine  on  its  breast,  while  the  world  yet  lies  dark 
below ;  but  the  selfish  demagogue,  who  climbs  from 
station  to  station  by  scandalous  means,  rises  as  tho 
scum  rises,  collecting  the  filth  of  the  successive  strata 
through  which  he  ascends,  and  making  a  clot  on  the 
top.     (Applause.) 

The  last  thing  that  I  would  specify  which  an  in- 
dividual can  do  for  the  public  good  is  this  :  to  criticise 
and  censure  and  lessen,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power, 
every  element  of  evil  that  he  sees  anywhere  in  the 
country.  This  is  only  the  reverse  statement  of  the 
former  duty ;  for  to  destroy  and  remove  an  evil  is  a 
good  ;  therefore,  the  criticism  about  merely  negative 
work  is  all  irrelevant  nnd  forceless.  This  is  just  as 
positive  as  any  other  work.  Suppose  a  machine,  upon 
WhOBfl  working  you  rely  for  subsistence,  is  stopped  by 
a  pebble  in  the  cog-wheel, — is  it  not  a  positive  good  to 


tafee  the  pebble  out/     And  yet  it  is  only  attacking 
enough  for  us  all  to  hear  in  mind,  that  while  we  are  |  ftllll  pemwlog  an  evil.     Ignorance,  intemperance,  sel- 


fishness, hate,  unprincipled  rivalry,  are  evils  of  the 
most  enormous  magnitude.  I  think  it  is  a  most  noble 
good  service  if  any  one  is  able  to  fasten  on  these,  criti- 
cise them,  point  out  their  true  character  and  operation, 
make  them  odious,  make  it  disgraceful  for  any  one  to 
be  their  votary,  and  thus  clear  the  way  for  the  forms 
of  pure  good  to  come  into  operation.  This  is  a  part 
of  the  duty,  not  only  of  the  reformer,  as  such,  but  of 
every  citizen,  as  a  member  of  the  community.  And 
yet,  there  is  nothing  in  the  world  that  is  so  popular 
among  the  common  multitude  of  easy  and  well-to-do 
people, — fogies,  hunkers  and  conservatives  in  particu- 
lar,— as  the  outcry  against  the  assault  upon  evil, 
"  You  want  to  do  good  to  the  public,  do  3'ou  ?  Well, 
then,  in  Heaven's  name,  hold  your  tongue  and  keep 
in  private;  let  other  people  alone!"  That  is  what 
they  say  ;  and  yet,  the  absurdity  of  this — how  obvious 
it  is !  It  is  refuted  by  a  common  sense  view  of  the 
facts,  for  no  great  evil  lodged  in  a  community  ever 
died  out  of  itself.  It  has  a  self-sustaining,  self-propa- 
gating power,  as  all  other  things  have  in  the  world  ; 
and  if  let  alone,  it  will  destroy  the  body  politic  "on 
which  it  fastens  and  thrives.  It  must  be  assailed  and 
destroyed,  or  else  it  will  destroy  the  people.  Common 
sense  tells  us  this  ;  and  then,  look  at  history  !  Have 
mankind  been  served  in  the  great  epochs  and  crises  of 
the  past  by  men  who  held  their  tongues,  kept  in  pri- 
vate, and  disturbed  nobody  ?  Not  at  all.  Come  from 
your  graves,  ye  heroes,  saints  and  benefactors  of  man- 
kind in  every  age  !  Were  you  not  the  contumely  and 
the  buffet  of  your  contemporaries  ?  It  has  always 
been  so,  and  will  be,  until  mankind  grow  a  great  deal 
wiser  and  more  charitable  than  they  are  yet. 

In  order  to  the  full  realization  of  the  good  growing 
out  of  this  course  of  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  citi- 
zen, there  is  only  one  condition  necessary,  and  that  is 
freedom  of  discussion;  that  criticism  shall  have  a  fair 
field  every  where,  without  being  persecuted  or  pre- 
vented, the  only  checks  that  are  allowed  to  be  put 
upon  it  being  simply  fairness  and  good  temper.  With- 
in these  limits,  let  evil  be  assailed  ;  let  even  truth  and 
good  be  assailed,  because  out  of  the  agitation  they  will 
vindicate  themselves.  All  that  is  requisite  is  freedom. 
I  believe,  Mr.  President,  in  presenting  this  view  of 
the  case — so  old  and  hackneyed  that  I  am  afraid  it  is 
tedious,  and  yet  so  overlooked  and  neglected  that  it  is 
vitally  necessary — I  am  not  going  beyond  the  line  that, 
on  this  platform,  is  considered  useful.  Nine  lacrymee. 
'"'  :  '■  the  reason  why  your  little  body,  pledged  to 
opposition  ..  .  -.,  :. y,  :■;  ?Ah  .,.,  to  tne  community, 
that  sometimes  you  find  it  hard  fb"gev  ,.^_  .-v  ." 

man  (so  called)  to  be  seen  in  one  of  your  gatherings- 
It  is  to  your  honor,  to  your  everlasting  credit,  that 
you  have  this  odium,  and  God  grant  that  it  may  en- 
dure until  it  has  done  its  work!  (Applause.)  If  the 
knowledge  which  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  has  had, 
and  has  most  bravely  endeavored  to  diffuse  through 
the  whole  country,  had  been  attended  to,  we  should 
have  avoided  this  long  series  of  calamities  which 
have  now  culminated  in  civil  war,  with  all  its  horrors. 
There  were  hundreds  of  men  in  this  country  who 
knew  perfectly  all  the  perilous  facts  of  the  case  twenty 
years  ago,  and  faithfully  unfolded  them  before  the 
public.  Had  they  been  heeded,  had  their  statements 
been  discussed,  had  they  been  opposed,  no  matter  how 
much,  if  fairly,  for  the  elimination  of  truth,  all  this 
would  have  been  averted.  But  the  people  of  the 
South,  insane  with  arrogance  and  conceit,  turned  an 
ear  of  deafness  and  a  front  of  wrath,  and  the  great 
leaders  and  majority  of  the  North,  absorbed  in  busi- 
ness, caring  for  nothing  in  comparison  with  making 
money,  were  indignant,  irritated,  and  treated  this 
presentation  with  persecution  and  contempt,  refusing 
to  let  the  truth  go  forth,  and  we  see  the  result  to-day 
in  this  awful  catastrophe  !  So  will  it  always  be.  If 
criticism  and  discussion  are  permitted  to  have  their 
full  sway,  untrammelled,  thousands  of  evils  will  bo 
prevented  from  reaching  the  explosive  point  of  ruin; 
but  if  they  are  stifled  or  restrained,  the  evils  will  go 
on,  until  they  burst  in  desolation  and  horror.  That  is 
the  lesson  of  all  experience,  and  common  sense  can- 
not fail  to  see  why  it  is  so,  and  must  be  so. 

There  never  was  a  country  in  the  history  of  the 
world  which  rested  so  entirely  upon  falsehoods  as  the 
slaveholdtng  portion  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
in  the  last  fifty  years ;  and  we  know  very  well  how 
swiftly  harmony  and  belief,  the  elements  of  all  endur- 
ing power,  fly  from  foundations  hollowed  with  lies  and 
honey-combed  with  sophistries.  There  are  three  sets 
of  falsehoods  on  which  the  institutions  of  the  South 
rest  totteringly,  and  soon  to  fall.  There  are  it  dozen 
connected  falsehoods  in  political  economy,  there  are 
half-a-dozen  fundamental  falsehoods  in  ethics,  there 
are  half-a-dozen  more  gigantic  falsehoods  in  facts — 
and  upon  those  three  sets  of  lies  rests  the  South.  It 
would  be  interesting  to  some,  but  I  fear  tedious  to  most 
of  you,  to  undertake  to  specify  these  in  detail-  We 
will  let  them  pass  with  simply  an  allusion  to  one  or 
two. 

In  regard  to  political  economy,  the  South  knows 
itself  to  be  dependent  upon  the  rest  of  the  world;  it 
sees  the  North  to  be  free,  rich,  prosperous.  Instead 
of  looking  into  the  laws  of  political  economy  to  dis- 
cover the  true  reason  of  this,  in  tlK 
ranee  and  conceit,  they  say,  "  It  is  all  the  fault  of  tho 
North;  they  take  our  money  away  from  us.  We 
make  all  the  money  in  the  country,  and  the  North 
steals  it  away  from  us  by  tariffs,  and  various  other 
shrewd  Yankee  devices."  The  best  service  that  could 
he  done  to  the  South  would  be  to  buy  about  five 
hundred  copies  of  Adam  Smith,  John  Stuart  Mill, 
Henry  C.  Carey,  and  other  good  works  on  Political 
Economy,  and  send  them  (if  it  could  be  done)  to  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  South,  nnd  compel  the  people  to 
read  them.  They  would  then  see  that  all  their  trou- 
bles come  from  the  falsehoods  on  which  their  political 
system  rests. 

Then  in  regard  to  ethics,  they  maintain  (and  it 
would  be  amusing  to  read  extracts  from  their  papers 
on  this  point)  that  they  are  the  transcendent  virtue, 
culture  and  refinement  of  the  earth,  because  they 
have  no  manual  labor  to  perform  ;  they  are  supported  by 
their  slaves,  and  hence  have  abundant  leisure  to  learn 
to  ride  horseback,  to  shoot  the  rifle,  to  use  the  bowie- 
knife,  and  various  other  graceful  and  elegant  accom- 
plishments of  that  sort.  Very  gross  falsehoods  in 
elides ;  for  we  know  that  the  elevation  of  n  people  is 
determined  by  the  scale  they  reach  iu  justice,  iu 
brotherly  love,  in  the  observance  of  the  cardinal  prin- 
ciples and  sentiments  of  truth  nnd  humanity  ;  mid  in 

t&eae  reapeeta,  where  ire  thej  I 


18 


THE     3L,IBEHA.TOH 


Then,  for  tlio  falsehoods  In  fact.  They  are  truly 
ignorant,  lawless,  fierce;  they  falsely  fancy  us  so. 
They  envy,  hate  and  fear  lis ;  and  they  call  these  ig- 
noble passions  magnanimous  scorn.  We  pity  them  ; 
they  imagine  we  hate  them,  and  tremble  at  them. 
Hardly  any  Southern  writer  can  pen  a  dozen  lines 
■without  directly  slating  a  falsehood,  and  indirectly  be- 
tmym(i  a  truth.  They  are  impatient  of  the  superiority 
of  the  North,  and  vainly  try  to  disguise  their  chagrin 
in  boastful  satire.  Let  me  read  a  sweet  morsel  from 
the  Richmond  Whig: — 

"Tho  Yankees  are  very  little  better  than  the  Chinese. 
They  lay  the  same  stress  on  the  jingle  of  their  dollars  that 
the  Celestials  do  on  the  noise  of  their  gongs.  With  money 
in  their  pockets,  won  from  a  generous  and  chivalrous  race, 
.  and  multitudinous  as  Norway  rats,  they  are  swollen  with 
conceit.  Tho  Otter  break-down  of  the  ITaukees  forties  em- 
pire on  us  of  the  South." 

Now,  we  know  very  well,  it  is  perfectly  obvious  to 
us,  that  the  Yankees  are  no  "failure"  at  all.  We 
take  care  of  ourselves;  we  enjoy  equal  rights;  we 
are  pretty  independent  of  the  world;  we  have  no 
mobs;  no  cry  of  "Bread  or  Blood!"  in  our  streets 
and  we  do  not  have  to  appoint  a  secret  body  of  police 
to  watch  one  portion  of  the  community,  and  see  that 
they  do  not  cut  the  others'  throats.  The  Richmond 
Dispatch  says  they  have  the  best  society  in  the  world; 
and  in  the  next  paragraph  it  says  :— 

"  The  great  slaveholders  in  Virginia  form  a  stone  wall  of 
indomitable  resistance  to  any  reconstruction  of  the  Union  ; 
but  the  poor  whites,  the  single-nigger  men,  are  the  instru- 
ments and  spies  of  Lincoln,  not  *^[y  in  Richmond,  but  all 
over  the  South.  It  is  appalling  to  think  of  the  misohief 
they  may  commit.  A  corps  of  secret  agents  should  be  ap- 
pointed to  watch  them." 

It  is  the  falsehoods  in  political  economy,  in  ethics 
and  in  facts  that  they  cherish,  which  are  proving  the 
ruin  of  the  South.  Their  practical  refutation  by  the 
irresistible  logic  of  events  will  bring  the  South  its 
only  possible  salvation.  For  forty  years,  the  slave- 
holders have  deliberately  looked  on  lies;  now  their 
retribution  shall  be  a  vision  of  the  truth. 

But  I  fear  I  am  wearying  you.  Here  is  our  good 
friend,  Mr.  Phillips,  the  hero  of  this  platform,  whom 
I  am  detaining  you  from  hearing,  and  I  will  very 
soon  make  way,  and  you  shall  listen  to  him.  But 
let  me,  friends,  before  I  sit  down,  say,  that  however 
dark  are  the  forebodings  of  many, — and  I  thought 
Mr.  Phillips  himself  was  terribly  gloomy  in  his  pro- 
gramme the  other  night, — I  feel,  in  every  sense,  ( with 
only  the  qualification  of  sorrow  for  the  crimes  and 
calamities  of  war,)  chip  and  merry,  and  think  every- 
thing is  coming  out  right.  They  say  we  cannot  whip 
the  South.  I  do  not  believe  that.  In  fact,  I  am  con- 
fident of  the  contrary.  We  have  two  to  their  one, 
with  the  right  on  our  side.  If  we  cannot  conquer,  it 
is  a  pity.  Besides,  we  have  not  got  the  united  and 
total  South  to  whip.  We  must  remember  that  the 
"  great  slaveholders  "  are  only  three  or  four  thousand, 
the  "single  nigger  men"  fifty  times  as  numerous, 
and  those  who  do  not  own  a  dollar  of  slave  property  are 
millions.  When  a  few  tremendous  blows  have  been 
struck,  you  will  see  these  rebels  yielding  much  more 
readily  and  gracefully  than  they  have  bragged  about. 
The  great  majority  are  fighting  under  delusions.  These 
delusions,  many  of  them,  will  inevitably  be  dispelled  by 
the  progress  of  events,  and  then  there  will  be  a  tre- 
mendous collapse  of  the  motives  for  fighting.  Un- 
doubtedly, those  men  who  are  in  the  Confederate 
armies  are  brave  men.  I  would  not  say  a  word 
against  their  valor  or  determination ;  but  they  are 
men ;  and  although  passion  may  govern  men  momen- 
tarily, yet  it  is  passion  pervaded  and  magnetized  by 
interest  that  governs  men  permanently.  Passion,  pro- 
voked to  acute  heat,  may  do  great  things  for  a  little 
while,  but  if  it  is  not  fed  by  principles,  it  does  not 
last — it  quickly  burns  out.  They  have  not  got  any 
principles  to  feed  their  passion.  They  are  fighting 
only  from  passion,  and  they  will  collapse  much  quick- 
er than  many  people  believe.  And  then,  as  to  the 
"  hopelessness  of  reunion,"  the  "perpetual  feuds,"  that 
our  quondam  friend,  John  Bull,  bilks  about,  and 
fixed  fact  of  secession,"  "  the  country  is  severed,  and 
can  never  be  brought  together  again" — it  is  all  ex 
aggeration  or  fallacy  !  Look  at  histor 
been  separations,  feuds  8fc 


JANUAEY   31. 


around  the  grave, 


Tand 

.  i  uid  80  shall 
White  and  Red  Roses,  at 
Cavalier  and  Roundhead,  in  England.  In  Prance, 
look  at  the  Huguenot  and  Catholic.  I  believe  that  this 
rebellion  will  be  crushed,  and  that  without  any  very 
great  prolongation  of  time.  Rebeldom  already  trem- 
bles under  the  effects  of  Dupont's  and  Sherman's  de 
scent  at  Port  Royal,  whose  significance  our  Whittier 
has  just  put  into  verse.  How  will  they  feel  when 
the  winter  of  our  discontent  is  made  glorious  sunn 
~~Tiy  this  sun  of  Burnside.  (Applause.)  Are  they 
prepared  for  the  other  blows  to  follow  ?  A  boy  got 
down  his  grandfather's  old  continental  musket,  and 
amused  himself  by  loading  it.  He  put  in  six  charges, 
and  then  his  grandmother  snatched  it  away,  and 
fired  it,  in  order  to  hang  it  up  in  its  place.  The  gun 
knocked  her  a  dozen  yards.  "Don't  get  up  yet, 
grandma,"  cried  the  boy,  "  there  are  five  other 
charges  to  come."     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

No,  this  country  is  one,  and  will  be  one  forever. 
When  geography,  history,  material  interests,  moral 
destinies,  make  a  nation  one,  however  violent  the 
shocks,  they  are  temporary.  What  force  can  there  be 
to  rend  asunder  our  mountain  chains,  to  separate  the 
ashes  of  the  dead  and  the  blood  of  the  living  1 

"  Or  what  new  perpendiculars  shall  rise 
Up  from  our  streams,  continued  to  the  skies, 
That  between  us  the  common  air  shall  bar, 
And  split  the  influence  of  every  star  ?  " 

Finally,  I  do  not  indulge  in  those  lugubrious  forebod- 
ings in  which  many  very  tender-hearted  old  fogies  do  in 
regard  to  the  negroes,  if  they  are  set  free — that  they 
will  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  slaveholder 
— tliat  they  are  going  to  rot  in  laziness — that  they  are 
not  going  to  lift  a  hoe  or  do  a  thing — that  the  two 
races  cannot  live  together.  I  do  not  see  it  so.  They 
have  lived  together  so  long  under  the  laws  of  oppres- 
sion and  injustice,  the  slaves  supporting  the  whole; 
cannot  they  get  along  better  still  under  the  laws  of 
justice  and  mutual  kindness  1  Cannot  the  slaves  take 
care  of  themselves  without  the  load  of  their  masters, 
as  well  as  with  that  burden  ?  I  would  say,  with  our 
darling  and  glorious  Whittier,  whom  I  never  admired 
so  much  as  when  I  read  his  last  poem — I  would  say 
with  him,  "Let  it  come,"  and  take  up  the  song  of  the 
contraband — 

"  Oh,  praise  an'  tanks  !     De  Lord  he  como 

To  set  de  people  free  ; 
An'  massa  tink  it  day  ob  doom, 

An'  we  ob  jubilee. 
De  Lord  dat  heap  de  Red  Sea  waves, 

He  jus'  as 'trong  as  den  ; 
He  say  de  word  :  we  las'  night  slaves  ; 

To-day,  de  Lord's  freemen." 

Koran,  "  Paradise  is  under  the 
shadow  of  swords."  Beneath  these  crossed  blades 
of  North  and  South  may  the  way  of  the  slave  lie  into 
tho  Paradise  of  liberty.  (Applause.)  Better  times  are 
coming  in  the  future  for  this  genial,  joyous,  credulous, 
but  oppressed  and  down-trodden  race;  better  times, 
both  in  their  old  original  home  and  in  America. 
Ctesar,  coasting  along  the  shores  of  Africa,  dreamed 
he  saw  an  army  standing  on  the  beach,  in  tears, 
and  stretching  out  hands  of  supplication.  On  awaken- 
ing, he  wrote  upon  his  tablets,  "  Corinth  and  Car- 
thage," and  determined  to  rebuild  those  cities.  The 
Genius  of  Christendom,  coasting  in  imagination  along 
that  tragic  shore,  dreamed  she  saw  an  army  of  ghosts 
— the  ghosts  of  so  many  generations  of  slaves,  cap- 
tured, driven  into  exile  and  death,  with  every  accom- 
paniment of  abuse  and  horror.  On  awaking,  with  dis- 
turbed conscience,  she  wrote  on  her  tablets,  "  Sierra 
Leone  and  Liberia,"  and  established  those  colonies, 
the  vanguard  of  a  redemptive  power,  which  shall  final- 
ly spread  the  light  and  fruits  of  liberty  over  the  whole 
continent. 

In  Pagan  Rome,  it  frequently  happened,  that  on  the 
death  of  their  masters,  slaves,  emancipated  by  will, 
followed  the  funeral,  wearing  Liberty  caps.  0  if  this 
colossal  oppression  of  the  South  might  but  die  in  the 
agony  of  this  war,  and  its  funeral  be  followed  by  four 
millions  emancipated  slaves,  in  Liberty  caps !     (Ap 


planse.)     And  if  they  join  hands 
we  will  not  weep  to  hear  them  sing — 

"  Wo  own  do  hoe,  we  own  de  plough, 

We  own  de  hands  dat  hold  ; 

We  sell  de  pig,  we  sell  de  cow, 

But  nebbor  chile  be  sold. 

He  yam  will  grow,  de  cotton  blow, 

We  '11  hab  do  rice  an'  corn  : 
Oh,  nebber  you  fear,  if  nebbor  you  hear 
Do  driver  blow  his  horn  !  " 

Wendell  Phillips  followed,  in  a  speech  of  great 
eloquence  and  power,  the  leading  ideas  of  which  were 
embodied  in  his  address  on  "  The  Times,"  printed  a 
fortnight  ago.  For  this  reason,  we  attempt  no  report 
of  it  here. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Phillips's  speech,  the 
meeting  adjourned  to  half-past  2  o'clock,  P,  M. 

Afternoon  Session.  The  meeting  was  called  to 
order  by  James  N.  Buffum,  of  Lynn,  who  introduced 
to  the  meeting  J.  B.  Swascy,  Esq.,  of  Boston. 

Mr.  Swasey  commented  on  the  statement  of  Henry 
Ward  Beecher  that  the  North  should  beware  of  imi 
tating  the  South  by  unconstitutional  action.  He 
showed  that  the  exigencies  of  war  require  a  policy  and 
a  course  of  action  entirely  beyond  that  ordinarily 
contemplated  by  the  Constitution;  and  that,  since 
that  instrument  recognizes  the  possibility  of  war,  and 
provides  for  it,  the  movements  indispensable  to  suc- 
cess in  war  are  not  in  violation  of  the  Constitution. 
Great  darkness  and  doubt  prevail  in  the  public  mind 
in  regard  to  this  matter.  Gen.  Sherman  neglects  the 
instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  War  about  drilling 
and  arming  the  slaves ;  and  our  people  at  home  do  not 
see  that  military  law  under  the  Constitution  is  just  as 
constitutional  as  any  other  law.  Even  Mr.  Beecher 
hesitates  before  this  question ;  cannot  recognize  the 
expediency  of  emancipation  under  martial  law;  does 
not  remember  the  benefits  of  the  overthrow  of  slavery 
even  in  Jamaica,  where  it  was  so  strongly  opposed. 
When  such  a  man  fails  in  this  emergency,  the  pros- 
pect for  heroes  is  dark  indeed.  Who  knows  what 
military  dictator  from  North  or  South  may  override 
us,  so  deep  is  the  demoralization  of  the  Northern  peo- 
ple 1 

He,  however,  took  a  more  hopeful  view  of  the 
position  of  the  country  than  that  taken  in  the  morn- 
ing. He  expected  military  success  on  the  part  of  the 
North,  and  great  results  to  freedom  from  such  success. 
Perhaps  a  generation  of  toil  and  conflict  is  before  us. 
But  he  believed  no  fugitive  slave  would  ever  again 
be  returned  to  bondage  from  New  England. 

Mr.  Ezra  H.  Heywood,  (who  became  acting  Gen- 
eral Agent  during  the  illness  of  Rev.  Samuel  May, 
Jr.)  then  made  a  statement  respecting  the  action  of 
the  Society  and  the  labors  of  its  Agents  during  the 
past  year. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  May,  the  Finance  Committee 
was  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  Elbridge  Sprague  of 
Abington,  and  Miss  Georgina  Otis  of  this  city. 

Mr.  May  spoke  earnestly  of  the  continued  necessi 
ties  of  the  cause,  the  urgent  need  of  unremitting 
labors  in  this  critical  hour,  and  the  duty  of  giving  lib- 
erally to  sustain  those  labors.  The  Finance  Commit- 
tee then  entered  upon  their  work  of  collection. 

Mr.  Garrison  then  mentioned  the  case  of  a  colored 
man,  Levi  Ward,  who,  having  redeemed  himself,  his 
wife  and  one  child  from  slavery,  was  now  seeking 
means  to  purchase  the  freedom  of  another  child. 

Mr.  Ward  appeared  on  the  platform,  and  gave 
some  account  of  his  life.  Born  a  slave  in  Maryland, 
he  began,  at  fourteen  years  old,  to  work  in  spare 
hours  for  the  purchase  of  his  own  freedom.  He 
was  accustomed  to  split  rails  at  night  for  this  purpose 
and  when  it  was  accomplished,  he  felt  as  good  as  Mr. 
Lincoln,  though  he  had  become  only  a  freeman, 
while  Mr.  Lincoln  had  become  President.  (Applause.) 
He  served  nine  years  as  pilot  on  the  Chesapeake. 
He  paid  $1300  for  himself,  §500  for  his  wife,  §450  for 
one  child,  and  was  now  raising  the  residue  of  another 
§450  for  his  second  child. 

Mr.  Garrison  remarked  on  the  absence  of 
vengefulness  and  bitterness  of  spirit  in  the  story  of 
Mr.  Ward.  He  declared  this  to  be  characteristic  of 
all  tb^staleraents  of  freed  slaves  he  had  ever  heard. 
They  exhibited  only  thankfulness  to  God  for  their 
deliverance;  and  we  should  take  to  heart  the  lesson 
taught  by  such  facts,  as  well  as  by  the  patient  and 
persevering  industry  with  which  Mr.  Ward  had 
sought  the  freedom  of  himself  and  his  family. 

Charles  Lenox  Remonh,  of  Salem,  next  spoke. 
Ho  had  been  for  some  months  comparatively  silent, 
and  he  could  see  little  to  hope  in  our  position  at  the 
present  moment.  He  sided  rather  with  Mr.  Phillips 
than  with  Mr.  Alger  in  the  view  taken  of  our  pros- 
pects. Few  men  could  place  themselves  in  the  point 
of  view  of  the  black  man,  and  the  more  one  did  so, 
the  less  encouragement  would  he  feel.  Not  only  in 
Washington  and  in  Pennsylvania,  but  in  Massachu- 
setts, the  colored  man  is  still  disfranchised,  and  kept 
in  an  unequal,  a  degraded  position.  In  Washington, 
he  (the  speaker,)  would  be  no  safer  now  than  he  was 
ten  years  ago;  even  in  Massachusetts,  his  native 
State,  he  could  not  shoulder  a  musket  for  his  country ; 
and  if  he  were  with  the  army  on  the  Potomac,  he 
could  not  wear  the  national  uniform.  Things  were 
not  so  in  1776  and  1812,  under  Washington  and  Jack- 
son. In  both  these  wars,  black  men  as  well  as  white 
shed  their  blood  in  defence  of  their  country.  Now 
they  are  not  allowed  even  to  bear  arms  for  this  pur- 
pose. Yet  not  one  of  this  race  has  been  found  a  rebel 
or  traitor  to  his  country.  Such  treatment,  under 
such  circumstances,  made  him  doubt  whether  the 
boasted  forbearance  and  forgiving  spirit  of  the  black 
man  were  a  virtue.  They  had  yet  to  prove  their 
manhood  by  rising  against  their  masters.  This  peo- 
ple, whether  triumphant  or  trampled  under  foot,  are 
an  existing  element  in  this  country.  They  have 
grown,  under  all  sorts  of  persecution,  to  more  than 
four  millions.  As  well  can  you  extirpate  the  Canada 
thistle  as  expatriate  them.  At  this  moment  the  ne- 
gro is  blocking  the  progress  of  the  Government's 
success,  nor  will  the  rebellion  be  put  down  until  jus- 
tice is  done  him.  You  cannot  with  impunity  violate 
God's  laws  upon  this  subject,  any  more  than  his  phys- 
ical laws.  John  Brown  has  shown  us  the  way  to  suc- 
cess. If  freedom  come  not  so,  beware  lest  this  poor 
blind  Samson  pull  down  the  pillars  of  your  national 
edifice,  and  bury  you  with  himself  in  its  ruins. 

Hon.  F.  W.  Bird  was  then  called  on  by  the  Pres- 
ident.    He  asked — 

Who  is  it  that  now  keeps  the  child  of  Levi  Ward 
in  slavery?  Not  the  local  laws  of  Maryland.  It  is 
the  Massachusetts  troops  whom  we  have  sent  there  ; 
it  is  you  and  I  who  are  protecting  slavery  in  Mary- 
land and  Virginia  to-day.  Against  Constitutional 
right  as  well  as  justice,  the  blacks  are  held  in  slavery 
by  the  Federal  officers,  or  sent  back  to  the  masters 
from  whom  they  have  escaped.  When  Major  Gen- 
eral Banks  was  Governor  of  this  State,  he  vetoed  the 
measure  which  would  have  secured  militia  privileges 
to  the  blacks,  in  this  State.  Mr.  Seward  has  uniform- 
ly declared  that  this  war  is  for  the  institutions  of  the 
South  as  they  were  before  the  rebellion.  The  war  we 
are  now  making  is  not  only  not  against  slavery,  it  is 
expressly  for  the  protection  of  slavery.  Our  Govern- 
ment has  not  emancipated  a  single  slave  where  it 
could  imprison  him.  Those  in  possession  of  the  Fed- 
eral army  are  still  held  as  slaves.  We  have  slaves 
with  their  rebel  masters  at  Fort  Warren  in  Boston 
harbor,  waiting  for  the  release  of  lhose  masterB  to  be 
again  placed  in  their  power.  The  slave  roll  is  called 
there  every  morning  under  the  shadow  of  Bunker 
Hill.  He  was  no  longer  for  "  schooling  ourselves  to 
silence"  under  such  circumstances.  The  key  of  the 
slave's  chain  is  now  kept  in  the  White  House.  Our 
administration  has  gone  to  the  rescue  of  slavery, 
which  had  almost  committed  suicide. 

Mr.  bui'FUM  wished  to  ask  whether,  in  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's very  peculiar  circumstances,  he  had  not  done  all 
that  could  reasonably  be  expected  of  him.  His  ap-- 
pointment  of  tho  anti-slavery  General  Lane  to  active 
service  he  thought  was  an  encouraging  sign  of  pro- 
gress. 

Adjourned  to  7,  P.  M. 

Evenino  Session.  The  meeting  was  called  to  or- 
der soon  after  7  o'clock,  Mr.  Quincy  in  the  chair.  The 
first  speaker  whs  William  Davis,  one  of  the  fruits  of 


the  great  rebellion,  plucked  from  the  "sacred  soil"  of 
Virginia,  and  gathered  into  the  garner  of  Freedom. 
He  gave  a  highly  interesting  account  of  the  condition 
of  his  fellow  "contrabands"  at  Fortress  Monroe,  tes- 
tifying, not  only  to  their  willingness,  but  eagerness,  to 
labor,  and  their  appreciation  of  the  great  boon  which 
has  been  conferred  upon  them.  He  said  he  was  born 
and  raised  a  slave.  He  had  seven  children,  five  of 
whom  had  been  sold  away  from  him. 

He  noticed  the  claim  often  made  that  the  slaves  do 
not  desire  freedom,  and  that  they  expressly  say  this 
when  asked  by  their  master  and  his  friends.  He 
frankly  admitted  that  he  had  often  made  this  same  an- 
swer to  the  inquiries  of  his  mistress,  being  well  as- 
sured that  it  was  his  only  way  to  escape  being  sold 
South.  But,  said  lie,  when  William  said  so,  William 
lied.  He  knew,  and  God  knew,  that  he  wanted  to  be 
free.  When  Mr.  Pierce,  one  of  their  teachers  in  the 
Fortress,  asked  if  they  wanted  to  be  free,  they  all 
shouted,  yes  !  They  were  also  very  desirous  of  educa- 
tion. They  need  hooks,  teachers  and  money.  They 
ish  to  learn  to  read  the  Bible,  and  they  wish  instruc- 
tion of  all  kinds,  understanding  that  it  will  help  them 
against  reenslavement. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  N.  H.  WHITING. 
Hon.  Nathaniel  H.  Whiting  was  then  introduced, 
and  spoke  as  follows : — 

Mr.  President, — This  Anniversary  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  is  convened  under  new 
and  most  extraordinary  circumstances.  The  mob — 
the  spirit  of  slavery — which  has  so  long  pursued  us, 
idening  its  dimensions  and  gathering  up  all  its  forces, 
is  now  hunting  for  the  life  of  the  nation.  The  san- 
guinary conflict  raging  around  us  might  well  have 
been  prevented  if  the  warning  voice  of  the  despised 
and  persecuted  Abolitionists  had  been  heeded.  And 
now,  when  the  maddened  and  despairing  Slave  Power 
has  precipitated  the  country  into  this  direful  contest, 
the  mission  of  the  Abolitionists  remains  the  same,  and 
that  is,  to  preach  the  truth, — to  proclaim,  as  ever,  that 
Righteousness  alone  exalts  and  saves  a  nation,  and 
that  sin  is  a  reproach  to,  and  wilt  be  the  destruction 
of,  any  people. 

Peace  is  valuable,  but  it  can  only  be  secured  through 
purity  and  truth.  Union  is  worth  seeking  and  pre- 
serving, but  its  inevitable  conditions  are  that  the  par- 
ties shall  be  agreed.  There  never  was,  and  there 
never  will  be  any  concord  between  truth  and  false- 
hood, freedom  and  slavery,  Christ  and  Belial.  For 
many  years  these  truths  have  been  sounded  in  the 
ears  of  this  people,  but  they  would  not  heed  them. 
The  consequences  of  this  insane  folly  are  now  be- 
fore us. 

Sir,  it  is  sad  to  think,  after  all  the  light  furnished  by 
the  experience  of  past  ages,  that  we  can  find  no  better 
way  of  settling  difficulties,  determining  the  value  ol 
principles,  and  the  true  theory  and  practice  of  politi- 
cal, social  and  religious  life,  than  by  cutting  each 
other's  throats.  It  is  a  melancholy  and  by  no  means 
encouraging  result  which  presents  to  us  this  bloody 
harvest  as  the  culminating  growth  of  the  understand- 
ing, heart  and  conscience  of  civilized  man.  A  nation, 
occupying  the  front  rank  in  intelligence,  prosperity 
and  freedom,  is  torn  by  intestine  convulsions,  and  it 
seemingly  on  the  verge  of  dissolution  through  the 
mad  ambition  and  unreasoning  prejudice  of  a  portion 
of  its  people.  "  Grim  visaged  War,"  with  his  storm 
of  fire  and  blood,  arches  over  our  sky.  A  people, 
who,  by  the  ties  of  nature,  of  language,  of  history,  ol 
destiny,  should  be  fast  friends  and  fellow -countrymen, 
—knowing  no  strife,  no  rivalry,  but  that  of  peaceful 
progress,  and  an  emulation  to  present  the  fairest  pic- 
ture for  the  copy  of  less  favored  nations, — are  at  deadly 
enmity. 

Yesterday,  we  thought,  and  loudly  boasted,  that  we 
were  on  the  full  tide  of  successful  experiment  in  free 
government.  Our  eagle  Happed  his  wings  exultingly 
over  land  and  sea,  and  screamed  a  joyful  welcome  to 
the  oppressed  of  every  clime.  To-day,  the  stars  and 
stripes  are  no  longer  recognized  as  the  national  em- 
blem over  half  the  land,  and  they  are  mocked,  jeered 
and  insulted  by  the  minions  of  despotism  in  every 
land. 

Why  this  change  1  How  does  it  happen  that  over 
this  broad  and  goodly  laud  there  is  discord  and  vio- 
lence, commercial  disaster  and  ruin,  the  neighing  o 
the  war-horse,  and  all  the  grim  preparation  for  tin 
terrible  game  of  war?  How,  but  because  the  peopli 
of  this  country  have  been  so  foolish  as  to  imagine 
they  could  combine  truth  and  falsehood,  freedom  and 
slavery,  in  fraternal  and  harmonious  union  ?  A  thou- 
sand times  had  the  experiment  been  tried;  as  many 
times  it  had  failed.  The  earth  was  covered  with  the 
graves  of  nations  perishing  in  the  embraces  of  the 
monster,  Slavery.  The  warning  voice  of  prophets, 
martyrs  and  patriots  was  uttered  to  us  in  vain.  Like 
Sinbad  the  sailor,  we  took  the  "Old  Man  of  the  Sea" 
on  our  shoulders,  in  order,  as  it  was  said,  to  carry  him 
a  little  way,  that  he  might  get  ready  to  die  decently. 
But  his  legs  have  been  drawing  tighter  and  tighter 
about  our  neck,  and  we  are  in  great  danger  of  being 
strangled  in  the  operation,  because  we  have  not  the 
strengtli  or  disposition  to  throw  him  off,  and  dash  his 
brains  out. 

But,  sir,  whatever  may  befal  this  nation  in  the  great 
convulsion  through  which  it  is  passing,  you,  and  those 
who  have  wrought  with  you  through  these  weary  and 
disgraceful  years  to  awaken  her  from  the  sleep  of 
death  into  which  she  had  fallen,  will  he  guiltless  of 
the  blood  of  this  people. 

I  know  there  are  those,  principally  such  as  have  fed 
upon  the  nation's  life  through  the  plausible  catch- 
word of  Democracy,  who,  with  brazen  mendacity, 
declare  that  the  Abolitionists  are  the  cause  of  this  re- 
bellious war  against  the  General  Government.  Not 
that  they  stole  the  national  forts  and  arsenals,  robbed 
the  treasury,  insulted  and  fired  upon  the  flag,  bom- 
barded Sumter,  beleaguered  the  capital,  and  murdered 
our  people.  Nothing  of  that  sort.  But  then  they 
have,  by  their  intemperate  and  unconstitutional  agi- 
tation of  the  slavery  question^  at  last  exasperated  the 
South  to  madness,  and  enabled  the  demagogues  there 
to  precipitate  her  into  a  rebellion  against  the  Union. 
Now,  whoever  asserts  that  the  discussion  and  condem- 
nation of  slavery  is  unconstitutional,  or  that  we  have 
not  a  right  to  legislate  for  its  restriction  and  final 
overthorow,  are  guilty  of  branding  the  founders  of  the 
republic  as  hypocrites  and  liars,  as  well  as  traitors 
both  to  God  and  man. 

They  said  they  founded  this  Government  in  the 
terest  of  freedom  ;  that  all  men  had  a  natural  right  to 
this  divine  gift;  and  that  they  ordained  the  national 
Constitution  to  "establish  justice,  ensure  domestic 
tranquillity,  promote  the  general  welfare,  provide  for 
the  common  defence,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty to  the  people."  And  whatever  apparent  com- 
promises they  might  have  made  with  slavery  for  local 
and  temporary  purposes,  they  always  looked  upon  it 
as  an  evil,  and  never  ceased  to  hope  that,  through  the 
prohibition  of  the  African  slave  trade,  and  in  other 
ways,  it  would  gradually  disappear.  The  Washing- 
tons,  Jeffersons,  and  others  declared  that  the  exercise 
of  their  politicnl  power  should  not  be  wanting  to  re- 
move it ;  that  "  one  hour  of  the  slavery  to  which  the 
negroes  were  subjected  was  more  intolerable  than 
whole  ages  of  that  which  they  rose  in  rebellion 
against;  "  and  that  when  the  conflict  between  the  mas- 
ters and  slaves  should  come,  as  come  it  would,  there 
was  "no  attribute  of  the  Almighty  that  could  take 
sides  with  the  oppressor."  And  the  brightest  page 
in  the  history  of  the  infant  republic  is  that  which  re- 
cords, in  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  the  entire  prohibi- 
tion of  slavery,  in  all  the  vast  region  northwest  of  the 
Ohio.  Indeed,  there  has  not,  perhaps,  been  an  Ad- 
inistration,  or  Congress,  from  that  day  to  the  pres- 
ent in  which  slavery,  in  some  of  its  aspects  and  rela- 
tions, has  not  been  a  subject  of  agitation  and  legisla- 
tion; and  yet  we  are  charged  with  having  sought  to 
wrest  the  Government  from  its  legitimate  uses,  and 
pervert  it  to  the  exercise  of  powers  utterly  at  war 
with  the  Constitution,  and  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence upon  which  it  rests  1 

The  truth  is,  the  Abolitionists  are  the  only  lineal 
descendants  of  those  heroes  who  founded  this  republic, 
and  the  real  friends  of  its  growth  and  prosperity.     In 


their  unceasing  denunciations  of  slavery  and  its  abet- 
tors, they  have  but  given  voice  to  the  unperverted 
instincts  of  our  common  humanity;  and  have  only 
feebly  argued  the  case  of  human  rights  against  sla- 
very,  which,  in  the  glowing  language  of  Theodore  D. 
Weld,  "has  been  adjudicated  in  the  court  of  con- 
science times  innumerable.  The  same  verdict  has 
always  been  rendered— '  Guilty  1 '  The  same  sen- 
tence has  always  been  pronounced, — 'Let  it  bo  ac- 
cursed I'  and  human  nature,  with  her  million  echoes, 
has  rung  it  round  the  world  in  every  language  under 
heaven,  'Let  it  be  accursed!  Let  it  be  accursed  1' 
And  his  heart  is  false  to  human  nature  who  will  not 
say  Amen ! " 

Ours  has  been,  and  still  is,  a  war  of  opinion  and 
principles;  the  light  of  Christian  civilization  against 
the  five-fold  barbarism  of  slavery.  Being  a  conflict  of 
opinion  and  of  principles,  we  were  desirous  that  it 
should  be  settled,  if  possible,  through  the  enlightened 
and  peaceful  growth  of  public  opinion.  Slavery  has 
chosen  that  it  shall  be  otherwise,  and  so  we  find  our- 
selves launched  out  upon  an  ocean  whose  shores  no 
man  can  see.  What  shall  be  the  length  of  the  voyage, 
what  port  we  shall  enter,  whether  we  shall  be  swallow- 
ed up  in  the  great  maelstrom,  like  so  many  nations 
that  have  gone  before  us,  or  shall  enter  gloriously  and 
triumphantly  die  peaceful  haven  of  universal  liberty, 
will  depend  mainly  upon  the  people  of  the  loyal  States. 
If  we  are  true  to  the  Idea  upon  which  the  Govern- 
ment was  professedly  founded,  and  avail  ourselves  of 
this  wanton  and  causeless  rebellion  of  the  pampered 
minions  of  slavery  to  crush  the  poisonous  serpent 
whose  deadly  fangs  are  aimed  at  the  life  of  constitu- 
tional liberty  on  this  continent,  the  contest  will  be 
short,  though,  as  Gen.  McClellan  says,  it  may  be  des- 
perate. 

But,  Sir,  in  my  judgment,  there  never  will  be  a  re- 
construction of  the  Union  in  which  slavery  shall  be  a 
recognized  element  and  controlling  power.  I  believe, 
too,  that  there  can  be  permanently  but  one  government 
in  the  limits  of  this  nation.  More  than  that  will  be 
the  signal  of  continued  war  and  bloodshed.  Our  lakes 
and  rivers,  our  mountains  and  valleys,  our  varied  cli- 
mate and  productions,  our  net-work  of  railroad  and 
telegraph,  our  community  of  interests,  of  language, 
of  race,  imperatively  demand  that  there  shall  be  but 
one  government,  which,  at  last,  will  be  all  slave  or 
all  free.  It  is  too  late  in  the  day,  altogether  too  late, 
Sir,  to  think  of  founding  or  maintaining  a  democratic 
government  which  shall  recognize  the  ownership  of 
men  as  a  cardinal  principle  in  its  organization  and  life. 
That  experiment,  thank  God,  is  played  out.  Those 
who  think  the  old  machine,  half  truth  and  half  false- 
hood, half  liberty  and  half  slavery,  half  God  and  half 
devil,  with  the  devil  always  employed  as  engineer, - 
can  be  again  repaired  and  put  upon  the  track,  and  that 
intelligent,  freedom-loving  men  will  again  place  them- 
selves under  its  guidance  and  control,  know  little  of 
the  age  in  which  they  live,  and  have  studied  human 
nature  and  the  history  of  the  race  to  very  little  pu: 
pose.  It  even  begins  to  be  whispered  in  unwonted 
quarters,  that  we  have  already  paid  sufficiently  dear 
for  that  kind  of  whistle. 

It  is  time  that  we  looked  this  question  of  slavery 
fairly  in  the  face,  and  prepared  ourselves  to  meet  it 
like  men  upon  whom  the  dread,  yet  glorious  responsi- 
bility rests  of  settling  this  whole  "irrepressible  con- 
flict" at  once  and  forever. 

Slavery  rests  solely  upon  force.  It  has  no  other 
foundation,  neither  in  soil,  climate,  color  or  race.  It 
is  the  doctrine  that  "might  makes  right"  in  its  last 
analysis,  and  carried  out  to  its  legitimate  results. 
am  stronger  than  you,  and  I  sell  you  in  the  market, 
write  you  down  as  "property,"  and  drive  you  to  un- 
paid toil.  To-morrow,  through  your  own  strength,  oi 
with  the  aid  of  others,  you  sell  me  upon  the  auction 
block,  and  expose  me  to  all  th&.,fearful  contingencies 
of  ."goods  and  chattels  personal,  to  all  intents,  purposes 
and  constructions  whatsoever."  And  this  is  all  the 
validity  there  can  ever  be  to  slavery's  title  deeds.  It 
has  now  scornfully  rejected  the  protecting  power  of 
the  government  which  has  so  long  saved  it  from  the 
condemning  brand  of  outraged  and  indignant  human 
nature,  and  aimed  a  parricidal  blow  at  its  heart.  Does 
it  still  deserve  the  toleration,  the  sympathy  even 
which  it  receives  from  men  in  high  places  ?  Have  wi 
not  already  suffered  enough  in  character,  in  prosperity 
in  everything  which  honorable  men  hold  dear,  by  our 
connection  and  complicity  with  slavery  ?  Who  that 
sees  what  this  country  is,  and  what  it  might  have  been 
but  for  this  demon, — who  that  contemplates  this  dread- 
ful war  into  which  it  has  plunged  us, — the  thousand: 
on  thousands  of  lives,  the  millions  on  millions  of  treas 
ure  which  are  to  he  thrown  into  its  awful  cauldron,— 
the  widows  and  orphans  it  will  make, — the  general 
demoralization  that  will  follow  in  its  train, — the  cup  of 
bitterness  and  hate  it  will  leave  for  us  and  for  posteri- 
ty, and  all  the  unnameable  horrors  of  which  it  is  the 
cause, — who  that  sees  it  all  is  not  ready  to  exclaim 
with  Macduff — 

"  But,  gentle  Heaven  ! 
Cut  short  all  intermission  :  front  to  front 
Bring  thou  this  fiend  of  '  Slavery,'  and  in 
Within  ray  sword's  length  set  him  ;   if  he 
Then  Heaven  forgi'     ' 


that  which  is  bounded  by  the  circumference  of  a  little 
island  in  the  North  Sea  ;  and  the  only  tribunal  to  which 
she  appeals  is  that  which  proclaims  its  edicts  through 
the  mouths  of  her  thousand  bull-dogs  that  flaunt  her 
insolent  and  remorseless  flag  all  round  the  globe.  O, 
my  fellow-countrymen  !  lay  not  the  flattering  unction 
to  your  souls  that  you  have  avoided  a  war  with  Eng- 
land by  the  painful  humiliation  to  which  you  have 
submitted.  That  pretext  removed,  another  can  easily 
be  found.  The  spirit  which  seems  to  actuate  the  Brit- 
ish people,  as  shown  by  their  leading  newspaper  organs, 
is  perfectly  fiendish.  To  show  its  character,  permit 
me  to  read  a  short  extract  from  the  organ  of  the  con- 
servative aristocracy,  who  really  hold  the  issues  of 
peace  and  war  in  that  Government.  It  is  the  London 
Morning  Herald.  It  will  be  perceived  that  they  do  not 
pretend  that  the  claim  for  the  surrender  of  the  rebel 

nvoys  was  anything  but  the  most  transparent  of  pre- 
texts : — 

A  pugilist  advancing  warily  upon  a  robust  adversary, 

when  he  sees  his  foe  throw  himself  upon  the  ground,  and 

hears  him  cry  for  mercy,  is  not  more  taken  aback  than  is 

the  British  people  so  thoroughly  dumbfounded  by  these  un- 

pectud  demonstrations  in  the  midst  of  its  preparations  for 

war.     We  trust  that  our  government  will  profit  by  this 

gratifying  lesson.      Should  a  similar  difficulty  arise  again,  we 

kail  know  next  time  how  to  deal  with  the  American  Guvern- 

ment.     If  we  are  justified,  as  we  believe  we  are,  in  viewing 

the  resolve  of  the  American  Government  in  this  mirror  of 

popular   opinion,    we    suppose    that   our   differences    with 

Auieriea  will  not  for  the  present  lead  to  war.     But  enough 

has  occurred  to  put  us  on  our  guard  for  the  future,  to  teach 

j  to   be  very  watchful  of  the  temper  of  a  people  which 

cms  to  have  two  laces,  like  the  god  Janus,  to  be  as  shift- 

ig  as  the  sands  of  the  sea,  and  as  changeful  in  color  as  the 

chauielion.     This  concession  of  theirs  viust  not  be  allowed  to 

fetter  us  in  our  future  course.     We  have  a  more  immediate 

interest  than   before  in  the  struggle  between  North  and 

we   have    found   that  it  concerns  ourselves,  and 

learned  that  its  continuance  is  fraught  with  danger  to  our 

peace." 

Now,  sir,  I  do  not  say  that  this  expresses  the  univer- 
sal sentiment  of  people  and  press  in  England.  There 
are  honorable  and  noble  exceptions  to  it  in  all  classes. 
But  I  do  say,  that,  so  far  as  appears,  this  is  the  pre- 
vailing current  of  public  sentiment  in  the  controlling 
classes  of  British  society.  And  do  you  think  that  a 
Government  whose  accredited  organs  can  use  such 
language  as  this,  is  to  be  mollified  or  baulked  of  its  pur- 
pose by  any  concessions  we  may  make  ?  The  cry  of 
"  inefficiency  of  blockade;  "  the  "atrocious  crime  of 
sinking  vessels  at  the  mouths  of  harbors,"  instead  of 
shooting  our  enemies  from  the  mouths  of  cannon,  after 
the  manner  of  our  more  civilized,  humane,  and  Chris- 
tian prototypes  across  the  sea;  "the  necessities  of 
commerce";  "  the  desire  to  stop  the  effusion  of  blood"  ; 
anything,  even  the  plea  of  the  wolf  for  eating  the 
lamb,  will  answer  for  the  resolved  mind,  which  never 
scruples  in  the  use  of  means  to  accomplish  its  ends. 

Sir,  I  venture  to  say  that,  whoever  lives  to  feel  the 
warmth  of  returning  Spring,  with  this  rebellion  not 
crushed  out,  will  witness  an  armed  intervention  in  our 
affairs  by  England,  France  and  Spain,  and  perhaps 
other  European  powers.  They  say  we  have  not  a 
friend  among  them  all.  Perhaps  we  do  not  deserve 
any.  But  let  us  be  true  to  ourselves,  to  right  and  jus- 
tice, and  we  shall  at  last  receive  the  sympathy  and  en- 
couragement of  all  liberal-minded  men  throughout  the 
world. 

As  the  only  means  to  crush  this  rebellion,  restore 
peace  and  Union  to  our  distracted  country,  and  avoid 
the  disgraceful  alternative  of  a  humiliating  peace 
through  the  dismemberment  of  the  nation,  or  a  death- 
grapple  with  the  great  powers  of  Europe,  let  us  today 
proclaim  liberty  to  the  captive  in  a  decree  of  Univer- 
sal Emancipation. 

Let  us  make  haste  to  do  this  vital  work.  The  hand 
of  destiny  is  moving  rapidly  on  the  dial-plate  of  time. 
The  "  Sisters  Three,"  who  weave  and  wash  the 
shroud  in  which  are  buried  the  dead  nations,  are  busy 
at  their  task,  and  the  solemn  refrain  comes  to  our  ears  : 

"  Time  Was  unlocks  the  riddle  of  Time  Is, 
That  offers  choice  of  glory  and  of  gloom  ; 
The  solver  makes  Time  Shall  Be  surely  his— 
But  hasten,  Sisters  !  for  even  now  the  tomb 
Grates  its  slow  hinge,  and  call3  from  the  abyss." 


ivgive 
To  me,  sir,  it  is  as  plain  as  that  I  am  standing  here, 
we  have  got  to  tear  up  slavery,  root  and  branch, 
the  conflict  upon  which  we  have  entered  will  outlast 
this  generation,  or  end  in  the  destruction  of  constitu- 
tional liberty  in  these  once  United  States.  There  is 
one  door  open  for  us — but  one — and  that  is  the  door  of 
Universal  Emancipation.  (Loud  applause.)  Through 
that,  and  that  alone,  we  can  pass  out  of  the  darkness 
and  death  which  now  encompass  us,  into  the  glorious 
sunlight  of  Liberty,  Union,  and  Peace. 

But  that  passage  must  be  speedily  made,  if  at  all. 
Not  only  are  we  exhausting  our  resources,  wasting  our 
energies,  by  this  protracted  conflict  and  these  gigan- 
tic armaments,  but  the  danger  of  foreign  interference 
grows  more  and  more  imminent  every  day.  That 
power,  which  has  belted  the  globe  with  its  empire, 
and  which  has  never  scrupled  to  commit  any  outrage,oi 
robbery,  or  cruelty  upon  other  nations  or  people  which 

it  has  deemed  necessary  for  its  own  aggrandizement 

the  extension  and  perpetuity  of  its  dominion, — is 
watching  eagerly  for  a  plausible  pretext  to  atrike 
a  crushingblowat  a  nation  which  has  become  so  form- 
idable an  industrial  and  political  rival  that  even  now 
it  has  outstripped  her  in  the  range  of  peaceful  com- 
merce, in  political  institutions,  and  in  public  and  pri- 
vate liberty.  They  thought  they  had  that  pretext  in 
the  arrest  of  Mason  and  Slidell,  by  Capt.  Wilkes,  on 
the  deck  of  the  steamer  Trent.  And  nothing,  per- 
haps, shows  more  palpably  how  heartless  and  unscru- 
pulous the  British  Government  is,  and  to  wiiat  despe- 
rate straits  they  are  driven  in  their  desire  to  cripple  and 
destroy  the  American  nation,  than  the  avidity  with 
which  they  seized  upon  this  shallow  excuse  to  pick  a 
quarrel  with  us  in  our  great  extremity,  for  doing  what 
they  have  claimed  the  belligerent  right  to  do,  and  have 
done,  persistently  and  most  offensively,  to  other  na- 
tions, for  many  years. 

That  pretext  has  been  removed.  The  rebels  have 
been  given  up,  with  "a  suitable  apology,"  to  the  Brit- 
ish authorities.  Unless  they  have  gone  where  they 
will  not  again  be.  heard  from  "  until  the  sea  gives  up 
its  dead,"  they  are  now  safe  on  British  soil,  enjoying 
the  protection  and  hospitality  of  that  consistent,  libe- 
ral, friendly  "  neutral  power."  We  have  swallowed  that 
bitter  pill,  solacing  ourselves,  meanwhile,  with  the 
thought  that  we  have  made  it  less  unpalatable  by 
sugaring  it  over  with  splendid  phrases  about  "the 
rights  of  neutrals,"— "  the  freedom  of  the  seas,"  and 
in  exchanging  congratulations  upon  the  tardy  adhe- 
sion of  Great  Britain  to  those  principles  of  interna- 
tional  law  for  which  we  have  so  long  contended,  anil 
which  they  have  so  long  denied.  Just  as  if  they  had 
ever  acknowledged  any  other  law  in  their  intercourse 
with  other  nations  but  that  of  the  strongest;  and  as 
if  they  would  not  to-morrow,  if  they  thought  they  had 
the  power,  and  could  make  anything  by  it,  unhesita- 
tingly disregard  and  trample  on  the  very  principles 
under  which  they  claimed  the  surrender  of  the  rebel 
envoys. 

"But,"  say  some,  "England  is  committed  on  this 
issue  befure  the  tribunal  of  tho  world."  But,  alas! 
the  only  world  for  which  she  has  any  love  and  respect 


'  But  not  for  him,"  I  cry,  "  not  yet  for  him 

Wins  from  the  void  to  where  on  ocean's  rim 
The  sunset  shuts  the  world  with  golden  bar. 


Not  yet  his  thews  shall  fail,  his  eyes  grow  dim  ! " 

But,  Mr.  President,  not  to  detain  the  audience  lon- 
ger, allow  me  to  say,  in  conclusion,  that  the  only  hope 
of  salvation  for  this  nation  is,  that  the  devil,  from 
whom  has  proceeded  this  insane  and  wicked  rebellion, 
shall  be  exorcised  and  driven  out.  How  can  this  be 
done  1 

It  is  related  in  the  New  Testament  that,  when  Jesus 
sent  his  disciples  out  to  preach  the  gospel,  he  gave 
them  power  over  serpents  and  unclean  spirits,  that 
they  should  receive  no  harm.  After  going  out  on  a 
mission,  they  came  back  rejoicing,  saying  that  "even 
the  devils  were  subject  to  them."  But,  one  day,  a 
person  possessed  with  a  dumb  spirit  was  brought  unto 
Jesus,  with  a  request  from  the  father  of  the  possessed 
one  that  he  would  cast  him  out,  saying  at  the  same 
time  he  had  carried  him  to  the  disciples,  but  they 
could  do  nothing  for  him.  Jesus  cast  the  devil  out, 
though  his  hold  of  the  patient  was  so  strong  and  tena- 
cious that  he  rent  him  in  departing,  and  he  was  taken 
up  for  dead.  After  he  was  gone,  the  disciples  inquired 
of  Jesus,  "  Why  could  not  we  cast  him  out  ?  "  "  Be- 
cause," said  Jesus,  "  this  hind goeth  not  out  but  by  fast- 
ing and  prayer  " .'  In  like  manner  the  devil  that  has 
ruled  this  nation,  that  possesses  this  people,  goeth 
not  out  but  by  fasting  and  prayer.  We  must  fast  from 
pride,  from  avarice,  from  ambition,  from  prejudice  and 
hate  towards  a  poor,  oppressed  race.  We  must  make  the 
sublime  truths  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence' a  real  verity  in  the  nation's  life.  In  this 
way,  in  this  way  only,  can  the  devil  of  slavery  be  cast 
out — the  sick  man  healed  and  saved.  And  though  he 
has  been  so  thoroughly  coiled  around  the  nation's 
heart,  and  has  taken  such  complete  possession  of  alt  its 
faculties,  that  in  his  flight  he  will  rend  every  fibre  in 
its  body,  and  the  patient  will  very  likely  be  taken  up 
for  dead,  yet,  once  purified  and  redeemed  from  the 
foul  fiend,  the  divine  beneficence  of  Omnipotent  Love 
shall  take  him  by  the  hand,  as  it  did  the  apparently 
lifeless  youth  in  the  olden  time,  infuse  into  his  veins 
the  warm  currents  of  vigorous  and  healthful  life,  and 
he  shall  go  on  his  way  rejoicing  throngh  long  years 
and  ages  of  prosperity,  freedom  and  happiness. 

Dr.  J.  S.  Rock  said  the  nation  was  negro-mad.  It 
chased  him,  caught  him,  and  held  on  to  him  with  a 
tenacity  like  that  expressed  by  Ruth  to  Boaz,  "  Where 
thou  goest,  I  will  go;  where  thou  lodgest,  I  will 
lodge."  This  rebellion  was  palpably  an  effort  to  ex- 
tend and  nationalize  the  system  of  slavery, — it  might 
even  be  called  slavery  itself.  Yet  those  men  who  had 
dared  to  acknowledge  this,  like  Fremont  and  Came- 
ron, were  removed  to  give  place  to  hunkers  and  kid- 
nappers. To  charge  the  Abolitionists  with  this  war 
like  accusing  one  who  had  given  warning  that  the 
slow-match  was  near  the  powder,  of  having  caused 
the  explosion.  Shivery  displays  its  own  character  in 
fleets,  whether  upon  slaves,  masters,  or  neighbors. 
What  was  to  be  done  with  the  slaves?  it  was  asked. 
They  will  suffer,  of  course,  from  lack  of  Hoggings, 
privations,  separations,  from  being  relieved  from  the 
burden  of  their  masters  support!  He  thought  we 
need  not  be  concerned  about  the  slaves.  It  was  the 
masters,  rather,  for  whom  we  should  he  solicitous. 
Thoy  have  vowed  never  to  work  where  they  can  steal. 
Facts  prove  the  capacity  of  the  free  colored  people 
to  take  care  of  tnemselves,  for,  under  all  disadvanta- 
ges, they  acquire  property,  support  their  own  paupers, 
and  contributes  something  towards  tho  support  of  the 
"poor  whiles."  Nor  do  they  need  to  be  sent  off"  to 
some  tropical  colony.  They  are  capable  of  enduring 
all  temperatures  that  a  white  man  can.  Why  are  the 
blacks  alone  invited  to  leave  this  country  ?  It  is  be- 
cause we  have  bees  wronged,  and,  as  the  Spaniard 
proverb  put*  it,  "  Wince  1  have  wronged  you,  I  have 
never  liked  you."      Slavery  will  go  down  if  we  have  a 

foreign  war;   75>O0Q  free  bUcka  and  750^000  slaves, 

capable  ol  bearing  arms,  will  be  a  power  that  white 
men  will  be   "  bourn!  tO  respeel," 

Mr.  Garrison  followed,  sneaking  in  a  hopeful  and 
encouraging  strain.  His  speech  will  be  printed  awl 
week. 


FBIDAY  MOltXJNG. 
At  10  o'clock  the  Society  was  called  to  order. 
Giles  B.  Stebbins,  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  said  it 
might  be   supposed  that  the  persons   present  at  the 
opening  of  the  meeting    were   Abolitionists,  and  he 
should  speak  on  that  supposition. 

We  are  accused,  as  defenders  of  the  slave,  of  car- 
ing for  no  other  person,  of  disregarding  the  other  con- 
stituents of  society.  But  in  fact,  by  the  very  act  of 
taking  a  humane  and  Christian  point  of  view,  by 
looking  at  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  poorest  and 
weakest,  we  see  with  special  clearness  what  are  the 
rights  and  interests  of  all,  and  what  course  of  aclion 
will  best  promote  the  welfare  of  all. 

Our  work  as  Abolitionists  is  not  affected  by  proba- 
bilities in  regard  to  this  or  that  issue  of  the  war.  We 
are  still  to  pave  the  way  for  emancipation,  which  must 
inevitably  come.  Union  or  disunion,  reconstruction 
or  the  old  order,  no  matter  which  may  result,  slavery 
must  go  down.  That  is  the  one  thing  settled,  and  we 
must  prepare  the  public  mind  for  that  result.  The 
work  is  not  done,  even  when  the  shackles  have  fallen 
from  the  slave.  What  prejudice  and  hatred  must  still 
be  overcome  and  removed  after  he  has  become  a  free- 
man !     This  is  our  work,  a  work  of  long  years. 

We  have  put  ourselves  in  the  position  of  the  slave, 
while  pleading  his  cause,  and  we  must  continue  to 
labor  in  the  same  way.  It  is  this  fact  which  has  made 
Abolitionists  more  clear-sighted  as  to  the  immo- 
rality and  the  disastrous  efi'ects  of  slavery  than  any 
other  class.  We  know  that  to-day  the  negro  holds 
the  nation  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand.  He  is  to  turn 
the  scale,  and  our  action  in  relation  to  him  is  to  pro- 
long or  put  down  the  rebellion.  We  are  dying  out, 
nation,  for  want  of  a  purpose.  The  Abolitionists 
alone  have  a  just,  worthy  and  manly  purpose,  namely, 
emancipation,  and  this  ought  also  to  be  adopted  by 
the  whole  country.  It  is  this  which  should  inspire 
Gen.  Sherman  at  Port  Royal,  and  immediately  on  its 
adoption  Savannah  and  Charleston  would  drop  into 
hands.  Why  should  we  not  learn  from  the  ex- 
ample of  John  Brown  ?  His  army  of  twenty  men, 
inspired  by  this  purpose,  made  Virginia  tremble  from 
one  end  to  the  other.  On  the  other  hand,  McClellan, 
wanting  this  purpose,  sits  inactive  with  his  mighty 
army,  guarding  the  capital,  and  the  enemy  vainly 
challenge  him  to  meet  them  at  Manassas.  The  Abo- 
litionists see  these  things  clearly,  and  must  educate 
the  people  to  see  them ;  must  teach  the  North  that 
the  rebels  have  divesled  themselves  of  all  Constitu- 
tional rights ;  that  slavery  may  be  destroyed  now  un- 
der the  Constitution  ;  and  that  whenever  freedom 
shall  be  proclaimed,  success  begins. 

He  did  not  take,  that  hopeless  view  of  our  prospects- 
which  seemed  to  depress  others  of  the  speakers.  Our 
friends  have  not  too  severely  criticised  the  Govern- 
ment, but  they  have  underrated  the  pitch  of  public 
sentiment,  at  least  if  New  England  is  not  behind  the 
West  in  ibis  regard.  He  knew  of  vast  progress  iit 
the  sentiments  of  the  people,  at  least  in  the  West.  He 
had  been  a  witness  of  the  unanimity  which  Eremont 
evoked  all  over  that  region.  He  might  almost  have 
been  a  dictator  in  carrying  out  emancipation.  It  was 
sad  to  think  of  New  England  as  falling  behind  the 
West  in  Anti-Slavery  sentiment,  yet  he  feared  it  was 
so.  He  had  heard  Charles  Sumner  grossly  abused  in 
Boston  hotels,  without  rebuke  from  people  respectable 
in  external  appearance.  In  Illinois  he  was  sure  that 
such  calumny  would  have  been  answered  with  words, 
if  not  with  blows.  There  is  a  difference  in  the  ex- 
pression of  feeling  between  East  and  West.  Taking 
them  together,  however,  he  really  believed  that  a 
majority  of  the  Northern  people  desire  and  approve 
the  immediate  emancipation  of  the  slaves  as  a  war 
measure. 

And  this  cause  is  constantly  gaining  fresh  adherents, 
and  among  classes  the  most  diverse  in  opinion  upon 
other  subjects.  Dr.  Brownson,  representing  the  ex- 
treme of  ecclesiastical  conservatism,  openly  declares 
that  emancipation  is  the  only  safety  of  this  nation. 
On  the  other  hand  Andrew  Jackson  Davis,  repre- 
^seming^Jm-liie^^w-Argt^-^^  sprrrtuai  Trceuum,  lafcc-s—" 
precisely  the  same  ground  in  his  widely  circulated 
Herald  of  Progress.  The  extremes  being  thus  unani- 
mous upon  this  point,  the  means  are  constantly  tend- 
ing in  the  same  direction.  Soldiers  in  the  ranks  are 
feeling  this  influence  from  without,  and  are  beginning 
to  feel  that  the  inspiring  word  has  not  been  spoken  to 
them  by  their  leaders.  All  classes  are  perceiving  at 
last  the  great  truths  that  the  Abolitionists  have  been 
proclaiming  for  years. 

Why  have  we  war  to-day  ?  Why  are  we  subjected 
to  a  thing  so  horrible  as  war  always  is  ?  a  thing  which 
never  comes  but  from  the  low  state  of  development  of 
man's  better  nature.  This  war  was  inevitable,  con-  * 
sidering  the  state  of  depravation  to  which  the  nation 
had  sunk.  Our  care  must  be  that  it  shall  not  be  re- 
newed five,  ten  or  twenty  years  hence.  Civilization 
and  barbarism  are  contending,  and  the  latter  roust 
be  throttled  forever.  The  public  press  is  far  below 
the  feeling  of  the  people  all  over  the  country,  on  this 
question.  Does  the  Post  utter  the  sentiment  of  Mas- 
sachusetts ?  Does  the  Courier  speak  the  mind  of 
New  England  ?     No ! 

So  with  the  Administration,  which  admits  itself  to 
be  without  a  purpose,  drifting  along  at  the  mercy  of 
events.  The  wise  man  takes  opportunity  by  the  fore- 
lock, and  makes  events.  Whatever  the  grade  of  ad- 
vance of  the  people,  the  Government  is  far  behind 
them.  Lincoln  is  without  a  policy,  while  Jefferson 
Davis  has  one  that  is  real  and  vigorous  in  action, 
however  Satanic  in  character. 

Yet,  let  us  not  be  discouraged,  remembering  the  law 
of  degrees.  Not  all  at  once,  step  by  step  only,  the 
people  will  come  up,  and  the  Government  must  ulti- 
mately follow  them.  "  The  mill  of  God  grinds  slow- 
ly, but  it  grinds  exceeding  small."  We  should  be 
sustained  by  broad  and  cheerful  views,  working  on 
with  steady  perseverance  for  the  accomplishment  of 
our  great  object.  Garrison  does  not  now  speak  alone. 
The  New  York  Tribune  speaks  with  him.  Many  pa- 
pers and  many  persons  speak  with  him,  and  the  circle 
is  widening  daily.  After  his  thirty  years  of  persecu- 
tion and  unpopularity,  the  nation  finds  itself  com- 
pelled to  move  in  his  direction. 

Probably  a  year  from  this  time  will  have  decider! 
the  fate  of  this  nation.  Probably  twelve  months  will 
bring  us  either  the  jubilee  or  a  defeat.  If  the  latter, 
it  can  be  but  temporary.  But  km  shall  have,  in  cither 
case,  a  sense  of  duty  done  to  humanity  and  to  God. 

No  true  word,  no  grand  deed,  is  ever  lost.  The 
words  and  deeds  of  John  Brown  will  go  down  the 
path  of  time  as  redeeming  and  strengthening  influ- 
ences for  all  succeeding  nations;  and  whatever  we 
may  do  towards  the  freedom  of  the  enslaved  will  in 
like  manner  live  and  bear  abundant  fruit  after  us. 
(Applause.) 

On  motion  of  Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  it  was  voted  that 
half-past  eleven  he  assigned  for  the  consideration  of 
finance. 

It  was  also  voted,  on  motion  of  Mr.  May,  that  the 
Committee  on  the  Nomination  of  Officers  be  enlarged 
by  the  addition  of  George  Miles  of  Westminster,  and 
Alvan  Howes  of  Barnstable. 

1Ii:n-ky  C.  WEIGHT  offered  the  following  brief  re- 
marks, with  the  nccompanyiug  Resolutions,  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  a  speech  : — 

Ukxuy  C.  Wright,  Mr.  President.  I  want  to 
make  a  speech,  but  not  in  the  usual  way.  I  would 
make  it  in  the  form  of  Resolutions.  I  do  not  offer 
them  with  a  view  to  have  the  meeting  act  upon  them, 
but  simply  as  expressive  of  my  own  thoughts  and 
feelings.  I  wrote  them  solely  with  reference  to  my 
own  convictions,  and  not  with  ;iny  reference  (o  the 
convictions  of  the   Society     W  the    meeting.     I   will 

read  the  Resotations,  gad  if  it  is  thought  beat  to  put 

Upon  record  what  1    say,  I  wish    them    to    be   recorded 
as  my  speech  : — 

Retorted,  That  w  regard  the  preservation  of  liWrtv 
mid  tho  abolition  of  slavery  its  ef  mere  Importance  to  tho 
people  ef  this  mid  of  nil  cations,  than  the.  preservation  of 
the  Constitution  aod  GoTeramenl  ef  khs  United  States,  w 
of  any  other  particular  form  of  government 
Eleeolredj  lhat  slavery  is  the  famdnUon-prinoiple  aad 
■limaiing  and  controlling  spirit  of  (ho  slaveholders'  rebel- 


JA.NTJ^RY    31. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


19 


linn,  and  all  efforts  to  crush  tlio  rebellion  not  prompted 

by  intense  and  enduring  hatred  fur  slavery,  and  a  supreme 
religious  devotion  to  liberty  must  prove  abortive. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  war,  on  the  part  of  the 
South,  is  nvouxdly  a  war  for  the  abolition  of  liberty  and 
the  preservation  of  slavery  ;  and,  on  the  part  of  the  North, 
is — though  covertly  and  not  in  form,  yet  in  fact  and  in  its 
results — a  war  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  preser- 
vation of  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  bloody  and  sorrowful  oon- 
fliet  is  not  between  rival  States  and  govern  meats,  but 
*<ldy  between  liberty  and  slavery,  and  the  conflict  is  in- 
evitable, and  can  never  be  repressed  but  by  the  entire  and 
unconditional  abolition  of  oae  or  the  other  of  the  contend- 
ing powers. 

Resolved,  That  until  the  friends  of  freedom  and  free 
institutions  shall  have  courage  &ud  honesty  openly  and 
emphatically  to  avow  that  they  are  struggling  for  liberty 
and  against  slavery,  they  do  not  deserve,  and  cannot  hope, 
to  succeed  in  their  efforts  to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  and 
triumphant  issue- 
Resolved,  That  no  slaveholder  nor  apologist  for  slavery 
■can  be  loyal  and  true  to  a  constitution  and  government 
whose  object  is  "t»  establish  justice  and  to  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty";  and  every  concession  to  slavehold- 
ers, because  of  their  supposed  loyalty,  is  the  foulest  and 
most  fatal  treason  against  a  government  aiming  at  such 
noble  objects. 

Resolved,  That  while  a,  fadte  may  kill  the  slav choicer, 
an  idea  alone  can  kill  slavery  ;  that  All  that  has  been 
achieved  for  liberty  and  against  slavery,  in  the  ages  and 
kingdoms  of  the  past,  baa  been  gained  in  a  war  of  ideas 
nod  not  bullets  ;  and  never  was  the  <iuty  more  incumbent 
on  Abolitionists  than  at  the  present  hoar,  to  engage  ear-" 
Bestly  and  persistently  in  that  war  of  ideas  inaugurated  by 
W.  I*.  Garrison  thirty  years  -ago,  *i>d  in  which  they  have 
strives  successfully  for  the  afeolition  of  slavery  and  the 
preservation,  propagation,  and  perpetuation  of  liberty  ever 

Resolved,  That,  as  Abolitionists,  we  can  now  innocently 
and  earnestly  support  and  help  execute  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  because  it  now  empowers  us  to  abolish 
elavery  and  proclaim  liberty  to  all  uader  its  jurisdiction  ; 
and  if  we  do  not  use  this  power,  and  thus  at  once  remove 
the  cause  of  all  our  Jiational  troubles,  we  deserve,  and 
shall  receive,  -the  execrations  of  mankind. 

I  close  with  a  repetition  of  -one  remark.  Slavery 
cannot  be  loyal  to  liberty,  nor  liberty  to  slavery. 
Slaveholders  cannot  be  loyal  to  a  government  that 
aims  to  secure  liberty  ;  and  the  moment  such  a  gov- 
ernment attempts,  in  any  way,  to  sustain  slavery,  it 
becomes  a  traitor  to  liberty,  and  incapable  of  an- 
swering the  one  great  -end  of  its  existence. 

Rev.  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  said  he  had  been  very 
much  gratified  -with  the  speech  of  Mr.  Stebbins,  be- 
cause the  whole  tone  of  it  was  well  suited  to  impress 
upon  Abolitionists  the  point  at  which  their  efforts 
should  be  chiefly  aimed.  Many  seem  to  think  that 
the  specific  action  of  bodies  like  this  Society  is  nearly 
■over,  and  that  the  same  work  will  now  he  done  by 
other  agencies.  This,  in  his  judgment,  was  entirely 
erroneous.  He  never  saw  greater  necessity  for  the 
existence  and  vigorous  effort  of  this  Society.  The 
nation  still  needs  to  have  constantly  held  up  before  it 
those  ideas  and  those  methods  which  we,  and  we 
-alone,  have  been  accustomed  to  present.  Never  was 
the  enunciation  of  the  grand  and  simple  principles  of 
Anti-Slavery  more  needed;  never  were  the  earnest 
and  active  labors  of  every  Society  and  of  every  indi- 
-vidual  more  needed  than  now.  Though  we  have 
much  cause  to  feel  encouraged,  all  is  not  clear  nor 
.hopeful.  Not  only  the  heads  of  the  people,  hut  the 
people  themselves  are  yet  far  from  an  enlightened  po- 
sition. Mr.  Stebbins  had  given  good  evidence  of  the 
latter.  Even  the  very  favorable  advance  which  lie 
had  described  in  the  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  of  the 
"West  needs  to  be  enlarged  and  deepened.  And  cer- 
tainly what  he  affirmed  of  the  shortcomings  of  New- 
England  is  lamentably  true.  His  story  about  the 
abuse  of  Mr.  Sumner  in  Boston  was  matched  by 
what  he  (Mr.  May}  had  just  heard  from  a  graduate  of 
Harvard  College,  who  attributed  our  present  difficul- 
ties to  the  ambition  of  a  few  at  the  South,  and  the 
foolish  fanaticism  of  a  few  at  the  North,  and  who  was 
indifferent  to  slavery  and  in  favor  of  a  restoration  of 
the  o'ftl  Union.  Such  men  found  their  support  in  the 
Post  and  Courier  of  this  city.  [A'  voice  cried  out — 
-"The  Advertiser  too."]  Mr.  May  thought  the  Adver- 
vertiser  the  most  heartless  and  cold-blooded  paper  he 
had  ever  read,  but  he  would  not  class  it  with  the 
other  two  for  venality  and  unscrupulousness. 

Shall  we  take  the  view  presented  by  Dr.  Howe 
-respecting  the  policy  of  the  Government  towards  the 
•slaves  in  Fortress  Monroe,  [namely,  that,  since  the 
slaves  who  have  taken  refuge  in  that  place  are  held  in 
confinement  there,  and  guarded  like  prisoners,  and 
since  the  wages  of  their  labor  are  merely  credited,  in- 
stead of  being  paid  to  them,  it  may  be  the  purpose  of 
fhe  Government  to  keep  both  men  and  money  for 
ultimate  surrender  to  their  old  masters;!  or  tne  n)°re 
charitable  view  presented  last  night  by  Mr.  Garrison  1 
In  either  case,  we  must  keep  actively  and  vigorously 
.at  work. 

Henry  C.  "Wright  read  an  extract  from  a  New 
York  paper  reporting  a  farewell  conversation  between 
'Gen.  Lane  and  the  President.  To  the  inquiry  of  Mr. 
Fowler  whether  there  was  a  particle  of  evidence  in 
support  of  that  statement,  Mr.  Wright  replied  that  it 
was  given  by  a  correspondent  of  the  Tribune,  who 
.signed  his  name  to  it. 

Mr.  Henry  Willis,  of  Battle  Creek,  Michigan, 
said  that,  in  a  recent  conversation,  James  H.  Lane  had 
■declared  to  him  that  he  did  not  believe  there  was  a 
single  loyal  slaveholder  in  the  United  States.  He 
■would  never  send  back  a  slave,  either  to  a  loyal  or  a 
-disloyal  owner.  He  proposed  to  free  the  slaves  to  put 
.down  the  rebellion.  In  reference  to  the  assertion  that 
the  slaves,  if  liberated,  would  be  a  burden  on  the  coun- 
try, Lane  said  there  were  five  thousand  contrabands  in 
Kansas,  and  not  a  pauper  among  them.  Our  only 
•motto,  said  he,  is  universal  emancipation.  It  shall  be 
-when  I  take  the  field. 

Mr.  Willis  referred  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  North- 
west for  Fremont  and  his  emancipation  policy.  Give 
us  him,  the  people  cried,  and  down  goes  the  war. 
Universal  gloom  followed  the  revokal  of  the  proclama- 
tion and  the  recall  of  Fremont.  The  public  feeling 
Jiad  received  a  most  disastrous  check,  but  it  would 
rise  again  if  he  returned. 

The  hour  for  the  consideration  of  finance  had  now 
arrived,  and  Wendell  Phillips  rose  to  speak  on 
that  question.  He  said  —  It  seems  unnecessary  to 
■urge  upon  Abolitionists  the  support  of  their  own  organs 
and  meetings.  We  comfort  ourselves  with  tiie  ten- 
dency of  events.  That  is  but  a  word.  Events  are 
■only  the  result  of  ripened  effort.  Gen.  Lane  had 
guarded  a  loyal  slaveholder's  family  of  slaves  in  Mis- 
souri from  Jennison,  who  would  have  liberated  them. 
In  fact,  we  cannot  trust  an}'  one  half  so  far  as  we  can 
-see  him.  One  might  except  Montgomery  or  Jennison. 
-Slavery  has  undoubtedly  received  its  death-blow. 
The  only  question  is  by  what  road  we  shall  reach 
emancipation.  The  President  thinks  we  drift  that 
way.  But  who  helps  us  drift  ?  That  is  the  work  of 
the  Abolitionists.  They  have  lost  some  of  their 
former  allies  in  the  Custom  House  —  Republicans, 
who  have  now  stopped  working.  We  must  work 
harder,  scatter  tracts  and  preachers,  and  support 
those  men  in  Congress  who  would  like  to  favor  eman- 
cipation. We  have  six  agents  where  we  should  have 
seventy.  The  people  arc  ready  to  hear.  Lyceums 
which  could  not  formerly  endure  an  Abolitionist  on 
any  topic,  now  invite  them,  stipulating  that  they  shall 
talk  on  slavery.  It  is  the  sense  of  an  anti-slavery 
public  which  has  sustained  the  Tribune  in  its  decided 
anti-slavery  position.  But  we  make  the  anti-slavery 
public.  They  are  not  yet  all  converted.  Brownson's 
subscribers  dwindled  to  two  hundred  from  two  thou- 
sand, after  his  article  on  emancipation.  The  Aboli- 
tionists need  still  to  be  seen  in  advance.  They  have 
now  the  assistance  of  the  pulpit  everywhere,  and  of 
religious  presses.  Let  them  not  be  outstripped  by 
these.  Real  peace  is  not  to  be  expected  for  many 
years.  In  the  Union  or  out  of  it,  South  Carolina  will 
hate  New  England.  Victory  by  McClcllan  will  not 
bring  us  back  Representatives  and  Senators  from  the 
South.  All  we  can  hope  to  do  is  to  set  in  motion  in- 
strumentalities that  will  eventually  wear  out  prejudice 


and  hatred.  There  is  no  speedy  panacea  for  our  dis- 
ease of  long  standing.  We  may  have  a  military  re- 
public for  long  years.  Is  this  a  time  to  fold  our  hands, 
and  to  leave  our  work  to  recent  converts  and  shrewd 
hypocrites?  Speak  through  types,  if  you  cannot  of 
yourselves.  Mr.  Beceher  found  no  way  for  e mancipa- 
tion through  this  war,  because  he  had  never  read  John 
Quiney  Adams.  It  was  this  Society  which  had  put  in 
circulation  the  opinions  of  that  statesman  in  regard  to 
emancipation  under  the  war  power,  and  which  ought 
to  be  known  everywhere.  We  must  direct  the  guns 
which  the  rioters  of  last  year  are  now  pointing  on  the 
Potomac.  There  is  no  hope  of  a  coup  d'  etut  in  this 
country,  as  Mr.  Willis  had  hinted.  It  were  better  not 
so ;  we  cannot  safely  throw  overboard  the  rule  of  the 
majority.  We  must  educate  the  Government,  how- 
ever slowly.  Fremont  was  long  since  educated,  when 
he  wrote  his  proclamation.  We  must  educate  the  peo- 
ple to  gain  him  back  as  a  Major-General.  He  might 
still  be  there,  if  the  West  had  not  hung  its  head.  The 
undertone  of  the  West  had  just  saved  Siegel  from  dis- 
missal, and  it  might  have  saved  Fremont.  The  Ger- 
man clement  knew  what  it  wanted,  and  was  in  ear- 
nest. It  leaves  to  Yankee  Captains  and  Colonels  the 
dirty  work  of  returning  slaves  on  the  Potomac.  They 
have  come  over  from  Europe  to  enslave  no  man,  black 
or  white. 

Mr.  Philips  closed  by  an  appeal  for  the  treasury. 
Charles  Lenox:  Remond  next  spoke,  saying  that 
though  he  did  not  wish  to  take  gloomy  views,  or  to 
throw  cold  water  on  the  cause,  and  though  he  had  been 
reproved  for  his  desponding  remarks  of  yesterday,  he 
thought  those  remarks  should  be  rather  reaffirmed 
than  retracted.  He  found  confirmation  of  them  in  Mr. 
Phillips's  language.  He  would  not  have  the  colored 
man  school  himself  to  silence,  but  yet  patience,  cau- 
tion and  perseverance  were  necessary.  He  saw  small 
oause  for  encouragement  while  Boston  remains  a  base 
conservative  city,  and  Massachusetts  a  base  conserva- 
tive State.  The  foreigner  of  every  nation  is  welcomed 
among  us,  and  may  take  part  in  our  present  struggle, 
but  more  than  4,000,000  loyal  Americans  are  disfran- 
chised and  disregarded.  The  fact  (the  speaker  said) 
that  he  remained  in  this  country  proved  that  he  loved 
it  and  desired  its  welfare.  But  none  but  a  colored 
man  could  judge  of  the  depth  of  discouragement  felt 
by  that  class,  or  the  weight  of  the  prejudice  against 
them;  therefore  no  one  could  judge  of  the  position 
and  action  they  should  take.  The  leading  voice  of  the 
nation  cries — "Let  the  negro  go,  if  we  can  recover 
our  business-and  regain  peace  in  the  country."  An 
anti-slavery  meeting  recently  held  in  Danvers  was 
mobbed  by  a  party  of  soldiers,  led  by  a  Salem  officer, 
from  a  neighboring  camp.  While  such  things  contin- 
ued, he  could  not  be  cheerful. 

J.  B.  Swasey,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  said  that  he  had  not 
wished  to  put  the  Advertiser  in  the  same  grade  of  guilt 
with  the  Post  and  Courier.  But  these  all  represented 
the  trade  and  influence  of  Boston,  and  all  alike  hated 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
which  it  was  laboring.  The  Advertiser  was  not  so  ut- 
terly base,  malignant  and  indecent  as  the.  others,  be- 
cause it  represents  a  phase  of  Boston  "  respectability." 
But  it  was  only  more  insidious  as  it  was  more  respect- 
able. 

Mr.  Henry  Willis  wished  to  mention  an  incident 
which  took  place  at  Battle  Creek,  Michigan.  A  col- 
ored man,  Harrison  Brown  by  name,  had  come  from 
Kentucky  to  that  place  nine  years  before,  and  had 
led  an  honest  and  industrious  life,  paying  for  his  80 
acre  farm,  and  raising  fine  crops  from  it.  When  the 
volunteers  were  about  to  leave  Battle  Creek,  Brown 
was  asked  if  he  would  go  with  them  to  fight  the  re- 
bels. He  replied,  I  will  go  with  you  if  you  will  guar- 
antee me  when  I  return  that  I  shall  he  a  man,  and  en- 
joy the  rights  of  a  man.  He  begged  them  further  to 
remember  that  the  blood  they  were  to  lose  in  battle 
would  be  spilled  by  slavery,  and  that -interest  as  well 
as  duty  and  right  strongly  called  on  them  to  help  the 
slaves.  They  promised  that  they  would  help  them. 
And  these  men  came  back  from  Bull  Run  believing 
that  their  defeat  was  owing  to  the  help  given  to  the 
rebels  by  their  slaves. 

Mr.  AVTliis  referred  to  the  lecture  of  Dr.  Cheever 
and  the  songs  of  the  Hutchinsons  in  Washington  as 
cheering  signs  of  the  times;  and  told  of  his  own  in- 
doctrination in  anti-slavery  truth  in  Baltimore,  at  an 
early  age,  about  the  time  Mr.  Garrison  was  imprisoned 
there. 

William  Lloyd  Garrison  brought  forward  some 
resolutions,  the  report,  in  part,  of  the  Business  Com- 
mittee. Before  reading  them,  he  welcomed  Mr.  Wil- 
lis to  Boston,  speaking  of  the  hospitality  which  he  had 
received  from  him  in  Michigan,  and  of  the  thoroughness 
of  his  anti-slavery  labors  there.  His  friend  Willis,  he 
said,  bore  no  small  likeness  to  John  Brown,  both  in  fea- 
ture and  spirit.* 

The  resolutions  were  as  follows  : — 
Whereas,  since  the  last  anniversary  of  this  Society,  eleven 
of  the  Slave  States  have  treasonably  seceded  from  tbe 
Union,  and  organized  au  independent  Southern  Confede- 
racy, the  original  design  of  the  conspirators  being  to  seize 
the  Capital  and  overturn  the  National  Government ;  and, 
Whereas,  their  course  has  been  marked  by  all  that  is 
perfidious,  unprincipled,  brutal,  thievish  and  piratical  in 
spirit,  in  the  seizure  of  the  national  custom-houses,  post- 
offices,  mints,  arsenal:;,  forts  and  naval  vessels  within  their 
limits,  and  by  the  confiscation  of  Northern  property  and 
dues  to  the  amount  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars,  and 
by  the  capture  and  destruction  of  numerous  ships  on  the 
high  seas  sailing  under  the  American  flag  ;  and, 

Whereas,  every  one  of  the  remaining  Slave  States  (Dela- 
ware excepted,  because  only  nominally  included  in  the 
category)  is  so  full  of  treason  as  to  require  the  presence  of 
vast  armies  from  the  Free  States  to  force  them  into  feigned 
loyalty  to  the  Union,  —  the  withdrawal  of  which  forces 
would  instantly  be  the  signal  for  them  to  join  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  and  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  ;  and, 

Whereas,  the  National  Government  is  endeavoring  to 
suppress  this  formidable  rebellion,  as  wholly  unjustifiable 
on  any  valid  ground  of  complaint  or  any  rational  theory  of 
popular  sovereignty,  and  as  subversive  of  the  integrity  and 
peace  of  the  republic  ;   and, 

Whereas,  under  these  extraordinary  circumstances,  it  be- 
comes necessary  for  this  Society  to  define  its  position  re- 
specting the  sanguinary  struggle  now  going  on  between  the 
Government  and  the  rovoltcd  South  ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  this  Society  regards  the  Government  as 
wholly  in  the  right,  and  the  Secessionists  wholly  and  atro- 
ciously in  tho  wrong,  on  the  issues  presented  ;  and  de- 
clares, therefore,  that  all  the  accusations  brought  by  the 
latter  against  the  Government,  against  the  Republican 
Party,  and  against  the  People  of  the  North,  of  a  purpose 
to  treat  them  oppressively  and  unjustly,  and  to  act  a  per- 
fidious part  towards  them,  are  falso,  malicious  and  calum- 
niatory, incapable  of  being  sustained  by  a  particle  of  evi- 
dence, and  plainly  manufactured  to  subserve  their  treason- 
able ends,  and  shield  their  transcendently  villanous  conduct 
from  the  execration  of  the  civilized  world. 

Resolved,  however,  That,  in  thus  exonerating  tho  Gov- 
ernment and  People  of  the  North  from  the  foul  imputations 
so  lavishly  bestowod  upon  them  by  the  rebellious  South, 
this  Society  docs  not  mean  to  screen  or  extenuate  the  fear- 
ful guilt  they  have  incurred,  and  arc  incurring,  by  their 
complicity  with  slavery  as  shown  in  their  opposition  to  the 
Anti-Slavery  movement,  their  proscription  of  the  uncom- 
promising friends  of  universal  freedom,  their  injustice  to 
the  free  colored  population  among  them,  their  apologies 
and  pleas  for  those  who  are  slaveholders,  and  their  unwil- 
lingness to  throw  off  tho  heavy  responsibilities  resting  upon 
them,  by  repentance  and  reformation. 

Resolved,  That  this  Sooiety  still  religiously  holds,  in 
view  of  its  pro-slavery  guaranties,  that  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  as  accepted  and  administered  from  the 
time  of  its  adoption  to  the  hour  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
South,  was  "a  covenant  with  death  and  an  agreement  with 
hell,"  containing  within  itself  tho  elements  out  of  which 
disunion,  treason  and  civil  war  have  as  naturally  and  in- 
evitably sprung  as  tho  harvest  follows  tho  sowing  of  tho 
seed  ;  so  that,  if  the  same  wild  and  guilty  experiment  were 
tried  a  thousand  times  over,  the  same  tragical  results  would 
follow,  in  the  nature  of  things.     Nevertheless, 

Resolved,  That  (though  it  implies  no  spocial  merit  on 
the  part  of  the  people  of  tho  North )  it  is  matter  of  devout 
thanksgiving  that,  in  consequence  of  the  high-handed, 
treasonablo  withdrawal  from  the  Union  of  tho  Confederate 
States, — and  also  of  the  imperative  necessity,  to  preserve 
even  tho  semblance  of  loyalty  in  Maryland,  Kentucky  and 


Missouri,  (tho  two  last  indeed  having  been  recently  voted 
into  the  Confederacy,)  that  they  should  be  invested  by  tho 
armies  of  tho  North, — "the  covenant  with  death"  is  an- 
nulled, and  "  the  agreement  with  hell"  no  longer  stands ; 
so  that,  for  tho  first  timo  since  its  formation,  the  Govern- 
ment, whether  by  tho  decree  of  the  President  or  by  act  of 
Congress,  has  now  the  constitutional  right,  which  now  be- 
comos  its  solemn  duty  and  glorious  prerogative,  under  the 
war  power,  as  necessary  to  tho  speedy  suppression  of  the 
rebellion,  tho  removal  of  its  cause,  and  the  preservation  of 
the  Union,  to  "proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land 
unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 

Resolved,  That  (in  the  language  of  John  Quiney  Adams) 
"by  the  law  of  nations,  military  authority  takes,  for  the 
time,  the  place  of  all  municipal  institutions,  and  slaveky 
ajiong  the  rest  ;  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far 
from  its  being  true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists 
have  the  exclusive  management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho 
President  of  the  United  States,  hut  the  Commander  of  tho 
Army,  has  power  to  order  the  universal  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  ;  that,  from  the  instant  that  the  slaveholding  States 
become  tho  theatre  of  a  war,  civil,  servile  or  foreign,  from 
that  instant  tho  war  powers  of  Congress  extend  to  interfer- 
ence with  the  institution  of  slavery,  in  every  way  in  which 
it  can  be  interfered  with  ;  and  that,  by  the  laws  of  war,  an 
invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institutions 
swept  by  the  board,  and  national  power  takes  the  place  of 
them."     Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  for  Congress  or  tho  President  to  waive 
the  exercise  of  this  constitutional  power  is  to  invigorate 
the  rebellion,  give  "aid  and  countenance"  to  the  traitors, 
imperil  the  life  of  the  Government  and  the  unity  of  the 
republic,  criminally  prolong  a  sanguinary  strife  at  a  fear- 
ful expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure,  render  victory  hope- 
less, and  ensure  the  speedy  recognition  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Southorn  Confederacy  by  the  governments  of 
Europe  ;  and  thus  to  lose  the  sublinu'st  opportunity  in  the 
history  of  the  world  for  the  achievement  of  a  grand  and 
beneficent  work  towards  the  oppressors  and  the  oppressed 
alike,  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  free  republic  upon 
the  foundations  of  impartial  liberty  and  eternal  justice. 

Resolved,  That  the  worst  enemies  of  the  Government 
are  those  here  at  the  North,  who,  wearing  the  mask  of 
loyalty  in  order  that  thoy  may  the  more  effectually  sub- 
serve the  designs  of  the  Southern  conspirators,  are  con- 
stantly menacing  and  bullying  it  with  alleged  divisions  in 
the  army  and  among  the  people,  to  its  final  overthrow,  if  it 
shall  dare  exercise  its  unquestionable  right  by  the  law  of 
nations,  and  its  undeniable  right  by  the  Constitution,  under 
the  war  power,  to  abolish  slavery  as  the  most  effective  way, 
nay,  the  only  method  to  ward  off  impending  calamities  and 
put  down  the  rebellion;  and  public  indignation  should  flame 
against  them,  so  that  the  soil  should  be  too  hot  for  them  to 
stand  upon  it,  except  as  objects  of  universal  execration. 

Resolved,  That  the  attempt  of  these  pseudo  loyalists  to 
place  the  Abolitionists  of  the  North  and  the  Secessionists 
of  the  South  in  the  same  category,  is  an  exhibition  of 
brazen  effrontery  and  satanic  malignity  ;  being  matched 
only  by  the  assertion  that  God  and  Mammon,  Christ  and 
Belial,  the  servants  of  righteousness  and  the  workers  of 
iniquity,  are  all  equally  to  be  abhorred  and  condemned. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  appreciate,  at  its  true  value, 
tho  insulting  and  bullying  tone  of  the  London  Times,  and 
other  venal  and  purchased  English  journals,  against  the 
people  and  Government  of  tho  North,  and  in  encourage- 
ment and  defence  of  the  Southern  traitors  ;  and  while  we 
are  equally  astonished  and  grieved  to  find  so  much  miscon- 
ception prevailing  in  England  as  to  the  real  issues  involved 
n  this  struggle — we,  nevertheless,  discriminate  between 
the  aristocracy,  toryism  and  rabble  of  that  country,  and 
i  mass  of  its  intelligent  and  progressive  people,  repre- 
ted  by  such  papers  as  the  London  Daily  News  and  Morn- 
ing Advertiser,  and  by  such  men  as  John  Bright,  Richard 
Cobden,  Geo.  Thompson,  T.  Perronet  Thompson,  and  Wm. 
E.  Forster,  who,  clearly  analyzing  this  tangled  question, 
and  comprehending  the  immense  difference  of  spirit  and 
purpose  actuating  the  two  contending  sections  of  this  re- 
public, are  nobly  vindicating  at  home  the  cause  of  free  in- 
stitutions in  this  hemisphere,"  and  espousing  the  side  of  the 
people  of  the  North  against  the  treasonable -slave  oli- 
garchy of  the  South.  ~*  - 
Adjourned  to  2£  P.  M. 

Afternoon  Session.  The  meeting  having  been 
called  to  order,  Mr.  May,  in  behalf  of  the  Committee 
Nomination,  presented  a  list  of  officers,  first  men- 
tioning that  there  had  been  lost  from  our  ranks,  since 
the  last  annual  meeting,  the  President,  Francis  Jack- 
son, and  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  Richard  Clap 
of  Dorchester. 

The  officers  nominated  were  as  follows: — 
President — Edmund  Quincy,  of  Dedham. 
Vice  Presidents — Andrew  Robeson,  New  Bedford  ; 
Adin  Ballou,  Milford;  Jefferson  Church,  Springfield; 
Josiah  Henshaw,  West  Brookfield ;  Henry  I.  Bow- 
ditch,  Boston ;  James  N.  Buffum,  Lynn ;  George 
Flint,  Rutland  ;  John  T.  Hilton,  Brighton ;  Bourne 
Spooner,  Plymouth ;  William  Ashby,  Newburyport; 
John  Bailey,  Lynn;  Ellis  Allen,  Medfield;  David  P. 
Harmon,  Haverhill;  Thomas  T.  Stone,  Bolton;  Wil- 
liam Whiting,  Concord;  Ezekiel  Thaoher,  Barnsta- 
ble ;  Charles  Lenox  Remond,  Salem ;  John  Clement, 
Townsend  ;  Atkinson  Stanwood,  Newburyport ;  Josh- 
ua T.  Everett,  Princeton  ;  Benjamin  Snow,  Jr.,  Fitch- 
burg;  George  Miles,  Westminster;  Timothy  Davis, 
Fram'mgham ;  Zebina  Small,  Harwich ;  Wm.  Pope, 
Jr.,  Dorchester. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Samuel  May,  Jr.  Leices- 
ter. 
Recording  Secretary — Robert  F.  Wallcut,  Boston. 
Treasurer — Edmund  Jackson,  Boston. 
Auditor — William  I.  Bowoitck,  Brookline. 
Councillors — William    Lloyd    Garrison  ;    Edmund 
Quincy;    Wendell   Phillips;    Maria   W.     Chapman; 
Charles   K.    Whipple;    Anne  W.  Weston;    William 
I.  Bowditch  ;  John  T.  Sargent;  Charles  E,  Hodges; 
Charles  Follen. 

Rev.  Edwin  Thompson  was  then  introduced.  He 
said  he  felt  unwilling  to  let  this  Convention  pass  with- 
out saying  something.  He  had  attended,  he  believed, 
every  annual  meeting  of  the  Society  from  1833  to  the 
present  time,  and  this  was  the  first  one  in  which  he 
had  not  heard  a  hiss ;  and  yet  some  of  the  strongest 
utterances  he  had  ever  heard  had  been  made  here. 
He  thought  that  if  ever  any  movementhad  triumphed, 
it  was  the  old  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society. 
Not  long  ago,  Mr.  Thompson  said,  he  heard  the 
Hon.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  lecture  in  Lynn,  and  he 
commenced  by  repeating  the  lines  of  Whittier,  so  fa- 
miliar to  anti-slavery  ears — 

"  Is  this  the  land  our  fathers  loved, 

The  freedom  which  they  toiled  to  win  ? 
Is  this  the  soil  on  which  they  moved  ; 
Are  these  the  graves  they  slumber  in  ?  " 

This  from  one  who  had  been  a  hunker  of  the  hun- 
kers! If  that  did  not  indicate  progress,  he  did  not 
know  what  progress  was. 

In  allusion  to  the  general  feeling  of  the  public,  Mr. 
T.  said  he  believed  the  sentiment  of  the  country  on 
the  slavery  question  was  very  much  like  that  enter- 
tained by  the  members  of  this  Society.  Wherever  lie 
went,  the  people  almost  all  talked  one  way.  The 
blunders  of  the  enemies  of  freedom  had  helped  the 
cause  mightily.  After  the  attack  on  fort  Sumter,  the 
Hunkers  found  themselves  turned  round,  they  scarce- 
ly knew  how,  and  he  did  not  wonder  they  had  felt 
somewhat  awkward  ever  since. 

Mr.  Remond  had  said  that  the  colored  people  were 
not  heard  in  the  country.  He  thought  differently  ; 
that  the  still  small  voice  of  the  slave  of  the  South  was 
heard  every  clay,  and  would  have  an  important  influ- 
ence in  the  settlement  of  the  great  question.  He  felt 
much  encouraged  and  strengthened  in  regard  to  the 
issue  of  the  conflict.  Tho  reason  why  the  anti-slavery 
people  had  succeeded  was  because  they  had  inquired 
simply  what  was  right,  not  what  the  nation  liked. 
They  had  relied  solely  on  the  truth,  and  against  that, 
no  man  or  body  of  men  was  powerful  enough  to 
stand. 

Mr.  Thompson's  remarks  were  interspersed  with 
several  pleasant  and  pertinent  anecdotes,  which  cre- 
ated considerable  merriment,  and  he  was  frequently 
applauded. 

Stbphbn  S.  Foster  said  he  had  listened  with  a 
great  deal  of  attention  and  interest  to  the  discussions 
that  had  taken  place,  and  had  endeavored  to  profit  by 
them.  At  the  same  time,  he  felt  that  while  he  was 
profited  by  the  remarks  of  others,  he  should  afford 
others  an  opportunity  to  profit,  if  possible,  by  his  ex- 
perience and  investigations.     He  believed  that  the  sal 


vation  of  our  country  depended  (if  it  was  to  he  saved) 
on  the  union  of  our  countrymen  ;  and,  divided  and 
hostile  as  we  had  been  in  our  feelings,  that  union  could 
not  take  place  without  great  sacrifice  of  personal  feel- 
ing. The  Abolitionists  asked  politicians  to  sacrifice 
their  parties,  and  they  must  show  themselves  as  ready 
to  make  sacrifices  as  to  ask  them. 

Two  aspects  of  the  cause  had  been  presented  to 
them — one  sombre  and  gloomy,  the  other  pleasing  and 
delightful.  It  was  not  necessary,  it  seemed  to  him,  to 
decide  which  of  these  aspects  was  the  true  one,  for  it 
matters  little  ;  but  one  thing  was  certain — the  work  in 
which  they  enlisted  thirty  years  ago  must  be  done,  or 
the  slave  can  never  have  his  freedom  in  fact,  nor  can 
the  country  ever  have  a  real  prosperity.  One  thing 
he  thought  was  settled,  and  that  w8s,  that  there  can 
be  no  true  liberty  in  the  absence  of  intelligence  and 
virtue;  and  just  in  proportion  to  their  prevalence, 
would  a  people  be  happy  and  prosperous. 

The  object  of  this  Society,  when  it  was  established) 
was  not  merely  to  destroy  the  form  of  slavery,  but  to 
destroy  the  spirit  of  oppression,  which  showed  itself,  at 
the  South,  in  the  form  of  slavery,  and  at  the  North, 
in  the  bitter  and  relentless  prejudice  against  color. 
Until  that  spirit  was  rooted  out  of  the  American 
heart,  their  work  would  not  be  done  ;  and  it  was  not 
material  to  him  what  were  the  objects  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  or  what  the  purposes  of  General  McClcllan. 
This  battle  of  freedom  was  not  to  be  settled  by  armies, 
this  question  was  not  to  be  settled  on  the  battle-field  ; 
it  was  to  be  settled  in  the  hearts  and  in  the  heads  of 
the  people  of  the  North.  If  the  people  were  but 
right,  he  cared  not  what  became  of  the  Government. 

If  we  ever  had  a  President  who  carried  out  the  true 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  that  President  was  Abraham 
Lincoln.  (Applause.)  He  said,  when  he  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  that  he  stood  there  sim- 
ply as  the  passive  agent  of  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try, to  obey  the  will  of  his  masters,  the  American  peo- 
ple, and  he  (Mr.  F. )  had  no  reason  to  believe  that  he 
had  ever  swerved  from  that  purpose.  He  believed 
that  the  President  was  far  more  willing  to  go  for  free- 
dom than  for  slavery,  if  he  had  an  undoubting  con- 
viction that  the  American  people  would  sustain  him 
in  such  a  course.  Hence,  instead  of  condemning  the 
Administration,  he  would  condemn  the  Government  of 
this  country,  which  is  the  people  of  the  country.  Was 
it  the  fault  of  Abraham  Lincoln  that  there  were  four 
millions  of  slaves  in  their  chains  to-day,  that  the  traf- 
fic in  human  flesh  was  still  going  on  in  the  city  of 
Washington  1  No,  the  fault  lay  back  of  the  Presi- 
dent, or  the  Administration.  Where  was  Congress? 
(Applause.)  If  the  people  wanted  freedom,  why  did 
they  not  say  so,  through  their  representatives,  and 
take  the  responsibility  on  their  own  shoulders,  not  ask 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  do  it?  (Applause.)  Many  a 
man  had  stepped  in  advance  of  his  party  in  this  cause 
of  freedom,  during  the  last  thirty  years,  and  what 
had  been  his  fate  ?  Crucified,  almost  without  excep- 
tion 1  Why  blame  Abraham  Lincoln  for  not  going  lor 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  when  Charles  Sumner  could 
not  have  the  support  of  the  Republican  party  of 
Massachusetts  1 

Mr.  Foster  thought  it  was  a  mistake  to  suppose  that 
the  people  were  all  right  on  this  question  ;  that  they 
were  demanding,  with  an  almost  united  voice,  the 
overthrow  of  this  accursed  institution.  It  was  not 
so.  He  had  no  doubt  that  if  the  question  were  put  to 
the  masses,  whether  slavery  should  be  abolished,  that 
they  would  vote  for  it ;  but  if  they  were  asked  to  east 
off  the  hunker  leaders,  and  avow  a  purpose  to  support 
the  Administration  in  spite  of  their  leaders,  they 
would  not  do  it.  The  Government  was  between  two 
contending  influences, — the  hunkerism  of  the  coun- 
try, which  holds  the  purse,  without  which  the  Ad- 
ministration can  do  nothing,  and  the  sympathizing 
feelings  of  the  inert  masses,  who  can  do  nothing  but 
talk  "and  fight — who  cannot  pay  the  bills ;  and  Mr. 
Lincoln  dare  ffdi-trust  himself  in  the  arms  of  the  inert 
masses.  Their  duty,  a^-  jr-Society.  was,  to  summon 
these  masses  into  active  life,  to  breathe  upon  these 
dry  bones,  that  they  may  live.  If  this  work  could  be 
done,  our  country  could  be  saved,  not  otherwise^ 
The  "keep-still"  policy  had  been  tried,  and  it  did 
not  work.  They  must  speak  out,  speak  as  the  thun- 
der speaks,  in  tones  against  which  the  people  could 
not  close  their  ears.  The  moment  was  full  of  hope, 
but  full  of  peril  also  to  both  races.  Of  course,  the 
Abolitionists  should  exercise  the  utmost  vigilance. 
This  was  no  time  to  sleep  ;  and  the  most  hopeful  sign 
of  these  meetings  was  the  last  speech  of  their  noble 
friend,  Wendell  Phillips,  in  which  he  summoned  them 
to  the  battle.  This  question  was  to  be  decided  by  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  as  the  representative 
of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  land.  If 
they  could  keep  themselves  right,  all  would  go  well. 
There  was  but  one  door  of  escape  from  the  evils  the 
country  was  now  suffering,  and  that  was,  by  repent- 
ance, by  eradicating  from  our  hearts  the  spirit  of  des- 
potism. The  negro,  ignorant,  degraded  as  he  wa3, 
must  stand  by  our  side,  and  we  must  say  to  him, 

Stand  there,  brother !  " 

A  great  and  mighty  work  was  entrusted  to  the 
hands  of  the  Abolitionists.  The  eyes  of  the  friends 
oT  freedom  throughout  the  world  were  turned  towards 
them,  and  their  hope  {if  they  understood  this  ques- 
tion) was  in  the  Abolitionists,  in  this  struggle  to  vin- 
dicate the  capacity  of  the  race  for  self-government. 
While  they  were  criticising  others  so  freely,  the  all- 
important  thing  was  self-examination  and  self-criti- 
cism ;  for  any  fault  in  them  was  like  poison  cast  into 
a  fountain.  They  must  keep  right  themselves,  or 
how  could  they  set  others  right? 

Mr.  F.  then  referred  to  the  principles  on  which  the 
anti-slavery  movement  was  founded,  and  said  that 
there  had  been  no  change  in  circumstances  that  could 
possibly  affect  any  principles  that  were  true  in  them- 
selves. At  the  outset,  they  had  demanded  the  im- 
mediate and  unconditional  abolition  -of  slavery,  with- 
out expatriation,  and  without  compensation.  They 
had  declared  that  slavery  was  a  crime,  and  that  the 
master  deserved,  not  a  bonus  for  emancipating  his 
slaves,  but  a  halter  for  not  emancipating  them.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

He  declared  that  the  claim  of  property  in  man  was 
a  false,  fraudulent  and  guilty  claim,  and  hence  that  to 
seen),  even,  to  recognize  it  by  compensation  was  to  do 
a  mighty  wrong  to  the  great  principles  of  justice. 
For  thirty  years,  they  had  presented  an  unbroken 
front  against  the  demands  of  the  slaveholder.  His 
(Mr.  F.'s)  opinion  remained  unchanged  in  regard  to 
this  matter.  Not  for  his  right  hand  would  he  put  it 
to  a  petition  asking  Congress  to  compensate  loyal 
masters  for  the  emancipation  of  their  slaves.  He 
questioned  not  the  honesty  of  the  man  who  did  It,  but 
he  thought  lie  must  have  been  swerved  from  his  per- 
ceptions of  truth  by  the  peculiar  circumstances  that 
surrounded  him. 

Mr.  Foster  then  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  position 
of  the  Abolitionists  in  regard  to  the  Government. 
The  outside  world  thought  they  had  changed  their 
position.  For  fifteen  years,  they  had  declared  that 
they  could  not  support  the  Constitution,  because  of  its 
guarantees  to  slavery.  The  Constitution  was  the 
same  to-day  as  it  was  yesterday  ;  not  a  letter  had  been 
changed,  and  there  never  had  been  an  Administration 
so  thoroughly  devoted  to  slavery  as  the  present;  no 
other  ever  returned  bo  many  fugitive  slaves,  nor  did 
so  much  to  propitiate  the  Slave  Power.  Under  these 
circumstances,  was  there  any  sufficient  reason  for 
their  going  out  before  tho  world,  and  giving  their 
sanction  and  support  to  the  Government  1  He  thought 
not,  and  had  acted  all  along  in  accordance  with  this 
conviction. 

For  himself,  he  had  no  trouble  with  the  Constitu- 
tion. He  defied  any  man  to  write  a  better  instrument. 
There  was  no  more  slavery  in  it  than  polygamy.  It 
was  nothing  hut  a  series  of  great  principles,  impartial 
in  their  application.  He  claimed  that  Congress  had 
the  right,  even  in  time  of  peace,  to  strike  down  an 
institution  which  not  only  threatened  the  interests  of 
the  country,  but  was  itself  a  base  and  criminal  insti- 
tution, just  aB  they  had,  by  the  embargo,  (as  Mr. 
PhllHpa  luul  sold,)  brought  ruin  to  the  commercial  in- 
terests of  tho  North,  for  tho  reason  that  tho  public 
good  required  it. 


In  conclusion,  Mr.  Foster  spoke  strongly  in  favor  of 
increased  activity  and  zeal  by  the  members  of  the 
Society  in  their  efforts  to  touch  the  conscience  and 
enlighten  the  mind  of  the  people  on  the  great  ques- 
tion now  so  prominently  before  the  country.  He 
thought  that  there  was  an  erroneous  impression  abroad, 
that  the  war  would  settle  slavery,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  further  for  Abolitionists  to  do.  The  times 
were  auspicious.  All  that  was  needed  was  Borne 
mighty  man  to  go  forth  to  rally  and  lead  the  hosts  of 
freedom  to  the  conflict — some  man  who  could  rally 
all  the  friends  of  freedom  into  one  mighty  host.  Place 
Dr.  Cheever,  Wendell  Phillips,  Gerrit  Smith,  Orestes 
A.  Brownson  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  side  by  side, 
and  they  would  sweep  all  before  them.    He  cared  not 

ho  was  in  the  Presidential  chair;  he  could  tell  who 
would  make  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  that  was  all 
he  wished.     (Applause.) 

Rev.  Thomas  II.  Joneb,  formerly  of  North  Caroli- 
na, spoke  briefly,  vindicating  the  capacity  of  the  col- 
ored man  for  education,  and  his  title  to  freedom.  In 
reference  to  the  change  which  has  taken  place  in  the 
popular  feeling,  .he  said  that  it  was  indicated  by  the 
fact  that  whereas  men  like  himself  were  formerly 
called  "fugitives,"  they  were  now  called  "contra- 
bands," and  their  masters  "fugitives."  He  thank- 
ed God  for  the  change.  His  reliance  was  not  upon 
Congress,  nor  the  army,  but  upon  the  God  of  the 
oppressed,  who  would  stretch  forth  his  arm  to  save. 
He  expected  to  go  to  Wilmington,  North  Carolina, 
again,  as  a  freeman,  and  no  one  need  to  have  any  fear 
that  the  supply  of  cotton  or  rice  would  be  less,  after 
the  slaves  were  emancipated,  than  itisnow.  "Take 
away  your  masters!"  said  he.  And,  thank  God, 
they  are  going  very  fast. 

Mr.  John  C.  Cluer  said  he  wanted  to  say  a  few 
words  in  regard  to  the  views  of  the  people  on  the  other 
side  of  the  water  touching  our  quarrel.  The  London 
Times  did  not  represent  the  bone  and  muscle  of  Eng- 
land, by  any  means.  It  had  always  been  opposed  to 
the  masses.  He  thought  England,  Ireland  and 
Scotland  were  very  well  represented  in  the  army  that 
is  now  battling  with  secession.  (Applause.)  The 
aristocracy  of  Europe  were  on  the  side  of  the  South, 
the  people  sympathized  with  the  North.  The  "  Com- 
plaint of  the  Negro"  was  a  common  song  of  the  facto- 
ry operatives  in  the  old  country,  because  their  own 
oppression  gave  them  sympathy  for  the  slave.  If 
Lincoln  should  proclaim  emancipation,  the  people 
would  rebel  against  their  Government  sooner  than 
have  a  war  with  this  country. 

He  was  pleased  to  see  the  great  change  that  had 
taken  place  in  the  community,  and  especially  among 
the  religious  sects.  They  did  not  feel  obliged  any 
longer  to  go  back  to  antediluvian  times,  to  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah,  but  could  pray  for  the  success  of  our  ar- 
my, and  for  the  liberation  of  the  slaves.  He  congrat- 
ulated the  Society  on  the  manifest  progress  that  had 
been  made,  and  the  auspicious  signs  of  the  times; 
and  in  this  connection  paid  a  warm  tribute  to  Mr.  Phil- 
lips as  a  genuine  Democrat,  referring  to  the  fact  that 
when  Mr.  P.  was  in  England,  instead  of  seeking  in- 
troductions to  the  aristocracy,  he  perilled  his  populari- 
ty by  finding  his  way  into  a  loft  among  the  Chartists, 
and  spoke  with  them  and  sympathized  with  them. 
He  (Mr.  C.)  was  one  of  those  despised,  hunted  and 
banished  Chartists,  and  he  knew  that  every  one  of 
them  sympathized  with  the  North,  especially  when  it 
up  to  the  mark  of  adopting,  as  its  motto,  "  Lib- 
erty for  all  men,  regardless  of  birth  or  complexion  !  " 
He  was  an  anti-slavery  man,  not  because  of  the  black 
man  or  woman  in  slavery,  hut  because  the  liberty  of 
his  own  wife  and  children  depended,  in  some  degree, 
on  his  laboring,  and  thinking,  and  speaking  for  others. 
God  speed  the  day,  said  Mr.  C,  when  the  stars  and 
stripes  shall  be  emblematic  of  freedom,  and  when 
a  shont  of  jubilee  shall  be  heard  throughout  our  coun- 
try, proclaiming  that  all  beneath  that  Mag  are  free  and 
equal,  enjoying  all  the  blessings  of  liberty  ! 

Mr.  May,  from  the  Business  Committee,  read  the 
following  resolutions : — 

Resolved,  That  to  our  already-lengthened  obituary  r*tj- 
istry,  we  have  now  to  add  the  Tiame  of  Francis  Jackson. 
Lent  to  humanity  in  a  period  of  its  sternest  need,  but 
tly  endowed  to  meet  its  demands  ;  as  a  man  and  a 
citizen,  possessed  in  a  high  degree  of  those  generous  quali- 
ties which  dignify  and  adorn  as  well  as  perpetuate  a  State; 
a  lover  of  justice  above  everything  else;  as  a  reformer, 
among  the  earliest  in  our  times,  as  well  as  truest,  bravest 
and  most  sereue;  seeing  always  with  anointed  vision,  with 
duty  ever  his  guiding  star;  none  were  too  high  for  his 
kind  but  firm  rebuke  when  sinning,  none  too  low  for  his 
sympathy  and  succor  when  suffering;  his  roof  sheltered 
freedom  of  speech  when  driven  by  mayors,  mobs,  and  the 
whole  multitude  from  every  other  refuge:— there,  too,  was 
welcomed  the  fugitive  slave,  and  there  he  was  ever  secure. 
The  cause  of  Temperance  and  of  Peace  found  in  him  a  con- 
stant and  consistent  advocate  and  supporter;  the  Woman's 
Eights  enterprise  shared  largely  in  his  ever-abounding 
beneficence ;  religious  bigotry  and  intolerance  stood  abashed 
and  rebuked  in  the  sunshine  of  his  noble  and  manly  life, 
which  illustrated  tho  highest  love  of  God  in  never-ceasing 
regard  for  man;  and,  exalting  as  he  did,  in  every  relation 
of  life,  the  possibilities  of  human  nature  in  its  reach 
towards  perfection,  his  departure  is  a  private,  a  publio 
and  general  loss,  mourned  most  deeply  by  this  Souiety, 
whose  presiding  officer  and  ornament  be  was  for  so  many 
years. 

Resolved,  That  tbe  Anti-Slavery  cause,  within  the  past 
year,  in  the  translation  to  a  higher  sphere  of  those  vener- 
able men,  Richard  Clap,  of  Dorchester,  (for  many  years 
an  honored  officer  of  this  Society,)  Nathan  Winslow,  of 
Portland,  and  Amos  Farssworth,  formerly  of  Groton,  has 
parted  with  those  who  were  among  its  earliest,  most  in- 
trepid and  earnest  friends,  advocates  and  benefactors, 
whose  memories  deserve  to  be  held  in  grateful  and  lasting 
remembrance. 

The  President.  I  feel,  ladies  and  gentlemen, 
members  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
that  it  would  hardly  be  proper  in  me  to  allow  the 
first  of  these  resolutions  to  pass  without  a  word,  in 
view  of  the  fact,  that  you  have  done  me  the  great 
honor  of  placing  me  in  the  seat  made  vacant  by  that 
lamented  death.  I  did  not  feel,  at  the  time  the  nomi- 
nation was  made,  and  accepted  by  you,  as  if  I  could 
speak  upon  that  theme,  when  I  remembered  that  at 
the  time  I  first  came  into  this  cause,  five-and-twenty 
years  ago,  Mr.  Jackson  occupied  the  chair  of  its  pre- 
siding officer.  He  presided  at  the  first  meeting  I  ever 
attended  and  addressed,  and  has  stood  before  the 
world,  especially  before  the  world  of  Massachusetts, 
and  more  particularly  of  Boston,  as  it  were,  the  in- 
carnation of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause;  and  he  bore  it 
so  simply,  with  such  dignity,  he  made  it  so  eminently 
respectable  and  honorable,  that  even  those  who  hated 
anti-slavery,  honored  and  respected  him.  There  was 
no  man  who  went  down  "  where  merchants  most  do 
congregate,"  among  the  bank  officers  and  insurance 
officers  and  the  men  of  business, — there  was  no  man 
in  Boston  more  honored  by  that  class  of  men  than 
Francis  Jackson.  With  a  modest  competency — 
modest,  as  the  ideas  of  tho  world  now  are — which  he 
had  acquired  by  his  own  industry,  there  was  no  man 
in  this  city,  which  boasts  so  much  of  its  charities  and 
munificence,  who  exceeded  him  in  liberality  in  pro- 
portion to  his  means.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying, 
that  not  Amos  Lawrence,  nor  Samuel  Appleton,  nor 
any  of  those  men  whose  names  are  proverbial  for 
thcirbounty  and  munificence,  gave  more  to  public 
objects,  or  private  charities,  in  proportion  to  their 
means,  than  Francis  Jackson.  But,  beyond  and 
above  all  that,  I  honor,  esteem  and  love  him,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  in  which 
position  he  has  stood  certainly  since  1836,  in  the  very 
forefront  of  the  nnli-slavery  battle.  At  the  time  when 
this  city  was  full  of  mob  violence,  when  Mr.  Gar- 
rison was  dragged  through  the  streets,  and  was  res- 
cued from  the  hands  of  the  mob  only  by  having  the 
keys  of  the  jail  turned  upon  him,  when  the  Mayor  de- 
clared that  he  was  Incompetent  to  afford  him  any 
other  protection,  —  at  that  very  time,  when  it  was 
doubtful  whether  the  society  of  ladies  which  was  the 
occasion  of  that  mob,  could  hold  its  meeting  any 
where,  without  tho  building  in  which  it  was  held 
being  torn  down,  he  offered  his  house  tor  the  use  of 
that  Society,  and  said  that  If  au  ami  slavery  masting 


could  not  be  held  in  his  house  without  its  being  de 
strayed,  he  was  ready  to  have  it  fall,  and  would  rather 
have  it  fall.  He  had  entered  the  anti-slavery  cause 
before  that,  but  that  was  the  month  of  his  baptism 
into  it,  and  from  that  time  to  this,  there  is  no  man 
whose  name  haB  been  more  thoroughly  identified  with 
it  than  his.  I  acknowledge  the  honor  you  have  done 
me  by  putting  me  in  his  place.  I  wish  I  could  believe 
I  could  fill  it  in  any  way  properly  ;  but  I  will  dothe  best 
I  can  to  justify  the  confidence  you  have  placed  in  me. 
And  I  can  say,  that  I  hope  my  term  of  office  will  be 
very  short.  I  wish  I  could  feel  that  this  is  the 
last  meeting  which  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery 
Society  will  ever  hold,  excepting  when  they  come 
together  to  rejoice  with  the  slave  at  the  jubilee.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

As  to  these  other  honored  names,  less  known,  per- 
haps, to  many  of  this  audience  than  Mr.  Jackson, 
those  who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  attending  anti- 
slavery  meetings  for  the  last  thirty  years  know  them 
well.  We  well  remember  their  reverend  heads,  their 
venerable  features.  We  recollect  their  acts  of  bounty 
and  m  unificenee.  We  remember  the  countenance,  en- 
couragement and  advice  which  they  have  given  to  the  - 
cause,  and  which  have  greatly  tended  to  its  advance- 
ment. 

Henry  Willis,  of  Battle  Creek,  Michigan,  said— 
The  name  of  Francis  Jackson  has  for  twenty-five 
years  been  held  in  the  highest  esteem  and  honor  by 
the  anti-slavery  portion  of  the  Northwest ;  and  I  know 
that  I  speak  the  universal  feeling  among  them,  when 
I  say,  that  the  death  of  no  man  in  the  nation,  perhaps, 
could  have  been  more  deeply  regretted  than  that  of 
Francis  Jackson. 

The  question  was  then  put,  and  the  resolutions 
adopted  unanimously. 

Adjourned  to  meet  at  Music  Hall,  at  7  o'clock. 

Evening  Session.  The  evening  meeting  at  the 
Music  Hall  was  largely  attended,  and  addresses  were 
made  by  Rev.  A.  A.  Miner,  Rev.  J.  M.  Manning, 
and  Wendell  Phillips.  We  shall  print  them  in 
full  hereafter. 

The  receipts  at  the  meetings  (which  will  be  ac- 
knowledged in  detail  next  week)  were  as  follows  :— 
Contributions,  471.15;  Pledges,  §350.50. 


THE    TWENTY-EIGHTH    AHTT-SLAVEEX 
SUBSCRIPTION   ANNIVERSARY. 

This  Anniversary  was  held  as  usual  at  the  Music 
Hall,  on  the  22d  of  January,  and  was  successful  be- 
yond the  anticipation  of  the  ladies  who  gave  out  the 
invitations.  The  travelling  was  very  bad,  and  the 
state  of  the  atmosphere  such  as  to  take  all  elasticity 
from  the  spirits  of  men  ;  yet  the  large  Hall  was  very__ 
full.  Considering  the  hard  pressure  of  the  tirnesv-arid 
the  numerous  imperious  demands  now  made  on  indi- 
vidual benevolence,  the  donations  were  liberal.  Most 
of  our  old  friends  remembered  us,  and  in  letters  of 
warmest  sympathy  bade  us  God  speed,  regretting 
that  the  circumstances  of  the  country  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary to  diminish  their  customary  contributions. 
All  these  letters  expressed,  more  or  less  earnestly,  a 
deep  conviction  that  the  Abolitionists  of  the  old  school 
ought  not  to  discontinue  or  abate  their  exertions. 
This  conviction  is  founded  on  the  fact  that  the  com- 
munity in  general  are  sadly  deficient  in  sentiments  of 
justice  and  humanity  toward  the  slaves ;  and  therefore 
whenever  the  time  of  emancipation  comes,  or  in  what- 
ever form  it  comes,  there  is  great  danger  that  little  or 
no  attention  will  be  paid  to  their  welfare  and  improve- 
ment. The  habit  of  believing  only  the  masters'  state- 
ments, and  of  regarding  only  the  masters'  interests, 
has  become  so  inveterate,  that  a  constant  and  energet- 
ic exertion  of  moral  influence  is  needed  to  counteract 
it,  or  at  least  to  modify  it.  We  cordially  thank  our 
friends,  one  and  all,  for  the  pecuniary  aid  they  have 
given  us  to  carry  on  this  righteous  work,  and  also  for 
their  letters  of  sympathy  and  good  counsel. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  the  meeting 
was  the  presence  of  Mr.  Davis,  a  highly  intelligent 
dark  brown  man  from  Fortress  Munroe ;  one  of  those 
of  whom  we  have  heard  so  much  under  the  name  of 
-  "  .^j**? bands."  ^-'-J-5  touching  in  the  extreme  toTiear 
this  man  tell  how  earnest  was  Lio  '  ■—■  -  '  ■--  * 
read  the  Bible,  and  how  diligently  he  kppiieu  ^»:mseif  " 
to  the  task,  with  the  help  of  his  master's  little  son. 
God  be  praised  that  the  secret  prayers  and  smothered 
aspirations  of  struggling  millions  at  last  find  their  way 
to  the  ears  of  all  the  people !  Thanks  to  the  Father 
of  All  that  the  old  abolitionists  have  been  permitted  to 
be  His  humble  agents  in  this  great  work!  May  He 
enable  us  to  endure  unto  the  end! 

A  more  full  and  detailed  report  of  the  meeting,  with 
acknowledgments  of  the  Contributions  made  on  the 
occasion  in  behalf  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  may  be 
expected  in  a  future  paper.  Our  friends  will  be  glad 
to  hear  that,  after  deducting  all  expenses,  which  were 
lighter  this  year  than  usual,  the  sum  of  not  less  than 
Three  Thousand  Dollars  will  be  realized  to  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society.  It  is  proper  to  state, 
that  in  that  amount  are  included  all  the  payments 
which  have  been  made  during  the  last  four  or  five 
months,  in  response  to  the  call  for  contributions  in  ad- 
vance of  the  28th  Anniversary,  —  which  payments 
amounted  to  about  eight  hundred  dollars,  exclusive  of 
special  donations  in  ajd  of  the  National  Anti-Slavery 


Standard. 


Fodnd  !  At  the  Anti-Slavery  meeting  at  Allston 
Hall,  on  Thursday  evening, — alludiDg  to  the  mobo- 
cratic  interruption  of  last  year's  auniversary, — we  in- 
quired, "  Where  is  Mr.  James  Murray  Howe  V  The 
next  day  we  received  a  printed  card,  as  follows : — 
"  James  Murray  Howe  &  Co.,  Note,  Stock  and  Ex- 
change Brokers,  No.  92,  State  Street  (up  stairs,)  Bos- 
ton!" Our  inquiry  is  answered.  "All's  well  that 
ends  well." 

Definite  News  from  the  Burnside  Expedi- 
tion. Definite  news  from  the  Burnside  Expedition  is 
received,  from  which  we  learn  that  the  squadron  has 
experienced  terrible  weather  off  Hatteras,  with  the 
wreck  of  several  vessels,  and  theJestruction  of  much 
valuable  property,  but  fortunately  with  the  loss  of  only 
a  few  lives.  At  last  accounts,  General  Burnside  had 
succeeded  in  getting  his  entire  force  into  Pamlico 
Sound,  and  all  the  indications  were  favorable  for  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  expedition. 


NEW   YORK  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION. 

Q3?"  The  Sixth  Annual  Anti-Slavery  Convention  for  the 
State  of  New  York  will  bo  held  in  ALBANY,  at  Associ- 
ation Hall,  on  FRIDAY  and  SATURDAY,  February 
7th  and  Sth,  commencing  at  10  1-2  o'clock,  A.  M.  Three 
sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

Among  tho  speakers  who  will  address  the  Convention 
will  be  Win.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Parker 
I'illsbury,  Rev.  Samuel  J.  May,  Susun  B.  Anthony^  Willi 
Welts  Brown,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  ami  others. 


|^-  MIDDLESEX  CO.  A.  S.  SOCIETY— A  quarterly 
meeting  of  this  Society  will  be  held  in  Jackson  Hall,  at 
Lowell,  on  Suuday  next,  Fob.  2d,  at  the  usual  hours  of 
public  assemb,y,  morning,  afternoon  and  evening. 

Bev.  Samuel  May  of  Boston  and  Parker  Pillsbury  will 
attend  tho  several  sessions. 

Let  the  county  bo  well  represented  ! 


E^"  WENDELL  PHILLIPS  will  speak  beir.ro  tho 
Twenty-Eighth  Congregational  Society,  at  Musio  Hall,  on 
Sunday    forenoon  next. 


KIT  ''OIIN  S.  KOCK,  Eso..,  will  deliver  his  lecture  on 
"The  Colored  Man  and  tho  War,"  where  he  may  be  in- 
vited, for  a  trifle  over  his  expenses.  Bis  address  is  No.  6 
Tremont  Street,  Boston. 


S^-Mtl.FOHD,    N.    H— C.  L.  Ukmonj.  will   deliver 
two  lectures  in  Milford,  N.  11.,   oh.  Suuday  afternoon  and 

evening  next,  I'eb.  '2d,  at  8  and  7  o'clock. 


HT  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.   1>.,  has  removed    to 

ClCi  Washington  street,    I'd  door  North  of  Warren.     Par- 
bfoular  !itU'tilion  ]>!iul  to   Discuses  of  Women  and  Children. 
-  Luther  Clark,  M.  D.;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 
Office  hours  from  2  to  i,  V.  M. 


20 


THE     LIBERATOR 


JANUAEY  31. 


0  ttt% 


From  the  Atlantio  Magazine  for  February. 

AT    POET    EOYAL,    1861, 

The  tent-lights  glimmer  on  the  land, 

The  ship-lights  on  the  sea  ; 
The  night-wind  smooths  with  drifting  sand 

Our  track  on  lone  Tyboo. 

At  last  our  grating  keels  outslide, 

Our  good  boats  forward  swing  ; 
And  while  we  ride  the  land-locked  tide. 

Our  negroes  row  and  sing. 
For  dear  tbe  bondman  holds  bis  gift! 

Of  music  and  of  song  : 
The  gold  that  kindly  Nature  sifts 

Among  his  sands  of  wrDng  ; 

The  power  to  make  his  toiling  days 

And  poor  homo -comforts  please  ; 
The  quaint  relief  of  mirth  that  plays 

With  sorrow's  minor  keys. 
•  Arother  glow  than  sunset's  fire 

Has  filled  the  West  with  light, 
Where  field  and  garner,  barn  and  byre. 

Are  blazing  through  the  night. 

The  land  is  wild  with  fear  nnd  hate, 

The  rout  runs  mad  and  fast ; 
From  band  to  hand,  from  gate  to  gate. 

The  flaming  brand  is  passed. 

The  lurid  glow  falls  strong  across 

Dark  faces  broad  with  smiles  : 
Wot  theirs  the  terror,  hate,  and  loss. 

That  fire  yon  blazing  piles. 
With  oar-strokes  timing  to  their  song, 

They  weave  in  simple  lays 
The  pathos  of  remembered  wrong, 

The  hope  of  better  days, — 
The  triumph  note  that  Miriam  sang. 

The  joy  of  nncaged  birds  : 
Softening  with  Afric's  mellow  tongue 

Their  broken  Saxon  words. 

SONG  OF  THE  NEGRO  BOATMEN. 
Oh,  praise  an'  tanks  !     De  Lord  he  come 

To  set  de  people  free  j 
An'  massa  tiuk  it  day  ob  doom, 

An'  we  ob  jubilee. 
De  Lord  dat  heap  de  Red  Sea  waves. 

He  jus'  as  'trong  as  den  ; 
He  say  de  word  :  we  las'  night  slaves  j 
To-day,  de  Lord's  freemen. 

De  yam  will  grow,  de  cotton  blow, 
We  '11  hab  de  rice  an'  corn  : 
^ — -Oh,  nebber  you  fear,  if  nebber  you  hear 

De  driver  blow  his  horn  ! 
Olo  massa  on  he  trabbel3  gone  ; 

He  leab  de  land  behind  : 
De  Lord's  breff  blow  him  furder  on, 

Like  corn-shuck  in  the  wind. 
We  own  de  hoe,  we  own  do  plough, 

We  own  de  hands  dat  hold  ; 
We  sell  de  pig,  we  sell  de  cow, 
But  nebber  chile  be  sold. 

De  yam  will  grow,  de  cotton  blow. 

We'll  hab  de  rice  an1  corn  : 
Oh,  nebber  you  fear,  if  nebber  yon  hear 
De  driver  blow  his  horn  ! 

We  pray  de  Lord  :  he  gib  us  signs 

Dat  some  day  we  be  free  ; 
De  Norf-wind  tell  it  to  de  pines, 

De  wild-duck  to  de  sea  ; 
We  tink  it  when  de  church-bell  ring, 

We  dream  it  in  de  dream  ; 
De  rice-bird  mean  it  when  he  sing, 
De  eagle  when  he  scream. 

De  yam  will  grow,  de  cotton  blow. 

We'll  hab  de  rice  an'  corn  : 
Oh,  nebber  you  fear,  if  nebber  you  hear 
De  driver  blow  his  horn  ! 

We  know  de  promise  nebber  fail, 
«     An'  nebber  "~ 

i|^^H^Pi^^Tor  do  Lord 

■   .ery  door, 
An  trow  away  de  key  ; 
He  tink  we  lub  him  so  before. 
We  lub  him  better  free. 

De  yam  will  grow,  de  cotton  blotr, 

He  '11  gib  de  rice  an'  corn  : 
So  nebber  you  fear,  if  nebber  yon  hear 
De  driver  blow  his  horn  ! 

So  sing  our  dusky  gondoliers  ; 

And  with  a  secret  pain, 
And  smiles  that  seem  akin  to  tears, 

We  hear  the  wild  refrain, 
Wo  dare  not  share  the  negro's  trust. 

Nor  yet  his  hope  deny  ; 
We  only  know  that  God  is  just, 

And  every  wrong  shall  die. 

Rude  seems  the  song  ;   each  swarthy  face, 

Flame-lighfced,  ruder  still : 
We  start  to  think  that  hapless  race 

Must  shape  our  good  or  ill  ; 

That  laws  of  changeless  justice  bind 

Oppressor  with  oppressed ; 
And,  close  as  sin  and  suffering  joined, 

We  march  to  Fate  abreast. 

Sing  on,  poor  hearts  !  your  chant  shall  be 

Our  sign  of  bligbt  or  bloom, — 
The  Valu-song  of  Liberty, 

Or  death-rune  of  our  doom  !  Whittieh. 


Oh,  glad  the  Lion's  great  heart  will  be, 
If  a  message  of  Peace  thou  send  by  mo. 

And  still  in  doubt  doth  Columbia  stand, 

A  bird  and  an  answer  on  either  hand  ; 

For  War — the  Eagle  with  eyes  o-glow  : 

For  Peace — the  Dove  with  her  plumes  of  snow. 

But  Peace  or  War  should  the  message  be, 

'Twill  find  them  ready  across  the  sea. 


From  "Punch." 

THE    TWO    MESSEHGEES. 


I  have  a  message  must  cross  the  sea. 
But  I  doubt  what  message  it  shall  be  : 
And  be  it  Peace,  or  be  it  War, 
A  fitting  post  I  •would  choose  therefor. 
So  say,  you  bonny  birds  of  mine, 
Around  which  neck  shall  I  tie  the  twine  ? 

THE   EAGLE. 

Round  mine,  round  mine,  my  mistress  sweet, 
My  wings  are  broad,  and  my  night  is  fleet  : 
And  I  have  a  beak  to  rend  the  prey, 
And  talons  for  all  my  course  would  stay  : 
And  I  can  swoop  over  land  and  sea; — 
Then  "  War,"  and  your  message  send  by  me. 

THE   DOTE. 

Round  mine,  0  mistress  sweet,  round  mine  : 
I'm  swift  as  arrow,  and  true  as  line  : 
Nor  taions  sharp,  nor  beak  have  I, 
But  a  soft  sweet  voice,  and  a  pleading  eye  ; 
_And  none  will  harm  me  on  land  or  sea — 
Then  "^eace,"  and  your  message  send  by  mo. 

THE    EAGLE. 

The  Lion  stands  in  act  to  spring, 

Her  glove  Britannia  lifts  to  fling  : 

A  haughty  claim  asks  haught  reply, 

He  half  has  conquered  who  dares  defy  ; 

With  the  Lion  the  Eagle  should  parley  hold, — 

Then  give  me  the  message  brief  and  bold. 

THE    DOVE. 

The  dugs  of  the  Lioness  suckled  thee, 
When  first  tbou  earnest  over  sea  : 
Better,  I  ween,  than  Britannia's  glove, 
la  the  band  of  Britannia  clasped  in  love. 
Twist  Dove  and  Lion  calm  speech  may  be — 
Then  the  message  of  Peace  send  thou  by  me. 

THE  2AGLB. 

Tbou  hast  boasted  and  blustered  and  talked  of  fight, 

Host  set  a  bold  face  in  lieu  of  right : 

If  breath  thou  bate,  or  back  thou  draw, 

Or  instead  of  battle  offer  law, 

Oh,  scornful  the  Lion's  laugh  will  be — 

Then  the  message  of  War  send  thou  by  mo. 

THE  DOVE. 

If  thou  has  boasted,  boast  no  more; 

If  war  thou  hast  challenged,  repent  it  sore  : 

The  devil's  wickedest  whisper  to  man 

Is,  "  Let  wrong  end,  since  wrong  began." 


®ft*  %ilutntBx, 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  IN  WOEOESTEE. 

Worcester,  January  19,  1862. 
Mr.  Garrison, — I  fear  you  will  think  from  an  edi- 
torial article  in  the  Daily  Spy  of  this  city,  upon  the 
lecture  of  Wendell  Phillips  delivered  here  upon  the 
war,  that  we  are  receding  into  the  dark  ages.  It  shows 
either  un  pardon  able  bigotry  or  inexcusable  ignorance. 

Claiming  to  speak  in  behalf  of  the  audience,  the 
editor  says  that  it  "  fell  below  his  reputation  for  elo- 
quence. There  was  a  lack  of  heartiness  and  generous 
enthusiasm.  We  have  never  heard  him  when  his 
words  had  so  little  power  to 'control  the  sympathy  of 
his  audience." 

Perhaps  he  has  not  attended  the  two  courses  of  lec- 
tures sufficiently  to  judge,  or  that  he  has  not  lived  here 
long  enough  to  know  that  the  enthusiasm  of  a  Worces- 
ter audience  never  rises  to  white  heat;  else  lie  would 
have  seen  that,  besides  being  unusually  large  for  a 
Lyceum  lecture,  the  applause  was  as  cordially  given 
as  in  any  of  the  preceding  ones.  Such  is  my  impres- 
sion as  near  as  I  can  recollect,  never  having  charged 
my  mind  with  a  comparison.  So  far  as  Mr.  Phillips 
is  concerned,  it  is  needless  for  me,  or  any  one  else,  to 
come  forward  to  defend  him  ;  but  truth,  and  the  inter- 
est I  feel  in  the  reputation  of  our  city,  both  for  liberal- 
ity of  sentiment  and  the  ability  to  look  beyond  the 
superficialities  of  the  present  into  the  horoscope  of  the 
future,  compel  me  to  give  utterance  to  my  conviction, 
that  his  views  met  with  a  response  from  a  majority  of 
that  audience.  There  has  been  a  time  when  such  a 
deep-rooted  prejudice  against  his  disunion  sentiments 
existed  here  as  to  prevent  him  from  calling  out  the 
large  number  that  his  high  position  as  an  orator  meri- 
ted ;  and  it  is  as  unjust  to  us  as  a  community,  as  it  is 
to  him,  to  assail  him  now  at  the  expense  of  our  com- 
mon sense. 

What  did  he  expect  of  such  a  man— one  who  had 
laid  honors,  such  as  few  men  could  win,  at  the  foot  of 
the  bleeding  slave,  who  has  sacrificed  social  position 
and  worldly  fame  in  his  devotion  to  the  immortal  prin- 
ciple that  all  men  have  inalienable  rights  antecedent 
to  and  independent  of  all  written  parchments,  which 
lie  at  the  basis  of  all  law,  and  upon  which  alone 
any  government  can  be  safely  founded  1  Did  he  ex- 
pect such  a  man  to  tread  the  same  path  with  Edward 
Everett  and  Mr.  Dickinson  ? 

Certainly,  if  it  is  the  business  of  the  nation  to  edu- 
cate Abraham  Lincoln,  it  would  seem  that  it  is  our 
business  to  educate  the  editor  of  our  leading  anti-slave- 
ry journal. 

No  man  with  his  eyes  open  can  deny  the  superior 
ability,  statesmanship  and  efficiency,  as  manifested  by 
the  rebel  government,  in  contrast  with  our  own,  and 
whoever  seeks  to  conceal  it  is,  perhaps  unconsciously, 
doing  the  greatest  injury  to  our  cause.  There  is  never 
anything  gained  by  wilful  ignorance  or  blindness.  To 
admit  such  a  fact  does  not  necessarily  disparage  the 
North.  The  South  lias  been  plotting  and  preparing 
itself  for  the  foul  work  these  thirty  years,  while  the 
North  has  been  engaged  in  peaceful  pursuits,  and  the 
diffusion  of  a  higher  knowledge  than  the  art  of  war; 
and  cow  that  the  two  extremes  of  barbarism  and  civil- 
ization are  met  in  a  death-grapple,  a  final  victory  to 
civilization,  through  the  tactics  of  barbarism  alone,  is 
impossible,  for  it  is  not  skilled  in  it.  The  battle-field  is 
a  trial  of  strength  alone,  and  unless  there  is  a  principle 
behind  to  inspirit  the  masses, — a  systematic  plan  of  ac- 
tion that  shall  secure  every  advantage,  ever  wary_of 
the  chances  of  defeat,- -an  acute  generalship  that  shall 
■  prophet's  eyv  into  future  contingencies,  as 
6Ie  present  relation  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  sparing  no  opportunity  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  occasion  may  call  up  to  weaken  the  foe, — it 
does  not  even  rise  to  the  dignity  of  war ;  it  is  the  mere 
trial  of  brute  force,  a  laughing-stock  in  the  eyes  of  the 
civilized  world.  Such  is  the  position  of  the  North, 
whether  wc  acknowledge  it  or  not.  Our  victories  are 
more  shameful  than  our  defeats.  Without  a  purpose, 
a  point  is  yielded  as  soon  as  gained. 

Said  a  Eepublican,  not  long  since,  in  reply  to  the 
satisfaction  I  expressed  at  Mr,  Seward's  order  to  Gen. 
McClellan,  "  I  have  not  a  particle  of  faitli  in  Seward, 
The  Cabinet  is  good  for  nothing,  so  afraid  they  shall 
touch  slavery.  Once  in  a  while,  the  government  will 
push  ahead  a  little  way  ;  then  it  gets  frightened,  and 
takes  it  all  back."  When  I  said  that  Lincoln  was  not 
a  man  of  great  intellect,  that  he  had  not  the  gift  of 
foresight  which  is  the  essential  quality  of  a  statesman, 
he  replied,  "  Any  man  of  common  sense  might  know 
that  such  a  course  will  ruin  the  country,"  to  which  I 
of  course  readily  assented,  mentally  bemoaning  that, 
of  all  sense,  common  sense  should  be  the  rarest. 

Yes,  and  the  editor  of  the  Spy  has  made  some  good 
sound  criticisms  on  the  apparent  lack  of  purpose  and 
efficiency  on  the  part  of  the  administration,  and  I  am 
afraid  he  will  have  to  make  them  again.  But  now  he, 
as  well  as  the  rest  of  us,  is  hoping  and  waiting  to  see 
what  will  "turn  up"  when  this  Burnside  expedition 
reaches  its  destination.  If  it  shall  "flash  in  the  pan," 
as  the  other  did,  well  may  we  sound  the  knell  of  our 
last  earthly  hopes. 

I  have  no  doubt  of  the  ultimate  result  of  this  con- 
flict in  favor  of  freedom,  but  whether  it  will  come 
through  the  government,  or  successes  on  the  battle- 
field, is  quite  another  thing.  First,  the  North  is  too 
far  advanced  in  civilization  to  prosecute  a  war  success- 
fully. I  should  have  no  fault  to  find  with  the  leniency 
with  which  she  treats  rebels  and  traitors,  provided  she 
would  extend  it  to  slaves  also;  but,  then,  I  know  that 
a  war  cannot  be  carried  on  successfully  without  adopt- 
ing the  sanguinary  code  of  war.  No  one  goes  more 
heartily  for  wars  that  don't  hurt  anybody  ;  for  where 
good  and  evil  exist,  there  must  be  collision  until  the 
evil  is  eradicated.  Civilization  prescribes  a  removal 
of  the  iniquity  that  causes  the  strife,  aud  the  common 
sense  of  the  people  recognizes  the  principle,  and  will 
ultimately  enforce  it.  That  it  has  not  done  so  before 
shows  the  strong  hold  a  republican  government  has  on 
the  feelings  of  the  people.  If,  in  the  course  of  the 
struggle,  the  government  shall  be  overturned,  (which 
is  not  improbable,  for  war  sweeps  every  thing  before 
it,  regardless  of  the  slow  quibbles  with  which  it  is  try- 
ing to  adjust  every  thing  to  the  exactness  of  a  con- 
stitutional hair,),  we  need  have  no  fear  of  anarchy. 
Other  dangers  may  excite  our  fears,  if  the  people  are 
driven  to  such  an  extremity,  but  not  that.  Respect 
for  law  is  grafted  in  our  nature. 

Let  the  name  of  Fremont  be  mentioned,  and  how 
the  smothered  indignation  of  Ihe  people  bursts  forth 
into  irrepressible  enthusiasm,  showing  how  deeply  his 
name  is  engraven  on  every  heart !  Yet  it  is  never  al- 
lowed to  weaken  their  loyalty  to  the  official  authorities 
that  dared  to  remove  him.  If  we  could  have  Charles 
Sumner,  who  is  the  leading  representative  of  the  moral, 
conservative  element,  which  is  the  vital,  animating 
spirit  of  all  just  legislation,  as  the  presiding  genius  of 
the  Republic, — Wendell  Phillips,  representing  the  radi- 
cal element,  as  the  civilian  and  statesman  to  guide  the 
impulses  of  the  people  to  their  godlike  mission,— and 
John  C.  Fremont  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army, 
— we  would  have  a  quick  solution  of  the  question 
on  an  enduring  basis.  If  we  had  the  control  of  the 
world,  however,  it  is'  to  be  feared  it  would  be  in  a 
much  worse  fix  than  now.  God  who  sits  on  his  throne 
in  the  heavens  is  guiding  the  storm.  To  each  he  has 
given  his  mission  to  perform,  and  placed  him  in  the 
position  to  fulfil  it,  with  no  other  responsibility  than  to 
be  true  to  his  own  sense  of  duty,  and  he  will  take  care 
of  the  result.  Holding  the  negro  in  his  right  hand, 
and  the  American  Republic  in  his  left,  he  has  passed 
the  irrevocable  decree,  that  only  when  justice  is  done 
to  the  one  shall  the  other  be  triumphant.  That  is  the 
lesson  he  has  given  us  to  learn,  and  just  in  proportion 


to  our  quickness  to  learn  it  will  our  woes  be  averted. 
The  impulses  of  the  people  nre  only  kept  down  by  the 
confidence  they  repose  in  the  government,  not  smoth- 
ered ;  and,  if  disappointed  in  that,  with  poverty  star- 
ing them  in  the  face,  bankruptcy  threatening  the  na- 
tion, it  is  very  essential  that  somebody  should  be  look- 
ing forward  to  such  an  emergency,  and  preparing 
for  it. 

The  hour  for  Abraham  Lincoln's  greatness  has  gone 
by.  Whatever  he  does  now,  in  the  way  of  justice, 
will  be  through  compulsion.  He  was  never  the  man 
for  the  place,  and  never  was  there  a  more  difficult 
place  to  fill,  or  a  position  more  trj  ing  to  sustain ;  but 
when  the  nation  is  in  danger,  it  will  not  do  to  spare 
the  man  because  he  lias  not  the  ability  to  grasp  the 
issues  which  must  be  met. 

After  all,  common  sense  does  more  than  legal  tech- 
nicalities as  the  arbiter  of  a  nation's  destiny,  as  well 
as  in  the  settlement  of  a  new  principle.  The  applica- 
tion of  law  to  a  particular  question  summons  common 
sense  to  its  aid  to  ensure  its  success,  quite  as  much  as 
it  does  a  knowledge  of  legal  science.  Look  at  the  sub- 
ject of  international  law,  and  there  are  about  as  many 
opinions  as  lawyers.  One  thing  is  certain,  that  a  prin- 
ciple so  hurriedly  settled  in  war  time  will  have  no  last- 
ing duration.  If  England  is  bent  on  a  war,  she  will 
have  it  quite  as  soon  now  as  before,  though  on  another 
pretext.  AVe  have  shown  our  weakness  quite  as 
much  as  a  desire  to  establish  a  principle,  by  the  haste 
with  which  a  question  of  such  momentous  importance 
has  been  summarily  disposed  of,  when  the  most  trifling 
questions  of  law  must  go  through  with  endless  discus- 
sions and  legal  forms. 

Governments  are  always  selfish,  and  it  is  not  strange 
that  a  monarchy  should  look  with  jealous  eyes  on  a 
republic.  It  is  the  people  from  whom  we  are  to  ex- 
pect sympathy,  and  we  cannot  expect  them  to  wait 
forever  to  know  our  purpose,  when,  the  longer  the 
struggle  is  protracted,  the  more  their  own  interest  will 
suffer. 

The  tax  question  in  relation  to  woman  will  never  be 
settled  by  law,  until  common  sense  makes  the  decision. 
The  statute  requires  all  property  to  be  taxed  not  ex- 
pressly exempted  by  law,  while  the  Constitution  ex- 
pressly forbids  any  tax  to  be  levied  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  people.  Between  the  two,  there  is  room 
for  ail  manner  of  disputes  and  cavillings,  because  a  new 
principle  is  to  be  recognized  not  hitherto  acted  upon, 
whether  women  are  to  be  considered  a  part  of  the  peo- 
ple; and  there  is  no  law  to  decide  that  point.  It  will 
be  evaded  as  long  as  woman  will  permit  it  by  paying 
her  taxes ;  for  governments  will  never  relinquish 
power  until  compelled  to.  But  every  lawyer  knows 
that,  when  the  question  does  come  up,  the  shortest  cut 
will  be  to  end  the  whole  by  allowing  us  the  right  to 
vote. 

I  hope  the  Abolitionists  are  about  through  with  the 
compensation  matter.  At  tlie  outset  of  the  war,  it 
would  have  been  far  better  to  secure  emancipation  by 
compensation  than  to  go  to  fighting ;  but  now  that  the 
country  is  burdened  with  deht,  and  Northern  mer- 
chants have  been  swindled  of  their  just  dues  by  the 
South,  certainly  they  should  not  be  burdened  for  that 
exceedingly  rare  specimen  of  the  genus  homo,  the  loyal 
slaveholder.  Abolitionists  have  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
S.  E.  W. 


her  in  connection  with  Ireland,  America,  India,  China, 
we  question  whether  this  has  not  been  her  only 
and  her  highest  policy.  At  least,  to  this  kind  of  policy 
alone  has  she  been  consistent  and  true.  Proud,  arro- 
gant and  selfish,  she  always  seeks  to  call  her  own  that 
which  is  most  valuable  to  others.  With  a  large  and 
rapidly  increasing  navy,  heretofore  supporting  itself  by 
conquests,  but  just  now  with  nothing  particular  to  en- 
gage its  service,  to  pay  its  way — by  thinking  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  our  present  weakness,  by  apparently  every- 
thing to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose,  in  a  contest  with 
the  United  States  —  these  are  the  motives  which 
prompt  her  to  deliberately  manufacture  pretexts  or 
causes,  that  she  may  justify  her  present  offensive  and 
menacing  attitude  towards  us,  that  she  may  widen 
the  breach  more  and  more,  and  finally  embroil  the 
two  nations  in  terrible  war. 

If  it  does  come  to  this,  as  present  indications  por- 
tend, may  our  Government  so  manage  affairs  as  not 
only  to  expose  England's  heartlessness  throughout 
the  earth,  but  to  have  the  sympathies  of  the  civilized 
world  enlisted  in  our  behalf. 

I  trust  our  nation's  rulers  realize  the  patent  fact, 
that  the  best  preventive  of  a  war  with  England  is  a 
thorough  and  complete  preparation  on  our  part.  This 
is  better  than  cure.    May  it  prove  effectual ! 

G.  A.  B. 


MISSIONARY    POLICY  VS.  AUTI-SLAVEEY 
PRINCIPLE. 

The  British  Standard  contains  extracts  from  a  letter 
written  by  Rev.  Dr.  Rufus  Anderson,  Senior  Secretary 
of  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign 
Missions,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  English  "  Turkish 
Missions  Aid  Society,"  in  relation  to  the  existing  war. 
In  the  course  of  this  letter  he  says — 

"  I  am  sorry  to  see  the  excellent  Earl  of  Shaftesbury 
reported  to  say  at  Dr.  Cheever's  farewell  mgetlrig,- 
that,  if  this  war  was  to  be  prosecuted  on.  the  basis  of 
our  Constitution,  the  work  could  nrrfhave  the  sym- 
pathy of  Christian  Epghiid-,  fir  "to  that  effect. 

Bufc-eef  only  hope  in  this  terrible  conflict  with  sla- 
very is  fighting  on  the  basis  of  our  Constitution. 
Steppingoff  that  basis,  we  fill  to  pieces  into  anarchy. 
The  exigencies  of  war  are  such  that  we  do  not  need 
to  violate  the  Constitution,  and  in  the  use  of  these 
exigencies  the  Government  must  not  go  in  advance  of 
the  public  sentiment,  east  and  west.  I  have  entire 
confidence  in  our  President,  and  all  the  more  for  his. 
regard  for  the  Constitution  he  has  sworn  to  uphold. 

Let  England,  France,  the  whole  world,  stand  aside 
and  leave  us  alone ;  only  let  praying  people  remem- 
ber us  at  the  throne  of  grace,  and  I  cannot  doubt  the 
Lord  in  his  goodness  will  so  bring  usoutas  to  awaken 
the  admiration  of  the  world  at  his  goodness." 

The  Reverend  Secretary  has  long  been  accustomed 
to  concede,  in  agreement  with  the  pro-slavery  mission- 
aries whom  he  sent  among  the  Cherokees  and  Choc- 
taws,  that  the  preaching  of  Christianity  "  must  not  go 
in  advance  of  the  public  sentiment,"  as  far  as  opposi- 
tion to  slavery  is  concerned.  Of  course,  he  naturally 
applies  the  same  limitation  to  the  function  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  when  he  is  called  to 
act  in  regard  to  slavery. 

Admitting  that  our  conflict  is  with  slavery,  he  yet 
wishes  the  President  to  spare  that  enemy  to  the  full 
extent  that  the  Constitution  requires,  aud  to  the  full 
extent  that  the  public  sentiment  requires.  And  in 
regard  to  England,  France,  and  whatever  people*of 
other  European  nations  hate  slavery,  he  wishes  them 
to  stand  aside  and  leave  us  alone ;  praying,  if  they 
will,  that  God  will  do  whatever  is  needful,  (that  is, 
that  he  will  repent  of  our  sin  for  us,  and  perform  our 
duty  for  us,)  but  abstaining  carefully  from  any  word 
or  act  reminding  us  of  that  sin  and  that  duty. 

The  wish  of  Abolitionists,  in  direct  opposition  to 
that  of  the  Reverend  Secretary,  is  this  :  that  the 
President,  when  thinking  of  his  oath  to  maintain  the 
Constitution,  should  remember  its  provisions  in  favor 
of  liberty  at  least  as  much  as  its  provisions  in  favor 
of  slavery ;  that  he  should  not  be  afraid  to  go  for- 
ward, leading  public  sentiment  in  the  direction  of 
justice  and  liberty;  and  that  the  friends  of  freedom, 
all  over  the  world,  would  speak  and  act  promptly  in 
the  interest  of  American  freedom ;  urging  upon  our 
hesitating  Government  (a  Government  hesitating  as 
much  from  want  of  principle  as  want  of  courage) 
the  duty  and  the  advantage  of  using  the  legitimate 
opportunity  which  war  has  given,  to  make  an  imme- 
diate and  final  overthrow  of  slavery, — c.  k.  w. 


MEETING  OF  OLD  OOLONY  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 

A  meeting  was  convened  at  the  Town  Hall,  in  Ab- 
ington,  on  Sunday,  19th  inst.,  under  the  call  of  the 
Old  Colony  Anti-Slavery  Society,  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  the  present  war,  and  its  relations  to  sla 
very.  Owing  to  the  storm,  the  attendance  was  not 
large.  Messrs,  Pillsbury,  Remond  aud  R.  Loud  ad- 
dressed the  meeting. 

The  following  resolutions  were  offered  by  Mr.  Pills- 
bury,  and  adopted.  It  was  voted  that  they  be  pub 
lished  in  the  Liberator  and  Anti-Slavery  Standard: — 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  sudden  uprising  of  the  North 
ern  people,  at  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  ;  the  flashing  in 
dignation  felt  at  the  mob  massacre  of  the  troops  in 
Baltimore,  on  the  19th  of  April  last;  the  almost  unai 
imous  approval  of  General  Butler's  doctrine  of  tl; 
slaves  being  not  merely  "contraband  of  war,"  but 
human  beings,  entitled  to  all  tiic  rights  of  humanity 
the  prodigal  liberality  with  which  the  wealth  of  the 
country  has  been  brought  to  support  the  Government 
in  the  conflict;  and,  more  especially,  the  sublime  and 
enthusiastic  joy  at  the  Proclamation  of  General  Fre- 
mont in  Missouri — all  these  are  more  than  assurances 
that,  but  for  the  nightmare  of  governmental  hindrance 
and  hesitation,  the  present  rebellion  would  long  since 
have  been  suppressed,  and  slavery,  its  only  cause, 
blotted  from  our  country  forever. 

2.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  language  of  Daniel  Web- 
ster, "This  Government  can  be  broken  up;  every 
government  can  be;  and  I  admit,  there  may  be  such 
a  degree  of  oppression  as  will  warrant  resistance  and 
a  forcible  severance.  ...  I  know  that  the  law  of  ne- 
cessity always  exists."  And  whether  the  people 
should  submit  to  support  an  army  of  700,000  men,  ir 
almost  a  "masterly  inactivity,"  month  after  month 
with  all  the  nameless  and  numberless  attendant  ills 
and  woes,  to  protect  the  existence  of  a  system  of 
crimes  and  cruelties  that  has  produced  all  the  calam 
ity,  sooner  than  hurl  such  a  Government,  such  a  Presi 
dent  and  Cabinet  as  ours,  suddenly  from  their  place 
and  power,  is  a  question  that  needs  not  the  wisdom  of 
a  Webster  to  decide,  so  much  as  a  Cromwell  to  carry 
a  decision  so  righteous  into  execution. 


tempted  in  time  of  peace,  would  have  brought  the 
heads  of  every  member  of  it  to  the  block.  Why 
should  we  not,  then,  cease  to  talk  about  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  rebels  and  traitors  V  The  path  is 
clear — never  was  there  a  nobler  opportunity  pre- 
sented to  a  great  nation— never  was  there  greater 
need  that  we  should  apply  the  wise  saying  of  the 
ancients:  "  Gnothi  ton  Kairon," —  know  an  oppor- 
tunity. Wc  have  also  got  clear  of  compromise  ;  wc 
have  found  the  open  sea;  we  are  through  that  which 
has  been  both  Seylla  and  Charybdis  to  the  Ship  of 
State;  we  cannot  split  upon  this  rock  if  we  would. 
Jeff".  Davis  has  settled  this  for  us  by  the  flat  declara- 
tion that  no  terms  will  be  accepted  or  for  a  moment 
entertained  ;  that  independence,  that  is,  the  disrup- 
tion of  the  Confederacy,  is  that  for  which  they  are 
fighting,  and  that  independence  they  will  have  at 
whatever  cost.  The  man  who  shall  rise  with  a 
series  of  compromise  resolutions  in  our  next  Con- 
gress, would  be  greeted  by  roars  of  derisive  laughter 
— he  would  not  be  considered  worthy  even  of  con- 
tempt. This  is  plain,  we  must  fight  it  out,  and  that 
in  the  shortest  way  and  most  summary  manner. 
This  too  must  be  observed,  that  if  now  when  the 
opportunity  is  afforded,  the  occasion  furnished  by 
the  South  itself,  we  refuse  to  accept,  we  increase 
our  guilt  tenfold.  If  we  continue  to  foster  this  in- 
iquity now  that  every  plausible  pretext  is  taken 
away,  and  all  obstacles  removed,  wc  prove  that  our 
disease  is  incurable — we  shall  deserve  to  be  plunged 
into  that  abyss  of  national  ruin  upon  whose  brink 
we  are  now  standing. — [Extract  from  Thanksgiving 
Sermon  by  Rev.  J.  2i.  W.  Sloane,  of  New  York. 


ENGLAND'S   POLICY, 

Boston,  Jan.  20,  1862. 

Mr.  Editor, — Though  there  is  comparative  tran- 
quillity in  the  public  mind,  just  now,  lo  what  there 
was  several  weeks  ago,  respecting  our  difficulties  with 
England,  we  are  confident  that,  on  her  part,  this  feel- 
ing is  still  as  strong,  bitter  and  determined  as  over,  if 
not  increasing  in  bitterness  and  intensity  every  week, 
— though  on  the  surface  it  may  not  appear  so  palpably 
manifest. 

We  cannot  banish  the  thought,  nor  disguise  the  feel- 
ing, that  John  Bull  is  seeking  by  every  secret  artifice, 
by  every  unfair,  unjust  and  unrighteous  means,  to 
make  trouble  with  the  United  Stales  Government,  to 
the  effect  that  an  open  rupture  will  be  the  result;  and 
the  truth  of  the  old  adage — "  Where  there  is  a  will, 
there  is  a  way  " — will  be  again  verified. 

War  with  England  is  inevitable,  sooner  or  later — 
and  the  latest  at  no  distant  day.  And  she  is  preparing 
for  it!  England's  activity  in  all  the  "pomp  and  cir- 
cumstance of  war,"  is  her  note  of  preparation.  Pro- 
verbially crafty,  BUbtle  and  treacherous,  she  knows 
precisely  when  to  strike,  and  where  her  foe  is  weak- 
est. Her  professions  of  peace  and  good-will,  for  the 
universal  rights  of  man,  &c,  are  known  to  be  mere 
professions,  base  shams,  whenever  they  seem  to  con- 
flict in  the  least  degree  with  what  she  conceives  to 
be  her  material  interests.  Sole  judge  of  the  word's 
indebtedness  to  her  in  general,  and  certain  nations 
in  particular,  she  modestly  claims  to  be,  by  might  or 
right,  (immaterial  which,)  a  self-appointed  guardian 
of  civilization — after  the  manner  of  the  wolf,  who 
kindly  placed  himself  in  charge  over  the  sheep.  Her 
most  uniformly  marked  characteristic  has  ever  been 
that  of  selfishness,  regardless  of  the  eternal  principles 
of  right  and  justice.  Her  own  private  interest  has 
been  the  chosen  watchword  through  all  her  years  of 
struggle  and  of  growth.     Indeed,  whe-n  wc  remember 


GUILT  OP  THE  AMERICAS'  OliuROE. 

The  American  'Church,  meaning  by  this  term  tho 
-large  bodies  which  represent,  the  prevailing  religion 
of  the  day,  has  been  both  the  pliant  tool  and  the 
great  .bulwark  of  American  slavery.  So  far  from 
influencing  it,  it  has  controlled  her.  So  far  has  the 
Church  been  from  Christianizing  this  barbarism, 
that  it  has  paganized  the  Church.  I  but  ask  any 
one  who  doubts  this  to  read  the  masterly  demonstra- 
tion of  Dr.  Taylor  Lewis,  of  the  fact  that  the  Church. 
North  and  South,  has  been  controlled  by  the  politi- 
cal principles  of  John  C.  Calhoun.  These  bodies 
have  been  partially  united  in  great  religious  and  be- 
neficent societies,  such  as  the  American  Tract  and 
the  American  Bible  Societies,  in  which  the  sami 
policy  has  been  pursued,  and  the  subject  of  slavery 
refused  all  admittance  to  the  platform  of  their  great 
Anniversaries,  or  into  any  of  their  publications.  2 
should  speak  more  correctly  were  I  to  use  the  term 
Anti-Slavery,  ibr  Slavery  has  been  admitted  to  full, 
communion  in  both.  This  is  all  fortunately  termina- 
ted. The  Episcopal,  Methodist,  Baptist  and  Pres- 
byterian churches  have  been  disrupted  by  the  pres- 
ent political  convulsion,  and  arc  about  to  assume,  or 
have  already  assumed,  separate  organizations,  so 
that  we  may  safely  conclude  that  this  barrier  has 
been  removed  out  of  the  way.  We  have  not,  it-is 
true,  become  thoroughly  divorced  from  the  baneful 
influence  of  this  unholy  alliance  between  the  Church 
and  Slavery.  I  find  that  in  some  quarters  there  are 
still  declarations  of  ardent  desire  for  reunion  with 
the  "  Southern  brethren."  Yet,  it  is,  I  think,  hard- 
ly conceivable  that  the  masses  of  Northern  Chris- 
tians feel  very  strongly  bound  to  those  who  advocate 
pray  for  and  strenuously  support  this  crusade  of  rob- 
bery, rapine  and  blood  which  the  South  has  inaugu- 
rated, or  are  vtiry  desirous  of  any  further  intercourst 
with  them — nor,  at  all  events,  Slavery  continuing 
We  were  also  bound  to  the  South  by  strong  commer- 
cial ties.  New  York  has  been  called,  and  not  incor- 
rectly, a  prolongation  of  the  South.  Her  late  Mayor, 
no  longer  ago  than  last  January,  advised  tiiat  she 
secede  with  the  Southern  States,  and  even  did  pro- 
pose himself  as  the  peace  candidate.  New  York  has 
teen  a  Pro-Slavery  city,  because  she  supposed  that 
her  financial  interests  were  inseparably  interwoven 
with  the  Southern  States.  It  is  only  to  state  a  fact 
patent  to  all,  that  there  was  no  demand  which  the 
South  could  make,  which  our  great  commercial  and 
manufacturing  cities  were  not  ready  to  grant.  This 
was  true,  even  of  Boston  herself,  who,  although  in 
advance  of  others,  received  more  credit  for  Anti- 
Slavery  sentiments  than  she  was  justly  entitled  to 
receive.  This  bond  has  been  severed  ;  the  trade  of 
the  South  has  been  withdrawn,  her  vast  debt  hi 
been  repudiated,  and  our  own  money  employed  in 
forging  the  arms  and  preparing  the  engines  of  war 
which  are  employed  in  shedding  the  mood  of  the 
best  and  bravest  of"  our  sons.  Commercial  men 
have  been  compelled  to  see  this.  We  have  lost  more 
by  the  South  than  we  have  ever  gained.  This  South- 
ern trade  is  a  losing  business,  and  this  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  South  is  no  longer  desirable, 
except  under  greatly  altered  conditions.  The  South 
has  held  us  by  the  still  stronger  bond  of  political  and 
constitutional  ties.  The  Constitution  does  contain 
concessions  to  slavery  of  a  most  import-tint  character. 
No  one  conversant  with  the  history  of  that  document 
can  for  a  moment  successfully  deny  it.  No  man 
ever  has  denied  it,  who  was  thus  informed,  except  a 
small  number  of  Abolitionists,  who  appear  to  have 
assumed  this  position  as  a  salve  to  their  consciences, 
when  called  upon  to  take,  the  oath  of  allegiance. 
They  have  satisfied  themselves,  doubtless,  but  con- 
vinced nobody  else.  It  would  be  amusing,  were  it 
not- painful,  to  hear  some  of  the  most  faithful,  able, 
and  earnest  Anti-Slavery  men  laboring,  as  in  the 
fire,  wearying  themselves  in  the  vain  attempt  to  es- 
tablish the  monstrous  absurdity  that  flies  in  the  face 
of  the  whole  current  of  testimony  upon  the  subject, 
that  the  Constitution  is  an  A nti- Slavery  instrument. 
There  never  has  been  any  possibility,  heretofore,  of 
a  constitutional  abolition  of  Slavery,  simply  because 
the  Constitution  guarantees  the  pretended'  rights  of 
Slavery  in  many  particulars.  But  now  that  Slavery 
has  risen  up  for  the  destruction  and  overthrow  of  the 
Constitution,  wc  are  no  longer  held  bound  by  these 
obligations.  That  tho  government  cannot  now  con- 
stitutionally declare  emancipation,  is  a  gross  absurd- 
ly. The  law  of  self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of 
nature,  and  the  idea  that  a  system  must  be  permit- 
ted the  enjoyment  -of  privileges  which  in  time  of 
peace  may  have  been  secured  to  us,  under  a  govern- 
ment, when  by  war  it  is  seeking  to  compass  the  de- 
struction of  tho  Government  itself,  is  simply  non- 
sense. The  Government  has  suspended  the  "writ  of 
"  habeas  corpus,"  and  the  freedom  of  the  Press  in 
the  North,  the  very  Jachin  and  Bonz  of  our  free- 
dom, and  as  we  all  agree  properly  why  then  :  should 
wc  continue  to  talk  about  the  rights  of  Snuihorn 
slaveholders  under  a  Constitution  that  they  have 
spit,  upon  and  trampled  under  their  feet? 

This  (he  Government  has  already  done,  and  we 
uphold  them  in  doing  it;  and  rejoice  msec  the  firm- 
ness which  they  have  displayed ;   this  which,  if  at- 


"THE  MOB"  IN  AMEEI0A. 

The  whole  course  of  the  dominant  portion  of  the 
English  press,  since  the  Southern  outbreak,  shows 
that  there  has  been  a  settled  purpose,  by  unparal- 
leled misrepresentation  and  falsehood,  to  stir  up  the 
people  of  England  to  hatred  of  America.  It  is 
very  seldom  that  we  have  quoted  in  our  columns 
the  abuse  which  has  met  us  in  the  English  prints,  as 
we  have  felt  unwilling  to  lend  them  any  help  in  the 
work  of  scattering  abroad  firebrands,  arrows  and 
death.  The  time  has  come,  however,  when  these 
efforts  of  an  aristocracy  that  hates  democracy  with 
a  bitter  hatred,  and  that  is  determined  to  use  the 
press  and  every  other  available  instrumentality  to 
array  the  English  people  against  their  brethren 
here,  should  be  exposed.  The  London  Times  and 
its  kindred  incendiaries  are  in  the  constant  habit  of 
designating  the  people  of  this  country — the  masses, 
who  vote  lor  our  rulers,  and  who  are  in  reality  the 
governing  power — as  "the  mob."  Their  art  is  to 
keep  down  the  democracy  of  England,  by  vitupera- 
tion of  "  the  mob"  in  America.  This  mob,  mean- 
ing the  free,  hard-working,  intelligent  electors  of 
our  President  and  Congress,  are  perpetually  repre- 
sented as  a  rude,  ignorant,  ungovernable  mass,  who 
render  life,  liberty  and  property  insecure,  trample 
down  the  laws,  and  control  the  officers  of  govern- 
ment by  violence  and  threats.  Special  pains  have 
been  taken  to  show  that  in  the  affair  of  the  Trent, 
our  Government  was  sure  to  act  unreasonably,  be- 
cause it  must  obey  "the  mob."  President  Lincoln 
is  exhorted  to  tear  himself  from  "  the  mob,"  and  to 
throw  himself  upon  the  army  to  sustain  him  in  doing 
right.  The  correspondent  of  the  Times,  Wm.  H. 
Russell,  LL.  D.,  the  paid  calumniator  of  republican 
institutions,  writes  home  that  if  Mason  and  Slidell 
should  be  surrendered,  our  Government  would  be 
broken  up;  so  violent  and  ignorant  are  "the  lower 
orders  of  the  people,"  and  so  "saturated  with  pride 
and  vanity,  that  any  honorable  concession,  even  in 
this  hour  of  extremity,  would  prove  fatal  to  its 
authors  "  !  How  long  are  the  people  of  England  to 
be  made  the  dupes  of  such  disgraceful  slanders? 
Says  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post: — 

"The  men  who,  for  their  own  reckless  ends,  thus 
defame  a  kindred  people,  do  so  when  they  might 
know,  if  they  took  pains  to  investigate:  that  there  =3 
not  a  solitary  tact,  or  even  semblance  of  fact,  upon 
which  to  ground  their  wicked  assertions. 

If  the  misrepresentation  to  which  we  allude  had  no 
other  result  than  to  estrange  two  nations  who  ought 
to  be  friends,  it  would  be  bad  enough.  But  they 
have,  and  are  intended  to  have,  another  and  more 
mischievous  effect.  These  calumnies  are  used  by 
those  who  put  them  forth  as  arguments  against  free 
governments;  and  when  the  Loudon  Times  asserts  in 
one  column  that  the  free  States  are  now  ruled  by  mob 
law,  it  eagerly  deduces  from  this,  in  another  column, 
the  failure  of  democracy,  and  solemnly  warns  the 
people  of  England  against  the  dangers  to  which  John 
Bright  and  other  British  liberals  would  expose  them 
by  popularizing  their  government.  This  is  the  real 
object  of  the  abuse  which  the  press  of  Great  Britain 
has  so  pertinaciously  heaped  upon  us  and  our  cause 
ibr  the  last  year.  We  have  been  an  inconvenient 
argument  in  the  mouths  of  the  British  liberals,  and 
every  Tory  rejoices  at  our  troubles,  and  will  sleep 
easier  for  our  destruction."  [American  Baptist. 


THE  MOB    P0WEB. 

One  of  the  persistent  lies  with  which  the  English 
papers  are  filled,  regarding  America,  is  the  charge 
that  the  governing  power  in  the  United  States  is 
the  mob  power;  that  the  President  and  Cabinet  are 
forced  on  at  the  command  of  an  unprincipled,  un- 
reasoning mob.  This  charge  is  made  day  after  day, 
with  the  sole  design  of  still  farther  prejudicing  the 
English  mind  against  the  loyal  portion  of  the  Union. 
The  papers  know  better.  They  have  not  the  slight- 
est cause  for  their  charges,  except  the  wild  stories 
told  by  English  travellers  in  this  country,  of  Ar- 
kansas back-woods  life,  and  yet  they  repeat  it  as 
one  of  the  self-evident  facts  which  needs  no  argu- 
ment to  sustain  it.  The  London  Chronicle  of  Dec. 
14th,  now  before  us,  is  full  of  these  charges  and  in- 
sinuations. It  speaks  of  "the  American  Executive, 
and  its  tyrant— the  mob,"  the  influence  of  "the 
New  York  rabble,"  and  says  that  "  Englishmen,  no 
matter  of  what  class,  are  totally  unlike  the  rowdies 
who  compose  electioneering  mobs  in  America." 

If  there  is  one  particle  of  honesty  or  fairness  left 
in  the  Chronicle  and  its  associates,  the  unanimous 
acquiescence  of  the  American,  people  in  the  decision 
of  the  Administration  to  deliver  up  Mason  and  Sli- 
dell must  force  them  to  retract  this  miserable  and 
lying  slander.  Through  all  the  country,  grating  as 
that  surrender  has  been  to  every  American,  there 
has  not  been  heard  a  protest  from  the  loyal  press  or 
people.  "The  mob"  has  not  been  found  or  heard, 
on  tin's  side  the  water;  but  there  is  eveiy  symptom 
of  a  mobbing  and  riotous  spirit  controlling  the  tone 
of  the  English  papers  toward  America.  *"  We  look 
at  the  matter  calmly,  they  fiercely.  They  rave 
like  a  wild  bull,  and  vastly  unlike  the  dignified  de- 
meanor of  the  royal  beast  they  affect  for  their  na- 
tional representative. —  Cleveland  Leader. 


WITHHOLDING  THE  EPFE0TIYE  BLOW, 

After  ages  will  read  with  astonishment  that  in 
1861,  there  was  in  the  United  States  a  most  formida- 
able  rebellion  against  the  Government,  growing  out 
of  a  desire  to  perpetuate  and  extend  human  slavery, 
which  rebellion  brought  desolation  and  ruin  to  many, 
and  imposed  grievous  burdens  and  hardships  upon 
all  in  the  loyal  States;  and,  notwithstanding  all  this, 
a  large  party  was  found  in  the  loyal  States  who  in- 
sisted that  slavery  must  not  be  si  ruck  at  nor  harmed 
in  the  contest,  and  that  this  party  was  potential 
enough  to  control  the  actual  conduct  of  the  war, 
and  so  direct  it  that  no  vigorous  homethrust  teas  made 
a!  the  heart  of  rebellion  in  1861,  for  fear  that  slavery 
might  suffer  equally  with  the  rebellion.  That  through 
the  same  influence,  the  expedition  to  Port  Roval 
win  Ji  cpeiwd  85  brilliantly,  was  suihred  to  languish 
without  suitable  reinforcements,  and  to  degenerate 
from  being  the  dread  and  terror  of  Georgia,  South 
Carolina  and  Florida,  to  a  mere  ditch-digging  and 
cotton-picking  operation.  So,  too,  it  will  be  record- 
ed that,  throughout  the  year,  and  down  to  its  close, 
treason  infested  the  various  Departments  of  the  Gov- 
ernment itself,  paralyzing  its  efforts,  and  counteract- 
ing its  plans,  without  encountering  that  stern  deter- 
mination on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  root  it 
out,  that  would  seem  to  be  requisite  and  proper. 
—  Washington  correspondence  of  the  Dover  Sta/: 


EriQIlAM    O-:*    A    HECEST 

Messrs.  Raymond  and  Grooley, 

(Wo  say  it  quite  freely,) 
You're  a  jolly  green  set, 

And  your  wita  aro  but  small, 
In  offering  to  bet 

Willi  tlie  Hrratdnt  all. 
You  have  known  Bennett  lonft — 

Tbatno  scruples  oun  tetter; 
And  his  sheet  if  you  read. 
(As  you  ougiit  to,  indeed.) 
Von  should  see,  by  tins  time,  tho  bad  mail  is  no  better  ! 
-Vamtjf  Fair. 


SLAVERY  AND   THE  WAS. 

The  war  upon  the  South,  which  was  begun  with 
high-sounding  pretext" of  devotion  to  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  and  attachment  to  the  Union,  has  degenerated 
into  a  blind,  atrocious  and  fanatical  crusade  against 
the  institution  of  slavery.  The  vulgar  and  bloodthirs- 
ty Abolitionism  of  old  John  Brown,  in  all  its  unmiii- 
gated  brutality  and  villany,  is  now  rampant  at  Wash- 
ington. Eschewing  all  statesmanship,  all  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  Constitution,  and  all  justice  and  humani- 
ty, the  Northern  politicians  have  given  themselves  up 
to  the  prosecution  of  the  crude  schemes  of  the  Very 
canaille  of  Abolitionism,  and  in  their  blind  rage  level 
in  indiscriminate  ruin  the  institutions  and  civilization 
of  half  a  continent.  Forfeiting  all  claim  to  the  char- 
acter of  statesmen,  they  have  converted  themselves 
into  a  horde  of  vulgar  incendiaries,  as  despicable  a» 
they  are  atrocious  and  immeasurably  wicked.  From 
henceforth,  all  who  sympathize  with  them,  who  en- 
list in  their  armies,  or  in  any  way  lend  them  aid  and 
comfort,  become  partners  in  their  inexpiable  guilt, 
and  sink  themselves  to  the  same  depth  of  brutal  de- 
pravity. 

The  contrast  between  the  enlightened,  humane 
and  honorable  policy  of  the  South  and  that  of  the 
North,  affords  the  most  striking  proof  of  the  human- 
izing and  beneficent  influences  of  slavery.  The  civil- 
ized nations  of  the  earth  are  beginning  to  open 
their  eyes  to  the  elevating  and  salutary  effects  upon 
society  of  this  ennobling  institution.  They  see  a 
people  reared  under  ils  influences,  displaying  in  the 
conduct  of  a  war  waged  against  them  with  unex- 
ampled atrocity  and  an  utter  disregard  of  the  rules  of 
civilized  warfare,  all  that  justice,  humanity,  mag- 
nanimity, moderation,  and  stainless  chivalry,  which 
"enter  into  the  highest  type  of  human  civilization,  in 
damaging  contrast  with  the  low,  vulgar  and  brutal 
atrocity  of  their  adversaries,  which  only  finds  a  par- 
allel in  the  Sepoys  of  India  and  the  Druses  of  Syria, 
whose  crimes  against  humanity  have  recently  excited 
the  abhorrence  of  Christendom.  These  develop- 
ments of  national  character  are  causing  the  people 
of  Europe  to  revise  their  notions  of  the  subject  of 
slavery. 

The  history  of  the  world  may  be  challenged  to 
show  a  nation  which  has  reached  or  long  maintained 
a  high  civilization  without  slavery,  either  absolute, 
as  in  the  South  and  other  countries;  or  in  a  modi- 
fied form,  as  in  the  present  European  systems  of 
labor.  A  monotonous  social  level,  without  the  sub- 
ordination of  a  menial  class  to  one  dominant  and  su- 
perior, is  uniformly  attended  with  social  degenera- 
cy and  corruption,  and  national  weakness  and  deg- 
radation ;  as  witness  the  effeminate  populaiions  of 
India,  and  the  degenerate  North,  which  has  not  been 
able  to  preserve  its  virtue  or  its  freedom  against  the 
deteriorating  influence  of  its  false  and  defective  social 
system. 

The  hostility  of  the  North  against  the  South 
and  Southern  institutions  is  prompted  by  malignant 
envy  of  the  superior  advantages  which  the  South 
enjoys  as  the  results  of  slavery.  This  atrocious  war 
is  the  offspring  of  a  malignant  jealousy  in  the  North- 
ern mind  of  the  superior  prowess,  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  the  Southern  people — jealousy  which 
hates  the  excellence  it  cannot  reach.  Phelps,  the 
Yankee  Abolitionist  in  command  at  Ship  Island,  in 
his  recent  proclamation  discloses  clearly  the  real 
grudge  which  is  inciting  the  Northern  Vandals  to 
such  desperate  efforts  for  the  destruction  of  slavery. 
He  says: 

"  It  is  our  conviction  that  monopolies  are  as  destruc- 
tive as  competition  is  conservative  of  the  principles 
and  vitalities  of  republican  government;  that  slave  la- 
bor is  a  monopoly  which  excludes  free  labor  and  com- 
petition ;  that  slaves  are  kept  in  comparative  idleness 
and  ease  in  a  fertile  half  of  our  arable  national  terri- 
tory ;  while  free  laborers,  constantly  augmenting  in 
numbers  from  Europe,  are  confined  to  the  other  half, 
and  are  often  distressed  by  want;  that  the  free  labor 
of  the  North  has  more  need  of  expansion  into  the 
Southern  States,  from  which  it  is  virtually  excluded, 
than  slavery  had  into  Texas  in  1813." 

The  thief  would  steal  the  property  of  his  neighbors, 
which  he  at  once  envies  and  covets.  He  utters  the 
sentiment  of  a  burglar  or  a  footpad,  who  thinks  him- 
self entitled  to  appropriate  the  property  of  others, 
simply  because  he  craves  it.  The  South  fully  appre- 
ciates the  motives  and  designs  of  her  marauding  in- 
vaders, and  will  continue  to  repulse  them  with  a  he- 
roism and  determination  only  increased  by  the  pro- 
gressive development  of  their  unparalleled  villany. 
— Memphis  (Tenn.J  Avalanche. 

IS^^In  the  above  article  are  concentrated  41  that 
superciliousness,  mendacity,  fiendish  malignity,  con- 
tempt of  the  people  of  the  North,  and  hatred  of  free 
institutions,  which  characterise  the  degraded  South.] 


!i^~  The  pirate  Sumter  had  arrived  at  Cadiz,  where 
ilu>  landed  forty-five  prisoners,  the  officers  ami  crews 
taken  Ironi  three   Federal  merchant   vessels  that  she 

had  destroyed. 


TENNESSEE  LEGISLATURE  —  NO  RECON- 
STRUCTION OP  THE  UNION. 

The  following  resolutions  were  introduced  in  the 
Senate  on  the  10th  ult.,  by  Mr.  Cardwell,  and  were 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Confederate  Relations  : 
A  Resolution  expressive  of  the  Opinion  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  'Tennessee  in   regard,  to  our  future  policy 
and   determination  to  maintain  our  Declaration  of 
Independence  of  the  old  Government  of  the  United 
States : 

Resolved,  By  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State 
of  Tennessee,  as  its  unanimous  sense,  that  any  and 
all  propositions  of  the  Congress  of  the  (so-called) 
United  States  of  America  to  reconstruct  a  Union 
which  they  have  prostituted  to  the  base  purposes  of 
annihilating  the  liberties,  trampling  upon  tlie  rights, 
destroying  the  lives  and  plundering  the  people  of  the 
Confederate  States,  thus  driving  them  to  the  asser- 
tion of  their  independence  and  the  formation  of  a 
new  confederacy,  tor  the  maintenance  of  their  ina- 
lienable rights.and  the  preservation  of  their  sovereign- 
ty, is  but  another  form  under  which  our  enemies 
would  subjugate  the  South  and  reduce  us  to  the  des- 
potism of  their  degrading  doctrines,  and  that  we  can- 
not view  any  such  proposition  of  reconstruction  in 
any  other  light  than  as  a  crowning  insult  to  our  in- 
telligence and  manhood  to  thus  approach  us  after 
the  acts  of  rapine,  murder  and  barbarity  'which  have 
marked  their  inhuman  invasion  of  our  territory  ;  and 
that  any  such  proposition  should  be  met  promptly 
and  unhesitatingly  with  our  indignant  rejection. 

Resolved,  That  the  secret  sympathizersof  Lincoln- 
ism  in  the  South,  if  any  there  be,  who  may  favor  any 
such  insulting  approach  of  our  enemy,  deserve  to  be 
branded  as  traitors  to  the  South  and  enemies  of  their 
country. 

Resolved,  That  any  commissioners  appointed  by 
the  Lincoln  Congress,  at  Washington,  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Confederate  States,  having  for  the  ob- 
ject of  their  mission  a  reconstruetion  of  the  old  Union 
should  be  at  once  promptly  rejected  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Confederate  Stales. 

Resolved,  That  the  Confederate  States  and  their 
people  ardently  desire  a  peaceful  solution  of  existing 
difficulties  with  the  Northern  States,  and  that  an 
honorable  peace,  guaranteeing  our  independence, 
would  be  hailed  by  our  people  with  joy  and  satisfac- 
tion ;  but  that,  having  taken  up  arms  to  achieve  our 
independence  of  a  government  which  has  cruclly 
persecuted  and  oppressed  us,  and  which  has  shown 
a  determination  to  overturn  every  guaranty  of  011  r 
constitutional  rights,  by  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  the  people  of  Tennessee  cannot  with 
honor  and  safety  to  themselves,  and  with  security  to- 
their  posterity,  consent  to  any  treaty  which  shall  not 
recognize  their  entire  independence  of  any  political 
connection  with  the  Government  of  the  (so-called) 
United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  be  requested  to  for- 
ward a  copy  of  these  resolutions  to  each  of  our  Rep- 
resentatives in  Congress,  and  also  a  copy  to  each  of 
the  Governors  of  the  Confederate  States,  with  a  re- 
quest that  they  be  laid  before  their  respective  State 
Legislatures, 

LiTF.itAttY  Soldiers. — A  correspondent  of  the 
Congrcgatbnalist  writes  : — "Never  before  was  the 
postmaster  of  Annapolis  so  overrun  with  business. 
These  Massachusetts  regiments  especially  are  a  puz- 
zle to  him,  they  are  snt  h  writer?  of  epistles.  Some 
Maryland  ladies,  though  of  New  England  birth,  were 
recently  in  my  tent,  and  they  expressed  their  utter 
astonishment  at  the  number  of  letters  that  were 
poured  in  at  my  box  beside  the  tent  door.  '  Tlirv 
examined  them,  and  admired  the  neatness  and  beau- 
ty of  their  ehirography.  They  said  they  wislu-d 
that  Maryland  people  understood  such  things,  and 
would  imitate  them.  They  really  looked  upon  our 
soldiers  as  a  Superior  order  of  people,  and  it  it  was 
:in  illusion  of  their  fancy,  1  said  nothing  to  disturb  it. 
They  were  reminded  that  we  came"  linn  a  land 
where  '  the  selmoluiaster  is  abroad.'  and  alwavs  has 
been,  from  the.  time  of  its  earliest  settlement,  conse- 
intly  »e  have  raised  up  a  class  of  men  who  ran 
te  their  names,  and    wake   their  mark,   also.      We 

send  away  from  two  to  seven  hundred  letters  daily-, 

aud  receive  m  lils  twice  R  day,   varying   from    half'a. 
peck  to  three  bushels." 


'»  II  E     LIBER  AT  OK 

—  IS    l'L'l!HSHKI>  — 

EVEKY  FRIDAY  MOENBTG, 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,    BOOM    No.    0. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


B2T  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

IbSF"  Five  copies  will  bo  gent  to  one  address  for  7EX 
dollars,  if  payment  bo  made  in  advance. 

§W  Al^  remittances  are  to  be  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  bo 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

S^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  tho  rate  of  five  cents  per 
line. 

[^"  Tho  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  aro 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

r^~  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz  : — Francis  Jackson,  Ebmunu  Quincy,  Edmund 
Jackson,  and  "Wendell  Phillips. 


Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  <ay  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  timo,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST;' 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
Usitkd  States,  but  the  Comuakder  of  thk  Abut-, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  .'  .  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  the  alavoholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil-,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  kvkiiy  way  IS  which  it  can  be  interferes 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  hardened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  i3  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  mcst  carry  it  ok,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  tbe  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  tower  takes  the 
place  op  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
'  array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adams, 


WM.  LLOYD  QAEBISOK,  Editor. 


fflur  ffiottntfj)  is  tte  WoxW,  our  fflmrotnjiiwu  nn  all  pa«el«a. 


J.  B,  YEERIHTOU  &  SON,  Printers. 


"VOL.   XXXII.    no;   6. 


BOSTON,     FIRID^Y,     FEBRUAEY    7,    1862. 


"WHOLE    3STO.    1624. 


Ufttg*   flf  ®pptt$$t0«. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Boston  Courier: —  *"■ 

Can  any  good  citizen  or  true  patriot  read,  without 
a  tingling  in  the  toe  of  his  boot,  the  atrocious  and 
treasonable  expressions  of  Mr.  Wendell  Phillips  at 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society  meeting  of  Friday,  as  re- 
ported in  your  paper  of  Saturday  ?  It  will  not  do 
to  represent  this  torch  of  incendiarism  as  a  person  of 
no  influence  or  consideration,  for  the  contrary  is  no- 
toriously the  fact.  In  my  humble  opinion,  there  is 
not  at  this  moment  in  Massachusetts  a  person  of  more 
wide  influence  over  the  general  heart  and  mind  than 
he  is.  As  a  public  lecturer,  he  is  by  far  the  most 
popular  man  in  the  State.  Wherever  he  goes,  he  is 
■welcomed  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  ;  the  largest 
halls  are  always  filled  to  their  utmost  capacity,  when- 
ever he  is  announced  to  speak ;  and  so  soon  as  he 
appears  on  the  platform,  lie  is  greeted  with  shout- 
ings, clappings  of  hands,  wavings  of  handkerchiefs, 
and  all  the  ecstacy  of  intense  admiration,  sublimed 
almost  to  idolatry.  He  boasted  on  Friday  that  he 
had  received  between  one  and  two  hundred  invita- 
tions to  lecture  this  winter,  and  I  have  no  doubt  it 
is  true.  Everybody  knows  who  and  what  Mr.  Phil- 
lips is;  and  he  is  not  invited  to  lecture,  except  by 
those  who  in  the  main  sympathize  with  him.  And 
this  is  the  man  who, .on  Friday  last,  said  that  he 
should  deplore  a  victory  by  our  noble  McClellan, 
because  the  sore  would  be  salved  over;  and  who 
thanked  Beauregard  for  marshalling  his  army  in 
front  of  Washington,  because  it  conferred  upon  Con- 
gress the  constitutional  right  to  abolish  slavery! 
This  heartless  and  cold-blooded  traitor  exults  over 
the  convulsions  and  agony  of  his  bleeding  country, 
because  of  the  wild  hope  that,  in  the  destruction  of 
government  and  civil  society,  the  negro  may  some- 
how be  emancipated.  He  beards  and  defies  the  Gov-- 
eminent,  and,  in  so  doing,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  he  is 
backed  by  the  public  sentiment  of  Massachusetts. 
How  long  is  this  state  of  opinion  and  feeling  to  last, 
and  what  is  to  be  the  end  of  it  ?  I  put  these  ques- 
tions to  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  especially 
to  the  Republican  party,  by  and  through  whose  most 
mistaken  and  unfortunate  countenance  and  encour- 
agement, the  Anti-Slavery  party  in  Massachusetts 
has  grown  to  its  present  formidable  dimensions;  for 
they  are  formidable,  and  he  cannot  or  will  not  dis- 
cern the  truth  who  refuses  to  admit  it. 

And  now  let  me  go  upon  another  tack  for  a  few 
moments.  You  have  lately  been  spending  some  of 
your  editorial  powder  and  shot  upon  the  Boston 
Journal, — a  game,  let  me  remark,  hardly  worth  the 
charge. 

Observe,  in  the  Journal  of  Saturday,  the  account 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  and  see  how  meagre  and  imperfect  it  is,  and 
how  especially  it  omits  everything  which  has  the 
sting  of  treason  and  the  venom  of  fanaticism.  It  is 
an  emasculated  report,  with  the  vice  taken  out. 
For  instance,  Mr.  Phillips,  in  the  forenoon,  made  a 
long  speech  filled  with  mischievous  matter ;  but  the 
report  of  the  Journal  does  not  even  mention  his 
.  name.  Mr.  Garrison  also  reported  a  string  of  very 
objectionable  resolutions,  but  the  report  of  the  Jour- 
nal does  not  say  that  Mr.  Garrison  reported  any  res- 
olutions at  all,  or  even  name  him  as  taking  any  part 
in  the  proceedings.  In  the  report  of  the  afternoon's 
proceedings,  a  brief  sketch  of  Mr.  Phillips's  speech  is 
given,  but  everything  acrid  and  treasonable  is  omit- 
ted; and  especially  the  outrageous  statements  about 
McClellan  and  Beauregard  which  I  have  above 
quoted,  and  the  whole  is  toned  down  till  it  becomes 
a  string  of  sounding  but  not  glittering  generalities. 
Now  in  the  advertisement  of  the  Boston  Journal,  it 
is  said  that  their  journal  is  "an  indispensable  neces- 
sity to  every  man  who  would  keep  himself  informed 
of  the  important  events  which  are  daily  transpiring." 
It  strikes  me  that  the  action  of  the  Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  just  now,  is  a  very  "  important 
event,"  and- that  tho  sixty  or  eighty  thousand  read- 
ers of  the  Journal  ought  to  be  kept  informed  of  what 
is  said  and  done  at  these  meetings. 

All  this  might  pass  by  as  one  of  the  accidental 
oversights  and  omissions  incident  to  the  conduct  of 
a  daily  paper  in  large  circulation,  were  it  not  that 
it  is  in  unison  with  what  I  have  long  observed  a 
usage  in  Republican  newspapers.  The  proceedings 
of  the  abolitionists  are  not,  in  general,  fully  reported 
in  these  newspapers,  but  they  are  "  doctored  "  for 
the  Republican  palate.  The  support  of  the  voting 
abolitionists  is  essential  to  the  existence  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  and  nothing  must  be  done  to  impair 
the  harmonious  relations  existing  between  them. 
Especially  is  this  important  just  now,  when  so  many 
of  the  moderate  Republicans,  appalled  by  the  conse- 
quences, present  and  impending,  of  the  mad  coun- 
sels to  which  they  have  lent  themselves,  are  on  the 
anxious  seats  of  the  penitent,  and  beginning  to  show 
signs  of  a  change  of  heart.  Could  these  men  read 
a  full  report  of  the  knot  of  traitors  composing  the 
Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  their  conver- 
sion might  be  completed.  In  order  to  prevent  this, 
the  conductors  of  the  Journal  deceive  their  readers 
by  a  systematic  suppression  of  the  truth  ;  and  in  the 
same  paper  they  set  the  dirty  little  turnspit  they 
keep  in  Washington  a-barking  at  the  Courier, 
where  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth  might  be  found 
by  such  members  of  the  Republican  party  as  were 
candid  and  unprejudiced  enough  to  seek  for  it.  And 
such  is  the  course  of  the  paper  which  proclaims  it- 
self in  large  capitals  to  be  "  the  best  general  news- 
paper in  New  England."  Suffolk. 


®k* 


i  ft  *  y  x  i  0  v . 


How  to  Retrieve  the  Bull  Run  Defeat 
Immediately.  Let  Garrison,  Greeley,  Brownson, 
Wendell  Phillips,  Beecher  and  Cheever  be  arrested, 
by  order  of  the  government,  sent  to  Fort  Lafayette 
and  boarded  there  for  six  months.  This  action  will 
at  once  produce  a  moral  effect  upon  the  Union  sen- 
timent of  the  South,  which  would  make  Jeff.  Davis's 
confederacy  cave  in,  almost  without  a  battle,  in  less 
than  two  weeks.  These  abolitionists  are  traitors  to 
the  Constitution,  and  deserve  to  be  imprisoned. 
Let  it  be  done  at  once,  and  the  Bull  Run  defeat, 
which  they  caused,  will  be  amply  and  immediately 
retrieved. — N.  Y.  Herald. 


Cox-comical.  In  the  U.  S.  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, last  week,  Mr.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  came  to  the  de- 
fence of  Gen.  McClellan  against  a  criticism  upon  the 
latter  for  lack  of  military  energy  by  Mr.  Gurley. 

Mr.  Cox  referred  to  the  animus  of  these  attacks 
on  Gen.  McClellan — it  was  because  he  would  not 
make  this  war  an  abolition  war.  He  would  not  now 
discuss  this  aspect  of  our  debates.  Happily,  he  could 
announce  that  no  confiscating  or  emancipating  bills 
can  pass  this  Congress.  Let  the  Abolitionists  howl 
on — let  Phillips  declare  that  a  victory  by  McClellan 
would  only  cover  up  the  old  slavery  sore,  and  there- 
fore was  to  be  deplored.  He  hoped  that  these  at- 
tacks on  our  commander,  our  Constitution,  and  the 
Government,  which  were  discouraging  to  the  army 
and  the  tax-payer,  would  cease,  for  the  common  ob- 
ject— the  restoration  of  the  Union. 


TWEHTT-HINSH    ANMTJAL    MEETING 

OF    THE 

MASSACHUSETTS  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 

Thursday  Evening,  Jan.  23. 
SPEECH  OF    WILLIAM  LLOYD    GARRISON. 

Mr.  President, — It  is  too  late,  I  think,  for  me  to 
make  even  a  brief  speech;  and  I  feel  extremely  re- 
luctant to  intrude  upon  your  time,  or  your  bodily  en- 
durance, as  a  mere  matter  of  courtesy  or  kindness. 
It  seems  to  me  that  after  the  speech  to  which  we  have 
listened,  [referring  to  the  speech  of  J.  S.  Rock,  Esq.] 
nothing  need  be  added  to  deepen  the  impression  of  this 
audience  in  the  right  direction,  in  favor  of  the  cause 
of  the  oppressed.  Had  I  not  better  sit  down  1  (Loud 
cries  of  "  Go  on,"  "  Go  on.")  I  will,  then,  say  a  few 
words.     (Great  applause.) 

One  such  speech  as  that  which  has  just  been  made 
is  a  complete  and  triumphant  answer  to  all  the 
folly  and  nonsense  that  we  have  heard  for  so  many 
years  in  regard  to  the  intellect  and  the  possibilities  of 
the  black  man  (applause) ; — whether  he  is  an  inferior 
being  or  not — whether  he  is  capable  of  civilization — 
whether,  if  free,  he  can  take  care  of  himself — like  other 
men.  Is  there  a  man  in  this  house  who  would  not  be 
proud  to  be  able  to  make  such  a  speech,  whatever  his 
complexion  1  I,  for  one,  hesitate  about  going  on  after 
its  delivery  (applause) — a  speech  so  well  reasoned, 
and  so  thoroughly  conclusive  in  all  its  positions. 

Mr.  President,  our  friend,  Mr.  Alger,  this  morning, 
began  the  opening  speech  of  our  Convention  by  giv- 
ing us  a  word  of  cheer,  and  congratulating  us  on  the 
auspicious  signs  of  the  times.  Those  who  came  after 
him  were  generally  inclined  to  take  a  somewhat  som- 
bre view  of  the  state  of  public  affairs ;  on  the  whole, 
so  sombre  that  I  feel  disposed  to  try  if  I  cannot  at 
least  strike  a  balance,  and  endeavor  to  show  that, 
even  if  we  may  not  be  thoroughly  exultant  in  spirit, 
we  have  no  reason  to  be  cast  down,  and  that  our  cause 
is  steadily  onward,  and  making  as  rapid  progress  as 
we  have  any  just  reason  to  hope.  Why,  how  is  it  as 
respects  this  meeting?  A  year  ago,  and  our  anni- 
versary was  furiously  assailed  by  a  bowling  mob. 
Where  are  the  mobocrats  now  ?  Some  of  them  have 
gone  to  fight  those  in  whose  behalf  they  howled  upon 
our  track  last  year.  At  any  rate,  they  are  not  here; 
or,  if  they  are,  they  are  sitting  decently,  "clothed, 
and  in  their  right  mind."  This,  surely,  is  encour- 
aging. So,  too,  when  a  considerable  portion  of  them 
are  seen  in  martial  array  going  down  Broadway,  New 
York,  on  their  way  to  Virginia,  singing — 

"  John  Brown's  body  lies  n,-mouldering  in  the  grave — 
His  soul  is  marching  on," 

I  think  our  cause  is  also  "  marching  on."  (Loud  ap- 
plause.) It  is  for  us  to  be  hopeful  and  confident.  An 
Apostle  of  old  said, — though  the  days  were  perilous 
in  which  he  spoke,  and  though  the  trials  through 
which  he  and  his  associates  were  passing  were  terrible 
— "We  are  always  confident";  and  so  the  Aboli- 
tionists may  say. 

What  have  we  to  rejoice  over?  Why,  I  say,  the 
war!  "What!  this  fratricidal  war?  What!  this 
civil  war?  What!  this  treasonable  dismemberment 
of  the  Union  ?  "  Yes,  thank  God  for  it  all !— for  it  in- 
dicates the  waning  power  of  slavery,  and  the  irre- 
sistible growth  of  freedom,  and  that  the  day  of  North- 
ern submission  is  past.  (Applause.)  It  is  better  that 
we  should  be  so  virtuous  that  the  vicious  cannot  live 
with  us,  than  to  be  so  vile  that  they  can  endure  and 
relish  our  company.  No  matter  what  may  be  said  of 
the  Government — how  it  timidly  holds  back — how  it 
lacks  courage,  energy  and  faith — how  it  refuses  to 
strike  the  blow  which  alone  will  settle  the  rebellion. 
No  matter  what  may  he  said  of  President  Lincoln  or 
Gen.  McClellan,  by  way  of  criticism — and  a  great 
deal  can  be  justly  said  to  their  condemnation — oni 
cheering  fact  overrides  all  these  considerations,  mak- 
ing them  as  dust  in  the  balance,  and  that  is,  that  our 
free  North  is  utterly  unendurable  to  the  slaveholding 
South  (applause);  that  we  have  at  last  so  far  ad- 
vanced in  our  love  of  liberty  and  sympathy  for  the 
oppressed,  as  a  people,  that  it  is  not  possible  any 
longer  for  the  "  traffickers  in  slaves  and  souls  of  men 
to  walk  in  union  with  us.  I  call  that  a  very  cheering 
fact.  (Applause.)  Yes,  the  Union  is  divided;  but 
better  division,  than  that  we  should  be  under  the 
lash  of  Southern  overseers !  Better  civil  war,  if  it 
must  come,  than  for  us  to  crouch  in  the  dust,  and 
allow  ourselves  to  be  driven  to  the  wall  by  a  misera- 
ble and  merciless  slave  oligarchy  !  (Applause.)  This 
war  has  come  because  of  the  increasing  love  of  liberty 
here  at  the  North ;  and  although,  as  a  people,  we  do 
not  yet  come  up  to  the  high  standard  of  duty  in 
striking  directly  at  the  slave  system  for  its  extirpa- 
tion as  the  root  and  source  of  all  our  woe — neverthe- 
less, the  sentiment  of  the  North  is  deepening  daily  in 
the  right  direction.  I  hold  that  it  is  not  wise  for  us 
to  be  too  microscopic  in  endeavoring  to  find  disagreea- 
ble and  annoying  things,  still  less  to  assume  that 
everything  is  waxing  worse  and  worse,  and  that  there 
is  little  or  no  hop*t  No ;  broaden  your  views ;  take 
a  more  philosophical  grasp  of  the  great  question  ;  and 
see  that,  criticise  and  condemn  as  you  may  and  should, 
in  certain  directions,  the  fountains  of  the  great  deep 
are  broken  up — see  that  this  is  fundamentally  a  strug- 
gle between  all  the  elements  of  freedom  on  the  one 
hand,  and  all  the  elements  of  despotism  on  the  other, 
with  whatever  of  alloy  in  the  mixture.  (Applause.) 

I  repeat,  the  war  furnishes  ground  for  high  en- 
couragement. "  Why,'"  some  may  exclaim,  "  we 
thought  you  were  a  peace  man  !  "  Yes,  verily,  I  am, 
and  none  the  less  so  because  of  these  declarations. 
Would  the  cause  of  peace  be  the  gainer  by  the  sub- 
stitution of  the  power  of  the  rebel  traitors  over  the 
nation  for  the  supremacy  of  the  democratic  idea? 
Would  the  cause  of  peace  be  promoted  by  the  North 
basely  yielding  up  all  her  rights,  and  allowing  her 
free  institutions  to  be  overthrown?  Certainly  not. 
Then,  as  a  peace  man,  I  rejoice  that  the  issue  is  at 
last  made  up,  nnd  that  the  struggle  is  going  on,  be- 
cause I  Bee  in.it  the  sign  of  ultimate  redemption. 
Besides,  whether  we  would  have  it  so  or  not,  it  comes 
inevitably,  because  of  our  great  national  transgres- 
sion, which  is  slavery.  Slavery  is  anti-democratic, 
anti-Christian,  anli-human,  demoniacal.  It  docs  not 
believe  that  the  image  of  God  in  man  is  sacred.  It 
doea  not  regard  a  human  being  as  having  any  natural 


essential  and  inalienable  rights.  It  believes  in  might, 
in  power,  in  dominion,  in  desecrating  the  image  of 
God  for  gain,  and  turning  it  into  a  mere  article  of 
merchandise.  For  this  we  are  to  be  severely  scourged, 
and  we  deserve  it.  But,  with  this  retribution,  God 
ngles  mercy,  and  He  now  permits  us  to  do  great 
things  in  His  name  by  putting  away  our  iniquity, 
and  letting  the  oppressed  go  free.  What!  no  pro- 
gress made  in  this  long-protracted  Anti-Slavery  strug- 
gle! Our  prospects  dark  and  almost  hopeless!  All 
labors  and  sacrifices  in  vain  1  Why,  see  what  a 
marvellous  change  has  taken  place  within  the  last 
twelve  months  !  One  year  ago,  and  the  President  of 
the  United  States  had  no  more  power,  constitutionally, 
to  touch  the  fetter  of  a  single  slave  in  any  of  the 
lave  States,  than  he  had  to  be  the  sovereign  of  Great 
Britain.  Now,  by  the  rebellion,  and  in  consequence 
of  It,  be  is  constitutionally  clothed  with  full  power  to 
abolish  shivery  forever.  (Lou*app!ause.)  Is  not  this 
something  to  rejoice  over,  and  may  we  not  give 
thanks  for  this  altered  state  of  things?  Yes,  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  to-night,  if  he  will  but  do  it,  may  consti- 
tutionally emancipate  every  slave,  and  thereby  give  a 
death-blow  to  the  rebellion  in  our  country.  The 
power  is  in  his  hands,  the  right  is  indisputable,  the  ne- 
cessity imperative,  and  holding  back  covers  him  with 
guilt,  covers  the  Government  with  blood,  and  makes 
it  a  more  criminal  omission  of  duty  than  that  which 
iharaeterized  the  conduct  of  Pharaoh  in  the  days  of 
old.     (Applause.) 

Something  has  been  said  about  the  charge  made 
gainst  the  Abolitionists,  that  they  have  been  the 
ause  of  this  war.  Well,  everything  depends  upon 
the  meaning  of  language.  If  it  is  meant  that  the 
Abolitionists  have  so  tar  educated  the  conscience  of  the 
North  in  respect  to  the  claims  of  bleeding  humanity  and 
the  rights  of  the  oppressed,  that  they  have  brought  it 
up  to  this  point  at  last,  no  longer  to  consent  to  the 
further  extension  of  slavery,  and  that,  in  consequence 
of  this  determination,  the  South  has  revolted  and 
Uhdrawn  from  the  Union,  it  is  all  true.  But  that, 
surely,  is  not  discreditable  to  the  Abolitionists  !  They 
have  been  doing  a  good  work.  True  to  freedom,  true 
to  all  free  institutions,  they  have  indeed  so  changed 
the  Northern  mind  and  purpose  as  to  inspire  tbe  Spirit 
of  Liberty  to  stand  up,  and  say  to  tbe  Slave  Power — 
"  Thus  far  shalt  thou  come,  but  no  further ;  and  here 
shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed."  This  is  progress. 
(Applause.) 

I  db  not  know  that  some  margin  of  allowance  may 
not  be  made  even  for  the  Administration.  I  would 
rather  be  over  magnanimous  than  wanting  in  justice. 
Supposing  Mr.  Lincoln  could  answer  to-night,  and  we 
should  say  to  him — "  Sir,  with  the  power  in  your 
hands,  slavery  being  the  cause  of  the  rebellion  beyond 
all  controversy,  why  don't  you  put  the  trump  of  jubi- 
lee to  your  lips,  and  proclaim  universal  freedom?" 
possibly  he  might  answer — "  Gentlemen,  I  understand 
this  matter  quite  as  well  as  you  do.  I  do  not  know 
that  I  differ  in  opinion  from  you ;  but  will  you  insure 
me  the  support  of  a  united  North  if  I  do  as  you  bid 
me  ?  Are  all  parties  and  all  sects  at  the  North  so 
convinced  and  so  united  on  this  point,  that  they  will 
stand  by  the  Government  ?  If  so,  give  me  the  evi- 
dence of  it,  and  I  will  strike  the  blow.  (Applause.) 
But,  gentlemen,  looking  over  the  entire  North,  and 
seeing  in  all  your  towns  and  cities  papers  representing 
a  considerable,  if  not  a  formidable  portion  of  the  peo- 
ple, menacing  and  bullying  the  Government  in  case  it 
dare  to  liberate  the  slaves,  even  as  a  matter  of  self- 
preservation,  I  do  not  feel  that  the  hour  has  yet  come 
that  will  render  it  safe  for  the  Government  to  take 
that  step."  I  am  willing  to  believe  that  something  of 
this  feeling  weighs  in  the  mind  of  the  President  and 
the  Cabinet,  and  that  there  is  some  ground  for  hesi- 
tancy, as  a  mere  matter  of  political  expediency.  My 
reply,  however,  to  the  President  would  be — "  Sir,  tbe 
power  is  in  your  hands  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 
Do  your  duty;  give  to  the  slaves  their  liberty  by 
proclamation,  as  far  as  that  can  give  it;  and  if  the 
North  shall  betray  you,  and  prefer  the  success  of  the 
rebellion  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  let  the 
dread  responsibility  be  hers,  but  stand  with  God  and 
Freedom  on  your  side,  come  what  may  !  "  (Loud  ap- 
plause.) But  men  high  in  office  are  not  apt  to  be  led 
by  such  lofty  moral  considerations ;  and,  therefore,  we 
should  not  judge  the  present  incumbents  too  harshly. 
Doubtless,  they  want  to  be  assured  of  the  Northern 
heart,  feeling,  cooperation,  approval.  Can  these  be 
safely  relied  upon  when  the  decisive  blow  shall  be 
struck?  That  is  the  question;  and  it  is  a  very  seri- 
ous question.  Docs  not  the  Boston  Post — the  Demo- 
cratic (!)  Boston  Post — menace  the  Government  if  it 
shall  dare  to  go  for  Democratic  freedom  to  the  slaves  ? 
Do  not  the  Boston  Courier,  the  New  York  Journal  of 
Commerce,  the  New  York  Express,  and  scores  of  other 
satanic  papers,  tell  the  Government  that  the  moment 
the  proclamation  of  freedom  shall  go  forth,  the  army 
will  be  demoralized,  disorganized,  disbanded — that  the 
officers  will  throw  up  their  commissions — and  even 
intimate  that  Congress  will  be  driven  out  of  the 
Capital  ? 

That  is  the  state  of  things  with  us.  Nevertheless, 
I  think  tbe  Administration  is  unnecessarily  timid,  and 
not  undeserving  of  rebuke.  I  think  that  this  bellow- 
ing, bullying,  treasonable  party  at  the  North  has,  afier 
all,  but  very  little  left,  either  in  point  of  numbers  or 
power:  the  fangs  of  the  viper  are  drawn,  though  the 
venomous  feeling  remains.  Still,  it  has  its  effect,  and 
produces  a  damaging,  if  not  paralyzing  impression  at 
Washington. 

One  word  in  regard  to  England.  There  in  an  un- 
usual sympathy  for  the  Southern  slaveholders  mani- 
fested on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Scoffers  say, 
"Look  at  anti-slavery  England  —  Exeter-Hall,  anti- 
slavery  England  !  There  are  your  English  Abolition- 
ists !  See  how  they  can  hypocritically  talk  about  the 
wrongfulness  of  slavery,  and  yet  go  readily  over,  for 
selfish  considerations,  to  the  side  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  whose  corner-stone  is  slavery  !  See  how 
they  have  blustered  and  threatened  war,  in  case  those 
rebel  ambassadors,  Mason  and  Slidell,  wero  not  ill- 
stantly  liberated  1  They  are  a  people  hypocritical  to 
the  last  degree.  They  are  meanly  jealous  of  us,  and 
hate  us,  and  want  to  see  our  free  institutions  over- 
thrown." Mr.  President,  I  think  much  of  this,  ou 
analysis,  will  be  found  to  be  gross  misapprehension. 
In  the  first  place,  the  British  Government  is  not,  and 
never  has  been,  an  anti-slavery  government,  in  the 
sense  of  being  imbued  with  the   spirit  of  humanity 


towards  those  in  bondage.  It  was  opposed  to  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  jn^the  West  India  Islands,  and  used 
its  power  to  prevent  that  beneficent  measure.  It  was 
the  moral  and  religious  sentiment  of  the  people,  mak- 
ing it  finally  unsafe  for  the  Government  any  longer  to 
withhold  the  boon,  that  gave  freedom  to  the  slaves  of 
the  West  Indies.  But  recollect  that  nearly  a  whole 
generation  has  passed  away  since  that  struggle  took 
place.  Those  who  are  now  living  have  had  no  trial 
of  their  principles;  there  has  been  no  anti-slavery 
agitation,  no  powerful  West  India  interest  to  test 
them,  whether  they  would  dare  to  be  on  the  side  of 
the  bondman  or  not.  All  these  things  have  passed 
away,  and  left  only  a  mere  sentiment  opposed  to  sla- 
very, because  human  nature  everywhere  (self-interest 
being  removed)  rises  up  to  pronounce  sentence  against 
that  crime.  My  friend,  Mr.  Whiting,  read  an  extract 
from  an  article  in  the  London  Herald;  and  I  was 
pleased  to  hear  him  state  that  the  Herald  is  the  organ 
of  the  aristocracy.  That  is  true,  and  that  explains 
the  matter.  Slavery,  in  the  guise  of  Confederate  in- 
dependence, in  this  country,  now  appeals  for  sympa- 
thy and  aid  to  the  aristocracy  and  toryism  of  the  Old 
World,  because  it  sees  that  its  hour  of  overthrow  is 
rapidly  approaching.  While  it  held  the  reins  of  power 
throughout  the  land,  and  dictated  and  controlled  the 
national  policy,  from  the  time  of  George  Washington 
down  to  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  there  was  no  spe- 
cial anxiety  on  the  part  of  English  toryism  in  regard 
to  American  democracy  thus  governed.  Now,  for  the 
first  timo,  slavery  goes  to  the  wall,  the  Slave  Power 
is  ousted  from  the  Government,  and  there  is  a  cry  of 
distress  raised,  and  the  toryism  of  England  naturally 
comes  to  the  rescue.  But  England  is  not  all  aristoc- 
racy, all  toryism.  I  will  put  John  Bright,  and 
Richard  Cobden,  and  George  Thompson,  and  the 
stalwart  veteran  T.  Pierronet  Thompson,  into  one  ' 
scale,  and  the  London  Times,  and  London  Herald,  and 
all  the  other  venal  presses  of  England,  into  the  other, 
and  I  know  which  will  kick  the  beam.  (Applause.) 
The  intelligent,  moral  and  democratic  portion  of  Eng- 
land naturally  and  necessarily  gravitate  to  the  side  of 
the  North.  They  understand,  that  whatever  may  be 
the  short-comings  and  inconsistencies  of  our  Govern- 
ment,— and  they  are  many  and  grievous, — and  not- 
withstanding it  is  entangled  more  or  less  with  slavery, 
— after  all,  this  is  essentially  a  struggle  between  demo- 
cratic freedom  on  the  one  hand,  and  slaveholding  des- 
potism on  the  other,  and  they  give  their  sympathy  to 
the  side  of  freedom.    (Applause,) 

I  say  this,  and  I  feel  bound  to  say  this,  in  defence 
of  that  portion — and  a  very  considerable  portion,  too — 
of  the  English  people.  I  have  been  among  them  a 
great  deal,  have  travelled  extensively,  have  met  them 
socially  and  publicly,  and  I  never  saw,  in  all  my 
travels,  anything  of  jealousy  toward  this  country,  any 
manifestation  of  hatred  or  rivalry.  I  never  heard  any 
expressions  of  ill-will,  any  hope  expressed  that  our 
free  institutions  would  be  overthrown.  No ;  but  I 
have  again  and  again  heard,  in  public  assemblies,  the 
most  eulogistic  commendations  of  America,  wherein 
she  deserved  to  be  commended,  and  always  the  house 
came  down  with  thunders  of  applause,  showing  a 
very  generous  and  sympathizing  spirit.  I  believe 
there  is  incomparably  more  hatred  of  England  in 
America  than  there  is  hatred  of  America  in  England. 
(Applause.) 

Well,  we  must  endeavor  to  secure  the  cooperation 
of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world.  There 
is  but  one  way  to  do  that,  and  that  is  for  us,  as  a  peo- 
ple and  as  a  Government,  to  decree  the  immediate 
abolition  of  slavery.  (Applause.)  O  that  the  Gov- 
ernment had  more  faith  and  more  courage!  0  that 
the  army  had  more  of  inspiration  !  O  that  GenefW 
McClellan  were  prepared  to  go  forth  as  a  deliverer !  It 
is  sad  that  it  is  so.  But  we  must  remember  the  actual 
state  of  the  country.  A  year  ago,  and  Anti-Slavery 
meetings  were  mobbed  from  Boston  to  Buffalo.  The 
people  have  been  everywhere  surcharged  with  a  pro- 
slavery  spirit.  We  are  now  going  through  a  fiery 
trial,  that  we  may  be  educated  to  see  that  we  cannot 
possibly  have  any  liberty  left  to  ourselves,  while  we 
are  in  complicity  with  those  who  enslave  their  fellow- 
men.  We  are  to  be  taufht  by  much  suffering.  Sup- 
pose the  army  should  be  defeated — very  likely  it  will; 
suppose  our  naval  operations  shall  be  baffled — very 
likely  they  may  bo;  suppose  that  many  an  additional 
vial  of  retribution  shall  be  poured  out  upon  us — we 
deserve  it  all.  And  yet,  it  will  not  be  a  hopeless  day. 
No;  when  the  justice  of  God  is  abroad — when  retri- 
bution for  long-continued  iniquity  is  poured  out — it  is 
not  a  hopeless  day.  Through  sore  trials  and  merited 
chastisement,  we  may  be  brought  back  to  God ;  through 
much  tribulation,  we  may  enter  into  the  kingdom  ; 
and  so,  putting  away  our  sins  against  freedom  and  hu- 
manity, we  may  finally  secure  victory,  and  the  bene- 
diction of  Heaven. 

I  have  great  faith  in  the  future.  We  shall  not  go 
back  to  "  the  beggarly  elements  "  of  old.  The  "  cov- 
enant with  death"  is  annulled;  the  "agreement  with 
hell "  no  longer  stands.  Under  the  new  order  of 
things,  new  relations  exist,  and  the  Government  is  in- 
vested with  extraordinary  powers.  There  is  freedom 
of  speech;  we  may  now  assemble  together  as  we  will 
to  denounce  slavery,  and  the  people  are  eager  to  hear 
and  ready  to  applaud.  Multitudes  of  petitions  are 
pouring  into  Congress  from  all  parts  of  the  great 
North,  asking  that  body  at  once  to  abolish  slavery  un- 
der the  war  power.  (Applause.)  George  B.  Cheever 
speaks  in  the  city  of  Washington,  in  the  Hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  before  four  thousand  peo- 
ple, in  favor  of  immediate  emancipation,  and  is  ap- 
plauded to  the  echo.  (Applause.)  Horace  Greeley, 
Dr.  Brownson,  and  Mr.  Dickinson  go  there  on  the 
same  mission,  to  enforce  the  same  duty  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  they  are  all  applauded.  It  is  stated  that 
our  eloquent  friend  and  coadjutor,  Wendell  Phillips, 
is  also  to  go  there,  and  bear  his  testimony.  (Prolonged 
applause.)  Is  not  that  cheering?  Why,  you  have 
just  cheered  it!  (Laughter.)  True,  as  I  recently 
said  at  New  York,  there  is  a  little  drawback  to  all 
this;  for  while  this  indicates  great  progress,  I  feel  not 
a  little  humiliated  when  I  remember  that  it  is  possible 
for  these  brave  men  thus  to  speak,  only  because  there 
are  150,000  Northern  bayonets  in  and  around  Wash- 
ington 1  An  American  citizen  has  a  right  to  stand  in 
the  Capital,  in  Charleston,  in  New  Orleans,  under  tho 
flag  and  the  Constitution,  and  denounce  oppression  in 
every  form,  without  any  liability  to  sullering  or  per- 
sonal danger.  But  it  tukes  160,000  Northern  bayo- 
nets, to-day,  to  render  it  possible  for  Dr.  Cheever,  and 


Dr.  Brownson,  and  Horace  Greeley  to  speak  at  Wash- 
ington in  favor  of  impartially  carrying  out  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  in  ouf  country  !  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  something  to  have  150,000  bayonets  there  ! 
(Applause.)  And  so  I  extract  consolation  even  from 
deep  humiliation. 

Let  us  criticise  where  we  can,  and  condemn  where 
we  must.  The  conduct  of  the  Government  towards 
the  contrabands  is  painfully  equivocal,  but  I  do  not 
think  it  is  all  brutal.  Let  me  generously  make  a 
slight  plea  for  the  Government.  The  order  sent  by 
Secretary  Cameron  to  Fortress  Monroe  was — "  Don't 
send  any  of  the  contrabands  back  to  slavery,  whether 
belonging  to  loyal  or  disloyal  masters  !  "  (Applause.) 
Gen.  Sherman  received  the  same  instructions  at  Port 
Royal.  So  far  good.  But  it  is  said — "  The  Govern- 
ment has  not  proclaimed  them  free."  Not  exactly. 
The  Government  is  "prudent,"  "judicious,"  you 
know.  That  is  to  say,  it  means,  undoubtedly,  never 
to  send  the  fugitives  back — never!  (Applause.)  They 
are  to  have  their  freedom ;  they  are  to  have  the  wages, 
ultimately,  which  they  are  now  earning;  but  the 
Government  avoids  saying  this  in  so  many  words  at 
present,  as  a  measure  of  policy.  Not  only  will  they 
never  be  again  enslaved,  but  events  are  tending  to 
'ersal  emancipation.  (Applause. )  The  Govern- 
ment— well,  as  it  is  sometimes  said,  in  a  certain 
contingency,  both  "mother  and  child  are  doing  as 
well  as  could  be  expected,"  so  I  am  charitably  in- 
clined to  think  that,  on  the  whole,  the  Government  i8 
doing  "as  well  as  could  be  expected"!  (Laughter 
and  applause.) 

Of  course,  I  am  now  taking  rather  a  rose-colored 
ew  of  things,  because  it  seems  to  me,  on  the  whole, 
that  the  strain  to-day  has  been  a  little  too  despondent, 
and  I  want  you  to  feel  encouraged  and  hopeful  in 
respect  to  the  future,  and  the  certain  triumph  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause.     (Applause.) 

The  closing  session  of  tbe  anniversary  was  held  at 
Music  Hall,  Friday  evening,  Jan.  24,  the  President, 
Edmund  Quincy,  Esq.,  in  the  chair.  An  admission 
fee  of  ten  cents  was  charged,  which  no  doubt  lessen- 
ed, in  some  degree,  the  number  of  the  audience  ;  but, 
nevertheless,  from  a  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred  per- 
sons were  in  attendance,  whose  close  attention  and 
frequent  applause  testified  to  their  hearty  sympathy 
with  the  Society  and  its  objects. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  at  half-past  7 
o'clock,  when  Mr.  Garrison  read  the  resolutions  pre- 
viously offered  by  the  Business  Committee,  and  print- 
ed in  the  Liberator  of  last  week. 

Rev.  A.  A.  Miner,  of  Boston,  was  then  introduced, 
who  was  heartily  greeted  by  the  audience,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  speak  as  follows : — 

SPEECH    OF    REV.    A.    A.    MINER. 

Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : — 
In  most  cheerfully  accepting  the  invitation  which 
brings  me  here  to-night,  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  fact, 
that  I  am  little  entitled  to  be  heard  by  you  on  the 
great  question  which  is  agitating  our  country,  and  in 
its  most  momentous  crisis.  I  am  not  unaware,  as 
you  cannot  be  unaware,  that  there  are  gentlemen  be- 
fore you — to  some  of  whom  you  will  listen  to-night — 
who  are  competent  to  discuss  this  question,  from  hav- 
ing made  it  a  life-study,  as  I  cannot  hope  to  do.  I 
come  here,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  in  response  to  your 
command,  that  I  may  testify  to  you,  in  the  few  words 
I  may  have  the  honor  to  submit,  the  sympathy  which 
I  feel,  and  which,  you  will  permit  me  to  say,  I  have 
long  felt,  in  the  cause  of  Liberty,  which  cause 
seems  to  me  to  have  gathered  up  all  its  interests  in 
a  manner  to  indicate  the  duty  of  the  nation,  Admin- 
istration and  people,  so  clearly,  that  he  who  runs  may 
read.     (Applause.) 

When  I  remember  the  array  of  names  which  have 
of  late  been  connected  with  this  cause — some  of  whom 
have  been  connected  with  this  very  meeting — many 
of  whom  have  been  hitherto  elsewhere,  and  some  of 
them  perhaps  nowhere,  it  does  not  seem  altogether 
improper  that  I  should  be  now  here ;  since  it  only  re- 
quires another  collocation  of  the  letters  of  nowhere  to 
make  now  here;  and,  clearly,  now  here  is  the  place. 
(Laughter  and  applause.) 

The  great  principles,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  which 
have  been  entertained  by  most,  if  not  all  of  you, 
in  times  past,  in  one  form  or  another,  with  all  the  va- 
riety of  views  and  discrimination  wbich-has  prevailed 
ou  this  platform  on  each  returning  anniversary  of  this 
Association,  and  which  have  also  found  expression 
elsewhere — those  principles,  ever  the  same,  have  taken 
form,  as  to  their  application,  by  the  understanding  and 
judgment  of  those  who  held  them,  and  the  peculiar 
phases  of  the  hour.  Now,  it  is  so  plain  to  day,  that  we 
owe  our  chief  woes  as  a  nation  to  the  institution  of 
slavery,  that  no  man,  no  sane  man,  really  controverts 
it ;  and  so  plain  that  we  have,  in  this  regard,  (what- 
ever differences  of  opinion  may  have  prevailed  among 
us,)  come  to  think  and  feel  very  much  alike  as  to  the 
general  operation  of  those  principles  ;  and  yet,  unhap- 
pily, to-day,  as  in  times  past,  we  are  divided  on  a  va- 
riety of  questions  as  to  their  application— as  to  time 
and  place,  how  and  when,  where  and  by  whom,  now 
or  by  and  by— so  divided  in  this  regard,  (which  is 
really  a  very  small  ground  of  difference,)  that  we  are 
hesitating,  as  a  people,  the  Government  is  hesitating, 
the  President  manifestly  is  hesitating.  For  I  sum- 
mon you,  my  friends,  to  consider  what  has  transpired. 
I  ask  you  to  recollect  the  proclamation  of  Gen.  Fre- 
mont in  Missouri,  (applause,)  and  Iask  you  to  remem- 
ber how  several  days  went  by,  and  there  was  no  quali- 
fication of  that  proclamation  from  Washington  ;  there 
was  no  note  of  alarm  raised  by  tho  President,  nor  any 
member  of  the  Cabinet ;  and  remember,  also,  that 
when  word  cnnie  from  Kentucky  to  the  President  to 
rectify  what  was  claimed  to  he  wrong  in  that  procla- 
mation, he  did  not  see  any  thing  wrong  in  it.  In  his 
letter  to  Gen.  Fremont,  dated  Sept.  11,  he  says — "  As- 
suming that  you  upon  die  ground  could  better  judge 
of  the  necessities  of  your  position  than  I  could  at  tins 
distance,  on  seeing  your  proclamation  of  Aug.  30lh,  I 
perceived  no  general  objection  to  it."  But  "  the  par- 
ticular clause  in  relation  to  the  confiscation  of  property 
nnd  the  liberation  of  slaves,"  he  says,  *'  appeared  to  be 
objectionable  in  its  non-conformity  to  the  act  of  Con- 
gress," nnd  as  Gen.  Fremont  desired  him  to  take  the 
responsibility,  lie  directs  that  it  shall  bo  modified  so 
and  so. 

1  do  not  say  this  ns  a  reproach  to  tho  President. 
1  believe  his  heart  was  right.  I  believe,  if  he  had 
been  hero  enough    to  say— "  Abrnham   Lincolu  will 


die  here  in  this  Thermopylae  of  liberty  before  he  will 
modify  that  proclamation,  let  Kentucky  say  what 
she  will!"  (applause,)  the  entire  North  would  have 
wheeled  into  line,  and  we  should  have  been  a  united 
people.  Even  the  Boston  Post,  in  its  eagerness  to  be 
on  the  right  side,  declared,  in  that  brief  interim,  "  This 
is  a  blow  in  the  right  direction;  this  is  a  blow  at  the 
heart  of  the  enemy";  but  now  that  same  Boston 
Post  says  that  the  men  at  the  North  who  desire  free- 
dom are  joining  bands  with  the  secessionists,  and  are 
thus  traitors,  and  ought  to  find  a  home  in  Fort  War- 
ren. That  act  of  the  Administration,  friends,  was  an. 
awful  blow  for  our  country.  I  cannot  agree  with 
the  very  able  gentleman  who  has  said,  in  one  of  your 
meetings,  I  think,  that  he  believed  that  the  responsi- 
bility of  this  act  rests  with  the  Government — mean- 
ing the  people.  We  have  Been  a  great  exigency 
arise.  In  such  an  hour,  the  Administration  should 
lead..  When  the  Administration,  organized  for  the 
government  of  a  great  people,  scattered  abroad  fronj.« 
ocean  to  ocean,  finds  itself  in  an  emergency,  it  cannot 
run  to  every  town  and  village  throughout  the  country, 
and  feel  the  pulse  of  every  sick  man,  and  consider 
what  treatment  the  nation  requires.  It  must  judge 
from  the  symptoms  it. beholds,  and  must  give  the  dose, 
trusting  in  Providence  that  it  will  effect  a  cure.  Hes- 
itations and  delays  are  not  remedies,  and  there  is 
great  reason  to  fear  that  in  our  case  they  will  kill 
the  patient.  Prompt,  effective  treatment  is  what  is 
wanted.  For  a  disorder  like  this,  a  thorough  emetic 
is  the  thing.  Treat  it  as  you  would  a  child  in  spasms ; 
let  it  throw  off  the  disturbing  substance ;  and  if  our 
nation  is  in  spasms  from  slavery,  throw  it  off!  (Ap- 
plause.) 

But,  my  friends,  we  have  settled  one  point  during 
the  last  year  which  has  hitherto  been  in  controversy. 
These  gentlemen  have  believed,  in  years  gone  by,  that 
there  was  no  hope  for  our  nation,  except  by  the  over- 
throw of  the  Government.  I  do  not  think  they  cal- 
culated on  just  the  course  of  things  that  has  arisen. 
Certainly,  there  have  been  changes  about  us  somewhat 
remarkable;  and  we  all  need  to  trim  the  sails  of  our 
craft  anew.  Why  should  we  not?  The  wind  has 
clianged.  There  is  a  stiff  breeze;  it  promises  to  rise 
to  a  gale;  it  may  prove  a  hurricane.  God  Almighty 
will  let  loose  the  winds  of  heaven  upon  us,  more  and 
more  fierce,  until  they  drive  us  toward  tbe  port  He 
means.  It  is  the  hand  of  Jehovah,  the  Lord  God  of 
Hosts,  that  is  buffeting  us  JnthesQ-jjur  times  : — the 
hand  of  Jehovah,  the  Lord  ( 
in  the  earth,  who  verily  is  a  Gct 
who  does  not  permit  a  nation  to  slumber  in  wrong.  It 
is  the  retribution  of  his  hand  now  being  visited  upon 
us;  and  how  fitly,  how  discriminatingly  !  Our  mer- 
chants, who  have  helped  plunge  us  into  this  abyss,  are 
now  meeting  privateers  on  every  sea.  Rich  by  slow 
degrees  and  much  moral  abasement, — poor  at  a  blow  ! 
So  God  deals  with  the  children  of  men.  But  I  return 
to  my  point.  One  thing  has  been  settled.  It  has  been 
proved  that  we  could  not  solve  the  anti-slavery  prob- 
lem without  war ;  a  peaceful  solution  was  impossible. 
For,  observe,  we  could  not  stay  the  rising  power  of 
oppression,  except  by  joining  issue  with  it  at  some 
point.  Now,  if  there  were  possible  any  issue  that 
could  turn  the  tide,  could  solve  the  problem  and  save 
the  country  without  war,  the  least  possible  barrier  to 
slavery  was  the  one  that  would  do  it.  That  least  pos- 
sible barrier  was  raised.  It  was  not  that  the  slaves  in 
general  should  be  emancipated;  it  was  not  that  the 
border  Slave  States  should  become  free;  it  was  not 
that  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  should  be 
abolished ;  it  was  simply  this,  that  there  should  be  no 
more  slave  territory — the  least  that  could  be  said,  and 
say  anything— the  least  issue  that  could  be  joined, 
and  join  any  issue  with  the  Slave  Power.  That  was 
the  issue  at  the  last  election.  It  was  a  very  narrow 
one,  but  it  bad  this  merit  in  it — it  involved  the  ques- 
tion of  approval  or  condemnation  of  slavery;  and  in- 
volving that,  it  involved  the  question  of  approval  or 
condemnation  of  the  slaveholder;  and  it  is  the  sting 
of  that  condemnation  that  has  gone  home  to  the  heart 
of  the  tyrant,  and  has  made  this  quaking.  It  is  the 
sting  of  that  condemnation,  born  of  the  universal  sense 
of  the  wickedness  and  guilt  of  slaveholding  tyranny 
over  all  the  world,  expressed  through  the  North,  the 
East,  and  the  Northwest,  that  has  waked  the  lion  in 
bis  lair,  and  the  result  is  war.  The  South  does  not 
pretend  that  the  President  intended  any  onslaught  on 
slavery  where  it  was  ensconced.  There  was  no  lead- 
ing man  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  who  pretended 
to  believe  that  the  President  intended  to  violate  any  of 
the  so-called  and  generally  acknowledged  claims  of 
slavery  under  the  Constitution.  That  was  not  their 
fear.  Their  fear  was,  (besides  the  condemnation  to 
which  I  have  referred,)  that  if  a  wedge  was  entered 
here,  it  would  be  driven  home  by  the  hand  of  God 
himself.  Ferhaps  they  saw  only  this  remote  fact,  that, 
shut  out  from  tbe  Territories,  slavery  must  at  length 
destroy  itself,  by  the  multiplication  of  the  slaves;  for 
it  is  a  law  of  population,  that  the  laboring  classes  mul- 
tiply more  rapidly  than  the  aristocratic  classes.  They 
may  have  seen  that,  shut  up  to  their  own  territory,  to 
the  Slave  States,  the  blacks  would  increasc-ttnvH,-Rs-- 
now  in  South  Carolina  and  some  other  States,  they 
outnumbered  the  whites,  with  a  consequent  deprecia- 
tion in  the  value  of  the  slaves,  nnd  finally  a  necessity 
for  the  removal  of  the  whites,  or  tbe  setting  free  of  tho 
blacks.  Besides  this,  they  may  have  reflected  that 
when  the  South  should  have  become  accustomed  to 
the  rule  of  a  Republican  Administration,  there  would 
be  no  longer  any  opportunity  to  work  on  the  fears  and 
apprehensions  of  tbe  people,  nnd  no  purchase,  there- 
fore, for  tbe  leverage  by  which  to  raise  a  rebellion  and 
overthrow  the  Government,  nnd  secure  a  division. 
Thus  we  are  safe  in  concluding,  that  the  issue  joined 
was  the  least  possible,  and  the  result  being  war,  it  waa 
impossible  to  reach  a  peaceful  solution. 

W ell,  my  friends,  I  have-no  doubt  the  South  has 
been  greatly  disappointed,  nnd  certainly  wo  have. 
We  thought  slavery  a  bad  thing;  we  thought  slave- 
holders  guilty  of  great  tUWMfdenttMMB  j  we  thought 
that  the  tyrannies  sometimes  committed  under  the  sys- 
tem were  such  ns  should  mnko  intelligent,  cultured 
humnnity  everywhere  shudder  ;  hni  we  did  not  heliero 
that  they  could  go  so  far  as  to  lay  n  suicidal  hand  upon 
tbfl  very  institutions  which  sheltered  them.  For  my- 
self. I  am  free  to  confess,  thai  while  1  believed  a  great 
deal  in  the  diabolism  of  slavery,  I  did  not  believe  it 
was  so  thoroughly  diabolical  as  it  has  proved  itself. 
And  I  think  they  of  the  South  have  also  been  mis- 
taken ;  for  they  thought,  undoubtedly,  that  they  could 


22 


THE     LIB  ER^T  O  Pi 


FEBEUAEY  7. 


Bcccde,  and  by  raising  that  pleasant  philosophical  cry, 
'"Don't  coerce  us!"  while  they  were  stealing  our 
arnie,  rifling  our  arsenals  ami  our  mints,  nnd  rallying 
their  hosts  in  martial  array,  ready  for  the  fight— I 
have  no  doubt,  I  say,  that  they  thought  their  cry  of 
"  Don't  coerce  us!  "  "Don't  plunge  us  into  a  fratri- 
cidal war,  the  most  inhuman  of  all  wars  ! "  would  pre- 
vail, and  that  the  craven  spit-it  of  the  North,  and  the 
prejudices  of  party  which  they  had  nourished  for 
seventy  years,  would  secure  their  admission  into  the 
family  of  nations,  and  that  it  would  be  a  bloodless  vic- 
tory for  them.  I  am  glad  that  they  have  been  dis- 
appointed in  this.  (Applause.)  I  should  have  been 
ashamed  of  the  country  of  my  birth  if  we  could  have 
permitted  the  rebellion  to  go  on,  and  allowed  the 
Southern  Confederacy  to  be  admitted  into  the  family 
of  Nations  without  a  blow  for  the  preservation  of  the 
integrity  of  our  Government,  and  for  the  institutions 
bequeathed  us  by  our  fathers.  But,  fortunately,  their 
impatience  could  not  brook  delay,  and  Sumter  fell. 
Of  what  use  is  it  to  stop  and  ask  who  is  responsible 
for  that?  One  says  it  is  the  slaveholders;  another 
says,  it  is  the  Anti-Slavery  men;  another  says,  it  is 
the  merchants  of  the  North.  Let  me  say,  the  respon- 
sibility rests  on  all  of  them  together;  but  if  you  wish 
to  know  what  the  responsibility  of  each  is  in  tins  mat- 
ter, then  see  what  each  has  done  in  the  work.  It  is 
undoubtedly  true,  that  if  it  bad  not  been  for  the  garri- 
son in  Fort  Sumter,  the  Southerners  would  not  have 
attacked  it.  It  is  undoubtedly  true,  that  the  garrison 
would  not  have  been  there,  in  that  menacing  attitude, 
if  Mr.  Buchanan  had  seen  any  way  to  get  them  911! 
without  a  too  plain  confession  of  his  purpose.  For 
General  Scott  warned  him  of  other  forts  that  were  un- 
defended, told  him  that  the  rebellion  which  was  on  the 
point  of  outbreak  was  one  that  would  require  an  armed 
force  to  suppress  it,  and  asked  leave  to  garrison  those 
undefended  forts,  but  was  not  permitted.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly true,  that  there  would  have  been  no  vote  to 
shut  up  slavery  in  its  own  territory,  if  there  had  been 
no  party  to  stir  up  the  elements  of  liberty  in  this  coun- 
try. It  is  undoubtedly  true,  that  if  there  had  been  no 
institution  of  slavery  in  our  midst,  there  would  have 
been  no  such  party  ;  and  it  is  undoubtedly  true,  that 
if  there  had  not  been  those  in  former  times  who 
brought  slaves  from  Africa  to  our  shores,  there  would 
have  been  no  such  institution  here.  So  we  might  go 
back,  step  by  step,  as  far  as  we  pleased,  and  all  the 
threads  of  the  web  are  essential  to  the  web  itself;  but 
if  you  would  know  the  responsibility  of  each  or  all, 
see  what  each  has  done.  He  who  moves  the  public 
heart,  and  fans  the  expiring  flame  of  liberty,  is  not 
guilty  of  wrong  in  attacking  the  rising  waves  of  op- 
pression. It  is  not  his  fault  if  there  be  an  outbreak. 
My  friends,  when  one  of  your  police  arrests  a  crimi- 
"naMn  your  streets,  and  his  accomplices  assault  the 
policeman,  "do  y  on  say  the  policeman  is  responsible  for 
the  assault?  To  be  sure,  there  would  have  been  no 
assault  if  he  had  not  arrested  the  criminal ;  and  I  have 
no  doubt,  if  we  would  turn  round  and  join  hands  with 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  seek  just  what  they 
seek,  there  would  be  no  war.  So,  if  we  would  join 
hands  with  the  liquor  shops  of  Boston,  and  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen,  and  Chief  of  Police,  who  seek  the  pro- 
tection of  liquor  selling  by  law,  there  would  he  perfect 
peace  between  the  friends  of  Temperance,  the  liquor 
sellers,  and  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen.  Let  the  whole 
community  join  hands  with  iniquity,  and  there  will  be 
no  trouble,  no  outbreak.  Look  out  for  it  in  Heaven, 
when  in  such  case  there  is  none  on  earth  !   (Applause.) 

Well,  having  gotten  to  this  stage  in  the  great  strug- 
gle, there  are  not  a  few  persons,  in  whose  souls  there 
is  a  genuine  love  of  liberty,  and  an  honest,  though  not 
very  vigorous,  perhaps,  or  clear-sighted,  hatred  of 
very  and  oppression,  who  think,  after  all,  we  cannot 
do  anything;  that  it  is  all  very  well  to  talk  about  lib 
erty,  but  nothing  can  be  done — it  is  not  time  to  do 
anything.  Just  so  on  the  subject  of  Temperance. 
The  Chief  of  Police  tells  us  that  the  police  have  no 
control  over  the  liquor  traffic,  and  the  friends  of  Tem- 
perance cannot  do  anything.  They  have  the  prohibi- 
tory statute,  it  is  true,  but  it  cannot  be  executed — noth- 
ing can  be  done.  These  friends  of  freedom  to  whom  I 
have  alluded  may  even  adroit,  •  i;h  you  and  me,  that 
our  ^^hhb^IMI  slavery  arc  at 

;  they  may  admit,  with 
"you  ariiTTiTSpBffa  rebel,  wlr.ci-'E"-  an  individual  or  a 
State,  is  an  outlaw,  and  that  there  may  be  a  right  on 
the  part  of  the  Government,  as  there  unquestionably 
is,  to  take  the  life  of  a  rebel,  when  he  can  be  caught; 
or,  (since  the  greater  includes  the  less,)  if  you  bang 
him  at  a  rope's  end,  you  may  take  his  goods  and  chat- 
tels from  him ; — there  are  not  a  few  people  who  be- 
lieve all  that,  and  yet  think  that,  at  present,  nothing 
can  be  done  ;  at  present,  somehow,  after  all,  there  are 
constitutional  difficulties;  that,  whatever  may  be  said 
of  the  rebels,  there  are  troubles  hanging  about  the 
question  which  make  it  an  impracticable  question. 
For  example  :  they  say  your  armies  cannot  move  for- 
ward without  damaging  the  loyal  man  as  well  as  the 
rebel,  and  the  government  is  under  obligation  to  pro- 
tect the  loyal  citizen.  Well,  my  friends,  if  there  is 
any  one  present  who  is  troubled  just  at  that  point,  let 
us  stop  and  think  of  it  a  moment.  If  I  am  wrong,  you 
will  know  enough  of  the  question  to  keep  right,  and  to 
set  me  right.  Is  the  Government  really  in  trouble  on 
that  point?  Consider.  This  rebellion  is  either  by 
States  or  by  individuals.  I  believe  that  the  theory 
of  the  Administration  is,  that  it  is  a  rebellion  of  indi- 
viduals— that  the  States  cannot  rebel.  It  was  well 
said  by  Mr.  Brownson,  that  whatever  we  may  say 
of  what  cannot  be  done,  the  States  have  rebelled  ;  and 
is  not  that  true?  Is  it  not  true  that  several  of  the 
States  that  elect  Senators  to  Congress  by  their  legisla- 
tures have,  by  the  same  authority,  rebelled  ?  Is  it 
not  true,  that  in  some  other  States,  the  question  has 
been  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  and  the  people, 
voting  as  they  would  vote  for  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  have  voted  to  secede  and  go  out 
of  the  Union?  Thus,  in  both  forms  in  which  it  is 
possible  for  a  State  to  act,  by  its  constituted  authori- 
ties, and  by  its  people,  in  their  individual  capacity  as 
citizens  of  the  State,  they  have  voted  that  their  State 
should  secede.  Now,  what  matters  it  that  a  State 
cannot  legally  secede  ?  That  is  true  ;  and  hence  the 
administration  is  right  in  maintaining  that  they  are 
not  legally  out  of  the  Union.  Their  only  way  out  of 
the  Union  is  by  Revolution,  and  obtaining  a  recogni- 
tion among  the  family  of  nations  ;  not  by  legal  steps, 
but  by  revolutionary  steps.  The  rebellion  ripens  into 
revolution.  That  is  the  philosophy  of  that  method. 
Therefore  it  is  a  rebellion  of  States.  Now,  look  at 
the  duty  of  the  Government  to  a  loyal  man  in  a  re- 
bellious State.  As  a  citizen  of  that  rebellious  State, 
he  must  take  his  chance  with  the  rest.  What  business 
has  the  government  to  paralyze  its  own  arm  by  going 
about  to  find  one  in  a  hundred  professedly  loyal  men, 
and  thus  put  it  out  of  its  power  to  suppress  the  re- 
bellion itsclfT 

Or,  take  the  other  horn  of  the  dilemma — that  it  is 
a  rebellion  of  individuals.  Individuals  having  se- 
ceded, they  have  incurred  all  the  responsibilities  that 
secession  or  rebellion  can  bring.  They  have  exposed 
themselves,  as  traitors,  to  the  punishment  and  retri- 
bution of  the  Government,  if  the  Government  can  lay 
its  hands  upon  them.  That  is  what  the  Government 
is  trying  to  do.  Suppose  it  succeeds,  and  that  a  loyal 
citizen  is  made  to  suffer — are  we  not  suffering  ?  How 
does  it  happen  that  a  loyal  citizen  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  is  of  more  value  than  a  loyal  citizen  north 
of  that  line  ?  (Applause. J'  How  does  it  happen  that 
the  Government  stands  by  and  sees  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy confiscate  the  property  of  Northern  men,  and 
the  debts  owed  to  Northern  men,  and  their  ships  and 
merchandise  on  the  high  seas,  and  yet  does  not  feel 
itself  constitutionally  authorized  to  make  reprisals  on 
the  property  of  the  members  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy ?  Is  this  game  of  war  undertaken  after  this 
fashion — all  the  right  of  confiscation  on  one  side? 
Have  they  a  "divine  right"  to  pick  us  and  shoot  us, 
and  have  we  no  human  right,  even,  of  shooting  and 
picking  in  return  1  Is  it  a  battle  in  which  one  army 
is,  by  the  very  Constitution,  called  upon  to  stand  still, 
and  the  other  army  to  do  all  the  fighting?  Is  it  not 
the  whole  game  of  war,  with  all  its  strategy,  just  as 
broad  on  one  side  as  it  16  on  the  other  ? 


Again,  my  friends,  it  is  impossible,  in  the  nature  of 
the  case,  whether  the  rebellion  be  that  of  States  or  of 
individuals, — it  is  impossible  that  the  rebellion  shall 
be  crushed  without  interfering  with  private  interests, 
and  the  private  interests,  to  some  extent,  of  loyal  men 
at  the  South — if  any  such  there  are.  It  is  this  work 
of  interfering  with  private  interests  that  must  be  un- 
dertaken in  earnest  by  the  Government  itself.  It  is 
this  work,  which,  if  carried  on,  weakens  the  rebellion. 
It  is  this  which  alone  can  take  from  it  the  vigor  with 
which  it  is  now  sustained.  But  while  many  good 
friends  feel  that  this  can  be  done,  so  far  as  respects 
theory  and  principle,  they  yet  feel  that,  after  all,  as 
regards  even  the  disloyal  men  of  the  South,  the  traitors 
themselves,  wo  must  touch  the  question  of  slavery 
very  tenderly.  Yes,  my  friends,  there  are  in  Boston 
multitudes  of  opulent,  supposed  to  be  cultured,  and 
socially  influential  people,  who  have  no  scruple  at  atl 
about  hanging  a  traitor,  if  they  can  catch  him,  but 
have  a  grave  scruple  about  taking  from  him  his  slaves, 
or  setting  the  slaves  free,  even  after  they  have  hung 
the  master.  While  they  have  no  scruple  about  taking 
the  general  property  of  a  rebel,  which  has  no  direct 
relation  to  the  institution  of  slavery, — his  lands,  hli 
stocks,  his  bales  of  cotton — they  have  a  grave  scrupli 
whether  they  may  take  from  him  his  negro.  It  seem: 
to  me  like  that  rufo  of  compound  proportion,  which  I 
used  to  study  in  my  boyhood,  where  it  was  said,  that 
more  required  less,  and  less  required  more.  (Laugh- 
ter.) The  less  claim  a  man  has,  the  more  care  you 
must  take  about  meddling  with  it;  and  the  more  un- 
founded his  claim,  the  less  you  are  at  liberty  to  touch 
it.    (Applause.) 

But  a  word  further  touching  this  matter  of  constitu- 
tional obligations  to  loyal  men.  In  the  first  place,  it  is 
matter  of  grave,  of  very  grave  doubt,  even  after  the 
late  battle  in  Kentucky,  whether  there  are  absolutely 
any  loyal  men  at  the  South.  I  do  uot  believe  there 
are  many  men  in  the  slaveholding  States  who  are  un- 
conditionally and  unqualifiedly  Union  men ;  and  I 
hold  to-day,  {I  do  not  say  that  they  mean  that,)  that 
the  most  dangerous  men  in  our  country  are  those  so- 
called  Union  men  in  the  border  States,  who  stand 
there,  and  by  "divine  right "  claim  to  dictate  to  the 
Administration  what  it  may  and  what  it  may  not  do. 
(Applause.)  That  is  the  power  that  is  paralyzing  the 
arm  of  the  Government  to-day.  That  is  the  power 
that  is  holding  us  as  a  nation  at  bay.  That  is  the  bar- 
rier, the  adamantine  wall,  that  we  have  not  been  able 
to  scale,  which  rises  up  between  us  and  those  horn 
of  oppression  to  which  we  must  go.  Why,  the  same 
game  was  played,  at  another  stage,  by  Virginia. 
While  the  subject  of  Compromise  was  yet  undeter- 
mined, Virginia  was  terribly  loyal.  She  was  the 
"mother  of  statesmen,"  and  she  was  intensely  jealous 
of  her  ancient  glories.  She  had  no  intention  of  prov. 
ing  herself  in  any  wise  unworthy  of  her  proud  fame. 
And  yet  she  stood  there,  between  the  power  of  the 
Administration  and  the  disloyal  States  in  rebellion, 
just  as  long  as  she  could  keep  the  mask  on  her  face. 
When  she  met,  face  to  face,  in  the  Peace  Cong) 
men  able  to  answer  her  positions,  and  charge  home 
her  guilt  upon  her,  when  the  mask  was  torn  off,  she 
swung  over,  by  natural  gravitation,  into  the  arms  of 
Secession  itself;  and  if  that  fearful  hour  for  the  nation 
(fearful  in  every  point  of  view)  shall  come,  when  the 
Southern  Confederacy  shall  have  attained  indepen- 
dence, and  shall  be  received  into  the  family  of  nations, 
as  certainly  as  water  runs  down  hill,  every  border 
State  will  be  with  it,  unless  we  hold  them  steadily  and 
continuously  by  force  of  arms. 

Now,  that  slavery  is  the  bone  of  this  contention  from 
beginning  to  end,  there  is  at  present  little  doubt 
That  U  has,  by  its  influence  as  a  great  interest,  opera 
ting  through  the  market-places  of  the  world  on  the 
one  hand,  and  through  the  channels  of  political  power 
on  the  other,stolen  away  the  public  heart,  blinded  the 
public  eye,  deafened  the  public  ear,  and  deadened  the 
soul  of  our  humanity,  there  can  be  little  if  any  doubt. 
Why,  I  ask  you  to  go  back  a  few  months  to  the  closin] 
hours  of  the  lato  Administration,  and  hear  that  old 
man  in  the  chair,  saying,  in  a  special  message  to  Con- 
gress, that  he  must  once  more  warn  them  that  they 
are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution ;  and  yet  he  did  not 
lift  a  finger  to  check  it.  He  saw  it  coming  on,  knew 
what  it  meant,  and  warned  Congress  they  were  in  the 
midst  of  it.  Why  did  he  do  so  ?  He  wanted  to  urge 
upon  Congress  the  adoption  of  the  extremist  measures 
of  Compromise  that  were  demanded;  and  when  your 
own  Senator,  Charles  Sumner,  of  immortal  reno' 
(loud  applause,)  bore  a  message  from  the  Governor  of 
the  good  old  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 
ing  the  President  of  the  hearty  support  of  this  State 
in  any  emergency  that  might  arise,  and  asked,  "  What 
further  can  we  do?  "  that  old  granny  said,  "Go  and 
pass  the  Compromises"!  —  showing  clearly  enough 
what  he  meant.  But  I  must  ask  pardon  of  all  the  re- 
spectable grandmothers  in  the  world.  (Laughter.)  If 
there  is  any  one  whom  I  would  especially  honor,  it  is 
that  noble  specimen  of  womanhood,  a  legitimate  grand 
mother,  to  whom  we  give  the  cosiest  place  by  oui 
firesides,  and  the  warmest  place  in  our  hearts.  But 
an  illegitimate  granny,  made  up  of  a  drivelling  old 
man,  and  a  bachelor  at  that,  (great  merriment,)  whose 
pericardium  is  so  dry  that  his  heart's  pulsations  creak 
like  an  old  ricketty  wagon — such  a  granny  is  worthy 
of  no  man's  respect.  The  normal  grandmother  is  a 
creature  of  Heaven  ;  the  abnormal  granny  is  a  thing 
of  the  other  place.     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

The  resolutions  which  have  been  laid  before  you  to- 
night  have,  in  unmistakable  terms  and  with  a  rare  and 
solid  logic,  (rare  anywhere  else  but  on  this  platform,) 
told  us  that  the  institution  of  slavery  must  be  abol- 
ished, as  the  only  possible  solution  of  the  question 
before  us.  First  of  all,  it  must  be  abolished  to  save 
us  from  the  ruin  and  festering  corruptions  which  its 
toleration  would  bring.  When  it  is  said  that  it  must 
of  necessity  be  abolished,  I  do  not  know  what  the 
opinion  of  other  gentlemen  may  be,  but  it  seems  to 
me,  that  we  may  have  to  confess  this  much,  that  it  is 
just  barely  possible  that,  for  the  purpose  of  utterly 
overthrowing  us — if  it  is  true  that  we  have  sinned 
beyond  the  possibility  of  mercy — God  may  permit 
the  Northern  armies  to  triumph,  and  permit  some  sort 
of  adjustment  to  be  made,  by  which  slavery,  in  the 
main,  may  be  left  where  it  is.  Then  it  will  only  re- 
main to  reassert  its  rights  and  renew  its  influence;  to 
struggle  again  for  dominion  and  power;  and  we  may 
then  fairly  expect  a  return  to  that  state  of  feeling 
which  uttered  itself,  I  believe,  in  the  city  of  Boston 
last  year,  and  which  will  manifest  itself  in  like  man- 
ner again,  crying  out — "  Let  press  and  pulpit  and  plat- 
form be  dumb !  Have  we  not  had  one  war  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  and  will  you  plunge  us  into 
another?" — forgetful  of  the  everlasting  truth,  that 
you  cannot  take  a  great  wrong  into  the  bosom  of  so- 
ciety, without  God's  stirring  the  heart  of  humanity 
against  it.  It  is  that  which  gives  'rise  to  struggle  and 
outbreak,  and  the  state  of  war,  when  it  comes.  If 
a  compromise  is  effected,  that  struggle  will  come 
again;  the  strife  wilt  be  renewed,  in  Congress  and 
out;  and  we  shall  have  further  years,  no  man  knows 
how  many,  of  bitterness  and  contention,  with  the 
shameful  presage  of  ultimate  overthrow.  There  is 
but  one  pathway  out  of  this  difficulty,  and  that  is  by 
eradicating  the  evil  which  is  its  cause.  I  do  not  see 
how  our  armies  can  make  any  considerable  progress, 
without  carrying  freedom  with  them.  When,  as  at 
Port  Royal  and  Beaufort,  slaveholders  run  away  from 
their  slaves — and  there  is  no  law  to  bring  back  fugitive 
masters  (laughter  and  applause) — I  do  not  see  how 
the  Government  is  to  keep  those  slaves  in  their 
chains.  I  do  not  sec  how  they  can  be  otherwise  than 
free.  But  still  further,  I  believe  that  they  are  now 
realiy  and  legally  free,  without  any  action  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. In  repudiating  the  Constitution,  the  South- 
ern Confederacy  has  repudiated  their  entire  legnl 
status ;  and  all  rights  rooting  in  the  Constitution  origi- 
nally have,  by  their  throwing  off  the  Constitution, 
been  destroyed.  They  may  reestablish  and  rcenact 
slave  laws,  but  the  Government  knows  nothing  of 
these;  the  Constitution  knows  nothing  of  these;  and 
when  they  shall  be  subjugated  and  brought  back  again 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Government,  there  will  be 
no  law  by  which  the  condition  of  slavery  can  be  re- 
tained.    I  believe  the  Government  should  etand  on 


that  ground,  and  if  it  should,  there  would  be  no  need, 
even  of  a  proclamation.     A  bold  stand  in  this  regard 

ould  waken  the  enthusiasm  of  the  North,  and  enlist 
the  sympathies  of  the  world  on  our  side. 

Allow  me  a  word  further,  my  friends,  and  I  will 
leave  this  place  to  those  whom  you  will  be  better 
pleased  to  hear;  and  that  is,  a  word  in  regard  to  the 
responsibility  of  the  North  in  this  hour.  I  do  not* 
know  what  proposition  may  come  before  us,  but  I  be- 
lieve that  God.  in  his  mysterious  Providence,  if  you 
please,  has  placed  the  Northern  people,  not  less  than 
the  Southern,  in  a  certain  relation  to  slavery.  The 
slaveholder  tells  us  that  God  has  providentially  sub- 
jected the  slave  to  the  missionary  influences  of  that 
institution.  Let  it  be  so.  Perhaps  He  means  its  mis- 
sionary influence  shall  reach  over  to  us,  and  waken 
all  our  hearts.  We  do  not,  indeed,  bear  the  primary 
responsibility,  but  we  have  a  secondary  responsibility 
by  no  means  insignificant,  or  to  be  lightly  considered. 
Our  material  interests  have  strengthened  the  bonds 
that  have  knit  them  to  us,  and  we  have  to  share  the 
responsibility  in  a  degree  that  it  would  be  exceedingly 
difficult  for  the  moralist  to  define.  Can  we  throw  it 
off  at  our  pleasure  ?  Can  we  say  to  the  South — "  Go 
stand  by  yourselves,  with  your  slavery  and  all"? 
Have  we  any  right  to  say  that,  when  those  four  mil- 
lions of  colored  men — men  as  certainly  as  we — are 
looking  out  to  us  through  the  darkness  of  the  almost 
dawning  morning,  and  praying  to  Heaven  that  our 
hearts  may  be  touched,  and  that  we  may  use  the 
power  that  has  been  put  into  our  hands  to  bring  them 
to  liberty,  of  which  they  despair  in  any  other  way? 
Are  we  at  liberty  to  refasten  the  chain  upon  the  lira' 
of  the  slaves,  or  permit  the  Government  to  rivet  those 
chains  and  perpetuate  the  bondage  which  is  now  legally 
at  an  end?  I  do  not  believe  that  the  North  can  fail 
on  this  point.  I  do  not  think  it  is,fully  awake,  but  I 
have  faith  that  it  will  be  awakened.  I  believe: 
logic  of  events  that  will  lead  us  to  see  the  possible 
discomfiture  that  may  come  upon  the  field,  the  possi 
ble  failure  of  our  expeditions  by  sea;  and  the  public 
heart  will  be  touched.  We  shall  see  our  duty,  and 
shall  not  fail  to  perform  it.  The  righteous  judgment 
of  Heaven  will  pursue  us  until  we  awake  to  right, 
and  turn  into  the  pathway  of  duty. 

I  have  hope  chiefly  from  one  circumstance.  Some 
are  pleased  to  rejoice  at  the  success  of  our  arms.  I 
have  seen  no  success  that  seems  to  me  a  certain  indi- 
cation of  the  end.  I  do  not,  however,  despair,  so  far 
as  the  war  is  concerned.  But  my  chief  hope  is  in  the 
decision  of  the  nation  at  the  last  election — and  I  know 
that  has  been  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  war. 
That  was  a  step  in  the  right  direction.  If  it  was  not 
a  step  for  selfish  ends,  if  it  was  not  influenced  by  pe- 
cuniary considerations, — the  desire  to  obtain  produc- 
tive lands,  and  the  privilege  of  occupying  those  lands, 
— if  the  elements  of  justice  and  freedom  entered  into 
that  decision,  (and  I  venture  to  hope  they  did,)  it 
a  step  in  the  right  direction,  indicating  penitence  on 
the  part  of  the  nation ;  and  God  does  not  cut  off  a 
nation  or  a  man  in  the  hour  of  penitence.  If  an  indi- 
vidual goes  to  Him,  and  seeks  forgiveness  for  the 
wrong  he  has  done,  he  finds  forgiveness.  That  is  the 
best  ground  of  hope  I  know  of.  I  wish  it  were 
broader,  I  wish  it  were  more  assured  ;  but  let  us  be- 
lieve, let  us  pray  ;  and  let  us  remember  that  there  are 
exigencies  in  life  when  the  very  best  style  of  praying 
is  fighting  with  vigor  and  perseverance.  (Loud  ap- 
plause. ) 

The  President.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  la- 
dies and  gentlemen,  are  generally  considered  by  the 
»rest  of  the  country  to  have  an  exceedingly  good  opin- 
ion of  themselves,  and  to  be  unduly  proud  (we  think. 
no  more  proud  than  we  ought  to  be)  of  their  his 
torical  associations, — Bunker  Hill,  Faneuil  Hall,  Lex- 
ington, and  Concord.  One  of  Jefferson  Davis's  Sec- 
retaries promised  the  Confederate  forces  that  then 
march  should  not  cease  until  they  had  planted  the 
standard  of  the  Confederate  States  upon  Faneuil 
Halh  Why  did  he  say  that?  Because  Faneuil  Hall 
was  a  representative  phrase  which  stood  for  Liberty 
—the  Liberty  which  was  rocked  into  life  in  that  "  Old 
Cradle,"  and  which  has  been  ever  since  connected 
with  it.  Well,  Faneuil  Hall  was  the  Temple  of  Lib- 
erty, if  you  please,  but  it  was  a  temple  that  had  what 
they  call  in  England  a  "  chapel  of  ease  "  to  it;  and 
that  "chapel  of  ease"  was  the  Old  South  Church 
(Applause.)  For  the  Revolution  was  not  nursed  en- 
tirely in  Faneuil  Hall,  by  any  means.  Perhaps  almost 
as  many  and  as  influential  public  meetings  which  pro- 
duced the  Revolution  were  held  in  the  Old  South 
Church  as  in  Faneuil  Hall;  and  those  venerable  wall: 
have  reechoed  with  the  words  of  Sam  Adams,  and 
John  Adams,  and  Warren,  and  Hancock,  and  all  the 
men  who  were  the  means  of  rousing  the  public  heart, 
at  that  time,  to  the  Revolution.  And  as  a  punish- 
ment, as  you  will  remember,  it  was  made  a  riding 
school  by  the  British  when  they  had  possession  of  the 
city.  The  Old  South  Church  was  synonymous  with 
the  love  of  liberty  in  those  times.  Well,  since  our 
new  revolution  begun,  we  must  confess  we  have 
associated  the  Old  South  Church  with  the  anti-slavery 
movement  for  the  last  thirty  years.  But,  in  the  coups 
of  those  revenges  which,  as  Shakespeare  says,  "the 
whirligig  of  time  "  is  ever  bringing  about,  it  so  hap- 
pens that  the  Old  South  Church  swings  round  along- 
side of  the  Anti-Slavery  platform  (loud  applause)  ; 
and  I  have  the  pleasure  and  the  honor  of  introducing 
to  you,  this  evening,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Manning,  its  junior 
minister.     {Prolonged  applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  REV.  J.   M.  MANNING. 

After  saying  that  he  did  not  feel  any  embarrassment 
in  coming  there  that  evening,  Mr.  Manning  proceeded  : 

He  was  glad  to  receive  the  invitation,  and  to  accept 
it,  although  there  was  not  even  the  prospect  of  a  mob 
to  fill  the  house,  and  make  the  meeting  lively. 
(Laughter.)  This  was  a  free  platform  ;  which  cannot 
be  said  of  some  platforms.  Tjie  gentlemen  who  spoke 
there  were  not  responsible  for  anything  but  their  own 
remarks.  Most  societies,  when  inviting  speakers, 
sounded  them  a  little,  and  were  very  careful  to  get  men 
who  thought  pretty  much  as  they  did,  and  who  would 
make  an  impression  on  the  community  favorable  to 
the  objects  they  had  in  view.  But  this  Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  on  the  contrary,  welcomes  to 
its  platform  none  more  gladly,  he  believed,  than  its  op- 
ponents (applause);  it  is  only  sorry  that  they  do 
not  come  a  little  oftcner.     (Renewed  applause.) 

It  was  this  fact  in  regard  to  the  Society — the  per- 
fectly free  discussion  which  characterized  all  its  meet- 
ings— which  seemed  to  him  to  be  a  reason  why  the 
organization  should  be  continued.  They  had  heard  it 
said  in  some  quarters  lately,  that  the  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety had  better  disband  ;  its  work  was  done  ;  the  na- 
tion was  converted  to  its  principles.  He  feared  that 
they  were  not  yet  all  converted  to  the  great  idea  of  im- 
partial liberty,  of  free  thought  and  free  speech ;  and 
until  that  day  arrived,  he.  trusted  the  Society  would 
hold  together,  and  not  disband.  (Applause.)  Let  it 
remain  here  in  Mnssachusetts  as  a  witness  to  the  fact 
that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  free  speech  (renewed  ap- 
plause) ;  that  there  was  a  Society  which  dared  to  speak 

hat  it  believed,  and  invited  others  to  come  upon  its 
platform,  and  speak  what  they  believed ;  and  a  Socie- 
ty, too,  which,  in  the  exercise  of  this  generosity,  had 
not  become  bankrupt ;  for  he  saw  by  the  Treasurer's 
Report  in  the  paper  that  evening,  that  there  were 
eleven  dollars  and  a  few  cents  in  the  treasury  (laugh- 
ter)— which  was  more  cents  than  some  treasuries  can 
boast  of,  whose  societies  had  not  been  quite  so  gener- 
ous in  extending  free  speech  to  all  with  whom  they 
have  to  do. 

But  there  was  another  reason  why  that  Society 
should  keep  together.  He  loved  it  for  the  educating 
power  which  it  had  exerted  among  the  people.  In 
former  years,  when  he  was  a  student,  and  used  to  come 
to  Boston  during  the  vacations,  he  dropped  in  occa- 
illy  at  the  old  Melodeon,  where  the  Society  used 
to  hold  its  Conventions  ;  and  he  must  confess  that  his 
impressions  were  not  always  the  most  favorable. 
There  would  be  some  brother  in  one  corner,  who 
would  make  a  speech  which  did  not  seem  to  have 
much  to  do  with  the  resolutions  which  had  just  been 
read  on  the  platform  ;  and  then,  perhaps,  some  woman 
would  "speak  in  meeting,"  from  the  gallery,  and  de- 


nounce even  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  itself  as  incon- 
sistent, and  not  up  to  the  mark ;  and  there  would  be  a 
running  fire,  which  generally  "hung  fire"  a  good 
deal,  in  various  parts  of  the  room,  until,  finally,  some 
gentleman  sitting  on  the  stage,  evidently  "born  to 
rule  the  storm,"  would  bring  back  the  wandering  de- 
bate, and  close  up  by  giving  the  clergy  some  very  hard 
hits.  (Laughter.)  He  never  thought  that  was  fair! 
(Renewed  merriment.)  He  did  not  think,  to  this  day, 
it  was  fair.  He  did  not  mean  to  say  that  the  clergy 
were  censured  more  than  they  deserved  to  be;  but  he 
thought  that  when  a  man  attempts  to  do  the  censuring, 
he  should  be  impartial,  and  should  go  clear  through, 
and  thrash  the  whole  crowd,  if  he  thrashes  one.  (Ap- 
plause.) Now,  he  was  a  clergyman,  and  he  was  proud 
of  the  fact.  He  would  not  be  in  any  other  profession  ; 
and  he  honored  the  members  of  his  profession  as  he 
did  those  of  no  other.  Some  of  them  differed  with 
him,  even  on  this  question;  but  lie  would  stand  by 
them  as  far  as  he  honestly  and  conscientiously  could. 
He  thought  they  would  compare  favorably  with  the 
members  of  the  legal  and  medical  professions,  in  the 
interest  they  had  taken  in  the  Anti-Slavery  cause. 

He  then  saw  only  from  the  outside;  he  did  not  get 
far  inside.  As  he  got  further  in,  and  discovered  the 
central  moving  force,  his  respect  for  the  men  who 
controlled  this  Society  began  to  deepen  at  once.  lb 
saw  there  was  a  high  moral  and  intellectual  tone  at 
the  centre  of  all  its  proceedings.  He  saw  the  outsidi 
and  its  surroundings.  The  current  was  Bwift  and 
strong,  and  there  was  considerable  floodwood  drifting 
on  the  surface ;  but  the  stream  was  not  to  blame  for 
that.  We  all  know,  that  when  there  is  a  fire,  the 
light,  dry  material  is  borne  to  it  by  the  currents  of 
wind  which  always  blow  towards  the  fire  ;  and 
wherever. there  is  light,  there  is  a  class  in  the  com- 
munity who  will  be  attracted  by  that  light. 

It  was  a  peculiarity  of  the  Anti- Slavery  Society, 
that  whatever  came  within  the  circle  of  its  influence, 
it  put  life  into.  If  the  thing  it  influenced  was  wrong, 
it  only  made  it  more  energetically  wrong  than  it  was 
before;  and  if  the  thing  was  right,  it  developed  that 
Tightness,  and  made  the  man  stronger  and  more 
ergetic  in  his  righteousness. 

Now,  he  had  thought,  sometimes,  that  it  would  be 
an  excellent  thing  if  all  the  good  men  and  women  in 
the  world  could  be  selected  out  of  those  whose  na- 
tures are  noble,  whose  instincts  are  refined,  who  love 
the  beautiful,  the  good,  and  the  true.  If  they  could 
b»  collected,  and  subjected  to  the  influence  of  some 
live  force,  such  as  that  Society  had  supplied  in  its 
meetings,  it  had  seemed  to  him  that  it  would  be 
very  good  plan.  On  the  other  hand,  he  had  thought 
that  it  would  be  an  excellent  plan  if  all  the  crooked 
sticks,  if  all  the  base  natures,  could  be  gathered  to- 
gether into  a  company,  and  subjected  to  some  soporific, 
conservative  power,  putting  them  to  sleep,  making  a 
kind  of  Barnum's  "  Happy  Family  "  of  them,  keep 
ing  them  from  making  a  disturbance  in  the  commu- 
nity. (Laughter.)  But  the  fact  is,  we  get  awfully 
mixed  up  in  this  world.  All  kinds  come  in  contact 
with  the  educating  force  of  this  Society,  and  the: 
fore  some  crooked  sticks  get  to  be  frightfully  crooked  ; 
and  all  kinds  come  in  contact  with  the  soporific,  con- 
servative power,  which  puts  men  to  sleep,  and  hence 
the  world  is  cheated  out  of  a  great  deal  of  useful 
terial. 

The  Anti-Slavery  Society  had  associated  women 
with  men  in  its  labors,  and  this  struck  him  as  a  pe- 
culiarity, almost,  in  its  proceedings,  and  something 
that  had  tended  to  the  better  development  of  all  who 
had  labored  in  it.  He  did  not  lelbve  that  man  could 
ever  be  developed  normally,  in  full  and  fair  propor. 
tion,  without  the  influence  of  woman.  (Applause.) 
They  were  made  to  go  together,  all  through  life, 
everywhere,  and  should  go  together,  the  connection 
not  stopping  with  the  domestic  and  social  relation.  It 
was  this  which  had  seemed  to  him,  as  he  had  watched 
the  course  of  the  Society,  to  have  contributed  much 
to  that  nobleness  and  refinement  of  nature  which  he 
had  seen  in  some  of  the  most  active  members  of  the 
-  Society,  He  had  attributed  this  to  their  contact  with 
woman's  intellect  and  woman's  noble  heart — 

"  For  a  great  heart  is  hers,  that  loves  to  ga  in 
To  the  prison,  the  slave  hut,  the  alley  of  sin,     , 
And  to  bring  into  each,  or  find  there  some  lino 
Of  the  never  completely  out-trampled  l»ivine." 

For  this  reason,  he  would  have  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society  continue.  He  did  not  mean  to  say  that  there 
was  nothing  better  than  that  Society.  He  believed 
that  the  Cochituate  water-works  were  better  than 
pumps ;  but  he  would  not  have  all  the  pumps  filled  up, 
because  there  might  be  some  stoppage  in  the  pipes,  or 
the  lake  might  give  out,  and  then  we  should  be  glad 
if  the  pumps  were  in  working  order.  Out  in  Western 
New  York,  at  Lockport,  they  have  machinery  for 
lifting  the  canal  boats  up  a  declivity ;  and  so  it  was 
with  this  Society.  By  means  of  mobs,  and  othi 
such  appliances,  it  had  lifted  many  noble  souls  from  the 
common  level  up  to  the  highest  summits  of  manhood 
(Applause.)  He  knew  that,  at  the  present  time,  it  is 
raining  patriotism,  and  there  is  a  deluge  all  over  the 
earth,  and  the  weakest  and  timidost  of  us  are  borne 
forward  in  the  ark  of  freedom,  high  above  the  reach 
of  slavery  and  the  Slave  Power.  And  he  prayed  God 
that  the  flood  might  not  abate  until  all  the  mountains 
and  high  hills  of  compromise  were  covered;  and  if 
the  dove  of  peace  went  out  from  the  ark,  let  her  re- 
turn each  time  with  the  olive  branch  in  her  mouth, 
until  the  bow  of  Emancipation  glitters  in  the  heavens. 
(Loud  applause.)  Then  we  will  go  forth,  and  sacrifice 
as  Noah  did.  That  is  what  he  hoped  for;  but  he 
might  be  mistaken.  It  might  not  come;  and  then,  if 
we  were  reduced  to  the  old  level,  again,  and  must 
fight  with  the  populace  who  are  by  certain  interested 
politicians  sent  to  disturb  the  meetings  for  free  speech, 
— if  we  must  have  those  disturbances  again,  then  let 
us  retain  the  old  system  of  locks,  that  we  may  grow 
up  to  be  men  and  women  somehow.     (Applause.) 

"I  like  this  Society,"  (continued  Mr.  Manning,) 
"and  would  have  it  remain  as  it  is,  because  I  believe 
that  it  has  contributed  greatly  to  the  solution  of  the 
slavery  question  in  this  country,  and  also  of  the  prob- 
lem before  the  Government  at  present;  and  that  it 
offers  the  true  basis  on  which  to  conquer  the  rebellion. 
(Applause.)  We  hear  a  great  deal,  in  these  times, 
about  a  'basis  of  operations.'  Well,  I  do  not  know, 
but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  true  '  basis  of  ope- 
rations '  would  be  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery 
Society.  (Applause.)  We  hear  a  great  deal  about 
the  tactics  of  Gen.  McClellan,  and  of  his  plans  for  car- 
rying on  the  campaign.  Perhaps  he  might  learn 
something  from  Mr.  Garrison.  (Loud  applause,)  I 
know,  when  I  was  a  boy,  we  used  to  practise  jump- 
ing. First  we  would  jump,  and  then,  in  order  to  jump 
further,  run  and  jump;  but  in  order  to  make  the  longest 
leap,  we  placed  a  spring-board  on  the  ground,  and  ran 
and  jumped  from  that.  Well,  the  Government  tried 
to  put  down  the  rebellion  by  developing  a  Union  feel- 
ing in  the  South — that  was  the  simple  jump.  Now, 
it  is  trying  to  put  down  the  rebellion  simply  by  con- 
quering the  insurgents,  without  regard  to  slavery — 
that  is  the  run  and  jump.  But  I  suspect  it  will  never 
outleap  Secession,  which  has  beaten  it  thus  far, — will 
never  outleap  it  finally  and  forever,  until  it  tries  the 
spring-board  of  Emancipation.  (Hearty  and  prolonged 
applause.)  God  grant  that  it  may  begin  to  practise 
that  jump  pretty  soon ! — for  the  spring-board  is  some- 
what difficult  to  manage,  and  if  they  do  not  try  it  un- 
til they  are  obliged  to,  they  may  use  it  in  so  awkward 
and  unskilful  a  manner,  that,  instead  of  sending  them 
beyond  their  antagonist,  it  will  only  give  them  a  sum- 
merset, and  break  their  own  necks.     (Applause.) 

I  do  not  wish  to  criticise  the  Administration  or  the 
Government,  for  I  look  on  the  outside  of  the  Govern- 
ment. I  remarked,  a  few  moments  ago,  that  my  im- 
pressions of  the  Anti  Slavery  Society  were  once  wrong, 
because  I  had  not  seen  the  inside.  I  have  not  seen 
the  inside  of  the  Government.  All  I  know  of  it 
cornea  through  the  reporters  and  sensation-letter  wri- 
(Crs,  the  disappointed  contractors  and  ambitious  poli- 
ticians. But  I  am  not  yet  as  despondent  as  some  of 
my  friends.  I  believe  that  Mr.  Lincoln  Is  a  sensible 
man  ;  perhaps  not  quit*  as  fast  a  man  as  some  clergy- 
men are,  (laughter,)  but  a  sensible  man;  nnd  Mr. 
Sumner  wrote,  not  a  great  while  ago,  to  a  friend,  say. 


11  g— '  Courage,  my  friend  1  I  know  what  is  coming.' 
And  when  Mr.  Sumner  says  that,  I  do  not  feel  dis- 
heartened. (Applause.)  That  may  be  true,  or  it  may 
be  fuUe;  but  I  shall  hope  to  the  last  minute.  I  do 
not  believe  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  so  much  opposed  to  the 
Anti-Slavery  Society  after  all.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  he  feels  grateful  to  them  for  Borne  useful  ideas 
and  comments.  I  do  not  despair  of  seeing  some  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Anti-Slavery  movement— our  hon- 
ored friend  Mr.  Phillips,  for  instance— in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  (Loud  applause.)  I  mean  no 
indignity  to  him  (great  merriment);  for  I  anticipate 
that  the  character  of  Congress  will  improve  under  the 
discipline  of  the  war;  and  I  do  not  believe  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  object  to  having  some  such  representa- 
tive of  the  free  anti-slavery  spirit  of  the  North  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  or  in  the  Senate.  I  re- 
ember  that  a  Congressman  once  asked  an  Aboli- 
tionist why  he  thought  so  much  of  the  negroes,  and 
ie  replied  that  it  was  because  he  believed  in  giving 
■verybody  a  chance,  from  a  negro  down  to  a  Con- 
gressman. (Laughter.)  Well,  if  we  can  only  get 
some  men  we  know  of  there,  on  the  wave  of  this  free 
ipirit  which  is  sweeping  over  the  land,  I  am  inclined 
to  think  iliac  such  remarks  in  regard  to  the  intellec- 
tual and  moral  standing  of  Congress  would  not  be 
made  as  they  have  been  heretofore. 

It  seems  to  me, -my  friends,  every  day  more  and 
more  clear,  that  the  Government  must  come  to  some- 
thing of  this  kind.  Why,  there  was  a  rebellion  in 
heaven,  once,  and  how  did  the  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse go  to  work  to  put  down  that  rebellion  ?  We 
know  what  the  rebels  did.  They  came  to  this  earth, 
and  enslaved  the  new-born  race  which  God  had 
placed  upon  it.  What  did  he  do?  Did  he  say  to 
Michael,  and  the  other  warriors,  "  We  will  crush  out 
this  rebellion,  but  we  will  not  disturb  the  relation  be- 
tween these  rebels  and  this  new  race  which  they  have 
enslaved"  ?  No,  the  Ruler  of  heaven  went  to  work 
just  the  other  way.  He  sent  a  Redeemer  to  redeem 
those  men  who  were  in  bondage  to  the  powers  of 
darkness ;  and  when  Satan  saw  that  Redeemer  com- 
ing, we  read  in  the  sacred  book  that  he  fell  like 
lightning  from  heaven.  Now,  will  the  Government 
at  Washington  do  as  the  Governor  of  the  universe  did, 
or  will  it  advise  its  armies  to  crush  the  rebels,  but 
spare  the  victims  ?  Let  them  take  the  course  which 
common  sense,  which  justice  dictates — for  we  hear  a 
great  deal  about  justice  in  these  days.  It  has  been 
printed  in  the  newspapers  several  times,  that  eman- 
cipation should  be  decreed  as  an  act  of  justice.  Jus- 
tice to  whom  ?  Why,  when  they  go  on  to  explain,  it 
means  justice  to  the  Union,  or  justice  to  the  slave- 
holders; it  does  not  mean  justice  to  the  enslaved, 
God's  own  people,  his  poor,  crushed,  down-trodden 
ones,  on  whom  he  looks  with  infinite  compassion. 
When  I  speak  of  justice,  in  this  connection,  I  mean 
justice  to  those  whose  oppressors  have  been  grinding 
them  for  centuries  into  the  dust,  and  those  whose  tears 
God  is  keeping  in  his  bottle,  and  will  pour  out  in  vials 
of  wrath  in  future,  as  he  now  does,  unless  we  let  this 
people  go  free.  Yes,  let  the  Government  do  some- 
thing which  shall  change  our  flag,  our  glorious  sym- 
bol of  nationality,  from  a  sign  of  bondage,  of  a  slave- 
holders' Union,  into  an  emblem  of  liberty  !  (Applause.) 
As  Mr.  Phillips  said,  a  few  evenings  ago,  who- 
ever looks  upon  that  flag,  black  or  white,  let  him 
read  Emancipation  written  there !  (Renewed  ap- 
plause.) Let  it  be  lifted  up  in  the  sight  of  these  poor 
ones  who  have  been  bitten  by  the  flaming,  fiery  ser- 
pents of  slavery, — let  it  be  "  lifted  up  as  Moses  lifted 
up  the  serpent  in  the  wilderness,"  in  sight  of  the 
stricken  Israelites.      (Applause.) 

I  told  the  Secretary  that  I  should  not  make  a 
speech,  but  only  a  few  remarks  this  evening ;  and  I 
have  not.  I  will  conclude  with  a  story.  I  boarded 
at  one  of  the  hotels  in  Boston  last  Summer.  One  Sab- 
bath, at  dinner-table,  a  couple  of  gentlemen,  sitting  be- 
hind me,  had  evidently  been  to  church  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  were  giving  an  account  of  where  they  had 
been,  and  who  they  bad  heard.  One  says,  "Been  to 
church  this  morning?"  "Yes,  sir."  "Where?" 
"  I  have  been  down  to  the  Old  South."  "Acquaint- 
ed there  ?  "  "  Yes,  sir,  I  used  to  be  a  member  there. 
I  have  not  been  acquainted  there  much  of  late  years. 
I  know  the  Doctor,  but  do  not  know  the  other  minis- 
ter." "O,  they"  have  two  ministers  there?"  said 
the  other  gentleman.  "  You  know  the  Doctor  ?  " — 
(and  if  he  were  here  he  would  enjoy  the  story  as 
much  as  any  of  us.)  "Yes,"  said  the  gentleman- 
"  He  is  some  connection  of  Wendell  Phillips  ?  "  "Yes, 
brother-in-law,  I  believe."  "Rather  conservative, 
isn't  he  ?  "  "  Yes,  he  is  rather  conservative  on  that 
subject."  What  the  word  that  referred  to  you  may 
imagine,  coming  in  connection  with  the  name. 
(Laughter.)  "How  is  it  with  the  other  minister  ?  " 
"  Well,  I  believe  he  does  not  differ  from  Mr.  Phillips 
quite  so  much.  In  fact,"  says  he,  "  I  am  inclined  to 
think  they  drive  on  the  same  box."  The  head 
waiter  whispered  something  in  the  gentleman's  ear 
just  then,  so  that  I  did  not  hear  what  followed. 
(Laughter.)  But  it  showed  me  where  the  public 
had  located  me  (applause)  ;  and  I  felt  it  was  too 
much  honor  to  ride  on  the  same  box,  and  help  drive 
the  same  team  with  Wendell  Phillips.  I  should 
never  attempt  to  drive  that  chariot,  as  Photon  at- 
tempted once  to  drive  Apollo's  car;  but  with  him  on 
the  box  with  me,  I  am  not  afraid  to  ride.  (Applause.) 
I  believe  that  my  children,  when  they  think  of  me 
and  my  name,  in  future  generations — I  believe  that 
your  children,  when  they  think  of  you  and  your 
name  in  coming  generations — will  recall  with  special 
pleasurethe  John  Brown  meeting,  (applause,)  and  the 
Anti-Slavery  meetings,  and  every  crisis  where  you 
have  spoken  a  true  word  or  struck  a  hard  blow  for 
Justice,  Truth  and  Liberty.     (Applause.) 

There  is  a  private  history,  my  friends,  of  my  own, 
n  regard  to  this  question,  which  there  is  not  time  for 
ne  to  relate,  and  which  I  should  not  care  to  relate  if 
there  were  time.  I  have  been  accused  of  zeal  with- 
out knowledge  on  this  slavery  question,  of  talking  of 
hat  I  knew  nothing  about;  but  there  is  a  background 
of  personal  experience — a  bitter  experience — from 
hieh  I  have  always  spoken  on  this  subject,  of  which 
very  few  persons  know.  It  has  been  to  me  a  more 
practical  matter,  a  more  serious  matter,  than  many 
have  understood.  I  have  spoken  with  broken  hearts 
before  my  eyes,  families  scattered  and  ruined; — not 
the  families  of  the  blacks,  but  of  the  whites; — families 
of  those  whom  I  loved,  who  are  dearer  to  me  than 
any  others,  bound  to  me  for  time  and  for  eternity; 
and  that  which  has  nerved  me  always  has  been  the 
hope  that  I  should  sometime  meet  these  poor  ones  for 
whom  I  have  labored,  and  be  permitted  to  welcome 
them  to  a  nation  of  freedom,  and  to  all  the  blessings 
rhich  I  enjoy. 

The  Abolitionists  ought  to  be  a  brave  people,  they 
night  to  be  a  devoted  people.  There  are  eight  mil- 
lions of  dusky  bands  lifted  up  to  heaven  for  us  con- 
tinually ;  four  million  simple  facaj  are  turned  tear- 
fully toward  heaven,  beseeching  God,  day  and  night, 
to  guide  us,  and  keep  us,  and  make  us  brave  for  jus- 
and  the  souls  of  the  martyrs  under  the  great 
altar  are  crying  continually — 'How  long,  0  Lord  I 
how  long ! '  "     ( Loud  applause.) 

The  President.  I  believe  it  is  the  privilege  of 
every  author  to  give  his  own  title  to  his  composition, 
whether  it  be  published  by  the  press  or  by  speech  • 
therefore  we  will  permit  the  reverend  gentleman  who 
has  just  taken  his  seat  to  call  the  beautiful  discourse 
ith  which  he  has  favored  us  tonight,  "a  few  re- 
larks";  only  I  am  sure  you  will  join  with  me  in  hop- 
ing that  at  our  next  meeting,  we  shall  have  a  speech 
from  him  I     (Applause.) 

Mr.  Mat.  Wc  have  just  listened  to  a  very  excel- 
lent story.  In  other  meetings  than  this,  a  story  sug- 
gests a  song— why  not  here  ?  and  if  it  be  a  song  of 
old  John  Brown,  I  am  sure  Mr.  Manning  will  not  ob- 
ject to  it.  We  have  had  this  simple  song  printed,  and 
though  there  has  been  no  preparation  made  to  sing,  1 
trust  it  will  sing  itself.  I  say,  there  has  been  no  prepa- 
ration made,  but  I  trust  you  are  all  prepared  to  sing 
this  song— those  of  you  who  sing  at  all.  We  know 
that  many  of  our  Northern  regiment*.,  re  may  b*T, 
the  best  of  them,  as  they  have  gone  down  to  the  bat- 


tle-field, have  marched  through  our  cities,  and  through 
the  slaveholding  States,  some  of  them,  singing  the 

John  Brown  Song." 

The  audience  then  rose,  and  joined  in  singing  thia 
spirited  and  popular  air,  with  much  enthusiasm. 

Wbndeix  Phillips  then  came  forward,  and  wai 
received  with  prolonged  and  vociferous  cheering.  (A 
full  report  of  his  speech  will  be  given  hereafter.) 


®k*  ^xhtxntfit. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON,  FKIMY,  FEBRUARY  7,  1862. 


PEACE    WITH   AMEEICA. 

GREAT  MEETING  AT  BROMLEY,  ENGLAND — SPEECH    OS" 
GEOHGK   THOMPSON,   ESQ. 

As  soon  as  intelligence  was  received  in  England  of 
the  release  of  Mason  and  Slidell  by  the  American 
Government,  a  public  meeting  of  an  influential  charac- 
ter was  held  at  the  Lecture-hall,  Bromley  by-Bow, 
"  for  the  purpose  of  giving  practical  expression  to  the 
pleasure  which  pervaded  all  classes  of  the  community 
in  consequence  of  the  gratifying  intelligence  that  the 
dreadful  prospect  of  war  with  the  United  States  has 
been  averted."  A  large  number  of  the  most  respect- 
able citizens  of  the  neighborhood  attended,  and 
amongst  those  on  the  platform  were  : — George  Thomp- 
son, Esq.,  Jate  M.  P.;  Harper  Twelvetrees,  Esq.,  F. 
W.  Chesson,  Esq.,  John  Noble,  Esq.,  of  the  Middle 
Temple;  C.  E.  Garman,  Esq.,  sen.,  M.  E.  C.  8.;  Her- 
bert Thompson,  Esq.,  J.  A.  Horner,  Esq.;  the  Revs. 
E.  Matthews,  W,  H.  Bonner,  P.  Pocock,  B.  A.,  John  . 
Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  of  the  "  Stratford  Times  ;"  J.  R. 
Donovan,  Esq.,  of  the  "  East  London  Observer  ;"  Cap- 
tain Reid,  John  Carden,  Esq.,  Captain  Thomas,  Wil- 
liam Manne,  Esq.,  Lord  of  the  Manor  of  Bromley; 
the  Rev.  Charles  Armstrong,  and  Messrs.  John  Wells, 
Samuel  Day,  James  Reynolds,  J.  J.  Andrew,  John 
Foot,  William  Foot,  Johnson,  Thomas  Buffham,  Wil- 
liam Martin,  James  Poppleton,  and  other  gentlemen. 
Mr.  Herbert  Thompson  moved  that  Harper 
Twelvetrees,  Esq.,  be  requested  to  preside.  He  also 
begged  to  announce  that  intimations  had  been  receiv- 
ed from  the  resident  clergymen  and  dissenting  minis- 
ters of  the  district,  acquiescing  in  the  object  of  the 
meeting,  and  regretting  that  its  being  held  on  a  Satur- 
day evening  would  prevent  their  attendance.  (Hear, 
hear.) 

The  motion  having  been  seconded  was  unanimously 
carried,  and  Mr.  Harper  Twelvetrees  took  his  seat  in 
the  chair  amid  great  applause. 

Speeches,  admirable  in  spirit  and  eloquent  in  lan- 
guage, were  then  successively  made  by  the  Chair- 
man, John  Koble,  Esq.  (of  the  Middle  Temple,)  and 
Rev.  W.  H.  Bonner— at  the  conclusion  of  which, 

The  Chairman  said  he  had  now  the  pleasure  to  call 
upon  a  gentleman  universally  known  and  admired 
for  his  eloquence  as  the  champion  of  freedom  and  the 
advocate  of  peace.  He  was  sure  he  had  only  to  men- 
tion the  name  of  George  Thompson  to  excite  their  en- 
thusiasm.    (Great  cheering.} 

Mr.  George  Thompson  then  came  forward,  and 
was  received  with  the  most  enthusiastic  applause, 
which  having  subsided,  he  said  he  had  come  to  the 
meeting  prepared  with  the  following  resolution,  which 
he  requested  permission  to  submit : — 

"  That,  in  addition  to  recording  its  profound  satisfac- 
tion at  the  happy  termination  of  the  late  dispute  with 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  this  meeting 
deems  it  its  duty  to  ascj-ihe  the  chief  merit  of  its  pa- 
cific adjustment  to  the  moderation,  justice,  and  high- 
mindedness  of  the  Cabinet  of  Washington,  and  more 
especially  to  the  statesmanlike  ability  and  adhtsion  to 
principle  of  the  Hon.  William  H.  Seward,  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State;  and  would  further  express  its  thankful- 
ness that,  by  this  wise  settlement  of  the  Trent  afiair, 
this  nation  has  not  only  been  saved  from  the  horrors 
of  a  war  with  its  Transatlantit  kinsmen,  but  from  an 
alliance  with  a  Confederacy  based  upon  human-  slav- 
ery and  the  alleged  inferiority  of  the  races,  and  from 
virtually  taking  sides  with  those  who  hold  four  mil- 
lions of  persons  (many  thousands  of  whom  are  their 
own  offspring)  in  the  most  debasing  physical,  moral, 
and  intellectual  bondage — a  bondage  which  this  meet- 
ing trusts  has  "already  received  an  irreparable  blow, 
and  will  speedily  be  brought  to  a  peroetual  end." 
(Cheers.)  *    * 

In   submitting   the   resolution,   Mr.  Thompson  ob- 
served   that,    in   common    with   his   countrymen   aS 
large,  his  mind  had  been  relieved  of  the  most  painful 
apprehensions  by  the  intelligence  brought  by  the  last 
mail  from  America.     He  had  also  experienced  a  feel- 
ing of  exultation  in  the  thought  that  those  who,  for  six 
weeks,  had  been  assiduously  endeavoring  to  provoke 
a  war  between  two  kindred  nations,  had  been  foiled 
in  their  wicked  attempt  to  make  England  the  ally  of 
a  band  of  infamous   conspirators   against   their   own 
Government  and   the  liberties  of  the  human  race. 
(Cheers.)    There    was    to  be  no  war  with  America  ; 
but  no  thanks  to  that  portion  of  the  press  of  this  coun- 
try that  had  prostituted  its  influence  in   the   cause   of 
slaveholders,  felons   and   traitors.     He  had  read  the 
daily  diatribes  of  certain  journals,  first,  with  the  eyes 
of  an  Englishman,  and  then  with  the  eyes  of  an  Amer- 
ican.    As  an  Englishman,  he  felt  that  his  country  had 
been    disgraced   by  these  venomous  and  brutal  effu- 
sions ;  and  if  he   had   been   an   American,   and    had 
thought  that  such  articles  were  a  true  expression  of 
British  feeling,  he  should  have  desired  the  chastise- 
ment and  humiliation  of  such  a  people.     (Hear.  hear.J 
No  thanks,  then,  to  the  press,  that  we  have  had  peace 
instead  of  war,  excepting  always  those  organs  of  the 
true  principles  of  English  patriotism  which  had,  de- 
spite the  slanderous  opposition  of  a  host  of  venal  con- 
temporaries, maintained  their  ground,  and  spoken  the 
language  of  courtesy  and  conciliation  with  such  un- 
flinching fidelity.     (Loud  cheers.)     No  thanks,  either, 
to  the  Government  of  this  country,  if  it  should  appear 
that,  for  three  or  four  weeks,  they  had  been  in  pos- 
session of  the  assurance  of  the  Cabinet  of  Washington 
that  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  question  was  earnest- 
ly desired.    In  Mr.   Seward's  despatch  of  the   30th 
November,  there  was  a  clear  disavowal  of  the   net  of 
the  United  States  officer — (cheers)— there  was  a  dis- 
tinct proposal  to  come  to  a  friendly  and  muicahle  set- 
tlement  of  the  question.     Now,  it  was  morally  cer- 
tain that  the  contents  of  this  letter  had  been  commu- 
nicated to  the  British  Government,  and  that  without 
delay.    It  was  not  conceivable  that  that  which  was 
obviously  intended  for  the  information  of  the  British 
Cabinet  would  be  kept  back  by  the  American  Minis- 
ter ;  yet  the  Ministerial  organs  had  for  four  weeks 
subsequent  to  the  arrival  of  this  important  document 
in  this  country  continued  daily   to  influence  the  pas- 
sions of  the  people,  by  representing  that  there  was  a 
deliberate  design  on  the  part  of  Mr.   Seward  to  go  to 
war  with  England;  and  a  million  of  money,  or  more, 
had  been  spent  in  preparing  for  a  bloody  conflict  with 
the  people  of  the  United  States.     If  this  should  prove 
to  be  the  case,  there  were  no  words  sufficiently  strong 
in  which  to  denounce  the  criminality  of  such  an  act, 
and  «lic  Minister  guilty  of  it  would  merit  impeachment 
by   the  House  of  Commons.     (Loud  cheers.)     If  he 
possessed  a  seat  in  the  Legislature  of  the  country,  he 
would  not  lose  an  hour,  utter  the  meeting  of  parlia- 
ment, in  demanding  categorical  information  upon  the 
whole  subject,  and  in  fixing  the  blame  upon  the  offi- 
cial by  whose  guilt  or  neglect  the  country  had  suffer- 
ed a  month  of  unnecessary  doubt  and  anxiety.     (Hear, 
hear.)     No  thanks  then,  he  repeated,  to  the  Uov-ern- 
ment  of  England.     But  we  had,  nevertheless,  great 
reason  to  be  thankful  for  having   boon    saved    from    a 
collision  with  America.     There  would,  in  such  a  con- 
tingency, ban-  been  not  only  all   the  horrors  insepa- 
rable from  war,  but  added   to   them   an    inconceivable 
anguish  to  the  minds  of  all  wlm  had  to  labor  for  the!* 
bread.      (Hear,  hear.)      The  rev ere  ml  gentleman   who 
preceded    him    had    designated    the     OominisMoneis, 
about  whom  the  terrible  dilliculty    had   arisen,  worth- 
less individuals.      Perhaps  he    (Mr.  Tlnuupsun)  might 
be  permitted  to  allord  the  meeting   an  opportunity  of 
judging  for  itself  how  richly  they    deserved    the    title. 
y  relating  n  few  of  their  a.  iteeedents. 


■- 


FEBRTJAJEIY    7. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


23 


A  Voice — Never  mind  them,  how  nbout  the  insult? 
Mr.  Thompson   (pausing  mid-  looking  deliberately 
nt  the  interrupter.) — There  has  been  no  insult  proved 
yet.     (Loud  cheers.)     There  can  be  no  insult  where 
none  is  intended.     (Renewed  cheers.)     There  was  no 
insult,  as  was  popularly  supposed,  in  the  act  of  firing 
across  the  bows  of  the  Trent :  and  if  there  was  a  naut- 
ical man  in  the  room,  he  would  know  that  statement  to 
be  correct.     (Hear,  hear.)     The  only  error  commit- 
ted was  in  taking  the  four  persons  out  of  the  Trent,  in- 
stead of  not  carrying  her  into  some  port,  a  proceeding 
which  would  have  caused  ranch  more  inconvenience  to 
the  vessel  than  what  had  actually  been  done.  (Cheers.) 
Now,  about  these  Southern  Commissioners.     (Hear, 
hear,  and  cheers.)     Of  Mr.  Slidell  he  should  say  little 
more  than  that  he  was  a  slaveholder,  and  had  long 
been  a  Secessionist-     Of  Mr.  Mason  he  should  speak 
a  little  more  fully.     The  name  of  Mr.   Mason   would 
go  down  to  posterity,  steeped  in  infamy,  as  the  au- 
thor of  the  ■execrable  and  infernal  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
— a  law  which  spread  the  widest  distress,  the  wildest 
dismay,  as  well  as  unutterable  sorrow  throughout  all 
the  Free  States  of  America.    If  ever  a  man's  memory 
should  be  doomed  to  be  heaped  with  curses,  it  would 
be  the  memory  of  the  man  who  made  it  punishable 
with  imprisonment  and  a  fine  of  1,000  dollars  to  give  a 
cup  of  cold  water  to    a  panting,  flying   fugitive  from 
the  hell  of  American  shivery.     It   was  a  law  so  exe- 
crable that  it  was  found  utterly  impracticable  to  work 
it.     So  great  a  failure  was   it,    that   twelve   fugitives 
■were  all  that  could  be  recovered  from  the  Northern 
States.     With  all  the  eloquence  of  their  best  men, 
they  could  not  get  Sims  out  of  Boston  until  the  miiitia 
were  paraded,  and  the  Court-house  surrounded  with 
chains;  and  not  even  then  would  his  rendition  have 
been  accomplished,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  friends  of  peace.     (Hear,  hear.)     On  the 
14th  of  March,  1854,  Mason  was  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United   States   when    Edward    Everett,   the    Senator 
from  Massachusetts,  presented  a  memorial  signed  by 
three  thousand  ministers  of  religion  in  New  England, 
solemnly  protesting,  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God. 
against  the  Nebraska  Bill,  for  the  repeal  of  existing  le 
gal  prohibitions  of  slavery  in  the  territories  of  Kansas 
and   Nebraska.     This  same  Mason  moved  "  that  the 
memorial  be  not  received,"  and  this  he  said  he  did 
'■•without  any  disrespect  to  the  cloth,  which,  to  say 
the  least,    the  memorialists  did  not  grace."     Mr.  Sew- 
ard nobly  vindicated  the  memorial,  and  did  justice  to 
those  who  had  signed  it.     (Hear,  hear.)     Mr.  Mason 
was  the  man  who  catechised  the  gallant  veteran  John 
Brown,  for  three  hours,  when  he  lay  bound,  wounded 
and  bleeding,     (Shame.)     It  was  he  who  moved   for 
and  obtained  an  inquisitorial  and  unconstitutional  com- 
mittee of  the  Senate  to  bring  to  its  bar  every  man  who 
was  suspected  of  knowing  anything  of  John  Brown. 
This  was  the  man  whom  the  slaveholders  of  the  South 
bad  chosen  as  their  chief  commissioner  to  the  govern- 
ment of  England!    A  fit  representative  he  was  of  his 
emhruted  masters.     (Hear,  hear.) 

The  resolution  expressed  satisfaction  and  thankful- 
ness at  their  escape  from  the  anticipated  war  with 
America,  which  would  have  involved  this  country  in 
a  recognition  of  the  Southern  confederacy,  and  would 
have  made  us  practically  the  allies  of  the  South,  di- 
verting the  North  from  its  present  plans — a  result  which 
would  have  been  fraught  with  unspeakable  calamities 
to  the  slave  population.  The  international  conflict 
now  raging  in  the  States  was  a  war  for  the  extinction 
of  slavery:  and  if  you  travelled  from  the  batteries 
which  fortified  New  York  to  the  farthest  confines  of 
Minnesota  or  Kansas,  one  feeling  alone  would  be  found 
upon  the  subject.  He,  however,  had  an  idea  that  the 
honor  of  emancipating  the  slaves  would  not  be  for  the 
North,  for  he  had  a  very  confident  idea  that,  in  two  or 
three  weeks,  the  Northern  troops  would  be  in  New 
Orleans,  the  South  would  be  surrounded,  and  partly 
by  this  effect  the  freedom  of  the  colored  race  would 
be  accomplished,  not  however  by  the  direct  act  of  the 
North,  but  by  the  act  of  their  owners. 

Mr.  Thompson,  after  paying  a  high  tribute  to  the 
noble  band  of  abolitionists  who  had  for  so  long  stead- 
fastly and  earnestly  upheld  the  banner  of  universal 
freedom,  said  that,  for  years,  the  North  had  been 
speaking  the  language  of  the  South — not  what  they 
believed,  but  what  they  considered  expedient — there- 
fore they  had  not  now  to  he  instructed  in  the  princi- 
ples of  abolition;  and  now  that  the  South  was  gone 
from  them,  and  they  were  no  longer  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  slave  power,  the  North  almost  unanimous- 
ly acknowledged  anti-slavery  opinions.     (Hear.) 

A  war  with  America  would  have  retarded  indefinite- 
ly the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  would,  perhaps,  have 
enabled  the  South  to  put  in  execution  their  cherished 
scheme  of  reopening  the  slave  trade,  without  which 
their  plans  would  never  be  complete.  The  Times  had 
declared  that  the  United  States  was  ruled  by  a  mob, 
and  that  if  the  mob  clamored  for  war,  the  American 
Government  would  never  be  able  to  stand  against  it; 
but  the  intelligence  over  which  they  were  rejoicing 
gave  the  lie  to  that  statement.  The  Times  had  stig- 
matized the  citizens  of  America  as  a  mob.  He  and 
Mr.  Matthews  knew  something  about  America,  and 
they  could  say  the  Americans  were  not  a  mob  ;  at 
any  rate,  if  they  were,  and  it  were  not  for  the  canker- 
worm  of  slavery,  the  mob  of  this  country  might  gain 
a  great  deal  from  free  trade  with  the  mob  of  that  coun- 
try.    (Cheers.) 

Having  spoken  favorably  of  the  character  of  the 
American  people  generally,  Mr.  Thompson  proceeded 
to  make  some  laughable  remarks  upon  the  stock-job- 
bing efforts  of  a  portion  of  the  London  press,  in  con- 
nection with  the  anticipated  war.  He  stated  that,  one 
fine  morning,  the  Past  came  out  with  the  information 
that  the  "Europa"  had  arrived,  and  brought  no  news, 
a  circumstance  which  it  declared  to  be  unfavorable  to 
peace.  Down  went  the  stocks  in  the  city  ;  so  the 
timid  sold,  and  the  knowing  ones  bought.  A  few 
hours  after,  out  comes  the  information  that  the  Ameri- 
cans had  acceded  to  our  request — up  went  the  stocks, 
timid  ones  bought  again,  the  knowing  ones  sold,  and 
went  home  to  dinner  with  their  pockets  full.  (Laugh- 
ter and  cheers.) 

Mr.  Thompson  next  referred  to  the  enormous  ex- 
pense to  which  the  Governnu-nt  had  put  the  country, 
in  anticipation  of  a  war  with  America.  A  short  time 
ago,  we  had  been  forced  to  pay  for  large  fortifications 
under  the  fear  that  Napoleon  was  going  to  invade  us  ; 
and  the  noble  lord  at  the  head  of  the  government  had 
pictured  that  potentate  with  his  right  hand  extended 
to  us  in  friendship,  and  his  left  upon  the  hilt  of  his 
sword.  But  we  had  forgotten  all  about  Napoleon  now. 
(Laughter  and  cheers.)  Oh,  let  us  be  wise  1  Let 
us  hope  that  the  hour  of  peril  is  past,  and  the  halcyon 
day  of  peace  has  come;  and  may  every  honest  heart 
endeavor  to  perpetuate  it !  (Mr.  Thompson  conclud- 
ed his  eloquent  speech  amid  tremendous  applause.) 
The  resolution  offered  by  him  was  adopted. 
An  extended  report  of  the  entire  proceedings  is 
contained  in  the  Tower  Hamlets  Express — a  paper  ed- 
ited by  Mr.  Herbert  Thompson,  a  sou  of  George 
Thompson,  Esq.  We  regiet  that  we  are  so  flooded 
with  matter  that  we  cannot  find  room  in  our  present 
number  lor  any  of  the  other  speeches. 

When  it  is  remembered  with  what  pro-slavery  ma- 
lignity and  brutality  Mr.  Thompson  was  every  where 
pursued  during  his  philanthropic  visits  to  this  country, 
even  his  bitterest  enemies  must  accord  to  him  extra- 
ordinary magnanimity  and  a  rare  sense  of  justice  in 
his  eloquent  defence  of  the  American  Government. 


LETTEB  FEOM  RIOHAED  D.  WEBB. 

Dublin,  (Ireland,)  January  10,  1862. 
Dear  Mr.  Garrison, — I  have  been  spending  ray 

evening's  leisure  in  reading  the  two  last  Liberators 
which  reached  these  shores,  and  have  particularly 
directed  my  attention  to  the  Hon.  George  S.  Bout- 
well's  speech  in  Boston  on  the  16th  of  December,  and 
that  of  Wendell  Phillips  in  New  York  three  days 
afterwardB.  I  have  to  thank  my  friend,  the  Kev. 
Samuel  May,  who  specially  commended  Mr.  Bout- 
well's  oration  to  my  notice ;  for,  otherwise,  having  no 
knowledge  of  that  gentleman's  antecedents,  I  should 
probably  have  passed  it  over  in  a  more  perfunctory 
manner.     I  need  hardly  tell  you  that  I  entirely  agree 


with  the  lenor  of  his  remarks,  hut  the  tone  of  them 
especially  gratified  me-  His  statesmanlike  and  cos- 
mopoltttn  manner  of  treating  his  subject  struck  me 
as  contrasting  favorably  with  that  of  Mr.  Phillips, 
whose  speech  I  naturally  took  first,  as  that  of  one 
whom  I  have  known  so  long  and  honor  so  much. 
Foremost  as  the  latter  gentleman  is  among  the  Aboli- 
tionists, noble  his  devotion,  beautiful  his  daily  life, 
splendid  his  talents,  and  highly  cultured  and  accom- 
plished his  mind,  I  have  of  late  been  greatly  sur- 
prised that  his  patriotism  is  so  narrow  that  he  often 
seems  incapable  of  ordinary  fairness  to  England,  her 
statesmen  and  her  people. 

Mr.  Phillips  appears  fully  to  share  in  the  general 
indignation  which  the  course  of  England  in  the  Trent 
affair  has  excited  on  your  side.  What  other  course 
we  could  have  taken,  consistent  with  national  self- 
respect  and  our  rights  as  a  neutral  people,  I  really 
cannot  see.  It  is  precisely  what  you  would  have 
done  yourselves  if  the  case  had  been  your  own.  That 
we  took  the  correct  view  of  it  has  been  acknowledged, 
by  Mr.  Seward.  I  only  wish  that  he  had  made  this 
acknowledgment  more  promptly,  for  then  he  would 
have  avoided  a  very  unfortunate  manifestation  of  ill- 
feeling  on  both  sides.  It  has  been  repeatedly  inti- 
mated that  this  unhappy  occurrence  was  merely  a  pre- 
tence, on  the  part  of  England,  to  get  up  a  quarrel  with 
the  Free  States  in  their  present  extremity.  If  we 
had  bribed  Captain  Wilkes  to  act  as  he  did,  there 
would  be  some  ground  for  this  accusation ;  but  under 
actual  circumstances,  to  attribute  such  a  pretence  to 
England  is  like  the  accusation  of  the  wolf  against 
the  lamb  in  the  fable.  In  making  this  application,  1 
do  not  mean  to  insinuate  that  America  is  the  wolf, 
and  England  is  certainly  no  lamb. 

In  the  extraordinary  state  of  affairs  in  your  coun- 
try, and  with  an  unfettered  press  in  ours,  it  was  inevi- 
table that  much  would  be  said  on  both  sides  that  had 
much  better  be  left  unsaid.  A  thoughtless,  prejudiced, 
ill-informed  newspaper  editor  lias  such  enormous 
power  for  evil,  under  such  circumstances  as  the  pres- 
ent, that  I  have  often  felt  that  the  liberty  of  unli- 
censed printing  was  by  no  means  an  unqualified  ad- 
vantage. For  example — the  haughty,  insolent,  over- 
bearing, domineering  style  of  the  London  Times  is  no 
more  to  be  regarded  as  an  expression  of  English 
opinion  on  the  one  hand,  than  that  of  the  New  York 
Herald  would  be  recognized  as  a  fair  exponent  of  cul- 
tivated, intelligent  American  opinion  on  the  other. 
As  far  as  my  observation  goes,  the  Herald  is  quoted 
ten  times  here  for  once  any  other  American  paper 
is  referred  to — and  most  probably  the  same  thing  may 
be  said  of  the  'Times  in  the  United  States.  It  was  at 
the  Anti-Slavery  Convention  in  London,  in  1840,  that 
I  first  heard  of  the  Herald.  Some  of  my  new  Ameri- 
can friends  quoted  it,  and  told  me  what  an  infamous 
sheet  it  was;  but  yet,  that  everybody  talked  of  it,  and 
everybody  read  it.  Now,  the  Times — its  insolence  and 
want  of  principle  apart,  (and  these,  I  admit,  are  large 
reservations) — has  always  been  a  decently  conducted 
journal,  in  regard  to  the  proprieties. 

My  reason  for  referring  to  these  papers  is  to  illus- 
trate my  own  opinion,  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of 
the  ill  blood  and  misunderstanding  which  have  been 
recently  manifested  between  the  two  countries  has 
arisen  from  unprincipled  journalists,  whose  victims 
are  their  readers,  and  over  whom  the  Government  on 
either  hand  have  no  control,  and  the  thoughtful,  the 
large-minded,  and  the  truly  patriotic  no  influence. 

Mr.  Phillips  asks, — "  Why  does  the  London  Press 
lecture  us  like  a  school-master  his  seven-year-old  boy  1 
Why  does  England  use  a  tone  such  as  she  has  not 
used  for  half  a  century  to  any  power?"  I  might 
answer,  that  the  London  Press,  being  perfectly  free, 
say  what  they  please ;  that  some  say  one  thing,  and 
some  another.  Some  are  hostile,  some  friendly  ;  some 
kind,  courteous  and  sympathizing ;  some  directly  the 
contrary.  Some  talk  in  the  interest  of  the  South, 
some  in  the  interest  of  the  North,  and  some  appear  to 
be  influenced  by  merely  selfish  considerations.  There 
#fe  many  men,  many  minds,  and  all  kinds  of  writers 
and  readers,  as  any  sensible  man  would  expect  in  a 
population  nearly  or  quite  equal  to  your  own  thirty- 
four  States,  packed  into  a  space  probably  not  one- 
hundredth  part  of  the  extent.  Why  should  Mr.  Phil- 
lips be  so  indignant  at  being  lectured  by  others  ?  Has 
he  never  lectured  himself?  And  as  to  the  reasona- 
bleness of  the  lectures,  this  is  all  a  matter  of  opinion — 
though  I  have  had,  until  lately,  no  objection  to  those 
that  have  been  delivered  by  him.  As  to  the  Times. 
If  he  reads  it  regularly,  he  must  know  that  that  paper 
lectures  everybody.  Emperors,  kings,  communities, 
principalities  and  powers, — from  the  "  despots  of 
Europe  "  to  the  humblest  parish  vestry, — all  are  taken 
in  hand,  scolded  and  castigated  like  "seven-year-old 
boys."  And  why  should  your  Republic  and  your 
public  men  expect  to' escape?  Our  rulers  are  no 
more  responsible  for  the  demeanor  of  the  London 
Press  than  I  am ;  and  why  should  they  be  blamed  for 
what  they  cannot  prevent?  The  Times  would  regard 
Lord  Palmerston's  wishes  as  little  as  they  would  re- 
gard mine,  in  the  penning  of  their  leaders. 

It  is,  I  believe,  now  generally  conceded  that,  in  the 
recognition  of  the  Soulherners  as  belligerents,  our 
Government  had  no  choice,  unless  they  had  made  up 
their  minds  to  go  to  war  with  them  and  treat  them  as 
pirates.  This  would  have  been  an  extreme  measure, 
and  inconsistent  with  the  non-intervention  policy  of 
England,  which  was  maintained  during  the  struggle 
in  Italy,  although  the  nearly  unanimous  sentiment  of 
the  British  people  (exclusive  of  the  Irish  Catholics) 
was  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  Italian  unity  and  in- 
dependence. I  am  confident  that  if  your  Northern 
uprising  had  been  for  universal  liberty  throughout 
your  land,  instead  of  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union 
with  slaveholders,  the  hearty  good  wishes  of  England 
would  have  hailed  every  step  in  your  progress,  and 
that  your  success  would  have  been  far  greater  than  it 
has  hitherto  been.  Mr.  Phillips  says  we  may  well 
admire  and  envy  the  strength  of  your  Government 
when,  instead  of  our  impressment  and  pinched  levies, 
patriotism  marshals  600,000  volunteers  in  six  months. 
In  any  similar  case  of  national  extremity,  with  simi- 
lar pay,  I  doubt  not  that  we  could  obtain  quite  as 
many  volunteers  as  would  be  required.  England's 
wealth  and  her  credit  are  both  very  great,  and  I  do 
not  see  that  she  need  envy,  however  she  may  admire, 
other  nations  for  their  possession  of  similar  advanta- 
ges. Then,  again,  impressment  does  not  exist  in 
England.  It  has  not  been  practised  for  nearly  fifty 
years. 

In  accounting  for  his  conversion  from  the  disunion 
sentiments  he  has  until  lately  held,  Mr.  Phillips  asks, 
"When  I  see  twenty  millions  of  people  determined 
that  this  Union  shall  mean  justice,  why  should  I  ob- 
ject to  it?"  For  no  reason  that  I  can  see — when  he 
Bees  it.  But  when  we,  three  thousand  miles  away, 
read  of  the  cruel  restoration  of  slaves  to  their  masters 
by  Northern  Generals;  of  the  hesitation  of  Northern 
statesmen,  the  hostility  of  Northern  editors — and,  as 
far  as  we  can  discover,  a  great  portion  of  the  twenty 
millions — to  the  proclamation  of  freedom,  I  think 
greater  charity  should  be  shown  towards  us  than  Mr. 
Phillips  is  disposed  to  exhibit — utterly  confused  and 
confounded  as  we  are  by  the  statements  of  your  own 
newspapers.  He  is  more  like  himself — usually  can- 
did and  magnanimous — when  he  says:  "I  do  not 
wonder  at  the  want  of  sympathy  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land with  us.  The  South  says,  '  I  am  fighting  for 
slavery.'  The  Nortli  says,  '  I  am  not  fighting  against 
it.'  Why  should  England  interfere  ?  We  have  noth- 
ing on  which  to  hang  their  sympathy."  This  is  true, 
and  to  the  point.  Here  he  hits  the  right  nail  on  the 
head. 

I  have  been  asked,  by  eomc  of  my  American  corre- 
spondents, whether,  the  cause  and  the  motives  of  the 
South  being  altogether  execrable,  it  is  not  plainly  our 
duty  to  sympathize  with  the  other  side  ?  I  answer, 
that  want  of  confidence  in  the  new-born  anti-slavery 
zeal  of  the  North  is  so  prevalent,  and  it  jb  so  generally 
supposed, that  their  darling  object  is  the  restoration  of 
the  Union,  at  any  price,  that  we  naturally  suppose  the 
slaves  have  a  far  better  chance,  in  the  event  of  se- 
cession ;  since,  in  that  case,  the  South  could  not  long 
maintain  slavery  with  the  opinion  of  the  world  against 
her,  and  the  free  and  powerful  North  in  utter  hostility. 


Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  loud  and  long-con- 
tinued cheers  greeted  Mr.  Phillips's  ungenerous  apos- 
trophe,— "  There  stands  England,  the  most  selfish  and 
treacherous  of  modern  governments,"  —  I  maintain 
that  nothing  has  occurred  since  the  outbreak  of  your 
civil  war  to  justify  such  a  libellous  accusation. 
Whilst  it  is  true  and  inevitable  that  there  are  all 
shades  of  sentiment  towards  you,  from  the  most  cor- 
dial to  the  most  hostile,  amongst  our  complex  and  di- 
versified community,  I  maintain  that  the  general  .ten- 
dency is  to  abhor  slavery;  to  regard  war  with  the 
North  as  a  fearful  calamity  on  every  religious,  moral, 
social  and  commercial  consideration ;  and  to  believe 
that  we  should  be  very  good  friends  if  it  were  not  for 
mischief- ma  king  demagogues,  for  the  careful  nurture 
you  receive  in  hatred  to  the  mother  country  by  your 
foolish  and  boastful  fourth  of  July  celebrations,  and 
for  the  melancholy  fact  which  has  just  been  exempli- 
fied in  the  case  of  Captain  Wilkes,  that  in  no  way  can 
any  ambitious  American  so  easily  obtain  popularity 
and  consideration  as  by  insulting  England,  although 
by  doing  so  he  should  plunge  his  own  country  into 
the  waste,  bloodshed,  and  madness  of  war. 

Furthermore,  however  you  may  agree  with  Mr. 
Phillips,  it  is  the  general  sentiment  here  that  the  con- 
duct of  our  Government  has  been  marked  by  pru- 
dence, forbearance,  and  a  total  absence  of  bluster,  bul- 
lying and  discourtesy.  We  have  not  at  any  time  de- 
sired war  with  you.  Our  rulers  know  it,  and  they 
have  acted  as  if  they  felt  it.  Lord  Palmerston  and 
Earl  Russell  are  both  old  men?  who  have  spent  their 
lives  in  the  public  service,  and  whose  tenure  of  power 
depends  on  their  skill  in  guiding  the  affairs  of  the 
country  in  harmony  with  the  wishes  and  interests  of 
the  people;  and  we  are  no  such  fools  as  to  rush  into  a 
war  uncompelled  by  principle  or  interest-— a  war,  too, 
in  which,  no  matter  how  good  our  cause,  we  would 
be  open  to  the  charge  of  taking  part  with  slavehold- 
ers, and  taking  advantage  of  your  difficulties.  All 
these  considerations  made  the  prospect  of  hostilities 
especially  repulsive,  and  I  hear  nothing  but  congratu- 
lations that  we  have  escaped  such  a  catastrophe. 

Finally,  I  regret  that  one  whom  I  regard  as  one  of 
the  bravest,  best  and  most  gifted  of  Americans  should 
pander  to  the  most  unhappy  prejudices  of  his  least 
educated  countrymen.  With  the  tenor  of  his  speech 
and  that  of  Mr.  Boutwell,  I  cordially  agree;  but  I 
think  Mr.  Boutwell's,  whilst  fully  as  convincing  as  that 
of  Mr.  Phillips,  is  decidedly  preferable  in  its  freedom 
from  unjust  and  mischievous  prejudices  and  imputa- 
tions. 

In  the  same  Liberator  which  contains  Mr.  Phillips's 
speech,  and  immediately  succeeding  it,  is  an  article 
signed  "  W.,"  under  the  caption  of  "  The  War  with 
England — its  spirit,"  which  I  am  really  at  a  loss  to 
characterize.  Nobody  who  understands  the  actual 
state  of  things  in  these  islands,  or  who  has  had  any 
opportunity  of  conversing  with  Englishmen,  Irish- 
men, or  Scotchmen  of  intelligence  and  education, 
could  have  put  such  a  mass  of  misstatements  together. 
It  is  not  true  that  our  people,  as  distinguished  from 
the  aristocracy,  are  "over-taxed  and  over-governed.' 
It  is  not  true  that  education  is  withheld  from  them. 
Vast  sums  are  expended  every  year  in  promoting  the 
education  of  the  people;  and  in  England,  at  least,  it  is 
far  more  difficult  to  induce  the  poorer  classes  to  ac- 
cept of  education  for  their  children,  than  it  is  to  obtain 
any  money  that  may  be  required  for  the  purpose. 
The  progress  of  popular  education  has  been  amazing 
in  Ireland  in  my  own  memory.  The  English  are  a 
slower  people,  but  in  England  also  the  substantial  pro- 
gress has  probably  been  greater,  owing  to  the  absence 
of  the  active  hostility  of  the  Romish  priests,  which 
is  such  that  we  rarely  hear  of  a  working  Irishman 
trying  to  elevate  himself  by  self-education  ;  whilst  it 
is  well  known  that  some  of  the  greatest  men  England 
and  Scotland  have  produced  have  been  of  this  class. 
Such  men  as  Rennie,  Telford,  Stephenson,  Faraday, 
Davy  and  multitudes  more,  who  had  no  such  advan- 
tages as  are  now  within  the  reach  of  every  poor  Eng- 
lish child — so  far,  at  least,  as  the  Government  schools 
(which  are  excellent)  can  help  him,  and  as  he  is  not 
impeded  by  the  selfishness  or  intemperance  of  his 
parents.  "W."  tells  us  that  "the  corner-stone  of  the 
English  aristocracy  is  the  slavery  of  the  people  with 
all  its  ignorance  and  degradation."  He  will  perhaps 
be  amazed  and  incredulous  when  I  tell  him  that  there 
no  slavery  of  the  people  in  these  islands,  except 
that  which  they  impose  on  themselves  by  idleness, 
iprovidence  or  intemperance;  and  that  for  these  the 
English  aristocracy  of  the  present  generation  are  no 
more  responsible  than  is  "  W."  himself.  The  people 
— the  mass  of  the  people — the  poorest  people,  are  at 
least  as  free  as  any  people  in  the  world.  I  know  of 
no  people  more  free  than  those  of  England  and  its 
colonies.  They  can  come  and  go,  they  can  buy  and 
sell,  they  can  talk,  print  and  publish  (within  the  limits 
of  abstinence  from  conspiracy  against  the  Govern- 
nt  and  the  laws)  with  a  degree  of  liberty  which 
cannot  be  exceeded.  An  act  of  open  oppression 
against  any  poor  man  would  rouse  the  press  through- 
out the  whole  country  against  the  wealthiest  and 
noblest  in  the  land. 

It  is  not  true,  no  matter  who  may  say  it,  that  any 
proof  can  be  show  of  hatred  on  the  part  of  the  aristoc- 
racy of  the  country  towards  America  or  its  institu- 
tions. As  we  generally  understand  them,  we  see  no 
special  reason  to  fear,  hate  or  envy  these  institutions. 
It  is  a  delusion  (o  suppose  that  your  pro-slavery  Con- 
stitution is  the  admiration  and  the  hope  of  the  world. 
The  Abolitionists  and  History  being  judges,  the  Uni- 
ted States  government  has  for  the  past  fifty  years  been 
trolled  by  slaveholders  in  the  interests  of  slavery  ; 
and  now  that  things  have  taken  a  turn,  it  is  extreme- 
ly difficult  for  us  to  discover,  from  the  language  of 
American  visitors  or  American  newspapers,  that  the 
mass  of  the  Northern  people  have  made  up  their  mind 
to  get  rid  of  the  curse  and  disgrace  of  their  country. 
Their  hesitation  in  this  respect  looks  like  judicial 
blindness.  We  should  be  foolish  to  envy  a  country  in 
such  a  position,  and  wicked  to  hate  it.  In  their  feel- 
ings towards  you,  there  is  no  proof  that  our  aristocra- 
cy difler  from  the  great  mass  of  intelligent  observers, 
some  of  whom  think  one  thing,  some  another.  Of  the 
envy,  I  see  no  trace  any  where. 

As  to  the  taxation  of  England,  heavy  as  it  is,  it  is 
mainly  borne  by  those  who  are  well  able  to  bear  it, 
and  it  forms  a  small  proportion  to  their  ordinary  ex- 
penses. The  British  people  spend  far  more  annually 
in  strong  drink  than  they  pay  in  taxes  of  all  kinds. 
No  poor  man  wWtt  chooses  to  abstain  from  alcohol,  tea, 
coffee,  tobacco,  and  such  like  luxuries,  need  pay  a 
penny  of  taxes — the  income  tax  and  other  direct  im- 
posts falling  entirely  upon  those  who  are  able  to  pay 
them.  Any  man  in  England  who  pays  fifty  dollars  a 
year  for  his  holding  has  virtually  a  share  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country,  for  he  has  a  vote  for  members 
of  Parliament;  and  it  is  by  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  not  by  the  House  of  Lords,  nor  by  the  Queen, 
that  our  affairs  are  really  controlled.  It  is  undeniably 
a  growing  feeling  here,  that  the  voice  which  controls 
the  Government  should  be  that  of  those  who  have  in- 
telligence, education  and  something  to  lose,  but  not 
that  of  a  mere  numerical  majority,  ignorant,  excitable, 
prejudiced,  and  easily  flattered  to  the  injury  of  their 
own  best  interests.  In  this  opinion  our  aristocracy  are 
not  singular — and  on  this  account  we  have  no  induce- 
ment to  injure,  envy,  fear  or  hate  you,  since,  strange 
as  it  may  seem,  we  think  that  our  own  is  the  more  ad- 
vantageous position. 

I  do  not  deny  nor  do  I  mean  to  insinuate  that  there 
are  not  in  these  countries,  as  in  every  other  country, 
plenty  of  people  of  all  classes  who  are  selfish,  tyranni- 
cal, overbearing  and  cruel.  All  I  wish  to  convey  is 
my  belief  that  our  national  sins  are  peculiar  to  no  one 
class  of  rich  or  poor,  high  or  low,  democrats  or  aristo- 
crats, and  that  whatever  our  shortcomings  toward  you, 
they  do  not  specially  consist  in  the  indulgence  of  ha- 
tred, envy  or  jealousy  of  your  greatness  and  prosperity. 
I  suppose  the  truth  to  be  this :  every  nation  has  a  no- 
tion that,  all  things  considered,  it  is  better  off  than 
any  other  upon  earth — and  every  other  nation  thinks 
the  idea  ridiculously  mistaken. 

Hoping  you  wilt  excuse  the  unexpected  length  of 
this  letter,  I  remain  ever  yours,  most  truly, 

RICHARD  D.  WEBB. 


MEETING  OF  MIDDLESEX  OOTJtfTY  ANTI- 
SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 

Lowell,  Feb.  3,  1862. 
Mr.  Garrison  : 

Dear  Sir — Most  gladly  do  I  hasten  to  inform  you, 
as  substitute  for  the  absent  Secretary  of  the  Middle- 
sex County  Anti-Slavery  Society,  that  their  meeting 
here,  on  Sunday  last,  in  the  large  Jackson  Hall,  was 
a  most  complete  success;  rather  thinly  attended  in 
the  morning,  but  largely  increased  in  the  afternoon, 
and  in  the  evening  crowded  by  an  apparently  appre- 
ciative auditory.  Though  some  apprehension  was  en- 
tertained in  regard  to  Mr.  Pillsbury's  strength  holding 
out,  as  he  would  be  deprived  of  the  assistance  of  Mr. 
May,  and  also  for  the  disappointment  of  the  people,  as 
the  advertisements  and  notices  announced  his  pres- 
ence, yet  I  think  at  the  close  of  the  meetings  very  lit- 
tle room  was  left  for  regrets  of  any  kind,  as  the  speak- 
er, after  presenting  some  of  the  most  direct  resolu- 
tions, proved  himself  to  be  one  of  those  rare  spirits 
who  can  "chase  a  thousand" — a  host  in  himself — 
"  true  as  the  needle  to  the  pole." 

He  did  not  dwell  so  much  upon  the  rebellion  of  the 
South  which  every  schoolboy  must,  by  this  time, 
most  fully  understand,  as  the  continued  and  criminal 
complicity  of  the  North  with  the  Giant  Wrong,  and 
while  professing  to  crush  the  rebellion,  still  upholding 
and  protecting  the  guilty  cause  of  all  their  troubles. 

Language  would  fail  me  to  describe  the  intense  in- 
terest and  apparent  indignation  which  seemed  to  arise 
in  the  hearts  and  manifest  itself  in  the  countenances 
of  his  hearers,  as,  in  his  masterly  manner,  with  al' 
the  calmness  and  sincerity  of  indisputable  truth,  he 
unfolded  page  after  page  of  the  nation's  infamy,  sup- 
ported by  the  Government,  and  sanctioned  by  the  Pul- 
pit and  the  Church.  And  though  he  very  modestly 
requested  that  no  noisy  demonstration  of  applause  be 
made,  yet  at  the  conclusion  of  some  of  his  boldest 
utterances,  it  was  absolutely  "irrepressible."  For 
instance,  in  some  comments  upon  the  expenses  and 
inactivity  of  the  army,  he  concluded  with  the  assertion 
that  John  Brown,  with  his  seventeen  white  men  and 
two  negroes,  sent  more  terror  and  consternation 
through  Virginia,  and  in  the  South,  than  Gen.  McClel- 
with  all  his  host;  which  was  received  with  long 
continued  and  most  enthusiastic  applause.  Also,  the 
least  allusion  to  Fremont  or  his  Proclamation. 

The  resolutions  were  passed  unanimously,  which 
seems  sufficient  evidence  that  the  people  are  actually 
famishing  for  want  of  strong,  healthful  nourish- 
lt,  or  "  of  hearing  the  words  of  the  Lord."  Many 
of  Mr.  P's  illustrations  and  figures  were  drawn  with 
artistic  skill  from  Scripture  history.  At  the  opening 
of  the  afternoon  meeting,  he  read  a  part  of  the  23d 
chapter  of  Jeremiah;  and  Mr.  Richard  Hincheliffe, 
from  Andover,  repeated  a  thrilling  poem,  which  you 
will  receive  for  publication. 

Short  but  very  pertinent  remarks  were  made  in 
course  of  the  day  by  Mr.  Plympton,  of  this  city,  Mr. 
Melvin  of  Chelmsford,  and  some  others  whose  names 
I  did  not  ascertain. 

The  meeting  was  presided  over,  during  day  and 
evening,  by  Mr.  Barrett,  of  Concord,  who,  I  under- 
stood him  to  say,  walked  the  whole  distance,  there 
being  no  conveyance  from  that  pla.ee  by  railroad  or 
stage  on  Sunday.  A  small  contribution  was  taken, 
and  a  number  of  subscribers  obtained  for  the  Stand- 
ard, and  perhaps  for  the  Liberator,  as  a  similar  recom- 
mendation was  made  of  both  papers. 

SARAH  CLAY,  Sec'y  pro  tern. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved,  That  in  contending  for  a  reconstruction 
of  the  Federal  Union  on  the  original  basis,  with  slave- 
ry an  essential  element  as  before,  the  Government  is 
warring  not  so  much  against  the  Southern  confede- 
rated banditti  of  man-stealers  and  cradle-robbers,  as 
against  Justice,  Freedom,  and  God. 

Resolved,  That  if  any  people  are  ever  left  "to 
strong  delusion  to  believe  a  lie,  that  they  may  be 
damned,"  it  must  be  those  who,  denying  the  doctrine 
of  the  "irrepressible  conflict"  which  God  and  Na- 
ture have  instituted  between  Freedom  and  Slavery, 
are  seeking  and  expecting  to  reestablish  our  former 
Union  with  slaveholders. 

Resolved,  That  the  enthusiastic  determination  of  the 
people  to  suppress  the  rebellion  at  the  South,  at 
whatever  cost  to  slavery,  as  manifest  at  the  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter,  at  the  murderous  mob  in  Baltimore  on 
the  19th  of  April,  and,  especially,  the  almost  univeral 
approval  and  rejoicing  at  the  issue  of  Gen.  Fremont's 
Proclamation  in  Missouri,  all  these  are  indications  of 
how  entirely  and  speedily  the  incubus  disunion  might 
and  would  have  been  exterminated,  had  the  same 
brave  and  honest  purpose  animated  the   Government. 

Resolved,  That  while  Treason  stalks  unblushingly 
and  unhung  in  every  department  of  the  Govern- 
ment, defying  ail  "Investigating  Committees,"  and 
daring  all  executive  authority,  as  at  present,  it  is 
time  for  the  people  to  arise  in  their  own  sovereignty, 
and  arrest  such  outrages  against  all  decency  as  well 
as  all  law,  or  thrust  the  authors  of  them  from  place 
and  power,  and  consign  thein  to  the  scorn  and  con- 
tempt of  mankind. 

Resolved,  That  a  Church  and  Pulpit  that,  one 
year  ago,  were  in  full  sacramental  communion  with 
the  man-stealing  ministry  and  membership  of  the 
South,  but  are  to-day  in  arms  against  them,  supplying 
tha  meu  to  kill  them,  and  the  chaplains  to  pray  for 
ictory,  that  so  the  former  governmental  Union  and 
eclesiastical  fellowship  with  Southern  robbers  and 
adulterers  may  be  restored,  are  now  convicted  of  hav- 
ing given  the  country  a  type  of  religion  so  absurd  and 
so  monstrous  as  that,  at  the  call  of  the  Government, 
it  can  butcher  the  same  brethren  with  whom,  an  hour 
before,  it  broke  the  sacramental  loaf,  and  poured  out 
the  communion  cup,  in  recognition  of  their  brother- 
hood under  "one  Lord,  one  faith,  and  one  baptism."^ 


LETTEE  EE0M  DANIEL  RI0KETS0N,  ESQ. 

New  Bedford,  January  22,  1862. 

To  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Mass.  A.  S.  Society; 

Respected  Friends, — As  I  am  unable  to  be  pres- 
ent at  the  Annual  Meeting,  I  would  express  herein 
my  continued  heartfelt  interest  in  the  cause  of  eman- 
cipation in  which  we  have  been  so  long  engaged. 
The  present  occasion  is  truly  a  momentous  one,  when 
we  consider  how  much  is'involved  in  the  struggle  be- 
tween Slavery  and  Freedom,  and  the  great  apparent 
danger  of  the  latter  being  lost  to  our  generation  at 
least. 

With  the  Abolitionists,  under  God,  rests  the  salva- 
tion of  bur  country  from  its  impending  ruin.  Never 
before  in  the  history  of  our  sacred  enterprise  has  there 
been  need  of  greater  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  friends 
of  the  slave,  and  of  our  own  liberty.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  number  of  opponents  to  slavery  has  been 
greatly  augmented  by  the  rebellion  of  the  South,  still, 
the  direction  of  the  course  to  be  pursued  remains  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  have  thus  far  conducted  public 
opinion  to  its  present  demonstration  against  the  wicked 
institution. 

In  the  failure  of  the  government  to  perform  its  duty, 
it  is  to  the  people  we  are  to  look  for  reform.  Our 
efforts  hereafter  must  be  directed  to  them.  The  whole 
public  should  be  thoroughly  aroused  to  a  deep  sense  of 
the  great  danger  we  now  lie  under  of  losing  all  that 
we  and  our  fathers  have  held  dear.  The  hour  is  wait- 
ing for  the  man.  Who  is  he?  Where  is  he  ?  Are 
not  our  minds  directed,  as  it  were,  by  the  finger  of  God, 
to  him*  who  has  so  long,  so  faithfully,  and  so  wisely 
heralded  the  truth,  and  stood  boldly  with  his  life  in  his 
hand,  as  it  were,  by  the  side  of  our  revered  pioneer? 
Let  us  stand  by  him,  and  each  and  all  in  his  own 
sphere  find  vocation  be  ready,  for  the  hour  of  our 
deepest  trial  appears  to  be  near  at  hand. 

In  the  bonds  of  sympathy  for  human  rights,  I  re- 
main, most  truly  yours, 

DANIEL  R1CKETSON. 

P.  S.  In  justice  to  myself,  1  should  add,  that,  al- 
though a  friend  of  Peace,  I  do  not  see  any  escape  Jrom 
the  old  and  usual  method  for  the  removal  of  tyranny, 
in  our  present  conflict.  D.  R. 

*  Wendell  Phillips. 


DEATH   OP  WILLIAM  A.  E0GEB00M. 

Friend  Garrison, — With  a  bleeding  heart,  I  com- 
municate to  the  Liberator  a  brief  notice  of  the  death  of 
an  all  but  idolized  son,  William  A.  Hogehoom,  not 
yet  having  attained  his  twenty-second  year. 

My  son  was  emphatically  a  reformer.  In  his  efforts 
for  the  uprooting  of  our  great  national  sin — slavery — 
he  waB  most  indefatigable.  He  esteemed  it  the  high- 
est honor  to  have  enjoyed  the  personal  acquaintance 
and  respect  of  not  a  few  of  the  Garrisoniau  school  of 
lecturers.  It  was  with  rapt  delight  that  he  listened  to 
their  eloquent  and  stirring  appeals,  and  would  ever 
after  speak  of  them  in  terms  of  glowing  eulogy. 

Agriculture  was  his  favorite  pursuit.  An  ardent. ad- 
mirer of  the  beauties  of  Nature,  he  was  a  florist  by 
instinct,  and  for  it  evinced  a  predilection  in  early  child- 
hood. 

Amid  the  fossil  remains  of  Central  New  York,  the 
study  of  Geology  had  for  him  its.charms.  Antiqua- 
rian research  was  ever  congenial  with  his  large  reason- 
ing powers. 

As  a  student,  he  always  worked  with  a  will.  Sev- 
eral terms  spent  at  the  Spencertown  Academy,  in 
Eastern  New  York,  were  marked  by  the  most  untiring 
industry.  Two  years  ago,  he  spent  his  last  winter  at 
that  institution,  boarding  in  the  family  of  its  distin- 
guished President,  Dr.  Woodbridge,  in  whom  he  has 
a  sincere  mourner. 

Last  fall  he  gained  fresh  laurels  at  the  Teachers'  In- 
stitute in  Hamilton,  N.  Y.,  in  the  Chenang  Valley ; 
and  enjoyed  the  cordial  friendship  of  our  excellent 
State  Superintendent. 

In  September  last,  he  left  us,  to  teach  a  large  and 
flourishing  school  near  the  parental  home  of  that  anti- 
slavery  champion,  Aaron  M.  Powell.  Partial  illness, 
attended  with  the  spitting  of  blood,  finally  induced 
him  to  heed  the  injunction  of  his  medical  adviser,  and 
abandon,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  confinement  of  the 
school-room. 

Flattering  himself  that  he  had  still  a  good  share  of 
physical  stamina,  and  after  a  little  time  for  recupera- 
tion, he  yielded  to  his  patriotic  instincts  by  accepting 
the  post  of  second  Sergeant  in  the  91st  New  York 
Regiment,  then  in  rendezvou1!  at  Albany.  Returning 
home  on  a  recruiting  expedition,  he  made,  through 
our  local  papers,  a  successful  appeal  to  the  young  men 
of  his  native  county. 

Soon  after  his  return,  the  regiment  was  removed  to 
New  York;  and  my  son,  having  taken  cold,  and  been 
subjected  to  an  ordeal  common  in  camps,  measles  and 
nps,  was  soon  an  inmate  of  the  hospital  on  Bed- 
loe's  Island,  where,  from  lack  of  regular  nurses,  the 
patients  are  much  neglected. 

I  joined  him  on  the  5th  inst.,  and  was  his  constant 
attendant,  night  and  day,  up  to  the  hour  of  his  death, 
which  occurred  early  on  the  morning  of  the  9th. 

He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  philosophy  of  the  new 
Spiritual  Revelation ;  and,  as  1  trust,  has  visited  us 
with  cheering  and  consoling  communications  from  that 
bright  world  where  seraphs  tune  their  harps  to  Heav- 
en's own  melody.  As  he  occupied  ahigh  moral  plane 
here,  so  he  does  there. 

His  remains  were  tenderly  received  by  his  grief- 
stricken  family  and  neighborhood.  At  the  funeral,  a 
large  and  deeply  affected  audience  listened  to  a  finished 
address  on  "Immortality,"  prepared  and  delivered  by 
A.  V.  Bently,  Esq.,  of  Deruyter,  N.  Y.,  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  men  of  Central  New  York,  a  noble 
pioneer  in  the  great  work  of  reform. 

Yours,  truly,  A.  HOGEBOOM. 

Sheds  Corners,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  18,  1862. 


THE  LATE  EI0HAED   0LAP,   ESQ. 

Friend  Garrison, — I  have  been  looking  for  a  more 
extended  notice  in  reference  to  our  departed  friend, 
Richard  Clap,  Esq.,  from  some  one  more  intimately 
acquainted  with  him  than  the  writer  of  this. 

By  referring  to  the  record  of  the  Dorchester  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  I  find  Mr.  Clap  was  elected  Vice 
President  of  the  Society  at  the  time  of  its  organiza- 
tion, more  than  twenty-six  years  ago.  He  continued 
to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  Anti-Slavery  enterprise 
until  prevented  by  the  infirmities  of  age.  He  had 
great  faith  in  the  righteousness  of  its  principles,  and 
hope  of  its  final  triumph,  and  was  always  ready  to 
speak  words  of  encouragement  in  hours  of  darkness, 
and  urge  perseverance  in  the  good  cause. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Dor- 
chester Anti-Slavery  Society,  Oct.  23,"  1835,  two  days 
after  the  great  pro-slavery  mob  in  Boston,  Mr.  Clap 
offered  the  following  resolutions  : — 

Resolved,  That  the  toleration  of  slavery  is  incon- 
sistent with  the  Declaration  of  American  Indepen- 
dence, and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  free  citizen  in 
the  United  States  to  raise  his  voice,  extend  his  aid, 
and  exert  his  influence  in  behalf  of  the  slaves  in  our 
country,  and  to  persevere  till  slavery  shall  be  abol- 
ished in  our  land  and  throughout  the  "world. 

Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  Abolition  is  a  righteous 
cause,  being  founded  on  the  broad  basis  of  reason,  re- 
ligion, justice  and  humanity  ;  and  those  engaged  in  it, 
having  adopted  the  Savior's  golden  rule,  Gan  persevere 
with  confidence,  relying  on  the  divine  blessing  for 
final  success. 

Resolved,  That  the  principles  of  Temperance  and 
Abolition  are  very  similar;  and  those  who  have  adop- 
ted total  abstinence  from  ardent  spirits  ought,  in  con- 
sistency, to  adopt  the  principles  of  total  abstinence 
from  the  sin  of  holding  human  beings  as  property  ; 
therefore  it  is  the  duty  of  patriot,  philanthropist  and 
Christian  in  our  land  to  use  their  influence  in  behalf 
of  the  slave,  till  the  foul  stain  of  slavery  shall  be  wiped 
off  from  the  fair  face  of  American  liberty. 

The  Anti-Slavery  cause  in  Dorchester,  as  in  other 
places,  had  much  to  contend  with,  not  only  from  the 
rabble,  but  from  a  powerful  influence  in  the  church. 
One  of  the  largest  religious  societies  in  town  refused 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society  the  use  of  their  vestry  for  a 
meeting  where  the  speaker  for  the  evening  was  a 
minister  of  their  own  denomination,  in  good  and  regu- 
lar standing,  and  the  applicants  in  behalf  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  were  members  of  the  church.  Some 
of  us  well  remember  the  scorn,  contempt  and  ridicule 
heaped  upon  the  Anti-Slavery  women  of  Dorchester, 
who  signed  and  circulated  a  petition  to  the  Legisla- 
ture to  abolish  all  laws  in  the  State  that  made  a  dis- 
tinction on  account  of  color — laws  which  the  Legisla- 
ture has  long  since  abolished.  Then  came  the  hue- 
and-cry  about  the  "  infidelity  "  of  the  Garrisonian  Abo- 
litionists, who  felt  it  their  duty  to  rebuke  pro-slavery 
in  Church  as  in  State. 

Most  of  those  connected  with  the  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety in  this  town,  especially  those  who  were  members 
of  churches,  lost  their  active  interest  and  zeal  in  the 
cause,  and  were  contented  with  some  manifestations  at 
the  polls,  once  a  year,  with  a  party  which  shifted  its 
policy  and  candidates  every  four  years,  and  was  care- 
ful not  to  disturb  the  peace  and  quiet  of  a  pro-slavery 
church.  Not  so  with  our  departed  friend :  ho  con- 
tinued to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  cause  as  a  moral 
and  religious  question.  Of  the  early  Abolitionists,  he 
was  almost  the  only  man  in  the  town  who  retained  his 
connection  with  the  church,  without  losing  his  active 
interest  in  the  Anti-Slavery  cause;  but  ho  bad,  what 
most  of  the  others  had  not,  a  faithful  minister  to  sym- 
pathize with  him,  and  speak  words  of  encouragement. 

Mr.  Clap  was  honored  by  his  fellow -townsmen  with 
offices  of  trust  and  responsibility,  and  discharged  his 
duties  as  a  conscientious  and  upright  citizen  ;  and  by 
his  strength  of  character  and  influence  did  much  to 
encourage  us  in  this  unpopular  cause. 

And  now  as  another  (who,  in  the  course  of  nature, 
seemed  to  stand  between  us  and  the  grave,)  has  passed 
away  from  earth,  it  becomes  us  to  take  heed  to  the  ad- 
monition, "  Work  while  the  day  lasts." 

Port  Norfolk,  Jauuary,  1862.  H,  W.  B. 


"IN  MEM0EIAM." 

Among  the  losses  to  our  Anti-Slavery  hand.  recalli-d 
by  our  Annual  Festival,  we  record  with  heartfelt  ten- 
derness and  sorrow  one  which  escaped  mention  in  our 
papers  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence— that  of  Lydia  H. 
Ciiamv:,  of  Salem.  Mass.  ller  presence  has  for  many 
years  been  a  welcome  addition  to  the  social  joys  of  our 
Fairs  and  Festivals;  h«  pQrtB  has  .<ihv:iys  lu-i'ii  opon 
to  our  needs  ;  and  the  Anti  Slavery  laborers  who  have 
Bought  to  arouse  the  torpidity  of  Salem  have  ever 


found  in  her  charming  home  a  hospitable  reception. 
With  rare  social  qualities,  with  every  advantage  which 
wealth  and  culture  could  give,  she  had  long  been  the 
"centre  and  life  of  a  large  circle  of  friends,  who  find  it 
hard  indeed  to  realize  that  she  can  bless  them  no  longer 
with  her  bright  smile,  cheering  voice  and  wise  counsel. 
Nor  in  the  Anti-Slavery  field  alone  has  her  liberal  hand 
been  recognized.  Many  a  poor  widow,  many  a  lonely 
orphan  and  invalid  heard  of  her  departure  with  bitter 
sorrow,  and  the  despondent  cry,  "  What  will  the  poor 
do  without  her?  "  One  of  these  poor  Irish  pensioners 
of  her  bounty,  on  hearing  of  her  death,  burst  into 
tears,  saying,  "May  the  Lord  give  her  a  pleasant  room 
in  Heaven,  for  she  tried  to  help  us  all  here  1 "  Nor  did 
she  forget  to  provide  for  their  wants,  or  fail  to  remem- 
ber our  needs,  in  the  final  disposition  of  her  property. 
Wc  understand  that  liberal  bequests  were  made  to  the 
Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  to  the  Female 
Anti-Slavery  Society  of  Salem,  as  well  as  to  various 
charities,  but  owing  to  some  informality  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  will,  it  is  possible  that  her  generous  designs 
may  not  be  carried  out.  With  the  poor  Irish  woman 
we  say,  "May  the  Lord  bless  her  in  his  Heaven,  for 
she  has  long  blessed  his  earth!" — Communicated. 


COLLECTIONS 

By    Finance  Committee,  for 

Expense*   of  Annual  Meeting, 

1862. 

Ruth  Buffum 

1  00 

W.  L.  Garrison 

100 

Alden  Sampson 

1  00 

Jonathan  Buffum 

100 

Edward  B.  Perkins 

100 

William  Ashby 

100 

M.  B.  Goodrich 

100 

George  Miles 

1  00 

E.  H»  Merrill 

1  00 

Edmund  Quincy 

100 

Joseph  Merrill 

1  00 

Mary  P.  Track 

100 

W.  L.  Foster 

1  00 

Mrs.  Mary  Jackson 

1  00 

A I  van  Howes 

1  00 

Sarah  H.  South  wick 

1  00 

S.  H.  Cowing 

100 

Henrietta  Sargent, 

100 

Mrs.  M.  A.  Locklcy 

1  00 

L.  S.  N. 

25 

S.  A.  Martin 

50 

Maria  W.  Chapman 

100 

IJ.  H.  Brigham 

1  00 

Deborah  Weston 

100 

Missfreson 

50 

Josiah  Hay  ward 

1  00 

Mrs.  Bailey 

25 

Thomas  Viekers 

100 

John  Curtis 

1  00 

E.  Broekway 

1  00 

G.  W.  Greene 

50 

Ezekiel  Thacber 

1  00 

Sarah  A.  Allen 

1  00 

H.  W.  Bfanehard 

1  00 

Joseph  Jones 

100 

H.  Willis 

100 

Mrs.  Sarah  Cowing 

1  00 

Mrs.  A.  W.  Clap 

100 

Henry  Duncan 

10 

Mary  P.  dough. 

1  00 

Kicijsinl  Clap 

100 

Levi  Kendall 

25 

B.  W.  Carter 

25 

Mrs.  Richard  Clap 

100 

W.  D 

1  00 

Martha  Clap 

1  00 

E.  F.  Eddy 

1  00 

A.  P.  Putnam 

1  00 

A.  T.  Draper 

1  00 

Wm.  Sparrell 

100 

F.  G.  Hartshorn 

50 

Dr.  Howard 

50 

A.  C.  Davidson 

25 

A.  M.  Chase 

100 

Samuel  Barrett 

100 

A.  Howard 

50 

Edwin  Thompson 

50 

Mrs.  Sterling 

IS 

H.  L.  Sherman 
Surah  M.  Nowcll 

1  00 

J.  T.  Lawtoa 

100 

1  00 

E.  Allen 

75 

Sarah  J.  No  we  11 

1  00 

H.  A.  Lowell 

100 

S.  A.  Barnard 

3  00 

Mrs.  Brigham 

100 

Emily  Howe 
Elbridge  Sprague 

2  00 
100 

A.  P.  Bramhall 

.  2  00 

D.  P.  Harmon 

1  00 

Mary  L.  Richmond 

100 

Miss  I 

1  00 

R.  H.  Ober 

1  09 

Caroline  Wellington 

1  00 

Mrs.  Logan       _     ~" 

37 

Eliza  Wellington 

100 

Wm.  Bassett 

1  00 

Dio  Lewis 

2  00 

J.  M.  Aldricb 

1  00 

Nancy  L.  Howes 

1  00 

H.  T.  Adams 

100 

M.  H.  Jenkins 

1  00 

Z.  H.  Spooner 

1  00 

J.  C.  Lindsley 

1  00 

J.  H.  Stephenson 

100 

Mrs.  E.  P.  Ayres 

1  00 

Georgina  Otis 

1  00 

L.  S.  Putnam 

1  00 

Da.vid  Merritt 

1  00 

P.  Shaw 

1  00 

David  Lee  Child 

1  00 

Alice  Tralon 

100 

John  Clement 

150 

Helen  C.  Lewis 

100 

Mary  G.  Chapman 

1  00 

Samuel  May,  Jr. 

100 

To  Massachusetts  A.    S. 


20  00 
•1  00 
5  00 
1  00 

1  Oil 
■>  oo 

10  00 
3  00 
1  00 
1  00 
1  00 
100 
1  00 

1  00 
7  00 

2  00 
1  Of) 
1  00 


Samuel  Barrett 
Mary  May 
II.  Willis 
John  F.  Emerson 
Ruth  Wheeler 
H.  W.  Carter 
Joshua  Coolidgo 
John  Tucker 
Joel  Smith 
Ambrose  Keith 
Charles  W.  Warren 
Efiza  A.  Lawtou 
William  Loud 
William  Dunn 
Geo.  W.  Simonds 
Lewis  MeLauthlin 
Bourne  Spooner 
E.  D.  Draper 
Edmund  Quincy 
S.  S.  Heurmenway 
Mary  G.  Chapman 
P.  B.  Francis 
Mrs.  J.  M.  Bacon 
Mrs.  Loud" 
Eliab  Wright 
George  Miles 
J.  M.  Aldrich 
Martha  B.  Goodrich 
Abraham  Folsom  5  00 

Mary  L.  Willard  2  00 

Lucy  G-.  Ives  2  00 

Alvan  &  Nancy  Howes   5  00 
Susan  Allen  50 

Susan  A.  Messer  50 

Mrs.  Southey  1  00 

Ezekiel  &  Alice  E.  Thach- 
er  2  00 

S.  W 5  00 

A.  Whiton  1  00 

G.  W.  Greene  1  00 

Charles  Moulton  1  00 


1  00 
50 

2  00 
1  00 

20  00 


Annual  Meeting,  1862. 
James  Hutchinson,  Jr.    1  00 


Perley  King 
M-  A.  Carter 
S.  M.  Babcock 
Uriah  Kite-hie 
W.  L.  Foster 
M.  S.  Barker 
Mrs.  T.  J.  Sawyer 
C.  K.  Whipple 

Kimball 

Ellis  Allen 
Josiah  Hay  ward 
Warren  Low 
John  B.  Wall 
Daniel  Mitchell 
Benj.  W.  Gage 
Maria  S.  Page 
W.  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 
Wm.  Bassett,  Jr. 
Anna  J.   Ford 
Andrew  C.  Davison- 
N.  H.  Whiting 
JehnStarreM 
T.  W.  Hartshorn 
J.  Jones 
M.  A.  Still 
M.  Russell 
John  Howe 
J.  B.  Pierce 
Benj.  Tho 
S.  E.  Wall 
Wm.  Sparrell 
F.  W.  Forbusb. 
J.  Johnson 
Mrs.  Jul  if 
Mary  Willey 
P.  Fiske 

Helen  E.  Garrison 
Sundry  friends 
Tickets  sold 


1  00 

1  00 
100 
5  00 
100 
100 

50 

2  00 
25 
25 

100 
100 
100 

3  00 
5  00 
100 
100 
100 

25 
-140-- 
3  00 
2  00 


2  00 

100 

2  00 

25 

5  00 

100 

50 

1  00 

5  00 

100 

5  00 

100 

53  32 

116  68 


PLEDGES 
To  Massachusetts  A.  S.  Society, 


Wendell  Phillips        100  00 
Edmund  Jackson 
Samuel  Mav,  Jr. 
Mrs.  M.  U.  Brooks 
Bourne  Spooner 
Henrietta  Sargent 
Mi^us  Mi-Farland 
Ivatherine  E.  Farn 
Harriot  R.  Earle 
Abby  S.  Stephenson 
Sarah  H.  Southwick     2  50 
Weymouth  Female  A. 

S.  Society  25  00 


Annua!  Meeting,  1862. 


50  00 
50  00 
20  00 
20  00 
20  00 
10  00 
im  5  00 
3  50 
2  50 


Mrs.  L,  A.  Kcid 
H.  L.  Sherman 
J.  Harris 
S.  P.  Adams 
W.  P.  Garrison 
E.  S.  Vennard 
John  Mills 
E.  R.  Place 
J.  B.  Pierce 
Mrs.  Johnson 
Mrs.  Wheelock 
J.  Johnson 


300 
300 
1  00 
500 
1  00 
1  00 

10  00 
1  00 

10  00 
1  00 
100 
100 


NEW  YORK  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONTENTION. 

CE^~  The  Sixth  Annual  Anti-Slavery  Convention  for  tho 
State  of  New  York  will  be  held  in  ALBANY,  at  Associ- 
ation Hall,  on  FRIDAY  and  SATURDAY,  February 
7th  and  8th,  commencing  at  10  1-2  o'olock,  A.  M.  Throe 
sessions  will  be  held  each  day. 

Among   the  speakers  who  will  address  the  Convention 
II  be  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Rev.  Beriah  Green,  Parker 
Pillsbury,  Rev.  Samuel  J.  May,  Susan  B.  Anthony,   Wm. 
Wells  Brown,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  and   others. 


r  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  a  meeting  at  No- 
ponset,  Sunday  evening,  Feb.  9  ;  and  in  Essex,  Sunday, 
Feb,  16,  all  day  and  svening. 


Eg1"  E.  H.  HEYWO0D  will  speak  on  "Common  Sense" 

Hopcdale,  Sunday,  A.  M.,  Feb.  16. 
On  "  The  War,"  iu 

Milford,                Sunday  evening,  Feb.  16. 

Rock  Bottom,     Monday         '*  "    17. 

East  Cambridge,  Sunday,         "  *'     23. 


5^-  EMANCIPATION    LEAGUE.— The  next  lecture 
ill  he  given  at  Tremont  Temple,  on  Wednesday  evening 
next,  by  Horace  Greklky.     Single  ticket,  25  centa. 


V  WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON  will  lecture  at  Green- 
field,  on  "  Abolitionism  and  the  War,"  on  Monday  evening 
next. 


W  JOHN  S.  ROCK,  Esq,,  will  deliver  his  lecture  on 
"Tho  Colored  Man  and  tho  War,"  where  he  may  bo  in- 
vited, for  a  trifle  over  his  expenses.  His  address  is  No.  6 
Tremont  Street,  Boston. 


CT"  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
tieulur  attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References. — Luther  Clarfc,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  i,  P.  M. 


DIED— In  Medford,   en  the  27th  nit...  at  the  residence 

of  her  son,  (S.  P.  Adams,)  Mrs.  Julia  Adams,  formerly  of 

Medfield,  ftgad  96. 

In  East  Abington,  Jan.  26,  Mr.  David  Pool,  aged  83 

ream.     [Obituary  notice  next  week.] 


JOHN    8.    KOCK, 

ATTORNEY  AND  COUNSELLOR   AT  LAW 

No.  0  Tuksiost   Stbkkt,         -         -  Boston. 


.1      H       SWA8KY,  .    _. 

Law  Office,  IU  State  Strket,  Room  11. 

BOSTON, 


24 


THE     LIBERATOR 


VltX% 


From  the  Herald  of  Progress. 

A   TEIBUTE 

TO  THE  LIFE  OF  FRANCIS  JACKSON. 
"Disregarding  tlio  solf-ovident  declaration  of  1776,  re- 
peated in  her  own  Constitution  of  1780,  that  •  all  men  are 
born  free  and  equal,'  Massachusetts  has  sineo,  in  the  face 
of  those  solemn  declarations,  deliberately  entered  into  a 
conspiracy  with  other  States  to  aid  in  enslaving  millions 
of  innocent  persons.  I  have  long  labored  to  help  my  na- 
tive State  out  of  her  deep  iniquity  and  her  barefaced  hy- 
pocrisy in  this  matter.  I  now  enter  my  last  protest  against 
her  inconsistency,  her  injustice  and  her  cruelty,  towards  an 
unoffending  people.  God  save  the  fugitive  slaves  that  es- 
cape to  her  borders,  whatever  may  become  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts  !  "—[Francis  Jackson's  last  Will 
and  Testament.] 

T. 

How  charged  with  Truth's  electric  force 
Are  those  bravo  words  of  him  who  felt 
The  wrongs  by  Power  and  Passion  dealt, 

Unto  a  race  in  whose  veins  course 

Thtir  otily  crime — from  sacred  source  ! 

I!. 

Though  tbon  art  gone,  most  noble  soul. 
These  words  will  still  reverberate — 
Strong  undertones,  which,  soon  or  late. 

The  hosts  of  liberty  shall  roll 

Through  every  land,  from  pole  to  pole. 

in. 
Blest  be  thy  rest  *  for  thou  hasi  strivon  # 

Most  nobly  with  a  giant  wrong 

Ignobly  suffered  overloag  ; 
The  succor  to  God's  prophets  given 
Hath  won  the  good  man's  meed  in  Ileaveo. 

IT. 

Sustained  by  God's  good  angels,  thott 

Couldst  face  the  frowns  of  Pride  and  Power, 
To  aid,  in  many  an  evil  hour, 

That  martyr  who  wears  even  now 

The  hero's  laurels_on  bis  brow. 

T. 

Tbougb  men  may  now  ignore  thy  claim, 

The  thanks  of  millions  yet  to  be, 

"  Redeem 'd  from  color's  infamy," 
Will  make  for  thee  an  envied  fame. 
And  put  false  pride  of  race  to  shame. 

All  generous  lovers  of  mankind 

The  curse  of  slavery  bemoan, 

And  work  not  for  the  slave  alone  : 
The  chains  which  but  his  body  bind, 
Confine  and  curse  the  master's  mind. 

VII. 

"What  hardened  hearts  and  darkened  minds 
Are  those  in  which  tho  peaceful  Dove 
Can  &aA  no  resting  place  :  and  Love, 

The  sweet,  transforming  angel,  pines, 

A  pilgrim  at  deserted  shrines  ! 

VIII. 

Oh,  shall  Progression's  golden  car 

■    Be  hindered  here,  or  backward  roll? 

Must  all  tho  high  hopes  of  the  soul 
Be  quenched  in  gloom,  as  falls  afar 
The  nation's  bright,  ascending  star  ? 
Massachusetts,  Dec,  1861.  A.  b.  d. 


FEBEUAEY   7. 


From  tho  Boston  Pilot. 

TEE   WOES    OP   COLUMBIA. 

BY    JAMES    L.    ROCHE. 

To-night  there  is  wailing  and  sorrow 

Onr  beautiful  country  all  o'er, 
And,  oh  !  it  were  joy  if  to-morrow 

There  should  bo  no  grief  to  rtepl&re  ! 
But,  ah  !.  there  are  hearts  that  shall  never 

While  living  be  strangers  to  grief, 
"Whose  hopes  are  all  shrouded  forever 

With  sorrow  that  knows  no  relief! 

CHORES. 

Oh  !  grief  of  all  griefs,  that  is  writhing 
The  hearts  that  were  always  so  blest ; 

Ob  !  treason  of  treasons  that's  blighting 
Tho  beautiful  land  of  the  West ! 

The  wife  and  the  maiden  are  weeping 

For  those  who  in  battle  were  slain, 
And  through  the  long  night  they  are  keeping 

Their  vigils  of  mourning  in  vain  ! 
Ah  !  long  by  the  hearth  shall  the  places 

Of  these  they  lament  be  adored, 
And  long  shall  their  familiar  faces 

Be  missed  at  the  family  board. 
Chords. — Ob  !  grief  of  all  griefs,  Ac. 

The  innocent  babes,  in  their  prattle, 

Repeat  the  loved  names  o'er  and  o'er, 
Of  sires  who  have  fallen  in  battle, 

More  fondly  than  ever  before  ; 
Ob  !  many  a  widow  is  making 

A  garment  to  wear  in  her  wo, 
And  many  an  orphan's  heart 's  breaking, 

When  told  that  his  father  lies  low. 
Chorus. — Oh  !  grief  of  all  griefs,  &0. 

There  's  many  a  once  happy  dwelling, 

To-night  that  is  gloomy  with  (tare, 
Where  once  happy  bosoms  are  swelling 

With  anguish  and  hopeless  despair  ; 
No  more  shall  be  seen  there  returning 

Those  dear  ones  who  dwelt  there  before, 
And  long  shall  they  keep  the  lamp  burning 

Before  they  shall  knock  at  tho  door  ! 
Chorus. — Oh  !  grief  of  all  griefs,  Ac. 

Oh  !  many  a  heart-broken  mother 

The  boy  she  adored  has  to  tnourn, 
And  many  a  kind-hearted  brother 

Haa  left  his  poor  sister  to  mourn  ; 
And  many  a  beautiful  maiden, 

Whose  heart  should  be  happy  and  light, 
Is  with  mountains  of  grief  overladen, 

Lamenting  her  lover  to-night  ! 
Chorus. — Oh  !  grief  of  all  griefe,  &«. 
Port  Jervis,  N.  Y. 


From  the  Independent. 

TO  ENGLISHMEN. 


Our  very  sins  and  lollies  teach 

Our  kindred  frail  and  human  : 
We  carp  at  faults  with  bittor  speech 
The  whilo  for  ouo  unshared  by  each 

We  have  a  score  in  common. 

Wo  bowed  the  heart,  if  not  tho  knee. 

To  England's  Queen,  God  bless  her  ! 
We  praised  you  whon  your  slaves  wont  free  : 
We  seek  to  unchain  ours.     Will  ye 
Join  hands  with  tho  oppressor? — 

And  is  it  Christian  England  cheers 

The  bruiser,  not  tho  bruised? 
And  must  alio  run,  despite  the  tears 
And  prayers  of  eighteen  hundred  years, 

A  muck  in  Slavery's  crusade  ? 

Oh,  black  disgrace  !  oh,  shame  and  loss 
To  deep  for  tongue  to  phrase  on  ! 

Tear  from  your  flag  its  holy  cross, 

And  in  your  van  of  battle  toss 
The  pirate's  skull-bone  blazon  ! 


&  t  U 1 1  i  0  u  % . 


come.     I  call  yours  refusing  good  that  evil  may 
come. 

As  close  en  tied  from  those  who,  whether  right  or 
not,  did  all  according  to  their  knowledge  with  relig- 
ious motive,  I  cannot  help  referring  the  question  to 
the  professors  of  religion  here,  and  if  they  fail,  to  a 
greater  Judge  hereafter. 

Yours  sincerely, 

T.  PEKRONET  THOMPSON. 

Eliot-vale,  Blackheath,  Dec.  26,  1861. 

I JSJT"  The  friends  of  freedom  and  emancipation  In 
the  United  States  are  deeply  indebted  to  Gen.  Thomp- 
son for  his  indefatigable  efforts,  with  his  trenchant 
pen,  to  enlighten  the  British  public  in  regard  to  the 
true  nature  of  the  rebellion  at  the  South.  His  essays 
have  been  able,  sagacious,  and  multitudinous,  aud 
read  with  deep  interest  by  a  wide  circle.] 


THE  E00E  WHENCE  YE  WEEE  HEWN. 

To  (lie  Editor  of  the  Bradford  (Eng.)  Advertiser : — 

Sir, — The  extraordinary  course  taken  by  the 
gan  of  the  English  Anti-Slavery  Society  calls  for 
distinct  utterance  on  the  part  of  all  who  ever  loved 
the  union  between  religion  and  politics,  or  looked 
with  gratitude  on  the  way  in  which  in  past  times 
they  have  wrought  together  for  the  world's  deliver- 
ance. 

A  lady  of  rare  powers,  for  the  exercise  of  which 
all  generations  will  call  her  blessed,  roused  a  sleepy 
world  to  consciousness  of  the  deep,  irreconcileable 
hostility  between  slavery  and  all  that  is  humanity, 
generosity,  religion.  It  was  not  a  prosy  descant, 
ending  in  requests  for  a  subscription  ;  but  a  lively 
holding  up  the  mirror  to  all  concerned,  ending,  like 
the  efforts  of  the  Athenian  orator,  in  producing  from 
those  addressed  the  exclamation  the  Frenchman 
rendered  by  " Allans,  battons  Philippe  !"  All  men, 
and  all  women,  longed  to  be  up  and  doing,  before 
the  evil  ceased  without  jheir  help. 

And  what  hereon  is  the  course  taken  by  the  pro- 
fessed religionists  of  the  day  ?  To  collect  the  argu- 
ments of  crooked  politicians,  and  give  them  out 
again,  so  far  as  may  be,  with  the  stamp  of  their  au- 
thority. Take  the  reasoning  at  first  hand,  and  see 
what  it  amounts  to.  As  the  place  where  quotation 
ends  is  not  distinctly  marked  in  the  Society's  organ, 
no  charge  of  intended  misrepresentation  must  be 
raised  on  error : — 

"  We  are  now  told  that  the  liberation  of  the  slave 
will  be  the  certain  issue  of  this  war,  because  the  Ameri- 
can people  are  coming  to  see  that  they  can  conquer  the 
South  in  no  way  so  effectually  as  by  proclaiming 
emancipation  ;  but,  if  that  were  true,  how  does  it  en- 
title them  to  the  sympathy  and  respect  of  the  anti- 
slavery  party  in  this  country  ?     Is  it  not  obvious  that 


BY  JOHX    0. 

Ton  Sung  your  taunt  across  the  wave  ; 

Wo  bore  it  as  became  us, 
Well  knowing  that  the  fettered  slave 
Left  friendly  lips  no  option  save 

To  pity  or  to  blame  us. 

Ton  scoffed  our  plea.     "  Mere  lack  of  will, 

Not  lack  of  power,"  you  told  us : 
We  showed  our  free-state  reoords  ;  still 
Tou  mocked,  confounding  good  and  ill, 

Slave-haters  and  slaveholders. 

~ "WV  struck  at  Slavery  ;  to  the  verge 
Of  power  and  means  we  chocked  it  : 
Lo  ! — presto,  change  !    its  claims  you  urge, 
Bend  greetings  to  it  o'er  the  surge, 
And  comfort  and  protect  it. 

But  yesterday  you  scarce  could  shake, 

In  slave-abhorring  rigor, 
Our  Northern  palms,  for  conscience'  sake  : 
To-day  you  clasp  tho  hands  that  ache 

With  "  wallopping  tho  nigger"  !* 

0  Englishmen  !  in  hope  and  eroed, 

In  blood  and  tongue  our  brothers  ! 
We  too  are  heirs  of  Runnymede  ; 
And  ShakoBpoaro's  fame  and  Cromwell's  deed 

Are  not  alono  our  mother's. 
"Thicker  than  water"  in  one  rill, 

Through  oenturies  of  story, 
Our  Saxon  blood  has  flowed,  and  still 
Wo  share  with  you  the  good  and  ill, 

The  shadow  aud  the  glory. 
Joint  heirs  and  kinfolk,  leagues  of  wave 

Nor  length  of  years  can  part  us  : 
Tour  right  is  ours  to  shrine  and  grave, 
The  common  freehold  of  tho  brave, 

Tho  gift  of  saints  and  martyrs. 

*  See  English  caricatures  of  America  : — Slaveholder  and 
cowhide,  with  tho  motto,  "  Haven't  I  a  right  to  wallop  my 
nigger  ?  " 


MASON  AND   SEIDELL  IN  ENGLAND. 

The  agents  of  the  man-stealing,  child-selling,  wo- 
man-flogging Confederacy  will  soon  taint  with  their 
presence  our  free  English  air.  They  come  with  the 
avowed  purpose  of  seeking  our  friendly  alliance  and 
substantial  aid  for  the  rebel  faction  which  blasphe- 
mously boasts  that  it  will  make  the  divine  origin  of 
slavery  the  foundation  and  corner-stone  of  its  politi- 
cal fabric.  With  an  effrontery  which  would  excite 
our  mirth,  if  indignation  and  disgust  did  not  over- 

f>ower  all  other  feelings,  they  will  ask  England  base- 
y  to  abjure  her  cherished  principles,  and  to  lend  a 
helping  hand  to  the  champions  of  the  iniquity  which 
she  most  deeply  loathes.  They  would  have  us  stain 
with  eternal  infamy  the  flag  beneath  whose  shadow 
the  fetters- of  the  slave  fall  forever  from  his  limbs,  by 
suffering  its  folds  to  mingle  with  those  of  the  stand- 
ard which  floats  over  a  Confederation  of  kidnappers 
and  bondsmen.  This  is  the  hopeful  errand  on  which 
Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  are  at  this  moment  speed- 
ing across  the  Atlantic.  As  the  day  draws  near 
which  will  witness  their  landing  on  our  shores,  " 
well  that  our  countrymen  should  awaken  to  a  clear 
perception  of  the  nature  of  their  mission.  Though 
the  English  organs  of  the  insurgents  may  still  strive 
to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  credulous,  there  can 
no  longer  be  any  misapprehension  among  thoughtful 
men  with  regard  to  the  motives  of  the  rebellion,  and 
the  results  which  are  hoped  for  from  its  triumph. 
The  official  avowal  of  Mr.  A.  H.  Stephens,  the  Vice 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  that  the  new 
nationality  which  he  and  his  co-conspirators  are  striv- 
ing to  found  will  be  based  upon  the  doctrine  that 
slavery  is  of  God,  is  endorsed  by  other  champions  of 
the  rebel  cause,  who  give  us  a  yet  deeper  insight 
into  their  nefarious  schemes.  Mr.  W.  L.  Yancey,  a 
Confederate  Commissioner,  who  has  been  for  some 
time  past  busily  at  work  in  London,  avows  his  con- 
viction that  "  the  Federal  laws  prohibiting  the  Afri- 
can slave  trade,  and  punishing  it  as  piracy,  are  un- 
constitutional, and  are  at  war  with  the  fundamental 
policy  of  the  South,  and  therefore  ought  to  be  re- 
pealed." It  is  not  enough  that  the  four  millions  of 
Africans  who  now  wince  under  the  Southern  lash 
shall  remain  perpetually  subject  to  the  cupidity,  the 
lust,  and  the  ferocity  of  their  taskmasters.     Thou- 


they  adopt  the  principle  of  emancipation  if  they  adopt  j  SM(ls  morc  >re  ,0  be'torn  from  tMr  llomM  ,0  fe<id 
it  at  all,  not  iron)  any  sense  or  the  sinfulness  or  slave-   ,,  A    e  0     .»  ■    ,      >     .l  /■<     <•  j 

ry-not  from  any  sentiment  of  kindness  for  the  slave  ! tl,e  S™<!  f  Southern  pirates  by  thenew  Contede- 
-not  from  any  love  of  liberty  or  hatred  of  oppres-  ""*»  which  would  have  England,  by  its  alliance,  as- 
sion— not  because  they  fear  God  or  regard  man— but  I  same  complicity  m  the  nefarious  crime.  But  the 
simply  because  they  imagine  it  a  cunning  war-measure    negrois  not  to  be  the  only  victim  converted  by  brute 


against  the  South ;  that  is,  they  are  proslituting 
great  moral  principle  into  the  mere  instrument  of  their 
own  lust  of  conquest  and  revenge.  '  If  the  majority 
of  the  American  people,'  says  the  Examiner,  in  an  ad- 
mirable leading  article  on  General  Fremont's  procla- 
mation, '  still  adhering  to  the  Union,  sincerely  believed 
that  they  were  bound,  as  a  free  and  Christian  com- 
munity, to  liberate  the  4,000,000  of  slaves,  the  profits, 
of  whose  compulsory  labor  they  have  indirectly  shared 
in  up  to  yesterday,  but  the  remembrance  of  which 
they  now  find  intolerable,  we  should  honor  their  re- 
pentance, however  tardy,  and  content  ourselves  with 
adjuring  them  to  contribute,  as  we  did,  by  a  general 
act  of  self-sacrifice,  to  mitigate  the  loss  and  suffering 
to  a  comparatively  small  class  which  any  sudden  meas- 
ure of  liberation  must  entail.  But  neither  the  Legis- 
■oice  of  the 


force  into  an  animated  chattel.  The  Richmond  Ex- 
aminer avers  that  the  cause  of  slavery  has  suffered 
from  the  restriction  of  the  argument  to  the  question 
of  black  servitude,  and  adds,  "  The  laws  of  the 
Slave  States  justify  the  holding  of  white  men  in 
bondage."  Serfdom,  disappearing  from  Russia,  is  to 
spring  up  in  full  vigor  in  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
and  England  is  to  lend  her  aid  in  rivetting  the  white 
laborer's  manacles  !  A  rabid  hatred  of  liberty  in 
every  shape  pervades  the  diatribes  of  the  organs  of 
Secession.  The  South-Side  Democrat  denounces  free 
thought,  free  schools,  and,  in  short,  everything  free, 
as  "  ail  belonging  to  the  same  brood  of  damnable 
isms."  The  Muscogee  Herald  declares  that  it  "sick- 
en's  at  the  name  of  free  society,"    and    exclaims. 


lative,  the  Executive,   nor  the  popular   vui 

Northern  States,  has  given  utterance  to  any  sentiment :  .  W*g  1S  Jt  bu  .a  conglomeration  of  greasy  median 
of  the  kind.  From  first  to  last,  emancipation  has  been  ,cs'  ™hj  operatives,  small-listed  farmers,  and  moon, 
used,  and  used  only  as  a  political  threat  to  coerce  the  |  struck  theorists  i  The  Richmond  Enquirer  pro- 
South  into  submission.  That  was  bad  enough ;  but '  claims  that_ slave  society  must  take  the  place  of  free 
what  is  now  attempted  is  much  worse ;  for  it  is  neither  society,  which  it  stigmatizes  as  "  unnatural,  immoral, 
more  nor  less  than  an  attempt  to  play  with  one  of  the  and  un-Christian."  These  are  the  principles  for 
greatest  and  noblest  moral  principles  in  the  most  sum-  j  which  the  Southern  Confederacy  is  contending,  and 


lary  and  arbitrary  way,  to  palter  with  a  social  and  re- 
ligious truth  in  a  double  sense,  and  to  degrade  the 
vaunted  immutability  of  equal  justice  to  the  level  of 
ruthless  confiscation  dealt  out  by  drumhead  court- 
martial.'  " — Anti-Slavery  Reporter,  Dec.  2d,  1861. 

So,  because  the  whole  American  people  are  not 
found,  with  one  consent,  declaring  they  will  abolish 
slavery  through  pure  moral  dislike^the  vote  of  the 
British  Anti-Slavery  Society,  as  presented  by  their 
organ,  is  that  emancipation  short  of  this  be  not  ac- 
cepted, and  that  cold  water  be  thrown  on  it  and  its 
supporters  " 


for  the  vindication  of  which  it  asks  for  England's 
aid.  Perpetuity  of  negro  bondage,  the  renewal  of 
the  hideous  slave-trade  piracy,  and  the  enslavement 
of  impoverished  white  men,  are  the  glorious  ends 
towards  the  attainment  of  which  Messrs.  Mason  and 
Slidell  come  to  seek  our  national  cooperation. 

The    emissaries    are    worthy    of  their    mission. 

The   author  of  the  most   infamous   enactment  that 

ever  defiled  the  pages  of  a  statute  book  has  been 

wisely  chosen  to  plead  the  cause  of  man-steah 

and  pirates.     Those  who  feel  any  doubt  as  to  the 

nature  of  the  reception  which  should  be  accorded  to 

By  the  same  rule,  the  Protestant  Reformation  i  the  Confederate  Commissioners,  if  they  venture  to 

should  be  rejected,  because  more  than  one  of  its!  court  the  public  gaze,  may  be  guided  to  a  correct 

leading  promoters  were  actuated  by  anything  but  conclusion  by  the  reflectioi 


promoter 
moral  abstractions. 


reflection  that  Haynait  was  an 
What  a  shame  that  anybody  '  angel  of  light  compared  to  the  man  who  claims  the 
should  accept  the  Reformation,  when  it  is  well  known  I  Fugitive  Slave  Law  as  his  offspring.     That  man  is 
that  so  far  from  being  the  unanimous  act  of  the  na-i  Mr.  Mason.     Englishmen  in  general  know  nothing 
tion,  the  numerical  half,  at  least,  were  the  other  j  of  this  disgrace  to  the  code  of  a  civilized  nation 


way,  and  the  others  glad  to  get  it  done  by  hook  or 
by  crook,  not  throwing  either  in  the  face  of  Provi- 
dence the  fact  that  a  man  in  the  influential  position 
of  Sovereign  Prince,  chanced  to  see  a  remarkably 
pretty  girl  of  an  alderman's  daughter,  who  adhered 
to  the  Protestant  belief!  Do  not  all  men  come  at 
good  by  hook  or  by  crook,  and  when  they  are  able  ? 
Was  the  abolition  of  the  British  Slave  Trade  got  by 
acclamation,  the  Bishops  in  their  coaches  going  to 
head  the  unanimous  adherence?  And  did  the  So- 
ciety of  Friends  turn  out  on  that  occasion  to  declare 
they  could  not  submit  to  a  public  act  which  was  got 
with  maimed  rites,  and  what,  in  a  specially  bad  meta- 
phor, is  called  "  by  a  side  wind  "  ?  Too  happy  is  a 
man  to  get  off  a  lee  shore  by  a  side  wind  or  a  great 
deal  worse. 

Or  when  a  Revolution  took  place  in  England 
which  put  popular  interests  into  the  ascendant,  did 
any  religious  body,  even  though  it  did  not  appear  in 
the  flesh  at  the  Boyne  or  Culloden,  exclaim,  "This 
is  no  unanimous  Revolution.  There  are  many  Ja- 
cobites in  the  land,  which  we  could  point  to.  We 
cannot  accept  such  a  pitiful  Revolution.  Therefore, 
throw  cold  water  in  the  faces  of  all  the  men  aud  wo- 
men that  stand  up  for  it." 

Or  to  take  a  later  instance,  when,  after  many 
struggles,  the  liberation  of  commerce  from  the  Corn 
Laws  was  effected,  did  anybody  say,  "  This  is  only 
half  a  change.  It  is  no  unanimous  act ;  half  the  na- 
tion is  doing  all  it  can  another  way.  And  of  those 
who  are  for  it,  not  one  in  ten  is  actuated  by  purely 
moral  motives.  They  are  all  looking  to  something 
else,  which,  in  their  own  wicked  hearts,  is  the  object 
of  their  movement." 

After  this  comes  the  more  peculiar  objection, 
which  is — "  War."  You  cannot  abide  to  see  things 
done  by  war.  Your  sentiments  on  war  have  always 
been  treated  with  respect  and  love.  The  only  ob- 
jection anybody  had  to  them  was  doubting  their 
universal  practicability,  because  it  is  one  thing  to 
hold  a  doctrine  of  non-resistance  under  the  shadow 
of  a  powerful  army  and  police,  and  another  for  uni- 
versal practice.  But  there  was  no  quarrel  upon  it. 
Men  who  had  grown  grey  in  arms  thought  them- 
selves honored  by  your  friendship,  and  by  your  co- 
operation where  it  could  be  given.  But  you  never 
advanced  the  doctrine  before,  that  where  there  was 
war  without  you,  no  good  must  come  by  war  if  you 
could  binder, .it.  This  is  a  novelty  that  must  be 
looked  to.  The  character  of  religion  and  religious 
men  is  implicated  ;  and  the  man  who  stands  neuter 
on  it  is  a  turnip-paring. 

When  you  condescended  to  be  pathetic  on  the 
losses  which  might  be  incurred  by  the  slave-drivers, 
did  you  not  know,  as  you  shall  answer  for  it  on  a 
day  when  you  will  be  asked,  that  it  had  been  deter- 
mined eighty  years  ago  that  to  work  the  cotton 
plantations  for  wages,  would  from  this  moment  be 
tho  cheaper  way  ?  Why  do  you  not  stand  out  for 
the  thieves  and  pickpockets  of  London,  that  they 
must  have  remuneration  for  the  loss  of  their  old 
trade,  before  you  can  think  of  forcing  them  to  live 
on  the  better  pay  of  honest  labor  ? 

Lastly,  will  you  say  why,  with  your  very  limited 
acquaintance  with  military  affairs,  you  insist  on 
maintaining  that  it  was  right,  proper,  humane,  ac- 
cording to  tho  best  rules  of  morality  and  Christian- 
ity, to  incur  the  slaughter,  misery,  and  defeat  of  the 
Bull's  Run  and  all  that  may  succeed  it,  sooner  thai 
distress  your  clients,  the  slave-drivers,  by  the  appari 
tion  of  an  army  with  four  hundred  thousand  colored 
allies  in  prospect  in  the  enemy's  rear,  saying,  "  Now 
peace  and  restoration  to  the  Union,  on  condition  of 
carrying  on  your  cotton  plantations  as  before,  and  i 
will  see  whether  the  Provost-Marshal  cannot  keep 
the  colored  people  from  trying  their  hands  on  you  ' 
vengeance."     Yon  call  this  doing  evil  that  good  may 


beyond  the  bare  fact  that  it  authorizes  the  capture 
of  escaped  slaves  and  their  relegation  into  bondage. 
They  have  not  even  a  faint  conception  of  the  scan- 
dalous iniquity  of  its  provisions.  It  makes  the  affi- 
davit of  a  pretended  owner,  before  a  single  magis- 
trate in  a  slave  State,  sufficient  to  secure  an  offi- 


cial certificate  of  the  escape  of  an  alleged  bond- 
man. It  makes  the  exhibition  of  this  document  to 
a  single  magistrate  in  a  free  State,  coupled  with  the 
deposition  of  the  claimant,  enough  to  secure  the  de- 
livery to  him  of  any  negro.  It  shuts  the  mouth  of 
the  assumed  fugitive,  rendering  him  incapable  of 
giving  evidence  in  his  own  defence.  It  bribes  the 
magistrate  to  perpetrate  a  grievous  wrong  by  mak- 
ing his  fee  ten  dollars  if  he  hands  over  the  negro, 
and  only  five  dollars  if  he  sets  him  free.  It  inflicts 
ipon  every  one  who  harbors  or  abets  a  fugitive, 
nonths'  imprisonment,  and  a  fine  of  Sl,000,  with 
$1,000  damages  in  addition  if  the  slave  makes  good 
his  escape.  It  degrades  the  officers  of  free  States 
into  active  kidnappers,  by  compelling  them,  when 
required,  to  convey  the  fugitive  slave  back  to  the 
State  from  which  he  fled.  It  insults  the  slavery- 
hating  citizens  of  the  iNorth,  by  commanding  them 
to  help  the  man-stealer  whenever  he  sees  fit  to  claim 
their  aid.  This  is  Mr.  Mason's  handiwork.  The 
noble  resistance  of  the  free  States  to  its  odious  pro- 
visoes was  the  incentive  which  moved  the  South  to 
take  up  arms  in  defence  of  that  masterpiece  of  the 
Devil,  which  they  extol  as  the  palladium  of  political 
and  social  existence.  Never  was  there  an  enact- 
nt  which  entailed  such  awful  responsibilities  upon 
author.  Upon  the  head  of  Mr.  Mason  is  the 
blood  of  many  a  noble-hearted  citizen  who  has  laid 
down  his  life  in  striving  to  shield  the  escaped  slave 
from  his  pursuer.  The  pecuniary  ruin  of  the  true 
heroes  whose  Christian  sympathies,  more  potent 
than  their  worldly  thrift,  stimulated  them  to  give 
shelter  and  succor  to  the  hunted  runaway,  and  paid 
the  penalty  of  their  good  deeds,  lies  at  his  door. 
The  anguish  of  the  captives  upon  whose  limbs  the 
cast-off  chains  have  again  been  riveted — the  waste 
of  blighted  lives  worn  away  in  renewed  bondage., 
rendered  yet  more  grievous  by  the  evanescent 
glimpse  of  freedom  —  the  hideous  cruelties  which 
jubilant  slave-owners  have  inflicted  upon  the  re- 
captured fugitives — all  these  will  assume  ghastly 
presentments  in  the  visions  which  will  hover  around 
Mr.  Mason's  dying  pillow.  Such,  are  the  fruits 
which  have  sprung  from  the  most  memorable  achieve- 
ment of  the  man  who  will  soon  set  his  foot  on  our 
free  English  soil,  and  ask  our  countenance  and  aid 
for  those  who  deem  his  Fugitive  Slave  Law  an  in- 
evitable corollary  from  the  Gospel.  Let  not  these 
Confederate  Commissioners  nourish  the  delusion  that 
it  is  out  of  any  sympathy  for  them  or  for  their  cause 
that  England  has  taken  action  for  their  deliverance. 
If  a  man  chooses  to  keep  a  pet  viper,  the  law  will 
set  its  engines  in  action  against  any  one  who  steals 
it  from  him,  and  compel  its  restitution  ;  but  it  is  not 
to  be  thence  inferred  that  we  are  ready  to  take  the 
reptile  to  onr  bosom.  The  principle  which  we  have 
vindicated  is  dear  to  us,  not  because  it  accidentally 
gives  shelter  to  such  as  they,  but  because  it  affords 
protection  to  heroes  whose  good  deeds  have  en- 
shrined them  in  the  people's  love.  If  they  choose 
to  profit  tranquilly  by  the  asylum  which  we  accord 
to  them,  they  are  welcome  to  rest  in  peace.  But  if 
they  venture  to  obtrude  themselves  in  search  of  an 
ovation,  or  labor  to  involve  England  in  complicity 
in  the  diabolical  schemes  of  their  rebel  employers, 
Englishmen,  remembering  who  they  are,  what  they 
have  done,  and  how  odious  is  the  cause  of  the  in- 
surgent faction  which  sends  them  forth  as  its  emissa- 
ries, will  point  at  them  the  finger  of  scorn,  and 
shrink  from  them  with  deadly  loathing.  —  London 
Morning  Star  and  Dial,  Jan'y  10. 


TKTJSTED   TEAIT0ES. 

One  of  the  severest  evils  under  which  this  coun- 
try labors,  and  under  which  it  has  labored  from  the 
beginning  of  the  secession   war,  is  the  infidelity  of 
many  of  the  employes  at  Washington,  whose  exam- 
ple is  probably  imitated  by  some  of  their  brethren 
in  ether  parts  of  the  country.     The  mass  of  these  of- 
ficeholders are  traitors,  many  of  them  openly  and 
confessedly  so,  while  others  are  false  at  heart,  but 
are  too  prudent  to  commit  themselves  against  their 
present  employers.     For  years  the  government  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  slaveocracy,  ami' whether  demo- 
crat or  whig  ruled  or  misruled  at  the  White  House, 
he  was  but  the  tool  o£tlie  Southern  interest.     Hence 
there  grew  up  in  the  departments  a  corps  of  janisa- 
ries,  men  who  could  be  depended  upon  to  be  faithful 
to  the  slaveholders,  and  unfaithful  to  their  country. 
So  long  as  the  South  should  rule,  these  fellows  would 
be  true  to  the  government,  but  no  longer.     The  day 
came,  at  last,  when  it  was  thought  that  a  government 
not  certain  to  do  the  work  of  the  slaveholders  had 
been  inaugurated,  and  so  the  slaveholders  revolted, 
and  with  them  went  nearly  all  the  Washington  of- 
ficeholders, who,  however,  never  left  the  capital,  but 
remained  there  to  be  useful  as  an"efficient  body  of 
spies  in  the  service  of  their  masters.     They,  at  least, 
have  not  failed  in  their  vocation,  and  have   done 
more  for  the  benefit  of  the  secession  cause  than  has 
been  done  therefor  by  the  genius  of  Davis,  or  through 
our  own  extraordinary  failures.     Our  case  has  been 
not  unlike  to  that  of  England  after  the  Revolution 
of  1G88,  when  the  throne  of  that  country  had  been 
bestowed  upon  William  and  Mary,  and"  the  offices 
of  government  were  mostly  held  by  men  who  were 
hostile  to  the  new  order  of  things,  and  utterly  cor- 
rupt besides.     As  the  new  English  government  un- 
dertook to  carry  on  its  business  with  the  agents  and 
machinery  of  th'e  Stuarts,  so  did  the  new  American 
government  undertake  to  carry  on  its  work  with  the 
agents  and  machinery  of  the  secessionists;   and  out 
government  has  failed  as  signally  as  did  the  govern- 
ment of  William  and  Mary  on  many  occasions.     The 
error  of  employing  these  villains  was  pointed  out  by 
congressmen,  by  the  press,  and  by  private  individu- 
als who  visited  Washington  ;  and  it  was  admitted  to 
be  an  error,  but  coupled  with  the  admission  was  the 
declaration  that  it  was  unavoidable !     Members  of 
the  government  said  it  was  impossible  to  get  along 
without  the  aid  of  the  skilled  labor  of  men  who  bad 
been  so  long  in  office,  and  who  knew  all  about  the 
business   of  every   branch   of  the   public    service  1 
This,  instead  of  being  an  excuse  for  the  employment 
of  traitors,  was  an  aggravation  of  the  original  sin  of 
employing  them.     A  stupid  enemy  might,  perhaps, 
be  tolerated,  but  to  retain  in  your  service  a  skilful 
enemy,  simply  because  he  is  skilful,  is  to  exhibit  a 
degree  of  greenness  that  we  certainly  never  expect- 
ed from  American  politicians.     The  greater  the  en- 
emy's skill,  the  stronger  the  reason  for  getting  rid 
of  him.     He  does  not  employ  his  skill  in  your  he- 
half,  but  in  that  of  your  enemy,  and  so  is  serving 
you  after  the  reverse  fashion  of  an  honest  man.     But 
what  could  be  done  ?     Was  it  possible  to  get  along 
without  these  men  ?     It  is  not  possible  to  get  along 
with  them,  as  the  state  of  our  cause    shows.     Of 
what  avails  it  that  we  fit  out  our  great  secret  expe- 
ditions, like  that  under  Gen.  Bnrnside,  if  the  enemy 
are  to  be  made  acquainted  with  all  that  we  do?     It 
is  known  that  that  expedition  had  to  change  its  des- 
tination, because  it  became  known  to  the  rebels,  and 
thus  the  work  of  weeks  was  thrown  away,  and  per- 
haps a  poor  plan  substituted  for  a  wise  one.     Could 
the  worst  that  could  befall  us  from  the  blunders  of 
unskilful  but  honest  men  be  so  bad  as  this?     Better 
the  services  of  awkward  friends  than  those  of  clever 
traitors.     So   was  it  in  the  case  of  the  Pensacola, 
the  sailing  of  which  ship  was  known  to  the  enemy 
before  it  was  to  our  own  men,  and  she  escaped  de- 
struction only  because  she,  one  of  the  strongest  ves- 
sels of  war  in  the  world,  was  protected  by  the  pres- 
ence of  several  merchantmen.     Such  are  the  conse- 
quences of  employing  knaves  at  Washington,  when 
honest  men  could*  be  had  in  abundance.     The  num- 
ber of  these  false  servants  is  said  to  be  five  hundred, 
by  the  congressional  committee  appointed  to  examine 
into  the  matter;    and  they  receive  high  pay  from 
the   very   government   whose    secrets    they    make 
known  to  the  secessionists.     They  also,  we  may  sup- 
pose, receive  something  from  their  real  employers  at 
Richmond.     Were   they   but  five  in  number,  they 
could  do  more  mischief  to  our  cause  than  five  thou- 
sand soldiers  could  do  good  in  a  month,  even  if  they 
should  chance  to  be  ably  commanded,  and  allowed 
to  fight.     But  think  of  that  injury  multiplied    nn 
hundred-fold  I     The  very  money  that  is  taken  from 
the  people  is  used  in  part  to  support  these  scoundrels, 
whose  salaries  may    amount   to   a   million    a-year. 
Who  can  wonder  that  we  make  so  little  headway 
against  the  rebels,  and  are  becoming  victims  for  for- 
eign cannon  and  bayonets,  when  we  maintain  a  bat- 
talion of  the  enemy's  spies  at  our  very  head-quarters! 
We  might  contend  till  dooms-day,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, without  gaining  anything ;  and  that  con- 
test would  not  be  long  either,  for  the  day  of  our 
doom  must  quickly  come  when  we  act  so  foolishly. 
There  is    not    another   government   on   earth  that 
would  thus  allow  its  business  to  be  traded  in  by  its 
servants,   who  ought   to  be    composed  of  the  most 
trustworthy  of  men,  instead  of  the  most  unfaithful 
fellows  in  the  land.     Is  it  possible  Lo  imagine  the  Ei 
peror  Napoleon,  or  Lord  Palmerston,  or  the  Czar,  or 
any  other  European  ruler,  having  his  bureaux  filled 
with  traitors  ?     Every  government  is  liable  to  have 
some  knaves  in  its  service,  but  that  is  a  very  differ- 
ent  thing  from  organized  treachery.     If  the  daily 
countersign    of  a   French    army   were   to    become 
known  to  the  enemy  before  given  out  to  that  army 
itself,  how  long  would  the  Emperor  be  in  ascertain- 
ing who  was  the  traitor,  and  how  long  would  that, 
traitor  have  to  live  ?     A  very  short  time  would  see 
reform  instituted,  and  punishment  meted  out  to  the 
detected  villain.     European  governments  know  bet- 
ter than  to  spare  traitors,  and  hence  their  offices  are 
filled  by  honest  men  who  are  not  the  less  capable 
because  of  their  honesty.     It  is  because  treason  has 
not  been  punished,  but  patronized,  at  Washington, 
that  traitors  are  there  so  bold.     They  believe  that 
government  dare  not  punish  them  ;  and  they  expect 
the  return  of  the  secessionists,  when  they  hope  to  se- 
cure greater  rewards  than  ever  for  their  fidelity  to 
rebellion.    There  is  some  prospect  of  a  change.     The 
congressional  committee  to  investigate  the  subject 
has  completed  its  labors,  and  its  report  is  expected 
soon,  when  the  country  will  be  made  to  know  of 
what  sort  of  material  its  bureaucracy  is  composed. 
Reform  must  then  be  had,  for  opinion  in  behalf  of  it 
will  become  irresistible,  and  government  will  heed 
public  sentiment.     Nor  will  there  be  any  great  diffi- 
culty in  filling  the  offices  with  competent  men,  com 
sidering   that    the    country   abounds    with    persons 
trained  to  business  pursuits,  not  a  few  of  whom  are 
now  out  of  employment  because  of  the  suspension  of 
ordinary  callings.— Boston  Traveller. 


addition  to  my  teamsters  and  wagon-masters.  I 
onsider  every  one  of  my  soldrers  engaged  in  this 
jlorious  crusade  of  freedom  a  knight-errant,  and 
entitled  to  his  squire  lo  prepare  his  lood,  black  his 
boots,  load  his  gun,  and  take  off"  his  drudgery. 
Vanity  and  pride  are  necessary  adjuncts  of  the 
soldier,  and  1  do  not  propose  to  lower  him  by  menial 
offices,  nor  compel  him  to  perform  the  duties  of  the 
slave.  So,  while  I  shall  elevate  the  slave  by  giving 
him  his  freedom  and  making  a  man  of  him,  I  shall 
also  elevate  the  soldier,  and  leave  him  no  work  to 
do  but  fighting.  [A  Voice  in  the  crowd — "  What 
are  you  going  to  do  with  the  niggers  ?  "] 

The  General,  singling  out  the  owner  of  the  voice, 
and  pointing  his  long  finger  at  him,  replied :  'Ah, 
my  friend,  you  are  just  the  man  I  have  been  look- 
ing for.  I  will  tell  you  what  I  am  going  to  do 
with  them.  I  am  going  to  plant  them  on  the  soil 
of  the  Gulf  coast,  after  we  have  got  through  this 
war;  let  them  stay  there,  and  cultivate  the  land; 
have  Government  extend  a  protection  to  them  as  it 
does  to  the  Indians,  and  send  superintendents  and 
governors  among  them,  and  pay  them  wages  for 
their  labor.  There  could  be  no  competition  between 
black  and  white  labor.'  He  believed,  whether  the 
rebels  liked  the  idea  or  not,  that  the  blacks,  at  no 
distant  day,  would  have  possession  of  the  Gulf 
country,  to  which  they  were  acclimated  and  phys- 
ically conditioned.  He  proposed  to  establish  free 
State  governments  as  he  went  along,  and  he  could 
promise  his  hearers  that  either  he  or  the  rebels 
would  be  cleaned  out." 


of  separate  schools.  Measurea  are  being  taken  to 
secure  these  rights  for  the  benefit  of  the  colored 
people.  These  movements  indicate  to  the  observer 
the  fa^t  that  the  despised  African  shares  with  the 
morc  favored  portion  of  the  world  the  progressive 
desires  of  humanity.  Among  oilier  efforts  for  the 
contrabands  now  being  projected,  is  the  organiza- 
tion of  intelligence  offices  under  the  direction  of  re- 
sponsible parties  at  the  principal  towns,  by  means 
of  which,  the  contrabands  may  be  aided  to  find 
shelter  on  arrival,  and  work  at  an  early  date.  A 
number  of  families  have  already  been  provided  for, 
and  others  will  be  as  the  movement  extends. —  Chi- 
cago Tribune. 


GEN.  LANE   ON   THE  WAE. 

Gen.  Lane  was  at  Chicago  on  JtVednesday,  and 
made  a  speech  on  the  war,  in  which  he  said  the  Ad- 
ministration had  changed  its  policy.  We  make  the 
following  extract  from  his  remarks  as  reported  by 
the  Chicago  Tribune ; — 

"It  is  no  time  for  talking  now,  but  for  action. 
We  have  consumed  eight  months  in  inactivity,  have 
wasted  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars  and  sacri- 
ficed twenty-five  thousand  lives,  and  turned  this 
country  upside  down  in  our  endeavors  to  put  down 
this  infernal  rebellion  aiul  save  slavery.  I  tell  you 
it  can't  be  done,  and  the  Government  has  come  to 
that  conclusion.  Let  me  tell  you,  confidentially, 
that  on  Monday  last  they  opened  a  new  set  of  books, 
and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  if  the  Union  can't 
be  saved  and  slavery  saved,  then  down  goes  slavery. 
The  rebels  have  either  got  to  submit,  to  die,  or  to 
run  away.  I  tell  you  the  time  has  come  when  play 
must  stop.  The  rebels  must  submit,  or  be  sent  down 
forthwith  to  that  hell  already  yawning  to  receive 
them. 

This  desirable  consummation  was  effected  by  a 
compromise.  The  radical  men  agreed  that  the  con- 
servative men  should  carry  on  the  war  according  to 
their  notions,  for  eight  months,  provided  they  were 
allowed  the  next  eight.  The  time  is  up  for  the  con- 
servatives, and  they  now  hand  the  war  and  its  con- 
duct over  to  the  radicals,  and  every  conservative 
man  should  now  extend  the  same  encouragement 
and  support  which  we  gave  to  them  iu  the  pnworu- 
tion  of  their  method. 

There  are  in  the  South  680,000  strong  am]  loval 
male  slaves,  who  have  fed  and  clothed  the  rebel 
army,  and  have  as  good  as  fought  upon  their  side. 
Government  now  proposes  that  these  loyal  slaves 
shall  Peed  ami  clothe  our  army,  and  light  upon  onr 
side.  The  Other  day,  whilo  I  was  lalking  with  the 
President,  Old  Abe  said  to  me,  'Lane,  how  many 
black  men  do  yon  want  to  have  to  take  care  ot'yonV 
army  V  I  to'ld  him,  as  my  army  would  number 
3-1,000,  I  proposed  to  have  31,000  contrabands  in 


MISS0UEI    SLAVES    AND   KANSAS   00N- 
TKABANDS. 

In  slavery,  a  Missouri  negro  seems  to  be  the  most 
helpless,  shiftless  and  indolent  of  beings,  apparently 
childish,  stupid  and  clumsy  to  the  last  degree,  hav- 
ing but  little  idea  of  reason  or  self-dependence. 
But  the  moment  freedom  is  assured,  and  froni  the 
change  grows  the  necessity  for  effort,  then  a  revo- 
lution, complete  and  instantaneous,  is  effected  in  the 
character  of  the  former  slave,  and  in  the  latter  con- 
dition they  have  proved  invariably  industrious  and 
self-reliant,  prudent  and  well-behaved,  and  above 
all,  most  eager  to  learn.  It  will  interest  our  read- 
ers to  give  a  brief  statement  of  what  has  already 
been  developed  touching  the  condition  of  these  peo- 
ple, now  that  the  great  question  of  this  age  is  forced 
upon  us,  not  to  be  evaded  or  turned  aside,  What 
to  do  with  the  slaves  of  rebels?  And  since  slavery 
and  the  rebellion  are  hand-in-hand,  this  leaves  our 
Government  to  deal  with  anil  hold  the  disposal  of 
all  but  a  moiety  of  those  held  in  bondage,  since  in 
proportion  to  the  whole  body  of  the  disloyal,  the 
number  of  Union  slaveholders  is  very  small.  Let 
us  see  what  has  been  proven  on  the  Kansas  border. 

The  number  of  slaves  freed  by  the  agency  of  the 
Kansas  soldiers,  up  to  this  date,  cannot  be  less  than 
3,000,  while  several  hundred  others  have  crossed  the 
river  and  border  from  Missouri,  of  their  own  voli- 
tion. General  Lane's  Brigade,  since  August,  has 
brought  out  at  least  2,000 ;  Col.  Jennison  has  re- 
lieved the  rebels  of  not  less  than  700  or  800,  while 
jayhawking  parties  and  smaller  detached  commands 
have  brought  in  as  many  more.  A  great  many 
men  are  employed  by  officers,  and  as  cooks  in  the 
messes  of  the  soldiers.  These  all  receive  pay 
more  or  less  liberal,  varying  from  $8  to  $20  per 
month,  with  clothes  and  rations.  Besides  this,  a 
number  are.  employed  as  teamsters.  The  wagon- 
master  of  the  Kansas  Brigade  is  a  black  man  known 
as  Buck.  He  is  quite  a  well-known  character  on 
the  border.  The  total  thus  employed  must  ap- 
proximate to  500  persons.  It  would  be  desirable  if 
some  kind  of  discipline  and  drill  could  be  given 
them,  both  because  they  generally  show  themselves 
courageous,  and  because  it  would  be  beneficial  in 
forming  and  fostering  habits  of  self-respect. 

Experience  .has  shown  that  the  slave  is  not  defi- 
cient in  that  which  constitutes  courage,  except  one 
thing.  He  has  endurance — the  passive  power  of 
resistance  —  strength,  great  natural  energy  when 
roused,  but  lacks  that  which  we  Anglo-Saxons  de- 
nominate "  pluck."  This  grows  out  of  self-reliance 
and  individuality,  and  in  excess  it  makes  of  us 
bullies.  The  negro  learns  rapidly,  and  in  no  way 
would  he  gain  a  proper  self-confidence  so  quickly  as 
by  having  arms  in  his  hands,  being  drilled,  and  then 
told  to  use  them  for  his  own  liberty.  *«. 

The  principal  portion  of  the  contraband  popula- 
tion live  in  the  border  counties  and  towns.  Leav- 
enworth, Lawrence,  Osawatomie,  Atchison  and 
Mound  City  have  the  larger  population  of  them. 
Leavenworth  probably  has  a  population  of  over  a 
thousand  in  the  city  and  immediate  vicinity.  There 
has  been  for  a  long  time  an  active  and  well  organ- 
ized Underground  Railroad  at  that  point,  the  su- 
perintendent of  which  is  a  colored  man.  The 
knowledge  of  this  depot  is  wide-spread  among  the 
slaves  in  the  contiguous  portions  of  Missouri,  and 
they  are  constantly  availing  themselves  thereof. 
Lawrence  has  a  population,  in  and  around  the 
town,  of  about  the  same  as  Leavenworth.  Atchison 
has  two  or  three  hundred  ;  Osawatomie  and  neigh- 
boring township  three  or  four  hundred;  Mound 
City,  Linn  and  Bourbon  county  must  have  over  a 
thousand,  as  this  section  is  where  they  were  brought 
by  Lane.  At  Topeka  and  other  points  there  are  a 
number.  At  first,  the  people  were  alarmed  at  this 
influx  of  "  cullerd  pussons,"  and  the  prejudices  of 
the  majority  found  noisy  vent.  But  that  seems  to 
be  passing  away,  and  the  more  active  feelings  of 
charity  have  been  called  forth  to  help  them  out  of 
their  destitute  condition.  True,  this  was  fostered 
by  the  fact  that  the  labors  of  these  people  came  in 
very  handily  to  supply  that  taken  away  by  the  war. 
All  who  are  industrious  can  readily  and  do  obtain 
work. 

In  the  fall,  it  was  indeed  a  serious  question  what 
these  people  would  do  during  the  winter.  But  this, 
like  the  rest  of  questions,  meets  its  solution  in  prac- 
tical results.  The  best  authorities  say  that,  among 
all  the  contrabands  now  coming  to  Kansas,  there 
will  not  be  over  five  per  cent,  who  will  in  any  way 
become  chargeable  to  the  public  purse.  Nor  will 
this  five  per  cent,  long  remain  in  a  condition  of 
pauperism.  At  all  their  meetings  for  education  and 
other  self1  improvement  projects  among  them,  they 
have  unmistakably  shown  their  desire  to  do  without 
aid  from  white  people. 

Most  of  the  contrabands  brought  in  by  the  army 
were  provided  with  teams,  or  plunder  of  some  de- 
scription. Then  our  efforts  and  those  of  the  sol- 
diers, generally  enabled  them  to  bring  away  from 
their  "  secesh  "  owners  a  wagon,  oxen  or  horses,  bed- 
ding, provisions,  &c,  enough  to  give  them  a  start  in 
their  new  life.  On  the  occasion  of  the  last  visit  to 
Independence  of  Lieut.  Col.  Anthony,  with  a  por- 
tion of  Col.  Jennison's  regiment,  a  train  of  130  con- 
trabands were  sent  to  Leavenworth  under  charge  of 
a  scout. 

They  took  with  them  ten  wagons,  six  yoke  of 
oxen,  some  forty  horses  and  mules,  and  considerable 
bedding,  &c.  By  order  of  Lieut.  Col.  Anthony, 
this  property  was  sold  at  public  auction  when  the 
train  arrived  in  Leavenworth.  The  proceeds  reached 
to  over  Si, 200,  which  were  divided  among  the  ne- 
groes in  proportion  to  their  wants,  and  their  chances 
of  employment.  All  of  those  able  to  work  readily 
obtained  it  within  a  few  days  of  their  arrival.  So 
at  Lawrence,  to  which  town  was  sent  the  first  train 
Col.  Jennison  took;  the  wagons  and  teams  ihey 
had  were  sold,  and  the  proceeds  divided  among  them. 

In  the  matter  of  education,  the  contrabands  them- 
selves show  great  eagerness  to  learn,  and  all  the 
parents  seem  determined  to  obtain  some  education 
for  their  children.  The  citizens  of  the  neighbor- 
hoods in  which  the  negroes  congregate  are  also  do- 
ing much  to  aid  them.  At  Lawrence  a  free  school 
has  been  established,  which  is  kept  open  in  the  day 
time  for  children,  and  in  the  evening  for  adults. 
Over  one  hundred  of  the  latter  attend  regularly, 
and  it  is  certainly  a  most  interesting  sight  to  see  the 
stalwart  men  and  women,  with  their  grotesque  ap- 
pearance and  swarthy  faces,  so  eagerly  bent  over 
their  books,  attempting  to  obtain  that  knowledge 
before  which  slavery  vanishes  as  snow  before  the 
sunlight.  The  expenses  of  this  school  are  at.  pres- 
ent paid  by  donations  of  the  citizens.  Most  of  tho 
leading  men  of  the  town  give  liberally,  Col.  Jen- 
nison  subscribed  to  the  Lawrence  school  largely, 
and  has  also  started  and  sustains,  himself  a  school 
for  them  at  Osawatomie,  which  is  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Rev.  Elder  Read,  one  of  the  survivors  of 
the  Marais  des  Cygnes,  in  May,  185G.  At  Mound 
City  another  school  has  been  started.  At  Leaven- 
worth, where  there  is  considerable  of  a  free  colored 
population,  they  have  two  schools,  sustained  by  the 
members  of  the  two  churches  to  which  they  belong, 
and  for  tuition  in  which  a  small  sum  has  been 
Charged.  They  aie  now  organizing  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  a  free  school.  Under  fhe  cil\  or- 
dinance, the  taxes  paid  bj  the  colored  people  are  to 
lie  used  lo  sustain  their  schools.  Under  the  Staie 
school  law,  they  arc  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the 
school  lands  and  funds,  the  statutes  providing  for  a 
vote  of*  the  inhabitants  of  a  district  on  the  question 


LETTEE  EEOM   COL,   OEOCJKEE. 

From  tbo  Iowa  State  Register. 
The  subjoined  letter  was  directed  to  the  Secreta- 
ry of  Slate.     By  permission  of  Mr.  Sells,  we  are 
able  to  lay  it  before  our  readers.     It  is  too  good  to 
be  lost. 

Head  Quarters,  Jefferson  City,  Mo.  ) 
January  Cth,  18C2.         } 

My  Deau  Friends  : — The  wealher  for  the  last 
few  days  has  been  bad,  so  that  we  have  been  eon- 
fined  to  our  tents,  and  time  has  dragged  heavily. 
We  have  very  little  acquaintance  with  the  citizens 
of  the  town.  The  more  intelligent  and  cultivated 
of  them  are  slaveowners,  and  they  are  strong  secesh, 
constituting  the  upper  ten.  There  are  some  mechan- 
ics from  the  North,  and  considerable  Dutch  who  are 
Union  people,  but  they  are  not  in  what  is  called  so- 
ciety. They  are  generally  poor,  and,  as  far  as  I 
have  seen,  not  over  intelligent.  The  Secesh  not 
only  turn  up  their  noses  at  them,  but  they  stick  them 
up  at  all  the  soldiers  from  the  North.  The  men,  of 
course,  have  to  be  \ery  circumspect,  but  the  women 
take  no  pains  to  conceal  their  sentiments. 

These  people,  however,  seern  well  enough  satisfied 
to  have  a  regiment  or  two  of  well-disposed,  orderly 
troops  here  to  keep  the  peace  for  them,  protect  the 
It.  R.,  and  see  that  their  negroes  do  not  run  away. 
/  do  not  see  that  we  are  here  for  much  else. 

I  have  travelled  over  Missouri  somewhat  exten- 
sively, and  it  is  my  candid  conviction  that  there  are 
not  twenty  slaveholders  in  the  State  that  are  loyal, 
They  are  all  Secesh,  either  openly  or  covertly.  1  be- 
lieve this  to  be  the  case  everywhere  in  the  South ; 
and  all  this  talk  about  the  President  and  Congress 
so  shaping  their  policy  that  they  may  not  alienate 
loyal  slave-owners  is,  in  my  opinion,  simply  "  bosh." 
There  are  no  loyal  slaveowners.  And  if  troops  are  to 
be  sent  into  these  States,  simply  to  keep  the  peace 
and  protect  their  property,  this  war  will  last  forever. 
I  am  one  that  is  not  infatuated  with  war.  I  don't 
want  to  be  a  soldier  any  longer  than  the  dictates  of 
an  ordinary  patriotism  will  compel  me.  What  I 
want  is  peace,  so  that  I  can  come  home  to  my  wife 
and  children.  And  because  1  want  peace,  1  want 
the  Government  to  fix  upon  some  settled  policy  in 
regard  to  the  prosecution  of  this  war  against  the  re- 
bels. There  is  too  much  Proclamation — too  much 
paper  work.  The  war  spirit  wants  to  be  intensified, 
concentrated,  directed  South  through  and  through 
the  \ery  heart  of  Secession,  making  use  as  we  go 
along  of  all  the  advantages  that  circumstances  and 
the  peculiar  situation  of  the  rebels  throw  in  our  way. 
Organize  the  grand  army  now  in  the  field  into  one, 
two  or  three  separate  divisions.  Let  these  divisions 
start  from  the  border  States  directly  to  the  centre 
of  the  hornet's  nest.  Let  them  carry  with  them  eman- 
pation  of  the  slaves,  and  authority  to  make  the  war 
support  itself  by  forced  contributions  from  the  rebel 
districts. 

I  am  aware  that  this  is  easier  said  than  done,  but 
I  know  it  can  be  done,  and  I  know  it  ought  to  be 
done.  Get  the  troops  together;  fit  them  out  prop- 
erly, and  let  the  petty  districts  like  this  take  care  of 
themselves.  Go  at  the  enemy  with  fierce  and  unre- 
lenting purpose  of  conquering  him. 


A    HIST0EY 

Of  the  Origin  of  the  E.  F.  V.'b— the  Eirst  rami- 

lies  of  Virginia. 

[by  a  son  of  a  second  family.] 

Virginia's  "First  Families"  boast  of  a  name, 
But  never  confess  how  they  came  by  the  same; 
So  the  comical  yarn  I'll  relate  untoyou, 
And  it's  worthy  a  song,  for  it's  novel  and  tru*. 

In  the  time  of  King  James,  a  few  dozen  of  men 

Came  out  in  a  ship  to  Virginia,  and  then, 
While  planting  tobacco,  and  digging  for  pearls. 
Sent  back  the  old  ship  for  a  few  servant  girls. 

When  the  men  in  due  time  saw  the  vessel  return, 

Their  bosoms  began  with  an  itching  to  burn, 

And  they  vow'd  that  the  man  whose  emotions  were 

human 
Was  justified  now  if  he  purchased  a  woman. 

So'all,  who  the  risk  and  expense  could  afford, 
I-fan  down  to  the  ship,  and  in  haste  went  aboard; 
When,  seeing  the  damsels  were  fleshy  and  nice, 
They  turned  to  the  Captain,  and  asked  him  his  price- 

The  Captain  replied,  "  Of  the  money  you  lack,  O, 
Therefore  you  may  pay  me  in  fine-cut  tobacco  ! 

TWO    HCNDSED    AND    FIFTY   GOOD     POUNDS    yOQ  may 

weigh  me, 
And  that  tor  each  damsel  will  just  about  pay  me  ! " 

Each  man  hurried  off  his  tobacco  to  find, 
And  soon  hobbled  back  with  his  pack  on  behind  ; 
When,  choosing  his  woman,  he  went  up  to  smack  her. 
And  paid  with  delight  all  his  fine-cut  tobacker. 

Soon  other  big  vessels  came  sailing  in  dock, 
To  gather  huge  profits  ou  servant-girl  stock; 
But  the  market  was  full,  so  on  going  their  rounds, 
The  Captains  were  glad  to  get  one  hundred  founds. 

Some  buyers  their  "fine-cut"  refused  to  disburse. 
Which  now  to  their  children  is  proving  a  curse; 
For  being  by  nature  in  Irading  too  snug, 
They  paid  for  their  women  in  musty  "  old  plug." 

First  buyers  now  walked  with  a  sauntering  strut. 
And  claini'd  that  they  ought  to  be  known  as  "fine- 
cut," 
While  the  second,  alas !  with  their  comical  mugs, 
Have  ever  been  known  as  the  "Baltimore  Piugs"  ! 

From  the  first  lot  of  girls  the  "  First  Families." 

rose 
To  high  aristocracy — so  the  tnTe  goes  ; 
And  the  F.  F.  V. "letters,  wherever  they're  found, 
Prove   the  owners  are  not  from   the   one   hundred- 

founds. 


S0KG   TOE    THE    TIMES. 

A  darned  great  viper  has  grown  stout 

Inside  the  Constitution, 
And  how  to  get  the  critter  out 

Is  a  question  for  solution. 

Folks  shied  the  sarpent,  cause,  you  see. 

His  tail  was  gin  to  thrashing; 
And  still  the  more  ihey  iet  him  lie, 

The  more  he  made  a  smashing. 

At  last,  folks  say  if  he  were  dead, 

'T  would  better  all  the  nation  ; 
But  how  to  hit  him  on  the  head 

Is  now  the  botheration. 

Ben  Butler  sheered  up  nigh  to  him. 

With  cautious  legal  phrases  ; 
Then  Fremont  went  as  nigh  agin, 

And  frightened  him  like  blazes. 

There  's  swords  unsheathed  the  beast  to  hack. 

And  stop  his  course  unlucky; 
But  old  Abe  pulls 'em  all  aback, 

Because  of  old  Kentucky. 

Until  we  kill  this  beast  outright. 

He'll  always  keep  rampaging; 
'Twill  always  cost  a  nation  sight 

To  feed  him  or  to  cage  him. 

To  end  him  is  the  only  way 

That  stands  to  sense  or  reason  ; 
For  with  the  piscn  thing  we  slay 

Its  spawn  of  bloody   uv:tsou. 

Success  to  them  who  tut  him  best  I 
Anil  may  their  blows  prove  lucky  ! 

'Tis  fool's  play   thus  to  spare  the  pest. 
For  fear  of  old  Kentucky. 

BmCm  Traveller. 


The  Life  and  Letters  of 
CAPTAIN  JOHN   BROWN, 

Vl  T  mi  whs  I'lxi'cuti'd  Ht  itiarlssteirn,  Virgin!*,  Dmm- 

>>     berk,   MHtt.ftn  u  Aratd  Attmfc  upon  Amrieu 

Slavery  i  with  NotiMs  ofauM  of  bisOonfetfomtM,    BdiMd 

by  Kien.uu>  l».  WHBB— This  very  valuable  an.t  btansUng 
work,  wbioli  bfu  mel  »Hh  :\  men  favorable  rMepttoo  nml 
ii'inlv  Mile  in  England,  baa  baaa  aanfullj  prepami  by  on* 

Qflba  most  iiiU'ili^eiit  mill  eN|.vnn;eru  ln,'n,ls   ,.(    Lawrfoa 

in  the  .'la  world,     Vw  tala  at  lb*  AutUtHararj 
Boston,  ".".'l  Washington  stmt,  Room  No.  <;.     Mao  la  N<« 

\..il.,:n  \(.  .,  i;.vl;man  street  ;  ami  ui  riiUiuleloliia,  at 
No.  106  North  Tenth  Itmt 


■SHE     LIBERATOR 

IS     l'UBI,ISHEJ> 

EVEEY  FEIDAY  M0BHIH8, 

—  AT  — 

221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    BOOM    No.   6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 

ti^f"  TERMS —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

jSTFive  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  fur  ten 
dollars,  if  payment  bo  made  in  advance. 

OF"  All  remittances  are  to  be  made,  and  all  letters  re- 
lating to  tho  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

|^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  tbe  rate  of  five  cents  per 
line. 

j^~  Tbe  Agents  of  tbe  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

g^~  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  aro  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz  : — Francis  Jacksos,  Eosiukd  Quincy,  Eujicnd 
Jackson,  and  Wendell  Phillips. 


"  Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof" 

*'  I  lay  Ibia  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  taken,  for  the  time,  the  place  ef  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  BEST ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  ao  far  from  it*  being 
true  that  the  States  whore  slavery  exists  have  the  occlusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
the  Umitkr  Status,  but  tho  Commander  or  the  Army, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES.  .' .  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slavebolding  States  becomo  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  .  .  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  MOST  carry  IT  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thb 
place  op  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory  ."-J.  Q.  Adam*, 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


<S>ur  fflmwtrjj  U  tkt  WovM,  owr  toninjmm  utt  all  HWmtfciml. 


J.  B.  YEREINTON  &  SON,  Printers, 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    7. 


BOSTON     FEIDAY,     FEBETJAEY    14,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1635. 


%  tlttii au»  ♦ 


GEEEIT  SMITH  TO  GEOEGE  THOMPSON. 

EXGLAND   NEEDS    TO    SOOTHE   AMERICA. 

Peterboro',  January  25th,  1862. 
Hon.  George  Thompson,  Ex-Member  British  Parliament  : 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  have  read  your  recent  Speech- 
es on  "  American  Slavery  and  the  present  Crisis." 
Not  to  speak  of  their  other  merits,  they  show  great 
knowledge  of  American  affairs,  and  treat  of  them 
very  temperately  and  judiciously. 

It  was  well  that  you  employed  your  rich  and  com- 
manding eloquence  to  prevent  England  from  mak- 
ing war  upon  America.  I  hope  you  will  now  em- 
Sloy  it  to  prevent  America  from  making  war  upon 
England.  You  need  not  come  here  for  this  purpose. 
Stay  where  you  are,  and  labor  with  others  to  bring 
your  Government  and  people  to  such  a  sense  and  ex- 
pression of  their  deep  wrong  against  mine,  as  shall 
serve  to  take  from  the  American  heart  the  hatred 
of  England  which  rankles  in  it.  I  refer  in  this 
wrong  to  nothing  else  than  what  has  grown  out  of 
the  Trent  matter;  for  nothing  else  bas  made  up  any 
part  of  it.  It  is  true  that  here  and  there  was  a  sore 
displeasure  with  England  for  her  sympathy  with 
our  rebels;  but  this  sympathy  might  not  have  been 
so  general  as  to  make  England  responsible  for  it. 
Or  it  might  have  been  more  seeming  than  real.  Or, 
if  it  was  indeed  real,  nevertheless,  it  was  not  an  of- 
fense of  the  grade  or  character  to  get  angry  with. 

I  have  impliedly  predicted  that  America  will  de- 
clare war  against  England,  unless  England  shall  pre- 
vent it.  I  scarcely  need  say  that  this  prediction 
comes  not  of  my  wishes,  I  love  England  more  than 
I  love  any  other  nation,  save  my  own.  I  cannot 
help  the  preference.  A  common  lineage,  language 
and  literature  are  sufficient  to  account  for  it.  Her 
heroes,  scholars,  philosophers,  poets  and  philanthro- 
pists I  feel  to  be  my  own.  And  whilst  many  say 
that  her  oppression  of  Ireland,  and  her  forcing  of 
opium  on  the  Chinese,  are  just  worthy  of  her,  I  view 
fcnein  to  be  unworthy  of  her.  The  emancipation  of 
her  slaves — that  was  an  act  worthy  of  her  greatness 
and  glory.  I  said  that  I  love  her.  I  add  that  my 
countrymen  loved  her.  The  tears  they  shed  for  her 
■when  she  was  struggling  with  her  horrid  East  India 
Rebellion  were  sincere.  The  welcome  they  gave 
her  young  Prince,  for  his  own  sake,  for  his  good 
Mother's  sake,  and  for  dear  old  England's  sake  also, 
was  unaffected  and  cordial.  Moreover,  I  am  op- 
posed to  war:  and  by  war  I  mean  the  bloody  colli- 
sion of  nation  with  nation.  Every  such  collision  I 
hold  to  be  unnecessary  and  wrong,  both  on  one  side 
and  the  other.  In  no  case  may  a  nation  declare  war: 
and  she  may  safely  conclude  that  the  moral  power 
of  her  calm  but  unyielding  refusal  to  arm  herself 
against  a  declaration  of  war  will  protect  her  from  it. 
Again,  should  it  turn  out  that  there  are  nations  so 
low  in  civilization,  and  so  insensible  to  restraining  and 
reclaiming  influences,  as  to  ignore  or  break  through 
this  power  and  fall  upon  her,  nevertheless,  there  would 
be  far  more  and  far  mightier  nations  to  come  to  her 
rescue.  These  would  not  only  honor  her  for  her 
peace  principles,  but  they  would  be  prompt  to  resist 
every  mean  and  guilty  attempt  to  take  advantage  of 
them.  Our  poor  war-cursed  world  waits  for  a  nation 
to  take  this  attitude.  The  nation  so  trustful  in  truth 
as  to  take  it,  will  find  it  not  less  safe  than  sublime, 
and  will  be  followed  in  quick  succession  by  her  sister 
nations. 

That  I  should  be  opposed  to  war,  and  yet  be  in 
sympathy  with  our  large  Northern  armies,  may  pos- 
sibly be  an  inconsistency.  Believing,  however,  as  I 
have  ever  done,  in  the  duty  of  Government  to  con- 
trol its  subjects,  I  am  conscious  of  no  inconsistency 
between  my  opposition  to  war,  and  my  sympathy 
with  armies  however  large,  if  their  sole  object  is  the 
quelling  of  domestic  insurrections.  If  Russia  would 
be  willing  to  save  unarmed  France  from  armed  Eng- 
land, it  by  no  means  follows  that  she  would,  on  the 
same  or  any  principle,  be  willing  to  employ  her  for- 
ces in  subduing  a  French  Rebellion.  France  must 
take  care  of  her  own  rebels.  Every  nation  must, 
like  every  family,  govern  itself.  The  nation  or  fam- 
ily which  cannot,  had  better  be  broken  up. 

That  whilst  my  loyal  countrymen  have,  with  scarce 
an  exception,  a  stinging  sense  of  this  wrong  done  by 
England  to  America,  there  is  but  a  comparative, 
handful  of  them  unqualifiedly  opposed  to  war,  fully 
justifies  my  strong  fear  that  America  will  make  war 
upon  England. 

Is  it  strange  that  they  should  have  this  stinging 
sense  ?  To  be  men,  they  must  have  it.  The  Trent 
had  made  herself,  both  in  deed  and  spirit,  part 
and  parcel  of  the  great  American  Conspiracy.  "  The 
owner  and  agent  and  all  her  officers,  including  the 
Commander  Williams,  had  knowledge  of  the  assumed 
characters  and  purposes"*  of  the  traitors  whom  she 
had  taken  on  board.  She  was  doing  what  she 
could  to  help  on  their  mission  of  death  to  their  coun- 
try. And  all  this  was  in  the  face  of  the  Queen's  pro- 
clamation, and  in  the  face,  too,  of  the  punishment 
which  the  English  Government  had  inflicted  for  the 
like  offence,  when  we  were  at  war  with  Mexico- 
The  San  Jacinto  overtook  the  Trent,  and,  out  of 
kindness  to  her  passengers,  to  English  subjects  and 
English  interests,  let  her  pass  on,  after  having  taken 
the  four  traitors  from  her.  England,  on  getting  the 
news,  did  not  punish  the  Trent,  but  declared  war 
against  America.  Her  first  and  immediate  measure 
was  actual  war.  Troops  and  arms  were  hurried  off 
to  our  coast.  Instantly  men  were  put  in  motion  to 
kill  us.  We  were  not  to  learn  her  spirit  from  the 
tone  of  her  diplomatic  correspondence  on  the  occa- 
sion, but.  from  her  military  movements.  "  Actions 
speak  louder  than  words."  If  a  man  takes  off  his 
coat,  and  comes  towards  me  with  rolled-up  sleeves 
and  clinched  fists,  I  shall  not  be  comforted  by  his 
words,  however  far  less  threatening  they  may  be. 
I  shall  still  believe  that  he  will  whip  me  if  he  can. 
England  proposed  no  umpirage — invited  no  explan- 
ation— would  not  even  wait  to  learn  whether  our 
Government  approved  the  conduct  of  the  San  Ja- 
cinto. But.  with  cannon  loaded  and  matches  light- 
ed, she  stood  demanding  instant  compliance  with 
her  peremptory  terms.  She  did,  indeed,  wait  to 
hear  from  us ;  but  it  was  only  that  she  might  then  de- 
cide whether  to  stop  war.  She  had  already  made 
war. 

This  was  oppression  indeed — and  it  wa3  very  hard 
to  bear.  Nevertheless,  not  so  hard  as  the  insult  she 
combined  with  it.  We  knew,  and  we  knew  that  she 
knew,  that  had  such  rebels  gone  out  from  her  to 
compass  her  destruction,  she  would,  without  any  de- 
lay or  hazard  by  forms  and  ceremonies,  have  caught 
them  wherever  she  could,  and  hung  them.  How 
keenly  insulting  to  us  was  her  arrogant  position, 
that  our  national  dignity  is  not  entitled  to  such 
prompt  vindication  as  hers,  and  that  our  national 
safety  falls  immeasurably  below  her  own  in  value 
and  sacredness!  She  had  neither  forgotten  nor  re- 
gretted that  she  had  taken  thousands  of  entirely  in- 
nocent men  from  our  ships.  What  contempt,  then, 
did  she  pour  upon  us,  when  she  virtually  told  us  that 

*  Secretary  Seward  to  Lord  Lyons. 


she  is  so  Infinitely  our  superior,  that  we  must  not 
take  from  her  ships  so  much  as  four  men  ! — no,  and 
not  even  if  they  are  very  guilty  men  !  No  doubt 
this  is  in  her  eye  a  fitting  attitude  for  a  nation  of 
centuries  of  fame  toward  upstart  America. 

But  I  pass  on  to  speak  of  our  circumstances  at  the 
time  England  declared  war  against  us.  Would  that 
she  had  been  moved  by  them  to  pity  us,  instead  of 
being  tempted  by  them  to  oppress  us!  We  were 
struggling  under  a  Rebellion,  the  mightiest  ever 
known,  and  the  wickedest  ever  known.  It  was  very 
wicked  because  entirely  unprovoked.  Nay,  whilst 
we  had  never  encroached  upon  the  rights  of  the 
Rebels,  we  had  but  seldom  resisted  their  multi- 
plied encroachments  upon  ours.  Much  more  wick- 
ed, however,  was  the  rebellion  because  it  was  a 
Pro-Slavery  one.  Facts  prove  that  it  was  a  purely 
Pro-Slavery  one.  Not  a  single  Free  State  was 
drawn  into  it.  Eleven  of  the  Slave  States  rushed 
into  it,  and  the  remaining  four  would  have  followed, 
had  they  not  been  restrained  by  the  fear  of  Federal 
troops.  The  different  sections  in  them  all  sympathize 
with  the  Rebellion  just  in  proportion  to  their  respec- 
tive interest  in  Slavery.  Relieve  Kentucky,  Mis- 
souri and  Maryland  of  the  presence  of  Federal  troops, 
and  they  would  instantly  join  the  Rebellion.  There 
are  nominal  slaveholders  who  care  little  or  nothing  for 
Slavery  ;  but  in  all  the  land,  North  or  South,  there  is 
not  one  man  of  the  slavcholding  spirit,  who  does  not 
prefer  the  Rebellion  with  slavery  to  tbe  Union  with- 
out slavery.  But  enough  to  prove  the  Pro-Slavery 
character  of  the  Rebellion  is  the  intensely  Pro-Slav- 
ery character  of  the  Government  which  the  Rebels 
organized — though  it  may  be  well  to  add  that  noth- 
ing less  satanic  than  the  spirit  of  slavery  could  have 
been  sufficient  to  prompt  men  to  so  satanic  a  Re- 
bellion. How  preposterous  for  the  Rebels  to  say, 
as  they  do  for  the  purpose  of  winning  Europe  to 
their  side,  that  our  high  Tariff  was  unendurable  ! 
It  was  not  high  when  the  Rebellion  broke  out,  and  the 
Rebels  had  but  to  insist  on  its  being  lower,  to  make 
it  lower.  Our  high  Tariff  is  a  war  measure.  It 
may  be  made  much  higher,  and  yet  be  no  indication 
that  a  high  Tariff  would,  as  a  mere  commercial  mea- 
sure, be  approved  by  us. 

But  it  was  not  alone  nor  mainly  from  the  magni- 
tude and  wickedness  of  the  Rebellion  that  we  were 
entitled  to  the  world's  pity.  Much  more  were  we 
entitled  to  it  from,  the  state  of  moral  helplessness  in 
which  the  Rebellion  found  us.  That  Slavery  had 
now  burst  upon  us  in  its  vast  power  did  indeed  make 
our  case  very  pitiable.  But  far  more  pitiable  was  it 
from  the  fact  that  Slavery  had  so  long  deluded  and 
debauched  us,  as  to  leave  us  incapable  of  arousing 
ourselves  to  resist  this  vast  power.  Great  strength 
had  we  still  to  resist  any  other  enemy.  But  in  the 
presence  of  Slavery,  we  were  only  poor  paralytics. 
Far  worse  our  condition  than  that  of  Laocoon.  His 
soul  was  strong  in  his  battle  with  the  snake ;  but  our 
snake  had  charmed  our  soul  into  powerlessness  be- 
fore the  battle  had  begun.  Very  monstrous  would 
it  have  been  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  snake  en- 
twined around  Laocoon  ;  but  still  more  monstrous  is 
it  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  snake  entwined  around 
America.  Nevertheless,  England  does  come  to  its 
help.  Does  she  say  that  we  are  too  debased  to  be 
pitied  ?  I  admit  the  debasement,  the  even  brutish 
insensibility  to  human  rights,  which  the  Circean  cup 
of  Slavery  has  reduced  us  to.  Nevertheless,  were 
we  as  unhappily  transformed  as  the  companions  of 
Ulysses,  pity  should  still  reach  down  to  us.  Beside, 
since  it  is  Slavery  that  has  so  degraded  us,  and  since 
it  is  England  that  fastened  it  upon  us,  especially  ill 
does  it  become  her  to  taunt  us  with  our  degradation, 
and  take  advantage  of  it.  Does  she  bid  us  follow 
her  example  and  abolish  Slavery  ?  It  was  compara- 
tively easy  to  abolish  a  Slavery  no  more  essentially 
connected  with  herself;  but  by  a  Slavery  mixed  up 
with  all  her  relations  and  interests,  and  with  all  her- 
self, she  would  have  been  made  as  helpless  as  we  are. 

I  need  not  go  into  arguments  to  prove  our  impo- 
tence against  Slavery.  A  few  illustrations  of  it  will 
suffice. 

1st.  Slavery  is  killing  us.  One  word  from  our  Gov- 
ernment would  kill  it.  Nevertheless,  this  one  word 
cannot  be  spoken.  Our  poor  Slavery-ridden  Govern- 
ment cannot  muster  moral  courage  enough  to  speak 
it.  That,  at  such  a  time  as  this,  it  should  be  study- 
ing and  worshipping  the  Constitution,  shows  its  utter 
incompetence  to  save  us.  The  Rebels  flung  away 
the  Constitution  at  the  very  outset.  They  are  too 
much  in  earnest  to  let  papers  trammel  their  efforts 
to  destroy  us.  But  we,  alas !  are  so  drugged  and 
drunken  by  Slavery  as  to  feel  no  right  to  meet  these 
efforts  save  in  ways  strictly  harmonious  with  every 
line  of  the  Constitution,  or  (to  express  but  the  same 
meaning  in  other  words)  strictly  harmonious  with 
the  Pro-Slavery  interpretations  of  the  Constitution. 
Why  is  it  that  we  do  not  worship  our  State  Constitu- 
tions as  well  as  the  Federal  Constitution  ?  Every 
few  years  we  cast  them  aside.  The  reason  is,  that 
Slavery  does  not  call  for  the  worship  of  them.  Our 
President  is  bound  hand  and  foot  by  that  Pro- Slave- 
ry regard  for  the  Constitution  in  which  he  was  edu- 
cated. So,  too,  are  most  of  our  Generals.  General 
Sherman's  Proclamation,  on  entering  South  Caro- 
lina, says:  "  Carolinians,  we  have  come  as  loyal  men 
fully  impressed  with  our  Constitutional  obligations  to 
the  citizens  of  your  State."  Surely  we  arc  under 
no  more  Constitutional  obligations  to  them  than  we 
are  to  Arabs.  In  every  part  of  thc.North,  you  meet 
with  this  insanity  about  our  Constitutional  obligations 
to  the  Rehels.  Congress  abounds  in  it.  What  bet- 
ter, however,  could  you  expect  of  a  Body  that  now, 
when  the  nation  is  on  the  very  brink  of  ruin,  and 
nothing  should  be  thought  of  but  conquering  the  foe 
by  whatever  means,  Constitutional  or  Unconstitu- 
tional, and  by  whatever  men,  white,  red  or  black,  is 
amusing  itself  with  schemes  of  Colonization  1  The 
remaining  weeks  in  which  Congress  can  do  what 
may  possibly  save  the  nation  are  probably  but  few. 
How  sad  that  any  of  them  should  be  thus  wasted  ! 

2d.  Although  our  nation  should,  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Rebellion,  have  abolished  Slavery  to  pre- 
vent Slavery  from  abolishing  it — doing  so  under  that 
high  necessity  which  supersedes  all  inquiry  into 
the  Constitutionality  of  doing  so— nevertheless,  (if 
shrinking  from  this  summary  and  sweeping  measure,) 
it  might  have  put  down  the  Rebellion  without  re- 
sorting to  any  direct  action,  or  indeed  any  intended 
action  against  Slavery.  If,  instead  of  making  Sla- 
very its  special,  nay,  its  supreme  care,  it  had  used 
its  obvious  and  unrestricted  Constitutional  liberty  in 
composing  its  armies  and  in  carrying  on  the  war,  the 
Rebellion  would  have  been  suppressed  in  less  than 
six  months  from  the  bombarding  of  Sumter.  All 
must  admit  that  (he  Constitution  gives  Congress  the 
power  to  make  up  its  armies  as  it  will — of  foreigners 
or  citizens,  of  black  men  or  white;  and  that  it  is 
under  no  more  Constitutional  obligation  to  enquire 
whether  the  men  who  offer  themselves  for  enlistment 
are  slaves,  than  whether  they  are  apprentices  or 
hirelings.  In  the  exercise  of  this  power.  Congress 
could  both  easily  and  speedily  have  saved  the  nation. 
It  is  true  that  incidental  to  this  exercise  might  have 
been  the  destruction  of  Slavery  ;  but  Congress  would 
have  been  no  more  responsible  for  the  destruction 
than  the  Constitution  would  have  been  violated  by 
the  exercise.  Had  only  the  black  population  of  the 
land  been  assured,  last  Spring,  that  the  North  was 


its  friend,  the  end,  if  not  indeed  the  beginning,  of 
Autumn  would  have  witnessed  the  end  of  the  Rebel- 
lion. And  this  it  would  have  been  assured  of  had 
there  been  so  much  as  one  black  regiment  among 
the  seventy-five  thousand  soldiers  whom  our  Presi- 
dent called  for  last  Spring.  Not  one  gun  would  that 
regiment  have  needed  to  fire,  and  no  occasion  would 
there  have  been  for  another  black  regiment.  The 
bare  fact  of  its  existence  would  have  effectually  and 
almost  instantly  advertised  all  the  blacks  of  out- good 
will,  and  to  advertise  them  of  that  would  have  been 
sufficient  to  secure  their  deep  and  decisive  sympathy, 
But,  alas  !  the  advertisement  was  forbidden  !  And, 
instead  of  it,  we  have  advertised  them  of  our  ill  will 
by  sending  back  cruelly  and  wickedly,  and  also  i 
constitutionally,  great  numbers  of  fugitive  slaves. 

Such,  my  dear  sir,  was  the  miserable  condilion  of 
my  poor  Slavery-crazed  and  Slavery-cowed  country 
when  yours  declared  war  against  her.  I  said  that  it 
was  keenly  insulting  in  your  nation  to  deny  to 
Americans  in  the  case  of  American  rebels,  the  liber- 
ty which  England  claims  in  the  case  of  English 
rebels.  Keen  indeed  was  this  insult ;  and  very  cruel 
and  mean  was  the  oppression  of  falling  upon  us  in 
our  helpless  condition.  For  this  insult  and  oppres. 
sion,  England  will  soon  have  to  answer,  unless  there 
shall  be  good  feeling  on  her  part  to  beget  good  feel- 
ing on  ours.  Very  bad  is  our  feeling  toward  her 
now,  and  even  toward  Canada.  Already  are  we 
threatening  (very  foolishly  I  own,)  to  terminate  that 
new  and  mutually  useful  intercourse  with  Canada 
which  should  be  enlarged  and  unending.  Canada 
and  the  States  should  be  brothers  as  well  as  neigh- 
bors. 

Vain  is  the  attempt  to  pacify  us  by  saying  that 
the  Trent  case  has  been  settled  on  our  own  princi- 
ples. It  was  not  pleasant  to  have  it  settled  even  on 
our  own  principles,  if  we  were  compelled  to  have  it 
so  settled.  Moreover,  the  compulsion  is  greatly  ag- 
gravated by  the  fact  that  you  would  not  have  re- 
sorted to  it,  nor  we  yielded  to  it,  had  not  our  help- 
less condition  emboldened  you  to  the  one,  and  re- 
duced us  to  the  necessity  of  the  other.  But  it  is  not 
true  that  the  case  has  been  settled  on  our  own  prin- 
ciples. I  admit  that  it  is  American  to  settle  ques- 
tions with  slaveholders  whilst  the  rod  is  over  our 
head;  but  I  deny  that  it  is  American  to  settle  them 
in  such  circumstances  with  Foreign  Powers.  All 
vain  is  this  attempt  to  hide,  in  an  affectation  of  higli- 
souled  regard  for  national  consistency,  and  in  a  sub- 
lime show  of  magnanimous  adherence  to  precedents, 
our  blazing  disgrace  in  the  Trent  case.  The  truth 
is,  that  the  having  of  maritime  principles  is  an  honor 
which  does  not  belong  to  America.  Her  opposition 
in  her  infancy  to  taking  seamen  from  her  ships  was 
on  the  ground  of  their  being  innocent  men.  But 
now  she  opposes  the  taking  from  them  of  even  the 
pre-eminently  guilty — of  even  slave-traders  !  Our 
maritime  principles  are  but  our  maritime  policy ; 
and  this  has  varied  with  our  interests. 

Mr.  Sumner's  admired  Speech  on  the  Trent  case 
is  characterized  with  his  usual  learning  and  elo- 
quence, but  not  with  his  usual  soundness.  1st.  Most 
of  the  authorities  he  cites  are  far  too  old  to  express 
or  be  applicable  to  our  present  policy.  2d.  They  do 
not  apply  to  the  Trent  case — for  the  subject  matter 
in  that  is  the  proper  disposition,  not  of  innocent  but 
of  guilty  persons.  They  are  plainly  but  to  the  point 
of  taking  innocent  seamen  from  our  ships.  And 
most  of  his  remaining  authorities  were  doubtless  in- 
tended to  be  but  to  the  same  point.  He  thinks  that 
they  were  also  to  the  point  of  taking  ambassadors 
from  neutral  ships.  The  strong  probability,  how- 
ever, is  that  immunity  but  for  seamen  was  intended 
by  these  authorities,  although  the  literal  import  of 
their  words  provides  immunity  for  ambassadors  as 
well  as  for  seamen.  Moreover,  if  these  authorities 
do  really  as  well  as  literally  cover  ambassadors,  they, 
nevertheless,  do  not  meet  the  present  case.  We 
must  not  confound  with  the  ordinary  ambassador, 
whose  honorable  and  sacred  office  it  is  to  maintain  a 
good  understanding  and  friendly  intercourse  between 
nations,  the  execrable  traitor  who  goes  out  from  his 
country  for  help  to  destroy  it.  The  ambassador  repre- 
sents a  nation— Mason  and  Slidell  but  a  horde  of  re- 
bels. For  as  yet  that  horde  is  acknowledged  by  itself 
only  to  be  a  nation.  It  by  no  means  follows,  if  there 
canbo  an  argument  of  some  force  for  allowingthe  am- 
bassador to  pass  on,  that  guilty  emissaries,  like  Mason 
and  Slidell,  should  also  be  allowed  to  pass  on.  But 
even  Vattel,  who  says  that  the  person  of  the  ambas- 
sador is  "sacred  and  inviolable"  does  not  claim  for 
him  this  exemption.  He  holds:  "  Not  only  may  we 
justly  refuse  a  passage  to  the  ministers  whom  our 
enemy  sends  to  other  sovereigns,  but  we  may  arrest 
them  if  they  attempt  to  pass  privately,"  &c.  Al- 
though he  had  in  his  mind  but  a  passage  by  land,  the 
principle  applies  equally  to  a  passage  by  sea.  But 
if,  upon  Vattel's  authority,  the  ambassador  may  be 
taken  from  the  neutral  ship,  how  much  more  the 
Masons  and  Slidells  1  Sir  William  Scott,  the  high- 
est British  authority  on  maritime  law,,  says:  "  The 
belligerent  may  stop  the  ambassador  of  the  enemy 
on  his  passage."  How  much  more,  then,  may  he 
stop  the  Masons  and  Slidells  1 

I  confess  that  there  can  be  an  argument  of  some 
force  against  molesting  the  ordinary  airfbassador. 
Were  England  and  America  at  war  with  each  other, 
neither  would  be  disposed  to  molest  the  ambassador 
of  the  other  to  Austria.  The  present  case  respects 
not  the  ordinary  ambassador  in  whose  protection  and 
freedom  the  welfare  of  the  world  may  be  said  to  be 
interested.  It  respects  emissaries  who  are  more 
effectively  as  well  as  more  guiltily  identified  with  a 
superlatively  wicked  Rebellion  than  are  the  soldiers 
in  its  armies.  Who  does  not  see  that  a  pair  of  such 
emissaries  with  their  dispatches  may  be  more  impor- 
tant to  the  Rebellion  than  a  dozen  ship-loads  of  sol- 
diers ?  The  whole  spirit  and  sense  of  the  law  or 
principle  which  authorizes  the  taking  of  soldiers  out 
of  the  neutral  ship,  authorize  with  the  utmost  em- 
phasis the  taking  out  of  such  emissaries  also.  Per- 
haps only  one  of  all  Mr.  Sumner's  numerous  authori- 
ties is  applicable  in  both  letter  and  spirit  to  the  tak- 
ing of  Mason  and  Slidell.  I  say  in  spirit; — for  who 
doubts  that  Gen.  Cass,  who  would  spare  even  the 
slave-trader,  would  feel  himself  bound  in  consistency 
to  spare  every  other  criminal  ?  I  cannot  but  won- 
der at  Mr.  Sumner's  temerity  in  quoting  the  General. 
I  should  sooner  have  expected  him  to  exclaim : 
"  Non  tali  auxilio ! "  I  admit  if  Gen.  Cass,  the  pre- 
eminent patron  of  the  slave-trade,  is  to  be  taken  as 
representing  American  principles,  that  then  the 
Trent  case  has  been  settled  on  American  principles. 
Surely,  the  General,  by  proving  too  much  for  Mr. 
Sumner,  proves  nothing  for  him.  Mr.  Sumner  has 
but  weakened  his  argument  by  quoting  him. 

So  far  as  my  reading  and  memory  serve  me,  you 
can  find  nothing  in  the  whole  field  of  American 
authorities  in  favor  of  waiving  the  Right  of  Search 
in  the  case  of  any  criminals  save  slave-traders. 
And  is  not  Mr.  Sumner  very  inconsistent  with  him- 
self? In  his  speech,  he  maintains  the  Right  of 
Search  with  respect  to  slave-traders.  Why,  then, 
should  he  not  maintain  it  with  respect  to  those 
"  hostes  Immani  generis,"  who  wore  caught  in  per- 
(unning  a  very  essential  part  of  the  work  of  build- 
ing up  the  most  abominable  slave-trading  empire 
which  the  world  has  ever  known?  African  slave- 
traders  are  doing,  upon  a  comparatively  petty  scale, 


what  Mason  and  Slidell  are  laboring  to  have  done 
on  a  scale  as  broad  as  the  whole  earth.  To  be  con- 
sistent, Mr.  Sumner  cannot  escape  from  letting 
African  slave-traders  as  well  as  Mason  and  Slidell 
pass  on. 

The  current  of  American  authorities  is  no  more 
with  Mr.  Seward's  point  of  taking  the  ship  into 
port,  than  with  Mr.  Sumner's  point  of  taking  per- 
sons from  it.  For  the  question  with  the  great  mass 
of  those  authorities  was  not  whether  the  ship  should 
be  taken,  but  whether  seamen  should  be  taken 
from  it.  Mr.  Seward  argues  that  it  was  American 
to  let  Mason  and  Slidell  go.  Had  Old  John  Brown, 
after  his  demonstration  in  Virginia,  been  caught  in 
a  neutral  ship,  would  Mr.  Seward  have  argued  that 
it  was  American  to  let  him  go?  Oh  not  He  did 
argue  that  it  was  right  to  hang  him;  and  he  would 
have  argued  that  it  was  right  to  hold  him.  Poor 
Old  John  Brown  was  the  enemy  of  Slavery,  and 
the  friend  of  but  his  country.  The  noble  Mason 
and  Slidell  were  the  friends  of  Slavery,  and  the 
enemies  of  but  their  country.  And  this,  on  Ameri- 
can principles,  makes  a  wide  difference  against  the 
one,  and  for  the  others. 

I  said  that  the  Trent  case  has  not  been  settled  on 
American  principles.  I  add  that  It  has  not  been 
settled  on  any  principles.  It  has  not  been  settled 
at  all.  Even  what  the  case  was,  was  not  agreed 
upon  by  the  parties;  nor  a  step  taken,  nor  a  propo- 
sition made,  to  agree  upon  it.  We  have  uo  right  to 
say  that  England's  acceptance  of  Secretary  Sew. 
ard's  conclusion  will  bind  her  not  to  take  her  rebels 
from  our  ships.  For  the  case  he  presents  is  not  the 
case  described  in  Earl  Russell's  Letter  to  Lord  Lyons. 
The  Earl  speaks  not  of  guilty  emissaries  and  trai- 
tors, but  of  "certain  individuals"  and  "four  gen- 
tlemen"; and  surely  "individuals"  and  "gentle- 
men "  include  many  whom  it  would,  with  one  con- 
sent, be  clearly  wrong  to  force  from  a  ship.  In  our 
haste  to  reach  a  propitiating  conclusion,  and  save 
ourselves  from  British  guns,  we  made  little  account 
of  premises. 

That  the  European  nations,  as  well  those  who 
have,  as  those  who  have  not,  many  ships,  should 
be,  just  now,  so  much  concerned  for  the  rights  of 
neutrals,  is  not  strange— for  just  now  they  are  them- 
selves neutrals.  Were  they  belligerents,  they  would 
speak  in  a  different  tone.  But  that  our  statesmen 
now,  whilst  America  is  a  belligerent, should  be  vieing 
with  each  other  in  extravagant  concessions  to  neu- 
trals, would  be  marvellous  indeed,  were  it  not,  that,  by 
this  means,  they  can  hope  to  make  America  satisfied 
with  herself,  instead  of  ashamed  of  herself  at  the 
way  she  has  got  out  of  the  Trent  trouble.  Some  of 
our  statesmen  go  so  far  "as  to  propose,  in  respect  to 
the  sea,  the  entire  abolition  of  contraband  of  war. 
In  their  absorbing  zeal  for  neutrals,  they  forget  that 
a  belligerent  has  rights,  and  that,  in  the  event  of 
such  abolition,  another  belligerent  might,  through 
neutrals,  carry  on  an  effective  and  fatal  war  against 
him.  They  forget,  too,  that  by  whatever  principle 
war  might  be  carried  on  through  neutrals  on  the  sea, 
it  might  be  carried  on  through  neutrals  on  the  land 
also.  Hence,  when  a  couple  of  nations,  France  and 
England  for  instance,  should  get  to  war  with  each 
other,  they  would  have  recruiting  stations  in  other 
nations  as  well  as  in  their  own,  and  thus  draw  the 
world  into  their  war.  Hence,  too,  the  Lopezes,  and 
Walkers,  and  other  Filibusters  would  never  lack  for 
recruits  to  carry  out  their  schemes. 

England  is  now  favoring  the  doctrine  that  the 
neutral  ship  shall  be  exempt  from  search,  provided 
she  is  going  neither  to  nor  from  the  port  of  a  bel- 
ligerent. But  this  is  an  absurd  doctrine.  Surely 
the  question  whether  a  neutral  ship  may  serve  a 
belligerent  cannot  be  affected  by  the  question 
whether  the  ship  leaves  our  coast  one'  rod  north  or 
one  rod  south  of  our  boundary;  nor  by  the  question 
whether  it  reaches  our  coast  a  little  one  side  or  the 
other  of  that  boundary.  The  ship  may  serve  him 
quite  as  effectually  in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other. 

Horace  Greeley,  whose  writings  are  always  well 
worth  reading,  would  let  the  neutral  ship  go  free, 
provided  she  has  not  gone  out  of  her  way  to  serve 
the  belligerent.  But  reason  forbids  that  she  should 
knowingly  serve  him,  either  in  or  out  of  her  way. 
Mr.  Greeley  holds  the  Trent  to  have  been  innocent, 
because  she  did  not  go  out  of  her  way  to  facilitate 
the  guilty  mission  of  Slidell  and  Mason.  Was  she 
innocent,  provided  they  gave  her  S10,O0O?  And 
is  it  at  all  improbable  that  they  paid  her  a  large  in- 
demnity for  her  risk  in  taking  them  ?  She  did  not 
need  to  go  out  of  her  way  to  help  the  Rebellion. 
In  no  other  way  so  well  as  in  what  Mr.  Greeley  calls 
"  her  usual  and  lawful  voyage  "  could  she  help  it. 

And  why,  I  ask,  should  the  sea  police  be  less 
searching  and  strict  than  the  land  police  ?  Because 
England  has  taken  thousands  of  innocent  persons 
from  neutral  ships,  does  it  follow  that  the  world  is 
to  relinquish  the  right  to  take  guilty  ones  from 
them?  I  much  question  whether  the  relinquish- 
ment can  be  afforded.  The  right  has  been  abused ; 
and  though  new  and  efficient  securities  against  its 
abuse  might  not  always  prove  sufficient,  neverthe- 
less, let  not  the  right,  no,  nor  its  summary  exercise, 
be  abandoned.  By  suitable  regulations,  the  amount 
of  wrongs  and  losses  attending  this  summary  exer- 
cise could  be  made  small,  compared  with  that  at- 
tending the  turning  off  of  suspected  vessels  from 
their  voyages  into  ports  for  trial — some  of  them  hav- 
ing no  contraband  of  war,  and  others,  though  hav- 
ing it,  yet  not  knowing  it.  I  hardly  need  add,  that 
these  suitable  regulations  would  ignore  all  claims  to 
men  on  the  ground  of  their  being  born  here  or 
there.  Claims  against  the  right  of  a  man  to  expa- 
triate himself,  and  choose  his  country,  should  not 
have  been  made  after  the  dark  ages. 

I  said  that  the  Trent  case  had  not  been  settled  at 
all.  I,  of  course,  meant  that  it  had  not  been  in  any 
such  way  as  deserves  the  name  of  settlement.  But 
allowing  our  surrender  to  be  a  settlement — our  ex 
parte  or  quasi  settlement  to  be  a  real  one — never- 
theless, we  ought  not  to  hide  it  from  ourselves,  nor 
make  ourselves  ridiculous  by  trying  to  hide  it  from 
the  world,  that  the  settlement,  so  far  from  taking 
place  on  American  principles,  was  simply  our  com- 
pelled submission  to  England's  principle  of  refusing 
to  confess  her  own  abounding  sin  ;  of  construing  her 
neighbor's  innocence  into  sin;  and  of  straightway 
following  up  the  hypocritical  construction  with  vio- 
lence. She  knew  that  the  liberty  we  had  taken 
with  a  few  ineffably  guilty  men  on  board  her  ship, 
was  no  greater  than  that  she  had  takcu  with  thou- 
sands of  innocent  men  on  board  of  ours.  She  knew 
that  we  had  not  insulted  her.  She  knew  that  our 
Captain  was,  so  far  as  England  and  Englishmen 
were  concerned,  prompted  by  no  other  spirit  than 
that  of  high  respect  and  remarkable  kindness.  She 
knew,  too,  that  she  was  insulting  and  outraging  us 
by  declaring  war  against  us.  Such,  such  was  the 
principle  to  which  we  succumbed,  and  on  which  we 
were  forced  to  make  our  peace  with  England.  Oh, 
call  it  not  an  American  principle!  It  was  purely 
an  English  one. 

What  a  pity,  since  the  Trent  case  had  to  be  set- 
tled on  an  English  principle,  that  our  Government 
did  not  propose  to  settle  it  on  another  English  prin- 
ciple— on  that  by  virtue  of  which  England  prefers 
taking  men  out  of  the  vessel  to  taking  the  vessel! 
Our  Government  had  no  right  to  assumo  that  Eng- 


land, having  reduced  this  principle  to  practice  ii 
thousands  of  instances  and  never  given  it  up,  would, 
on  reflection,  so  dishonor  it  and  dishonor  herself  a? 
angrily  to  object  to  the  trial  of  it  by  another  nation 
Nay,  our  Government  had  no  right  to  insult  Eng- 
land by  such  an  assumption.  But  I  shall  be  told 
that  our  Government  would  not  consent  to  settle 
the  case,  save  on  American  principles.  Again  1  say 
that  America  has  no  maritime  principles.  Her  con- 
duct in  regard  to  the  slave-trade  makes  it  exceed- 
ingly indecent  in  her  to  pretend  that  she  has. 
Moreover,  if  the  case  has  been  settled  on  American 
principles,  it  is  solely  on  her  slave-trade  principles, 
which  forbid  foreigners  to  search  for  criminals. 

How  much  better  it  would  be  if  our  statesmen, 
instead  of  trying  to  make  America  believe  that  she 
had  come  out  of  this  Trent  matter  with  flying  col- 
ors, should  frankly  confess  the  contrary  !  The  sim- 
ple truth  is,  that  our  nation  had  given  herself  up  to 
the  sway  of  slavery;  that  the  handful  of  Abolition- 
ists foretold  her  consequent  destruction  ;  that  she 
laughed  at  them,  and  kept  on  in  her  madness,  until 
she  was  so  far  destroyed  as  to  be  obliged  to  accept 
the  humiliation  which  England  disingenuously,  mean- 
ly and  cruelly  forced  upon  her.  By  the  way,  many 
of  our  pro-slavery  men,  instead-  of  repenting,  are 
charging  the  ruin  of  their  country  upon  the  Aboli- 
tionists. But  a^  well  might  they  hold  Jesus  re- 
sponsible for  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  because 
he  prophesied  it.  And  just  here  let  me  say  that 
nothing  can  be  more  untrue  than  to  charge  that 
the  Abolitionists  are  seeking  to  make  the  abolition 
of  slavery  the  object  of  the  war.  They  admit  that 
its  one  object  is  the  salvation  of  the  country.  From 
this  to  any  other,  they  have  never  sought  to  turn  the 
people.  It  is,  however,  entirely  true,  that  whilst 
others  would  consent  to  sacrifice  the  nation  in  order 
to  save  slavery,  the  Abolitionists  would  consent  to 
sacrifice  slavery  in  order  to  save  the  nation.  No 
other  class  is  so  patriotic  as  the  Abolitionists.  In 
every  other  there  are  traitors,  but  none  amongst 
them.  Select  the  soldiers  who  have  the  most  heart 
in  the  war,  and  you  will  find  them  all  Abolitionists, 
Select  those  who  have  the  least,  or  any  other  men 
who  have  the  least,  and  you  will  find  nearly  all  to 
be  slanderers  of  the  Abolitionists. 

But  I  must  draw  my  long  letter  to  a  close.  Let 
not  England  argue  from 'our  insanity  and  impotence 
with  respect  to  the  rebellion,  that  she  has  nothing 
to  fear  from  a  war  with  America.  It  is  true  that 
we  cannot  face  slavery  any  more  than  a  slave  can 
the  whip  of  his  master.  Slavery  is  our  master,  and 
we  are  but  trembling  slaves  in  its  presence.  But  it 
is  also  true  that  we  are  a  strong  and  brave  people, 
and  can  face  anything  but  slavery;  and  it  is  further 
true  that  slavery  will  soon  be  out  of  our  way,  and 
that  we  shall  then  come  to  be  filled  with  shame  and 
sorrow  over  our  low  and  long  subjection  to  it. 
Moreaver,  we  shall  then  be  prepared  to  call  our 
rulers  to  a  very  stern  account  for  letting  slavery 
prolong  a  rebellion  which  might  have  been  ended  in 
a  few  months,  and  for  letting  it  fill  tenfold  as  many 
graves  and  roll  up  tenfold  as  great  a  burden  of 
taxes  as  was  necessary.  Alas !  and  will  there  not 
also  be  the  destruction  of  our  nation  for  us  to  call 
them  to  account  for?  Reduced,  however,  though 
we  shall  be  to  twenty  millions  of  people  by  the  suc- 
cess of  the  rebellion,  nevertheless,  the  element  of 
weakness  being  eliminated  from  it,  our  nation  will 
be  far  more  powerful  than  it  was  before. 

I  assume,  as  you  see,  that  the  rebellion  is  to  be 
successful.  Every  portion  of  my  country  is  very 
dear  to  me,  and  I  have  done  what  I  could  to  save  it 
from  division.  But  the  only  measure  by  which  it 
can  be  saved  from  it,  its  rulers  obstinately  refuse  to 
adopt.  This  only  measure  is  the  identifying  of  the 
five  millions  of  negroes  with  our  cause.  Victories 
we  shall  soon  achieve.  But  they  will  be  no  substi- 
tute for  this  measure.  They  will  only  make  its 
speedy  adoption  the  more  necessary.  For  their  ten- 
dency will  be  to  drive  the  South  to  identify  by  an 
Act  of  Emancipation  those  five'  millions  with  her 
own  cause.  When  she  shall  be  hard-driven  by  these 
ietories,  her  fears  will  tell  her,  and  Europe  will  tell 
her,  to  save  herself  by  giving  up  slavery.  Would 
that  we  might  anticipate  her  in  this  measure,  and 
thus  save  the  nation,  and  bless  its  whole  population, 
North  and  South,  black  and  white  1  But  from  the 
day  the  President  laid  his  hand  on  Fremont's  Pro- 
clamation, I  have  seen  but  little  prospect  of  this 
good.  Nay,  when  of  late  I  have  seen  how  smitten 
with  blindness  are  our  rulers  in  both  Church  and 
State,  and  how  few  are  the  signs  of  repentance  in 
either,  I  have  strongly  feared  it  is  too  late  to  save 
our  poor  perishing  nation — that  no  amount  of  hu- 
man power,  pervaded  though  it  might  be  with  the 
greatest  human  goodness,  and  controlled  withal  by 
the  highest  human  wisdom,  could  save  it.  From  the 
first,  I  have  had  not  the  least  doubt  that  the  bom- 
barding of  Sumter  was  the  killing  of  slavery.  But 
now  I  tremble  with  the  apprehension  that  eternal 
justice  cannot  be  satisfied,  unless  there  be  added 
to  the  freedom  of  the  innocent  slave  the  destruction 
of  tho  guilty  nation. 

I  have  virtually  said  that  whichever  party  wins 
the  blacks,  wins  the  battle.  Many  think  that  we 
would  proceed  to  conquer  the  South,  even  after  she 
had  emancipated  the  slaves.  But  they  are  mis- 
taken. We  then  could  not  conquer  her  if  we 
would,  and  would  not  if  we  could.  We  should 
have  neither  the  physical  nor  the  moral  power  ade- 
quate to  it.  The  sympathy  of  the  world  would  be 
with  the  South.  The  contempt  of  the  world  would 
fall  upon  us.  And  must  we  come  to  this?  Almost 
certainly.  To  ask  Congress  and  the  Cabinet,  after 
all  we  have  seen  of  them,  to  save  us  from  this,  would 
be  scarcely  more  promising  than  to  ask  dead  men  to 
walk.  As  an  instance  of  the  deadness  of  our  rul- 
ers to  all  the  claims  of  patriotism  and  self-respect, 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  is,  I  fear,  morally 
unable  to  expel  that  arrant  and  shameless  traitor, 
Jesse  D.  Bright. 

Let  me  again  express  the  hope  that  the  philan- 
thropists of  England  will  labor  to  restore  the  ex- 
change of  good  feeling  between  her  and  America. 
Let  thorn,  to  this  end,  seek  to  better  the  bearing  of 
the  English  Press  toward  America.  And  let  them 
explain  to  tho  English  people  that  the  base  object 
of  our  Pro-Slavery  Northern  Press  in  irritating  Eng- 
land is  to  involve  her  in  a  war  with  us  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  slavery  and  the  South.  But,  above  all, 
let  them  labor  to  convince  England  of  her  crime  in 
declaring  war  against  us.  And  that  was  a  crime 
not  against  America  only,  but  against  tho  cause  of 
Christian  civilization  also.  If  we  did  insult  her, 
which  we  did  not,  she  should  not  have  tried  to  kill 
us  for  it.  It  is  too  late  for  a  Christian  nation  to  go 
to  war  for  a  mere  insult.  When  it  shall  bo  right  in 
o  man  to  kill  another  for  having  insulted  him, 
then,  and  not  till  then,  will  it  be  right  in  a  nation  to 
allow  a  mere  insult  to  drive  her  to  war.  Love,  and 
not  pride,  should  bo  tho  animating  principle  of 
every  nation  as  well  as  of  every  individual. 

You  will  mark  that  I  have  not,  in  any  part  of  my 
letter,  fallen  in  with  the  incessant  American  abuse 
of  England  for  her  lark  of  sympathy  with  the  Anti- 
Slavery  North.  The  North  is  not  Anti-SI.iven  . 
emphatically  nOt,  US  she  in  seen  through  the  action 
iif  her  Government j  and  through  that  it  is  proper 
for  England  to  see  her  and  judge  of  her.     In  re- 


spect to  her  relations  to  slavery,  the  North  is  enti- 
tled not  to  the  sympathy,  but  only  to  the  commisera- 
tion of  England.  However  soundly  Anti-Slavery 
England  might  be,  consistency  would  not  require 
her  to  have  Anti-Slavery  sympathy  with  the  North. 
This  much,  however,  I  can  say  for  the  North — that 
a  large  and  rapidly-increasing  share  of  her  people 
are  sincerely  opposed  to  slavery,  and  are  filled  with 
shame  and  sorrow  because  of  her  slavery-bound 
rulars.  Thousands  of  men  are  still  toiling,  as  for 
many  years  they  have  been,  under  every  reproach 
and  at  every  sacrifice,  to  break  the  yoke  of  their 
enslaved  brother,  and  to  save  their  beloved  country. 
The  breaking  cf  that  yoke  is,  indeed,  an  inexpres- 
sibly dear  object  to  such  men  as  Garrison  and  Phil- 
lips. But  there  are  none  more  concerned  than  they 
are  for  the  salvation  of  their  country.  The  love  of 
human  rights  does  not  interfere  with  patriotism. 
Nay,  it  is  because  of  this  love,  that  whenever  you 
find  a  patriot  of  the  truest  type,  you  find  him  an 
Abolitionist.  The  love  of  country,  which  he  has  in 
common  with  others,  is  fed  and  expanded  in  him  by 
the  love  of  universal  man. 

I  have  further  concessions  to  make  in  this  con- 
nexion. I  do  not  believe  that  England  sympathizes 
with  slavery  in  our  rebellious  States,  or  anywhere 
else;  and  I  do  not  believe  that  her  need  of  their 
cotton  can  drive  her  to  break  the  blockade  of  their 
poi-ts._  But  I  am  pained  by  the  apprehension  that 
she  will  recognize  the  Govei  nment  which  has  within 
the  last  year  been  set  up  over  those  States.  -  That 
I  am  pained  by  it,  is  not  because  the  recognition 
would  tend  to  weaken  the  hands  of  the  North  in 
her  present  struggle.  Whether  she  shall  or  shall 
not  succeed  in  this  struggle  depends  (provided,  al- 
ways, that  the  nation  is  not  too  guilty  to  be  saved) 
not  on  any  other  nation,  but  on  the  simple  question 
whether  she  shall  or  shall  not  allow  slavery  to  keep 
hinderances  in  her  way.  Her  way  cleared  of  them, 
and  she  is  saved ;  but  with  them  remaining  in  it,  she 
is  lost. 

It  is  because  this  new  Government  Is  a  piracy, 
and  the  most  guilty  and  horrid  piracy  earth  ever 
knew,  that  I  am  distressed  at  the  thought  of  Eng- 
land's recognition  of  it.  The  day  which  shall  wit- 
ness such  recognition,  will  witness  England's  mighty 
influence  for  evil,  and  a  sensible  reduction  of  the 
moral  power  of  the  world.  This  new  Government 
is  sufficiently  characterized  when  we  have  said  that 
the  great  boast  of  its  builders  is,  that  slavery  is  its 
corner-stone.  Would  God  that  England  and  all 
Europe,  instead  of  letting  this  slavery-demonized 
Confederacy  iuto  the  sisterhood  of  nations,  might 
be  inspired  to  say,  as  said  Daniel  Webster  of  another 
habitation  where  slavery  was  plying  its  horrid  werfc-r — 
"  Let  it  be  purified,  or  let  it  be  set  aside  from  the 
Christian  world.  Let  it  be  put  out  of  the  circle  of 
human  sympathies  and  human  regards,  and  let  civil- 
ized man  henceforth  have  no  communion  with  it !  " 
With  great  regard, 

Your  friend, 

GERRIT  SMITH. 


THE  ORATOK  OF  FREEDOM. 

From  the  Jersey  (Eng.)  Independent,  Oct.  26,  1861. 

After  the  wretched  exhibitions  of  prejudice  and 
downright  ignorance  on  the  American  question  made 
by  the  great  majority  of  English  members  of  Parlia- 
ment  addressing  their  constituents — we  except  Mr. 
Forster,  the  member  for  Bradford,  and  two  or  three 
more — it  is  a  relief,  a  pleasure  and  a  delight,  to  turn 
to  the  magnificent  oration  of  Senator  Sumner,  the 
distinguished  son  of  Massachusetts,  which  we  give  in, 
to-day's  Independent.  As  a  general  rule  even  those 
who  like  to  listen  to  good  speeches  do  not  care  to 
read  long  speeches,  good  or  bad.  But  even  such 
persons  need  not  our  recommendation  to  give  their 
attention  to  the  graceful  periods  and  electrifying  ap- 
peals of,  probably,  the  most  accomplished  of  Ameri- 
can speakers;  perhaps  we  might  justly  say  the  fore- 
most, orator  speaking  the  Anglo-Saxon  tongue  ;  for, 
rivalling  Gladstone  in  genius,  he  more  than  rivals 
the  glory  of  England's  House  of  Commons  by  that 
holy  earnestness  which  imparts  to  eloquence  its  chief 
effect,  and  which  naturally  is  the  product  of  circum- 
stances rather  than  of  individual  will.  Mr.  Sumner 
is  world-famed,  and  for  himself  personally  the  most 
sincere  sympathy  has  been  felt  in  England  from  tha 
time  that.he  was  so  treacherously  and  brutally  as- 
saulted by  the  ruffian  Brooks,  an"  atrocity  premoni- 
tory of  the  treason  and  ferocity  which  commenced 
with  the  conspiracy  of  President  Buchanan's  Minis- 
ters, and  the  subsequent  rebel  bombardment  of  Fort 
Sumter.  The  principles  of  the  Massachusetts  Sena- 
tor command  our  thorough  adhesion,  as  his  extraor- 
dinary talents  challenge  our  admiration,  and  his 
courageous  consistency  carries  with  it  our  respect. 

We  feel  confident  that  had  we  sat  in  the  Worces- 
ter Convention,  the  orator  would  have  commanded 
our  vote  as  well  as  our  applause.  Yet  his  oration, 
exciting  indescribable  enthusiasm,  did  not  carry 
with  it  the  vote  of  the  assembly.  The  majority 
shrunk  from  the  tremendous  consequences  involved 
in  the  carrying  out  of  Mr.  Sumner's  straight-forward 
programme  !  As  we  have  not  the  speeches  of  the  op- 
posing orators  before  us,  we  will  not  do  them  the  in- 
justice of  passing  judgment  on  the  vote  they  influ- 
enced.  Had  we  space  at  command,  which  we  have 
not,  we  would  recite  and  admit  the  force  of  tho  anx- 
ious considerations  swaying  the  minds  of  those  who, 
like  the  Government  at  Washington  and  the  major- 
ity in  the  Worcester  Convention,  shrink  from  the 
course  of  ultimate  safety  through  present  peril  point- 
ed out  by  the  Massachusetts  Senator.  But  although 
we  can  make  every  allowance  for  Pi^d*Ht"ijfne^n-- 
and  his  Ministers,  and  those  Massachusetts  men  who 
hesitate  to  invoke  the  sword  of  Spartacus,  still,  we 
repeat,  all  our  sympathies  are  with  Mr.  Sumner, 
the  cause  of  which  he  is  the  champion,  and  the  poli- 
cy of  which  he  is  the  exponent.  Although  gramma- 
rians will  not  allow  the  comparative  and  superlative 
of  "right,"  and  know  nothing  of  "righter"and 
"rights/,"  we  must  nevertheless  affirm  that  Gene- 
ral Butler  was  right.  General  Fremont  more  right, 
and  that  Senator  Sumner  is  moat  right.  We  have 
not  space  at  presout  to  follow  up  this  theme,  but 
must  conclude  by  urging  all  to  road  the  brilliant 
speech  preceding  those  few  remarks,  an  oration  tru- 
ly worthy  of 

"  Thit  holiest  Oiiuso  thnt  tonjtuo  or  sword 
Of  mortal  crer  lost  or  gained." 


Fanatics.  In  taking  up  a  number  of  the  Oswe- 
go Palladium,  we  counted  thirteen  instances  where 
the  word  "fanatics"  was  applied  to  those  who  do 
not  believe,  in  fighting  this  war  for  tho  benefit  of 
slavery.  Wo  could  not  help  applying  to  the  man 
who  used  this  term  so  flippantly  tho  words  of  Dr. 
Orestes  A.   Rkowxson,  an  eminent  I1 

who  in  a  recent  lecture  demonstrating  the  impossi- 
bility of  re-uniting   our  nation   without   interfering 

with  slavery,  said:  «  All  earnest  men  were  mnatioa 

to  the  lukewarm.  All  disinterested  were  !'.m;itics  to 
the  selfish.  All  heroic  men  were  fanatics  to  the 
cowardly.  All  living  men  were  fanatics  to  the 
dead."—  Oswego  Comnu-rcial  Times, 


36 


THE     LIBERATOR 


FEBETJAEY  14. 


"THE  WAR,  AED  HOW  TO  END   IT." 

Extracts  from  ft  California  pamphlet,  written  by 
Wim-iaH  N.  Slocum,  late  editor  <rf  the  San  Jose 
Mercury:^- 

Throe  objects  are  before  the  American  peopfa  at 
at  this  time  for  attainment — the  preservation  ©f  the 
Union,  an  honorable  peace,  anil  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very ;  the  first  and  second  of  which  may  be  easily 
and  quickly  secured  by  proclaiming;  the  third,  ami 
enforcing  it  as  fast  as  our  armies  move  southward. 
The  abolition  of  slavery  must  soon  be  followed  by 
the  disbanding  of  the  rebel  army.  Every  Southern 
soldier  would  desire  to  protect  his  own  family  against 
the  possible  vengeance  of  the  slaves.  Peace  would 
soon  follow,  and  slavery  being  destroyed,  the  peace 
would  be  permanent  between  the  two  sections,  though 
-quiet  at  the  South  cannot  be  restored  for  years. 
The  estates  of  rebels  should  be  divided  and  appor- 
tioned among  the  Northern  soldiers,  upon  condition 
of  immediate  "settlement.  This  course  would  infuse 
a  new  element  into  Southern  society,  which  in  less 
than  ten  years  would  revolutionize  the  character  of 
the  Southern  people.  It  is  an  absolute  fact,  (all  lies 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,)  that  the  white  man 
can  perform  more  and  harder  labor  at  the  Soutli 
than  the  negro.  It  has  been  proved  over  and  over 
again  in  the  ditching  and  railroad  building  of  the 
Southern  States.  Labor  too  arduous  for  the  negro 
is  performed  by  the  white  man  with  ease.  The 
"poor  white  trash"  of  the  South,  being  acclimated, 
are  better  able  to  labor  even  than  the  whites  of  the 
North,  and  on  finding  that  other  white  men,  more 
intelligent  than  themselves,  are  not  ashamed  to  work 
for  a  living,  they  too  would  earn  enough  to  live  de- 
cently; and  the  next  generation,  educated  in  the 
schools  introduced  by  the  Northern  men,  would  be  a 
superior  race.  In  the  meantime,  laws  would  require 
to  be  passed  for  the  regulation  of  labor,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  oppression  of  the  negro  by  white  tyrants. 
*         *  *         *  Final  emancipation  is  our 

only  hope,  and  speedy  emancipation  our  best  policy. 
In  urging  this  policy  upon  the  people,  I  have  not  re- 
ferred  to  the  threatening  aspect  of  our  foreign  rela- 
tions, for  I  believe  we  should  do  the  right  thing  be- 
cause it  is  right,  and  not  through  fear  of  a  war  with 
a  foreign  power  if  we  persist  in  the  wrong.  Wc 
have  never  been  in  the  habit  of  looking  to  the  mon- 
archies of  Europe  for  any  approval  of  the  acts  of  a 
republican  government;  nevertheless,  at  this  crisis, 
■we  cannot  close  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  hostilities 
•with  foreign  powers  are  liable  to  commence  at  any 
moment.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  the 
spirit  of  the  British  government  towards  this  conn- 
try,  and  that  which  animates  a  majority  of  the  Brit- 
ish people.  The  sympathies  of  the  British  people 
not  being,  as  yet,  strongly  enlisted  in  favor  of  the 
Union,  as  would  be  the  case  if  our  policy  were  eman- 
cipation, the  British  government  is  left  free  to  wage 
war  against  a  republic  of  which  it  has  always  been 
jealous,  and  which,  if  again  united,  will  be  its  great- 
est rival;  while,  in  case  of  disunion,  an  immense 
trade  will  be  opened  between  England  and  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  (now  almost  monopolized  by 
the  North,)  an  alliance  will  be  formed  between  them, 
(because  it  will  then  be  too  late  for  the  people  to  re- 
strain the  Government,)  and  the  material  prosperi- 
ty of  England  will  be  much  enhanced.  Though 
France  and  Spain  would  be  less  directly  benefitted 
than  England,  the  rulers  of  those  countries  see  in  the 
downfall  of  this  republic  the  more  permanent  estab- 
lishment of  monarchical  rule  throughout  the  world  ; 
and,  though  professing  friendship  they  stand  ready 
to  make  use  of  any  pretext  that  would  enable  them 
to  insure  the  permanent  disruption  of  this  Govern- 
ment. While  we  maintain  our  present  policy,  they 
may  safely  aid  the  rebellion  without  giving  offence 
to  their  own  people;  but  let  our  Government  pro- 
claim emancipation,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  peo- 
ple of  France  would  warn  the  Emperor  of  the  dan- 
ger of  running  counter  to  such  an  immense  public 
opinion  ;  while  the  British  Ministry  controlled  by 
the  British  people,  would  foresee  itself  crushed  by 
any  attempt  to  interfere  against  a  cause  so  holy  as 
would  then  be  the  cause  of  our  Government;  and 
Spain,  without  England  and  France,  would  be  pow- 
erless. We  should  have  the  sympathy  of  the  people 
of  the  world,  the  approval  of  our  own  consciences, 
and  the  smiles  of  a  benignant  Providence.  *  *  * 
"  But  what  would  you  do  with  the  slaves  ?"  Do 
with  them  V  What  would  be  the  necessity  of  doing 
anything  with  them,  except  to  pass  laws  for  their 
protection?  Is  not  their  labor  needed  where  they 
are  ?  Has  it  not  been  demonstrated,  by  the  results 
of  emancipation  m  the  Indies,  that  they  are  less  dan- 
— ge-fous-ar "freemen  than  slaves,  and  that  their  wil- 
lingness to~labor  will  induce  them  to  continue  in  the 
service  of  kind  masters  for  wages,  to  the  great  moral, 
mental,  physical,  and  pecuniary  benefit  of  both  ? 
Has  the  freed  slave  been  a  curse  in  those  States  of 
the  North  where  slavery  has  been  abolished  ?  Our 
history  proves  the  contrary.  They  have  always  ta- 
ken care  of  themselves  when  freed,  and  found  it  much 
easier  than  before  freedom,  when  they  had  to  earn 
their  master's  living  as  well  as  their  own.  Yet  pco- 
'ple  still  say  that  they  are  dependent  upon  a  master 
for  support,  and  that  when  freed  they  become  pub- 
lic nuisances,  to  get  rid  of  which  some  colonization 
plan  must  be  invented  for  their  removal.  If  there 
is  anything  I  abominate  more  than  slavery,  it  is  thi 
schemes  that  are  sometimes  hatched  for  colonizinj 
men  against  their  will 


©  lu  as  i  &  *  * » 1 0  * . 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  FEBRUARY  14, 1862. 


A  SPLENDID  GHANCE  FOE  GEE.  HALLEOK'S 
"OEDER   HO.  3." 

■St.  Louis,  January  16,  1862. 
A  few  days  since,  while  Company  (C  of  the  Iowa  3d, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant  LeffingweH,  was  in 
the  occupancy  of  Florence,  guarding  -the  North  Mis- 
souri .Railroad  at  that  point,  a  negro  came  dashin; 
towards  the  camp  about  eleven  o'clock  at  nighl. 
mounted  upon  a  high-spirited  horse.  He  was  about 
io  pass  the  guard,  who  sprang  forward  and  caught 
(he  bridle-rein  of  his  horse,  and  stopped  him.  The 
negro  immediately  threw  himself  from  the  animal, 
and  in  a  cringing,  obsequious  manner  observed : 
■"  Massa  soger,  please  let  -me  go  in  de  camp,  and  see 
de  Illinoy  soger."  The  guard  informed  him  that 
they  were  Iowa -soldiers,  and  desired  to  know  what 
be  wanted.  He  hung  down  his  head  for  a  moment, 
seemingly  musing  over  some  disappointment,  and 
then  continued — "Massa  soger!  look  at  dis  coll; 
I'se  a  good  nigger.  Please  let  me  go  in."  The 
guard  now  discovered  that  be  was  ironed,  and  imme- 
diately called  the  officer  of  the  guard  who  took  him 
to  the  guard-house-  In  the  morning  he  was  taken 
before  Lieutenant  LeffingweH,  around  whose  quar- 
ters the  .entire  command  had  already  assembled  ;  and 
never  did  men  look  upon  a  scene  more  degrading 
and  humiliating  than  was  presented  to  their  view  in 
the  persou  of  this  slave-  Around  his  neck  was  a 
band  of  iron  half  an  inch  thick,  and  nearly  one  and 
a  half  inches  wide,  not  locked  but  securely  riveted. 
Three  iron  prongs  of  lightniog-rod  size  were  welded 
to  this  band,  at  equal  distances  apart,  and  arose 
above  his  head  about  nine  inches,  with  an  outward 
inclination.  The  iron  had  lacerated  his  neck,  and 
the  wound  had  partially  healed  under  the  -protec. 
tioa  he  had  given  to  them  by  holding  up  the  band 
with  his  hands  during  the  three  preceding  days  that 
he  was  concealed  in  a  corn-field,  but  while  riding 
ihe  horse  he  could  not  hold  it  up,  and  it  had 
opened  the  wound,  from  which  there  was  a  bloody, 
mattery  ooze  trickling  down  upon  his  naked  shoul- 
ders. The  men  stood  around,  gazing  upon  the  scene, 
before  them  in  mute  astonishment,  and  it  was  not 

""-"- ~JUiiiLtb&~o£g.rj>  had  presented  his  petition  two  or 

three  times  that  they  could  realize  the  fact  that  the 
cruelty  of  the  scene  before  them  was  the  act  of  a 
£!aye  master  living  but  a  short  distance  from  St.  Lou- 
U,  the  enlightened  emporium  of  Missouri.  The  ne- 
gro observed— "  Please,  Massa  soger,  take  dis  collar 
oTmy  neck.  Ise  a  good  nigger;  I'll  do  any  tii 
you  want  me.  De  Illinoy  sogers  cut  de  collar  offer 
Ben."  The  Lieutenant  immediately  ordered  it  to 
be  stricken  off,  when  an  old  file  was  procured,  which 
could  be  made  to  work  upon  the  baud  only  in  a  slant- 
ing manner.  After  a  labor  of  over  three  hours  it  was 
removed,  the  men  taking  turn  about — two  holding 
the  band  while  one  used  "the  fde.  The  band  is  now 
in  possession  of  Lieutenant  LeffingweH,  who  holds 
it  as  one  of  the  trophies  of  the  3d  Iowa,  and  the  ne- 
gro is  now  officiating  in  his  quarters  as  a  servant. 

The  master  of  this  contraband  resides  about  ten 
miles  from  Florence.  It  appear*  that  the  negro  had 
carried  this  iron  band  upon  bin  neck  nearly  three 
months,  as  a  punishment  for  assisting  his  wife  to 
make  her  eseape  into  Illinois.  Gen.  llalleck,  or 
gome  other  prudent  commander,  may  order  this  band 
to  be  re-riveted  upon  his  neck,  and  the  "  property  " 
surrendered  to  his  master;  but  from  what  I  have 
seen  of  the  Iowa  soldierp,  I  believe  that  blood  would 
drip  from  the  end  of  their  bayonets  before  they  would 
do  it.  The  contraband  always  gives  the  Misaoiwi 
troops  a  wide  berth,  and  generally  makes  for  the  Il- 
linois regiments.,  under  whoso  broad  shield  of  bayo- 
nets he  feels  secure.. — Correspondence  of  the  Chica- 
go Tribune. 


A  MEW  PHASE   OP  ANTI-SLAVERY. 

Those  who  have  been  accustomed  to  read,  in  the 
Liberator  or  elsewhere,  the  writings  of  pro-slavery  peo- 
ple, have  for  many  years  seen  the  phrase  "  malignant 
philanthropy  "  applied  to  the  ideas  and  course  of  ac- 
tion of  the  Abolitionists.  This  absurd  phrase  was  in- 
vented as  an  effective  catch-word  with  which  to  stig- 
matize the  opposers  of  slavery;  and  it  was  readily 
adopted  by  the  various  classes  of  persons  disposed  so 
to  stigmatize  them  ;  that  is  to  say,  by  persons  who 
were  slaveholders  themselves,  or  who,  being  connect- 
ed religiously,  politically,  commercially  or  socially 
with  slaveholders,  wished  their  "  peculiar  institution  " 
to  remain  undisturbed. 

It  was  natural  that  men  unscrupulous  enough  to 
uphold  the  worst  form  of  despotic  tyranny  should  be 
unscrupulous  enough  to  uphold  it  by  falsehood  and  cal- 
umny. And,  the  sectarians,  politicians  and  mer- 
chants in  question  being  what  they  were,  it  was  by 
no  means  strange  that  they  should  resort  to  such 
means  of  operation.  Still,  it  remained  true  that  all 
those  who  ventured  to  disparage  philanthropy  did  so 
in  the  interest  of  slavery ;  they  all  assumed,  either 
that  slavery  was  a  good  thing  in  itself,  or  that  its 
overthrow  would  bring  more  evils  than  its  continu- 
ance. 

But  a  phenomenon  still  stranger  lias  now  made  its 
appearance  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  rebellion  and 
the  civil  war.  A  set  of  men  have  just  arisen,  active  and 
hearty  opposers  of  slavery,  and  seeking  its  immedi- 
ate overthrow  and  its  complete  eradication — and  show- 
ing, so  far,  the  same  purpose  as  the  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society — but  yet  choosing  to  declare,  at  the 
same  time,  their  contemptuous  disregard  of  those  con- 
siderations of  justice,  humanity  and  recognition  of 
the  rights  of  man  as  man,  which  have  been  the  prime 
motives  of  the  old  Abolitionists.  Mr.  Garrison  and 
his  associates — writing  and  speaking  a  great  deal, 
incidentally,  on  the  advantages  of  an  abolition  of  sla- 
very, on  the  increase  of  welfare  that  would  come  from 
it  to 'the  religion,  morality,  education,  literature,  com- 
merce, agriculture,  art,  science  and  social  life  of  all  the 
States,  and  of  all  classes  in  each  State — always  em- 
phasized right  and  duty  as  the  paramount  considera- 
tions in  the  case  ;  always  pressed  Jirst  the  claims  of 
justice  and  humanity  ;  always  said  that  the  slave  had 
a  right  to  freedom,  quoting  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence in  his  behalf;  and  always  said  that  the  white 
man  was  bound  in  duty  to  give  him  this  freedom,  and 
was  guilty  of  aggravated  sin  every  day  of  his  delay  to 
give  it,  quoting,  to  this  effect,  the  concurrent  testimo- 
ny of  the  Hebrew  and  Christian  Scriptures.  The 
new  comers  of  whom  I  have  been  speaking,  on  the 
contrary,  make  conspicuous  and  emphatic  disclaimer 
of  all  right,  justice  or  humanity,  in  the  conduct  of 
their  new  enterprise.  They  parade  their  utter  indif- 
ference to  the  welfare  of  the  negro,  free  or  slave. 
Any  regard  for,  or  mention  of,  his  rights  and  interests 
in '  the  solution  of  our  great  problem  belongs,  in  their 
view,  to  "  abolition  jargon."  They  distinctly  declare 
themselves  to  be  looking  out  for  Number  One  ;  to  he 
seeking  the  advantage  of  their  side,  the  white  man's 
party ;  and  their  own  deliberate  exposition  of  their 
motive  and  desire  fairly  parallels  the  selfish  man' 
prayer — "  God  bless  me  and  my  wife,  my  son  John 
and  his  wife,  us  four  and  no  more.    Amen  !  " 

Here  are  passages  to  this  effect  from  the  first  two 
numbers  of  anew  periodical,  The  Continental  Monthly, 
which  makes  energetic  appeal  for  an  immediate  turn- 
ing of  our  war  against  slavery,  and  for  a  thorough 
extirpation  of  it  from  the  loyal  as  well  as  the  disloyal 
States  :— 

"  About  the  time  that  Calhoun  was  spreading  the 
heresy  of  his  state-rights  doctrine  in  South  Carolina, 
and  taking  his  '  logical  ground'  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, a  class,  then  almost  universally  branded  as  fan; 
tics,  but  whose  proportions  have  since  very  largely 
swelled,  arose  at  the  North,  which  were  a  match  for 
the  South  Carolina  Senator  with  his  own  weapons. 
Each  laid  hold  of  an  extreme  point,  and  maintained  it. 
We  refer  to  the  Abolitionists  of  thirty  years  ago,  un- 
der Garrison,  Tappan  and  Co.  These  people  seized 
on  a  single  idea,  exclusive  of  any  other,  and  went 
nearly  mad  over  it.  Apparently  blind  to  the  evils 
around  them,  which  were  close  at  hand,  within  their 
own  doors,  swelling  perhaps  in  their  own  hearts,  they 
were  suddenly  '  brought  to  see '  the  '  vile  enormity '  of 
slavcbolding,  Their  argument  was  very  simple. 
'  Slavery  is  an  awful  sin  in  the  sight  of  God.  Slave- 
holders are  awful  sinners.  We  of  the  North  having 
made  a  covenant  with  such  sinners  are  equally  guilty 
of  the  sin  of  slavery  with  them.  Slavery  must  be  im- 
mediately abolished.  Fiat  justitia  ruat  ccdum.  Bet- 
ter that  the  Republic  fall  than  continue  in  the  un- 
holy league  one  day.'  These  men  were  ready  to  '  dis- 
solve the  Union,*  to  disintegrate  the  nation,  to  blast 
the  hopes  of  perhaps  millions  of  persons  over  the 
world,  who  were  watching  with  anxious  hearts  the 
experiment  of  our  government  trembling  lest  it  should 
fail."  ***** 

"  If  18G1  had  brought  nothing  else  to  pass,  it  would 
be  supremely  great  in  this,  that  amid  toil  and  trial, 
foes  within  and  without,  it  has  seen  the  American 
people  determine  that  slavery,  the  worm  which  gnaw- 
ed the  core  of  its  tree  of  life,  shall  be  plucked  out. 
Out  it  shall  go,  that  is  settled.  We  have  fought  the 
ibe  too  long  with  kid  gloves,  but  now  puss  will  lay 
aside  her  mittens  and  catcli  the  Southern  rats  in  ear- 
nest. It  is  the  negro  who  sustains  the  South  ;  the  ne- 
gro who  maintains  its  army,  feeds  it,  digs  its  trenches, 
squires  its  precious  chivalry,  and  is  thereby  forced 
most  unnaturally  to  rivet  his  own  chains.  There 
shall  be  an  end  to  this,  and  our  administration  is  yield- 
ing to  the  inevitable  necessity.  Here  again  the  great 
year  has  worked  a  wonder,  since  in  so  short  a  space 
it  has  made  such  an  advance  in  discovering  a  basis 
l>y  which  all  Union  men  may  conscientiously  unite  in 
freeing  the  black.  There  have  been  hitherto  two  steps 
.made  towards  the  solution.  The  first  was  that  of  the 
old  Abolition  movement,  which  saw  only  the  suffering 
of  the  slave  and  cried  aloud  for  his  freedom,  reckless 
of  all  results.  It  was  humane;  but  even  humanity 
is  not  always  worldly  wise,  and  it  did  unquestionably 
for  twenty  years  defeat  its  own  aim  in  the  Border 
States.  But  it  worked  most  unflinchingly.  Then  came 
Helckie,  who  saw  that  the  poor  white  man  of  the 
South  was  being  degraded  below  the  negro,  and  that 
industry  and  capital  were  fearfully  checked  by  slavery. 
In  his  well-known  work  be  pointed  out,  by  calm  and 
dispassionate  facts  and  figures,  that  the  land  south  of 
'  Mason  and  Dixon's'  was  being  sacrificed  most  waste- 
fully,  and  the  majority  of  its  white  inhabitants  kept 
in  incredible  ignorance,  meanness  and  poverty,  simply 
that  a  few  privileged  families  might  remain  '  first  and 
foremost.'  These  opinions  were  most  clearly  sus- 
tained, and  the  country  was  amazed.  People  began 
to  ask  if  it  was  quite  right,  after  all,  to  suffer  this  sla- 
very to  grow  and  grow,  when  it  was  manifestly  re- 
acting on  the  poor  white  man,  and  literally  sinking 
him  below  the  level  of  the  black.  This  was  the  second 
movement  ou  the  slave  question,  and  its  effect  was 
startling. 

But  there  was  yet  a  third  advance  required,  and 
it  came  with  the  past  year  and  the  war,  in  the  form  of 
the  now  so  rapidly  expanding  '  Emancipation ' 
movement.  Helper  bad  shown  that  slavery  had  de- 
graded the  poor  whites,  but  the  events  leading  to  the 
present  struggle  indicated  to  all  intelligent  humanity 
that  it  was  rapidly  demoralizing  and  ruining  in  the 
most  hideous  manner  the  minds  of  the  masters  of  the 
slaves — nay,  that  its  foul  influence  was  spreading  like 
a  poison  mist  over  the  entire  continent.  The  univer- 
sal shout  of  joyful  approbation  which  the  whole  South 
had  raised  years  ago  when  a  Northern  senator  was 
stricken  down  and  beaten  in  the  most  infamously  cow- 
ardly manner,  had  caused  the  very  horror  of  amaze- 
ment at  such  fearful  meanness,  among  all  true-heart- 
ed and  manly  men,  the  world  over.  But  when  there 
came  from  the  '  first  families'  grinnings  of  delight 
over  the  vilest  thievery  and  forgery  and  perjury  by 
Floyd  and  his  fellows, — when  the  whole  South,  after 
agreeing  in  carrying  on  an  election,  refused  to  abide 
by  its  results,— when  the  whole  Southern  press 
abounded  in  the  vilest  denunciations  of  labor  and  pov- 
erty, and  in  Satanic  contempt  of  everything  '  Yankee,' 
meaning  thereby  all  that  had  made  the  North  and 
Woet  prosperous  and  glorious, — and  when,  finally,  it 
was  found  that  this  loathsome  poison  was  working 
through  the  North  itself,  corrupting  the  young  with 
pseudo-aristocratic  pro-slavery  sympathies, — then  in- 
deed it  became  apparent  that  for  the  sake  of  all,  and 
for  that  of  men  in  row/i'irison  hi  whose  welfare  that  of 
the  negro  was  a  mere  trifle,  this  fearful  disease  must 
be  in  some  form  abated.  The  result  was  the  devel- 
opment of  Emancipation  on  the  broadest  possible 
grounds,-— of  Emancipation  for  the  sake  of  llu:  Union 
and  of  the  white  man, — to  bo  brought  about,  how- 
ever, by  the  will  of  the  people,  subject  to  such  rules 
as  discussion  and  expediency  might  determine.     This 


was  the  present  Emancipation  movement,  first  urged 
by  that  name  in  the  New  York  Knickerbocker  mag- 
azine, though  its  main  principles  were  practically 
manifesting  themselves  in  many  quarters— the  most 
prominent  being  the  well-known  proclamations  of 
Generals  Butler  and  Fremont. 

'Emancipation'  does  not,  as  has  been  urged,  pre- 
sent in  comparison  to  Abolition  a  distinction  without 
a  difference.  Helper  desired  the  freedom  of  the  slave 
for  the  sake  of  the  poor  white  man  in  the  South,  and 
for  Southern  development.  Emancipation  goes  fur- 
ther, and  claims  that  nowhere  on  the  American  conti- 
nent is  the  white  laborer  free  from  the  vile  compari- 
son and  influences  of  slavery,  and  that  it  should  be 
abolished  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  and  for  the  sake 
of  all  white  men." 

****** 
"  We  must  not  be  blind  to  a  great  opportunity  which 
may  be  lost,  of  forever  quelling  a  foul  nuisance  which 
would,  if  neglected  now,  live  forever.  Do  we  not  see, 
feel,  and  understand  what  sort  of  white  men  are  de- 
veloped by  slavery,  and  do  we  intend  to  keep  up  such 
a  race  among  us1?  Do  we  want  all  this  work  to  do  over 
again  every  ten  or  five  years,  or  all  the  time  1  For  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  slavery  and  nothing  else  has 
kept  us  in  a  growing  fever,  and  now  that  it  has  reached 
a  crisis,  the  question  is  whether  we  shall  calm  down 
the  patient  with  cool  rose-water.  In  the  crisis  comes 
a  physician  who  knows  the  constitution  of  his  patient, 
and  proposes  searching  remedies  and  a  thorough  cure, 
— and,  lo  !  the  old  nurse  cries  out  that  he  is  interfer- 
ing and  acting  unwisely,  though  he  is  quite  as  willing 
to  adopt  her  cooling  present  solace  as  she. 

If  we  had  walked  over  the  war-course  last  spring 
without  opposition, — if  we  had  conquered  the  South, 
would  we  have  put  an  end  to  this  trouble  ?  Does  any 
one  believe  that  we  would  ?  This  is  not  now  a  ques- 
tion of  the  right  to  bold  slaves,  or  the  wrong  of  so 
doing.  All  of  that  old  abolition  jargon  went  out  and 
died  with  the  present  aspect  of  the  war.  So  far  as 
nine-tenths  of  the  North  ever  cared,  or  do  now  care, 
slaves  might  have  hoed  away  down  in  Dixie,  until 
supplanted,  as  they  have  been  in  the  North,  by  the 
irrepressible  advance  of  manufactures  and  small  farms, 
or  by  free  labor.  'Keep  your  slaves  and  hold  your 
tongues,'  was,  and  would  be  now,  our  utterance.  But 
they  would  not  hold  their  tongues.  It  was  'rule  or 
ruin'  with  them.  And  if,  as  it  seems,  a  man  cannot 
hold  slaves  without  being  arrogant  and  unjust  to 
others,  we  must  take  his  slaves  away." 

****** 
"Now  let  every  friend  of  the  Union  boldly  assume 
that,  so  far  as  the  settlement  of  this  attest  ion  is  concerned,  he 
does  not  care  one  straw  for  the  Negro.  Leave  the 
Negro  out  altogether.  Let  him  sink  or  swim,  so  far 
this  difficulty  goes.  Men  have  tried  for  thirty 
years  to  appeal  to  humanity,  without  success,  for  the 
Negro,  and  now  let  us  try  some  other  expedient.  Let 
us  regard  him  not  as  a  man  and  a  brother,  but  as  *a 
miserable  nigger,'  if  you  please,  and  a  nuisance.  But 
whatever  he  be,  if  the  effect  of  owning  such  creatures 
is  to  make  the  owner  an  intolerable  fellow,  seditious 
and  insolent,  it  becomes  pretty  clear  that  such  owner- 
ship should  be  put  an  end  to.  If  Mr.  Smith  cannot 
have  a  horse  without  riding  over  bis  neighbor,  it  is 
quite  time  that  Smith  were  unhorsed,  no  matter  how 
honestly  he  may  have  acquired  the  animal.  And  if 
the  Smiths,  father  and  sons,  threaten  to  keep  their 
horse  in  spite  of  law, — nay,  and  breed  up  a  race  of 
horses  from  him,  whereon  to  rough-ride  everybody 
who  goes  afoot, — then  it  becomes  still  more  imperative 
that  the  Smith  family  cease  cavaliering  it  altogether." 
****** 
"Is  there  any  reason,  even  the  slightest,  to  suppose 
that  by  military  and  naval  means  alone  the  rebellion 
can  be  crushed  by  the  19th  of  April  next? 

Yet  every  day's  delay  gives  the  Confederate  States 
additional  strength,  and  renders  them  in  the  estima- 
tion of  mankind  more  and  more  worthy  of  recognition 
and  independent  government  Their  recognition  will 
be  followed  by  treaties  of  friendship  and  alliance  ;  and 
those  treaties  will  give  strength  to  the  rebels  and  in- 
crease the  embarrassments  of  our  own  Government. 
It  is  the  necessity  of  our  national  life  that  the  settle- 
ment of  this  question  should  not  be  much  longer  post- 
poned. 

By  some  means  we  must  satisfy  the  world,  and  that 
speedily,  that  the  rebellion  is  a  failure.  Nor  can  we 
much  longer  tender  declarations  of  what  we  intend  to 
do,  or  offer  promises  as  to  what  we  will  do,  in  the  face 
of  the  great  fact  that  for  eight  months  the  capital  of 
the  Republic  has  been  in  a  state  of  siege.  If,  in  these 
circumstances  of  necessity  and  peril  to  us,  the  armies 
of  the  rebels  be' not  speedily  dispersed,  and  the  lead- 
ers of  the  rebellion  rendered  desperate,  will  the  Gov- 
ernment allow  the  earth  to  again  receive  seed  from 
the  hand  of  the  slave,  under  the  dictation  of  the  mas- 
ter, and  for  the  support  of  the  enemies  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  Union  ?  If  there  were  any  probability 
that  the  States  would  return  to  their  allegiance,  then 
indeed  we  might  choose  to  add  to  our  own  burthens 
rather  than  interfere  with  their  internal  affairs.  But 
there  is  no  hope  whatever  that  the  seceded  States  will 
returnyoluntarily  to  the  Union." 

The  limitation  here  disclosed  is  also  shown  in  the 
"Literary  Notices  "of  the  Continental  Monthly.  Speak- 
ing of  The  Rejected  Stone,  the  Editor  represents 
its  advocacy  of  emancipation  to  be — "  not  on  the  nar- 
row ground  of  abolition,  but  on  the  necessity  of 
promptly  destroying  an  evil  which  threatens  to  vitiate 
the  white  race."  And,  speaking  of  the  Tragedy  op 
Erkors,  he  says — "  We  cannot  agree  with  its  very 
talented  author  in  finding  so  much  that  is  touching 
and  beautiful  in  the  negro,  believing  that  the  motto 
which  prefaces  this  work  is  simply  a  sentimental  mis- 
take." Now  this  motto,  "Aux  plus  de'she'rile's  le  plus 
d'amour,"  is  only  a  different  form  of  Christ's  injunc- 
tion to  seek  and  save  the  lost;  only  a  different  form  of 
that  truth  upon  which  Theodore  Parker  so  strongly 
insisted,  that  the  strong  were  made  strong  expressly 
that  they  might  serve  and  help  the  weak. 

In  another  article,  entitled  "What  to  do  with  the 
Darkies,"  the. writer,  after  stating  that  the  over- 
whelming difficulty  of  our  position  is  the  proper  dis- 
posal of  the  Negro,  "the  black  dregs"  at  the  bottom 
of  our  cup,  combines  his  contempt  for  the  slave  with 
the  following  ingenious  plan  of  executing  poetical 
justice  against  the  rebel  slaveholder: — 

"President  Lincoln  is  understood  to  favor  emigra- 
tion. This  looks  well.  Carry  the  blacks  away  to 
Liberia.  Unfortunately  I  am  informed  that  eight  and 
a  half  Great  Easterns,  each  making  one  trip  per  month, 
could  only  export  the  annual  increase  of  our  Southern 
slaves.  This  speaks  in  thunder  tones,  even  to  the 
welkin,  and  provokes  a  scream  from  the  eagle.  It  is 
impossible. 

But  what  shall  we  do  with  our  blacks,  since  it  is 
really  impossible,  then,  to  export  the  dark,  industrial, 
productive,  proletarian,  operative,  laboring  element 
from  our  midst? 

I  suggest  as  a  remedy  that  they  continue  in  our 
midst,  with  this  amendment,  that  they  be  concentrated 
in  that  same  'midst,'  and  the  'midst'  be  removed  a 
little  to  one  side.  In  other  words,  let  us  centre  them 
ail  in  one  State,  that  State  to  be  South  Carolina. 

The  justice  of  this  arrangement  must  be  apparent 
to  every  one.  It  is  evident  that  if  the  present  occu- 
pation by  our  troops  continue  much  longer,  there  will 
be  no  white  men  left  in  South  Carolina,  neither  is  it 
likely  that  they  will  ever  return.  Terror  and  pride 
combined  must  ever  keep  the  native  whites  from  re- 
populating  that  region.  And,  as  South  Carolina  was 
especially  the  State  which  brought  about  this  war,  fur 
the  express  purpose  of  making  the  black  man  the 
basis  of  its  society,  there  would  be  a  wonderful  and 
fearful  propriety  in  carrying  out  that  theory,  or  'soci- 
ology,' even  to  perfection  ;  making  the  negro  not  only 
the  basis  of  society,  but  all  society  there  whatever, — 
top,  bottom,  and  sides." 

The  above  extracts  have  purposely  been  made  large 
enough  to  show,  with  the  fault  in  question,  something 
of  the  energy,  directness  and  thoroughness  of  the  as- 
sault made  by  this  publication  upon  slavery.  Help 
towards  the  extermination  of  this  worst  evil  and  sin 
of  our  country  is  to  be  welcomed,  no  doubt,  from 
every  quarter.  But  if  the  Divine  declaration  that 
"Righteousness  exalteth  a  nation"  be  not  "  simply  a 
sentimental  mistake,"  it  is  unspeakably  saddening  to 
see  such  brave  and  strong  men,  men  so  intelligent 
and  sagacious  in  worldly  wisdom  as  the  writers  in  the 
Continental  Monthly,  deliberately  repudiating  a  higher 
motive  and  adopting  a  lower  one. 

No  doubt  they  will  gain  more  partisans,  at  present, 
by  this  course  of  policy.  For  the  depravation  wrought 
by  our  long  toleration  and  support  of  slavery  has  so 
thoroughly  pervaded  Church  and  State,  that  few  men 
of  either  class  will  hesitate  at  injustice,  when  it 
promises  success.  Moreover,  so  thoroughly  have  the 
teachers  of  both  classes  betrayed  and  perverted  their 
office,  that  the  pious  people  will  ride  rough-Bhod  over 
Christianity  in  a  case  like  this,  just  as  the  political 
people  will  over  true  Democracy.  Our  nation  has  so 
long  been  feeding  upon  fiery  stimulants  that  whole- 
some food  and  drink  have  become  nauseous  to  it. 
Notwithstanding  this,  however,  truth  is  great,  and 
will  prevail.  The  universe  will  assuredly  go  on  ac- 
cording to  God's  laws,  and  his  laws  never  were  and 
never  will  be  broken.  His  invariable  rule  is  that  in. 
justice  shall  not  prosper ;  and  those  who  try  the  experi- 
ment will  find  that  oppressively  expelling  and  ostra- 
cising the  negro  will  have  an  inevitable  result  of  loss 
and  harm  to  themselves,  just  as  much  as  oppressively 
keeping  him  in  chains.     Why  not  have  done  with 


oppression  ?  Why  not  choose  justice,  and  adhere  to 
ts  dictates  1  Why  not  place  ourselves  on  God's  side, 
in  the  act  of  laying  a  new  corner-stone  for  our  na- 
tional prosperity  ? — c.  k.  w. 


OONEIKMATIOIT. 

The  suggestions  above  presented,  as  to  the  existence 
of  a  very  extensive  hostility  of  feeling  against  the  ne- 
gro among  the  people  of  the  free  States,  receive  sad 
confirmation  from  the  following  article,  from  the  Jour- 
nal of  Commerce  of  Tuesday  last.  True  to  its  pro- 
slavery  antecedents,  that  paper  parades  "with  alac- 
rity "  the  evidence  of  a  disposition,  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  North-Western  States,  to  expel,  or  other- 
wise oppress,  the  unhappy  blacks  who  are  now  seek- 
ing refuge  among  them.  If  the  Journal  of  Commerce 
cared  for  the  negroes,  it  would  represent  to  these  sel- 
fish North-Western  people  the  undoubted  fact,  that  a 
complete  abolition  of  slavery  by  law  would  draw  that 
race  at  once,  by  strong  attraction,  to  the  South,  and 
away  from  them  ;  and  it  would  urge  them,  for  this  as 
well  as  for  better  reasons,  to  throw  their  efforts  in  aid 
of  such  abolition.  But,  sharing  fully  with  North  and 
South  in  the  hatred  of  those  whom  it  has  injured,  it 
uses  these  sad  acts  of  oppression  to  recommend  its 
favorite  scheme  of  compulsory  Colonization  for  the 
negro. — c.  k.  w. 

Rick  of  the  Negko.  Some  of  the  North-Western 
States  are  "  making  up  faces  "  because  a  considerable 
number  of  miserable  negroes  have  taken  up  their 
abode  in  that  part  of  the  country.  The  latter  were  so 
simple  and  credulous  as  to  believe  that  all  the  zeal  for 
Sambo  so  loudly  professed  was  in  good  earnest,  and 
that  the  colored  people  would  be  welcomed  to  the  em- 
brace of  their  white  brethren.  But,  alas,  for  human 
expectations.  Instead  of  finding  a  plenty  of  hoe-cake 
and  corn-dodges,  and  nothing  to  do,  these  unfortunate 
refugees  get  nothing  but  cold  shoulder.  Some  of  the 
indices  to  public  opinion,  in  the  North-West,  are  worth 
observing. 

The  following  petition  is  being  circulated  in  Ohio 
for  signatures.  In  Jefferson  Township,  Franklin  coun- 
ty, the  county  in  which  Columbus  is  situated,  the  peti- 
tion received  the  signatures  of  two  hundred  and  forty- 
one  out  of  two  hundred  and  fifty-four  voters  : — 
To  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Ohio  : 
_  We,  the  undersigned,  voters  of  Franklin  county,  Ohio,  in 
view  of  the  intimation  made  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  his  message,  that  by  an  act  of  Congress,  and  by 
laws  of  some  of  the  States,  to  be  hereafter  enacted,  many  of 
the  negroes,  held  as  slaves,  may  be  set  at  liberty,  and  fear- 
ing that  they  may  wander  into  Ohio,  to  the  great,  damage 
of  the  white  inhabitants  of  our  State,  and  especially  to 
those  who  have  to  depend  upon  their  labor  to  support  them- 
selves and  families  ; 

We,  therefore,  respectfully  ask  your  honorable  body  to 
enact  a  law  so  stringent  in  its  provisions  as  totally  to  pro- 
hibit any  negroes  from  emigrating  into,  settling,  or  holding 
property  in  Ohio. 

And,  if  not  iu  conflict  with  the  Constitution,  that  yon 
also  cause  those  now  in  Ohio  to  be  removed  in  as  reasona- 
ble a  time  as  your  judgment  may  suggest,  and  that  you 
make  it  the  duty  of  the  trustees  of  the  several  townships 
to  see  that  said  law  be  faithfully  enforced. 

Coming  from  Ohio,  this  movement  is  very  ungra- 
cious, for,  excepting  Massachusetts,  that  State  has 
manifested  more  solicitude  for  the  negro  than  any 
other,  and  should  at  least  take  her  full  share  of  all  the 
negroes  that  may  be  emancipated. 

Illinois,  too,  is  manifesting  a  dislike  of  the  black  ele- 
ment entering  so  largely  into  her  population.  In  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  the  State,  now  in  session, 
a  proposition  was  introduced,  but  voted  down  by  21 
ayesto  46  nays,  to  expel  all  the  negroes  now  within 
the  limits  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  as  another  phase 
of  the  same  movement,  we  notice  that  a  resolution  was 
introduced  to  this  body,  explicitly  denouncing  the 
Abolitionists,  and  placing  them  in  the  same  category 
■with  Secessionists,  as  follows: — 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Federal  Relations  be 
instructed  to  inquire  and  report  who,  what  class,  faction  or 
party  is  responsible  for  the  present  rebellion  against  the 
Federal  Government  ;  and  whether  the  odious  and  treason- 
able doctrine  of  secession  has  not  received  its  vitality  and 
nourishment  from  the  Abolition  leaders  of  the  North  ;  and 
whether,  in  short,  the  Abolitionists  of  the  North  and  the 
rebels  of  the  South  are  not  equally  and  alike  traitors. 

This  was  laid  on  the  table  by  a  comparatively  small 
majority,  the  vote  on  the  question  standing  29  to  26. 

Then  comes  Iowa  in  the  list  of  disaffected  States. 
Early  in  the  session  of  the  present  Legislature,  a  reso- 
lution was  offered  that  at  least  one-half  of  the  time  be 
given  to  legislating  for  white  men,  and  it  was  probably 
in  pursuance  of  this  idea  that  a  bill  was  introduced  a 
few  days  ago,  of  which  the  following  is  an  abstract  :— 

That  no  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be  allowed  to  settle  in 
this  State  without  bringing  a  satisfactory  certificate  of  his 
freedom,  and  filing  with  the  Board  of  Supervisors  a  bond 
of  S500  for  good  behavior  ;  and  that  any  negro  or  mulatto 
failing  to  comply  with  such  regulation  shall  be  hired  out 
to  the  highest  bidder  for  the  benefit  of  the  county  ;  that 
any  citizen  harboring  such  person  shall  be  subject  to  a 
heavy  fine  ;  and  that  slaveholders  shall  have  the  right  of 
transit  across  the  State  for  their  slaves. 

Quite  a  sharp  debate  sprang  up,  lasting  throughout 
the  day,  but  action  on  the  bill  was  indefinitely  post- 
poned, by  74  to  15. 

It  may  be  premature  at  the  present  time  to  discuss 
the  subject  of  providing  homes  for  negroes,  but  should 
the  war  degenerate  into  an  abolition  crusade,  and  any 
thing  be  Iett  to  legislate  upon,  to  do  something  in  re 
gard  to  this  matter  will  become  imperative. 

Meanwhile,  it  is  better  that  Congress  and  inferior 
branches  of  government  should  direct  attention  to  the 
more  immediate  wants  of  the  country. 


The  correspondent  of  the  Witness  earnestly  hopes 
that  the  latter  of  these  bodies  is  not  the  one  thus  com- 
mended by  Dr.  Candlish  to  the  support  and  sympa- 
thy of  the  Free  Church;  and  very  judiciously  sug- 
gests that  the  congregations  to  whom  this  appeal 
ics  make  full  inquiry,  and  satisfy  themselves  thor- 
oughly upon  this  point,  before  making  any  contribu- 
tions. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  friend  (or  some  other) 
will  report,  both  in  Scotland  and  here,  what  was  the 
result  of  the  collections  thus  ordered;  what  sum  was 
obtained,  and  to  which  Society  it  wae  sent.  Or  if  to 
both,  how  much  the  leaders  of  the  Free  Church  as- 
signed to  the  anti-slavery,  and  how  much  to  the  pro- 
slavery  body  ? — c.  k.  w. 


"COLORED    EEFTJGEES." 

"  We  prefer  this  designation  of  the  people  who  are 
fleeing  to  our  camps  and  tleets,  to  that  of  '  Contra- 
bands,' 'Freedmen,'  or  '  Vagrants,'  because  the  first 
implies  property  in  man,  the  second  describes  the 
ex-slaves  as  actually  free,  when  their  condition  is 
otherwise,  and  the  third  indicates  a  degradation  and 
status  which  the  Refugees  do  not  deserve." 

So  says  the  "American  Missionary,"  the  organ  of 
that  "American  Missionary  Association,"  which,  hav- 
ing always  protested  agrinst  slavcholding,  and  the 
unprincipled  course  of  the  "American  Board"  in  re- 
gard to  it,  have  now  sent  their  missionaries  to  For- 
tress Monroe  and  Port  Royal,  to  improve  the  first  op- 
portunity of  helping  the  class  above  spoken  of. 

The  word  "Contrabands,"  (whatever  temporary  use 
it  may  have  had  when  applied,  as  a  lawyer's  quibble, 
to  prevent  the  cruelty  of  driving  men  back  into  s  lave- 
ry.)  is  not  a  proper  term  to  be  applied  to  human  be- 
ings. In  fact,  no  one  word  expresses  their  condition. 
They  are  not  exactly  slaves,  and,  to  the  disgrace  of 
our  Government,  they  are  not  exactly  freedmen. 
Let  them  be  called  Colored  Refugees,  until  we  can 
obtain  for  them  a  recognized  freedom  and  citizenship. 


THE  AMERICAN  BOARD  OF  COMMISSION- 
ERS FOR  FOREIGN  MISSIONS. 

Since  this  body  has  lost  its  Southern  Corporate  and 
Honorary  Members,  and  its  Southern  subscribers,  by 
the  Secession  movement,  it  naturally  seeks  to  obtain 
from  other  quarters  those  funds  which  its  slavehold- 
ing  friends  no  longer  supply.  Its  appeals  to  this  effect 
have  been  for  a  long  time  before  the  public,  and  one 
answer  to  them  has  come  from  Scotland. 

The  Commission  of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland, 
in  a  document  signed  by  the  distinguished  Dr.  Cand- 
lish, urges  that  aid  be  given  to  American  Missions, 
not  only  for  the  worthiness  of  their  special  object,  but 
as  a  pacificatory  measure  ;  a  method  of  showing  that 
Scottish  Christians  have  no  bitterness  of  feeling 
towards  this  country.  And  a  collection  in  the  Free 
Churches  was  accordingly  made  on  Sunday,  January 
26th,  on  behalf  of  the  American  Missions. 

Just  before  this  time,  an  intelligent  correspondent  of 
The  (Edinburgh)  Witness  made  an  inquiry  and  a  sug- 
gestion in  that  paper,  of  which  the  following  is  an 
extract : — 

"  The  appeal  suggests,  that  to  aid  the  two  great  bod- 
ies that  represent  the  missionary  spirit  in  America,  is 
a  convenient  opportunity  for  casting  oil  on  the  lately 
troubled  waters.  Now,  the  question  I  wish  to  ask  is, 
For  which  of  the  missionary  institutions  of  America 
is  aid  solicited?  There  are  certainly  two  societies  in 
America  which  promote  foreign  missions,  but  their 
character  differs  essentially.  One  of  them  is  called 
the  American  Missionary  Association,  the  missionaries 
of  which  have  traversed  tlTe  world  to  spread  the  Gos- 
pel message ;  but,  while  they  have  done  so,  they  have 
not  neglected  the  heathen  on  their  own  continent. 
They  have  sought  to  point  the  poor  negro  in  the  South- 
ern States  to  the  truth  which  maketh  free,  and  to  that 
Saviour  by  whom  they  have  redemption,  and  salva- 
tion, and  everlasting  life.  These  missionaries  have 
been  persecuted,  and  imprisoned,  and  hunted  from 
place  to  place,  and  in  more  than  one  instance  their 
lives  have  been  sacrificed;  but  they  have  never  hesi- 
tated to  go  where  they  thought  there  was  a  cull  from 
souls  perishing  for  lack  of  knowledge. 

This  Association  never  received  contributions  from 
slaveholders,  feeling  a  conscientious  objection  to  put- 
ting into  their  treasury  the  price  of  blood,  but  yet  the 
slaves  were  their  especial  care;  and  now  (hey  have 
established  a  mission  at  Fortress  Munroe,  among  the 
thousands  of  "contrabands"  that  have  fled  to  the 
Northern  camp.  There  the  missionaries  supply  tem- 
poral aid,  education,  and  spiritual  comfort  and  instruc- 
tion ;  they  also  administer  the  rite  of  marriage  to 
those  to  whom  slavery  had  previously  denied  it. 

Surely  such  an  institution  as  this  well  deserves  the 
support  of  Scottish  friends  of  missions,  if,  in  the  gen- 
erosity of  their  hearts,  they  can  afford  to  give  any 
thing  beyond  what  is  required  to  support  their  own 
peculiar  work  in  this  department. 

The  other  missionary  institution  of  America, — the 
American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions, 
—is  of  much  greater  magnitude.  Its  ramifications' 
extend  to  the  heathen  throughout  the  world  ;  but,  nhus ! 
it  has  totally  neglected  four  millions  of  souls  at  its  own 
doors. 

No  word  of  love  and  sympathy  has  it  given  to  the 
poor  oppressed  slaves.  No  gospel  message  had  it  for 
them.  It  ghidly  received  into  its  treasury  thousands 
ill'  p. muds  from  their  oppressors,  who  were  from  time 
to  time  appointed  as  managers  and  presidents,  and  for 
whose  guilt  it  had  of  course  no  condemnation  Iu  oiler. 
It  sent  missionaries  among  the  Indian  nations  where 
slaves  were  held,  and,  in  consistency,  uttered  no  word 
against  slavery  there.  Converts  holding  slaves  were 
received  into  the  Church  ;  and  it  is  within  a  year  or 
two  that  a  slave  was  burned  alive  by  one  of  these  con- 
verted Indians." 


SPEECH  OF  JOHN  S.  ROOK,  ESQ., 

At  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Sla- 
very Society,   Thursday  Evening,  Jan.  23. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — I  am  here  not  so  much 
to  make  a  speech  as  to  add  a  little  more  color  to  this 
occasion.     (Laughter.) 

I  do  not  know  that  it  is  right  that  I  should  speak, 
at  this  time,  for  it  is  said  that  we  have  talked  too  much 
already  ;  and  it  is  being  continually  thundered  in  our 
ears  that  the  time  for  speech-making  has  ended,  and 
the  time  for  action  has  arrived.  Perhaps  this  is  so. 
This  may  be  the  theory  of  the  people,  but  we  all 
know  that  the  active  idea  has  found  but  little  sympa- 
thy with  either  of  our  great  military  commanders,  or 
the  National  Executive  ;  for  they  have  told  us,  again 
and  again,  that  "patience  is  a  cure  for  all  sores,"  and 
that  we  must  wait  for  the  "  good  time  "  which,  to  us, 
has  been  long  a-eoming.     (Applause.) 

It  is  not  my  desire,  neither  is  it  the  time  for  me  to 
criticise  the  Government,  even  if  I  had  the  disposition 
so  to  do.  The  situation  of  the  black  man  in  this  coun- 
try is  far  from  being  an  enviable  one.  To-day,  our 
heads  are  in  the  lion's  mouth,  and  we  must  get  them  out 
the  best  way  we  can.  To  contend  against  the  Gov- 
ernment is  as  difficult  as  it  is  to  sit  in  Rome  and  fight 
with  the  Pope.  (Laughter.)  It  is  probable,  that,  if 
had  the  malice  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  we  would  watch 
our  chances  and  seize  the  first  opportunity  to  take 
revenge.  If  we  attempted  this,  the  odds  would  be 
against  us,  and  the  first  thing  we  should  know  would 
be — nothing!  (Laughter.)  The  most  of  us  are  capi 
ble  of  perceiving  that  the  man  who  spits  against  the 
wind,  spits  in  his  own  face  !     (Laughter.) 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  lias  been  more  conservative  than 
I  had  hoped  to  find  him,  I  recognize  in  him  an  honest 
man,  striving  to  redeem  the  country  from  the  degra- 
dation and  shame  into  which  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his 
predecessors  have  plunged  it.     (Applause.) 

This  nation  is  mad.  In  its  devoted  attachment  to 
the  negro,  it  has  run  crazy  after  him,  (laughter,)  and 
now,  having  caught  him,  hangs  on  with  a  deadly- 
grasp,  and  says  to  him,  with  more  earnestness  and 
pathos  than  Ruth  expressed  to  Naomi,  "  Where  thou 
goest,  I  will  go;  where  thou  lodgest,  I  will  lodge; 
thy  people  shall  be  my  people,  and  thy  God  my 
God."     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Why  this  wonderful  attachment  ?  My  brother 
(Mr.  Remond)  spoke  ably  and  eloquently  to  you  this 
afternoon,  and  told  you  of  the  cruel  and  inhuman 
prejudices  of  the  white  people  of  this  country.  He 
was  right.  But  has  he  not  failed  to  look  on  the  other 
side  of  this  question?  Has  he  not  observed  the  deep 
and  abiding  affection  that  they  have  for  the  negro, 
which  "neither  height,  nor  depth,  nor  principalities, 
nor  powers,  nor  things  present  nor  to  come,  can  sep- 
arate from  this  love,"  which  reaches  to  their  very 
souls  ?     (Renewed  laughter  and  applause.) 

I  do  not  deny  that  there  is  a  deep  and  cruel  preju- 
dice lurking  in  the  bosoms  of  the  white  people  of  this 
country.  It  is  much  more  abundant  in  the  North  than 
in  the  South.  Here,  it  is  to  be  found  chiefly  among 
the  higher  and  lower  classes  ;  and  there  is  no  scarcity 
of  it  among  the  poor  whites  at  the  South.  The  cause 
of  this  prejudice  may  be  seen  at  a  glance.  The  edu- 
cated and  wealthy  class  despise  the  negro,  because 
they  have  robbed  him  of  his  bard  earnings,  or,  at  least, 
have  got  rich  off  the  fruits  of  his  labor ;  and  they  believe 
if  he  gets  his  freedom,  their  fountain  will  be  dried  up, 
and  they  will  be  obliged  to  seek  business  in  a  new 
channel.  Their  "occupation  will  be  gone."  The 
lowest  class  bate  him  because  he  is  poor,  as  they  are, 
and  is  a  competitor  with  them  for  the  same  labor.  The 
poor  ignorant  white  man,  who  does  not  understand  that 
the  interest  of  the  laboring  classes  is  mutual,  argues 
in  this  wise  :  "  Here  is  so  much  labor  to  be  performed, 
—that  darkey  does  it.  If  he  was  gone,  I  should  have 
his  place."  The  rich  and  the  poor  are  both  prejudiced 
from  interest,  and  not  because  they  entertain  vague 
notions  of  justice  and  humanity.  While  uttering 
solemn  protest  against  this  American  vice,  which  has 
done  more  than  any  olber  thing  to  degrade  the  Am. 
can  people  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world,  I 
happy  to  state  that  there  are  many  who  have  never 
known  this  sin,  and  many  others  who  have  been  con. 
verted  to  the  truth  by  the  "foolishness  of  anti-slavery 
preaching,"  and  are  deeply  interested  in  the  welfare 
of  the  race,  and  never  hesitate  to  use  their  means  and 
their  influence  to  help  break  off  the  yoke  that  has 
been  so  long  crushing  us.  I  thank  them  all,  and  hope 
the  number  may  be  multiplied,  until  we  shall  have  a 
people  who  will  know  no  man  save  by  his  virtues  and 
his  merits.     (Loud  applause.) 

Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  blind  man  can  see  that 
the  present  war  is  an  effort  to  nationalize,  perpetuate, 
and  extend  slavery  in  this  country.  In  short,  slavery 
is  the  cause  of  the  war:  I  might  say,  is  the  war  itself. 
Had  it  not  been  for  slavery,  we  should  have  had  no 
war!  Through  two  hundred  and  forty  years  of  inde- 
scribable tortures,  shivery  has  wrung  out  of  the  blood, 
bones  and  muscles  of  the  negro  hundreds  of  millions 
of  dollars,  and  helped  much  to  make  this  nation  rich. 
At  the  same  time.it  lias  developed  a  volcano  which 
has  burst  forth,  and,  in  a  less  number  of  days  than 
years,  has  dissipated  this  wealth  and  rendered  the 
Government  bankrupt!  And,  strange  as  it  may  ap- 
pear, you  still  cling  to  this  monstrous  iniquity,  not- 
withstanding it  is  daily  sinking  the  country  lower 
and  lower!  (Hear,  hear,)  Some  of  our  ablest  and 
best  men  have  been  sacrificed  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
this  American  god.  (Hear,  hear.)  There  was  l're- 
mont— God  bless  him  (loud  applause)— who,  under 
pretense  of  frauds  in  bis  contracts,  to  the  amount  of 
several  thousand  dollars,  was  set  aside  for  a  Hunker 
kidnapper.  If  Fremont  made  a  mistake  of  a  few 
thousand  dollars,— which  no  oik'  claims  was'  inten- 
tional, on  his  part,— wlmt  do  you  think  of  the  terrible 
delay  which  has  cost,  and  is  costing,  us  two  millions 
a  day  ?  Who  is  responsible  for  this  great  sacrifice 
of  treasure?  (Hear,  hear,)  Then,  there  was  Mr. 
Cameron,  the  hem  of  whose  garment  was  not  soiled 
with  Anti-Slavery,  except  what  he  got  from  his  otli 
eial  position,  as  it  was  forced  Upon  his  convictions. 
But,  standing  where  lie  did,  he  saw  the  real  enemy  of 
the  country  ;  and  because  he  favored  striking  at  its  | 


vitals,  his  head  was  cut  off,  and  that  of  a  Bunker's 
substituted!  There  is  a  storm  in  that  cloud  which, 
to-day,  though  no  larger  than  a  man's  band,  is  des- 
tined to  sweep  over  this  country  and  wake  up  this 
guilty  nation.  Then  wc  Bhall  know  where  the  fault 
is,  and  if  these  dry  hones  can  live  !  (Loud  applause.) 
The  Government  wishes  to  bring  back  the  country 
to  what  it  was  before.  This  is  possible  ;  but  what  is  to 
be  gained  by  it?  If  we  are  fools  enough  to  retain  the 
cancer  that  is  eating  out  our  vitals,  when  we  can  safely 
extirpate  it,  who  will  pity  us  if  wc  see  our  mistake 
when  we  are  past  recovery'?  (Hear,  hear.)  The 
Abolitionists  saw  this  day  of  tribulation  and  reign  of 
terror  long  ago,  and  warned  you  of  it;  but  you  would  not 
hear!  You  now  say  that  it  is  therr  agitation,  which 
has  brought  about  this  terrible  civil  war  !  That  is  to 
say,  your  friend  sees  a  slow  match  set  near  a  keg 
of  gunpowder  in  your  house,  and  timely  warns  you  of 
the  danger  which  he  sees  is  inevitable ;  you  despise 
his  warning,  and,  after  the  explosion,  say,  if  he  had 
not  told  you  of  it,  it  would  not  have  happened  !  (Loud 
applause.) 

Now,  when  some  leading  men  who  hold  with  the 
policy  of  the  President,  and  yet  pretend  to  be  liberal, 
argue,  that  while  they  are  willing  to  admit  that  the 
slave  has  an  undoubted  right  to  his  liberty,  the  mas- 
ter has  an  equal  right  to  his  property;  that  to  liberate 
the  slave  would  be  to  injure  the  master,  and  a  greater 
good  would  be  accomplished  to  the  country  in  these 
times,  by  the  loyal  master's  retaining  his  property, 
than  by  giving  to  the  slave  his  liberty, — I  do  not 
understand  it  so.  Slavery  is  treason  against  God, 
man  and  the  nation.  The  master  has  no  right  to  be 
a  partner  in  a  conspiracy  which  has  shaken  the  very 
foundation  of  the  Government.  Even  to  apologize 
for  it,  while  in  open  rebellion,  is  to  aid  and  abet  in 
treason.  The  master's  right  to  his  property  in  human 
flesh  cannot  be  equal  to  (he  slave's  right  to  his  liberty. 
The  former  right  is  acquired,  either  by  kidnapping,  or 
unlawful  purchase  from  kidnappers,  or  inheritance 
from  kidnappers.  The  very  claim  invalidates  itself. 
On  the  other  hand,  liberty  is  the  inalienable  right  of 
every  human  being;  and  liberty  can  make  no  com- 
promise with  slavery.  The  goodness  of  slavery  to 
the  master  can  bear  no  relative  comparison  to  the 
goodness  of  liberty  to  the  slave.  Liberty  and  slavery 
are  contraries,  and  separated  from  each  other  as  good 
from  evil,  light  from  darkness,  heaven  from  hell. 
(Applause.)  We  trace  effects  to  their  cause.  The 
evils  brought  upon  the  slave  and  the  free  colored 
man  are  traced  to  slavery.  If  slavery  is  better  than 
freedom,  its  effects  must  also  be  better ;  for  the  better 
effect  is  from  the  better  eause,  and  the  better  result 
from  the  better  principle;  and  conversely,  of  better 
effects  and  results,  the  causes  and  principles  are  better. 
The  greater  good  is  that  which  we  would  most  desire 
to  be  thc^cause  to  ourselves  and  our  friends,  and  the 
greater  evil  is  that  which  would  give  us  the  deeper 
affliction  to  have  involved  upon  them  or  ourselves. 
Now,  there  is  no  sane  man  who  would  not  rather  have 
bis  liberty,  and  be  stripped  of  every  other  earthly 
comfort,  and  see  bis- friends- in  a  like  situation,  thai* 
be  doomed  to  slavery  with  its  indescribable  category 
of  cruelty  and  wrongs — 

"Sometimes  loaded  with  heavy  chains, 
And  flogged  till  the  keen  lash  stains," 

It  may  be  an  easy  matter  to  apologize  for  Blavery  -T 
but  after  applying  tlie  great  test, — the  Golden  Rule, — 
of  "doing  unto  others  as  we  would  have  them  do> 
nnto  us,"  we  rmist  admit  that  no  apology  can  be  made 
for  slavery.  And  of  all  the  miserable  miscreants  who- 
have  attempted  to  apologize  for,  and  extol,  the  happy 
condition  of  the  slave,  I  have  never  seen  one  of  them 
willing  to  take  the  place  of  one  of  these  so-called 
"happy  creatures."     (Loud  applause.) 

To-day,  when  it  is  a  military  necessity,  and  when 
the  safety  of  the  country  is  dependent  upon  emanci- 
pation, our  humane  political  philosophers  are  puzzled 
to  know  what  would  become  of  the  slaves  h'  they  were 
emancipated!  The  idea  seems  to  prevail  that  the 
poor  things  would  suffer,  if  robbed  of  the  glorious 
privileges  that  they  now  enjoy  I  If  they  could  not  be 
flogged,  half  starved,  and  work  to  support  in  ease  and 
luxury  those  who  have  never  waived  an  opportunity 
to  outrage  and  wrong  them,  they  would  pine  away 
and  die !  Do  yon  imagine  that  the  negro  can  live- 
outside  of  slavery  7  Of  course,  now,  they  can  take  care 
of  themselves  and  their  masters  too ;  but  if  you  give 
them  their  liberty,  must  they  not  suffer?  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  Have  you  never  been  able  to  see 
through  all  this  ?  Have  you  not  observed  that  the 
location  of  this  organ  of  sympathy  is  in  the  pocket  of 
the  slaveholder  and  the  man  who  shares  in  the  profits 
of  slave  labor?  Of  course  you  have  ;  and  pity  those 
men  who  have  lived  upon  their  jlt-gotten  wealth. 
You  know,  if  they  do  not  have  somebody  to  work  for 
them,  they  must  leave  their  gilded  salons,  and  take  off 
their  coats  and  roll  up  their  sleeves,  and  take  their 
chances  among  the  lice  men  of  the  world.  This,  you 
are  aware,  these  respectable  gentlemen  will  not  do, 
for  they  have  been  so  long  accustomed  to  live  by  rob- 
bing and  cheating  the  negro,  that  they  are  sworn 
never  to  work  while  they  can  live  by  plunder.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Can  the  slaves  take  care  of  themselves  ?  What  do 
you  suppose  beomes  of  the  thousands  who  fly  ragged 
and  pennyless  from  the  South  every  year,  and  scatter 
themselves  throughout  the  free  States  of  the  North  ? 
Do  they  take  care  of  themselves?  I  am  neither 
ashamed  nor  afraid  to  meet  this  question.  Assertions- 
like  this,  long  uncontradicted,  seem  to  be  admitted  as 
established  facts.  I  ask  yonr  attention  for  one  mo- 
ment-to  the  fact  that  colored  men  at  the  North  are  shut 
out  of  almost  every  avenue  to  wealth,  and  yet,  strange 
to  say,  the  proportion  of  paupers  is  much  less  among 
us  than  among  you  !  (Hear,  hear.)  Are  the  beggars 
in  the  streets  of  Boston  colored  men  ?  (Cries  of  "  No, 
no  !  ")  In  Philadelphia,  where  there  is  a  larger  free 
colored  population  than  is  to  be  found  in  any  other  city 
in  the  free  States,  and  where  we  are  denied  every 
social  privilege,  and  are  not  even  permitted  to  send 
our  children  to  the  schools  that  we  are  taxed  to  sup- 
port, or  to  ride  in  the  city  horse  cars,  yet  even  there 
wc  pay  taxes  enough  to  support  our  own  poor,  and 
have  a  balance  of  a  few  thousand  in  our  own  favor, 
which  goes  to  support  those  "poor  whites"  who 
"  can't  take  care  of  themselves."  ( Laughter  and  loud 
applause.) 

Many  of  those  who  advocate  emancipation  ns  a  mili- 
tary necessity  seem  puzzled  to  know  what  is  best  to 
be  done  with  the  slave,  if  he  is  set  at  liberty.  Colo- 
nization in  Africa,  Hayti,  Florida  and  South  America 
arc  favorite  theories  with  many  well-informed  persons. 
This  is  really  interesting  !  No  wonder  Europe  does 
not  sympathize  with  you.  You  are  the  only  people, 
claiming  to  be  civilized,  who  take  away  the  rights  of 
those  whose  color  differs  from  your  own.  If  yon  find 
that  you  cannot  rob  the  negro  of  his  labor  and  of  him- 
self, you  will  banish  him  I  What  a  sublime  idea  !  You 
are  certainly  a  great  people  !  What  is  your  plea  ? 
Why,  that  the  slaveholders  will  not  permit  us  to  live 
among  them  as  freemen,  and  that  ihe  air  of  Xnrthern 
latitudes  is  not  good  for  us!  Let  in e  tell  vou,  my 
friends,  the  slat;  holders  arc  not  the  nun  ice  dread  1  (Hear, 
hear.)  They  do  not  desire  to  have  us  removed.  The 
Northern  pro-slavery  men  have  done  the  free-  people 
of  color  ten-fold  more  injury  than  ihe  Southern  slave- 
holders. (Hear,  hear.)  In  the  South,  it  is  simply  a 
question  of  dollars  and  cents.  The  slaveholder  cans 
no  more  for  you  than  be  does  for  mo.  Thov  en- 
slave their  own  children,  and  sell  iheni,  :\nd  ihev 
would  ns  soon  enslave  while  men  as  black  men.  The 
Secret  of  the  slaveholder's  attachment  to  shivery  is  to 
be  found  in  tiie  dollar,  and  tluU  he  is  determined  u>  get. 
Without  working  for  it.  There  is  no  prejudice  against 
Color  among  the  slaveholders.  Their  social  system 
and  one  million  of  muhittoes  are  facta  which  no  argu- 
ments OM  demolish.  (Applause.)  If  the  slaves  were 
emancipated,  they  would  remain  where  ihey  are. 
Black  lllbbr  in  Ihe  Soutli  is  at  a  premium.  The  free 
nian  of  color  there  has  always  had  the  preference  0TM 
the  while  laborer.  Many  of  you  are  aware  thai  Soutli- 
erners  will  do  a  favor  tor  a  free  colored  num.  »h«H 
they  will  not  do  it  for  a  while  man  in  the  same  condi- 
tion in  life.  They  believe  in  their  institution  because 
it  supports  lliein. 


FEBRUARY  14. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


27 


Those  who  say  that  the  air  of  Northern  latitudes  is 
not  good  for  us,  that  we  cannot  withstand  the  cold, 
and  that  white  men  cannot  bear  the  heat,  evince  their 
ignorance  of  the  physical  capacity  of  both  races.     To 
say  that  black  men  cannot  bear  the  cold,  or  white  men 
the  heat,  is  to  assert  that  which  is  at  variance  with  the 
truth.    I  do  not  deny  that  black  men  from  iiot  coun- 
tries sutler  much  from  the  cold  when  they  come  here. 
But  a  black  man  who  comes  from  Cuba  Buffers  no  more 
from  the  cold  than  a  white  man  from  that  country.     A 
colored  man  born  in  Boston  bears  the  cold  quite  ns  well 
as  a  white  man  who  is  born  here.     There  has  not  been 
a  greater  proportion  of  deaths  among  the  white  men 
who  have  gone  from  the  Northern  States  to  the  West 
Indies  than  with  the  colored  men  who  have  gone  there 
from  the  same  States.    .There  has  been  a  terrible  mor- 
tality among  the  colored  people  from   the  North  who 
have  recently  gone  to  Hayti.     The  people  from  all 
tropical  countries  suffer  when  they  come  here.     Even 
those  white  men  who  come  from  higher  European  lati- 
tudes suffer  from  our  unequal  temperature.     It  is  said 
that  white  men  cannot  bear  the  heat  of  the  tropics. 
Sly  answer  to  this  is  that  they  do  bear  it.     I  do  not 
deny  that  God  may  have  made  the  negro  out  of  a  little 
better  material  than  be  made  the  white  man.    {Laugh- 
ter, J    Perhaps  he  is  physically  his  superior.     I  think 
you  must  admit  that  he  has  more  fortitude.    One  thing 
we  do  know,  and  that  is,  white  men  don't  like  to  work 
and  earn  their  own  bread,  and  will  not,  if  the  blacks 
will  earn  it  for  them.    (Laughter.)     In  the  Gulf  States 
the  average  life  of  a  field  slave  is  from  seven  to  eight 
years.    l>o  you  imagine  that  white  men,  if  obliged  to 
work,  would  die  off  faster  than  that?     (Hear,  hear,} 
You  have  been  used  to  hearing  but  one  side  of  this 
question.     The  lions  have  had  no  painters.     (Hear.) 
When  black  men  write  and  speak,  you  must  expect  to 
see  both  sides  and  the  edges.     (Laughter.)     My  ex- 
perience is,   that  white  men  can  bear  the  heat  of  the 
South,  and  we  know  that  in  the  North  they  are  fire- 
men in  our  steamers,  and  in  our  factories  and  foun- 
deries,  where  they  undergo  a  heat  to  be  found  no 
where  in  the  tropics — subject  also  to  the  sudden  alter- 
nations from  heat  to  cold — a  variation  at  this  season  of 
the  year  of  from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  degrees  ; 
and  yet  they  bear  it,  and  no  one  thinks  for  a  moment 
that  the  life  of  a  white  fireman  on  a  steamer  or  in  a 
factory  is  less  than  that  of  a  colored  man  in  the  same 
situation.     (Applause.) 

I  have  no  word  to  say  against  Liberia  or  Hayti. 
The  people  of  those  countries  will  compare  favorably 
with  those  of  other  countries  in  a  similar  situation. 
The  tropics  are  not  favorable  to  activity  and  enterprise. 
The  labor  of  the  tropics  has  been  chiefly  forced  labor. 
Those  who  have  not  been  forced  to  labor  have  re- 
mained idle.  Indeed,  idleness  is  the  child  of  the 
tropics.  Black  men  in  the  South  are  without  doubt 
almost  as  lazy  as  the  white  men  there,  and  you  would 
probably  witness  their  aversion  to  labor  as  you  do  that 
of  the  whites,  was  it  not  that  their  labor  is  forced  from 
them  at  the  end  of  the  cat-o-nine-tai!s  and  the  muzzle 
of  the  musket.  All  men  are  lazy.  No  class  of  men 
would  labor  was  it  not  for  the  necessity,  and  the  re- 
ward that  sweetens  labor.  But  few  men  can  withstand 
a  torrid  sun — all  shrink  from  it;  and  in  a  hot  day  a 
man,  whether  black  or  white,  goes  as  instinctively  to 
the  shade  as  a  rat  to  the  best  cheese.  (Laughter  and 
applause.} 

Other  countries  are  held  out  as  homes  for  us. 
Why  is  this  ?  Why  is  it  that  the  people  from  all 
other  countries  are  invited  to  come  here,  and 
we  are  asked  to  go  away*  (Hear,  hear.)  Is  it 
to  make  room  for  the  refuse  population  of  Europe  ? 
(Hear,  hear.)  Or  why  is  it  that  the  white  people  of 
this  country  desire  to  get  rid  of  us?  Does  any  one 
pretend  to  deny  that  this  is  our  country  ?  or  that 
much  of  the  wealth  and  prosperity  found  here  is  the 
result  of  the  labor  of  our  hands  *  or  that  our  blood 
and  bones  have  not  crimsoned  and  whitened  every 
battle-field  from  Maine  to  Louisiana?  Why  this  desire 
to  get  rid  of  us  1  Can  it  be  possible  that  because  the 
nation  has  robbed  us  for  nearly  two  and  a  half  centu- 
ries, and  finding  that  she  can  do  it  no  longer  and  pre- 
serve her  character  among  nations,  now,  out  of  ha- 
tred, wishes  to  banish,  because  she  cannot  continue  to 
rob  us  ?  Or  why  is  it  1  Be  patient,  and  I  will  tell 
you.  The  free  people  of  color  have  succeeded,  in 
s.pite  of  every  effort  to  crush  them,  aud  we  are  to-day 
a  living  refutation  of  that  shameless  assertion  that  we 
■"  can't  take  care  of  ourselves,"  in  a  state  of  freedom. 
Abject  as  our  condition  has  been,  our  whole  lives 
prove  us  superior  to  the  influences  that  have  been 
brought  upon  us  to  crush  us.  This  could  not  have  been 
said  of  your  race  when  it  was  oppressed  and  enslaved  ! 
Another  reason  is,  this  nation  has  wronged  us,  and 
for  this  reason  many  hate  us.  (Hear,  hear.)  The 
Spanish  proverb  is,  "  Desde  que  te  errenunca  bien  te 
quise" — Since  I  have  wronged  you,  I  have  never 
liked  you.  This  is  true  not  only  of  Spaniards  and 
Americans,  but  of  every  other  class  of  people.  When 
a  man  wrongs  another,  he  not  only  hates  him,  but 
tries  to  make  others  dislike  him.  Strange  as  this 
may  appear,  it  is  nevertheless  painfully  true.  You 
may  help  a  man  during  his  lifetime,  and  you  are  a 
capital  fellow  ;  but  your  first  refusal  brings  down  his 
ire,  and  shows  you  his  ingratitude.  When  he  has 
got  all  he  can  from  you,  he  has  no  further  use  for 
you.  When  the  orange  is  squeezed,  we  throw  it  aside. 
(Laughter.)  The  black  man  is  a  good  fellow  while  he 
is  a  slave,  and  toils  for  nothing,  but  the  moment  he 
claims  his  own  flesh  and  blood  and  bones,  he  is  a 
most  obnoxious  creature,  and  there  is  a  proposition  to 
get  rid  of  him !  He  is  happy  while  be  remains  a 
poor,  degraded,  ignorant  slave,  without  even  the 
right  to  his  own  offspring.  While  in  this  condition, 
the  master  can  ride  in  the  same  carriage,  sleep  in  the 
same  bed,  and  nurse  from  the  same  bosom.  But  give 
this  same  slave  the  right  to  use  his  own  legs,  his  hands, 
his  body  and  his  mind,  and  this  happy  and  desirable 
creature  is  instantly  transformed  into  a  miserable  and 
loathsome  wretch,  fit  only  to  be  colonized  somewhere 
near  the  mountains  of  the  moon,  or  eternally  banish- 
ed from  the  presence  of  all  civilized  beings.  You 
must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  it  is  the  emanci- 
pated slave  and  the  free  colored  man  whom  it  is  pro- 
posed to  remove — not  the  slave  :  this  country  and  cli- 
mate are  perfectly  adapted  to  negro  slavery  ;  it  is  the 
free  black  that  the  air  is  nut  good  for !  What  an  idea  ! 
A  country  good  for  slavery,  and  not  good  for  free- 
dom !  This  idea  is  monstrous,  and  unworthy  of  even 
the  Fejee  islanders.  All  the  Emigration  and  Coloniza- 
tion Societies  that  have  been  formed,  have  been  auxiliaries 
of  the  Slave  Power,  and  established  for  this  purpose,  and 
the  grand  desire  to  make  money  out  of  our  necessities. 
(Loud  applause.) 

It  is  true,  a  great  many  simple-minded  people  have 
been  induced  to  go  to  Liberia  and  to  Hayti,  but,  be  as- 
sured, the  more  intelligent  portion  of  the  colored  peo- 
ple will  remain  here  ;  not  because  we  prefer  being  op- 
pressed here  to  being  freemen  in  other  countries,  but 
we  will  remain  because  we  believe  our  fitting  pros- 
pectsare  better  here  than  elsewhere,  and  because  our 
experience  has  proved  that  the  greater  proportion  of 
those  who  have  left  this  country  during  the  last 
thirty  years  have  made  their  condition  worse,  and 
would  have  gladly  returned  if  they  could  have  done  eo. 
You  may  rest  assured  that  we  shall  remain  here — 
here,  where  we  have  withstood  almost  everything. 
Now,  when  our  prospects  begin  to  brighten,  we  are 
tlie  more  encouraged  to  stay,  pay  off  the  old  score, 
and  have  a  reconstruction  of  things.  There  are  those 
of  us  who  believe  that  we  have  seen  the  star  of  our  re- 
demption rising  in  the  east,  and  moving  southward. 
(Applause.) 

The  government  is  now  trying  to  untie  the  knot 
which  must  be  cut.  Here  you  perceive  it  is  mistaken. 
The  North  is  in  error.  She  has  suffered  the  South, 
like  a  wayward  child,  to  do  as  she  would,  aud  now, 
when  she  would  restrain  her,  she  finds  trouble.  II' 
you  wish  to  prevent  a  pending  evil,  destroy  the  source 
at  once.  If  the  first  sparks  were  quenched,  there 
would  be  no  flame,  for  how  can  he  kill  who  dares  not 
be  angry  ?  or  how  can  he  be  perjured  who  fears  an 
oath  1  All  public  outrages  of  a  destroying  tendency 
and  oppression  arc  but  childish  sports  let  alone  till 
they  are  ungovernable.  The  choking  of  the  fountain 
is  the  surest  way   to  cut  off  the   source   of  the  river 


The  Government  has  not  had  the  courage  to  do  this. 
Having  sown  the  wind  »'u  are  now  reaping  the 
whirlwind ;  but  in  the  end  t  think  it  will  bo  conceded 
by  all,  that  we  shall  have  gathered  In  a  glorious  har- 
vest.    (Loud  applause.) 

I  do  not  regard  this  trying  hour  as  a  dark  one. 
The  war  that  has  been  waged  on  us  for  more  than 
two  centuries  has  opened  our  eyes  and  caused  us  to 
form  alliances,  so  that  instead  of  acting  on  the  defen- 
sive, we  are  now  prepared  to  attack  the  enemy.  This 
is  simply  a  change  of  tactics.  I  think  I  see  the  finger 
of  God  in  all  this.  Yes,  there  is  the  hand-writing  on 
the  wall :  /  come  not  to  bring  peace,  but  the  sword. 
Break  every  yoke,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free.  1  have 
heard  the  groans  of  my  people,  and  am  come  down  to  de- 
liver them  !     (Loud  and  long-continued  applause.) 

At  present,  it  looks  as  though  we  were  drifting 
into  a  foreign  war ;  and  if  we  do  have  one,  slavery 
must  go  down  with  it.  It  is  not  the  time  now  for  me 
to  discuss  the  relation  of  the  black  man  to  such  a  war. 
Perhaps  no  one  cares  what  we  think,  or  how  we  feel 
on  this  subject.  You  think  yourselves  strong  now. 
The  wisest  man  and  the  strongest  man  is  generally 
the  most  ignorant  and  the  most  feeble.  Be  not  deceiv- 
»ed.  No  man  is  so  feeble  that  he  cannot  do  you  an 
injury  !  (Hear,  hear.)  If  you  should  get  into  a  dif- 
ficulty of  this  kind,  it  would  be  to  your  interest  that 
we  should  be  your  friends.  You  remember  the  lion 
had  need  of  the  mouse.  (Applause.)  You  have 
spurned  our  offers,  and  disregarded  our  feelings,  and 
on  this  account  we  have  manifested  but  little  interest 
in,  and  have  been  apparently  indifferent  observers  of, 
this  contest;  but  appearances  are  deceitful — every 
man  who  snores  is  not  asleep.     (Applause.) 

I  believe  the  conduct  of  both  the  bond  and  the  free 
has  been  exceedingly  judicious.  It  is  times  like  these 
that  try  men.  It  is  storms  and  tempests  that  give 
reputation  to  pilots.  If  we  have  a  foreign  war,  the 
black  man's  services  will  be  needed.  Seventy-five 
thonsand  freemen  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  of  slaves  wild  with  the  enthusi- 
asm caused  by  the  dawn  of  the  glorious  opportunity 
of  being  able  to  strike  a  genuine  blow  for  freedom, 
will  be  a  power  that  "white  men  will  be  bound  to  re- 
spect." (Applause.)  Let  the  people  of  the  United 
States  do  their  duty,  and  treat  us  as  the  people  of 
all  other  nations  treat  us — as  men;  if  they  will  do 
this,  our  last  drop  of  blood  is  ready. to  be  sacrificed 
in  defence  of  the  liberty  of  this  country.  (Loud  ap- 
plause.) But  if  ybu  continue  to  deny  us  our  rights, 
and  spurn  our  offers  except  as  menials,  colored  men 
will  be  worse  than  fools  to  take  up  arms  at  all.  (Hear, 
hear.)  We  will  stand  by  you,  however,  and  wish  you 
that  success  which  you  will  not  deserve.  (Applause.) 
This  rebellion  for  slavery  means  something  !  Out 
of  it  emancipation  must  spring.  I  do  not  agree  with 
those  nien  who  see  no  hope  in  this  war.  (Hear, 
hear.)  There  is  nothing  in  it  but  hope.  (Applause.) 
Our  cause  is  onward.  As  it  is  with  the  sun,  the 
clouds  often  obstruct  his  vision,  hut  in  the  end  we 
find  there  has  been  no  standing  still.  (Applause.)  It 
is  true  the  Government  is  but  little  more  anti-slavery 
now  than  it  was  at  the  commencement  of  the  war; 
but  while  fighting  for  its  own  existence,  it  has  been 
obliged  to  take  slavery  by  the  throat,  and  sooner  or 
later  must  choke  her  to  death.  (Loud  applause.)  Jeff. 
Davis  is  to  the  slaveholders  what  Pharaoh  was  to 
the  Egyptians,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  succes- 
sor, John  C-  Fremont,  (applause,)  will  be  to  us  what 
Moses  was  to  the  Israelites.  (Continued  applause.) 
I  may  be  mistaken,  but  I  think  the  sequel  will  prove 
that  I  am  correct.  I  have  faith  in  God  and  gun- 
powder and  lead,  (loud  applause,)  and  believe  we 
ought  not  to  be  discouraged.  (Applause.)  We  have 
withstood  the  sixth  trial,  and  in  the  seventh  our  cour- 
age must  not  falter.  I  thank  God  I  have  lived  to 
see  this  great  day,  when  the  nation  is  to  be  weighed 
in  the  balances,  and  I  hope  not  found  wanting.  (Ap- 
plause.) This  State  and  the  National  Government 
have  treated  us  most  shamefully,  but  as  this  is  not  the 
first  time,  I  suppose  we  shall  live  through  it.  In  the 
hour  of  danger,  we  hav  not  been  found  wanting.  As 
the  Government  has  not  had  the  courage  to  receive 
the  help  that  has  been  standing  ready  and  waiting 
to  assist  her,  we  will  now  stand  still,  and  see  the 
salvation  of  our  people.  (Applause.) 


SPEECH  OF  GENERAL  JAMES  II.  LANE  AT 
LEAVENWORTH,    KANSAS. 

We  give  the  following  extracts  from  a  speech  recent- 
ly delivered  by  General  Lane,  at  Leavenworth,  on 
"The  Duty  We  Owe  to  our  Government  in  this  Her 
Hour  of  Direst  Extremity  "  : — 

For  a  quarter  of  a  century,  I  have  been  an  actor  in 
public  affairs,  and  during  all  that  time  I  have  seen 
twenty  millions  at  the  North  governed  and  controlled 
by  six  millions  at  the  South.  And  no  matter  how  ex- 
travagant the  demand  made  by  any  one  of  these  lords 
of  the  lash,  he  had  only  to  rise  in  his  seat  and  say  : 
"Mr.  Speaker,  unless  this  request  is  granted,  we  shall 
secede,"  and  the  Hotspur  gained  a  submissive  acquies- 
cence. 

I  saw,  day  before  yesterday,  a  speech,  said  to  have 
been  delivered  in  the  State  of  my  birth,  by  a  man 
called  Abraham  Hendricks,  in  which  he  said  this  war 
was  caused  by  the  radicals  in  the  Northern  States. 
Great  God  !  I  wonder  the  earth  did  not  open  and  just 
let  him  through  !  Such  a  speech,  at  such  an  hour,  by 
a  man  professing  to  be  a  loyal  citizen  !     *     *     *     * 

We  have  lost  men  enough  for  the  preservation  of 
slavery,  have  made  widows  enough,  orphans  enough. 

Go  yonder  to  that  fierce  fought  battle-ground  at 
Springfield  1  There,  out  of  twelve  hundred,  five  hun- 
dred and  seventy  killed  and  wounded  !  Kansas  has 
offered  up  enough  blood  to  this  Moloch,  and  so  has 
every  other  State.  And  I  thank  God  our  Government 
is  satisfied  that  the  war  has  gone  along  far  enough  in 
that  direction.  Who  feeds  this  rebellion  1  Four  mil- 
lion slaves.  Who  clothes  this  rebellion?  Four  mil- 
lion slaves.  Take  them  from  that  side,  and  put  them 
on  this  side.  (Applause.)  If  they  were  mules,  you 
would  do  it  in  a  minute.  And  yet  I  think  a  man  is 
worth  more  to  the  enemy  than  a  mule. 

One  of  the  Cabinet  Ministers  asked  me  the  other 
day,  how  many  slaves  I  could  profitably  use  in  a  col- 
umn of  34,000  men.  I  replied,  34,000 — besides  the 
teamsters.  I  told  him  I  wanted  to  see  every  soldier  a 
knight-errant,  and  behind  him  his  squire  to  do  all  bis 


RALPH  W.  EMEES0H  AT  WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  (D.  C.,)  Feb.  1,  1862. 

Editor  Liberator, — It  is  not  well  to  look  con- 
tinually on  the  dark  s^de  of  things,  as  many  of  our 
friends  are  inclined  to  do.  Among  the  more  hopeful 
signs  of  the  times  may  be  mentioned  the  "Associa- 
tion Lectures"  at  the  Smithsonian  Institute  this  win- 
ter. When  freedom, of  speech  is  guarantied  to  such 
men  as  Cheever,  Pierpont,  and  Emerson,  in  a  slave 
territory,  we  may  assure  ourselves  that  the  days  of 
the  peculiar  institution  are  numbered. 

Last  evening,  the  largest  audience  ever  convened 
in  the  lecture-room  of  the  Smithsonian  Institute  came 
together  to  hear  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson.  Consider- 
ing the  state  of  the  weather,  and  the  muddy  condition 
of  the  streets,  the  large  turnout  was  a  most  flattering 
compliment  to  the  lecturer;  but  when  the  audience 
heartily  applauded  his  most  radical  sayings,  and  hard- 
est bits  against  slavery,  it  was  equally  a  compliment 
to  the  speaker  and  the  good  sense  of  his  hearers.  It 
is  cheering  also  to  see  Senators  from  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee  speaking  in  favor  of  expelling  from  the 
Senate,  Bright  of  Indiana,  for  writing  a  friendly  letter 
to  Jeff.  Davis,  introducing  to  him  the  notorious  Lin- 
coln as  a  manufacturer  of  improved  arms.  It  will  be 
fair  to  mark  as  disloyal  every  Senator  who  does  not 
vote  for  his  expulsion. 

In  my  travels  among  the  various  regiments  on  the 
Potomac,  I  find  a  large  amount  of  disloyalty  among 
the  officers,  and  a  necessity  for  re-organization  in  the 
army.  It  shows  itself  in  protesting  against  the  right 
of  Government  to  interfere  with  the  slavery  system, 
and  in  threats  of  resignation  in  case  of  any  such  in- 
terference. These  officers  are  of  no  uselo  the  army  : 
they  rather  weaken  it,  as  their  sympathies  are  Btronger 
for  slavery  than  for  the  Union;  and  the  sooner  Con- 
gress or  the  Cabinet  adopt  thorough  mea  sures  and  ge 
rid  of  such  men,  the  better. 

Last  Sunday  I  was  at  Budd's  Ferry,  opposite  the 
rebel  batteries  which  blockade  the  Potomac.  They 
open  their  batteries  upon  every  vessel  or  boat  that 
floats  down  by  them,  but  with  very  little  damage. 
They  occasionally  throw  a  shot  or  shell  into  the  camp 
of  our  men,  which  bury  themselves  in  the  ground 
five  feet  deep.  The  boys  dig  them  up  and  sell  them 
for  curiosities,  at  ten  dollars  apiece. 

It  helps  one  to  realize  that  there  is  war,  to  stand  on 
the  Maryland  side  of  the  river,  and  look  at  the  rebel 
batteries  when  they  are  firing  at  us.  First  we  see  the 
lightning  flash,  then  the  cloud  of  smoke,  and  in  a  few 
seconds  the  thundering  roar  comes  to  our  ears;  then 
the  sound  of  the  bursting  shells  is  nearly  as  loud  as 
the  cannon.  Yours,  hopefully,  J.  M.  H. 


work. 

The  new  Secretary  of  War  has  turned  over  a  new 
leaf.  A  healthy  public  sentiment,  created  by  God 
himself,  compelled  that  statesman  to  publish  to  the 
army,  "  Henceforth,  your  business  is  to  attack,  pursue 
and  destroy  the  enemy."  No  more  taking  of  the  oath  ; 
no  more  swearing  in  the  rattlesnake.  Why,  to  my 
certain  knowledge,  the  rebels  over  here  in  Missouri 
'iave  been  sworn  over  five  times,  and  they  are  rattle- 
snakes yet !  The  true  way  to  close  this  rebellion  is 
to  detach  the  four  million  slaves.  A  man  says, 
Lane,  if  you  do  that,  won't  you  make  them  free  ?  " 
Great  God !  what  a  terrible  calamity!  Every  slave 
within  this  Government  is  destined  to  be  free;  God 
has  so  determined.     (Applause.) 

[General  Lane  then  fully  answered  the  question  that 
the  liberation  of  the  slaves  would  work  inj  ustice  to  the 
Northern  laborer.  Instead  of  diminishing  wages,  it 
would  increase  them.| 

The  chains  are  to  be  stricken  from  every  limb. 
Freedom  is  to  be  the  battle-cry  from  North  to  South, 
from  East  to  West. 

The  negroes  are  much  more  intelligent  than  I  had 
ever  supposed.  I  have  seen  them  come  into  camp 
(occasionally)  looking  down  as  though  slaves.  By- 
and-by  they  begin  to  straighten  themselves,  throw 
back  their  shoulders,  stand  erect,  and  soon  look  God 
straight  in  the  face.  They  are  the  most  affectionate, 
impulsive,  domestic  beings  in  the  world.  No  one 
loves  mother,  wife,  children,  more  than  the  negro,  and 
they  are  an  altogether  smarter  people  than  we  give 
them  credit  for — I  mean,  we  Democrats  ! 

After  a  long  day's  march,  after  getting  supper  for 
the  men,  after  feeding  and  cleaning  the  horses,  I  have 
seen  them  out,  just  back  of  the  tents,  drilling.  And 
they  take  to  drill  as  a  child  takes  to  its  mother's  milk. 
They  soon  learn  the  step,  soon  learn  the  position  of 
the  soldier,  and  the  manual  of  arms.  You  can  see 
that,  in  the  innermost  recesses  of  their  souls,  the 
"devil  is  in  them."  General  Washington  did  not  lie 
when  he  said  his  negroes  fought  as  well  as  white  men. 
General  Jackson  did  not  lie  when  he  paid  that  noble 
compliment  to  his  black  soldiers  at  New  Orleans. 
Give  them  a  fair  chance,  put  arms  in  their  hands,  and 
they  will  do  the  balance  of  the  fighting  in  this  war. 

So  terrific  is  the  crime  of  these  traitors,  I  care  not 
who  involves  them  in  ruin  and  death.  Let  us  teach 
them  treason  against  this  government  is  crime  against 
God,  as  well  as  against  man.  I  care  not  whether  the 
punishment  is  inflicted  on  the  battle-field,  on  the  gal- 
lows, or  from  the  bush  by  a  negro.  Death  !  death 
that  crushes  out  this  terrible  rebellion — let  our  chil- 
dren remember  that  the  punishment  of  treason  is 
death- 
Why,  see  here—it  almost  unmans  me  to  hear  peo- 
ple talk  about  the  "constitutional  rights"  of  States  in 
rebellion,  of  States  outside  of  the  Constitution  !  The 
"  constitutional  rights  "  of  South  Carolina  !  Great 
God  !  I  wonder  how  long  it  will  be  before  Kansas  is 
called  upon  to  return  a  fugitive  slave  to  South  Caroli- 
na, to  Missouri.  When  the  Kansas  man  is  called  up- 
on to  return  a  slave,  let  him  remember  the  five  hun- 
dred and  seventy  dead  and  wounded  at  Springfield, 
now  charged  up  to  the  account  of  the  State  of  Mis- 
souri. Do  you  love  Kansas,  love  your  wife  and  home  ? 
See  to  it  that  Missouri  is  free.  If  you  love  these 
things,  see  to  it  that  there  is  not  a  slave  left  there  in 
thirty  days  hence. 

There  is  that  Cherokee  country,  down  there.  We 
want  Kansas  a  square  State,  with  as  much  front  north 
and  south,  as  east  and  west.  The  Cherokee  country 
just  gives  us  that.  If  there  are  slaves  there,  they  must 
be  treated  as  we  treat  them  in  Missouri.  Then  add 
that  territory  to  Kansas,  and  we  can  raise  our  cotton 
and  carry  on  our  own  manufactures;  and  if  hereafter 
our  children  are  smitten  with  the  secession  disease, 
they  can  secede,  and  sustain  themselves. 

I  believe  it  is  the  business  of  Kansas  exclusively,  with 
the  gallant  assistance  of  Wisconsin,  Illinois,  Ohio,  and 
other  States  soon  to  be  represented  here,  to  free  all 
slaves  westof  the  Mississippi.  Oh,  what  a  thrill  of  de- 
light would  run  through  the  country  to  hear  Kansas 
declare  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude 
shall  exist  within  the  boundaries  of  Texas,  and  hav- 
ing made  the  declaration,  to  fight  it  through  !  That 
little  colony  planted  here  in  '54  freed  Kansas,  then 
Cherokee,  then  Texas,  then  Arkansas,  then  Louisiana, 
and  slavery  was  blotted  out,  crushed  out,  west  of 
the  Mississippi.  That's  the  business  of  Kansas,  as- 
sisted by  the  gallant  West. 

I  am  authorized  by  the  Government  to  say  to  every 
officer  and  private,  that  I  will  feed  a  slave  for  each 
one  of  you,  and  I  don't  care  how  soon  you  catch  him. 
In  conclusion,  let  me  tell  you  that  the  only  way  to 
rve  your  Government,  and  serve-  it  effectually,  is  by 
declaring  that  you  are  soldiers  of  Freedom.  Take  up 
the  glove  the  traitors  have  thrown  down  ;  answer  their 
challenge  by  boldly  proclaiming  the  battle-cry  of  free- 
dom. With  that,  O  how  certain  are  We  of  our  leader ! 
God  himself  marches  before,  and,  for  my  part,  I  would 
just  as  soon  follow  him  as  any  other  leader. 

Farewell,  and  when  we  meet  again,  may  it  be  in  the 
piping  times  of  peace! 

General  Lane  and  the  Southern  Expedition. 
Leavenworth,  Feb.  1th.  The  lower  House  of  the  Kan- 
sas Legislature  have,  by  a  vote  of  60  to  7,  passed  a 
resolution  requesting  the  President  to  appoint  General 
Jim  Lane  a  Major-Generai,  and  give  him  command  of 
the  Southern  expedition. 


APPENDIX    TO     SUBSCRIPTION-ANNIVEIt. 
SARY    REPORT. 

Since  the  Subscription  List  of  the  28th  Anniversary 
was  put  in  the  printers'  hands,  the  following  additional 
payments  have  been  received  : — 

Oliver  Johnson,  Esq.,  New  York 

Sydney  H.  Gay,  Esq,,         " 

Edgar  Ketcbum,  Esq.,        " 

These  Bums,  added  to  those  on  the  principal  list, 
make  the  total  receipts  of  the  occasion  to  be  consid- 
erably upwards  of  FOUR  THOUSAND  DOLLARS, 
— a  most  gratifying  result,  and  highly  encouraging  in 
view  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times.  The  home 
subscriptions  exceed  those  (we  believe)  of  any  previous 
year. 


$100.00 

eo.oo 

10.00 


Johnston's  Ciutos  Portrait  of  Wendell 
Phillips.  This  life-size  and  admirably  executed 
portrait  which  was  for  some  time  on  exhibition  at  the 
Athcn&uni,  and  has  been  pleasurably  examined  by 
thousands,  has  been  kindly  presented,  by  subscription, 
to  the  Editor  of  the  Liberator  as  a  token  of  friendship 
and  regard.  The  list  of  donors  is  a  choice  one,  and 
the  keepsake  very  gratefully  appreciated. 


JE^"  We  commend  the  speech  of  John  S.  Rock, 
Esq.,  of  this  city,  as  delivered  at  the  late  annual  meet- 
ing of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and 
published  in  another  part  of  our  present  number,  to 
the  thoughtful  consideration  of  those  who  are  yet  que- 
rying whether  the  colored  race  in  this  country  are 
susceptible  of  civilization — Mr.  Rock  being  one  of 
those  who,  according  to  Judge  Taney,  "  have  no  rights 
that  white  men  are  bound  to  recognize  and  respect." 
Notwithstanding  the  Judge's  dictum,  Mr.  R.  was  pro- 
fessionally admitted  to  the  Suffolk  Bar  some  mouths 
since,  and  may  yet  be  heard  before  the  Supreme  Court 
at  Washington— the  unjust  Judge  then  being  non  est 
inventus,  or,  rather,  sent  to  his  "  appropriate  place." 


EE^=  The  Editor  of  the  Liberator  has  been  absent 
the  past  week,  attending  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Con- 
vention at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  lecturing,  &c. ;  and,  conse- 
quently, has  not  been  able  to  give  any  attention  to  the 
present  number. 


|B^=  For  an  interesting  Letter  from  Hon.  Gerrit 
Smith  to  George  Thompson,  Esq.,  on  the  Relations  of 
England  to  America,  see  first  page. 


Convention  at  Albany.  The  usual  State  Anti- 
Slavery  Convention  was  held  at  Albany  on  Friday 
and  Saturday  last — six  sessions  in  all.  The  weather 
was  propitious,  and  the  proceedings  highly  interesting. 
Speakers — Phillips,  Garrison,  Pillsbury,  Foss,  Beriah 
Green,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  Abraham  Pryne,  Lizzie  M. 
Powell,  and  others.  The  resolutions  that  were  passed 
at  the  late  annual  meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  A.  S. 
Society, — defining  the  position  of  the  abolitionists  in 
relation  to  the  war, — were  adopted,  and  others. 


$|f  The  friends  in  Hopedale  and  vicinity  will  no- 
tice that  Mr.  Heywood's  appointments  are  postjwned 
one  week. 

E£gr=*  We  are  indebted  to  Hon.  Charles  Sumner  for 
a  copy  of  his  speech  on  "  Maritime  Bights."  It  is  a 
State  Paper  that  will  be  valuable  for  reference  here- 
after. 


LATER  NEWS  FROM  EUROPE. 
Portland,  Feb.  11.     Steamship  Jura,  from  Liver- 
pool January  tfinh  and  Londonderry  31st,  arrived  here 
at  halt-past  twelve  to-night. 

The  steamer  La  Plata,  with  Mason  and  Slidell  on 
board,  arrived  at  Southampton  on  the  20th.  They 
were  taken  to  St.  Thomas  by  the  Rinaldo,  as  she  was 
unable  to  reach  Halifax.  They  were  received  at 
Southampton  courteously,  but  no  demonstrations  were 
made.  Both  proceeded  to  London,  where  Mason  re- 
mains,.but  Slidell  forthwith  left  for  Paris. 

The  Times  remarks  that  both  gentlemen  will  proba- 
bly keep  themselves  perfectly  quiet,  and  await  events 
that  are  at  hand.  Although  there  is  a  large  party  in 
the  House  of  Commons  which  will  endeavor  to  urge 
upon  the  government  a  policy  of  interference  in  the 
American  struggle,  the  envoys  wilt  do  well  to  main- 
tain a  masterly  inactivity. 

A  Southampton  letter  says  they  complain  of  bad 
treatment  in  the  prison  at  Boston. 

The  Tuscaiora  had  left  .Southampton,  and  anchored 
off  Yarmouth,  Isle  of  Wight. 

George  Thompson  bad  again  been  lecturing  at  Man- 
chester on  American  affairs.  His  remarks  were  main- 
ly in  response  to  the  late  speech  of  Mr.  Massey  at 
Sanford,  whose  statements  he  branded  as  absolutely 
false,  and  grievously  unjust  to  the  North.  The  lec- 
turer said  the  breaking  of  the  blockade  would  be  a 
icked  and  fiendish  act,  and  no  greater  crime  could  be 
committed  against  any  country.  He  had  faith,  how- 
ever, in  the  pacific  and  neutral  policy  of  Earl  Russell. 
Napoleon  opened  the  Frencli  Chambers  on  the  27th. 
In  his  speech  he  said:  "The  civil  war  which  deso- 
lates America  has  greatly  compromised  our  commer- 
cial interests.  So  long,  however,  as  the  rights  of  neu- 
trals are  respected,  we  must  confine  ourselves  to  ex- 
pressing wishes  for  an  early  termination  of  these  dis- 
sensions." The  speech  refers  to  the  pacific  relations 
of  France,  and  recapitulates  the  financial  programme 
of  M.  Fould's  budget. 

Some  of  the  English  journals  construe  the  allusion 
to  America  into  a  threat,  and  as  significant  that  France 
is  impatient  and  will  interfere  when  the  occasion  ap- 
pears to  demand  it. 

The  Paris  correspondent  of  the  Times  says  great 
miser;'  prevailed  in  some  of  the  large  manufacturing 
commercial  towns  of  France,  and  it  would  probably 
increase  if  the  American  war  continues.  The  re- 
ports of  prefects  to  the  Government  not  only  allude  to 
the  destitution,  but  to  that  which  generally  accom- 
panies destitution,  disquietude. 

The  Government  encourages  manufacturers  to  keep 
their  mills  open  as  long  as  possible,  and  some  of- them 
busy  themselves  under  the  belief  that  if  the  Federal 
blockade  continues  beyond  March,  the  independence 
of  the  South  will  be  recognized. 

The  Journal  de  St.  Petersbun/  of  the  29th  publishes  a 
note,  dated  the  21st,  from  Prince  Gortschakoff  to  Baron 
Stoekel  at  Washington,  stating  that  the  Emperor  has 
with  deep  satisfaction  seen  his  anticipation  confirmed 
by  the  determination  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
deliver  up  Mason  and  Slidell.  The  Emperor  hopes 
the  same  wisdom  and  moderation  will  guide  the  steps 
of  the  Federal  Government  in  its  interior  policy,  and 
expresses  his  conviction  that  the  Federal  Government 
will,  in  carrying  out  that  policy,  place  itself  above 
popular  passions.  The  Emperor  also  states  that  he 
should  with  great  satisfaction  see  the  Union  recon- 
structed by  conciliatory  measures,  as  the  maintenance 
of  the  American  power  influences  in  a  considerable 
degree  the  general  political  equilibrium. 

A  Turin  letter  of  January  26th,  says  during  the 
three  preceding  days,  the  citizens  of  Genoa  had  been 
amused  by  the  evolutions  of  the  privateer  Sumter 
steaming  to  and  fro  between  Valtrie  and  Portifeno. 
Her  object  in  tarrying  off  Genoa  was  a  matter  of  much 
speculation. 


Iluger  telegraphed  to  Richmond  that  only  50  on  the 
Island  escaped. 

It  is  reported  that  one  regiment  from  Massachusetts 
was  badly  cut  up,  but  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain 
which  of  the  five  it  was  that  were  attached  to  the  ex- 
pedition. 

All  the  Southern  papers  received  to-day  are  unani- 
mous in  admitting  a  complete  victory  to  our  troops, 
and  in  saying  that  the  loss  of  the  Island  is  a  very  se- 
rious one. 

The  prisoners  captured,  numbering  at  least  2000, 
will  be  here  in  a  few  days. 

There  appears  to  be  no  bright  side  of  the  story  for 
the  rebels. 

A  steamer  with  official  despatches  from  General 
liurn.-ide  is  hourly  expected. 

#  The  Richmond  Examiner  of  this  morning,  in  a  lead- 
ing editorial,  says  :  The  loss  of  an  entire  army  on  Ro- 
anoke Island  is  certainly  the  most  painful  event  of  the 
war.  The  intelligence  of  yesterday  by  telegraph  is 
fully  confirmed.  2000  brave  troops  on  an  Island  in 
the  sea  were  exposed  to  all  the  force  of  the  Burnside 
fleet. 

Norfolk,  Feb.  10.  A  dispatch  was  received  at 
Richmond  at  midnight,  stating  as  follows:  "A  cou- 
rier arrived  here  this  afternoon  at  4  o'clock,  and 
brought  intelligence  that  Elizabeth  City  was  burned 
this  morning  by  its  inhabitants.  During  the  conflagra- 
tion, the  Federals  landed  a  large  force.  All  our  gun- 
boats excepting  one  were  captured  by  the  enemy. 
Gen.  Wise  has  not  yet  arrived  at  Norfolk." 

Norfolk,  Feb.  10.  The  latest  news  states  that 
Capt.  O.  Jennings  Wise,  son  of  Governor  Wise,  was 
shot  through  the  hip  and  disabled,  though  his  wound 
was  not  mortal.  Maj.  Lawson  and  Lieut.  Miller  were 
mortally  wounded.  About  300  Confederates  were 
killed.  Our  wounded  numbers  over  1000.  The  num- 
ber of  Yankees  wounded  is  about  the  same  as  ours. 
Midshipman  Cann  had  bis  arm  shot  off.  The  other 
casualties  are  as  yet  unreported. 


Rebel  Gunboats  Captured  or  Destroyed. — 

Washington,  Feb.  11th.     The  following  is  the   official 
report  of  Lieut.  Phillips  to  Flag  Officer  Foote:— 

Railroad  Crossing,  Gunboat  C'onestoga,  February  10th. 
Sir, — We  have  returned  to  this  point  from  an  entire- 
ly successful  expedition  to  Florence,  at  the  foot  of 
Muscle  Shoals,  Alabama.  The  rebels  were  forced  to 
burn  six  steamers,  and  we  captured  two  others  besides 
the  half-completed  gunboat  Eastport.  The  steamers 
burnt  were  freighted  with  rebel  military  stores.  The 
Eastport  had  about  2 "ji  1,000  feet  of  lumber  on  board. 
We  captured  200  stand  of  arms,  a  quantity  of  clothing 
and  stores,  and  destroyed  the  encampment  of  Colonel 
Crews.     We  found  the  Union  sentiment  strong. 


-Af- 


CAPTURE   OF    FORT    HENRY. 

The  operations  of  Commodore  Foote's  gunboats  in 
the  Tennessee  river,  in  connection  with  the  land  forces 
under  General  Grant,  have  succeeded  in  striking  a 
heavy  blow  at  the  rebels,  and  planting  the  stars  and 
stripes  once  more  on  Tennessee  soil,  where,  we  doubt 
not,  many  loyal  men  are  waiting  to  hail  it  with  joyous 
shouts.  Fort  Henry,  which  has  been  captured,  is  an 
important  point  on  the  Tennessee  river,  three  or  four 
miles  over  the  Tennessee  line,  and  its  possession  ena- 
bles our  forces  to  have  easy  access  to  the  line  of  rail- 
road communication  between  the  rebel  strongholds  at 
Bowling  Green  on  the  one  hand,  and  Columbus  on  the 
other.  The  action  took  place  on  Thursday,  and  the 
result  is  thus  tersely  announced  by  General  Halleek: 
Fort  Henry  is  ours.  The  Flag  of  the  Union  is 
reestablished  on  the  soil  of  Tennessee.  It  wilt  never 
be  removed. 

By  command  of  Major-General  Halleek. 

W.  W.  Sjiith,  Captain  and  A.  D.  C." 

Commodore  Foote's  despatch  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  was  as  follows  : — 

"  U.  S.  Flag  Ship  Cincinnati,      ) 
Off  Fort  Henry,  Tennessee  river,  Feb.  6.  f 

The  gunboats  under  my  charge,  consisting  of  the 
Essex,  Commander  Porter;  the  Carondolet,  Com- 
mander Walker;  the  Cincinnati,  Commander  Stern- 
bel;  the  St.  Louis,  Lieut.  Com.  Paulding;  the  Cones- 
toga,  Lieutenant  Phelps;  the  Taylor,  Lieut.  Gwinn ; 
and  the  Lexington,  Lieut.  Shirk,  after  a  severe  and 
rapid  fire  of  an  hour  and  a  quarter,  have  captured  Fort 
Henry.  We  have  taken  Gen.  Lloyd  Tilgbman  and 
his  staff,  with  sixty  prisoners.  The  surrender  to  the 
gunboats  was  unconditional,  as  we  kept  an  open  fire 
upon  them  until  their  flag  was  struck.  In  half  an 
hour  after  the  surrender,  I  handed  the  fort  and  pris- 
oners over  to  Gen.  Grant,  commanding  the  army,  on 
his  arrival  at  the  fort  in  force.  The  Essex  had  a  shot 
in  her  boilers  after  fighting  most  effectively  for  two- 
thirds  of  the  action,  and  was  obliged  to  drop  down  the 
river. .  I  hear  that  several  of  her  men  were  scalded 
to  death,  including  the  two  pilots.  She,  with  the 
other  gunboats,  officers  and  men,  fought  with  the 
greatest  gallantry.  The  Cincinnati  received  31  shots, 
and  had  one  man  killed  and  eight  wounded,  two  seri- 
ously. The  fort,  with  20  guns  and  17  mortars,  was 
defended  by  Gen.  Tilghman  with  the  most  determined 
gallantry.  I  will  write  as  soon  as  possible.  I  have 
sent  Lieutenant  Phillips  aud  three  gunboats  after  the 
rebel  gunboats. 

(Signed,)         A.  H.  Foote,  Flag  Ofiicer." 

Correspondents  of  the  Cincinnati  papers  say  that 
when  the  enemy  struck  his  colors,  sUch  cheering, 
such  wild  excitement  as,  seized  the  throats,  arms  and 
caps  of  the  four  or  five  hundred  sailors  of  the  gun- 
boats, can  be  imagined  and  not  described.  After  the 
surrender,  it  Was  found  that  the  rebel  infantry,  en- 
camped outside  the  fort,  numbering  4000  or  5000,  had 
cut  and  run,  leaving  the  rebel  artillery  company  in 
command  of  the  fort.  The  infantry  left  everything 
in  their  flight.  A  vast  deal  of  plunder  has  fallen  into 
our  hands,  including  a  large  and  valuable  quantity  of 
ordnance  stores.  General  Tilghman  is  disheartened. 
He  thinks  it  one  of  the  most  damaging  blows  of  the 
war. 

In  the  engagement  the -Cincinnati  was  in  the  lead, 
and  flying  the  flag  officer's  pennant,  and  the  chief 
mark  of  the  enemy's  fire. 

The  Essex  was  badly  crippled  when  about  two-thirds 
through  the  fight,  and  crowding  steadily  against  the 
enemy.  A  ball  went  Into  her  side  forward  port, 
through  her  heavy  bulkhead,  and  squarely  through 
one  of  her  boilers,  the  escaping  steam  scalding  and 
killing  several  of  the  crew.  Capt.  Porter,  his  Aid, 
S.  P.  Britton,  Jr.,  and  Paymaster  Lewis  were  stand- 
ing in  a  direct  line  of  the  balls  passing,  Mr.  Britton 
being  in  the  centre  of  the  group.  A  shot  struck  Mr. 
Britton  on  the  top  of  his  bead,  scattering  his  brains 
in  every  direction.  The  escaping  steam  went  into 
the  pilot  house,  instantly  killing  Messrs.  Ford  and 
Bride,  the  pilots.  Many  of  the  soldiers,  at  the  rush 
of  steam,  jumped  overboard  and  were  drowned.  The 
Cincinnati  had  1  killed  and  6  wounded;  the  Essex 
had  6  seamen  and  two  officers  killed,  17  men  wounded 
and  five  missing.  There  were  no  casualties  on  the 
St.  Louis  or  Carondolet,  though  the  shot  and  shell  fell 
upon  them  like  rain. 

The  St.  Louis  was  commanded  by  Leonard  Pauld- 
ing, who  stood  upon  the  gunboat  and  wrought  the 
guns  to  the  last.  Not  a  man  flinched,  and  with  cheer 
upon  cheer  sent  the  shot  and  shell  among  the  enemy. 

Gen.  Smith  on  the  west  and  Gen.  Grant  on  the  east 
side  of  Tennessee  River  are  pursuing  the  retreating 
rebels.  It  is  reported;  and  is  credited  by  some  of  our 
officers,  that  the  rebel  troops  at  Fort  Henry  were  not 
true  to  the  rebel  cause,  and  *ook  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  offered  by  an  attack  to  run  away  from  a 
fight  that  Was  distasteful  to  them. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  ROANOKE  ISLAND. 

The  Rebel  Fleet  of  Gunboats  Completely  Destroyed — The 
I  'it-ton/  Fulluictd.  Up  by  an  Attack,  on  the  Main  Land— 
Elizabeth  City  Taken— Norfolk  Menaced  in  the  Rear 
—  The  Entire  Rebel  Force,  about  Three  Thousand  Men, 
Captured. 

Fortress  Munrof.,  Feb.  11.  By  a  flag  of  truce, 
to-day,  we  learn  of  the  complete  success  of  the  Burn- 
side  expedition  at  Roanoke  Island.  The  island  was 
taken  possession  of,  and  Commodore  Lynch's  fleet 
completely  destroyed.  Elizabeth  City  was  attacked 
on  Sunday,  and  evacuated  by  the  inhabitants.  The 
city  was  previously  burned,  but  whether  by  our  shells 
or  the  inhabitants,  it  is  not  certain.  The  first  news  of 
the  defeat  arrived  at  Norfolk  on  Sunday  afternoon,  and 
caused  great  excitement. 

The  previous  news  was  very  satisfactory,  stating 
that  the  Yankees  had  been  allowed  to  advance  for  the 
purpose  Of  drawing  them  into  a  trap.  The  rebel  forro 
on  the  Island  is  supposed  to  have  been  only  a  little 
oyer  8000  efficient  fighting  men.  (ion.  Wise  was  ill  at 
Nag's  Head,  and  was  not  present  during  the  engage- 
ment. When  the  situation  became  dangerous,  ho  was 
removed  to   Norfolk. 

All  the  rebel  gunboats  hut  one  were  taken,  and  that 
escaped  up  a  creek,  anil  was  probably  also  destroyed, 
One  report  says  that  only  70,  and  another  that  only  26 
of   the  confederalcs  escaped  from  the  lslaud.     Gjh. 


Kansas  Declared  under  Martial  Law- 
pairs  in  New  Mexico.  Leavenworth,  Feb.  10th.  By 
General  Order  No.  17,  Gen.  Hunter  declares  martial 
law  throughout  the  State  of  Kansas,  and  declares  the 
crime  of  jay-hawking  shall  be  put  down  with  a  strong 
hand  and  summary  process. 

James  H.  Holmes,  Secretary  of  New  Mexico,  12  days 
from  Santa  Fe,  brings  important  dispatches  to  Gen. 
Hunter,  and  information  regarding  affairs  in  that  terri- 
tory. The  rebel  General  II.  H.  Sibley  was  within  30 
miles  of  Fort  Craig  with  200  Texans  with  artillery, 
and  issued  a  bunkum  proclamation.  Col.  Canby  has 
taken  active  measures  to  oppose  him,  and  felt  able  to 
make  a  successful  resistance.  It  is  reported  that  a 
considerable  force  of  Texans  are  advancing  up  the  Rio 
Pecos  to  attack  Fort  Union.  An  express  had  been 
sent  to  Denver  City  for  reinforcements,  and  the  Col- 
orado troops  would  probably  .march  immediately. 
Martial  law  has  been  proclaimed  in  this  territory,  and 
all  able-bodied  men  drafted  to  serve  in  the  militia.  AH 
the  mules,  horses  and  ammunition  in  the  territory 
have  been  seized  for  the  use  of  the  Government.  The 
Indians  in  the  territory  are  reported  to  be  troublesome. 


ARREST  OF  GEN.  STONE  FOR  TREASON. 
Washington,  Feb.  10. 
yThe  Charges  against  Brig.  General  Stone. — 
Sundry  acts  of  Treason  alleged  against  Him — Other  Ar- 
rests Made.  The  following  is  the  substance  of  the 
charges  under  which  Brigadier-General  Charles  P. 
Stone  was  arrested,  yesterday  morning,  at  2  o'clock, 
by  a  guard,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Brig. 
Gen.  Sykes  of  the  Provost  Marshal's  force,  and  sent 
to  Fort  Lafayette  by  the  afternoon  train  : — 

1st.  For  misbehavior  at  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff. 

2d.  For  holding  correspondence  with  the  enemy, 
before  and  since  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  and  receiv- 
ing visits  from  rebel  officers  in  his  camp. 

3d.  For  treacherously  suffering  the  enemy  to  build 
a  fort  or  strong  work  since  the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff 
under  his  guns  without  molestation. 

4th.  For  a  treacherous  design  to  expose  his  force  to 
capture  and  destruction  by  the  enemy,  under  pretence 
of  orders  for  a  movement  from  the  Commanding  Gen- 
eral, which  had  not  been  given. 

A  court  martial  will  be  speedily  ordered. 

Major  W.  J.  Rassin  was  arrested  recently  in  Kent 
county,  Maryland.  He  was  an  ofiicer  in  the  rebel 
army.  B.  H.  Jenkins  of  Alexandria  was  also  arrested, 
several  days  ago.  He  had  arrived  from  Richmond 
via  Norfolk,  and  had  a  pass  signed  by  the  rebel  Secre- 
tary of  War.  Both  of  them  are  in  the  old  Capitol 
prison.  Jenkins  acknowledges  that  he  is  a  seces- 
sionist, arid  refuses  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  Government.  -He  left  Alexandria  during  the 
month  of  August  for  Richmond,  and  was  assisted  in 
laking  his  escape  by  a  known  secessionist. 


Rev.  Dr.  Cheever  in  Washington.    Dr.  Cheever 

thrilled  a  vast  audience  last  Sunday  in  the  Representa- 
tives Chamber  With  a  sermon  against  the  Border  State 
policy,  which  has  so  long  directed  this  war.  He  said  : 
'  Herodius  stands  for  the  Southern  rebellion's  slave- 
tradiug  Confederacy,  with  its  cruelty  and  blood-claim- 
:ng  perpetual  property  in  man,  and  in  perpetuity  of  sla- 
ery.  Herodius  stands  for  the  policy  of  the  Northern 
Government,  maintaining  these  Impious  claims,  and 
resolving  to  enforce  them,  though  pretending  a  deter- 
mination to  put  down  the  rebellion.  Between  these 
two  parties  the  Border  Slaveholding  States  are  signi- 
fied by  the  daughter  of  Herodius,  represented  especial- 
ly by  Kentucky,  defending  the  rights  and  perpetuity 
of  slavery,  and  demanding  new  guarantees  of  the  sa- 
credness  of  property  in  man.  John,  in  prison,  whose 
head  is  demanded  by  Herodius,  represents  the  millions 
of  the  enslaved  whom  our  Government  are  required 
anew  to  sacrifice.  The  Border  States  dance  so  elo- 
quently, so  gracefully  before  our  Administration,  that 
':n  order  to  please  them,  and  secure  their  friendship, 
we  give  them  an  order  on  the  Union  for  whatever  they 
desire.  The  pretended  constitutional  compact  is  plead- 
ed for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Union  and  slavery, 
which  is  the  re-enslavement  of  the  poor  slaves  and 
their  posterity.  And  thus,  if  this  policy  be  persisted 
in,  instead  of  being  governed,  as  formerly,  by  300,000 
slaveholders,  we  are  governed  uow  by  less  than  30,000 
by  the  slaveholding  oligarchy  of  Kentucky." 


What  a  Southern  Unionist  Says.  A  letter  to 
the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  written  from  Nelson's  Division 
n  Kentucky,  contains  this  passage: — "I  recently  had 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  a  Union  man,  or  refugee, 
from  Nashville.  He  is  a  thorough  Southerner  in  all 
things,  but  unswerving  in  his  devotion  to  the  Union. 
'  You  Northern  men,'  said  he,  '  have  fallen  in  to  a  fatal 
rror.  You  hope  to  conquer  the  insurgents  by  a  con- 
aliatory  course.  You  are  simply  sacrificing  the  lives 
and  property  of  your  Southern  friends.  The  South 
will  scruple  at  no  means  to  accomplish  their  end. 
Meet  them  with  their  own  weapons — lire  and  sword — 
and  awe  them  into  obedience  to  the  laws.  Not  one  of 
them  disavows  the  fact  that  this  is  a  rebellion  insti- 
tuted for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  our  Govern- 
ment. For  the  accomplishment  of  that  end,  they  will 
pour  out  their  blood  like  water.  Let  them  but  suc- 
ceed, and  their  arrogance  will  know  no  bounds.  The 
veriest  serf  of  Europe  might  then  pity  you  Northern 
men.  Your  moderation  but  prolongs  the  struggle  and 
lessens  your  chances  of  success.'  " 


Slavery  in  tub  District  of  ConintBiA.  The 
bill  providing  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  within  the 
District  of  Columbia,  introduced  by  Senator  Wilson, 
and  referred  to  the  District  Committee,  Was  intrusted 
to  Senator  Morrill,  who  has  prepared  a  bill  which  pro- 
vides for  the  immediate  emancipation  of  all  the  slaves 
in  the  District,  and  for  a  limited  compensation  to  loyal 
owners,  not  to  exceed  !?300  per  slave  on  the  average. 
Owners  must,  within  ninety  days,  file  their  claims,  to- 
gether with  proofs  of  value,  and  of  loyalty,  with  Com- 
missioners. These  are  to  report  within  nine  months. 
They  are  authorized  to  examine  the  slave  as  well  as 
the  master,  in  order  to  determine  the  latter's  right  to 
compensation.  It  is  believed  that  the  bill  will  com- 
mend itself  to  a  majority  of.  the  Committee.  It  is 
composed  of  Messrs.  Grimes,  Dixon,  Morrill,  Wade, 
Anthony,  Kennedy,  and  Powell.  The  number  of 
slaves  now  in  the  District  is  about  M.tKH).  Probably 
more  than  half  belong  to  masters  who  will  swear  that 
they  are  loyal.  The  total  cost  to  the  nation  of  eman- 
cipiiting  cannot  be  over  §1,000,000,  and  may  not  be 
much  more  than  #500.000. 


What  the  Kxcii.tati  think  or  ocit  War  Policy. 
— 'Letters  baVc  been  received  by  Senators,  brought  by 
the  last  English  mail,,  from  Messrs.  Bright,  Richard 
Cobden,  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  and  other  members  t-t 
the  Liberal  party,,  stating  that  unless  something  is 
done  very  booh  to  demonstrate  the  ability  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  and  to 
convince  the  Anti-Slarery  party  in  England  that  ve 
are  in  earnest  about  emancipation,  tl/e  Sympathy  if 
the  Liberal  element  will  be  lost,  and  the  Southern 
Confederacy  muBt  be  recognized.  Immediate  action, 
they  add,  should  be  taken  to  abolish  slavery  in  both 
Delaware  and  Maryland  to  begin  with- — New  York 
Tribune. 

2EIT""  The  petitions  for  universal  emancipation  to  the 
present  CongresB  have  been  more  numerous  and  re 
speclitbly  signed  than  were  those  presented  to  the 
Parliament  wdiich  abolished  West  Indian  slavery  at 
its  opening.  In  that  case,  the  petitions  increased  in 
number  until,  one  day,  it  took  six  men  to  carry  them 
into  Parliament.  The  lightning  came  soon  after  that 
thunder.  So  it  will  come  in  this  country.  The  year 
will  see  thousands  of  petitioners  at  the  door  of  Con- 
gress imploring  justice,  and  peace  which  reposes  only 
on  justice.  It  is,  I  learn,  a  fact,  and  one  which  should 
be  more  widely  known,  that  every  petition  which  baa 
been  handed  in  for  emancipation  proposes  to  pay  loyal 
masters  for  their  slaves.  Nor  let  it  be  forgotten,  that 
this  nation  could  pay  every  loyal  master  §500  per 
head  for  his  slaves,  with  the  sum  it  is  now  paying  per 
month,  at  the  very  largest  estimate  of  the  numbers  of 
such  slaves  which  could  be  made. — 2'ribune. 

03^  Gen.  Thomas's  official  report  of  the  battle  of 
Mill  Spring  has  reached  Washington,  fully  confirming 
previous  reports.  The  rout  of  the  enemy  was  com- 
plete. Their  loss  was  Gen.  Zollicoffer  and  115  other 
killed  and  buried,  115  wounded,  and  45  prisoners  not 
wounded,  besides  ten  guns,  about  100  wagons,  over 
I ..200  horses  and  mules,  from  500  to  1,000  muskets, 
and  large  quantities  of  stores,  ammunition,  &c.  Our 
loss  was  39  killed  and  127  wounded. 

ft^The  funeral  of  ex-President  Tyler  took  place 
January   21st,  and   was  attended  by  Jefferson  Davis 

and  his  Cabinet,  and  by  the  members  of  the  rebel 
Congress. 

^^  The  Richmond  Examiner   declares   that  the 

Union  Generals  have  forever  lost  immense  advantages 
in  South  Carolina,  Western  Virginia  and  Kentucky, 
by  failing  to  push  forward  boldly  in  the  hour  of  vic- 
tory. 

ET^*  Senator  Wilson  thanked  God,  in  the  Senate, 
because  a  Brigadier  General,  who  had  ordered  a  fugi- 
tive slave  to  be  delivered  to  his  master,  had  not  had 
his  appointment  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  The  Sena- 
tor intimated  that  no  appointment  of  a  General  could 
be  confirmed  where  the  General  had  ordered  the  re- 
turn of  a  fugitive  slave. 

i^^The  Governor  of  Kansas  estimates  that;  dur- 
ing the  year  1861,  ten  thousand  white  Union  refugees, 
from  Missouri  and  Arkansas,  came  into  Kansas,  and 
five  thousand  fugitive  slaves,  principally  from  Mis- 
souri. 

Michigan  for  Abolition.     The  Legislature  of 

Michigan  has  done  their  State  the  honor  to  be  the  first     -- 
to  ask  the  Federal  Government  to  sweep  slavery  from  the" 
land. 

What  State  Legislature  speaks  next? 
_  Let  the  State  Legislatures  be  plied  with  petitions'  for 
similar  action. — Principia. 

S^"*  Whittier's  "  Song  of  the  Negro  Boatmen'" 
strikes  us  as  possessing  more  of  the  elements  of  poetry, 
pathos,  and  music  of  rhythm  in  its  verses  thari-alrabst 
any  song  which  we  remember.  We  are  surprised  that 
it  has  not  already  been  set  to  music.  With  an  appro- 
priate melody,  it  would  fasten  itself  upon'  the  popular 
heart  as  few  songs  have  ever  done.— Norfolk  Journal. 

fi^=  The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina'  lias  passed 
an  act  authorizing  a  loan  of  one  million  of  dollars  to 
rebuild  Charleston. 

S^"  The  Richmond  Examiner  says  that  Governor 
Letcher  made  a  beast  of  himself  one  day  last  week, 
in  going  into  the  House  of  Delegates  in  a  drunken 
condition,  with  a  segar  in  his  mouth,  making  himself 
a  spectacle  for  the  whole  house,  and  a  butt  for  the 
jokes  of  the  gallery. 

BJfThe  Louisville  Journal  states  that  one  of  the 
cavalry  battalions  in  Hindman's  brigade  of  rebels,  near 
Bowhng  Green,  contains  about  twentv-five  negroes, 
fully  armed  and  equipped.  "We  have  this  fact," 
adds    the   Journal,    " 


authority.' 


"  from  the   most  unquestionable 


00 


MASSACHUSETTS  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 
Receipts  into  the  Treasury,  from   Jan.  1  to  Feb.  1,  1862. 
Samuel  I»ycr,  to  redaem  pledge,  Jn.n..  1862 
Alfred  Bicknell,  "  «     ~' 

Mrs.  E.  B.  Chase,        "  May,  1860,  5.00 

Weymouth  Female  A.  S.  S.,to  redeem  pledge,  Jan., 

1861,  25  00 

Wendell  Phillips,  to  redeem  one  half  pledge,  Jan., 
„,        1862>  50.00 

Edmund  Jaekson,  to  redeem  pledge,  Jan.,  1862,        50  00 
Collections  by  E.  H.  Heywood,  Neponset,  5.50 

Contributions  at  Annual  Meeting,  471.97 

EDMUND  JACKSON,  Treasurer. 

Boston,  Feb.  1,  1862. 


W  ANTI-SLAVERY  MEETDSG— SPRINGFIELD.  — 
Parkek  PiLLSBimr  will  lecture  in  MUSIC  HALL,  Spring- 
field, on  Sunday  evening  next,  at  7  o'clock. 

Subject— "Let  the  Oppressed  go  free" — the  Divine  com- 
mand, and  only  hope  of  the  country. 


E3f=  C.  H.  BRAINARD,  Esq.,  will  deliver  his  lecture, 
'  Life-Pictures  at  Washiugton,"  at  Fraternity  Hall,  cor- 
ner of  Province  and  Bromfield  streets,  THIS  (Friday) 
EVENING,  at  half-past  7  o'clock.  The  public  are  invited 
to  attend. 


^t  JOHN  S.  ROCK,  Esq.,  is  expected  to  lecture  on 
"The  Colored  Man  and  the  War,"  in  Groveland,  to- 
morrow (Saturday)  evening  and  Sunday  afternoon  and  eve- 
ning, at  West  Newbury. 


(JSP  E.  H.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  on  ' 
ii 

Hopedale,  Sunday,  A.  M., 
On  "The  War,"  in 

Milford,  Sunday  evening, 

Rook  Bottom,      Monday  " 

East  Cambridge,  Sunday,         " 


Common  Sen 
Feb.  23. 


W  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  a  meeting  in  Es- 
sex, Sunday,  Feb.  16,  all  day  and  evening. 


5^-  EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE— The  closing  lecture 

ill  bo  given  at  Tremont  Temple,  on  Wednesday  evening 

next,  by  WENDELL  PHILLIPS.     Single  ticket,  25  cents. 


W  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.;  has  removed  to 
6%  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  i,  P.  M. 


Thh  Hutchinson's.  The  tuneful  Hutchinson.*, 
having  the  commendation  of  Secretary  Cameron  ami 
the  permit  of  Gen.  McClellan,  commenced  what  thev 
hopfld  would  be  a  series  of  concerts  through  tllG  CafflpS 
across  the  l'otomac.  They  were  audacious  enough  to 
sing  Whittier's  noble  song  commencing,  *'  We  wait 
baneatfr  the  furnace  blast."  A  Dr.  Oakley,  of  Hie  1th 
New  Jersey,  made  so  noisy  an  expression  of  his  scorn 
for  its  Anti-Slavery  spirit,  that  Gen.  Franklin  revoked 
Hie  license  of  the  choristers— a  simple  method  of 
avoiding  dangerous  disorder-  Gen.  Kearney  had  the 
family  ranged  before  him,  and  jnriiciaily'  informed 
them  that  he  "thought  as  much  ol  rebels  lis  of  Almli- 
tionists."  Con.  Franklin  also  ventilated  bis  opinion 
that  the  song  was  incendiary,  and  deserved  to  be  BUD- 
pressed. — Tribune. 


DIED— In  East  Abington,  Jan.  26,  Mr.  David  Pool, 
aged  S3  years. 

Thus,  in  tho  full  ripeness   of  years,   hath   passed  away 

le  who  enjoyed  tho  high  respect  and  estoem  of  a  large 
circle  of  friends  and  relatives,  to  which  he  was  justly  enti- 
tled by  natural  endowments  of  a  very  high  order,  and  a 
strongly  marked  character,  fraught,  as  a  whole,  with  tho 
most  forcible  influences  for  good  upon  all  who  knew  him. 

In  former  years,  Mr.  Pool  was  widely  known  for  his  mu- 
sical genius;  and  his  proficiency  iu  this,  his  faVontTlifTf 
wn-s  evidenced  by  numerous  compositions  and  publications, 
whioh,  iu  tho  estimation  of  competent  judges,  soar  into  the 
highest  regions  of  musical  creation.  Only  a  few  weeks 
previous  to  his  death,  he  composed  an  anthem  of  tho  high- 
est order,  which  was  sung  at  his  funeral.  Many  have 
profited  by  his  labors  iu  this  department,  to  whom  his 
name  and  works  were  unknown,  for  it  happened  to  him  as 
it  has  to  so  many  laborers  in  scienco  and  art,  to  have  the 
creations  of  his  skill  frequently  stolen  from  him,  without 
credit  or  reward. 

Ho  was  also  a  man  of  keen  moral  sensibilities,  and  took  a 
deop  and  steadfast  interest  in  the  reforms  of  the  day. 
Even  tho  day  bo  dk'd,  bo  requested  to  have  Mr.  Garrison's 
lato  speech  in  New  York  road  to  him. 

His  ilbnsB,  bhoagb  not  of  long  duration,  was  of  a  very 
distressing  cliar^'t.-r,  but  was  borne  by  him  with  iiiintTooied 
ohesrfulaeSB  and  resignation  ;  and  bo  was  sustained  to  tho 
end  by  ■  Steadfast  faith  in  tho  immortality  of  being  ln>yond 
the  bomb.     He  retained  the  full  possession  of  his  faoulties 

to  the  last,  and,  buta  i\-\\-  moments  before  be  ceased  to 

breathe,    attempted,  in  foeblo  Accents,    the   (uneutton    of 

some  of  the  solemn  and  pathetic  strains  which  had  so  often 

constituted  Hie  hilior  and  delight  of  his   life 

PortUnatS    are    the    mourners     whose    Hlbvtion     is     tlms 

■trengthened  and  sustained  by  resneet.  W.  W. 


JOHN    s.    ROCK, 
ITTOXtmi     1MB  COUNSELLOR  Af  LAW, 

No.  0  Tkkmost  Stiiket,        -        .        Bosrom. 


38 


THE     LIB  EI*  A.T  O  IR . 


0  1 1  *  g 


[Translated   for  the  Liberator  from  the  Boston  Piotuer  of 
Jan.  23.] 

IN  MEMOET  OF  ONE  DEAD. 

When,  on  the  snow-spread  heights  of  Alpineland, 

The  traveller  climbs,  with  anxious  fears  o'er  taken, 
No  tempest  need  its  voice  of  thunder  send, 

From  its  light  sleep  the  avalanche  to  waken  ; 
Enough  the  tinkling  of  a  pack-horse  boll, 

The  starving  cry  of  raven  faint  and  wearied, — 
The  first  flake  loosened  in  the  course,  pellmell 

Snow  masses  follow,  towns  beneath  are  buried. 

Brimming  the  goblet ;  add  but  one  drop  more, 

It  bubbles  over,  with  impatient  seeming  ; 
Even  a  rose-leaf  proves  a  load  too  sore 

Tor  a  tired  people,  and  they  leave  off  dreaming. 
Only  a  shock  is  needed,  to  repay 

The*martyr's  thousand  pains  on  his  tormentor, — 
Only  a  clod  to  stand  on,  and  away 

The  wise  man  stirs  the  planet  from  its  centre. 

John  Brown,  thou  wast  the  boll  that  jingled  out, 

Thou  wast  the  raven  shrieking,  hunger- wasted, 
Thou  wast  the  flake  that,  loosening,  led  the  rout, 

Thou  wast  the  clod  whereon  Fate's  lever  rested. 
Now,  down  upon  the  head  of  Slavery, 

Thunders  the  avalanche  by  thee  excited, 
Grin-ling  and  crushing  to  the  vale,  and,  free, 

O'er  the  drones*  grave  the  work-bee  hums  delighted. 

A  conscious  victim,  to  the  holy  fray 

Thou  marohedst  forth,  thy  faithful  twenty  taking  ; 
Grappledst  the  foe  in  such  courageous  way, 

Their  craven  souls,  old  lion  !  for  fright  were  quaking. 
Two  days,  the  State  two  whole  days  heldest  thou 

In  check  before  the  lightning  of  thy  rifle, — 
That  even  the  shadow  of  an  ancient  cow 

Called  for  a  thousand  troops  her  fears  to  stifle. 

And  when  a  blow  had  brought  thee  to  the  ground. 

And  thy  last  bulwark  fell,  in  fragments  shivered, 
No  victor's  mercy  covered  thee  around, 

Nor  from  his  chivalric  assault  delivered. 
Captive  thou  wast,  like  wild  beast  in  a  pit, 

The  chains  already  clanked  for  thee  unheeding, 
Tet  came  and  stabbed  thee  with  his  bayonet 

A  gallant  officer — poor  prisoner,  bleeding  ! 

And  as  along  the  wires  electric  sped 

The  unwonted  tale,  through  town  and  city  humming. 
Many  a  patriot  woke  as  from  the  dead, 

Eager  to  greet  the  hour  of  Freedom's  coming. 
But  who  before  had  raised  the  loudest  cry, 

And  of  all  people  most  of  freedom  prated, 
These  shouted:  Madman!  Madman!  Crucify! 

Nought  by  his  crazy  act  is  indicated. 

"They  saw  the  flake  alone,  nor  ever  thought 

That  then,  even  then,  the  avalanche  was  falling  ; 
They  babbled  on,  until  the  sword  was  wrought 

Wherewith  strode  Justice  to  her  work  appalling. 
Laughing  they  saw  thy  gallows  built,  and  thee, 

John  Brown,  defying  death,  upon  it  dangling, 
And  dared  to  dream,  in  their  simplicity, 

That  they  all  Freedom's  friends  with  thee  were  strangling. 

Foola,  who,  with  eyes  wide  opened,  nothing  see, 

Nor,  ears  agape,  unto  Fate's  footstep  hearken  ! 
Over  their  bodies  must  its  progress  be, 

So  their  deluding  words  none  more  may  darken  ! 
Two  years  have  flown,  since  that  time  was,  away, — 

Ah,  but  two  seconds  in  the  People's  being  ! — 
Five  hundred  thousand  stand  in  arms  to-day, 

For  the  subjection  of  the  South  agreeing. 

0,  do  not  think  that  you  can  hold  them  back 

With  empty  phrases  and  with  compromises  ; 
The  wheel  of  Time  rolls  swiftly  on  its  track, 

And  to  its  perfect  course  no  barrier  rises. 
Needs  must  the  avalanche  its  victims  have  ; 

Out  of  its  path  and  save  yen,  now  or  never  ! 
John  Brown  aroused  it,  on  it  comes,  one  grave 

May  bury  Slavery  and  yourself  forever  ! 

Monroe,  (Mich.)  Dec.  1,  1861.  Edw.  Dorsch. 


FEBEUAEY  14. 


From  the  New  York  Independent, 

FBEE-SONG  ON  THE  FOTOMAO. 

DEDICATED  TO  THE  HUTCBIN80NS. 

Ha,  Tape  and  Tinsel  !  will  ye  stop 

The  swelling  tide  of  Freedom's  song, 
Even  while  the  Judgment  Hour  lets  drop 
God's  lightning  on  the  towers  of  wrong? — 
rbld  the  fearless  freewho  fling 
Their  lives  on  battle's  combing  wave 
To  hear  their  Mountain  Warblers  sing 

Our  ransom  with  the  ransomed  slave  1 
But  Truth  divine  can  pass  your  line 
Without  your  word  and  countersign  : 
The  winds  will  wing  it, 
The  birds  will  sing  it, 
The  seas  will  ring  it, 
The  shouting  brooks  from  the  hills  will  bring  it, 
And  your  shattering  connon-peal  shall  fling  it 
Wherever  a  slave  may  pine  ! 

Sweet  songsters  of  the  Granite  Hills, 

Birds  of  the  rock  and  forest  oak, 
Wild-bubbling  as  their  own  free  rills 

Their  music,  through  the  cannon-smoke, 
Bained  like  the  skylark's  from  her  clond  ; 

And  might  have  laid  the  fiend  of  Saul, 
But  makes  your  haunting  fiend  more  load. 

Whose  javelin  seeks  the  life  of  all. 
Unjustly  strong,  from  out  your  throng 
To  drive  the  Flock,  but  not  the  Song  ! 
The  winds  will  wing  it, 
The  birds  will  sing  it. 
The  seas  will  ring  it, 
The  shouting  brooks  from  the  hills  will  bring  it, 
And  the  scream  of  your  roaring  shells  will  fling  it 
Wherever  the  weak  bears  wrong. 

Not  clanging  horns  nor  rumbling  drums 

The  tones  that  deepest  thrill  the  land  ; 
The  Resurrection  Angel  comes 

With  Freedom's  trumpet  in  her  hand  ! 
Its  blast  will  call  the  living  dead, 

Redeemed,  from  slavery's  Hadean  tomb, 
To  find  our  welcome  ;  or,  instead, 

Peal  the  last  charge  of  flying  Doom  ! 
The  hour  of  Fate  will  never  wait, 
To  hear  its  judgment  knell  too  late. 
The  winds  will  wing  it. 
The  birds  will  sing  it, 
The  seas  will  ring  it, 
The  shouting  brooks  from  the  hills  will  bring  it, 
And  a  nation's  dying  groan  shall  fling  it 
Through  the  shattered  prison-gate. 

Once  old  chivalrio  Honor  reigned, 

And  Bards  were  sacred,  e'en  to  foes  ; 
They  kept  the  glory  heroes  gained, 

And  sang  high  deeds  that  shamed  repose. 
But  cheer,  my  Warblers  !  fly  away 
To  sing  more  clearly  in  smokeless  air  ; 
— " — * — ■ — TfrdreFabi  Angela  sing  to-day, 

Nor  ask  a  tinseled  tyrant  where. 
From  heaven's  blue  cope  the  song  of  hope 
Thrills  down  the  bondman's  dungeon  slope  ; 
The  winds  will  wing  it, 
The  birds  will  sing  it, 
The  seas  will  ring  it, 
Tho  shouting  brooks  from  the  hills  will  bring  it, 
And  a  rescued  nation's  voice  shall  fling  it 
Where  the  last  lone  slave  may  grope. 

George  S.  Burleigh. 


From  the  Missouri  Democrat. 

BIOK  AND  WOUNDED,  AND  IN  PRISON. 

At  our  door,  foul,  unmasked  Treason 

Curses,  with  hot,  pestilont  breath, 
Urges,  with  its  wild  unreason, 
Battle,  murder,  sudden  death  ; 
While  aoroBB  the  wild  Atlantic  tyrants  smilo,  and  patriots 

true 
Tremble,   lest  the   rolling  war-cloud   hide   tho   Red,  the 
White,  tho  Blue. 

Waste  and  bare  our  fiolds  are  lying, 
Where  once  waved  the  yellow  corn  : 
Bitter  tears  our  wives  are  crying — 
Widowed,  desolate,  forlorn. 
Little  children,  gaunt  and  hungry,  cry  for  unprovided 
bread  ; 


Maidens  keep  dream-trysts  with  lovers,  on  tho  cold  field, 
stark  and  dead. 

Afrio,  from  tho  lap  of  Slavery, 

Liko  a  Samson  shorn  and  blind, 
Bound  and  bleoding — sore  with  scourging — 
In  our  prison-house  doth  grind  ; 
And  the  pillars  of  our  Union  threatening  with  giant  hand, 
Cry  aloud   to  God   for  Freedom — in  convulsions  of  the 
land. 

Visit  us,  0  Lord  arisen  ! 

Help  us,  cure  us,  set  ua  free  ; 
Sick  and  wounded,  and  in  prison, 
Wilt  thou  hear  us — dost  thou  see  r 
Look  not  on  our  wild  behavior,  Bethlehem's  Star  of  mildest 

ray- 
Comfort  us,  thou  blessed  Savior,  ere  the  coming  Christmas 
day  I 
St.  Louis,  Dec.  21.  Lilt  St.  John. 


THE    NATIONAL    ANTI- SLAVERY 

3  UBS  GRIP  TION- ANNIVERSARY, 


THE    TWENTY-EIGHTH. 

The  Twenty-Eighth  Anti-Slavery  Subscription-An- 
niversary was  held,  as  usual,  in  the  Music  Hall,  Bos- 
ton, on  the  evening  of  January  22d.  The  travelling 
was  bad,  and  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  such  as  to 
take  elasticity  out  of  the  spirits  of  men.  The  condi- 
tion of  our  unhappy  country  necessarily  filled  all  re- 
flecting minds  with  anxiety,  if  not  with,  sadness.  But, 
nol  withstanding  these  draw-backs,  the  hall  was  very 
full  of  guests,  and  the  friends  of  freedom  greeted  each 
other  with  sober  cheerfulness,  exhorting  each  other 
to  faith  in  these  hours  of  darkness,  while  the  more 
hopeful  spoke  of  the  certain  approach  of  morning. 
The  State  Arms  of  Virginia,  blazoned  in  bright  col- 
ors, with  the  motto  "  Sic  Semper  Tyrannis"  seemed  to 
utter  the  same  prophecy.  Liberty,  strong  in  immor- 
tal youth,  was  pictured  there,  trampling  on  a  prostrate 
tyrant  and  broken  chains.  Under  it,  stood  Brackett's 
sublime  bust  of  old  John  Brown,  and  the  Germania 
Band  played,  "  His  soul  is  marching  on  ■' '" 

We  cannot  call  the  occasion  a  joyful  one;  for  no 
one  who  loves  his  country  could  be  joyful  in  this  her 
hour  of  extreme  peril ;  but  it  was  refreshing  and 
strengthening  to  meet  and  take  counsel  together.  All 
agreed  that  we  ought  not  to  lay  aside  our  armor  be- 
cause troops  of  such  a  totally  different  character  had 
taken  the  field.  They  will  do  whatever  work  God  has 
appointed  them  to  do,  but  they  cannot  do  ear  work. 
If  emancipation  comes  as  a  mere  "  necessity  of  war,' 
it  will  come  unsanctified  by  any  considerations  of  jus 
tice  or  humanity  toward  the  victims  of  our  oppression 
and  the  strenuous  exertion  of  moral  influence  in  theii 
behalf  will  still  be  greatly  needed.  The  question 
anxiously  asked  of  each  other  by  all  our  guests  was, 
"  Do  you  think  the  war  will  produce  emancipation  ? '; 
The  answers  were  various  as  the  temperaments  of  in- 
dividuals. Some  had  strong  belief  in  a  happy  issue 
many  hoped,  but"  the  feelings  of  the  greater  part  were 
best  expressed  by  the  inspired  minstrel  of  freedom 
our  own  Whittier : — 

"  We  dare  not  share  the  negro's  trust. 
Nor  yet  his  hope  deny  ; 
We  only  know  that  God  is  just, 
And  every  wrong  shall  die." 

The  Ship  of  State  is  out  on  a  tempestuous  sea, 
drifting  through  thick  fog  without  captain  or  pilot. 
If  we  are  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  breakers,  it  will  not 
be  ajworse  fate  than  we  have  deserved;  and  there 
comfort  in  the  belief  that,  even  in  that  case,  Yankee 
energy  would  soon  construct  a  strong  and  safe  life-boat 
from  the  timbers  of  the  wreck.  God  did  not  bring 
the  Mayflower  here  for  the  comfort  and  aid  of  tyrants 
of  that  we  may  be  certain,  happen  what  will. 

Instead  of  striking  against  rocks,  the  Ship  of  State 
may  "drift"  into  the  spacious  harbor  of  Universal 
Freedom.  If  the  foir  tkould  roll  away  to  reveal  that 
sun-lighted  vision  to  our  longing  eyes,  how  glorious  it 
will  seem,  after  the  long  and  dreary  storm  ! 

Meanwhile,  we  who  have  so  long  been  praying  and 
working  for  the  deliverance  of  the  enslaved  must  be 
content  to  serve  the  Lord  and  wait.  At  every  succes- 
sive gathering,  we  miss  from  our  side  some  tried  and 
faithful  friends,  who  have  borne  with  us  the  burden 
and  heat  of  the  day.  Since  we  last  met,  F: 
Jackson  has  gone  from  us ;  a  man  honest  and  true, 
stronger  in  his  moral  courage  than  "an  army  with 
banners."  And  Nathan  Winslow,  whose  large 
sympathizing  heart  and  generous  hand  were  always 
open  to  the  claims  of  the  oppressed,  will  be  seen  among 
us  no  more.  And  never  again  will  our  meetings  be 
refreshed  by  the  beautiful  presence  of  Lucia  Wes 
ton,  sister  of  our  highly  gifted,  energetic,  and  perse 
vering  friend,  Mrs.  Chapman.  Our  ranks  are  indeed 
visibly  and  rapidiy  thinning.  But  our  old  friends  are 
like  the  Sybil's  Books, — the  more  that  are  lost,  the 
greater  the  value  of  those  that  remain.  Moreover, 
oppressors  and  their  tools  can  find  no  cause  for  exul- 
tation over  the  departure  of  our  old  moral  heroes,  for 
where  one  passes  away,  ten  new  recruits  start  up  to 
carry  on  the  work  they  had  begun.  The  designs  of 
Providence  never  fail  for  want  of  laborers. 

Among  the  most  interesting  of  the  agencies  now  em- 
ployed for  the  redemption  of  the  slave  is  Mr.  Davis, 
one  of  the  men  called  "contrabands,"  who  has  come 
among  us  from  Fortress  Monroe,  and  who  addressed 
a  few  words  to  the  audience  on  this  occasion.  It  is 
interesting  to  hear  this  intelligent  man  tell  of  his 
earnest  longing  to  read  the  Bible,  of  the  difficulties  he 
had  to  surmount  in  the  accomplishment  of  that  object, 
and  of  the  peace  and  joy  that  filled  his  heart  when  he 
was  able  to  spell  out  the  words  of  Jesus.  For  years, 
the  sad  song  of  these  poor  "contrabands"  has  as- 
cended to  the  God  of  the  oppressed  with  its  supplica- 
ting chorus,  "  Oh  let  my  people  go!"  From  lowly 
cabins  and  rude  congregations  of  the  ignorant,  year 
after  year,  this  cry  of  souls  in  thraldom  has  arisen  in 
tones  of  plaintive  music,  and  the  world  heard  it  not. 
Now,  this  "  Song  of  the  Contrabands"  is  for  sale  in 
the  music-stores  of  Broadway  and  Washington  street. 
The  nation  hears  them  now.  Let  us  thank  God,  and 
renew  our  courage,  in  view  of  the  wondrous  changes 
that  have  come  to  pass  in  these  days ! 

The  financial  results  of  our  meeting  much  surpassed 
our  expectations.  The  co'ntribulions  were  exceed- 
ingly liberal,  considering  the  hard  pressure  of  the  times 
and  the  numerous  demands  made  on  the  patriotism  and 
benevolence  of  individuals.  The  amount  received 
was  $3,900;  including  in  this  sum  various  contribu- 
tions made  during  the  past  four  or  five  months  in  re- 
sponse to  the  call  for  advance  payments,  amounting 
in  all  to  about  Eight  Hundred  and  Fifty  Dollars. 
We  cordially  thank  our  friends,  at  home  and  abroad, 
for  the  efficient  aid  they  have  given  us.  They  have 
supplied  us  with  oil,  and  we  will  try  to  keep  our 
"lamps  trimmed  and  burning." 

We  also  thank  our  friends  for  numerous  letters  of 
encouragement  and  sympathy.  They  were  not  in- 
tended for  publication,  but  we  take  the  liberty  to  give 
extracts  from  a  few  of  them  : — 

An  extract  of  a  letter  from  our  ever-faithful  and 
dear  friend,  Samuel  J.  May,  will  bo  read  with  plea- 
sure : — 

"Syracuse,  (N.  Y.,)  Jan.  18,  1862. 
There  are  not  a  few  who  seem  to  think  that  we  Aboli- 
tionists proper  have  done  our  work;  that  the  loyal  States 
have  been,  or  will  be,  compelled  to  complete  what  we  bo- 
gan;  that  the  stros?  of  circumstances  will  do  for  the  en- 
slaved what  wo  have  been  laboring  more  than  thirty  years 
to  effoct.  Little  do  such  persons  comprehend  the  nature 
and  extent  of  our  undertaking.  Tho  breaking  of  thoir 
chains,  their  deliverauco  from  slavery,  is  but  a  small  part  of 
what  is  to  bo  dono  for  four  millions  of  people  who  have 
been  all  their  lives,  and  whose  parents,  grand-parents  and 
progenitors  for  many  generations  wore  subjected  to  the  de- 
teriorating influences  of  the  worst  kinds  of  oppression  and 
bondage.  When  they  shall  be  set  free,  much,  very  muoh 
must  needs  be  done  to  protect,  to  guide  them,  and  to  help 
them  to  become  what,  as  tho  children  of  our  Heavenly 
Father,  we  know  they  are  capable  of  being. 

It  is  incumbent  upon  us,  therefore,  to  keep  up  our  or- 
ganization, to  maintain  unimpaired  our  moral  instrumen- 
talities; that  when  the  enslaved  in  our  country  shall  ho 
given  up  to  themselves  and  tbo  care  of  their  friends,  wo 
may  bo  in  readiness  to  render  thorn  all  tho  services  they 
may  need." 


The  following  words  of  "lofty  cheer"  came  to  re- 
assure our  faith  and  our  purpose,  and  were  very  wel- 

" ,  Jan.  20,1862. 

Respected  Ladies, — Having  been  honored  with   your 

invitation  to  attend  a  pleasant  meeting  on  the  evening  of 
tho  22d,  at  which  I  cannot  be  present,  I  am  moved  to  say 
a  few  words  from  a  heart  thankful  to  the  noble  band  of 
women,  who  havo  so  zealously  and  so  unselfishly  labored 
for  a  down-cast  race  for  many  years,  as  to  have  drawn  upon 
themselves  respect  from  the  world. 

As  I  read  over  your  names  in  the  newspaper,  and  found 
there  thirty-four,  I  wondered  if  you  had  designed  it  pur- 
posely, as  representing  the  thirty-four  States, once  in  Union, 
according  to  the  Constitution.  I  see  by  the  names  on  your 
invitation,  you  have  added  one  more  ;  so  I  suppose  you 
were  not  willing  each  to  be  a  representative  of  a  State. 
Probably  no  one  desired  to  personate  South  Carolina,  or 
Alabama,  or  Mississippi. 

As  I  have  sat  in  my  office,  revolving  over  the  events  of 
the  last  year,  and  have  asked,  '  What  is  to  be  done?'  I 
could  find  no  answer  to  tho  question.  I  waa  rejoiced  to 
'ring  out  the  Old  Year,  and  ring  in  the  New,'  for  I  feel 
certain  that,  ere  another  year  shall  come,  you,  ladies,  will 
seen  the  sure  reward  of  your  endeavors.  It  shall 
!  Aye,  that  for  whioh  you  have  prayed  and  labored 
so  long — tho  freedom  of  millions — shall  come  !  Many  of 
you  have  seen  pass  away  the  companions  who  stood  by  you 
while  on  earth.  Their  spirits  have  ascended  to  a  higher 
sphere,  but  they  are  permitted  to  see  this  day  from  their 
blest  abode.  They  hover  about  you  on  this  Anniversary. 
As,  one  by  one,  you  shall  rise  to  meet  these  glorified  spirits, 
you  with  them  shall  look  down  on  emancipated  America  ! 
And  as  theae  millions  of  the  freed  shall  also  go  up,  to- 
gether you  will  sing  praises  to  the  good  God,  the  Father  of 
all,  while  you  hear  the  voice  of  Ilia  dear  Son,  saying,  '  In 
as  much  as  you  did  it  unto  these,  my  brethren,  ye  did  it 
unto  me.' 

What  is  to  be  dono  ?  Much  is  to  be  done  !  The  true 
glory  of  America  is  just  dawning.  The  black  cloud  is  re- 
ceding, and  the  morning  light  is  breaking  onus.  When 
four  millions  of  men,  women  and  children  have  passed 
safely  through  the  Eed  Sea,  and  are  made  free,  what  shall 
be  done  for  them?  Then  our  country  is  to  prove  how  great 
it  can  be.  Then  will  open  a  mission  such  as  no  former 
philanthropist  has  witnessed,  as  our  daughters,  sisters  and 
mothers  shall  take  the  poor  trodden-down  ones,  to  teach 
them  that  they  are  human  beings.  All  these  millions  must 
be  educated.  Yes,  they  have  to  sit  on  the  primary  benches, 
as  our  little  ones  now  do,  that  they  may  learn  to  read  ! 
Save  up  your  cast-off  school  books  of  all  kinds,  ye  families 
of  tho  land  !  Let  depots  be  established  to  which  they  may 
be  sent,  to  be  distributed  to  the  ignorant.  There  will  be 
missionary  ground  for  all  who  will  work. 

Will  you  not  inaugurate  such  a  mission  ?     So,  hereafter, 
shall  America  and  thewholeworld  bless  you,  as  they  see  that 
our  country  has  fulfilled  its  destiny,  and  has  truly  become 
the  asylum  of  the  oppressed,  '  the  land  of  the  free.' 
With  sincere 


The  following,  from  Judge  Gale  of  Montreal,  can- 
not be  abridged,  and  is  given  entire  : — 

"Montreal,  Jan.  17,  1862. 

Mrs.  L.  Maria  Child  :  My  Dear  Madam,— I  have  faith 
in  tho  principles  of  freedom  and  in  the  effects  of  righteous- 
ness. He  must  be  indeed  devoid  of  feeling  who  is  not  sensi- 
ble of  the  influence  of  an  association  of  women  moved  by 
no  other  motives  than  love  of  their  fellow -creatures.  May 
their  memories  live  forever  ! 

With  every  wish  to  be  present  at  your  Anniversary,  my 
health  constrains  me  to  content  myself  with  sending  my 
contribution. 

Since  my  last  slight  tribute,  civil  war  has  broken  out, 
and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  appears  wrong- 
fully averse  to  banish  slavery  from  amongst  them.  I  bad 
once  hoped  that  I  might  live  toi  ee  slavery  and  polygamy, 
(otherwise  called  Mormonism,)  now  exiled  from  every  other 
Christian  country,  no  longer  prevailing  in  the  United 
States  ;  but  that  hope,  like  others,  seems  now  becoming 
more  distant. 

I  have  now  to  trouble  you  once  again,  to  add  to  the  funds 
of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  tho  amount  of  the  enclosed 
draft,  drawn  by  the  Bank  of  Montreal  on  the  Merchants' 
Bank  of  Boston,  for  one  hundred  dollars,  which  I  have 
endorsed  in  your  favor. 

I  remain,  with  the  sineerest  respect  and  best  wishes, 
Your  Obedient  Servant, 

SAMUEL  GALE." 

From  Western  New  York,  come  to  us  theae  in- 
structive and  warning  words : — 

"To  our  best  vision,  the  Abolitionist  must  direct  and 
guide  this  struggle,  that  it  may  bring  the  most  valued  re- 
sults to  all,  with  the  least  possible  shedding  of  precious 
blood.  And,  to  preserve  our  hearth  stones  and  altars,  to 
redeem  the  outraged  and  long-suffering  slave,  to  conserve 
the  spirit  and  genius  of  truly  free  institutions,  we  must  up- 
root, at  once  and  forever,  the  poisonous  tree  that  has  east 
its  baleful  shadow  over  us,  and  dropped  its  'apples  of  dis- 
cord '  in  our  midst.  To  avert  anarchy,  and,  in  the  event  of 
the  success  of  this  rebellion,  to  prevent  the  establishment 
of  a  despotism  for  white  and  black  in  the  rebellious  States, 
we  are  warned  by  the  most  discerning,  that  Government 
should  now  enact  Emancipation  as  tho  only  salvation  and 
the  only  justice.  I  pray  you,  let  us  continue  to  exalt  our 
glorious  standard  and  hold  up  our  beacon-lights,  that  our 
rulers  may  see  the  right  path  and  guide  the  nation  therein, 
to  safety,  righteousness  and  honor.  Let  us  not  falter,  then, 
but  strive  to  direct  the  moral  power,  the  governmental 
policy,  the  military  force,  and  the  pecuniary  resources  of 
our  beloved  country  to  this  accomplishment,  to 
'  Convert  the  men  who  waver  now,  and  pause 
Between  their  love  of  self  and  human  kind.'" 

The  following  is  from  Edward  Harris,  Esq.,  of 
Rhode  Island : — 

"Woonsocket,  Jan.  15,  1862. 
Ladies,— I  thank  you  for  your  kind  invitation  to  be 
present  at  the  Subscription  Anniversary,  on  the  evening  of 
the  22d  instant.  It  gives  me  great  satisfaction  to  see  so 
many  good  names  attached  to  this  greatest  of  good  causes — 
'Human  Rights.'  It  would,  I  assure  you,  give  me  much 
pleasure  to  be  with  you  on  that  occasion,  but  circumstances 
beyond  my  control  prevent.  It  makes  me  feel  aad  to  see 
so  many  of  the  pioneers  of  humanity  drop  away,  one  after 
another,  before  the  consummation  of  their  wishes  can  be 
realized  ;  but  I  am  hopeful  when  I  see  your  names  in  the 
work.  .  .  .  There  is  need  yet  to  work,  work,  and  work  on. 
I  remain,  yours,  against  all  oppression, 

EDWARD  HARRIS." 

A  lady  in  New  Hampshire,  long  a  true-hearted 
friend  of  the  cause,  thus  writes  : — 

"  How  deplorable  it  will  be,  if  this  nation  shall  fail  to 
perform  the  simple  act  of  justice,  to  acknowledge  and  pro- 
tect the  colored  man  as  born  to  the  same  inalienable  rights 
as  ourselves?  Since  slavery  is  the.  acknowledged  cause  of 
our  national  trouble,  and  its  poisonous  and  corrupting 
power  is  now  so  palpable  that  it  cannot  be  denied,  even  by 
those  who  thought  the  Union  proof  against  all  storms, 
what  will  be  the  measure  and  weight  of  our  guilt,  if  now 
this  Government  refuses  to  let  the  people  go?  For  our 
warning  and  instruction,  we  have  not  only  the  history  of 
the  ancient  Egyptians,  but  of  God's  '  ancient  covenant  peo- 
ple,' the  Jews,  who  crucified  his  Son.  Of  him  the  Egyp- 
tians had  no  knowledge;  but  we  accept  him  as  our  "Re- 
deemer ;  we  hang  all  our  hopes  of  salvation  on  him  ;  and 
if  we  persist  in  treading  down  the  poor  and  needy,  and  re- 
fuse to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are  bound,  ours  will  be  the 
double  guilt  of  re-crucifying  him,  in  the  midst  of  all  the 
light  and  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century,  as  he  is 
presented  to  us  in  the  person  of  the  down-trodden  and  de- 
spised ;  and  ho  tells  us  it  will  be  more  tolerable  for  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah  tban  for  such.  We  will  hope  and  pray  that 
this  may  not  be  ;  that  the  Anti-Slavery  friends  will  con 
tinue  to  press  on,  urge  the  claims  of  Truth  and  Right,  not- 
withstanding the  want  of  right  action  in  the  Government. 
If  Government  fails  in  its  duty  to  liberate  the  enslaved 
and  protect  the  weak,  Infinite  Wisdom  is  rich  in  resources 
to  crush  or  remove  the  wrong,  and  in  some  other  way  to 
crown  your  labors  with 


The  excellent  letter  received  from  the  Rev.  Edwin 
Chapman  of  Bristol,  England,  is  one  for  which  he 
has  our  sineerest  thanks.  We  give  the  following  ex- 
1  "act:— 

"Bristol,  Nov.  27,  1861. 

Dear  Madam,— In  reply  to  your  circular,  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  enclosing  a  check  for  five  pounds,— the  sum 
which,  for  some  years  past,  I  have  had  tho  honor  of  pay- 
ng  in  aid  of  your  great  enterprize,  the  emancipation  of 
the  slave,— through  our  dear  friend  Mrs.  Pollen  first,  lately 
through  the  Bristol  and  Clifton  Anti-Slavery  association. 
I  am  not  sorry,  however,  to  come  into  direct  communication 
with   you  and  our  other  friends,  whose  names  are  so  fa- 

iliar  to  me.     *     *     * 

Every  day  I  anxiously  wonder  what  events  are  passing 

the  States — what  for  freedom,  what  against?  How  near 
does  the  deliverance  of  the  oppressed  and  down-trodden 
approach  ?  Is  the  battle  for  the  enslaved  to  be  now  fought 
out  to  the  end,  by  the  force  of  circumstances  and  the  grow- 
ing perception  of  the  people  of  the  North  that  secession  ia 
the  genuine  fruit  of  the  eaukered  tree  of  slavery?  Or,  is 
it  to  be  put  off  for  an  indeterminate  period  by  compromise 
to  which  the  last  number  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard 
which  has  reached  me  seems  to  point  as  a  not  unlikely  or 
undesired  policy  of  your  Government,  hampered  alike  by 
its  platform  and  by  tho  mixed  feelings  of  your  people  with 
regard  to  emancipation  ?  My  hope  is,  that  Lincoln  and  hia 
Cabinet  may  be  driven  from  their  ultimately  untenable 
position,  midway  between  freedom  and  slavery,  by  a  per- 
ception of  the  impossibility  of  concluding  a  stable  peace 

with  the  Southern  States — separated  or  re-united while 

tho  cruel  and  unholy  institution  separates  them  in  heart 
-"id  soul  from  all  other  civilized  peoples. 

God  grant  that  Garrison,  W.  Phillips,  and  all  the  noble 
band  who  havo  so  long  striven  to  undo  tho  heavy  burdens 
and  to  lot  tho  oppressed  go  free,  may  be  spared  to  see  the 
end  of  their  glorious  and  bloodless  warfare,  and  tho  tri- 
umph of  their  righteous  cause,  oven  though  it  come  through 
loss  pure  hands  than  theirs,  and  in  ways  which  bring  grief 
distress,  almost  despair,  into  so  many  homes. 

Pray  excuse  tho  length  at  which  I  havo  written,  and  be- 
evo  me, 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

EDWIN  CHAPMAN. 

Mrs.  L.  M.  Child,  A.  S.  Office,  Boston,  U.  8." 

To  the  several  Anti-Slavery  families  and  friends  in 
Boston,  Roxbury,  Dorchester,  Weymouth,  Hlngham, 
Plymouth,  Kingston,  Lynn,  Lexington,  Concord, 
Salem,  Nowburyport,  and  Leicester,  in  this  State, 
and   Brooklyn,  Connecticut,  whose  liberal  care  ena- 


bled us  to  spread  the  tables  whereby  tho  hospitalities 
of  the  Cause  might  be  extended  to  its  friends,  and 
especially  to  those  from  a  distance,  our  grateful  ac- 
knowledgments, for  the  Cause's  sake,  are  rendered. 
They  will  not  desire  a  more  particular  recognition. 

Messrs.  Yerrinton  &  Garrison  will  please  accept 
our  thanks  for  their  contribution  of  valuable  printing. 

To  Mr.  Joxiss,  Superintendent  of  the  Music  Hall, 
and  to  his  assistants,  our  thanks  are  due  and  are  given 
for  their  efficient  and  gratuitous  aid  in  our  prepara- 
tions, and  during  the  evening  of  the  meeting. 

To  Mr.  Joshua  B.  Smith  and  his  corps  of  expe- 
rienced men,  who  took  the  entire  charge  of  the  tables, 
spread  with  the  free  donations  of  the  friends  of  the 
Cause,  and  who  gave  us  their  time  and  indispensable 
services  without  charge,  out  of  their  regard  for  the 
great  Cause  which  we  are  all  laboring  to  serve,  we 
feel  that  especial  thanks  are  due,  and  we  beg  them  to 
believe  that  their  labor  of  love  is  highly  appreciated 
by  us. 

To  Mr.  Levi  Whitcomb,  who  for  many  years  has 
rendered  us  valuable  and  gratuitous  services,  as  door- 
keeper, we  unitedly  offer  our  sincere  thanks. 

And  to  the  friends  of  Emancipation  and  of  Eree- 
dom  everywhere,  we  offer  the  assurance  of  our  warm- 
est sympathies  and  the  pledge  of  our  continued  la- 
bors. 

Pur  the  Ladies'  Anti-Slavery  Committee, 

L.  MARIA  CHILD. 

SUBSCRIPTION    LIST 

or  THE  twenty-eighth 

NATIONAL  ANTI-SLAVERY  ANNIVERSARY. 

Mrs.  Maria  Weston  Chapman,  §200.00 

Miss  Mary  G.  Chapman,  60.00 

Miss  Anne  Warren  Weston,  20.00 

Mrs.  Mary  May,  100.00 

Miss  Henrietta  Sargent,  20-00 

Mrs.  Louisa  Loring,  25.00 

Mrs.  Helen  Eliza  Garrison,  10.00 

Mrs.  Anna  Shaw  Greene,  200.00 

Mrs.  Theodore  Parker,  16.00 

Mrs.  Evelina  A.  Smith,  COO 

Mrs.  Sarah  Russell  May,  5.00 

Mrs.  Eliza  Ap thorp,  6.00 

Mrs.  Von  Arnim,  6.00 

Miss  Mary  Wiliey,  LOO 

Mrs.  Sarah  J.  Nowell,  10.00 

Mrs.  Ann  R.  Bramhall,  6.00 

Mrs.  Katherine  E.  Farnum,  1.00 

Miss  Sarah  H.  Cowing,  2.00 

Miss  Mary  Jane  Parl-man,  6.00 

Miss  Georgina  Otis,  6.00 

David  Lee  Child,  and  L.  Maria  Child,  10.00 

Mrs.  Ann  T.  G.  Phillips,  100.00 

Hon.  Gerrit  Smith  and  daughter,  10.00 

Rev.  Dr.  Francis,  Cambridge,  6.00 

Hon.  John  G.  Palfrey,  6.00 

Charles  Pollen,  Esq.,  200.00 
Rev.  Samuel  J.  May,  Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  10.00 

Miss  Hannah  Robie,  20.00 

Samuel  E.  Sewall,  Esq.,  10.00 

Mrs.  Samuel  E.  Sewall,  10.00 

Hon.  Samuel  Gale,  Montreal,  Canada,  100.00 

Samuel  May,  Esq.,  100.00 

Miss  C.  Putnam,  Peterboro',  N.  H.,  10.00 

Miss  Mary  P.  Payson,  "           "  5,00 

Mrs.  Mary  M.  Brooks,  Concord,  10.00 

Mrs.  Robert  C.  Waterston,  6.00 

Rev.  R.  C,  Waterston,  6.00 

Prank  B.  Sanborn,  Esq.,  5.00 

Marcus  Spring,  Perth  Amboy,  N.  J.,  20.00 

S.  B.  Stebbins,  Esq.,  20.00 

Mrs.  E.  Stebbins,  10.00 

A.  A.  Burrage,  Esq.,  20.00 
Edward  Harris,  Esq.,  Woonsocket,  R.  I.,  10.00 

Prancis  W.  Bird,  Esq.,  5.00 

Mrs.  Samuel  G.  Howe,  3.00 
Henry  Willis,  Battle  Creek,  Michigan,     2.00 

Benjamin  Snow,  Jr.,  Pitchburg,  10.00 

Mrs.  Margaret  P.  Snow,    "  10.00 

John  C.  Haynes,  Esq.,  10.00 

Mrs.  Lucinda  Otis,  20.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Win.  Ashby,  Newburyp't,  10.00 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  Spurrell,  5.00 

Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  10,00 

Wm.  L.  Garrison,  Jr.,  Lynn,  5.00 

George  T.  Garrison,  6.00 

Wendell  P.  Garrison,  6.00 

Francis  J.  Garrison,  2.50 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  E.  D.  Draper,  Hopedale,  100.00 

W.  W.  and  M.  A.  Dutcher,       "  60.00 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  I.  Bowditch,  60.00 

William  E.  Coffin,  Esq.,  10.00 

William  Dall,  Esq.,  10.00 

Mrs.  James  Freeman  Clarke,  10.00 

George  S.  Winslow,  Esq.,  30.00 

Rev.  J.  M.  Manning,  5.00 

Frank  Cabot,  Esq.,  3.00 

William  L.  Foster,  Esq.,  Milton,  20.00 

James  N.  Buffum,  Lynn,  30.00 

Perley  King,  Esq.,  South  Danvers,  25.00 

James  Edward  Oliver,  Lynn,  10.00 

D   B.  and  A.  B.  Morey,  Maiden,  10.00 

J.  B.  Swasey,  Esq.,  Roxbury,  6.00 

E   S.  Aldrich,  Providence,  R.  I.,  10.00 

W.  Gibbons  Hopper,  New  York  City,  60.00 
Alvan  and  Nancy  L.  Howes,  Barnstable,  10.00 

Miss  Jane  Alexander,   Jamaica  Plain,  2.00 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  E.  H.  Magill,  "          "  10.00 

Mrs.  L.  H.  Bowker,  Hopkinton,  6.00 

Mrs.  Charlotte  Austin  Joy,  25.00 

Mrs.  Martha  Smith,  Plainfield,  Conn.,  25.00 
Miss  M.  De  Peyster,  Staten  Isl'd,  N.  Y.,  10.00 

Miss  Caroline  F.  Putnam,  1.00 

Miss  Sallie  Holley,  1.25 

Mrs.  Sophia  L.  Little,  Newport,  R.  L,  2.00 

Misses  Andrews,  Newburyport,  6.00 

Misses  Bradford,  Duxbury,  10.00, 

Misses  Ireson,  Lynn,  8.00 

Miss  Anna  Alley,  Freeport,  Me.,  5.00 

Mary  C.  Shannon,  Newton  Corner,  2.00 

Miss  Rebekah  M,  Northey,  Salem,  3.00 

Mrs.  Richard  Clap,  Dorchester,  10.00 

Miss  Catherine  Clapp,  "  2.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stephen  Clapp,  Dorchester,  5.00 

Mr.  F.  F.  Weis,                                  »  3.00 

Miss  Harriet  Carlton,                        "  2.00 

Mrs.  Lucietia  Reed,                          "  6.00 

Mrs.  S.  E.  B.  Channing,  3.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Daniel  Thaxter,  Hingham,  6.00 

Miss  Percy  Scarborough,                  "  2.00 

Parker  and  Sarah  H.  Pillsbury,  6.00 

Charles  K.  and  E.  C.  Whipple,  5.00 

Rev.  Edwin  Thompson,  1.00 

Mrs.  Joel  W.  Lewis,  1.00 

Mrs.  Sarah  Chamberlain,  1.00 

Mrs.  Mary  J.  Sitloway,  1.00 

Miss  Wiggin,  LOO 

Miss  Meilieent  Jarvis,  3.00 

Nathaniel  Barney,  Nantucket,  20.00 

Mrs.  James  M.  Robbins,  15.00 

Miss  Mary  S.  McFarland,  20.00 

Miss  Sophia  S.  McFarland,  20.00 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Samuel  Hall,  Jr.,  10.00 

Henry  G.  Denny,  Esq.,  10.00 

Rev.  Alfred  P.  Putnam,  Roxbury,  5.00 

John  R.  Manley,  Esq.,  5.00 

Misses  R.  A.  and  M.  Goddard,  3.00 

Mrs.  Littlehale,  4  qq 

Mrs..E.  D.  Cheney,  3^0 

Miss  M.  F.  Littlehale,  5.00 

Mrs.  Lydia  L.  Walker,  Leominster,  3.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Eliaa  Richards,  Weymouth,  6.00 
Ezekiel  and  Alice  Thacher,  Barnstable,    5.00 


Mr.  and  Mrs.  R.  H.  Ober, 

Charles  E.  Hodges,  Esq., 

Barthnld  Schfesinger,  Esq., 

J.  B.  Pierce,  Esq.,  Lynn, 

Mrs.  M.  J.  Tilden, 

C.  B.  Le  Baron,  New  York, 

N.  and  A.  S.  White,  Concord,  N.  H 

Rev,  P.  Fisk, 

Dr.  Daniel  Mann,  Painesville,  Ohio, 

Miss  Dora  Ncill,  New  York  City, 

Samuel  May,  Jr., 

John  J.  May,  Esq.,  Dorchester, 

Mrs.  Caroline  S.  May,    " 

Fred.  W.  G.  May,  Esq.,  " 

Mrs.  Martha  R.  May,     " 

Mrs.  Mary  G.  White, 

A.  W.  M.,  $5.00,  A.  M.,  $2.00, 

Miss  Elizabeth  Sargent, 

Mrs.  Caroline  R.  Putnam,  Salem 

E.  T.  Putnam, 

E.  B.  Mundrucu,  Esq., 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  James  Hutchinson,  Vt, 

Dr.  Jarvis  Lewis,  Waltham, 

Miss  Nancy  Lewis,       " 

Miss  Maria  Cowing,  Weymouth, 

Miss  Jane  Danforth,  Dorchester, 

Miss  H.  L.  Brown,  " 

Mrs.  Anne  L.  Gwynne, 

Miss  Anno  E.  Morrill, 

Miss  H.  Augusta  Wilson, 

Mrs.  J.  C.  Nichols, 

Two  Friends,  $6  each, 

Rev.  J.  Scott,  Sudbury, 

P.  Brainerd  Cogswell,  Concord,  N.  H.,     6.00 

Fall  Hivcr  Anti-Sluvery  Sewing  Circle, 

by  J.  M..  Aldrich,  25.00 

Mrs.  Hamilton  Willis,  5.00 

Estus  Lamb,  Blackstone,  2^00 

Mrs.  M.  Jcnckes       "_  i]oo 

Mrs.  C.  Comslock,   ""  j'qq 

Mrs.  Nancy  B.Hill,  *'  j^O 

Moses  Kamiim,         "  j_qq 

William  Kelley,        "  LOO 

Other  friends  in  Blacketono,  2il0 

Mrs.  Dr.  D,  Thayer,  jo.OO 


10.00 

3.00 
10.00 
5.00 
6.00 
6.00 
20.00 
20.00 
5.00 
20.00 
20.00 
10.00 
5.00 
6.00 
6.00 
3.00 
7.00 
1.00 
6.00 
1.00 
1.00 
2.00 
6.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
6.00 
1.00 
2.00 
10.00 
1.00 


Mrs.  Theodore  Simmons,  1.00 

B.  S.  Lockwood,  M.  D.,  8.00 
A.  J.  Fuller,  M.  D.,  1.00 
Thomas  W.  Ripley,  2.00 
Ephraim  Wiliey,  Jr.,  1,00 
George  M.  Rogers,  6.00 
J.  G.  Dodge,  West  Cambridge,  3.00 
Custom  House  officer,  2.00 

C.  Henry  Adams,  2.00 
Mrs.  Hannah  Castell,  6.00 
Miss  Louise  Wellington,  8.00 
Lesiia  M.  A.  Knox,  1.00 
J.  P.  Coburn,  LOO 
S.  H.  Lewis,  2.00 
MrB.  B.  Newell,  60c,  Mrs.  Freeman,  60c,  1.00 
J.  S.,  S3,— M.  M.  R.,  §1, — J.  A.  N.,  $1,  5.00 
P.  Burnham,  1.00 
James  Hall,  1.00 
Charles  W.  Tyler,  60 
Mrs.  L.  A.  Stevens,  1.00 

A.  M.  Piper,  1.00 
J.  Russell,  2.50 
George  P.  Woodman,  Esq.,  2.00 
W.  W.  Churchill,  Esq.,  2.00 
William  Bassett,  Lynn,  5.00 
William  Bassett,  Jr.,  "  6.00 
Mr.  William  G.  S.  Keene,  Lynn,  2.00 
Friend  in  Lynn,  2.00 
Mrs.  E.  H.  Payson,  1.00 
G.  C.  Hickok,  1.00 
John  Warren,  6.00 
E.  H.  Heywood,  2.00 
Mrs.  Harriet  Jacobs,  Moodna,  N.  Y.,  2.00 
Friend  in  New  York  City,  1.00 
Dr.  O.  Martin,  Worcester,  1.00 
Abram  Folsom,  Esq.,  6.00 
George  W.  Simonds,  Esq.,  10.00 
H.  Wellington,  Roxbury,  5.00 
Cornelius  Wellington,  5.00 
W.  P.  Atkinson,  Esq.,  Cambridge,  10.00 
John  PL  Stephenson,  Esq.,  10.00 
C.  H.  Codman,  Esq.,  6.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Joseph  Southwick,  5.00 
Judith  Hathaway,  1.00 
Two  Friends,  10.00 
Miss  Crane,  1.00 
Amicus,  2.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Sylvanus  Smith,  2.00 
Dr.  W.  S.  Brown,  3.00 
Samuel  Barrett,  Concord,  10.00 
Mrs.  Anna  D.  Hallowell,  Medford,  2.00 
Isaac  H.  Marshall,  Hampstead,  N.  H.,  2.50 
John  Wilson,  Jr.,  2.00 
J.  J.  Locke,  1.00 
John  E.  Rohinson,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  8.00 
Sarah  L.  Willis,  "  "  5.00 
Mary  H.  Hallowell,  "  "  1.00 
Mary  S.  Anthony,  "  "  3.00 
Susan  B.  Anthony,  "  "  2.00 
James  Campbell,  "  "  1.00 
Sarah  D.  Fish,  "  "  1.00 
Mary  B.  F.  Curtis,  "  "  5.00 
Ann  Pound,  "  "  60 
Elizabeth  Smith,  "  "  1.00 
A  Friend,  "  "  60 
C.  A.  F.  and  G.  B.  Stebbins,  "  "  2.00 
Charles  T.  Beach,  East  Otto,  "  10.00 
Mrs.  Mary  H.  Devine,  Genoa,  "  1.00 
Sfocum  Howland,  Sherwoods,  "  3.00 
Miss  Emily  Howland,  "  "  6.00 
Isaac  Jacobs,  King's  Ferry,  "  1.00 
Matthias  Hutchinson, "  "  "  1.00 
James  A.  Burr,  Ludlowville  "  6.00 
P.  D.  Ormsby,  "  "  1,00 
Mrs.  M.  K.  Hubbard,  "  "  1.00 
Benjamin  Joy,  "  "  60 
Nelson  Parsons,  "  "  50 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  H.  B.  Lord,  "  "  1.50 
Rev.  J.  W.  Pratt,  "  "  25 
Mrs.  S-  R.  Howland,  Union  Springs,  "  1.00 
Mrs.  Sophia  Hoskins,  "  "  "  1.00 
Griffith  M.  Cooper,  Williamson,  N.  Y.,  1.00 
Mrs.  James  G.  Birney,  2-00 
Mrs.Juclge  Cleveland, Coventry  Falls, Vt.,1.00 
Charlotte  L.  Hill,  West  Gouldsboro,  Me.  1.00 
Mrs.  Ann  F.  Greeley,  Ellsworth,  Me.,  LOO 
Mrs.  Alice  B.  Baxter,  JonesviIte,Mich.,  1.00 
Friends  in  Brooklyn,  Ct.,  by  Mrs.  Whit- 

cohib,  5.00 
Mrs.  J.  M.  Hall,  West  Killingly,  Ct.,  5.00 
Mrs.  Morrill,  Concord,  N.  H.,  5.00 
T.  B.  Drew,  Kingston,  5.00 
Miss  Adeline  Whiton,  Hingham,  2.00 
Moses  and  Hannah  Sawyer,  Weare.  N.H.,  3  00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Joseph  Merrill,  Danvers- 
port, .  2.00 
Maria  S.  Page,  Danversport,  1.00 
E.  P.  Burnham,  So.  Danvers,  4.00 
E.  G.  Lucas,  5.00 
Moses  Wright,  Georgetown,  1.00 
George  W.  Stevens,  3.00 
Mrs.  Lucinda  Jameson,  1.00 
Philip  A.  Chase,  6.00 
P.  Wicksell,  3.00 
C.  H.  Estabrook,  1.00 
Dr.  M.  E.  Zakrzewska,  1.00 
M.  J  Zakrzewska,  1.00 
Mrs.  J.  M.  Bacon,  1.00 
Josephine  Bacon,  1.00 
M.  A.  Bacon,  1.00 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Danforth,  6.00 
Jonathan  Buffum,  Lynn,  2.00 
Thomas  B.  Rice,  2.00 
Robert  Adams,  Fall  River,  5.00 
Benjamin  Chase,  Auburn,  N.  H.,  2.00 
Mrs.  Clarissa  G.  Olds,  Hampton,  N.  H.,  3.00 
Mrs.  William  Tuttle,  Salem,  2,00 
Mrs.  Safari  Hayward,  "  2.00 
Josiah  Hayward,  Esq.,  "  2,00 
Josiah  Hayward,  Jr.,  1.00 
Robert  R.  Crosby,  2.00 
Augustus  Haskell,  1.00 
John  Winslow,  2.00 
Mrs.  H.  S.  Denham,  1.00 
Mrs.  Scarlet,  1.00 
Samuel  L.  Young,  3. 00 
Mrs.  A.  R,  F.  Mann,  New  York,  1.00 
John  T.  Hilton,  Brighton,  50 
W,  I).  Scrimgeour,  Andover,  50 
Richard  Hinchcliffe,  "  60 
John  Hill,  "  25 
■  Miss  Haliburton,  Cambridge,  1.00 
Mrs.  E.  H.  Partridge,  Jewett  City,  Ct.,  50 
Mrs.  Mary  Guild,  60 
G.  W.  Stetson,  2.00 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Ansorge,  1,00 
Miss  Young,  1.00 
Miss  Carrie  Otis,  1.00 
Miss  Elizabeth  Howard,  1.00 
Mrs.  James  A.  Waite,  Hubbardston,  2.00 
Eliab  Wight,  Esq.,  Bellingham,  3.00 
Isaac  W.  Roberts,  Danversport,  1.00 
Miss  Sarah  Clay,  Lowell,  1.00 
Henry  Abbot,  "  2.00 
S.  D."  Chandler,  East  Cambridge,  6.00 

B.  F.  Hutchinson,  Milford,  N.  H.,  1.00 
A.  Twitchell,  1.00 
Misses  A.  A.  and  M.  Brigbam,  2,00 
M.  W.  Stetson,  Hanover,  1.50 
Friends  in  Leominster,  by  Mrs.  F.  H.  D.,1.59 
E.  R.  Brown,  Elmwood,  Illinois,  3.00 
Miss  Wilson,  1.00 
John  J.  Smith,  1.00 
N.  L.  Perkins,  1.00 
J,  H.  Sterling,  1.00 
"  Friends,"  in  various  sums,  18.70 
Cash,  by  M.  Wiliey,  and  others,  6.13 
Mrs  Coburn  50c,  Mrs.  J.Wright  50c  Lu- 

cretia  M.  Wright  10,  E.  E.  Wright 
25,  Mrs.  Pinder  25,  David  Wilson  50, 
J.  C.  DLin!op50,  H.  Jones  25,  Miss 
Hemmenway  25,  W.  Johnson  60, 
C.  P.  Taylor  50,  Mrs.  Logan  50,  Miss 
Lawton  60,  Miss  Nichols  25,  Mrs. 
W.  B.  Earle  50,  Mrs.  E.  A.  Parsh- 
ley   25,  Mrs.  Williams  25. 

EUROPEAN  SUBSCRIPTIONS. 
Mrs.  Reid,  London,  £20  0  0 
MissSturch,  "  20  0  0 
Friends  in  Perth,  Scotland,  by  Mr.  D.  Mor- 
ton, 11  6  3 
Rev.  Edwin  Chapman,  Bristol,  5  0  0 
Friends  in  Biustol,  by  Mrs.  Stephens,  18  2  0 
Friends  in  Bolton,  by  Miss  Whttelegge,  18  0  0 
Anti-Slavery  Society  in  Manchester,  12  0  0 
Anti-Slavery    Society   in  Warrington,  by 

Mrs.  Robsrin,  16    0     0 

Collections  by  Mrs.  Thorpe,  2fi     3     6 

Mrs.  Harriot  Martineau,  110 

Mrs.  George  Martineau,  2     2     0 

Mrs.  Henry  Turner,  110 
Miss  Jane  Ashby,  Teiiterden,  Kent,  10    0 

Leeds  Anti-Slavery  Association,  5     0     0 

Joseph  Lnpton,  Esq.,  Leeds,  2     0     0 

W.  Armistoml,  "  2    0     0 

Wm.  Scolield,  "  10    0 

Mrs.  Coxon,  "  10     0 

Mrs.  Buck  ton,  "  10     0 

Mrs.  J.  W.  Read,  "  50 

Miss  H.  Luptou,  North  Wales,  2    0    0 

B,  Smith,  Thirsk,  1     0     0 
DUBLIN   Ladies'   Anti-Slavery    Society— for 

circulation  of  the  Standard,  5     0     0 

Richard  D.  Webb,  Esq.,  Dublin,  6     0     0 

James  IT.  Webb,  Esq.,  "  1     0     0 

Mrs.  Allen,  "  Pi     0     0 

James  llanghton,  Esq.,  "  2     0     0 

S.  Wilfred  llanghton,  "  10     0 

Mrs.  A.  llanghton,  "  10     0 

Mr.  John  G.  Richardson,        "  10    0 

Mr.  Samuel  llanghton,  "  10    0 

Miss  Hanghlon,  "  50 

Miss  Mary  lI:mghton,  "  6    0 

Mis,    W.    N.    Hancock,  «  50 

Miss  Kennedy,  "  5   q 

Mrs.  Palmer,  WRterford,  10    0    0 

Krii'inl.s  in   Bici.l-akt,  Ireland,  14    0     0 
M.  do  TourguenclV,   Parll,                                100  francs. 


The  friends,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  are  earnest 
ly  entreated  to  inform  us,  not  only  of  any  mere  cleri- 
cal errors  in  the  above  list,  but  especially  of  ominsion«, 

such  information  helps  to  recover  in  case  of  sums, 
if  such  there  be,  lost  on  the  way.  Such  informa- 
tion may  be  sent  to  Rev.  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston, 


PIETY  WITHOUT  RELIGION. 

Capt.  Pifield,  whose  vessel  was  taken  the  other  day 
by  the  privateer  "Jefferson  Davis,"  and  who  was 
kept  prisoner  on  board  that  craft  for  a  day  or  two,  says 
that  they  had  regular  morning  prayers.  They  were, 
very  possibly,  devout  in  their  prayers,  being  pious, 
but  not  religious.  The  brigands  of  Italy,  before  they 
go  out  to  rob  and  murder,  pruy  fervently  to  the  Vir- 
gin. There  is  no  hypocrisy  in  it;  their  devotion  is 
sincere;  it  is  merely  piety  without  religion.  Walter 
Scott  in  "Quenlin  Durward,"  describes  the  same 
psychological  phenomenon  in  the  case  of  Louis  XL, 
of  France,  who  prayed  fervently  to  the  Virgin  for  suc- 
cess in  one  little  crime  he  was  about  to  commit,  prom- 
ising her,  if  she  let  him  succeed,  it  should  be  the  last. 
This  ia  another  case  of  piety  without  religion. — Rev. 
J.  F.  Clarke. 

There  jb  plenty  of  this  sort  of  piety  North  as  well  as 
South.  One  of  the  reasons  why  our  country  has  be- 
come so  depraved  is  that  the  clergy  and  the  churclus 
cultivate  piety  as  the  main  thing,  with  comparatively 
small  regard  for  religion.  The  clergy  abuse  and  per- 
vert their  office  of  teaching  to  such  an  extent  that 
nine  out  of  every  ten  church  members  suppose  piety 
and  religion  to  be  perfectly  synonymous  words.  When 
young  people  (or  old  ones)  begin  to  feel  the  desire  of 
being  religious,  they  go  for  instruction  to  the  persons 
popularly  reputed  to  be  the  best  teachers,  namely,  the 
clergy,  and  these  give  them  instruction  in  piety,  under 
the  name  of  religion.  Following  this  instruction,  in  a 
short  time  they  join  the  church,  erroneously  taking 
for  granted  that  that  institution  will  help  them  in 
the  right  practice  of  religion,  just  as  they  erroneously 
took  for  granted  that  their  minister  would  give  them 
the  right  theory  of  it.  Thus  they  grow  up  under  false 
instruction,  all  the  while  supposing  themselves  en- 
lightened and  truly  religious,  and  really  believing  that 
the  party  to  which  they  belong — the  party  who  make 
Sabbath-keeping,  attendance  on  prayer-meetings,  and 
distribution  of  tracts  the  best  tokens  of  religious  char- 
acter— are  the  salt  of  the  earth  and  the  light  of  tho 
world. 

What  is  religion  ? 

An  ancient  apostle  gave  us  a  formal  definition  of  it, 
as  follows :  "  Pure  religion  and  umlefiled  before  God, 
(even  the  Father,)  is  this:  to  visit  the  fatherless  and 
widows  in  their  affliction,  and  to  keep  himself  unspot- 
ted from  the  world." 

The  Master  of  that  apostle  gave  his  idea  of  it  in  these 
expressions:  "He  that  keepeth  my  commandments, 
he  it  is  that  Ioveth  me." — "  He  that  doeth  the  will  of 
my  Father  in  heaven,  the  same  is  my  brother."— 
"  Why  call  ye  me  Lord,  Lord,  and  do  not  the  things 
that  I  say  1 " 

A  modern  apostle,  in  substance  following  these  two, 
has  said — "  Religion  is  voluntary  obedience  to  the 
will  of  God.  " 

The  piety  which  is  so  much  in  vogue  in  the  church- 
es alike  of  our  Northern  and  Southern  States,  is  an  at- 
tempt to  cultivate  a  sentimental  love  for  God,  without 
that  obedience,  that  doing  of  the  things  commanded  by 
Him,  which  is  insisted  on  as  essential  in  all  three  of 
the  definitions  above  quoted.  Thus  the  church  people 
have  formed  the  habit  of  giving  slight  consideration 
and  regard  to  the  natural,  instinctive  feeling  of  right. 
If  an  unpopular  duty  is  to  be  done,  something  that 
will  bring  trouble  and  odium  upon  a  man,  while  it  is  not 
demanded  by  the  usages  and  traditions  of  the  church,  the 
church-member  will,  in  ninety-nine  cases  out  of  a  hun- 
dred, refuse  to  do  it;  and  the  consideration  that  it  is  a 
right  thing  and  a  needful  thing  (even  if,  in  discussion, 
he  finds  himself  obliged  verbally  to  admit  it  to  be  such) 
will  have  no  more  weight  with  the  church-member, 
than  with  the  swearer  or  the  drunkard,  to  induce  him 
to  do  it.  A  clergyman  of  this  sort  (since  dead,  and 
praised  to  the  skies  as  a  shining  example  of  piety,)  re- 
fused to  sign  a  petition  against  the  Fugitive  S^ave  Law, 
which  I  carried  to  him,  saying  by  way  of  explanation 
— "  I  am  a  law-abiding  man  "  ! 

The  lives  of  this  class  of  men  are  controlled  main- 
ly by  the  "  traditions  of  the  elders."  Thus  it  happens 
that  our  churches  have  been,  up  to  the  time  of  the  re- 
bellion, the  main  bulwark  of  slavery  ;  and  their  mem- 
bers are  among  the  last  to  favor  the  turning  of  the  war 
against  slavery.  To  the  Northern  clergy  and  church- 
members,  the  Southern  clergy  and  church-members 
are  still  Christian  brethren,  because  they  are  still  pious. 
The  fact  that  they  do  all  manner  of  atrocious  wicked- 
ness does  not  discredit  their  piety,  as  long  as  they 
keep  up  their  Sabbaths  and  prayer-meetings.  And 
this  sort  of  piety,  in  the  eyes  of  the  church  people,  1* 
religion,  is  Christianity  1 

The  particular  incident  which  has  given  rise  to 
these  reflections  is  a  passage  in  the  Vermont  Chronicle, 
a  strong  partisan  of  piety,  but  a  desperate  opposer  of 
An ti- Slavery.  It  is  speaking  of  the  testimony  of  Mr. 
Spurgeon  respecting  the  feeling  of  those  classes  of  the 
British  people  with  which  he  is  most  familiar,  in  rpgard 
to  our  President's  policy  of  putting  down  the  rebellion 
without  interfering  with  slavery.  Mr.  Spurgeon  says, 
writing  to  the  Watchman  and  Reflector  of  this  city  : — 

"  I  speak  what  I  do  know,  when  I  say  that  our  public 
sympathy  withyourgovernment  is  clean  gone,not  only 
with  the  higher  classes,  but  more  thoroughly  and  com- 
pletely with  our  people.  Ourpopulace  toa  man  have  ceas- 
ed to  respect  the  truckling  policy  which  controls  you; 
and  I  believe  they  would  speak  far  more  harshly  of  you 
than  the  richer  classes  care  to  do.  It  is  no  one's  busi- 
ness here  which  of  you  conquers,  so  long  as  slavery 
is  not  at  issue.  That  was  the  key  to  the  British  heart 
— it  has  been  discarded,  and  we  remain  unmoved,  if  not 
indignant  spectators  of  a  pointless,  purposeless  war. 
My  whole  heart  and  soul  wished  you  God  speed,  un- 
til, like  all  the  rest  who  looked  on  at  your  awlul  game, 
with  an  ocean  between  us  to  cool  the  passions,  I  saw 
clearly  that  only  extreme  peril  would  compel  your 
leaders  to  proclaim  liberty  to  to  the  captives." 
The  comment  of  the  Vermont  Chronicle  is — 
"  Alas !  poor,  deluded  Mr.  Spurgeon  !  Ineffably  nar- 
row ! " 
And  it  proceeds — 

"  Well ;— even  if  Mr.  Spurgeon  were  right  as  to  all 
the  people  of  England  (which  we  do  not  believe,)  yet, 
with  the  help  of  God,  we  could  go  through  the  trial 
alone." 

With  the  help  of  God  "  !  This  is  the  assumption 
that  the  church  and  the  clergy  are  always  sanctimoni- 
ously taking  for  granted.  These  bodies,  however  cor- 
rupt, however  active  upholders  of  slavery,  are  still 
pious!  Night  and  day,  morning,  noon  and  evening, 
they  are  uplifting  their  hands  and  crying  "Lord  I 
Lord  I  "  Is  He  not  necessarily  on  their  side?  Will 
He  not  help  them  as  a  matter  of  course,  first  to  put 
down  the  rebellion,  and  then  to  reestablish  all  loyal 
slaveholders  in  their  Constitutional  rights  ?  The  Pres- 
ident is  a  firm  ally  of  the  church.  He  upholds  Con- 
stitutional slaveholding  as  they  do;  he  is  a  pious  man, 
and,  before  leaving  Egypt  for  Washington,  he  asked 
the  pravers  of  the  pious  for  his  success.  They  hare 
ever  since  been  praying  for  him.  Must  he  not  neces- 
sarily succeed  ?  Will  not  so  many  repetitions  of 
"  Lord  !  Lord  1  "  be  certain  to  bring  the  Lord's  help  * 
It  may  be  well  for  these  people  to  remember  that 
righteousness  is  at  least  as  important  a  thing  as  pictv, 
towards  securing  the  favor  of  God.  They  have  not 
hearkened  to  Him  in  "  proclaiming  liberty  ;  "  and  now 
He  has  proclaimed  a  liberty  for  them  "  to  the  sword." 
How  soon  pestilence  and  famine  may  follow  after,  He 
only  knows.  But  if  the  pious  upholders  of  slavery 
wish  to  avert  these  judgments,  and  to  bring  the  war 
that  is  now  afflicting  us  to  a  close,  they  had  better  mix 
with  their  prayers  at  least  an  equal  amount  of  repent- 
ance and  reformation. — c.  k.  w. 


The  Life  and  Letters  of 
CAPTAIN   JOHN   BROWK, 

WHO  was  Executed  at  Olmrli-stcivii,  Virginia  Decern- 
bor  2  1859,  for  au  Atmvd  Attack  npuu  AduHqm 
Muvrvy  :  with  .Vilu'es  of  sumo  of  h is Coaf*d«UM  LMit.'tl 
by  UiCHAKD  I).  Wkhu.— This  vory  valuable  and  Intsrastiu 
woi-U,  whidi  1ms  MK-1  will,  „  „lost  fnvLi-iihlo  rooepttOB  ntid 
roii.ry  salo  in  Uiijrlnnri,  has  boon  carefully  propnrod  by  ,,„„ 
Oi  Ilio  DMMt  iuL-lJigoutumi  ftXparlaWMd  irlsWl  of  A  [n,ric» 
i'i  Oic  old  .vovl.l.  for  snlc  ,.(  tho  Uh-SlavrrvOltaviB 
Boston,  Til  Urasuinjtton  street,  Koon,  No.  ti.  ,\l,o  in  Xrw 
York,  nt  No.  6  liookumn  street ;  aud  in  Philadelphia,  at 
No.  106  North  Tenth  (itreot. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS   PUBLISHED  — 

EVERY  TKIDAY  MORNING, 

—  AT  — 
221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    BOOM   No.  G. 


ROBERT  F.  WALXCUT,  General  Agent. 


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relating  to  tho  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbe  paper  are  to  Tjo 
directed  (post  palp)  to  tho  General  Agent. 

lit??"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

O""  Tho  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

j^~  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  tho  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz  :  —  IVeshell  Phillips,  Empwn  Quincy,  Eb- 
irnsjj  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Uarrison,  Jr. 


WM.  LLOYD  GAEEISON,  Editor. 


d)ur  Country  U  tiw  WmM,  mt  (&om\tv\mm  me  m  ^ImxMmL 


Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  laud,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  tho  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  tho  plane  of  all  munio- 
ipal  institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG-  THE  REST; 
and  that,-  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
the  Unithd  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Abut, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  tlUt  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES.  .*.  .  .  Prom  tho  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  everv  way  in  which  it  can  be  interi-ebbo 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  .  .  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  ia  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  most  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  or  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory, "—J.  Q.  Adam, 


J.  B.  YEEKINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


"VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    8. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY-,     rEBEUAEY    21,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1626. 


Ufuge  of  ($\)\m#mtt. 


"  GARRISON." 

It  Is  announced  that  William  L.  Garrison,  "  the 
Nestor  of  the  Abolitionists,"  as  he  is  boastingly 
plaearded,  is  to  deliver  an  address  on  the  war  in 
Washington  Hall.  We  cannot  but  think  that  this 
announcement  must  have  taken  this  community  by 
surprise.  The  position  of  this  man,  and  the  faction 
of  which  he  is  the  "  Nestor,"  has  been  and  is  well 
known  as  one  of  undisguised,  deadly  hostility  to  the 
Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  For  years,  Garrison  has,  in  season 
and  out  of  season,  denounced  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  in  terms  of  unmeasured  bitterness  and 
hate,  and  openly  advocated  and  urged  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union  established  by  our  fathers.  He 
has  contributed  as  much,  probably,  in  proportion  to 
his  position  and  ability,  as  any  other  one  man,  to 
bring  the  country  into  its  present  deploi-able  condi- 
tion ;  and  now,  as  he  beholds  the  results  of  his  ef- 
forts, and  the  efforts  of  others  like  him,  he  exults 
with  a  sort  of  fiendish  joy  in  the  apparent  success 
which  seems  to  have  attended  his  wicked  machina- 
tions. And  yet,  this  political  incendiary,  this  habit- 
ual reviler  of  the  Constitution  and  enemy  of  the  gov- 
ernment, this  traitor  in  words,  if  not  at  heart  and  in 
overt  act,  is  to  be  brought  here  to  desecrate  with  his 
presence  and  utterance  the  Hall  which  bears  the 
name  of  Washington.  It  is  too  bad.  It  is  an  out- 
rage upon  the  patriotic  sentiments  of  our  communi- 
ty ;  upon  the  feelings  of  every  true  friend  of  the 
Constitution,  and  of  the  President  and  administra- 
tion, who  are  exerting  every  energy  to  preserve  and 
maintain  that  Constitution.  We  know  not  by  what 
agency  this  arrangement  has  been  made ;  it  is  not, 
we  understand,  a  part  of  the  series  of  lectures  here- 
tofore announced.  We  hope  and  trust  it  will  re- 
ceive, no  support  from  the  people.  This  is  no  time 
for  dallying,  or  mincing  matters.  Those  who,  with 
their  presence  and  money,  countenance  and  encour- 
age Garrison,  and  such  as  he,  should  be  marked  with 
a  stigma  like  that  which'  would  be  branded  upon 
those  who,  in  the  present  crisis,  when  the  govern- 
ment is  struggling  for  its  existence,  would  dare  to 
furnish  aid  and  comfort  to  Mason  and  Slidell  or  Jeff. 
Davis,  should  those  traitors  be  brought  here  to  pro- 
mulgate their  treasonable  dogmas  in  the  ears  of  this 
community. —  Greenfield  (Mass.)  Democrat.     . 

1$t'  The  tax-payers  of  Greenfield  are  ready  and 
willing  to  pay  their  full  proportion  of  the  expenses 
of  the  present  war  for  the  maintainance  of  the 
Constitution,  and  they  desire  to  sustain  the  ad- 
ministration in  all  necessary  measures  for  that  pur- 
pose. Are  they  willing  at  the  present  dark  hour  of 
our  country's  history  to  see  their  Town  Hall  desecra- 
ted by  the  ravings  of  men  who  denounce  that  Con- 
stitution as  a  "covenant  with  death  and  a  league 
with  hell"? — whose  presence  there  is  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  war  upon  that  sacred  instrument  ? 
For  one,  I  desire  to  enter  my  protest  against  it 
— Ibid-  Agricola. 


has  been,  simply  another  name  for  military  despot- 
ism, and  an  apology  for  crime  and  lawlessness,  then 
the  offensive  features  of  this  measure  of  emancipa- 
tion become  painfully  conspicuous. — Ohio  Slate  Jour- 
nal. 


^tltttiom 


EMANCIPATION  BY  AGT  OP  CONGRESS, 

A  movement  is  now  made  to  prescribe  for  the 
Executive  a  course  of  procedure  on  this  question 
very  different  from  that  indicated  to  him  by  the 
voice  of  the  people  in  the  election  of  i860.  That 
movement  is  to  make  Emancipation  by  Act  of  Con- 
gress the  ruling  feature  in  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, in  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  This 
is,  unquestionably,  the  gravest  question  that  has  yet 
been  forced  upon  the  legislative  councils  of  the  Na- 
tion. It  is  one  which  has  sprung  up  as  an  incident 
to  the  troublous  times  attending  insurrection.  It  is 
not  one  upon  which  the  people  have  been  interroga- 
ted, and  upon  which  their  verdict  has  been  render- 
ed. It  therefore  behooves  the  Government,  both  in 
its  Legislative  and  Executive  functions,  to  take 
great  heed  as  to  what  they  would  do  on  this  momen- 
tous question. 

For  ourselves,  we  hesitate  not  to  declare  that  we 
like  not  the  aspect  that  this  grave  question  assumes. 
We  like  not  its  parentage,  we  like  not  its  character, 
we  deprecate  and  dread  its  consequences.  We  be- 
lieve it  to  be  unwise  ;  we  doubt  even  its  justice. 

No  one— not  even  its  authors— will  pretend  that 
this  proposition  for  emancipation  (we  do  not  speak 
of  the  confiscation  of  the  slaves  of  rebels)  would 
have  found  its  way  into  Congress  had  there  been 
no  insurrectionary  movement  against  the  govern- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  rebels,  it  is  only  by  virtue 
of  their  rebellious  altitude,  therefore,  that  the  propo- 
sition is  at  all  admissible,  even  for  legislative  discus- 
sion. Now,  we  would  ask  the  authors  and  movers 
of  this  measure  to  tell  us  why  and  how  it  is,  that 
this  state  of  things  renders  this  measure  admissible, 
that  would  otherwise  be  regarded  as  monstrous. 
They  will  be  ashamed  to  say  that  the  time  is  auspi- 
cious now  for  the  success  of  their  measure,  because, 
forsooth,  the  Shoe  Slates  are  bat  thinly  represented  in 
Congress!  This  would  be  "taxation  without  rep- 
resentation" with  a  vengeance  unheard  of!  Their 
sense  of  justice  and  of  manhood  would  revolt  at  this. 
The  violation  of  their  self-respect  would  be,  in  this, 
so  gross  and  so  debasing,  that  we  cannot  impute  to 
them  such  a  mean  and  miserable  motive  !  Will  they 
tell  us  that  it  is  the  cheapest  and  safest  mode  of 
suppressing  the  rebellion  ?  We  believe  it  not—  but, 
if  it  were  so,  is  it  not  then  a  disgrace  blighting  to 
our  national  fame,  searing  to  our  national  honor? 
What  is  this  but  an  acknowledgment  of  our  inferi- 
ority—  of  our  inability  to»save  ourselves  and  our 
country,  except  by  the  help  of  African  slaves? 
And  if  saved  in  this  mode  for  the  present,  how  could 
it  be  kept  safe  in  the  future?  Nay, — we  deny  that 
it  would  be  either  cheapest  or  safest.  The  feeling 
of  the  South,  in  thousands  of  cases  now  longing  for 
the  Union  under  which  they  have  been  always  pro- 
tected, would  by  such  an  act  become  universally  em- 
bittered, and  intensified  in  its  hostility  to  a  degree 
of  such  utter  ferocity,  that  would  render  the  war 
against  rebellion  a  sanguinary  combat  through  in- 
definite years. 

Nor  can  it  be  regarded  as  altogether  a  safe  pro- 
ceeding to  uproot  at  one  stroke  the  domestic  rela- 
tions of  whole  commonwealths,  to  annul  all  the  laws 
governing  the  relation  of  master  and  slave,  to  abro- 
gate their  relative  rights  and  duties,  and  to  turn 
four  millions  of  negroes,  with  their  minds  uninformed, 
their  passions  unregulated,  their  lusts  untamed,  out 
upon  civilization,  with  no  power  to  restrain  but  by 
the  strong  arm  of  an  omnipresent  military  force! — 
Such  a  proceeding  might  well  invoke  the  most  pru- 
dential caution. 

But  when  told  that  their  measure  is  neither  wise 
nor  just,  that  it  is  both  improper  and  impolitic,  its 
advocates  then  urge  its  adoption  as  a  "military  ne- 
Cetsity.'"  This  we  repudiate  utterly.  And  iii  this 
claim  for  emancipation  are  exhibited  its  most  hide- 
ous and  revolting  features.  It  is  a  claim  put  forth 
in  its  behalf,  too,  with  the  greatest  confidence,  and 
urged  with  the  utmost  pertinacity.  Hut  when  it  is 
remembered  that  "military  necessity"  is,  and  ever 


MR.  SUMNER'S   RESOLUTIONS. 

The  following  arc  the  resolutions  on  the  present 
relations  of  the  rebel  States  to  the  General  Govern- 
ment, introduced  on  Tuesday  in  the  Senate  by  Mr. 
Sumner : — 

Resolutions  declaratory  of  the  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  the  territory  once  occupied  by  certain  States, 
and  now  usurped  by  pretended  Governments,  without  con- 
stitutional or  legal  fight. 

Whereas  certain  States,  rightfully  belonging  to 
the  Union  of  the  United  States,  have  through  their 
respective  Governments  wickedly  undertaken  to  ab- 
jure all  those  duties  by  which  their  connection  with 
the  Union  was  maintained;  to  renounce  all  alle- 
giance to  the  Constitution ;  to  levy  war  upon  the 
National  Government;  and,  for  the  consummation 
of  this  treason,  have  unconstitutionally  and  unlaw- 
fully confederated  together,  with  the  declared  pur- 
pose of  putting  an  end  by  force  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution  within  their  respective  limits ;  and 
whereas  this  condition  of  insurrection,  organized  by 
pretended  governments,  openly  exists  in  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louis- 
iana, Texas,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia, 
except  in  Eastern  Tennessee  and  Western  Virginia, 
and  has  been  declared  by  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  in  a  proclamation  duly  made  in  conform- 
ity with  an  act  of  Congress,  to  exist  throughout  this 
territory,  with  the  exceptions  already  named;  and 
whereas  the  extensive  territory  thus  usurped  by  these 
pretended  Governments,  and  organized  into  a  hos- 
tile confederation,  belongs  to  the  United  States  as  an 
inseparable  part  thereof  under  tbe  sanction  of  the 
Constitution,  to  be  held  in  trust  for  the  inhabitants 
in  the  present  and  future  generations,  and  is  so 
completely  interlinked  with  the  Union  that  it 
is  forever  dependent  thereupon;  and  whereas  the 
Constitution,  which  is  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land,  cannot  be  displaced  in  its  rightful  operation 
within  this  territory,  but  must  ever  continue  the  su- 
preme law  thereof,  notwithstanding  the  doings  of 
any  pretended  governments  acting  singly  or  in  con- 
federation, in  order  to  put  an  end  to  its  supremacy  ; 
therefore, 

1.  Resolved,  That  any  vote  of  secession  or  other 
act  by  which  any  State  may  undertake  to  put  an 
end  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  within  its 
territory  is  inoperative  and  void  against  the  Consti- 
tution, and  when  sustained  by  force  it  becomes  a 
practical  abdication  by  the  State  of  all  rights  under 
the  Constitution,  while  the  treason  which  it  involves 
still  further  works  an  instant  forfeiture  of  all  those 
functions  and  powers  essential  to  the  continued  ex- 
istence of  the  State  as  a  body  politic,  so  that  from 
that  time  forward  the  territory  falls  under  the  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction  of  Congress  as  other  territory,  and 
the  State  being,  according  to  the  language  of  the 
law,  felo-de-se,  ceases  to  exist. 

2.  Resolved,  That  any  combination  of  men  as- 
suming to  act  in  the  place  of  such  State,  and  at- 
tempting to  ensnare  or  coerce  the  inhabitants  there- 
of into  a  confederation  hostile  to  the  Union,  is  rebel- 
lious, treasonable,  and  destitute  of  all  moral  author- 
ity; and  that  such  combination  is  a  usurpation,  in- 
capable of  any  constitutional  existence,  and  utterly 
lawless,  so  that  everything  dependent  upon  it  is 
without  constitutional  or  legal  support. 

3.  Resolved,  That  tbe  termination  of  a  State  un- 
der the  Constitution  necessarily  causes  the  termina- 
tion of  those  peculiar  local  institutions  which,  having 
no  origin  in  the  Constitution  or  in  those  natural 
rights  which  exist  independent  of  the  Constitution, 
are  upheld  by  the  sole  and  exclusive  authority  of 
the  State. 

4.  Resolved,  That  slavery  being  a  peculiar  local 
institution,  derived  from  local  laws,  without  any  ori- 
gin in  the  Constitution  or  in  natural  rights,  is  upheld 
by  the  sole  and  exclusive  authority  of  the  State,  and 
must  therefore  cease  to  exist  legally  or  constitution- 
ally when  the  Stale  on  which  it  depends  no  longer 
exists;' for  the  incident  cannot  survive  the  principal. 

_  5.  _  Resolved,  That  in  the  exercise  of  its  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction  over  the  territory  once  occupied  by 
the  States,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  see  that  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution  is  maintained  in  its 
essential  principles,  so  that  everywhere  in  this  ex- 
tensive territory  slavery  shall  cease  to  exist  practi- 
cally, as  it  has  already  ceased  to  exist  constitutional- 
ly or  legally. 

6.  Resolved,  That  any  recognition  of  slavery  in 
such  territory,  or  any  surrender  of  slaves  under  the 
pretended  laws  of  the  extinct  States  by  any  officer 
of  the  United  States,  civil  or  military,  is  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  pretended  governments,  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  under  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  is  in  the  nature  of  aid  and  comfort  to  the 
rebellion  that  has  been  organized. 

7.  Resolved,  That  any  such  recognition  of  slave- 
ry or  surrender  of  pretended  slaves,  besides  being  a 
recognition  of  the  pretended  governments,  giving 
them  aid  and  comfort,  is  a  denial  of  the  rights  of 

E  arsons  who,  by  the  extinction  of  the   States,  have 
ecome  free,  so  that,  under  the  Constitution,  they 
cannot  again  be  enslaved. 

8.  Resolved,  That  allegiance  from  the  inhabitant 
and  protection  from  the  Government  are  corre- 
sponding obligations,  dependent  upon  each  other,  so 
that  while  the  allegiance  of  every  inhabitant  of  this 
territory,  without  distinction  of  color  or  class,  is  due 
to  the  United  States,  and  cannot  in  any  way  be  de- 
feated by  the  action  of  any  pretended  government, 
or  by  any  pretence  of  property  or  claim  to  service, 
the  corresponding  obligation  of  protection  is  at  the 
same  time  due  by  the  United  States  to  every  such 
inhabitant,  without  distinction  of  color  or  class;  and 
it  follows  that  inhabitants  held  as  slaves,  whose  para- 
mount allegiance  is  due  to  the  United  States,  may 
justly  look  to  the  National  Government  for  protec- 
tion. 

9.  Resolved,  That  the  duty  directly  cast  upon 
Congress  by  the  extinction  of  the  States  is  reinforced 
by  the  positive  prohibition  of  the  Constitution,  that 
"no  State  shall  enter  into  any  confederation,"  or 
"  without  the  consent  of  Congress  keep  troops  or 
ships-of-war  in  times  of  peace,  or  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,"  or 
"grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,"  or  "coin 
money,"  or  "emit  bills  of  credit,"  or  "without  the 
consent  of  Congress  lay  any  duties  on  exports  or  im- 
ports," all  of  which  has  been  done  by  these  pretend- 
ed governments,  and  also  by  the  positive  injunction 
of  the  Constitution,  addressed  to  the  nation,  that 
|*  the  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State 
in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of  government ;" 
and  that,  in  pursuance  of  this  duty  cast  upon  Con- 
gress, and  further  enjoined  by  the  Constitution, 

Congress  will  assume  'complete  jurisdiction  of  SUCh 
vacated  territory  where   such  unconstitutional  and 


Illegal  things  have  been  attempted,  and  will  proceed 
to  establish  therein  republican  forms  of  government 
under  the  Constitution;  and  in  the  execution  of  this 
trust  will  provide  carefully  for  the  protection  of  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof,  for  the  security  of  families, 
the  organization  of  labor,  the  encouragement  of  in- 
dustry,and  the  welfare  of  society,  and  will  in  every 
way  discharge  the  duties  of  a  just,  merciful  and  pa- 
ternal government. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  A  SPEECH  OP  HON,  AL- 
BERT G.  RIDDLE,   OF   OHIO. 

Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Jan.  27,  1862. 

The  House  bein«  in  Committee  of  the  whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Riddle  said, — 

The  one  great  question  which  to-day  presents  for 
solution  to  the  people  of  this  country,  is  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  African  race  among  us.  And  so  near 
does  this  question  lie  to  tbe  nation's  life,  and  so  in- 
tertwisted is  it  with  its  vital  fibre,  that  the  pros- 
perity, perhaps  the  existence,  of  the  country  itself 
depends  upon  its  true  solution.  I  do  not  like  this 
question ;  I  never  did.  I  wish  it  were  not  here,  nor 
anywhere;  but  it  is  upon  us,  and  we  may  not  avoid 
it;  we  cannot  escape  it.  It  is  upon  and  in  and 
about  everything;  mixed  with  everything ;  or,rathcr, 
it  has  itself  become  everything.  We  need  not  now 
stop  to  complain  of  it,  nor  blame  anybody  for  it. 
We  may  be  indignant  that  it  so  blocks  up  the  way 
of  the  nation,  and  prevents  the  development  of  our 
proud  and  beautiful  race.  We  may  say  the  negro 
is  not  wcrth  all  this  clamor,  or  any  part  of  it.  That 
does  not  get  rid  of  him.  And  you  are  to  remember 
he  did  not  bring  himself  and  this  war  here.  Ne- 
groes never  emigrate.  He  was  stolen  and  planted 
here  against  his  wish;  and  out  of  the  ground  which 
has  beeen  cursed  with  his  alien  feet  has  sprung  this 
infernal  question.  A  million  of  armed  soldiers  are 
debating  it.  It  is  the  argument  of  every  red  field 
of  conflict.  Every  morning  a  million  of  bayonets 
come  pricking  through  the  dull  cloud  of  night  to 
cross  and  clash  over  it.  It  must  be  solved  and  set- 
tled. It  must  be  talked  about;  all  that  everybody 
knows  of,  or  can  think  about  it,  had  better  straight- 
way be  said — said  as  well  as  men  can  say  it;  with 
good  intent  and  for  good  purpose.  Let  us  see  it 
all  the  lights  in  which  it  can  be  exhibited,  and  find, 
if  may  be,  a  way  out  of  it.  The  woman-faced, 
lion-bodied  Memphian  Sphynx  propounded  a  riddle 


,-  li  \       ',.  -ii  ,    .  ^  "*^   L,1,n*  t"^»«i    iui     1.111.-,   L'j     i:iiU     ivv:    wuuiu    111   lilt 

to  tbe  passers  by  and  those  who  tailed  to  read  it-  Kentackians.     Alreadv  thirty-five   thousand   bayo- 

arirrlit  were  ntit  tn  rlr->fvl-.li.       Tn-ilnv   lit-n  tlir.  SnWnv        _  .,._    i /,.  J  .,         .•' 


aright  were  put  to  death.  To-day,  like  the  Sphyn 
propounds  to  us  this  question,  and  if  we  do  not 
answer  rightly,  we  shall  also  perish.  And  those  who 
would  postpone  this  weightiest  matter  ought  to  re- 
member that  the  sword  is  already  suspended  over  it, 
and  a  downward  sweep  will  settle  it  forever. 

This  rebel  war  makes  us  the  inevitable  allies  of 
the  slave  in  his  war  against  the  master;  and  every 
slaveholder  is  in  some  sense,  involuntary  it  may  be, 
the  ally  of  the  rebels;  and  it  is  a  most  wonderful 
indication  that  the  limits  of  the  infected  region  ex- 
actly coincide  with  the  boundary  lines  of  the  slave 
States.  If  any  of  those  States  remain  nominally 
loyal,  it  argues  not  only  the  depth  and  strength  of 
the  patriotism  of  the  noble  men  who  control  them, 
but  also  the  weakness  and  poverty  of  slavery  in 
them,  and  shows  that  it  may  be  wholly  overcome  in 
a  rational  scheme  of  emancipation. 

****** 

In  the  application  of  our  power,  however  derived, 
to  the  subject  under  consideration,  I  would  adopt 
the  principles  of  that  proclamation  to  the  language 
of  which  the  oppressed  and  laboring  heart  of  tbe  na- 
tion rose  up  as  to  the  voice  of  God — the  property 
of  all  rebels  should  be  confiscated,  and  their  slaves 
"  are  hereby  declared  free."  My  convictions  and 
judgment  might  carry  me  further,  but  there  are 
checking  considerations  that  at  this  time,  to  me,  ren- 
der it  inexpedient. 

I  know  that  our  amazing  policy  in  this  gasping, 
strangling  contest  for  the  breath  of  life  is  thus. far 
the  reverse  of  this  ;  we^even  reject  with  scorn  the 
aid  of  one  entire  and  powerful  class  of  our  subjects; 
that  race,  too,  for  whose  destiny  and  our  own  the 
war  is ;  and  yet  we  will  perish  rather  than  aid  shall 
come  from  them.  Nay,  we  will  perish  rather  than 
seek  to  withdraw  them  from  striking  with  our  mor- 
tal foes  !  Was  ever  fatuity  so  sublime  ?  What  can 
be  the  solution  of  this  prodigious  folly  ?  Is  it  indeed 
true  that  slavery  is  the  one  holy  thing,  so  sacred 
that  even  in  this  struggle  we  are  to  remain  the  ene- 
mies of  our  own  allies,  and  the  allies  of  our  enemies 
against  ourselves?  There  never  was  a  war  con- 
ducted so  lambent  and  so  lamb-like,  where  the  per- 
sons of  your  enemies  are  too  sacred  to  be  smitten  by 
any  save  a  pure  white  ;  and  where  you  so  carefuily 
guard  their  feelings  against  the  mortification  of  be- 
ing beaten  in  tbe  field  by  the  kindred  of  their  own 
bondmen.  I  remember  this  last  summer,  and  it  has 
been  recently  repeated,  the  dignified  incident  of 
stripping  off  a  cast-off' uniform  from  the  back  of  a 
colored  servant  of  one  of  your  colonels,  out  of  re- 
spect to  the  feelings  of  your  enemy  I  Sir,  a  nation 
that  goes  into  such  a  struggle  so  daintily  and  minc- 
ingly,  so  be-gloved  and  be-scented  and  be-fooled  and 
besotted,  will  find  it  a  death-struggle  Indeed.  Nev- 
er, until  we  can  shuffle  off  these  sickly  and  sicken- 
ing sentimentalisms,  and  confront  this  great  catas- 
trophe with  all  the  means  that  He  within  our  grasp 
in  our  hands,  shall  we  be  equal  to  its  fearful  de- 
mands. Gentlemen  may  turn  their  pallid  faces 
loathingly  away,  and  hold  their  weak  stomachs,  but 
I  say  to  them  that  they  and  their  policy  must  go  to 
the  rear — the  front  of  this  battle  is  for  other  hands. 
****** 

The  Government  is  .a  unit;  it  cannot  exist  in 
broken  parts;  and  whoever  strikes  it  down  in  South 
Carolina,  strikes  it  down  in  Massachusetts.  If  you 
cannot  enforce  its  laws  in  New  Orleans,  it  is  idle  to 
adjudicate  them  in  New  York:  I  know  that,  by 
common  consent,  we  may  continue  to  obey  them; 
but  the  essential  sanction,  (bund  only  in  national 
sovereignty,  is  gone  ;  so  that  a  patriotism  limited  to 
the  narrow  boundaries  of  a  State  binds  us  to  the 
inexorable  necessity  of  restoring  all  the  States  un- 
der the  national  sovereignty;  for  it  is  only  through 
that  means  that  the  integrity  and  safety  of  our  own 
States  can  be  preserved.     And  that,  sir,  is  our  labor 


system  of  judicature  for   Georgia'  and 
This  giant  treason  has  torn  asunder  the 


to  the  exclusion  of  everything  else  on  earth 

Adjust 
Alabama. 

band  that  bound  tins  constellation  of  nations  upon 
the  brow  of  this  continent,  and  has  tumbled  them 
hither  and  thither,  to  be  lost  in  tho  dust  and  ashes 
with  which  Time  buries  the  dead  nations.  It  is  our 
labor  to  go  forth  like  Titans,  and,  grasping  these  lost 
Orbs,  heaTe  them  up,  and  restore  the  unity  and  har- 
mony  of  our  system.  The  labor  is  superherculean. 
Bring  out  your  engineers,  crane  them  up,  and  sway 
them  back  to  their  places,  and  fasten  them  there 
with  the  eternal  ligatures  of  truth  and  justice,  for- 
ever out  of  the  reach  of  the  loosening  hand  of  re- 
bellion I 

We   are   told,  in  this  fearful  exigency,  that  "  we 

should    not   be  in    haste  lo   determine  what  radical 

extreme  measures,  which   may  reach  tho  loyal 


as  well  as  the  disloyal,  are  indispensable."  Oh,  no; 
we  are  to  mince,  and  hesitate,  and  deliberate;  and 
when  we  deal  a  blow,  it  is  to  be  a  gentle,  admoni- 
tory tap,  upon  an  invulnerable  part.  If  you  strike 
strong  and  heavy,  the  recoil  may  injure  'the  loyal. 
Do  notour  loyal  suffer?  Is  it  nothing  that  thou- 
sands and  thousands  of  our  bravest  and  best  go 
down  in  battle,  and  waste  away  to  death  in  camp 
and  tent  and  hospital,  waylaid  in  solitary,  shadowy 
gorges  and  glens,  and  murdered  ?  Nothing  that  the 
whole  laud  is  hung  with  the  drapery  of  mourning, 
until  it  seems  shrouded  in  the  garments  of  night, 
and  filled  with  the  sobs  of  woe?  Do  not  the  loyal 
suffer  among  us  ?  And  may  the  loyal  of  the  border 
States  purchase  exemption  from  the  unavoidable 
evils  incident  to  war  and  their  position  ?  Shall  the 
whole  country  perish  because  its  salvation  would 
bring  peculiar  hardships,  not  to  their  lives  or  per- 
sons, but  to  their  property  alone,  which  may  be 
compensated  for  ?  In  the  name  of  all  that  is  fear- 
ful in  this  exigency,  what  is  it  you  demand  for  them, 
and  at  what  a  fearful  hazard  ?  Does  not  all  this 
mean  that,  at  all  events,  slavery  is  to  be  the  one 
thing  not  to  suffer?  Is  it  not  weighing  it  naked 
and  alone  against  the  nation,  and  in  a  doubtful 
balance  ?  What  fearful  and  terrible  apprehensions 
this  suggests !  And  if  the  time  ever  arrives  in  the 
councils  of  the  Executive  to  make  the  hesitating 
choice,  where  will  the  patriots  of  the  border  States 
be  found  ? 

'*  Gentle  shepherd,  tell  us  where  ?  ' 
Sir,  tho  gentleman  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Wads- 
worth)  more  than  answers  this  inquiry,  and  tells  us 
where.  They  will  strike  doubtingly  and  languidly 
with  us  until  we  differ  about  the  mode  of  carrying 
on  the  war,  and  then  against  us.  Be  it  so.  Is  this 
the  measure  and  standard  of  a  Keutuckian's  love  of 
country  ?  Were  all  these  florid  professions  but 
paintedbubbles,  filled  with  tainted  breath  ?  What 
does  this  mean  ?  Kentucky  would  remain  true  to 
the  Constitution  ;  but  then,  in  a  given  event,  the 
rebellion  would  grow  to  such  proportions  as  to  i: 
elude  fifteen  States.  Let  it  grow  if  it  will.  The 
gentleman  may  then  learn,  if  he  is  curious,  whether 
we  can  endure  the  "  smell  of  gunpowder."  I  rep- 
resent the  gentleman  as  I  understood  him.  Are 
these  the  descendants  of  the  Kentuekians  of  1812 — 
of  that  gallant  host  who  came  plunging  through  the 
woods  to  our  far-off*  invaded  border;  who  raised  the 
siege  of  Fort  Meigs,  and  aided  us  to  pursue  and 
capture  a  British  army  on  British  soil  ?  Do  not  say 
we  are  ungrateful  for  this,  or  that  we  would  injure 


longer  !  Don't  be  rash— let  it  burn  ! "  Oh,  yes ;  let 
It  burn!  God  give  us  patience ^nd  wisdom  in  this 
day  of  our  visitation  I 

To  nations,  as  to  individuals,  is  given  but  a  single 
life;  and  its  hopes  and  opportunities  are  measured 
by  tbe  span  of  to-day.  Who  can  say  when  our  to- 
day shall  close?  Even  now  its  hour  seems  to  de- 
cline and  languish.  The  sands  of  its  minutes  are 
crushed  to  impalpable  dust  by  the  fearful  burdens 
rolled  upon  them — burdens  that  we  must  carry,  or 
under  which  we  must  perish. 


nets  have  gone  sparkling  over  the  dividing  river 
from  Ohio  to  prove  that  we  cannot  forget;  to  prove 
that  we  so  detest  Kentucky,  that  we  trust  our  brave 
and  beautiful  ones  between  her  and  her  foes,  and 
give  her  a  chance  to  rally  her  own  sons !  What  do 
gentlemen  mean  by  these  charges  on  this  floor? 
Who  is  Garfield,  and  whence  come  his  forty-second 
regiment?  Who  are  McCook  and  his  ninth  ?  Where 
got  they  their  bayonets?  And  whence  came  Kin- 
ney, who  planted  his  guns  within  sixty  yards  of 
murderous  musketry?  And  the  gallant  Standart, 
and  the  fragile,  girlish  boy  Wetmore,  with  his  lion 
heart  and  Parrott  guns?  All,  save' McCook  and 
his  ninth,  are  from  my  own  fanatic  region.  Standart 
and  his  heroes  are  from  my  own  city,  and  Wetmore 
took  his  men  from  a  single  neighborhood  of  my  dis- 
trict— all  identical  in  sentiment,  yet  they  asked  no 
question,  they  made  no  condition,  and  they  never 
will.  The  blood  runs  as  red  and  hot  and  generous 
on  the  breezy  shores  of  Lake  Erie  as  in  a  more 
southern  clime.  If  more  men  are  needed,  there  are 
ready  thousands  to  go— take  all.  The  newest  bride 
shall  be  the  widowed;  the  youngest  babe  shall  be 
the  orphaned  ;  the  last  hearth  shall  be  left  desolate  ; 
and  the  last  heart,  beat  and  break  under  the  war- 
hoof,  without  question  or  condition.  No  wavering 
or  hesitation  weakens  an  arm  or  checks  the  devotion 
of  my  people. 

But  do  not  be  in  haste — no  need  in  the  world  for 
expedition  !  This  blow  has  only  cloven  away  one- 
half  of  our  empire,  and  a  good  deal  more  than  half 
our  sea-coast,  and  reduced  us  to  a  rugged  narrow 
belt  across  the  continent,  and  beleagured  our  capital 
for  a  few  months.  This  is  nothing!  Do  not  for 
that  go  to  being  radical,  and  get  ourselves  talked 
about !  You  might  hurt  a  rebel's  feelings,  and  make 
him  uneasy  about  his  property. 

Do  you  remember,  sir,  the'glowing  figure  of  the 
gentleman    from   Kentucky    (Mr.    Harding)    who 
likened  the  States  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of 
great  family  residing  in  different  apartments  of  one 
grand  home  mansion  that  had  taken  fire  ? 

You  remember  he,  too,  represented  us  Ohioans. 
Indianians,  and  Illinoisans,  as  refusing  to  aid  in  ex- 
tinguishing the  flames,  unless  our  brothers  will  con- 
sent to  dismiss  their  servants.  Sir,  it  was  these 
very  domestics  that  caused  this  fire,  and  it  is  through 
their  agencies  that  it  is  still  fed  and  fanned,  and  no 
power  on  earth  can  save  the  edifice  till  they  are 
expelled. 

_  We  will  not  aid,  will  we  ?  Who  furnished  these 
six  hundred  thousand  men  and  these  six  hundred 
millions  of  money  ?  Who  now  stands  between 
Kentucky  and  the  flames,  or  fearlessly  tread  the 
brands  of  the  conflagration  that  have  charred  and 
blackened  her? 

This  mansion  is  indeed  a  wondrous  edifice,  such 
as  mortals  never  before  erected.  Grand  and  sublime 
in  its  proportions,  yet  constructed  on  the  simplest 
and  most  elementary  principles  of  art.  With  its 
out-sweeping  walls,  wide  enough  to  protect  the  mil- 
lions of  a  continent,  yet  lifting  its  dome  so  loftily 
that  the  western  sun  flings  its  shadow  across  the 
sea,  and  falls  startling!}-  and  ominously  among  the 
pigmy  kings  and  dwarfed  tribes  of  the  far-off*  Old 
World. 

What  priceless  riches  are  hoarded  in  that  struc- 
ture !  There  are  gathered  all  the  hearths  and  hopes 
and  homes  of  once  happy  millions ;  all  the  garnered 
treasures  of  tho  past,  the  precious  present,  and  the 
roots  and  elements  of  all  the  grand  future.  There 
is  the  fountain  of  law,  and  justice,  and  government, 
from  whence  emanates  that  protecting,  all-pervad- 
ing influence  we  call  the  "  public  peace."  And  this 
grand  nation-home  is  on  fire:  has  been  burning  for 
months.  The  whole  south  wing  is  a  roaring  mass  of 
molten  flames  that  shoot  their  fierce  tongues  into 
the  heart  of  the  heavens,  licking  up  the  nights,  and 
startling  the  nations  with  their  glare.  The  fiery 
mass  has  rolled  against  the  very  walls  of  the  Capi- 
tol, and  left  them  shrunken,  and  blackened,  and 
shriveled  by  its  breath. 

And  we,  sir,  many  of  us,  would  meet  this  confla- 
gration with  its  great  enemy.  Wo  propose  to  turn 
upon  it  a  torrent,  compared  with  which  Niagara, 
with  its  world  of  waters  leaping  from  their  cloudy 
thrones,  and  crushing  themselves  in  mist,  is  but  a 
glittering  cascade.  "  Hold  on!"  cry  out  our  singed 
brothers,  with  exclamatory  horror,  "  hold  on  !  you 
will  drown  out  our  domestic  institutions;  and  "be- 
sides,  your    water   is    unconstitutional    any   way!" 

"Hold  mi!"  gasps  the  bead  of  the  family,  choked 

with  smoke,  with  his  eye-lashes  scon-bed  oil',  "  don't 

be  radical;  you  may  wash  away  all  the  creeping 

things   that,  infest   that   wing,   aiid    I   am  sworn    to 


ty.'   them.      !,<■!,  me   try   iny 


gill  cup  a  w 


bile 


THE  BRITISH  LION. 

There  have  been  many  good  lions  in  the  world. 
But  since  the  days  of  the  royal  lions  among 
Daniel  fell,  there  have  been  none  so  temperate,  so 
exemplary  in  every  Christian  grace,  as  the  lions 
among  whom  Jonathan  has  fallen.  Where  Eng- 
land got  her  lion-stock ;  of  what  breed  it  is ;  by 
what  cross  or  training  it  has  been  improved,  we  do 
not  know;  but  so  well-bred,  well-behaved,  and  alto- 
gether admirable  lions  as  there  are  in  that  royal 
den,  we  do  not  believe  the  world  ever  saw. 

Several  of  its  graces  fill  the  English  papers  just 
now  with  singular  admiration.  Never  did  lion  be- 
fore show  such  a  temperate  appetite;  never  had 
lion  such  moral  scruples;  never  did  lion  seem  so 
near  to  prophetic  condition  of  lying  down  with  the 
lamb.  There  the  royal  brute  lay  in  the  very  door 
of  England,  and  saw  beeves,  sheep,  and  much  swine 
of  American  affairs  driven  before  it,  and  never 
snatched  a  morsel.  We  shall  never  know  how  this 
dear  converted  lion  inwardly  felt;  what  struggles  it 
waged,  and  what  victories  it  inwardly  gainedT°  But 
we  are  assured  that,  he  never  stirred  a  paw,  nor 
licked  his  watering  lips,  but  saw  all  the  confusion 
and  accessible  prey  of  America  with  no  sentiments 
but  those  becoming  a  truly  converted  and  Christian 
lion  ! 

The  British  Standard,  a  religious  weekly  news- 
paper, edited,  we  believe,  by  our  friend,  the  most 
estimable  and  excellent  Eev.  Dr.  Campbell,  in  the 
New  Year's  summary,  given  in  the  number  for  Jan- 
uary 3,  exhibits  some  of  the  virtues  and  experiences 
of  the  British  lion,  in  a  way  that  should  make  the  j 
American  eagle  hang  its  h;"-;--d 

1.  The  lion's  opinion  of  I 

"  It  is  useless  for  people  to 
enthusiasm,  and  point  to  t  < 

dent  for  75,000  able-bodied  . 
What  did  they  do?  What  ba 
can  they  do?  To  say  no-, 
not  a  military  people'  is  no  answer  at  all.  The 
swagger  of  their  rulers  would  have  led  the  civilized 
world,  had  they  not  known  better,  to  have  regarded 
them  with  scrupulous  civility,  approaching  almost  to 
terror.  The  boasted  prowess  of  tlte  North  has  proved 
a,  delusion  ;  and  unless  hostilities  with  England  should 
unhappily  break  out,  there  seems  but  little  prospect 
that  peace  between  the  American  belligerents  would 
be  any  nearer  next  Christmas  than  now.  The  North 
has  been  over  and  over  again  both  defeated  and  dis- 
graced,and  no  matter  what  extenuating  circumstances 
may  be  urged,  if  such  they  can  be  called ;  there  the 
facts  stand," 

The  respectful  language  in  which  the  President  of 
the  United  States  is  mentioned,  the  sympathy  with 
which  a  people  are  regarded  who  are  struggling  to 
save  their  Government  and  institutions  from  an  in- 
surrection of  slaveholders  and  a  war  of  ten  States 
confederated  to  establish  slavery  as  the  "  corner- 
stone of  the  republic,"  according  to  Vice-President 
Stephens,  cannot  but  excite  the  regard  of  all  who 
love  civilized  lions,  and  who  abhor  such  untamed 
beasts  as  yet  exist  in  Africa. 

2.  The  lion  boasts  of  controlling  his  appetite  : — 

"Our  traders,  however  great  their  losses,  have 
viewed  the  matter  in  a  temperate  spirit;  our  ships 
have  patiently  borne  vexatious  annoyances  which  will 
not  be  always  endured;  and  even  our  working  popu- 
lation in  the  manufacturing  provinces,  whose  main 
support  is  cotton,  have,  in  the  face  of  present  news, 
left  off  murmuring.  England  can  stand  erect  in  the 
face  of  the  world,  and  defy  any  one  to  point  to  a  single 
word  or  action  on  her  part  which  infringed  that  strict 
neutrality  which  she  has  always  so  anxiously  striven 
to  preserve." 

_  Not  to  meddle  with  affairs  that  do  not  belong  to 
him  costs  much  to  his  traders,  his  ship-owners,  and 
his  manufacturers.  But,  let  the  world  take  notice, 
the  lion  does  not  stir  out  of  his  tracks  yet.  He 
growled,  but  even  that  is  now  stopped,  and  he  says 
he  has  "left  off  murmuring."  Not  a  growl,  not* a 
whiffet,  not  a  purr :  ever  so  gentle  I 

3.  The  lion  pats  his  sides: — 

"Enough  of  the  general  question.  The  one  mo- 
mentous event,  the  circumstances  of  which  are  fresh 
in  the  mind  of  every  individual  in  the  country,  de- 
serves separate,  although  brief  notice.  It  is,  as  we 
have  before  remarked,  matter  for  pride  and  admira- 
tion that  the  whole  country  remained  cool  and  com- 
paratively unexcited  under  intelligence  so  irritating, 
so  calculated  to  arouse  the  worst  and  most  enduring 
of  all  the  passions  of  our  nature.  Pending  the  proba- 
ble hourly  arrival  of  the  mail,  it  is  unnecessary  to  add 
more." 

The  lion  was  tempted,  it  seems.  St.  Jerome  was 
tempted;  St.  Francis  was;  all  eminent  saints  have 
been.  The  path  of  peace  cannot  be  trod  by  lion's 
paw  without  some  self-denial.  But  the  British  lion 
has  been  mercifully  sustained.  We  do  not  wonder 
that  it  admires  itself.  When  had  lion  more  cause 
for  pride,  for  devout  pride,  grateful  pride, — indeed, 
for  spiritual  pride  ?  There  was  a  chance  to  fight. 
and  he  didn't !  He  smelt  blood,  but  would  not  taste 
a  drop!  Daniel  gives  some  account  of  his  own  ex- 
periences during  Ins  stay  in  the  royal  dormitory  of 
lions,  and  alsoof  the  king's  feeling,  who,  with  the 
most  conscientious  scruples  and  despotic  qualms  of 
tenderness,  had  put  him  to  bed  with  such  strange 
bedfellows.  And  he  declares  that  angels  "  had  shut 
tbe  lions'  mouths."  But  the  English  lion  had  to 
hold  his  own  mouth,  without  supernatural  aid.  We 
can  imagine  tho  creature,  with  one  paw  beneath  the 
under-jaw  and  another  above  his  muzzle,  resolutolv 
holding  fast  a  mouth  in  which  some  remains  of  the 
old  nature  yet  lingered.  But  now  the  lion's  mouth 
is  opened  again;  but  this  time  to  utter  congratula- 
tions and  praises  of  his  own  transcendent  virtue. 
May  he  never  fall  from  grace!  If  he  has  not  yet 
attained  to  the  eating  of  straw,  like  an  ox,  he  is  on 
tho  way  to  it.  He  feeds  surprisingly  well  on  cot- 
ton, and  his  diet  agrees  with  him.  So  long  as  the 
cotton  bale  endures,  the  British  lion  will  be  pious. 

3.    The  other  side. 

We  are  really  grieved  to  know  that  there  are 
scornera  around  the  royal  den,  who  deride  nil  the 

soil  experiences  of  the  lion,  and  who  charge  him 
with  conduct,  unbecoming — we  will  not  say  to  a  civ- 
ilized lion,  but  even  to  the  dignity  of  one  of  those 
superb   wildings    that,    Gerard  "hunted.     There,  for 

instance,  is  the  London  Harold  <>f  Pwcs,  published 

lh.  s:n:i  ■  week  Witt  flu.  I.ri-irh  Shin;:;rd  that  I  > 
scribes  the  conduct  of  the  royal  brute  in  tins  scanda- 
lous manner: — 

For,  look  at  the  case  calmly  for  a  moment.  An 
American  captain  has  exercised,  in  a  Bomewhat  QUeB- 
tionable  form,  one  of  the  rights  of  war,  which,  lot   it 

be  remembered,  has  become  such  mainly  through  our 

teaching  and  cxariiple,  and  baa  been  more  frequently 


and  more  peremptorily  practised  by  us  than  by  any 
other  nation  in  the  world.  And  what  has  been  the 
result?  Why  this:  that  before  time  has  been  given 
to  investigate  the  case,  before  negotiation  with  the 
American  Government  was  possible,  before  the  great 
antboriiies  on  international  law  could  be  compared 
and  collated,  so  as  to  elicit  anything  like  a  clear  and 
consistent  judgment,  the  public  voice  has  broken  forth 
into  an  hysteric  scream  of  anger  and  defiance.  Num- 
bers of  people  go  about  with  clenched  fists  and  flushed 
countenances,  refusing  to  bear  of  any  alternative  but 
that  of  war  to  the  knife.  The  air  resounds  with  words 
of  threatening  and  slaughter.  The  newspapers  are 
surcharged  with  every  form  of  outrage  and  insult 
they  can  devise  against  the  American  Government 
and  people." 

A  paper  in  Oxford,  England,  in  its  January  issue, 
has  the  following  editorial  language,  of  a  character 
exceedingly  objectionable  to  all  believers  in  the 
British  lion : — 

"And  is  there  not  a  mocking,  scornful,  proud,  ly- 
ing, and   blood-thirsty  legion  entered  into  that  other 

'  church,'  tbe  priesthood  of  literature  so-called  ?  Ia 
the   very  presence,  as  it  were,  of  our  unburied  dead, 

have  not  the  worst  passions  of  our  nature  been  stimu- 
lated as  by  incarnate  fiends  ?  By  misrepresentation 
and  exaggeration,  by  defamation  and  falsehood  in  a  . 
thousand  forms,  the  chief  literary  organ  of  the  nation 
has  day  by  day  stimulated  to  hot  and  hasty  and  un- 
reasoning revenge.  With  a  settled  and  studied  and 
cold  malevolence,  which  we  like  not  to  call  human, 
hut  which  exemplifies  all  the  satanie  in  man,  the 
Times  has  breathed  out  threatening  and  slauglucrr-  it — 
lias  sought  to  poison  the  very  life-blood  of  the  nation  ; 
it  has  striven  to  sink  tbe  national  honor  into  eternal 
infamy,  and  to  have  the  national  courage  branded  with 
cowardice  through  all  time.  Have  not  the  Times  and 
its  followers  sought  to  identify  the  Government  and 
nation  with  that  sum  of  all  villanies,  slavery  ;  and  to 
'ally'  the  nation  with  conspirators,  raen-stealers.  and 
tbe  would  be  founders  of  a  slave  empire?  Have  they 
not  greedily  seized  occasion — have  they  not  made 
occasion  to  do  this  ?  With  a  cowardice  and  criminality 
too  great  fot*a  name,  have  they  not  striven  to  excite 
and  hound  on  the  nation  1  Yes ;  the  cry  has  been, 
Strike!  Strike,  and  do  not  hear;  strike,  and  'kill, 
kill; '  kill  the  man,  our  brother,  who  has  fallen  among 
thieves,  and  is  struggling  for  honor,  freedom,  life! 
Strike  with  and  for  the  rebel  slavehoider ;  slander  and 
strike  your  erring  brother  in  his  extremity,  and  call 
:'  -  vindication  of  national  honor  and  s  display 
■  -'■■:..  ■  ■    -    ■  ■  ■       ■      . 

-    -  :•    ,■;:  ...  ■  .     . 

Mr  .  iem  ■■:-.'  and  .  I     ■.       .  ■ 

■:    . 
'"'"'■.'■  -    - 

Satan  were  unboii 

"■'.'  ~  "■-.. 
in  the  new  widowhood  of  our  honored  and  Dei 
Queen,  have  we  had  the  suggestions  of  cold  malevo- 
lence and  studied  wickedness,  and  war-shrieks,  as  of 
infernal  spirits,  the  enemies  of  God  and  man,  athirst 
for  human  blood." 

Somebody  is  mistaken.  Either  Dr.  Campbell  is, 
or  the  peace  folks  are.  Somebody's  lion  has  been 
conducting  himself  ridiculously.    What  are  the  facts  ? 

A  Fable  with  a  Moral.  Once  upon  a  time  a 
Southern  preacher  said  to  his  slave,  "  Peter,  how  did 
you  like  my  sermon  this  morning  ?  "  "  Ah,  massa, 
berry  much  I  You  look  jes  like  a  lion."  "Lion, 
Peter  ?  Why,  you  never  saw  a  lion."  "  Oh  ves, 
massa,  I  seed  him.  Tom  ride  him  down  to  water, 
by  here,  ebery  day."  "  Why,  Peter,  that  is  a*  jack- 
ass, and  not  a  lion."  "  Well,  massa,  can't  help  it. 
Dat's  jest  de  way  you  look." — N.  Y.  Independent. 


LETTER  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  NOETH. 

Pkople  of  the  North:  In  this  hour  of  nation- 
al peril  have  twenty  million  of  free  men  nothing  to 
do  but  to  stand  and  watch  to  see  what  a  few  men 
at  Washington  will  do? 

1  ask  you,  Northern  men  and  women,  who  wait 
and  wish  and  long  for  something  to  be  done,  what 
can  be  done,  and  who  will  do  it  ? 

Do  you  expect  the  President  and  his  Cabinet, 
even  though  united,  to  mould  the  nation,  and  out 
of  this  discord  bring  forth  harmony  ?  And  to  do  it, 
too,  with  such  a  mysterious  silence,  that  we  shall 
never  know  when  or  how  the  nation  was  born  ajrain '? 

Do  you  expect  Gen.  McClellan  to  lead  six^hun- 
dred  thousand  Northern  freemen  into  the  jaws  of 
slavery — into  the  valley  of  death — while  you  de- 
clare they  shall  not  slay,  nor  even  touch,  the  hvdra- 
headed  monster  that  stands  ready  to  devour  them? 
Can  he  lead  an  army  forward  without  the  inspira- 
tion of  some  purpose  ?  Must  you  not  unseal  his  lips, 
unfetter  all  his  powers,  until  his  noble  proclamations 
winnow  our  ranks  of  dastards  and  traitors:  till  he 
shall  raise  our  standard  so  high,  that  none  but  those 
whose  eyes  have  looked  on  tbe  Star  of  Bethlehem 
can  see  and  follow  ? 

With  four  million  slaves  on  our  side,  led  by  the 
God  of  Moses,  what  are  three  hundred  thousand 
slaveholders  with  their  barbarian  minions,  backed 
up  by  allied  England,  France  and  Spain  ? 

Millions  of  Northern  men  and  women  read  the 
daily  papers,  and  wish  that  on  the  Potomac  there 
might  be  some  grand  move,  never  dreaming  that 
the  army  and  the  government  fall  back  on  the 
people  for  principle  and  power,  for  conscience  and 
courage,  ami  are  themselves  anxiously  waiting  for 
them  to  decide  what  is  to  be  done. 

The  grandest  move  that  can  be  made  is  for  «s  to 
say,  "  Slavery  must  die  !"  From  sea  to  sea,  let 
there  go  forth  one  simultaneous  shout  for  freedom. 
Proclaim  a  day  of  jubilee  to  the  bondmen  that  dwell 
in  our  land. 

You  ask  why  they,  at  Washington,  wait?  They 
wait  for  us  to  speak.  Our  statesmen  have,  with 
thought  and  care,  reviewed  the  ground,  and  clearly— 
see  there  is  no  hope  for  us,  but  through  one  mightv 
gate,  whose  ponderous  hinges  they  cannot  turu  atone. 
Aided  by  the  Northern  hosts,  it"  would  soon  spring 
open  wide,  and  usher  our  army  into  the  temple  of 
liberty,  whose  presiding  goddess  stands  ready  to 
crown  the  heroes  who,  in  this  holy  crusade,  have 
freely  offered  all  that  mankind  holds  most  dear  on 
the  altar  of  their  country's  fame  and  tdorv. 

Now  is  the  time  to  speak.  This  nation  must  bo 
electrified,  until  one  purpose  pulsates  every  heart. 
Lot  our  bravest  anil  our  best,  the  distributors  of  di- 
vine influence,  bo  omnipresent.  Like  tireless  niiLvcls, 
let  them  gather  up  every  si^h  and  groan,  and  hope 
and  prayer  for  liberty ;  and  with  tliem,  forge  fresh 
thunderbolts  to  hurl  against  the  bulwarks  of  slavery. 
Now  is  tbe  time  for  holy  men  to  call  around  them 
those  who  wait  to  hear;  those  who  in  anguish  cry, 
••  Watchman,  what  of  the  night  ?" 

Let  us  declare  to  the  earth,  that  tins  is  a  war  for 

high  and  holy  principle,  nol  ftira  sla-reholdins  Vnion 
that  cannot  be  restored,  or  a  Constitution  that  was 

never  sacred  to  one  half  the  nation. 

This  is  a  war  against  barbarians,  who  know  no 
law  but  that  of  might  ;  against  idolaters,  whose  gods 
nre  cotton  and  slavery;  against  polvgatoists  and 
adulterers,  who  have  abrogated  the  marriage  insti- 
tution, sold  men  and  women  on  tho  auctiou-bhvk, 
and  given  their  own  daughters  to  tho  highest  bidder. 

Let  US  declare  the  purpose  of  this  war — inscribe 
l.iiii  nrv  on  our  banners,  ami  bid  the  people  go 
forward 


■Tin-,. 


s  yrciaos  on  US, 


Vbw  to  l':i\?o  witli  us  it  stands." 


30 


THE     LIB  E  R  A.  T  O  R 


FEBEUAEY  21. 


To-day  Humanity  expects  every  man  to  do  his 
duty.  Let  the  blacksmith  at  his  anvil,  the  former 
at  his  plough,  the -merchant  at  his  desk,  all  strike 
the  kev-noto  of  Liberty;  for  this  is  the,  grand  cho- 
rus of  freedom,  chanted  in  the  New  World,  by  mar- 
tyrs from  every  race  and  clime.  It  is  a  most  signifi- 
cant fact,  that  every  nation  that  has  ever  fought 
for  liberty  on  her  own  soil  is  now  represented  in  our 
grand  arm)'. 

From  this  hour  let  no  General  dare  to  send  our 
soldiers  on  the  base  errands  of  slavery.  It  was  not 
for  such  foul  deeds  our  Northern  freemen  left  their 
homes,  poured  out  their  hard-earned  wealth,  and 
■welcomed  toil  and  death. 

"With  bleeding  hearts  our  mothers  never  sent 
their  sons  to  hunt  brave  men  back  into  the  hell  of 
slavery. 

If  our  commanders  now  at  the  helm  know  not  how 
or  where  to  stride  the  ship  of  State,  let  them  retire 
below,  until  the  waves  subside,  and  summon  to  the 
deck  the  ablest  of  the  crew,  those  who  know  where 
the  dangers  lie,  and  how  to  battle  with  the  storm. 

Let  the  indignant  thunders  of  a  nation's  voice  fall 
on  our  Pharaoh's  ear,  ami  bid  him  know  that  for  the 
sacrifice  of  lite  and  home,  and  wealth  and  ease,  wo 
are  resolved  that  our  Hag  shall  wave  from  lake  to 
gulf,  from  sea  to  sea ;  and  that  noue  but  freemen 
shall  rest  beneath  its  stars. 

Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton. 

[This  excellent  Address  of  Mrs.  Stanton  was  read 
at  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Convention  recently  held  at 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  to  which  it  was  originally  sent.) 


sentiment  or  policy,  could  be  manfully  struck,  and 
nobly  permitted  to  fall  into  the  ground,  and  die. 
This  is  an  hour  of  high  congratulation  at  the  splen- 
did success  of  our  Federal  arms;  success  the  more 
encouraging,  as  opening  a  way,  into  the  very  heart 
of  slave-dom,  for  the  entrance  ofa  civilization,  armed, 
invasive,  eager,  enthusiastic,  untrammelled,  driven 
before  the  blasts  of  Provide'nee,  and  persistent  with 
the  whole  vigor  of  destiny.  Let  the  morning  stars 
of  our  banner  sing  together  once  more,  in  this  faint 
(lushing  of  the  new  creation's  dawn;  let  the  guns 
tell  the  coming  ofa  new  morning;  let  joyous  bells 
ring  outour  gladness  on  the  wintry  air;  but  let  us 
see  that  the  supreme  cause  of  congratulation  is  the 
almost  gigantic  progress  of  the  public  sentiment  in 
favor  of  liberty,  which  has  brought  us  to  this  pass  at 
length,  and  which  speaks  out  now  in  noble  speeches 
— speeches  like  buds  on  the  brown  bark  of  the  apple 
tree,  showing  that  the  daj-spring  from  on  high  is 
advancing  with  steady  steps,  and  will  soon,  spite  of 
an  occasional  east  wind,  cover  all  the  tree  tops  with 
the  fragrant  snow  of  the  young  summer. 


"SEEDS  AND   SHELLS." 

A  Sermon  by  Rev.  O.  B.  Fiio-thisc-ham.  A  very 
bandsome  pamphlet  edition  of  a  recent  sermon  by  Rev. 
O.  B.  Frothingham  lias  been  published  in  New  York, 
and  is  for  sale  by  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.,  Boston.  Its 
title  is  "  Seeds  and  Shells."  The  best  thing'  we  can 
say  of  it  is  that  it  is  entirely  worthy  of  its  author,— a 
man  who,  if  his  life  is  spared,  is  yet  to  be  acknowl- 
edged as  one  of  the  leading  minds  of  America.  V\  e 
gave  a  brief  extract  from  the  sermon,  last  week,  in  an 
article  on  the  death  of  Adjutant  Hodges.— lioxbury 
Journal. 

[From  the  admirable  sermon  here  referred  to,  we 
make  the  following  extract  as  a  specimen  of  its  quali- 
ty :— 

It  is  the  most  earnest  hope  of  many,  and  those 
the  most  earnest  people,  that  we,  as  a  people,  are 
now  passing  through  a  process  of  evolution,  and  it  is 
this  hope  alone  that  sustains  them  amid  the  sorrows 
and  sacrifices  of  the  times:  sorrows,  however,  which 
really  do  not  yet,  and  hardly  by  any  possibility  can, 
compare  with  those  endured  by  our  noble  fathers  in 
the  Revolution,  that  has  made  us  what  we  are;  sac- 
rifices that  do  not  begin  to  be  as  heavy  as  theirs 
were.     The  principle  of  life  in  our  people,  the  sen- 
timent of  liberty,  the  sense  of  the  right  and  human, 
the  practical  feeling  of  what  is  due  to  man  as  man, 
has  been  growing  prodigiously,  to  many  people  very 
alarmingly,  in  the  last  twenty   years.     It    has  in- 
creased with   the   increasing   population,  it  has  en. 
larged  with  the  enlarging  territory,  it  has  become 
clear  and  powerful  by   force   of  circumstances.     It 
could  not  any  longer  be  contained  within  the  old  so- 
cial limits,  and  was  rapidly  creating  a  new  society 
of  its  own,   radically   different  from    that  of  older 
States.  'It  has  been  apparent,  for  a  long  time,  that 
the  shell  of  the  Constitution  was  becoming  thin  and 
weak  at  the  clauses  that  pledged  the  return  of  fugi- 
tives and  guaranteed  the  three-fifths  representation, 
and  must  soon  open   there  ;    and  now    the    ghastly 
split  that  pushes  asunder  the  States  that  live  by  sla- 
very and  the  States  that  live  by  freedom,  shows  the 
extent  to  which  the  vital  germs  of  our  nationality 
have  swollen,  and  the  vigor  with  which  they  insist 
on  making  their  way  out  into  larger  development 
and  more  purely  human  relations.     The*-  Southern 
people  knew  that  the  elements  of  free  society  were 
on  the  spread,  better  than  we  knew  it,  who  were 
bearing  them  in  our  bosoms  and  scattering  them 
through  our  States.     They  felt  the  significance  of 
that  growth  before  we  did;  they  confessed  its  irre- 
eistibleness   while  we  doubted  its  existence;   they 
caught  the  alarm  before  we  cherished  the  hope  of  its 
advance;  they  acted  on  an  ?::  line*  which  our  inno- 
cent unconsciousness  persisted  in  regarding  in  the 
light  of  a  frenzy,  and  was  in  truth  very  simply  and 
honestly  amazed  at.  _  They  jtnderstood  us  -far  more 
amjdfitgl^gtbaii  we  understood  ourselves,  and  the 
a^.".,-    ::-li'ic!i  they  adopted   and   pursued   so  eagerly 
was  suggested  by  that  understanding,  and  fully  justi- 
fied by  it.     As  has  been  finely  said,  "  Slavery,  the 
savage,  laid  its  ear   to    the    ground,    and    heard    in 
those  ballots  falling  for  Abraham  Lincoln  the  fatal 
tramp  of  many  centuries,  the   mustering  for  liberty 
of  the  ages  that  take  no  step  backwards."     It  did 
not  care  to  wait  till  the  firm  tramp   of  those  centu- 
ries echoed  through  the  streets  of  Southern  cities ;  it 
shook  its  head  doubtfully  at  the  asseverations  of  the 
Republican  scouting  party,  that  no  army  was  com- 
ing at  all,  that  simply  a  picket  guard  was  to  be  sta- 
tioned along  the  border  line,  with  strict  orders  not 
to  set  a  foot  on  the  sacred  soil.     It  distrusted  our 
proclamations,  and  laughed  to  scorn  our  professions 
of  regard  for  the  Union,  the   Constitution,   and  the 
existing  laws.     It  had  discovered  and  rightly  inter- 
preted the  "  Social  significance  of  our  institutions," 
as  clearly  as  any  of  our  philosophers,  and  much  ear- 
lier than  they.     It  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  pacific 
assurances  of  our   statesmen   and    politicians,   and 
heard  only  the  thunder-voice  of  Destiny,  bidding 
it  prepare  for  the  worst,  foolishly  fancying  that  for 
the  South,  too,  it  was  the  worst,  and  not  the  best. 
The  simple  fact  that,  when  challenged  to  name  their 
grievances,  the  list  which  the  Seeeders  produced 
was   so   ridiculously   small,   was   a   proof  that  their 
grievances  were  very  deep,  too  deep  to  be  spoken, 
too  deep  to  be  argued.     Such  action  as  theirs  could 
not  be  taken  without  cause ;    and  the  cause  was  one 
that  was  more  tangible  to  their  social  instinct  than 
to  their  logic.     The  more  sophistical  their  plea,  the 
more  conclusive   their  reasoning;     the  more  flimsy 
their  justification,  the  more  rooted  their  conviction. 
Our  popular  orators  never  had  easier  task  than  to 
make   sport  of  their  manifestoes;    but,  when  the 
manifestoes  were  torn  all   to.  pieces   by   historical 
statements,  by  argument,  rhetoric,  wit,  the  position 
of  our  adversaries  remained  as  unshaken  as  if  they 
had  not  been  touched.     They  knew  that  a  process 
of  social  development,  which  had  been  going  on  for 
years,  had  at  last  reached  the  point  when  its  open 
disclosure  was  certain,  and  all  attempts  to  hide  it  be- 
neath the  old   Constitution  were  vain.     They  saw 
that  the  shell  of  the  formal  Union  must  crack,  and 
they  were  determined,  since  crack  it  must,  that  it 
should  crack  at  Ike  great  central  seam  which  divided 
ike  democratic  from  the  aristocratic  institutions.     With 
desperate  stroke  they  smote  the  old  fabric,  and  tore 
a  portion  of  it  away.     Ghastly  was  the  rent  they 
made.     Ghastly  as  the  pale   corse  that   lay   in  its 
winding-sheet  at  the  foot  of  the  cross  will  be  the 
prostrate  form  of  the  old  organization,  the  dear  old 
form  so  many  loved.     It  is  the  growth  of  liberty  which 
has  caused  this  bursting  open  of  a  nation's  constitution- 
al environment.     And,  ah  '.  what  a  harvest  may  come 
from  this  decomposing  and  perishing  seed  !  a  harvest 
of  peace  to  "  right-minded  men."     Think,  O  think, 
iwhat  it  would  be  to  heave  from  our  hearts  that  mon- 
strous belching  iEtna  of  slavery,  and  to  draw  in,  in- 
stead of  its  sulphurous  blasts,  long  and  deep  inhala- 
tions of  the  pure,  atmosphere  of  Heaven  !     The  eman- 
cipation of  tfie  black  people  would  be  the  emancipation 
,_  £>f  all  the  wiiile  people  in  the  land.     The  merchants 
would  be  free  Jit  their  honor  ;  the  traders  would  be 
free  in  their  honesty;    judges  would  be  free  to  be 
just;    lawyers  would  be  free  to  be  conscientious; 
'clergymen    would   be  free  to  be   Christian;    patriots 
would  be  free  to  love  their  country  sincerely ;  citi- 
zens would  be  free  to  consult  the  glorious  welfare  of 
the  State;  gentlemen  and  ladies  would  be  frae  to 
tell  the  truth  in  parlor  and  street.     The  seeds  of 
healthy  industry  and  quick  intelligence  would  be 
scattered  broad-cast  over   the  whole  country,  and 
would  come  up  in  the  shape  of  factories,  schools,  li- 
braries, churches,  clustering  houses  in  the  midst  of 
pleasant  gardens  and  teeming  farms,  flourishing  vil- 
lages, great  cities,  literature,  science,  art,  laws  fitted 
to  the   moral  sentiment  of  the  nation,  institutions 
Euited  to  the  popular  life.      What  luscious  fruit  to  the 
Southern  people  themselves  would  not  all  this  bring ! 
The  brain  is  bewildered  at  the  dream  of  it:   the  re- 
dumption 0f  their  land*;    the  enormously  enhanced 
production  of  free  labor;    the  lifting  of  that  black 
tiircor  ai' insurrection  ;  the  privilege  of  teaching  the 
laboring  class,  and  of  turning  to  account  the  latent 
human  powers,  whose  activity  they  dare  not  now  en- 
courage; the  rescue  of  thousands  of  young  men  from 
the  pit  of  a  most  abominable  licentiousness,  and  the 
opening  to  them  ofa  manly  and  honorable  career- 
wbere  shall  we  stop  ?     There  is  really  no  end  to  the 
benefits   that  emancipation  would  confer.     All  that 
free"  institutions  have  dyne,  where   they   have  done 
njost;  all  that  free  institutions  have  done  in  Massa- 
chusetts, might  be  freely  promised  in  time  to  all  tin 
continent.,  ii  the  shell,  already  so  cracked  and  divid- 
ed that  it  just  bangs  together  by  a  few  filaments  of 


ADDRESS  TO   THE   PEOPLE  OE  GEORGIA. 

Fellow- C  itize  ns : — In  a  few  days,  the  Provisional 
Government  of  the  Confederate  States  will  live  only 
in  history.  With  it  we  shall  deliver  up  the  trust  we 
have  endeavored  to  use  for  your  benefit,  to  those 
more  directly  selected  by  yourselves.  The  public  re- 
cord of  our  acts  is  familiar  to  you,  and  requires  no 
further  explanation  at  our  hands.  Of  those  matters 
which  policy  has  required  to  be  secret,  it  would  be 
improper  now  to  speak.  This  address,  therefore, 
will  have  no  personal  reference.  "We  are  well  as- 
sured that  there  exists  no  necessity  for  us  to  arouse 
your  patriotism,  nor  to  inspire  your  confidence.  We 
rejoice  with  you  in  the  unanimity  of  our  State,  in  its 
resolution  and  its  hopes.  And  we  are  proud  with 
you   that  Georgia  has  been   "  illustrated,"  and  we 

will  be  iUu 

•uggle.    T! 


®lu 


ibttntttx. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  "FEBRUARY  21,  I8G2, 


doubt  not  will  be  iUustrated  again  by  her  sons  in 
our  holy  struggle.  The  first  campaign  is  over ;  each 
party  rests  in  place,  while  the  winter's  snow  declares 
an  armistice  from  on  high.  The  results  in  the  field 
are  familiar  to  you,  and  we  will  not  recount  them. 
To  some  important  facts  we  call  your  attention  : 

First:  The  moderation  of  our  own  government 
and  the  fanatical  madness  of  our  enemies  have  dis- 
persed all  differences  of  opinion  among  our  people, 
and  united  them  forever  in  the  war  of  independence. 
In  a  few  border  States  a  waning  opposition  is  giving 
way  before  the  stern  logic  of  daily  developing  facts. 
The  world's  history  does  not  give  a  parallel  instance 
of  a  revolution  based  upon  such  unanimity  among 
the  people. 

Second:  Our  enemy  has  exhibited  an  energy,  a 
perseverance  and  an  amount  of  resources  which  we 
had  hardly  expected,  and  a  disregard  of  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  which  we  can  hardly  credit.  The  re- 
sult of  both,  however,  is  that  power,  which  is  the 
characteristic  element  of  despotism,  and  renders  it 
as  formidable  to  its  enemies  as  it  is  destructive  to 
its  subjects. 

Third:  An  immense  army  has  been  organized  for 
our  destruction,  which  is  being  disciplined  to  the  un- 
thinking stolidity  of  regulars.  With  the  exclusive 
possession  of*  the  seas,  our  enemy  is  enabled  to  throw 
upon  the  shores  of  every  State  the  nucleus  of  an 
army.  And  the  threat  is  made,  and  doubtless  the 
attempt  will  follow  in  early  spring,  to  crush  us  with 
a  giant's  grasp  by  a  simultaneous  movement  along 
our  entire  borders. 

Fourth :  With  whatever  alacrity  our  people  may 
rush  to  arms,  and  with  whatever  energy  our  Govern- 
ment may  use  its  resources,  we  cannot  expect  to 
cope  with  our  enemy  either  in  numbers,  equipments 
or  munitions  of  war.  To  provide  against  these  odds, 
we  must  look  to  desperate  courage,  unflinching  dar- 
ing, and  universal  self-sacrifice. 

Fifth:  The  prospect  of  foreign  interference  is  at 
least  a  remote  one,  and  should  not  be  relied  on.  If 
it  comes,  let  it  be  only  auxiliary  to  our  own  prepara- 
tions for  freedom.  To  our  God  and  ourselves  alone 
we  should  look. 

These  are  stern  facts ;  perhaps  some  of  them  are 
unpalatable.  But  we  are  deceived"  in  you  if  you 
would  have  as  conceal  them  in  order  to  deceive  you. 
The  only  question  for  us  and  for  you  is,  as  a  nation 
and  individually,  what  have  we  to  do  ?  We  answer : 
£0  First:  As  a  nation  we  should  be  united,  forbear- 
ing to  one  another,  frowning  upon  all  factious  oppo- 
sition and  ceirsGhous  criticisms,  and  giving  a  trust- 
ful and  generous  confidence  to  those  selected  as  our 
leaders  in  the  camp  and  the  council  chamber. 

Second:  We  should  excite  every  nerve  and 
strain  every  muscle  of  the  body  politic  to  maintain 
our  financial  and  military  healthfulness,  and,  by  rapid 
aggressive  action,  make  our  enemies  feel,  at  their 
own  firesides,  the  horrors  of  a  v&r  brought  on  by 
themselves. 

The  most  important  matter  for  you,  however,  is 
your  individual  duty.     AVhat  can  you  do? 

The  foot  of  the  oppressor  is  on  the  soil  of  Georgia. 
He  comes  with  lust  in  his  eye,  poverty  in  his  purse, 
and  hell  in  his  heart.  He  comes  a  robber  and  a 
murderer.  How  shall  you  meet  him  ?  With  the 
sword,  at  the  threshold  !  With  death  for  him  or 
for  yourself!  But  more  than  this — let  every  woman 
have  a  torch,  every  child  a  firebrand — let  the  loved 
homes  of  our  youth  be  made  ashes,  and  the  fields 
of  our  heritage  be  made  desolate.  Let  blackness 
and  ruin  mark  your  departing  steps,  if  depart  you 
must,  and  let  a  desert  more  terrible  than  Sahara  wel- 
come the  Vandals.  Let  every  city  be  levelled  by 
the  flame  and  every  village  be  lost  in  ashes.  Let 
your  faithful  slaves  share  your  fortune  and  your 
crust.  Trust  wife  and  children  to  the  sure  refuge 
and  protection  of  God— preferring  even  for  these 
loved  ones  the  charnel-house  as  a  home  than  loath- 
some vassalage  to  a  nation  already  sunk  below  the 
contempt  of  the  civilized  world.  This  may  be  your 
terrible  choice,  and  determine  at  once  and  without 
dissent  as  honor  and  patriotism  and  duty  to  God  re- 
quire. 

Fellow-citizens,  lull  not  yourselves  into  a  fatal  se 
curity.  Be  prepared  for  every  contingency.  This 
is  our  only  hope  for  a  sure  and  honorable  peace.  If 
our  enemy  was  to  day  convinced  that  the  feast  here- 
in indicated  would  welcome  him  in  every  quarterof 
this  Confederacy,  we  know  his  base  character  well 
enough  to  be  assured  that  he  would  never  come. 
Let  then  the  smoke  of  your  homes,  fired  by  women's 
hands,  tell  the  approaching  foe  that  over  sword  and 
bayonet  they  will  rush  only  to  fire  and  ruin. 

We  have  faith  in  God  and  faith  in  you.  He  is 
blind  to  every  indication  of  Providence  who  has  not 
seen  an  Almighty  hand  controlling  the  events  of  the 
past  year.  The'wind,  the  wave,  the  cloud,  the  mist, 
the  sunshine  and  the  storm  have  all  ministered  to 
our  necessities,  and  frequently  succored  us  in  our 
distresses.  We  deem  it  unnecessary  to  recount  the 
numerous  instances  which  have  called  forth  our 
gratitude.  We  would  join  you  in  thanksgiving  and 
praise.  "  If  God  be  for  us,  who  can  be  against  us  ?  " 
Nor  would  we  condemn  your  confident  look  to  our 
armies,  when  they  can  meet  a  foe  not  too  greatly 
their  superior  in  numbers.  The  year  past  tells  a 
story  of  heroism  and  success,  of  which  our  nation 
will  never  be  ashamed.  These  considerations,  how- 
ever, should  only  stimulate  us  to  greater  deeds  and 
nobler  efforts.  An  occasional  reverse  we  must  ex- 
pert— such  as  has  depressed  us  within  the  last  few 
days.     This  is  only  temporary. 

"We  have  no  fears  of  the  result — the  final  issue. 
You  and  we  may  have  to  sacrifice  our  lives  in  the 
holy  cause  ;  but  our  honor  will  be  saved  untarnished, 
and  our  children's  children  will  rise  up  to  call  us 
"  blessed," 

HOWELL  COBB, 
R.  TOOMBS, 
M.  J.  CRAWFORD, 
THOMAS  R.  R.  COBB. 


Among  the  crimes  which  have  disgraced  the  history 
of  mankind,  it  would  he  difficult  to  And  one  more  atro- 
cious than  this,  [abutting  up  the  harbor  of  Charles- 
ton.] Even  the  fierce  tribes  of  the  desert  will  not  de- 
stroy the  well  which  giveB  life  to  the  enemy.—  Lon- 
don Times. 

The  Times  has  a  bad  memory.  Jt  forgets_  that 
"  crimes  "  equally,  yea,  infinitely  more  "atrocious," 
blacken  almost  every  page  of  English  history.  It 
forgets  that  Great  Britain  attempted  to  "  destroy  " 
an  American  port,  by  a  similar  device,  during  the 
last  war:  that  she  perpetrated  the  "atrocity"  of 
"hermetically  sealing"  the  harbor  of  Boulogne  by 
sinking  stone  vessels,  in  1813;  that  she  compelled 
Cliina  to  buy  opium  at  the  cannon's  mouth  ;  that  she 
paid  a  premium  on  the  scalps  of  Yankees  during  the 
war  of  the  revolution  ;  that  she  deliberately  extermin- 
ated the  Rohilas  in  the  mountains  of  India;  that  she 
blew  regiments  of  Sepoys  from  the  mouths  of  cannon, 
depopulated  entire  provinces  by  the  sword,  and  bar- 
barously massacred  the  Prince,  of  Delhi  during  the 
late  Indian  Rebellion  !  We  are  tolerably  flelf-pOSSfiSB- 
(id  ;  hut  when  John  IIi:i.i.  goes  to  lecturing  us  on 
ihe  eiiqiielt ■;  of  war,  we.   can't  help  exploding   into 

" inextinguishable  laughter"  before  the  old  gentle- 
man's face.— Albany  Evening  Journal. 


LETTER  TO   GEORGE  THOMPSON,  ESQ. 

Mr  Dear  Friend  and  Coadjutor  : 

In  common  with  the  great  body  of  Abolitionists  in 
this  country,  I  have  been  greatly  surprised, — not  at 
the  ignorance  pervading  England  in  regard  to  Ameri- 
can affairs,  for  this  I  found  to  be  universal,  in  many 
cases  to  a  ludicrous  extent,  on  my  several  visits,  and 
time  seems  to  have  done  little  or  nothing  to  enlighten 
it  since  I  was  hist  with  you  in  1816,— but  at  the  gen- 
eral obfuscation  of  mind  among  our  English  anti-slavery 
co-laborers,  respecting  the  nature  of  the  civil  war  now 
going  on  in  America,  the  bearing  it  has  upon  the  cause 
of  liberty  in  its  broadest  significance,  and  the  position 
occupied  by  those  with  whom  they  have  so  long,  so 
disinterestedly,  and  so  generously  cooperated  for  the 
peaceful  extinction  of  negro  slavery,  by  moral  and  re- 
ligious instrumentalities,  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
To  ns,  they  appear  to  have  lost  all  power  of  discrim- 
ination as  to  the  great  issues  presented,  and  therefore 
all  power  of  correct  reasoning;  while,  to  their  vision, 
!,  the  hitherto  uncompromising  enemies  of  slavery, 
appear  to  have  abdicated  our  high  position  of  unswerv- 
j  principle  for  the  low  ground  of  political  expediency, 
order,  for  once,  to  be  on  the  popular  side — deceiving 
ourselves  with  the  idea,  that  we  shall  win  the  victory 
over  the  great  dragon  of  slavery  all  the  more  readily 
by  pursuing  such  a  course  !  Certainly,  there  is  a  total 
misapprehension  on  one  side  or  the  other.  I  think  it 
is  with  them  ;  and  though,  in  view  of  all  that  has  been 
written  and  published  on  the  subject,  I  almost  despair 
of  removing  that  misapprehension  in  the  slightest  de- 
gree, yet,  by  the  love  I  bear  them,  I  feel  impelled  to 
address  this  letter  to  you  — hoping  it  may  not  be 
wholly  in  vain. 

As  for  yourself,  you  need  nothing  from  me,  either 
by  way  of  information  or  guidance,  at  this  particular 
juncture.  Before  I  read  any  of  the  admirable  speech- 
es which  you  have  made  on  the  American  question,  or 
knew  any  thing  of  your  sentiments  pertaining  to  it,  I 
felt  sure  that  your  judgment  would  be  sound,  and  your 
verdict  just,  as  between  our  Government  and  the 
Southern  traitors  who  have  so  perfidiously  risen  in  re- 
bellion against  it.  Your  mastery  of  American  affairs 
is  absolute:  the  key  to  unlock  them  is  slavery,  and 
of  that  key  you  took  possession  when  you  first  came 
to  this  country  in  1834,  and  have  ever  since  used  it 
with  all  possible  skill,  diligence  and  success.  You 
have  had  the  advantage  of  a  residence  here;  and 
though  it  subjected  you  to  hitter  opprobrium  and  great 
peril  at  that  time,  nevertheless,  it  enabled, you  to 
traverse  a  wide  extent  of  country,  to  gather  a  large 
amount  of  valuable  information,  and  to  understand  the 
precise  relations  subsisting  between  the  Federal  and 
State  Governments,  with  their  special,  diverse,  but 
not  conflicting  sovereignties.  There  are  few  Ameri- 
cans who  are  so  well  posted  in  the  history  of  this  coun- 
try as  yourself,  while  there  is  scarcely  any  one  in 
England  who  seems  to  have  any  intelligent  knowledge 
of  it.  Almost  all  your  writers  and  public  speakers 
are  ever  blundering  in  regard  to  the  constitutional 
powers  of  tbe  American  Government,  as  such,  and 
those  pertaining  to  the  States,  in  their  separate  capac- 
ty.  Mr.  Bright,  in  his  masterly  speech  at  Rochdale, 
evinced  a  power  of  analysis  and  correct  generalization 
worthy  of  the  highest  praise ;  and  has  secured  for 
himself  the  thanks  and  admiration  of  every  true  friend 
of  free  institutions.  His  ease  is  as  exceptional,  how- 
ever, as  it  is  creditable.  * 

I  am  sure  that  you,  my  dear  friend,  will  not  deem 
it  presumption  when  I  say,  that  of  all  persons,  the  Ab- 
olitionists are  most  capable  of  understanding  the  rise, 
progress  and  tendency  of  the  present  struggle  in  this 
country,  and  the  least  liable  to  be  jaundiced  in  vision 
or  biased  in  judgment.  For  more  than  thirty  years 
they  have  been  tried  and  tempted  in  every  conceiva- 
ble manner;  yet  they  have  stood  firm  and  unyielding. 
Lifted  infinitely  above  all  sectional  considerations  and 
selfish  aims — dead  to  all  partisan  appeals — in  con- 
flict with  Church  and  State,  because  of  their  com- 
plicity with  slavery— waiving  in  many  instances  the 
exercise  of  tbe  elective  franchise,  for  conscience' 
sake — and  world-wide  in  the  doctrines  they  inculcate 
and  the  spirit  they  breathe — their  position  is  one  of 
the  highest  moral  elevation,  enabling  them  to  retain 
uncommon  clearness  of  vision,  and  to  exhibit  rare  in- 
tegrity of  character.  As  they  have  never  cherished 
towards  tbe  South  any  other  feelings  than  those  of 
good  will,  notwithstanding  her  brutal  and  murderous 
spirit  towards  them,  they  cannot  be  justly  suspected 
of  being  swayed  hy  popular  feeling  at  the  present 
time.  In  the  midst  of  unparalleled  excitement,  they 
are  calm  and  steadfast ;  still  pursuing  their  glorious 
object,  without  turning  to  the  right  hand  or  to  tbe  left ; 
still  bearing  such  testimonies  as  the  times  demand; 
still  speaking  the  truth  "without  concealment  and 
without  compromise";  still  "rightly  dividing  the 
word,"  and  making  the  freedom  of  the  slave  the  para- 
mount object  of  their  regard.  Yet — strange  to  say — 
their  consistency,  in  some  instances  almost  their  in- 
tegrity, has  been  called  in  question  by  their  English 
anti-slavery  friends,  who  assume  to  understand  mat- 
ters three  thousand  miles  off,  and  to  see  the  most  in- 
tricate operations  that  long  distance,  a  great  deal  bet- 
ter than  those  of  us  who  are  on  the  ground,  and 
whose  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  and  of  the 
growth  of  public  sentiment  and  the  causes  of  this 
rebellion,  is  equally  comprehensive  and  absolute. 

If  you  will  turn  to  the  fourth  page  of  the  present 
number  of  the  Liberator,  you  will  see  specimens  of 
numerous  letters  that  have  been  received  by  various 
persons  from  these  excellent,  beloved,  well-meaning, 
but  thoroughly  confused  English  friends.  The  first 
writer  takes  the  preposterous  ground  that  "  the  North 
[meaning  the  American  Government]  has  no  more 
right  to  control  the  South  than  Austria  has  to  control 
Hungary,  or  Russia  Poland"  !  He  insists  that  "  the 
North  is  simply  fighting  for  empire,"  but  that  it  would 
have  made  no  difference,  in  his  estimation,  "even  if 
the  policy  of  the  North  had  been  to  extinguish  slave- 
ry "  !  To  cap  the  climax  of  bis  infatuation,  he  de- 
clares, "Every  lover  of  liberty,  (!)  whose  personal 
feelings  do  not  warp  his  judgment,  will  wish  success 
to  the  South  at  this  present  crisis  "  !  Was  there  ever 
greater  ineohereney  of  speech  than  this  ?  Nay,  he 
sweepingly  declares,  "All  charges  of  treason  and  con- 
spiracy and  robbery  mean  nothing  but  the  expression 
of  revengeful  feelings  or  disappointed  ambition"! 
But,  even  assuming  the  truth  of  them  all,  he  affirms 
that  they  are  all  "perfectly  justified  as  against  the 
North,  by  tbe  present  attitude  and  behavior  of  the 
North  itself"  !  He  even  proceeds  to  justify  the  atro- 
cious robberies  perpetrated  by  the  South  by  pleading, 
"  If  the  South  had  not  availed  itself  of  the  opportu- 
nities (!)  of  arming  itself,  &c.  &c,  where  would  it 
have  been  now,  in  the  face  of  the  overwhelming  pow- 
er of  the  North  '<  "  As  if  that  "  overwhelming  pbw. 
er "  would  have  been  called  into  action,  had  not 
the  South,  while  professing  allegiance  to  the  Govern- 
ment, treacherously  Beized  the  national  arsenals,  ar- 
mories, navy-yards,  fortifications,  &c,  to  carry  on  its 
treasonable  work,  and  to  enable  it  to  seize  the  very 
Capital  itself  as  the  seat  of  its  dominion  I 

I  have  seen  no  positions  more  absurd,  no  senti- 
ments more  revolting,  in  any  of  the  Southern  jour- 
nals, than  these.  On  this  subject,  our  worthy  friend 
is  clearly  demented.  Yet,  with  singular  complacency, 
he  "wants  the  Abolitionists  of  America  to  take  a 
broader  and  wider  and  deeper  view  of  this  subject 
than  they  have  done" — so  broad  and  wise  and  deep 
that  they  will  see  in  Jeff.  Davis  tbe  incarnation  of  the 
spirit  of  outraged  liberty,  and  in  Southern  treason  an 
exhibition  of  the  purest  patriotism  I  He  thought  they 
were  "  universal  men,"  but  to  hie  great  grief  he  finds 
"  they  have  nearly  all  sunk  from  (his  Sublime  height 
to  the  level  of  Americans" — "  they  have  fallen  from 
thai  lolly  and  majestic  eminence  mi  which  they  stood, 
into  a  position  in  which  they  stand  little  higher,  at 


the  best,  and  in  some  respects  town-,  than  the  Community 
around  them"!  Our  reproving  friend  says  he  is 
"frank  and  outspoken,"  but  his  assertions  and  im- 
peachments are  none  the  less  astounding.  I  deny 
their  truthfulness,  while  I  am  sure  he  has  spoken  his 
sincere  convictions,  and  I  honor  him  for  keeping 
nothing  concealed.  He  is  simply  laboring  under  a 
strange  hallucination  of  mind,  which  it  is  to  be  hoped 
will  soon  disappear;  for  it  is  causing  him  "to  call  good 
evil,  and  evil  good,  and  to  put  light  for  darkness, 
and  darkness  for  light," 

Whether  tbe  Southern  rebellion  be  viewed  from  a 
Governmental  or  an  Abolition  stand-point,  it  presents 
no  feature  which  is  not  abhorrent  to  reason,  justice 
and  humanity;  and  the  sternest  condemnation  of  an 
indignant  universe  should  he  meted  out  to  those  who 
concocted  it. 

First — as  to  the  Government.     It  is  based  upon  the 
doctrine,  that  the  people  have  a  right  to  choose  their 
own  rulers,  and  to  he  governed  by  their  own  laws,  in 
accordance  with  the    Constitution  of  their  adoption. 
At  the  hist  Presidential  election,  the  slave  oligarchy 
failed  for  the  first  time  to  carry  their  point,  and  the 
free   States   triumphed   in  the  election   of  Abraham 
Lincoln,     Without  waiting  for  his  inauguration,  five 
of  the  slave  States  rose  in  rebellion,  organized  a  hos- 
tile confederacy,  and  endeavored  to  seize  the  national 
capital.     Six  more  slave   States   were  added  to  the 
number  in  the  course  ofa  few  months,  and,  combined, 
they  aimed  at  the  subjugation  of  the  whole  country 
to*  their  bloody  sway.     Perjury,  lynch  law,  robbery 
on  a  gigantic  scale,  piracy  on  the  high  seas,  treason  of 
the  blackest  dye,  marked  their  entire  career.     They 
fired  upon   the  national  flag,  captured  Fort  Sumter, 
drove  out  every   vestige   of  governmental  authority 
from  their   dominions,  proclaimed    themselves   inde- 
pendent, declared  adhesion  to  the  old  Union  punisha- 
ble with  outlawry,  imprisonment  or  death,  and  com- 
mitted atrocities  of  the  most  revolting  character  upon 
those  who  refused  to  betray  their  country.     It  was 
not  an  oppressed  people  rising  up  in  defence  of  their 
rights,  or  to  overthrow   a  tyrannical  dynasty,  but  a 
desperate  man-stealing  oligarchy  bent  upon   the  ex- 
tinction of  free  institutions  universally.     Any  attempt 
to  make  their  case  analogous  to  that  of  our  revolu- 
tionary fathers,  or  to  tind  their  justification  in  the  doc- 
trines laid  down  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
is  not  only  futile,  but  an  insult  to  the  memories  of  the 
signers  of  that  great  charter  of  human  rights.     There 
is  nothing  to  warrant  it.     The  rebels  had  suffered  no 
oppression,  and  were  threatened  with  no  injustice  :  on 
the  contrary,  they  had  always  shaped  the   policy  of 
the  country,   and  had  their  own  way.     Mr.  Lincoln 
was  elected   to  the  Presidency  as  constitutionally  hs 
was  Washington,  Adams,  or  Jefferson  ;  the   Constitu- 
tion he  was  sworn  to  uphold  in  its  integrity  was  un- 
changed in  letter  or  spirit;  a  Kentuckian   by  birth, 
and  no  Abolitionist,  his   natural  tendency  was  to  de- 
sire to  propitiate  the   South,  even  to  a  humiliating 
degree.     Neither  he,  nor  the  parly  by  whom  he  was 
chosen,  had  any  more  thought  or  intention  of  inter- 
fering with  the  "peculiar  institution"  of  the  South, 
than  of  annexing  the  United  States  to  Great  Britain 
or  Austria.     Besides,  even  if  the  new  Administration 
bad  been  inclined  to  transcend  its  rightful  authority, 
adverse  to  Southern  interests,  it  was  powerless  to  do 
so ;  for  the  Supreme  Court  was  thoroughly  pro-slavery 
as  then  (and  even  now)   constituted,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party  held  the  mastery  in  both  houses  of  Cou 
gress,  at  the  very  time  the  rebellion   took  place;  so 
that  no  action,  detrimental  to  the  South,  could  have 
obtained  any  legislative  or  judicial  sanction  whatever. 
Mr.  Lincoln,  had  it  not  been  for  the  treasonable  with- 
drawal of  the  slave  States,  would  have  been  wholly  at 
the  mercy  of  his  political  opponents  in  the  formation 
of  his  Cabinet,  in  all  his  official  appointments,  and  in 
determining  the  character  of  bis  measures  :  he  could 
have  been  check-mated  in  every  direction.    On  no 
recognized  theory  of  government — much  less  that  of 
democratic  equality — could  they  be  justified  in  throw- 
ing off  their  allegiance,  and  making  war  upon  that 
"Union  in  which  they  had  always  had  the  lion's  share 
of  honor,  emolument,  office,  power  and  protection  ;  or 
in  trampling  upon  that  Constitution  which  was  origi- 
nally made  as   dictated   by  themselves,   and   to   the 
maintenance  of  which  their  faith  stood  plighted  be- 
fore the  world.     But,  without  tbe   shadow  of  an  ex- 
cuse, they  perfidiously  banded  together,  in  a  treasona- 
ble manner,  for  the  most  iniquitous  purposes;  resort- 
ing to  every  villanous  expedient  to  consummate  their 
diabolical  object  ;    and  they  have    ever  since  been 
menacing  with  their  forces  the  very  seat  of  Govern- 
ment itself.     Their  avowed  object  was  and  is  the 
the  boundless  extension   and  absolute  perpetuity  of 
their  accursed  slave  system,  which  they  have  made 
the  corner-stone  of  their  confederacy.     They  openly 
deny  and  deride  the  glorious  self-evident  truths  em- 
bodied  in   the   Declaration   of   Independence ;    they 
avow  their  detestation  of  the  doctrine  of  popular 
sovereignty,  as  fraught  with  all  conceivable  mischief; 
and  they  pronounce  "free  society"  at  tbe  North,  and 
throughout  the  world,  an  utter  failure. 

Under  these  circumstances,  my  dear  friend,  is  it 
not  astounding  that  any  on  your  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
claiming  to  be  governed  by  the  principles  of  honor, 
the  dictates  of  morality,  and  the  feelings  of  humani- 
ty,— especially  in  the  Anti-Slavery  ranks, — should  be 
so  bewildered  in  judgment,  or  so  jaundiced  in  vision, 
as  to  regard  tbe  South  in  the  attitude  of  Hungary  to 
Austria,  or  Poland  to  Rusaia  1 — should  vindicate 
her  right  to  withdraw  as  she  has  done,  and  arraign 
the  Government  as  tyrannical  in  endeavoring  to  crush 
her  foul  conspiracy  against  God  and  man1? — or,  at  least, 
should  avow  that,  as  between  the  contending  parties, 
there  is  little  or  nothing  to  choose,  "  being  six  on  one 
side,  and  half  a  dozen  on  the  other  "—-and  where  they 
utter  one  rebuke  of  the  doings  of  the  slaveholdtng 
banditti,  give  vent  to  a  score  of  bitter  denunciations 
of  the  American  Government,  because  it  is  not  wil- 
ling to  fall  down,  and  let  "bloody  treason  flourish 
over  it"?  Such  conduct  is  quite  inexplicable,  and 
extorts  the  exclamation — 

"0  judgment,  thou  art  fled  to  brutish  bci 


THE  COOPER  INSTITUTE  SPEECH. 

Auburn,  (N,  II.,)  Jan.  29,  18G2. 
Dkar  Friend  Garrison, — I  desire  to  express  my 
thanks  for  your  speech  at  New  York,  and  its  publica- 
tion in  the  Liberator.  It  is  so  noble,  so  true,  and  so 
appropriate  to  the  time,  it  is  refreshing  to  read  it. 
But  for  a  mere  expression  of  gratitude,  I  would  not 
trouble  yon  with  a  letter.  The  speech  ought,  by  ail 
means,  to  be  printed  in  pamphlet  form,  (1)  and  sown 
broadcast.  The  public  mind  is  in  a  transition  state, 
and  the  speech  is  just  what  is  needed  to  give  or  keep 
it  in  a  right  direction.  My  estimate  of  the  real,  fixed 
and  determined  moral  principle  of  the  people  of  the 
loyal  States  is  very  low.  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
the  opinion,  that,  had  it  been  believed  that  the  South 
was  in  earnest,  and  that  they  would  and  could  have 
shown  so  much  fight  as  they  have  done,  there  would 
have  been  no  Bell-Everett,  Douglas,  or  Republican 
party ;  that,  to  preserve  peace,  everything  would  have 
been  .yielded,  and  Breckinridge  elected.  And  now, 
if  Mr.  Lincoln  could,  by  any  possibility,  succeed  in 
his  most  cherished  desires,  and  suppress  the  rebellion 
— leave  slavery  safe,  and  restore  the  supremacy  of  the 
Constitution — a  very  large  majority  of  those  who  are 
in  favor  of  emancipation  as  a  war  measure  (not  the 
Abolitionists,  of  course,)  would  he  in  favor  of  such  a 
peace,  and  of  conciliation — would  be  ready  to  pay  .for 
the  contrabands,  and  be  willing  that  the  compromises 
of  "  our  glorious  Constitution  "  should  be  carried  out 
"in  the  fullness  of  their  spirit  and  exactness  of  their 
letter,"  and  "  with  alacrity."  My  hope  is  more  in 
the  perversity  of  the  South  and  an  overruling  Provi- 
dence, than  in  any  virtue  of  the  North. 

If  such  a  state  of  things  could  be  brought  about, 
the  Boston  Post  and  Courier,  the  New  York  Herald, 
Journal  of  Commerce,  and  Observer  would  be  at  the  top 
of  the  tide.  But  there  must  be  some  moral  percep- 
tion;  and  it  seems  lo  me  that  everything  which  you 
have  set  forth  in  your  speech  is  so  plain  and  cogent, 
that  'even  a  clergyman  must  have  some  perception 
of  it. 

Read  the  second  Psalm.  Have  not  our  Govern- 
ment, parties  and  churches  endeavored  to  break  His 
bands  asunder?  Have  they  not  looked  at  their  own 
harmony  and  peace  more  than  to  justice  and  right  ? 
And  these  compromising  means  to  secure  their  peace 
have  produced  division,  and  the  "dashing"  is  now 
likely  to  be  fulfilled  on  the  Government. 

But  God  reigns,  and  His  plan  is  a  comprehensive 
one,  and  He  will  not  be  defeated;  and  whatever  may 
be  the  result  in  our  eyes,  even  though  the  nation 
should  utterly  perish,  it  will  be  one  step  onward  in 
the  progress  of  the  universe,  as  the  destruction  in 
geological  periods  of  the  earth  has  prepared  for  a 
higher  development,     (Ps.  106.) 

But  if  such  destruction  is  to  come,  may  it  be  seen 
that  I  am  not  implicated,  but  have  done  my  duty, 
warning  the  nation  of  its  errors  and  dangers. 

Please  accept  for  yourself  and  family  assurances  of 
respect  and  esteem,  with  the  ardent  desire  that  you 
may  live  in  the  flesh  to  join  in  the  great  jubilee. 

BENJAMIN  CHASE. 

(1)  This  lecture  (as  well  as  the  one  delivered  at  the 
same  place  by  Wendell  Phillips,  Esq.)  has  already 
been  issued  in  the  form  desired  by  our  esteemed  cor- 
respondent. It  constitutes  No.  26  of  the  valuable 
Series  of  Sermons,  Orations,  Popular  Lectures,  &c, 
published  in  "  The  Pulpit  and  Rostrum,"  by  E.  D, 
Barker,  135  Grand  Street,  New  York.  It  is  a  very 
handsomely  printed  pamphlet,  with  covers — price  10 

:nts  a  number,  or  5  cents  by  tbe  hundred.  These 
can  be  obtained  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Office,  221  Wash- 
ington Street.  Who,  regarding  the  lecture  as  timely 
and  serviceable,  will  encourage  the  publisher  by  order- 
one  or  more  hundreds,  either  for  sale  or  for  gra- 
tuitous distribution? — [Ed.  Lib. 


PETITION  TO  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  NEW 
YORK. 

Dear  Mr,  Garrison  :  The  attention  of  your  rea- 
ders, in  the  State  of  New  York,  is  invited  to  the  fol- 
lowing Petition,  designed  for  immediate  circulation, 
and  to  be  early  forwarded  to  tbe  Legislature  now  in 
session  at  Albany  : — 

PETITION. 
To  the  Senate  and  Assembly  of  the  State  of  New  York: 

The  undersigned,  citizens  and  inhabitants  of 
State  of  New  York, 
believing  SLAVERY  to  be  the  great  cause  of  our 
present  national  calamities,  earnestly  desire  you  to  in- 
struct the  Senators  and  request  the  Representatives  in 
Congress,  from  this  State,  to  immediately  institute 
measures  for  the  abolition  of  Slavery  under  the  War 
Power. 

By  the  voluntary  action  of  rebel  slaveholders,  the 
Federal  Government  is  in  no  sense  longer  bound  to 
extend  its  protection  over  the  institution  of  slavery. 
The  seceded  States  have  defiantly  repudiated  the  au- 
thority of  the  Federal  Government,  forfeiting  all 
claims  to  constitutional  protection.  In  the  nominally 
loyal  slave  States — loyal  only  to  the  extent  that  they 
have  been  occupied  by  Federal  troops — as  a  judicious 
war  measure,  slavery  may  and  should  be  uncondition- 
ally abolished. 

No  time  should  be  lost  in  securing  such  emphatic 
expression  from  the  Northern  State  Legislatures,  and 
from  tbe  people,  by  petition,  as  will  cause  Congress  to 
improve  the  glorious,  providential  opportunity  now  at 
hand  for  emancipating  four  millions  of  slaves.  Thus, 
and  only  thus,  the  primary  cause  of  war  having  been 
removed,  and  justice  having  been  done,  will  be  possi- 
ble an  era  of  enduring  prosperity,  and  an  abiding 
peace.  AARON  M.  POWELL. 

Ghent,  (N.  Y.)  Feb.  13,1862. 


And  men  have  lost  their  reason  1  " 

The  charge  is  cruelly  false,  that  the  Government 
"  is  simply  fighting  for  empire."  It  is  acting,  not  ag- 
gressively but  in  self-defence,  without  malice  or  pas- 
sion, having  first  allowed  itself  to  be  driven  to  the 
wall,  by  a  mistaken  and  dangerous  forbearance,  as  no 
other  strong  Government  ever  yet  did.  It  is  contend- 
ing, not  for  "  empire  "  in  itself  considered,  hut  for  its 
right  to  exist  over  tbe  territory  embraced  by  the  re- 
public, with  those  limitations  and  prerogatives  which 
are  so  carefully  defined  by  the  Constitution  for  the 
promotion  of  the  general  welfare,  and  for  the  common 
defence.  It  is  a  renewal  of  the  old  revolutionary 
struggle  to  vindicate  tbe  right  of  tub  people  to  form 
and  administer  their  own  government,  hut  against  a 
despotism  incomparably  more  to  be  feared  and  ab- 
horred than  was  that  of  the  mother  country  in  "  the 
times  that  tried  men's  souls."  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  the 
legitimate  President  of  the  United  States,  had  no  al- 
ternative but  to  proceed,  with  all  the  forces  at  his 
command,  to  put  down  the  rebellion  ;  and  had  he  not 
done  so,  he  would  have  been  guilty  of  perjury,  and  a 
traitor  to  the  Government  he  was  elected  by  the  peo- 
ple to  uphold. 

You  perceive,  therefore,  as  between  the  rebels  and 
the  Government,  that  the  American  Abolitionists 
could  not  but  give  their  sympathy  and  support  to  the 
latter,  as  wholly  innocent  of  any  wrong  to  the  South, 
either  inflicted  or  premeditated  ;  and  that,  in  so  doing, 
they  have  not  com  promised  their  principles,  nor  turned 
aside  a  hair's  breadth  from  their  well-defined  course. 
Whatever  may  be  the  issue  they  now  take  with  tbe 
Government,  it  is  not  as  to  its  entire  rectitude  in  its 
treatment  of  the  Southern  slaveholding  rebellion, 
viewed  from  the  stand-point  of  coiiBtimtioiial  authori- 
ty and  obligation.  ,  Upon  that  issue,  whether  as  Amer- 
ican citizens,  or  as  impartial  umpires  between  con- 
tending parties  where  the  most  momentous  Interests 
arc  at  stake,  they  have  no  difficulty  in  "rendering  a 
decisive  verdict  in  favor  of  the  Government, 

l  will  address  you  again  mi  this  subject. 

Your  fellow-laborer  in  (ho  cause  of  universal  freedom, 
WM.  LLOYD  GARK1SON. 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS. 

The  True  Stort  of  the  Barons  of  the  South  ; 
or,  The  Rationale  of  tbe  American  Conflict.  By 
E.  Winchester  Reynolds,  Author  of  the  "Rec- 
ords of  Buhblcton  Parish,"  &c.  &c.  Boston  : 
Walker,  Wise  &  Co.,  245  Washington  Street. 
1862. 

ThiB  is  an  elaborately  prepared  and  admirably 
comprehensive  work,  showing  the  various  phases  of 
the  Slavery  Question  from  the  revolutionary  struggle 
of  1776  to  the  present  time,  and  the  manner  in  which 
the  Southern  slave  oligarchy  have  continued  to  rule  the 
country.  It  occupies  only  210  duodecimo  pages,  which 
embody  a  large  amount  of  information  closely  con- 
densed, and  is  written  in  a  style  peculiarly  terse  and 
clear.  It  contains  a  highly  commendatory  "  Intro- 
duction," from  the  pen  of  Rev.  Samuel  J,  May,  of 
Hynieuse,  who  advised  its  publication.  Its  author 
dedicates  it  as  follows  : — 

"  To  the  just  men  and  women  of  my  country,  who, 
loyal  to  liberty  in  its  darkest  hour,  have  sought  the 
true  glory  of  the  republic,  by  vindicating  the  rights  of 
humanity  in  the  persons  of  the  lowliest  in  the  land  ; 
and  who  see,  beyond  the  carnival  of  battle,  a  race  re- 
deemed, and  a  nation  renovated,  I  inscribe  this  Es- 
say, with  grateful  remembrance  of  their  services,  aud, 
profound  respect  for  their  virtues," 

Let  all  such,  as  far  as  practicable,  endeavor  to  pro- 
cure copies  of  the  work — (price  75  cents.)     We   give 
below   the  table  of  contentB  entire,  and  shall   make 
iome  extracts  from  the  work  in  another  number  : — 
PART    I. 

OTiR    TWO    8TSTEMB    OF   SOCIETT. 

I.  Nature  of  the  Conflict. 

II.  The   Germ  of  the   Conflict.— The   Barons  es- 
pouse Slavery. 

III.  Status  of  Slavery  in  the  Republic. 

IV.  The  prospects  of  the  Barons. 

V.  Prestige  of  the  Barons. — Omens. — The  Ship  jf 

Empire  launched, 

PART    II. 

OUR   POLITICAL   APOSTACT. 

I.  The  Process— The  Capital  Infected. 

II.  Territorial  Extension  of  Slavery. 

III.  Slave  Representation. 

IV.  Slavery  construing  the  Constitution. 
V.  Slavery  in  the  Supreme  Court. 

VI.  Slavery  subduing  the  Church. 

VII.  Apparent  Triumph  of  the  Despotic  System. 

PART    III. 

OtTB   POLITICAL      REGENERATION. 

I.  The  Dawn  of  Reform. 

II.  Why  the  Reform  was  resisted. 

III.  The  Vanguard  of  Libert}-. 

IV.  Organization  and  Opposition. 
V.  The  Opposition  by  Mobs. 

VI.  Subserviency  of  the  North. 

VII.  The  Opposition  by  States. 

VIII.  The  Opposition  by  the  Federal  Power. 

IX.  Final   Struggle   and  triumphant  Assertion    of 
Freedom  in  the  North. 
X.  New  Political  Organizations, — The  Republican 
Party. 
XI.  Considerations. 

PART   IV. 

THE  REBELLION  OF  THE  BARONS. 

I.  Tlie  Plot  of  Aaron  Burr. 
II.  The  Image  of  a  Southern  Empire. — Nullifica- 
tion. 

III.  Peculiar  Social  System  of  the  South— The  Re- 
-       bellion  the  logical  Result. 

IV.  The  Ripening  of  the  Treason. 

V.  Final  Organization  of  tbe  Plot  in  Mr.  Buchan- 
an's Cabinet. 

VI.  The  Drama  of  Insurrection. 

VII.  The  Agony  of  Compromise. 

VIII.  The  Rival  Administrations  inaugurated  in  the 
dismembered  Republic. 
IX.  Compromise  ends,  and  the  New  Era  begins. 
PART    V. 

THE  PROVIDENTIAL  ALTERNATIVE. 

.1.  Gloomy  Aspects  of  the  Struggle. 

II.  The  Rebellion  Vulnerable  through  Slavery. 

III.  Impracticable     Policy  of   tbe    Government. — 

Protecting  Slavery  at  the  Expense  of  the- 
Union. — Destroying  tbe  Nation  to  save  its 
Constitution. 

IV.  The    Programme   of  the  President,   and    the 
Lesson  of  Events. 

V.  Must  the    Nation   die,  that  the    Barons  may 
wield  the  W  hip  * 
"VT.  The  War  degraded  in  the  Interest  of  Slavery. 

VII.  God's  Ultimatum. 

VIII.  A  New  Policy  Imperative. 
IX.  Providential  Doom  of  the  Barons. 

X.  Theseus    and  the    Minotaur. — Lesson  of   the 
Epoch. 

The  Continental  Monthly  :  devoted  to  Literature  and 
National  Policy,  Boston  :  J.  R.  Gilmore,  110  Tre- 
mont  street,  Crosby  and  Nichols,  117  Washington 
street. 
The  first  three  numbers  of  this  able  publication  con- 
tain, respectively,  the  following  articles : — 
N.  I.     Januart,  1862: 

The  Situation  ;  Is  Progress  a  Trutb  ;  The  Edwards 
Family;  Sonnet;  The  Green  Corn  Dance  ;  Rosin  the 
Bow ;  The  Graveyard  at  Princeton  ;  Among  the 
Pines;  The  Lessons  of  War;  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson ; 
Sphinx  and  OZdipus ;  The  Actress-Wife;  Song  of 
Freedom;  Across  the  Continent;  What  to  do  with 
the  Darkies;  The  Slave  Trade  in  New  York;  Lite- 
rary Notices;  Books  Received;  Editor's  Table. 

No.  II.    February.  1862: 

Our  War  and  our  Wtmt;  Brown's  Lecture  Tour — 
by  a  Lecturer  ;  The  Watchword — poetry;  Tints  and 
Tones  of  Paris  ;  The  True  Basis  ;  The  Black  Flag- 
poetry  ;  The  Actress-Wife;  Self-Reliance — poetry; 
The  Huguenot  Families  in  America;  The  Black 
Witch  ;  Freedom's  Stars — poetry  ;  On  the  Plains ;  Sev- 
en Devils  ;  What  will  you  do  with  us  ;  James  Russell 
Lowell;  Resurgamns— poetry ;  Among  the  Pines; 
Mr.  Seward's  Published  Diplomacy  ;  To  England — 
poetry  ;  The  Heir  of  Roseton  ;  Our  Danger  and  its 
Cause;  She  Sits  Alone — poetry;  Literary  Notices  ; 
Editor's  Table. 


To  the  Editor  of  the  Liberator : 

Have  you  read  "John  Brent,"  by  the  late  Major 
Winlhrop  ?  If  you  have  not,  you  have  a  great  treat 
in  store.  The  moral  stand-point  of  the  author  is  ele- 
vated, and  the  glow  of  genius  is  on  every  page.  Tbe 
book  is  wonderfully  alive.  It  exhilarated  me,  like 
riding  in  a  bracing  atmosphere,  through  beautiful 
scenery,  on  the  handsome,  high-spirited  horse  he  de- 
scribes so  admirably. 

Alas,  that  so  much  of  life  should  have  been  extin- 
guished by  the  bloody  hand  of  Slavery  !  Noble  young 
Wintbrop!  lie  was  just  the  one  to  leap,  in  full 
armor,  into  an  abyss  to  save  his  country.  Richly  en- 
dowed and  highly  cultured  as  he  was,  his  sympathies 
were  spontaneously  given  to  the  degraded  and  tbe 
oppressed.  One  of  Ids  friends,  writing  to  me,  says: 
"Before  Theodore  Wintbrop  had  been  a  week  at 
Fortress  Monroe,  he  wrote  to  me  that  there  were  100 
slaves  there,  and  that  there  would  soon  be  10OO.  He 
begged  of  me  to  ask  the  ladies  to  furnish  clothing  for 
them,  that  it  might  make  them  more  self-respecting  and 
more  respected.  I  think  be  was  the  first  man  who 
cared  for  these  poor  fugitives."  L.  M.  c. 


A  Traitorous  Democrat  crying  out  against 
Treason  !  In  accordance  with  an  invitation  extended 
to  us,  we  last  week  gave  a  lecture  upon  the  state  of 
the  country,  in  Washington  Hall  at  Greenfield,  In 
what  manner  we  were  heralded  maybe  seen  by  re- 
ferring to  the  scurrilous  article  which  we  have  placed 
in  its  appropriate  department  on  our  first  page,  from 
the  Greenfield  Democrat — a  sheet  habitually  unclean 
and  traitorous  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  under  the 
mask  of  loyalty  assiduously  doing  the  dirty  work  of 
the  Southern  rebels  to  the  extent  of  its  feeble  ability 
and  beggarly  circulation.  Its  design  was  manifestly 
to  create  a  mohocrntie.  outbreak,  but  we  never  held  a 
more  orderly  meeting,  and  the  approval  of  our  senti- 
ments by  the  highly  intelligent  and  respectable  audi* 
enee  was  warm  and  frequent — particularly  when  we 
applied  the  lush  to  our  skulking  and  cowardly  assail- 
ant. Of  course,  be  was  villuuoiisly  careful  not  lo 
state  our  present  position  as  heartily  with  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  on  what  moral  grounds  we  formerly 
"denounced  the  Constitution  ot  the  United  States" — 
for,  had  he  done  so,  his  tirade  would  have  been  as 
ridiculous  »s  it  proved  Impotent.    In  a  subsequent 

number  0l  the  Dmiocrat,  the  worthless  creature  renews 
Ids  slimy  assault  :  it  is  his  vocation.  May  he  learn 
to  be  decent,  mid  abandon  his  political  knavery  ! 


No.  III.    March,  18G2  :— 

Southern  Aids  to  the  North,  by  C.  G.  Leland ; 
Is  Cotton  our  King  ?  by  Edward  Atkinson,  author  of 
the  valuable  pamphlet  entitled  "  Cheap  Coiton  by 
Free  Labor;"  General  Patterson's  Campaign  in  Vir- 
ginia; Jonathan  Edwards  and  the  Old  Clergy,  by 
Rev.  W.  Frothingham  ;  One  of  My  Predecessors,  by 
Bayard  Taylor;  The  Late  Lord  Chancellor  Campbell ; 
The  Good  Wife,  a  Norwegian  Story  ;  The  Huguenot 
Families  in  America,  by  Hon.  G.  P,  Disosway  ;  Mac- 
earoni  and  Canvas,  by  II.  P.  Leland  ;  John  Lothrnp 
Motley,  by  Delia  L.  Coiton  ;  Among  the  Pines,  by  the 
author  of  "The  Cotton  States;"  Active  Service,  or 
Campaigning  in  Western  Virginia;  Poetry,  Editor's 
Table,  Notices,  &c. 
•  The  Continental  Hfonthly  gives  us  articles  of  due  va- 
riety, of  great  ability,  and,  in  many  respects,  of  dis- 
tinguished merit.  It  reports  a  list  of  writers  already 
so  favorably  known  to  the  public  as  to  justify  high  ex- 
pectations in  regard  to  the  future ;  and  rumor  states 
that  subscribers  to  it  have  already  appeared  in  large 
numbers. 

One  conspicuous  feature  of  this  magazine  is  a 
hearty  and  thorough-going  opposition  to  slavery.  It 
urges,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  immediate  and  un- 
conditional emancipation  of  all  slaves,  as  a  vital  part  of 
tbe  war  policy  of  the  Noyh.  It  insists  on  the  utter 
extermination  of  slavery,  as  our  only  security  for  a 
prosperous  future,  and  follows  up  this  point  with  an 
array  of  fact  and  argument  not  only  convincing,  but 
impregnable.  Its  editor,  however,  and  most  of  its 
Contributor*  who  touch  on  this  subject,  object  to  sla- 
very only  as  a  nuisance,  not  as  a  sin ;  only  because  it 
injures  the  white,  not  because  it  oppresses  and  de- 
grades the  black.  It  takes  the  ground  of  contemptu- 
ous inditlerencc  towards  the  negro  race, and  proposes  to 
Colonics  them  out  of  the  way  when  the  rebellion  shall 
have  been  quelled. 

Tho  War,  and  How  to  End  It.  By  Wm.  N.  Slocum, 
late  Editor  of  the  San  Jose  Mercury.  San  Francis- 
co, lsin.—pp.  as. 

The    contents    of   this    vigorous    and    excellent 

pamphlet  (extracts  from  the  second  edition  of  which 
were  given  in  hist  week's  Liberator)  are  us  follows:— 

I.  Results  of  Emancipation  in  the  West  Indies; 
11.  Abolition  of  Slavery  .-is  a  War  Measure  ;  HI.  Ne- 
cessity    of    Congressional     Action     on     the     subject  ; 

IV.  Schemes  tor  Colon  iaat  ion ;  v.  Final  Emancipa- 
tion inevitable  :  VI,  Present  Prospect  of  our  Foreign 
Relations  ;  VI*  Political  and  Commercial  Changes  to 
follow  the  War. 

Ai'i'i'MMs.  containing  Facts  and  Arguments  concent- 
tug  the  Causa  of  the  Florida  War  j  Massacres  in  St 
Domingo;  Abolition  not  the  Cause  of  the  Exten- 
sion of  Slavery;  An  Aristocracy,  of  Office-holders ; 
RvABona  for  a  restriction  of  the  Elective  Franchise, 


[FEBHTTA-RY  31. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


31 


GEERIT  SMITH  AND  ENGLAND. 

In  the  Liberator  of  February  14th,  I  have  just  road 
a.  letter  from  the  highly  respected  ami  talented  Ger- 
kit  Smith,  to  the  eloquent  philanthropist  Gboechi 
Thompson  of  England;  and  perceiving  in  it  a  very 
pernicious  tendency,  of  which  the  writer  was  doubt- 
less unaware,  I  cannot  refrain  from  a  comment  upon 
it,  which  I  would  respectfully  submit  to  Ins  considera- 
tion. 

After  commending  Mr.  Thompson,  that  he  had  em- 
ployed his  "  rich  and  commanding  eloquence  to  pre- 
vent England  from  making  war  upon  America,"  he 
says — "  I  hope  you  will  now  employ  it  to  prevent 
America  from  making  war  upon  England."  This  is 
an  event  which  he  seems  to  fear,  and  indeed  to  expect, 
and  is  also  one  which,  like  every  other  Christian  pa- 
triot, he  is  anxious  to  avert ;  and  yet  this  letter,  writ- 
ten with  his  usual  ability  and  earnestness,  has  as  great 
a  tendency  to  produce  this  very  dreadful  evil,  as  any- 
thing he  could  have  written  ;  and  hence  it  becomes 
especially  necessary  that  the  arguments  contained  in 
it,  having  this  tendency,  should  bo  controverted. 

A  great  portion  of  the  letter  is  employed  ill  endeav- 
ors to  depreciate  the  magnanimity,  or  sense  of  justice, 
in  the  rendition  of  Mason  and  S  Udell  to  the  British 
government;  and  to  represent  it  only  as  the  result  of 
fear,  and  a  dishonorable  concession  of  principles  we 
should  assert  as  a  right;  and,  of  course,  disallows  the 
sincerity  of  the  reasons  given  by  Mr.  Seward  to  Lord 
Lyons  for  the  act,  as  well  as  the  arguments  presented 
by  Mr.  -Sumner  in  its  defence.  Now  it  is  obvious,  that 
this  is  touching  the  feelings  of  the  American  people  m 
a  very  sensitive  point.  Could  Mr.  Smith  succeed  in 
convincing  the  citizens  of  the  North,  that  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Confederate  Commissioners  was  an  act  of 
disgraceful  timidity  yielded  by  our  Government  to 
threats,  or  in  fear  of  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  their 
angry  mortification  would  be  irrepressible.  Not  only 
would  they  lose  all  confidence  in  an  Administration 
which  thus  betrayed  them,  but,  to  wipe  off  the  supposed 
disgrace,  a  war  with  England,  precipitated  on  our  part, 
would  be  inevitable.  The  evil  Mr.  S.  professes  to 
deprecate  and  avert  would  bo  produced  by  his  own 
demonstrations. 

But  this  letter  has  a  further  mischievous  tendency 
to  produce  war  with  England,  not  only  by  the  impres- 
sion on  the  American  people,  that  their  honor  has  been 
surrendered,  but  also  by  the  irritation  to  be  produced 
in  the  English  people  and  government  by  the  charges 
■of  fraud,  dishonor  and  aggression  made  in  it,  while 
professing  to  love  them;  which  are  adapted  to  coun- 
teract all  the  endeavors  for  conciliation,  so  fully  credi- 
ted to  Mr.  Thompson. 

Mr.  S-  does  indeed  give  credit  to  England  for  the 
compensated  emancipation  of  her  slaves — for  this  is 
conformable  to  his  own  hobby;  and  lie  sympathizes 
with  her  recenquest  of  India,  as  it  accords  with  those 
doctrines  of  coerced  allegiance  ever  assumed  by  Euro- 
pean governments,  and  now  claimed  for  our  own,  in 
contradiction  to  the  declared  principles  -on  which  it  is 
built.  But  he  sees  only  hostility  in  the  impartial  at- 
titude of  Britain,  regarding  our  war,  which,  like  other 
writers,  he  twists  into  a  charge  of  partiality  for  the 
South.  He  charges,  as  a  violation  of  neutrality,  the 
transportation  of  non-combatant  persons,  on  a  mission 
of  peaceful  mediation,  from  one  neutral  port  to  another 
in  a  neutral  ship;  forgetting  the  number  of  American 
ships  employed  in  carrying  English  and  French  sol- 
diers to  the  Crimea,  of  which  Russia  never  complain- 
ed ;  and  he  calls  it  a  declaration  of  war  "  on  the  part 
of  Britain,  that  she  should  send  troops  and  national 
ships  to  her  own  provinces."  These  are  precisely  the 
sort  of  accusations  that  would  be  made  by  a  nation  de- 
termined to  pick  a  quarrel  with  another;  and  when 
he  asks,  if  it  is  strange  "that  his  countrymen  should 
have  this  stinging  sense"  of  such  alleged  wrongs,  can 
he  not  see  that  it  is  he  himself  who  gives  the  sting,  to 
produce  the  excitement  which  will  neutralize  the  pa- 
cific efforts  of  Mr.  Thompson  1  Should  America  de- 
clare war  against  England,  as  Mr.  S.  predicts,  he  will 
be  entitled  to  great  credit  for  his  aid  in  its  production. 
It  is  nbt  in  a  spirit  of  triumphant  criticism,  or  with 
a  desire  to  depreciate  the  character  or  impair  the  in- 
fluence of  Mr.  Smith,  that  I  make  these  remarks  ;  on 
the  contrary,  his  unhappy  lapse  into  the  pernicious 
delusions  of  the  day  does  not.  in  the  least  diminish 
the  admiration  I  have  ever  cherished  for  his  talents 
and  independence ;  the  gratitude  for  his  unselfish 
generosity;  the  sympathy  with  his  boundless  philan- 
thropy and  spirit  of  reform.  It  is  more  in  sorrow 
than  in  reproof,  more  in  alarm  than  in  correction, 
that  I  make  these  expositions.  Inconsistency,  in  a 
man  of  his  estimation,  will  be  overlooked  by  his  ad- 
mirers; and  the  most  fallacious  side  of  it  will  be 
adopted  and  acted  on,  if  accordant  with  previous  de- 
sire, to  ruinous  results. 

I  have  said  "  inconsistency."  Mr.  S.  says — "  That 
I  should  be  opposed  to  the  war,  and  yet  be  in  sympa- 
thy with  our  large  Northern  armies,  may  possibly  be 
an  inconsistency .""  Friend  S.,  if  your  enlightened 
conscience  and  strong  reasoning  power  had  been  al- 
lowed fair  play,  this  "may  possibly  be,"  would  have 
been  changed  to  "certainly  is."  How  is  this  incon- 
sistency attempted  to  be  avoided?  "Believing,  as  I 
have  ever  done,  in  the  duty  of  Government  to  control 
its  subjects,  I  am  conscious  of  no  inconsistency  be- 
tween my  opposition  to  war  and  my  sympathy  with 
:armies,  however  large,  if  their  sole  object  is  the  quell- 
ing of  domestic  insurrections."  The  mustering  of 
armies,  fighting  battles,  attacking  fortresses,  &c,  are 
war,  by  every  sound  definition  and  common  parlance  ; 
.and  when  between  two  portions  of  the  same  nation, -it 
is  usually  termed  "civil  war."  If  Mr.  S-,  then,  is 
■opposed  to  all  war,  he  can  only  sympathize  with  "our 
large  Northern  armies"  by  shutting  his  eyes,  and  de- 
nying that  they  are  engaged  in  any  war  at  all;  and 
if  he  can  find,  in  the  New  Testament,  an  express  ex- 
emption from  the  injunction  to  love  his  enemies,  and 
return  good  for  evil,  in  the  case  of  a  rebellion,  he  may 
likewise  be  conscious  of  no  inconsistency  with  Chris- 
tianity. 

But,  however  Mr.  Smith  may  reconcile  the  ap- 
proval of  the  present  war  with  peace  principles  or 
-Christianity,  under  the  subterfuge  that  it  is  merely  a 
suppression  of  rebellion,  and  not  a  real  war,  he  can- 
not justly  complain  of  the  British  Government  and 
people  for  their  impartial  neutrality,  and  resistance  of 
our  violation  of  it,  until  they  can  be  brought  to  -take 
the  same  view  as  he  does.  Judging  of  the  nature  of 
our  Government,  as  they  have  a  right  'to  do,  from  the 
professions  we  have  ever  made  before  the  world  of  a 
Government  derived  from  the  people,  and  held  only 
by  their  consent,  as  solemnly  declared  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  the  nations  of  Europe  have 
watched  with  intense  anxiety  the  trial  of  this  princi- 
ple; the  success  of  which  the  people  have  prayed  for, 
and  the  monarchs  have  feared.  For  seventy  years, 
it  seemed  to  be  in  successful  experiment;  and  is  it 
wonderful  now,  when  it  is  brought  to  its  severest  trial, 
it  cannot  be  understood  why,  without  victory  or  de- 
feat, it  should  be  suddenly  abandoned,  and  involun- 
tary allegiance  of  one  portion  of  the  nation  to  another 
enforced  on  the  European  principle  of  the  inherent 
prerogatives  of  Government, — the  principle  by  which 
Russia  subjects  Poland,  and  Austria  Hungary,  to  their 
sway  ?  It  cannot  be  expected  that  the  people  of  other 
nations  can  understand  the  American  paradox  of  a 
free  Government,  sustained  by  military  coercion,  and 
especially  that  distinctly  organized  portions  of  a  na- 
tion, which  have  never  resigned  the  whole  of  their 
sovereignty,  should,  on  secession,  be  held  and  called 
rebellious.  Whether  such  secession  is  right  or  wrong, 
when  it  is  so  far  accomplished  as  to  produce  a  power- 
ful Confederacy,  comprising  a  third  of  the  population 
and  a  half  of  the  extent  of  the  original  nation,  exe- 
cuting all  its  own  laws  without  foreign  control,  and 
defending  itself  by  a  military  force  which  keeps  at 
bay  the  claiming  Government  for  months,  to  deny  its 
de  facto  independence,  and  call  it  a  rebellion,  is  not 
only  a  manifest  falsity,  but  a  ludicrous  chimera. 

Europe,  then,  cannot  participate  in  the  martial  in- 
fatuation of  America;  and,  seeing  in  the  Southern 
Confederacy  no  other  than  a  distinct  Sovereign  Gov- 
ernment, for  the  time,  is  bound  by  the  Bottled  law  of 
L.-itioii -.,  and  even  American  practice,  to  recogniz 


that  independence.  And  the  attitude  of  refraining 
from  doing  so,  and  the  use  of  the  more  dubious  term 
"  belligerent,"  should  be  regarded  as  a  friendly  relaxa- 
tion of  international  law,  in  favor  of  the  Northern 
Government;  and  not  abused  as  an  indication  of  hos- 
tility. But  Mr.  S.  assumes  that  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  must  agree  with  us,  that  this  is  a  mere  rebel- 
lion; and  the  whole  argument  in  his  letter,  so  far  as 
it  inculpates  that  people,  is  built  on  that  assumption. 
Nor  have  they  yet  seen  that  this  war  is  for  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery,  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  expected  to 
sympathize  with  our  prosecution  of  it  on  that  ground. 
This,  however,  I  am  glad  to  see  Mr,  Smith  admits,  at 
the  close  of  his  letter :  it  is  an  indifference  on  their 
part,  of  which  he  acknowledges  he  cannot  justly  com- 
plain. 

Every  American,  blest  with  common  sense,  rejoices 
that  the  affair  of  the  Trent  was  settled  on  American 
principles;  but  Mr.  S.  says  "that  America  has  no 
maritime  principles."  How  so1?  Because  concession 
on  those  supposed  principles,  in  this  case,  was  com- 
pelled. Indeed !  Many  persons  would  he  obliged 
as  surprised  if  so  acute  a  logician  as  Mr.  S.  would 
favor  them  with  a  demonstration,  that  a  true  principle 
ceases  to  be  any  principle  at  all,  whenever  its  admis- 
sion is  in  any  case  compelled,  J.  P.  B. 


OUK   DUTIES   TO  THE  SLAVE. 

Individuals  or  even  companies  of  men  pass  for  little 
in  times  like  these.  A  day  now  counts  for  weeks. 
Events  come  thronging  upon  us  so  thick  and  fast  from 
such  unexpected  sources,  that  no  mind  can  discern 
their  foreshadowing  results.  The  persistent  and 
guilty  inversion  of  right  principles  has  by  degrees 
plunged  our  country  into  a  struggle  most  desperate 
and  sadly  solemn  ;  and  no  man  among  the  wisest  can 
tell  how  much  suffering  is  yet  in  store  for  us,  before 
we  shall  be  willing  to  accord  to  all  others  such  rights 
as  we  rigidly  claim  for  ourselves. 

The  poor  unoffending  African,  and  the  treatment 
he  has  received  at  the  hands  of  this  nation,  lie  at  the 
bottom,  and  are  the  cause,  both  remote  and  immediate, 
of  all  our  woes.  The  many,  many  years  of  the  unhal- 
lowed connection  between  the  African  and  Caucasian 
on  this  continent,  is  yielding  up  its  bitter  fruits.  War, 
"  grim-visaged "  war,  with  its  dread  implements  of 
destruction,  is  now  full  upon  us — the  chosen  arbiter 
of  the  great  dispute.  It  would  be  useless  to  allege 
that  this  might  have  been  averted  by  listening  to  the 
voice  of  reason  and  conscience.  Wise  men  and  fool- 
ish had  in  vain  warned  the  country  of  the  danger  ; 
but,  ignorant  and  unscrupulous  majorities  chose  to 
smother  conscience  for  pelf,  and  in  selfish  coward- 
ice visit  their  iniquity  "  upon  the  third  and  fourth  gen- 
erations." 

The  past  justly  yokes  together  both  North  and  South 
as  principals  in  the  great  social  and  political  abuse. 
This  we  all  know  when  freed  from  prejudice.  In  our 
purse-pride  or  egotism  we  either  deny  it,  or  fail  to 
see  any  cause  or  object  in  tlie  events  which  we 
shall  sooner  or  later  have  cause  to  deplore.  Un- 
just as  has  been  the  English  press  towards  us,  how- 
ever much  it  may  side  with  English  conservatism, 
there  is  also  much  that  pictures  faithfully  what  all 
honest  Englishmen  see,  that  here  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic  is  a  great  nation  deserving  praise  for  growth 
in  all  that  pertains  to  material  prosperity,  and  for  much 
that  adorns  and  ennobles  morally  and  intellectually  ; 
but,  by  its  organic  law,  the  Government  and  people 
under  it  are  held  to  the  support,  tied  up  and  commit- 
ted to  a  social  and  political  crime  unsurpassed  in  mag- 
nitude in  any  age^or  nation  ;  and  all  this  in  the  sacred 
name  of  freedom.  They  see  us,  after  many  years  of 
schooling  under  the  auspices  of  a  dominant  and  un- 
scrupulous political  power,  pledged  to  the  belief  that 
the  Constitution  under  which  we  live  is  little  less 
worthy  our  veneration  than  the  Maker  of  the  Uni- 
verse ;  while  they  and  we  know  that  when  interpreted 
away  from  the  influence  of  this  political  power  in  the 
light  of  history  and  reason,  in  the  stern  and  ever-relia- 
ble interest  of  common  sense,  its  authors  meant  it  and 
so  framed  Jt,  that,  long  before  the  year  of  our  Lord 
eighteen  hundred  sixty-two,  it  should  be  henceforth 
and  forever  purged  from  the  stain  of  slavery.  These 
honest  Englishmen  see,  and  so  do  we  all  of  us  who 
have  not  owl's  eyes  in  our  heads,  that  from  the  date 
of  the  first  cotton  crop  to  this  hour,  a  mighty,  and 
as  wicked  as  mighty  Slave  Power,  through  long 
years  of  sleepless  activity,  has  sought  the  over- 
throw of  this  Constitution,  while  it  has  prated  to  us, 
and  the  greatest  among  us  at  the  North,  of  its  purity 
and  sacredness.  But  for  this  infernal  school  of  poli- 
tics, its  insidious  and  crafty  corrupter  of  pulpits  and 
seminaries  of  learning  through  these  many  years  of 
its  intense  labor,  we  should  long  since  have  unloosed 
the  shackles  of  the  slave.  The  truth  is,  we  are  not  a 
free  people  in  the  sense  of  many  of  the  noble  founders 
of  this  republic.  For  considerations  of  gain  and  polit- 
ical power,  North  and  South,  by  complicity  and  di- 
rectly, we  have  been  cruelly  unjust  to  what  we  deem 
our  inferiors.  And  if  England,  a  monarchy,  has  been 
overbearing  and  cruel  to  weaker  nations,  so  also  have 
we,  a  republic.  The  form  of  government  or  politics  is 
no  indication,  in  either  case,  of  the  presence  or  absence 
of  justice. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world,  this  people,  to 
whom  all  others  have  a  right  to  look  for  the  best  ex- 
amples of  good  government,  honor  and  humanity, 
presents  to-day  a  dark  record  of  the  absence  of  these 
essential  features.  And  it  is  beginning  to  he  more  and 
more  evident,  that  so  unobservant  had  we  become  of 
the  plainest  principles  of  right  and  honor,  that  noth- 
ing short  of  a  revolution  through  which  we  are  now 
passing  could  bring  us  to  see  ourselves  as  we  are 
seen.  The  first  step  to  extrication  from  our  troubles 
lies  in  seeing  and  in  heartily  acknowledging  our  great 
injustice  to  the  slave.  If  our  national  sufferings  bring 
us  to  this  point,  the  day  of  our  deliverance  will  soon 
draw  nigh.  But  if  we  artfully  dodge  this  momentous 
question,  and  continue  to  couch  the  dodge  in  phrases 
so  fraught  with  selfishness  as  that  of  "  military  ne- 
cessity," now  that  Divine  Providence  seems  to  open 
before  us  this  golden  opportunity  to  perform  a  long 
sought  act  of  justice,  then,  if  it  be  done  in  spite  of 
us,  with  or  without  our  instrumentality,  and  against 
our  will,  in  all  time  to  come  we  shall  deserve  only  the 
name  and  the  brand  of  cowards. 

If  the  country  is  to  be  saved,  we  must  in  all  cases 
be  willing  to  do  ample  justice.  Not  only  must  the 
slave  be  liberated,  but  generous  as  well  as  suitable 
provision  must  be  made,  in  consonance  with  his  wishes, 
too,  for  his  future  home.  If  his  freedom  is  effected 
by  the  violence  of  war,  our  dealings  with  him  after- 
ward should  be  especially  tender.  If  there  is  a  hu- 
man being  on  this  continent  deserving  of  our  warm- 
est sympathies,  it  is  this  poor,  down-trodden  brother. 
Whether  the  country  is  ready  for  this  unquestioned 
act  of  justice  cannot  be  so  well  discerned  through 
the  conflicting  political  elements.  That  we  shall 
ncve,r  prosper  as  a  people  till  this  great  work  be  done, 
and  done  heartily  and  thoroughly,  is  most  certain. 
Should  it  take  place  while  yet  in  our  power  to  direct 
it,  then  war  will  cease  in  our  borders.  We  shall  re- 
gain our  long-lost  self-estimation,  and  the  civilized 
world  will  cheerfully  welcome  us  to  the  circle  of  the 
nations.  Then  shall  the  oppressed  once  more  find 
it,  in  a  dearer  sense  than  ever,  a  land  of  the  brave  and 
free.  W. 

Mr.  Pillsury  at  Springfield.  An  esteemed 
correspondent  at  Springfield  writes  as  follows  : — 

"Our  friend  Parker  Pillsbury  had  a  very  attentive 
audience  on  Sunday  evening  last,  of  about  three  hun- 
dred, at  Music  Hall ;  to  whom  he  gave  a  very  solemn, 
impressive  and  philosophical  discourse  on  the  moral 
and  religious  aspects  of  our  momentous  national  crisis. 
I  never  heard  him  hefore  when  he  seemed  to  make 
such  a  deep  and  salutary  impression.  Ho  showed 
most  clearly,  to  all  who  had  cars  to  hear  and  eyes  to 
see,  that  moral  wrong,  whether  done  by  the  individual, 
or  framed  into  the  form  of  law  by  that  aggregate  of 
individuals  called  the  State,  was  sure  to  draw  after  it 
retributive  results,  terrible  in  their  nature,  according 
to  the  flagrancy  and  turpitude  of  the  wrong  commit- 
ted; and  he  mude  his  hearers  feel  it." 


ANTI-SLAVEKY  LABORS  IN  ILLINOIS. 

Albany,  Feb.  12,  1862. 

Disar  Friknd  Garrison,— The  following  extracts 
of  a  letter  from  our  excellent  coadjutor,  Mr.  Edwin 
R.  Brown  of  Illinois,  may  interest  your  readers.  Since 
the  suspension  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Bugle,  the  Western 
Abolitionists  and  the  agents  there  have  no  journal 
through  which  to  communicate,  except  the  Standard 
and  Liberator. 

Though  the  tone  of  the  political  press  at  the  West 
is  much  higher  and  truer  than  the  Eastern,  whatever 
may  be  said  of  the  public  sentiment  and  feeling,  still, 
in  prejudice  against  color,  and  some  other  pro-slavery 
manifestations,  nothing  in  their  behalf  can  be  boasted. 
And  so  our  few  noble  friends  there  have  yet  a  mighty 
work  on  their  hands ;  and  I  desire  to  bespeak  for  them 
every  encouragement. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

PAKKER  PILLSBURY. 

"  You  vjyll  see  by  my  bill  how  much  of  the  lime  I 
have  worked  'with  and  for'  you,  since  I  wrote  last. 
Except  in  one  or  two  instances,  I  have  had  full  houses, 
and  always  a  good  degree  of  interest  has  been  mani- 
fest. At  two  places,  I  met  violent  opposition.  When 
I  spoke  in  one  town  last  winter,  a  number  of  'the 
faithful '  pledged  themselves  never  to  permit  another 
Abolition  meeting  to  be  held  there,  and  gave  me  fair 
warning.  A  short  time  since,  however,  I  went,  hav- 
ing been  invited  to  do  so  by  the  friends.  I  bad  just 
begun  my  lecture,  when  fourteen  rowdies  came  in,  in 
a  body,  led  on  by  a  rabid  old  blackguard  of  70  years, — 
a  man  of  property,  if  not  of  standing.  I  smelt  whis- 
key and  '  rat '  at  once.  He  called  on  his  men  to  '  sail 
in  ' ;  the  intention  being  to  put  me  out  of  the  house  ; 
but  they  were  met  by  a  larger  number,  who  were  for 
fair  play,  and  a  storm  of  words  and  threats  raged  for 
half  an  hour,  while  I  stood  quietly  waiting  the  issue. 
The  mobites  were  at  last  squelched,  and  I  finished  my 
lecture  in  comparative  quiet. 

The  same  gang  followed  on,  three  miles,  to  my 
next  meeting,  on  the  following  evening,  and  we  had 
another  stormy  time;  but  I  was  able  to  go  on  with 
my  speech, — a  Democrat  standing  at  one  side  of  the 
desk  and  an  Abolitionist  at  the  other,  for  my  protec- 
tion. 

The  same  day,  while  showing  the  petition  for  eman- 
ipatiou  to  a  company  of  threshers,  a  man  came  at  me 
with  a  pitchfork,  and  the  look  of  a  fiend;  but  as  I 
only  laughed  at  him,  he  went  back  to  his  place. 

With  these  exceptions,  I  have  had  good  order,  and 
sometimes  the  unanimous  amen  of  the  hearers.  But 
I  will  not  trouble  you  farther  with  incidents.  Your 
experience  will  suggest  most  of  them.      , 

Last  Sunday,  I  discoursed  at  the  funeral  of  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  stanch  old  Anti-Slavery  friend,  in  this  town_ 
Ala»ge  audience  was  present. 

How  is  the  idea  of  compulsory  colonization  received 
in  the  East"!  To  me,  it  seems  the  sublime  of  mean- 
ness. I  see  nothing  in  our  papers  in  relation  to  it. 
Here,  our  emancipationists  are  generally  preaching 
expatriation  as  a  necessary  consequence.  The  quality 
of  our  Anti-Slavery  is  not  equal  to  the  quantity.  Our 
Constitutional  Convention  will  'stake  and  rider'  the 
Black  Code  which  fences  the  negro  out  of  Illinois. 

I  suppose  we  are  'on  the  eve  of  great  events/ 
again.  Mr.  Seward  says  so,  and  be  may  be  right. 
A  clock  with  no  '  works'  inside  is  right  once  in  the 
twelve  hours." 


Great  Victories — The  Backbone  op  the  Re- 
bellion Broken  ! — The  last  week  has  chronicled  a 
succession  of  victories  by  the  Federal  over  the  rebel 
forces  on  a  scale  of  such  magnitude  as  to  indicate  a 
speedy  termination  of  the  struggle,  by  the  overthrow 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The  particulars,  in 
brief,  may  be  found  in  another  column;  though  we 
could  occupy  our  entire  sheet  with  the  thrilling  ac- 
counts of  the  various  battles,  all  of  them  desperately 
contested,  but  in  every  instance  resulting  in  the  cap- 
ture of  the  rebel  strongholds,  with  thousands  of  pris- 
oners, &c.  &c.  The  intelligence  has  been  every  where 
received  at  the  North  with  demonstrations  of  patri- 
otic exultation — with  illuminations,  bonfires,  the  ring- 
ing of  bells,  the  discharge  of  cannon,  from  Eastport  to 
the  Mississippi.  In  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts 
on  Monday  last,  the  following  resolutions  were  unani- 
mously adopted  : — 

Resolved,  That  the  two  Houses  of  the  General 
Court,  on  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  people  of  the 
Commonwealth,  present  their  thanks  to  the  gallant  of- 
ficers, soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  occasion  of  the  series  of  brilliant 
victories  recently  won  by  their  courage  and  skill  in  the 
States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Missouri,  North 
Carolina,  Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 

Resolved,  That  His  Excellency  the  Governor  be  re- 
quested to  order  a  salute  to  be  fired  in  honor  of  the 
great  success  of  the  army  of  the  Union. 


Harriet  Tubman.  A  meeting  was  held  at  the 
Twelfth  Baptist  Church,  in  Boston,  a  few  days  before 
Harriet  Tubman  left  the  city,  where  addresses  were 
delivered  by  several  gentleijfcn,  and  also  by  the  Bene- 
liciary  herself.  A  donation  festival  took  place  imme- 
diately after  in  the  vestry,  the  pecuniary  result  of 
which  was  not  large,  as  the  ladies  bad  but  a  short  time 
to  prepare.  It  is,  however,  hoped  that  on  some  future 
occasion  a  testimonial  will  be  tendered,  more  in  keep- 
ing with  their  appreciation  of  her  services  in  the  cause 
of  emancipation.  N. 


Deserved.  We  learn  that  the  Union  Progressive 
Association  recently  presented  their  President,  Wil- 
liam C.  Nell,  a  handsome  copy  of  Worcester's  illustra- 
ted Quarto  Dictionary. 


$3^~  Wm.  C.  Nell  announces  that  the  Crispus  At- 
tucks  Commemoration,  March  5lh,  will  this  year  be 
observed  in  a  novel  and  attractive  manner.  Particu- 
lars next  week. 


Education  of  the  Contrabands.  A  meeting  of 
persons  interested  in  sending  teachers  to  the  contra- 
bands at  Fortress  Monroe  and  Port  Royal  was  held  in 
the  rooms  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Union,  Fri- 
day week,  the  Rev.  E.  E.  Hale,  the  President  of  a 
previous  meeting,  in  the  chair.  The  Rev.  J.  M.  Man- 
ning, from  a  committee,  reported  the  draft  of  a  con- 
stitution for  the  association  proposed  to  be  organized, 
substantially  as  follows  : — 

This  association  shall  be  called  the  "Educational 
Commission,"  and  its  object  shall  be  to  make  all  prac- 
tical efforts  for  the  social,  industrious,  religious  and 
moral  improvement  of  persons  released  from  slavery 
during  the  present  war  for  the  Union,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose teachers  will  be  employed,  who  wjll  carry  on 
their  operations  without  at  all  interfering  in  the  duties 
or  routine  of  the  military  camps ;  and  the  assistance 
and  countenance  of  the  government  is  solicited  in 
granting  facilities  for  the  transportation  of  supplies,  for 
the  protection  of  teachers,  &e. 

The  officers  of  the  Commission  shall  consist  of  a 
President,  Vice  Presidents,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and 
a  General  Committee,  to  be  subdivided  into  Commit- 
tees on  Correspondence,  Finance,  Teachers,  Clothing 
and  Supplies.  Any  person  may  become  a  member  of 
the  Commission  for  So  annually.  The  Committee  re- 
ported the  following  list  of  names  for  officers  : — 

President,  John  A.  Andrew;  Vice  Presidents,  the 
Rev.  J.  M.  Manning,  the  Rev.  E.  E.  Hale,  Dr.  F.  D. 
Huntington,  the  Rev.  T.  B.  Thayer,  the  Rev.  J.  W. 
Parker,  Jacob  Sleeper,  the  Rev.  J.  F.  Clarke;  Secre- 
tary, Edward  Atkinson  ;  Treasurer,  William  Endicott, 
Jr.     The  constitution  was  accepted. 

Instruction  for  the  Contrabands.  On  Sun- 
day evening  last,  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  Old  South 
Church,  which  was  crowded  in  every  part,  in  aid  of 
the  Educational  Commission,  a  body  organized  for  the 
purpose  of  providing  teachers  for  persons  released 
I'rom  slavery  who  may  come  within  the  lines  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States.  Addresses  were  made 
by  Rev.  J.  M.  Manning,  Rev.  Dr.  Gannett  and  Rev. 
Dr.  Kirk. 

The  addresses  of  the  different  clergymen  were  of 
great  power.  Rev.  Dr.  Kirk  said  that  he  had  never 
feared  the  prowess  of  Southern  "gentlemen,"  as  he 
had  been  much  among  them.  Fori  Henry  and  Roa- 
noke Island  showed  that  they  could  not  face  those 
they  had  affected  to  despise.  He  had  not  feared  for- 
eign intervention.  He  had  feared  God,  because  of  the 
doubt  whether  this  nation  would  recognize  (he  man- 
hood of  the  African.  Mr.  Kirk  was  of  the  opinion 
that  the  republic  would  stand  up  in  its  Integrity.  Rev. 
Dr.  Gannett  thought  that  the  black  man,  under  favor- 
ing circumstances,  would  equal  the  white  in  progress 
and  civilization.  Rev.  Mr.  Manning  made  a  very 
felicitous  address. 


UNION  AND  REBEL  VICTORIES. 

UHION   VICTORIES,    1801. 
June    2 — Philippa. 
June  17— Bonneville. 
July     5— Brier  Forks,  {Sigel's  victory.) 
July  11— Defeat  of  Pegrain  by  McClellan. 
July  13— Carrick's  Ford,  Gen.  Garnett  killed,  rebel. 
Aug.  28 — Hatteras  Forts. 
Sept.  10— Rout  of  Floyd,  Gauley  Bridge. 
Oct.     6 — Second  defeat  of  rebels  at  Hatteras. 
Oct.     8 — Santa  Rosa  Island. 
Oct.   11 — Repulse  at  South  Pass. 
Oct.  25 — Charge  of  Fremont's  Body  Guard. 
Oct.  27 — Romney,  (Kelly  wounded.) 
Oct.   22 — Fredcriektown,  Missouri. 
Nov.    7— Port  Royal. 
Dec.  IS — Camp  Alleghany,  Virginia. 
Dec.  18 — 1,300  rebels  captured  by  l'ope  in  Missouri. 
Dec.  18— Draneaville. 

1862. 
Second  Repulse  at  Santa  Rosa. 
Humphrey  Marshall's  rout. 
Capture  of  rehel  batteries  in  S.  Carolina. 
Mill  Spring,  (Zollicouer  killed.) 
Fort  Henry. 
Roanoke  Island. 

Fort  Donelson,  (15,000  prisoners  taken.) 
rebel  victories,  1861. 
April  12 — Fort  Sumter. 
June  10— Big  Bethel. 
July  21— Bull  Run. 

Aug.  10— Wilson's  Creek,  (Gen.  Lyon  killed.) 
Sept.  20 — Lexington. 
Oct.  21— Massacre  of  Ball's  Bluff. 
Nov.    7 — Belmont. 

1862,  NONE. 

RECAPITULATION. 

Union  victories,  24 ;  Rehel  victories,  7 ;  ratio,  3  to  1. 
-Boston  Traveller. 


A  Week  of  Triumph,  The  week  that  has  closed 
has  .been  one  of  almost  unalloyed  triumph.  We  re- 
capitulate as  follows : — 

1.  The  capture  of  Fort  Henry. 

2.  The  victory  at  Roanoke. 

8.  The  capture  of  Edenton,  Elizabeth  City,  etc.,  etc. 

4.  The  destruction  of  the  Rebel  Navy  in  the  North 
Carolina  waters. 

5.  The  retreat  of  the  Rebels  from  Bowling  Green. 

6.  The  capture  of  several  prizes  at  sea. 

7.  Further  advances  towards  Savannah. 

8.  The  fight  at  Fort  Donelson. 

The  intelligence  from  Europe,  that  the  Great  Pow- 
rs  intend  to  respect  the  Blockade,  turn  their  backs  on 
Privateering,  and  in  all  other  respects  leave  us  to 
manage  the  rebels  in  our  own  way. 

The  capture  of  Fort  Donelson,  with  three  rebel  Gen- 
erals and  15,000  prisoners,  begins  the  present  week 
auspiciously.  Next  to  the  capture  of  Roanoke  Island, 
it  is  the  greatest  victory  of  the  war. — Ibid. 


SURRENDER    OF  FORT   DONELSON  —  CAP- 
TURE   OF    GENERALS    JOHNSTON    AND 

BUCKNER,  AND  15,000  PRISONERS— &c. 

Chicago,  111.,  Feb.  17.  The  following  is  a  special 
dispatch  to  the  Times: — 

Fort  Donelson,  Feb.  1&tli.  Fort  Donelson  surrender- 
ed at  daylight  this  morning  unconditionally.  We 
have  Generals  Buckner,  Johnston  and  Buschcrod,  and 
15,000  prisoners  and  8000  horses.  Generals  Pillow 
and  Floyd  with  their  brigades  ran  away  on  steamers, 

ithout  letting  Buckner  know  their  intention. 

Gen.  Smith  led  the  charge  on  the  tower  end  of  the 
works,  and  was  first  inside  of  the  fortification.  The 
Fort  Henry  runaways  were  bagged  here.  The  prison- 
ers are  loading  on  the  steamers  for  Cairo.  Our  loss  is 
heavy,  probably  400  killed  and  800  wounded.  We 
lose  a  large  per  centage  of  officers,  among  them 
Colonels  Erwin,  of  the  20th  Illinois,  White  of  the  31st, 
and  Smith  of  the  48th  Illinois.  Colonels  John  A.  Lo- 
gan, Sawyer  and  Ransom  are  wounded. 

Major  Post,  of  the  8th  Illinois,  with  200  privates, 
are  prisoners,  and  have  gone  to  Nashville,  having  been 
taken  the  night  before  the  surrender. 

The  enemy's  loss  was  heavy,  but  not  so  large  as 
ours,  as  they  fought  behind  intrenchments.  We 
should  have  taken  them  by  storming  on  Saturday,  if 
our  ammunition  had  not  given  out  in  the  night.  Mc- 
Clernand's  division,  composed  of  Oglesby's,  Wallace's 
and    McArthur's   brigades,    suffered   terribly.     They 

ere  composed  of  the  8th,  9th,  11th,  19th,  20th,  29th, 
30th,  31st,  45th,  48th  and  49th  Illinois  regiments. 

Gen.  Lewis  Wallace,  with  the  11th  Indiana,  8th  Mis- 
souri and  some  Ohio  regiments,  participated.  Tay- 
lor's, Wiilar's,  Mc  A  lister's,  Schwartz's  and  Decesse's 
batteries,  were  in  the  fight  from  the  commencement. 

On  Sunday  morning,  the  enemy  were  met  on  their 
approach  by  a  white  flag,  Buckner  having  sent  early 
in  the  morning  a  despatch  to  Gen.  Grant  surrendering. 

The  works  of  the  fort  extend  some  five  miles  on  the 
outside. 

The  rebels  lose  48  field  pieces,  17  heavy  guns,  20,000 
stand  of  arms,  besides  large  quantity  of  commissary 
stores. 

The  rebel  troops  are  completely  demoralized,  and 
have  no  confidence  in  their  leaders,  as  they  charge 
Pillow  and  Floyd  with  desertion. 

Our  troops  from  the  moment  of  the  investment  of 
the  fort  on  Wednesday,  Jay  on  their  arms  night  and 
day,  half  the  time  without  provisions,  and  all  the  time 

ithout  tents.    A  portion  of  the  time  there  was  a 

;avy  storm  of  rain  and  snow. 

No  officer  in  the  army  had  any  idea  of  Fort  Donel- 

m's  defences  until  they  had  been  gained  and  ex- 
amined. 

Several  men,  when  out  of  ammunition,  rushed  for- 
ward, and  although  exposed  to  the  full  force  of  the 
rebel  artillery,  gallantly  drove  their  foes  back  with 
the  bayonet,  and  captured  their  guns. 

The  following  are  the  names  of  some  of  the  rebel 
officers  captured  :  Col.  Gault,  Col.  Voorhies,  Col. 
Forrest,  Col.  Brown,  and  Col.  Abernethy. 

Some  of  our  best  officers  and  men  have  gone  to 
their  long  home.  Hardly  a  man  that  went  over  the 
field  after  the  battle,  but  discovered  some  comrade 

ho  had  fallen.  We  lost  three  Lieutenant-Colonels, 
and  at  least  one-quarter  of  the  other  officers  are  wound- 
ed or  killed. 

The  rebels  had  all  the  advantage  of  position,  being 
well  fortified  on  two  hills,  with  their  fort  near  the 
river  on  a  lower  piece  of  ground.  From  the  foot  of 
their  entrenchments,  rifle  pits  and  abattis  extended  up 
the  river  behind  the  town  of  Dover.  Their  fortifica- 
tions on  the  land  side,  back  from  the  river,  were  at 
least  four  miles  in  length.  Their  water  battery  was  in 
the  centre  of  the  fortification  where  it  came  down  to 
the  river,  and  mounted  nine  heavy  guns. 

The  rebels  were  sure  of  success.  In  any  other 
cause  and  against  less  brave  troops,  they  could  easily 
have  held  the  position  against  100,000  men. 

The  rehel  Surgeons  place  their  loss  at  between  300 
and  400  killed,  and  double  the  number  wounded. 

The  gunboat  assault  was  terrific,  exceeding  even 
the  Fort  Henry  bombardment.  It  lasted  about  an 
hour  and  a  half.  The  enemy  bad  fronting  on  the 
river  two  batteries,  the  lower  one  of  nine  and  the 
upper  one  of  four  guns,  besides  a  10-inch  columbiad. 
The  wooden  gunboats  Tyler  and  Conestoga  were  en- 
gaged in  the  fight.  Flag-officer  Foote  pronounced  the 
engagement  the  hottest  he  ever  witnessed. 

The  Memphis  dispatch  to  the  Richmond  papers 
enumerates  seven  rebel  steamers  that  were  either 
burnt  or  sunk  during  the  trip  of  the  Federal  gunboats 
up  Tennessee  river,  and  two  that  were  captured. 
Only  one  rebel  steamer  escaped. 

$£F*~  The  New  York  Pout  sums  up  the  results  of  the 
recent  splendid  victories  of  our  troops  as  follows: — 

We  have  taken,  by  these  actions,  two  large  divis- 
ions of  the  enemy's  army  ;  we  hold  as  prisoners  no 
less  than  four  of  their  generals,  a  score  of  colonels, 
majors  and  lieutenants  by  the  hundreds,  and  privates 
to  the  number  of  sixteen  thousand  at  least.  We  have 
compelled  the  surrender  of  six  important  strategic 
points,  possessed  ourselves  of  vast  quantities  of  am- 
munition and  supplies,  and  driven  whatever  remains 
of  the  rebel  army  of  the  West  entirely  out  of  Mis- 
souri anil  Kentucky,  and  away  from  the  sea  cost  of 
North  Carolina.  But  the  points  of  strategy  gained  by 
the  Unionists  are  still  more  valuable  than  the  actual 
gain  in  men  and  means.  By  the  fall  of  Donelson  the 
whole  of  Tennessee,  and  with  Tennessee  the  Gulf 
States,  is  opened  to  the  advance  of  our  troops. 

St.  Louis,  Feb.  16.  Gen.  Halleck  has  received  dis- 
patches from  Gen.  Curtis,  stating  that  Price's  rear 
guard  was  overtaken  in  the  pursuit  from  Springfield, 
and  after  a  brief  resistance  the  rebels  fled,  leaving  the 
road  strewn  with  their  wagons  and  baggage.  Gen. 
Curtis  reports  that  he  has  taken  more  prisoners  than 
he  knows  what  to  do  with. 

St.  Louis,  Feb.  18.  The  following  dispatch  is  from 
headquarters : — 

Major  General  McClkllan  — The  flag  of  the 
Union  is  floating  in  Arkansas.  Gen.' Curtis  has  driven 
Price  from  Missouri,  and  is  several  miles  across  the 
Arkansas  line,  cutting  up  Price's  rear,  and  hourly  cap- 
turing prisoners  and  stores.  The  army  of  the  South- 
West  is  doing  its  duty  nobly. 

(Signed)  W.  II.  Halleck,  Major  General. 

CAPTURE  OF  GEN.  PRICE  AND  STAFF  1 

Washington,  War  Department,  Feb.  la,  1862.  The 
following  despatch  was  received  at  Headquarters  to- 
day : — 

"  St.  Louis,  Feb.  19—10.30  A.  M.  To  Major  Gen. 
McClellan — Gen.  Curtis  has  enptnred  Gen.  Price,  Col. 
Dorsey,  Col.  Cass  and  Capt.  Judge  of  Gen.  Price's 
staff.         (Signed,) 

H.  W.  HALLECK,  Major  General." 

Skdalia,  (Missouri,)  Feb.  19.  Brig.  Gen.  Edward 
Price,  sou  of  Gen.  Sterling  Price,  Col.  Phillips  Jdaj. 
Cross  :niil  Capt.  Crosby  were  captured  near  Warsaw 
on  Sunday  night  by  Capt.  Stubbs,  of  the  6th  Iowa 
iigiuient,  and  brought  in. 


Disregard  or  the  Constitution-.  Messrs.  Cobb, 
Toombs,  Crawford  and  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  in  their  ad- 
dress to  the  people  of  that  State,  say: — 

'Our  enemy  has  exhibited  an  energy,  a  persever- 
ance, and  an  amount  of  resources  which  we  bad  hard- 
ly expected,  and  a  disregard  of  Constitution  ami  huts 
which  we  can  hardly  credit." 

If  it  were  not  for  the  seriousness  of  the  subject,  it 
would  be  amusing  to  read  a  lecture  from  the  South  on 
the  "disregard  of  the  Constitution"  exhibited  by  the 
North  !  Men  who  have  spit  upon  the  Constitution 
and  the  flag  and  the  fame  of  their  country,  dishonored 
the  mother  who  bore  them,  and  trampled  under  foot 
the  principles  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  now  af- 
fect astonishment  at  "the  disregard  of  the  Constitu- 
tion" exhibited  by  the  North  \—New  York  Observer. 


Confiscation  RKHfn.u'iio.vs  in  Maimc.  'I' he  at- 
tention of  the  Senate  in  the  Maine  Legislature  was 
almost  exclusively  occupied  last  week  with  ft  debate 
on  a  series  of  resolutions  relating  to  the  confiscation  of 
slaves.  An  amendment  was  offered,  embodying  the 
famous  Crittenden  resolution,  passed  by  Congress  at 
its  extra  session,  to  which  was  attached  a  full  endorse- 
ment of  the  President's  construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  his  war  policy.  They  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Federal  Resolutions,  where  another  set 
was  presented,  and  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  imme- 
diately passed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  four,  as 
follows : — 

Resolved,  That  we  cordially  endorse  the  Adminis- 
tration of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  conduct  of  the  war 
against  the  wicked  and  unnatural  enemies  of  the  Re- 
public, and  that  in  all  its  measures  calculated  to  crush 
this  rebellion  speedily  and  finally,  the  Administration 
is  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the  unwavering  support 
of  the  loyal  people  of  Maine. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  by  such 
means  as  will  not  jeopard  the  rights  and  safely  of  the 
loyal  people  of  the  South,  to  provide  for  the  confisca- 
tion of  estates,  real  and  personal,  of  rebels,  and  for  the 
forfeiture  and  liberation  of  every  slave  claimed  by 
any  person  who  shall  continue  in  arms  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  or  who  shall  in  any 
manner  aid  and  abet  the  present  wicked  and  unjusti- 
fiable rebellion. 

Resolved,  That  in  this  perilous  crisis  of  the  coun- 
try, it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  its 
constitutional  power,  to  "raise  and  support  armies," 
to  provide  by  law  for  accepting  the  services  of  able- 
bodied  men  of  whatever  status,  and  to  employ  them 
in  such  manner  as  military  necessity  aud  the  safety  of 
the  Republic  may  demand. 


Contrabands  in  Washington.  Marshal  Lamon 
has  yielded  to  the  orders  of  the  Government,  and 
issued  the  following  order  : — 

"Washington,  Feb.  9, 1802. 
To  Jailer  and  Guards  of  the  Public  Jail  in  the  District 
of  Columbia: 
You  will  this  day  release  from  custody  all  persons 
claimed  to  be  held  to  service  or  labor,  and  not  charged 
with  any  crime  or  misdemeanor,  who  are  now  in  jail, 
who  have  been  there  for  the  space  of  thirty  days  or 
upwards — from  their  arrest  and  commitment — and  in 
future  you  will,  in  regard  to  persons  claimed  to  service 
or  labor,  and  not  charged  with  crime  or  misdemeanor, 
govern  yourself  in  strict  accordance  with  the  order  to 
me   as  Marshal  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  of  date 
January  25th,  1862,  from  Hon.  Secretary  of  State. 
Respectfully,  Ward  H.  Lamon, 

United  States  Marshal,  District  of  Columbia." 


Port  Royal  and  the  Cotton  Crop.  It  appears 
that  considerable  supplies  of  cotton  may  still  be  found 
on  Edisto  Island,  if  a  reconnoissance  in  force  should 
be  made.  The  negroes  report  that  there  are  small 
quantities  of  cotton  hidden  in  various  localities,  and 
small  quantities  of  unginned  are  to  be  found  in  nearly 
all  the  plantations  on  Edisto  Island. 

The  despatches  say  it  is  worthy  of  note  as  indica- 
ting the  changes  in  the  blacks,  that  now  they  express 
themselves  most  anxious  to  obtain  arms.  The  black 
man  who  has  general  superintendence  of  the  colony 
wished  to  land  his  force  in  Rockville,  and  drive  the 
rebel  soldiers  back,  expressing  the  utmost  confidence 
that  with  about  twenty  old  muskets  that  they  had 
picked  up,  many  of  them  with  flintlocks,  he  would  be 
able  to  effect  his  object.'' 

The  Contrabands  at  Port  Rotal.  Rev.  Dr. 
Strickland  writes  from  Port  Royal:  "Extensive  prep- 
arations are  being  made  here  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  slaves  of  the  district.  Long  rows  of  houses, 
capable  of  containing  hundreds  of  contrabands,  have 
been  erected  west  of  the  encampment  of  the  provoal 
marshal,  and  we  infer  from  this  that  all  who  have  been 
left  on  the  islands  will  be  sent  here  for  safe  keeping. 
One  end  of  the  building  on  the  east  is  partitioned  off 
for  church  and  school  purposes,  having  all  the  appoint- 
ments necessary  therefor." 


A  Lie  Squelched.  The  silly  story,  first  broached 
in  Congress,  that  on  the  publication  of  Mr.  Cameron's 
Report,  five  Illinois  regiments  laid  down  their  arms 
and  refused  to  serve  their  country,  is  without  a  shadow 
of  foundation.  It  had  its  origin,  as  we  gather  from 
the  proceedings  of  the  House,  in  some  random  talk 
indulged  in  by  the  Hon.  John  A.  Logan,  which  was  as 
far  from  the  truth  as  one  of  his  speeches;  and  it  is 
merciful  to  suppose  that  that  gentleman  was  "unduly 
excited"  when  he  invented  a  canard  so  prejudicial  to 
the  loyalty  of  his  State.  Illinois  follows  the  flag,  and 
her  troops  never  lay  down  their  arms  I— Chicago  Tri- 
bune. 

Loss  of  Horses.  It  is  truly  heart-sickening  to 
read  the  account  of  the  loss  of  horses  sent  on  ship- 
board from  Boston  to  Ship  Island.  One  hundred  and 
fifty-three  horses  were  put  on  board  at  Boston,  and 
out  of  these  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  died  on  the 
passage,  and  were  thrown  overboard  1  Only  six  ar- 
rived at  Ship  Island  !  The  loss  to  the  Government  is 
estimateil  at  from  §50,000  to  860,000,  and  is  all  to  he 
attributed  to  gross  ignorance  and  blundering  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  official  who  had  the  charge 
of  shipping  the  poor  creatures. 

Loyal  Blacks  Helping  Otjr  Soldiers.  We 
learn  from  Hatteras  that  loyal  blacks  from  North 
Carolina  helped  to  man  the  fleet  of  Flag-Officer  Golds- 
borough,  and  to  serve  the  guns  which  have  sunk 
Lynch's  boats  and  compelled  the  surrender  of  Roanoke 
Island.  The  navy,  although  a  large  proportion  of  its 
highest  officers  are  from  the  slave  States,  has  not  been 
in  the  habit  of  examining  a  seaman's  complexion  be- 
fore shipping  him.  "Can  you  fight?"  is  the  only 
question. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

Poor  Bright.  Another  added  to  the  political  mor- 
tality list.  Cause  —  the  Inevitable  Nigger.  Poor 
Bright !  A  decent  man  enough,  but  never  otherwise, 
in  an  unlucky  day  he  married  a  family  of  niggers  and 
a  Kentucky  plantation.  Since  that  time,  his  course 
has  been  downward.  His  love  of  man-selling  and  wo- 
man-whipping, acquired  after  he  grew  up  to  manhood, 
obliterated  his  love  of  justice  and  his  love  of  country; 
and  now,  expelled  from  the  Senate  as  a  traitor,  he' is 
an  object  of  abhorrence  to  every  patriotic  man.  So 
the  virus  of  slavery  works. — Chicago  Tribune. 

$3f  Jeff.  Davis  is  to  be  inaugurated  on  Saturday 
next  as  President  for  six  years  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy. It  must  require  a  marvellous  amount  of 
coolness  and  hopefulness  to  keep  his  inaugural  from 
reading  like  a  funeral  oration.  While  he  will  be 
haunted  by  the  ghosts  of  Zolticoffer  and  Wise,  and 
depressed  by  the  clustering  losses  of  Roanoke  Island, 
Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  and  Savannah,  he  can 
brighten  up  only  as  he  congratulates  Virginia  that 
Floyd  remains  true  as  steel.— -New  Bedford  Mercury. 

&3T"  Washington  is  to  be  illuminated  on  Saturday 
night.  The  day  being  the  historic  22d  of  February, 
President  Lincoln  has  issued  a  proclamation,  recom- 
mending to  the  people  of  the  United  States  that,  on 
that  day,  "  they  assemble  in  their  customary  places  of 
meeting  for  public  solemnities,  and  celebrate  the  anni- 
versary of  the  birth  of  the  Father  of  his  country,  by 
causing  to  be  read  to  them  his  immortal  Farewell  Ad- 
dress." 

$$=■  The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Evening  Post  says  that  after  each  anti-slavery 
lecture  in  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  complaint  is 
made  by  the  "old  fogies"  of  the  use  made  of  the  In- 
stitute lecture-room,  so  that  the  President  of  the  Lec- 
ture Association,  Rev.  John  Pierpont,  now  makes  it  a 
rule  to  precede  each  lecture  with  the  statement  that 
the  Institute  is  in  no  wise  responsible  for  the  lectures 
delivered  in  this  course.  This  statement  is  the  signal 
for  an  explosion  of  laughter  from  the  audience,  and 
puts  them  in  the  best  of  humor  for  listening  to  the 
discourse  which  follows. 

g^=  The  Ilutcbinsons  attended  a  party  given  by 
Secretary  Chase  on  Thursday  evening,  last  week, 
and  sang  an  anti-slavery  son;;-  by  Whittier,  for  sing- 
ing which  in  the  camp  in  Virginia,  General  McClel- 
lan ordered  them  to  the  other  side  of  the  Potomac. 
We  do  not  learn  (hat  anybody  was  hurt  at  the  Nviv 
tary's  party,  'although  there  were  some  of  that  class 
present  who  always  get  up  and  leave  church  when  the 
minister  preaches  something  they  do  not  agree   with. 

$3?"  The  rebels  have  refused  to  receive  or  to  dis- 
tribute the  two  thousand  suits  of  clothes  sent  from  the 
North  to  our  prisoners,  to  whom  they  have  themselves 
denied  every  comfort,  because  the  packages  were  not 
addressed  to  the  "  Confederate  States." 

B^=  Senator  Morrill  of  Maine,  of  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia,  has  prepared  a 
bill  for  the  immediate  emancipation  of  the  Blaves  of 
the  District,  about  8000  in  number.  paylns  leval  own. 
era  $300  for  each  slave.  '  *       • 

50^- Col.  Hallett  has  been  put  in  irons  by  the  rebel 
authorities  at  Hickman,  Ry.,  for  refusing  to  recognise 

the    "provisional    govenuiienl  "    of   [kit    Slate'"and 
speaking  disrespectfully  to  the  Right  Rev.  Cm    ivik 


George  TildMfsoN.  This  gentleman  has  recently 
been  lecturing  in  England,  on  the  subject  of  "Ameri: 
can  Affairs."  Some  yeans  since,  when  a  member  of 
the  British  Parliament,  he  visited  this  country,  to  wit- 
ness the.  workings  of  our  institutions,  and  wc  very 
well  recollect  that  he  was  charged,  on  hie  arrival,  by 
what  was  then  known  as  the  Democratic  party,  (since 
happily  dead,)  with  being  an  emissary  of  the  British 
aristocracy,  sent  here  to  sow  the  seeds  of  disunion, 
and  to  overthrow  our  Republican  form  of  Govern- 
ment. The  Slave  Power  knew  well  the  character  of 
the  man,  and  that  it  was  dangerous  to  allow  him  free- 
dom of  speech.  lie  was  requested  to  address  the  peo- 
ple of  Boston,  Springfield  and  Philadelphia;  but  in 
all  these  cities  the  halls  and  public  places  were  closed 
against  him  through  pro-slavery  influence.  Where 
are  Ids  accusers  now,  and  where  do  we  find  him'; 
They  are  in  arms  against  our  free  institutions,  and 
vainly  trying  to  overthrow  one  of  the  best  forms  of 
government  ever  devised  by  man,  while  he  is  found 
raining  down  sledge-hammer  blows  on  the  heads  of 
the  vile  traitors,  and  defending  the  course  of  the  Ad- 
ministration in  its  efforts  to  crush  out  this  unholy  re- 
bellion.— Chester  (Pa.)  Republican. 


UC^3*  The  Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin,  of  this  city,  was  well 
received  in  England,  where  he  was  engaged  in  up- 
holding the  Union  cause.  He  has  done  more  for  that 
cause  in  England  than  has  been  done  by  any  white 
American,  and  the  English  naturally  listen  to  him 
more  readily  than  they  would  to  white  men,  most  of 
the  latter  not  speaking  adversely  to  slavery.  Mr. 
Martin  vindicates  the  course  of  the  North  in  all  re- 
spects. At  Ipswich,  three  clergymen  threw  their 
pulpits  open  to  him,  and  he  had  crowded  congrega- 
tions at  all  three  services.  Two  days  later,  he  made 
a  long  address  to  a  numerous  audience,  the  Mayor  of 
Ipswich  presiding;  and  a  unanimous  vote  of  thanks 
was  adopted  by  the  meeting.  Let  him  be  remember- 
ed, and  let  not  the  liberality  of  the  English  in  these 
'ustances  be  forgotten! — Boston  Traveller. 

Reception  Meeting.  Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin,  on 
returning  to  his  congregation  after  a  six  months'  ab- 
sence in  England,  was  greeted  by  a  large  reception 
meeting  at  Joy  Street  Church,  last  Monday  evening. 
The  interesting  .exercises  terminated  with  a  social 
gathering  in  the  vestry. 


The  Federal  Loss  at  the  Taking  of  Roanoke 
Island.  Despatches  from  the  Burnside  Expedition 
state  that  the  Federal  loss  at  the  taking  of  Roanoke 
Island  was  42  killed  and  about  140  wounded  ;  the  rebel 
loss  was  30  killed  and  less  than  100  wounded.  Three 
thousand  prisoners  were  captured  by  our  troops,  and 
all  their  gunboats  burnt  or  taken  except  two,  which 
escaped  in  the  canal.  The  troops  which  particularly 
distinguished  themselves  were  the  21st,  25th  and  27th 
Massachusetts,  the  9th  and  51st  New  York,  and  the 
10th  Connecticut.  The  rebels  were  driven  from  their 
ntrenchments  by  the  Hawkins  Zouaves  and  21stMas- 
sachusctts.     Edenton  has  been  taken  without  resist- 


Evacuation  of  Bowling  Green.  The  following 
letter,  dated  Louisville,  February  12th,  appears  in  the 
New  York  Herald:— 

"Bowling  Green  has  been  evacuated.  The  state- 
ments sent  you  on  the  10th  and  11th  have  been  fully 
confirmed.  The  facts  stated  in  my  letter  in  regard  to 
the  movements  of  Floyd's  and  other  brigades  on  the 
25th  of  January  have  been  sustained.  The  last  of  the 
rebels  left  this  place  on  Monday,  having  removed  all 
their  goods  and  property.  The  splendid  iron  railroad 
bridge  aud  turnpike  bridge  have  been  blown  up  and 
burned.  Everything  in  the  least  valuable  to  our 
troops  has  been  destroyed,  and  Gen.  Ilindman  has.  laid 
waste  the  country  from  Cave  City  to  Bowling  Green. 

Il  was  believed  at  Richmond  that  the  Union  troops 

ere  marching  on  Wcldon.  The  citizens  of  Weldon 
deserted  that  place  in  a  panic,  taking*  with  them  their 
slaves  and  household  goods,  and,  in  some  cases,  burn- 
ing their  houses.  Transport  vessels,  filled  with  Union 
troi  ps,  were  ascending  the  Chowan  river,  their  des- 
tination being,  it  was  supposed,  Weldon.  The  slaves 
on  the  plantations  on  the  Blackwater  river  were  being 
employed  in  obstructing  that  stream  in  various  ways, 
to  prevent  the  ascent  of  the  Union  vessels.  It  was 
thought  at  Suffolk  that  that  place  would  also  be  at- 
tacked. Troops  from  Petersburg  had  arrived  there  to 
defend  it.  Gen.  Blanchard  was  in  command.  The 
defences  immediately  around  Richmond  were  being 
strengthened. 

Paris,  21.  The  Independence  Beige  asserts  that 
the  Southern  Commissioners  have  informed  the  En- 
glish Government  that  in  return  for  the  recognition  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  they  would  establish  most 
absolute  free  trade  for  60  years,  abolish  the  external 
sraYe  traffic,  and  emancipate  all  the  blacks  born  after 
the  recognition.  TLecq  offers,  however,  will  not  de- 
termine Lord  Palmefston  to  abandon  the  policy  of 
:ieutrality. 

jjgjf~The  Virginia  journals  state  that  the  attempt 
to  make  the  Merrimac  sea-worthy,  as  an  iron-plated 
pMp.  has  again  failed.  She  was  over- weigh  ted.  Never 
having  been  meant  to  wear  armor,  the  stout  ship  re- 
fuses to  serve  in  it.  The  labors  of  the  rebels  on  her 
resemble  much  those  of  a  band  of  Nootka  Sound  sava- 
ges, when  they  chance  to  find  a  wreck  on  their  coast. 

S3T"  Captain  John  Brown  {son  of  the  John  Brown 
whose  soul  is  "marching  on,")  arrived  at  Fort  Leav- 
enworth a  few  days  since  from  Detroit,  Michigan,  and 
— is  accompanied  by  forty  recruits,  one  of  whom  was 

th  his  father  in  the  Harper's  Ferry  tragedy.  Capt. 
Brown's  company  is  now  full,  and  is  assigned  to  Col. 
Jennison's  regiment. 

0^=  A  special  dispatch,  dated  Leavenworth,  Feb- 
ruary 14th,  says  that  after  several  interviews  between 
Generals  Lane  and  Hunter,  it  is  evident  that  amicable 
arrangements  are  impossible.  General  Lane  will  re- 
turn to  the  Senate  without  delay. 

£3^=*  John  C.  Breckinridge,  in  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  asking  votes  for  himself  as  can- 
didate for  a  seat  in  the  rebel  congress,  takes  pains  to 
tell  them  he  is  utterly  opposed  to  a  reconstruction  of 
the  old  government  on  any  terms.  Of  course,  he  is. 
Such  reconstruction  involves  an  unpleasant  suspen- 
sion of  such  traitors  as  himself. 

E^-It  is  announced  in  the  rebel  papers  that  Gen. 
Beauregard  reached  Columbus  on  the  day  that  Fort 
Henry  was  captured. 

J^^The  Legislature  of  Delaware  has  refused  to 
abolish  slavery,  and  declined  to  support  the  Federal 
Government.     Such  loyalty  is  treason. 

^=  The  Dedham  Gazette  thinks  George  Lur»t 
ought  to  be  ducked  in  a  horse-pond.  Has  our'  friend 
no  bowels  of  compassion  for  the  horses?  —  Roxburt/ 
Journal. 

Death  of  Dr.  Luther  V.  Bell.  Advices  from 
Washington  announce  the  death  of  Dr.  Luther  V. 
Bell,  of  Charleston,  Mass.,  Brigade  Surgeon  of  Gen. 
Hooker's  Division  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Dr. 
Bell  was  born  in  Francestown,  New  Hampshire,  in 
1806,  but  came  to  this  State  in  early  youth.  Perhaps 
he  was  best  known  to  the  public  as  Superintendent  of 
the  Insane  Asylum,  at  Somerville,  a  position  which 
he  filled  with  great  ability  and  success. 

Death  of  Hon.  Wm.  Appleton.  Hon.  William 
Appleton  died  at  Longwood,  Saturday  morning,  at  S 
o'clock. 

S^^IIon.  Wm.  Pennington,  ex-Governor  of  New 
Jersey,  and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  last  Congress,  died  at  Newark,  Sunday,  at  the 
age  of  08. 

jj^=  President  Fclton  of  Harvard  College  is  dan- 
gerously ill  at  the  residence  of  his  brother  in  Chester 
County,  Pennsylvania. 


B3T  AARON  M.    POWELL,    Agent  of  the    American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  will  speak  at 

Mamaroneek,       N.  Y.,  Tuesday,      Feb.  25. 

Now  Rochelle,         "  Thuisday,       "     27. 

"  "  Friday,  "     28. 

rioasantville,  "  Saturday,  March  1. 

&-  LEOMINSTER     AND    FITCHBURG. Parker 

PiLLSDimv  will  lecture  in 

Leominster,  Saturday  cvon'g,  March  1, 

Fitchburg,  Sunday  "        "      2. 

— at  7  o'clock. 


O=-J0HN  S.  ROCK,  Esq.,  will  deliver  his  lec- 
ture, "  A  Plea  for  Emancipation,"  in  West  Wrentham,  on 
Sunday  afternoon,  March  2d.  On  Sunday  nosing,  He  will 
deliver  his  lecture  in Sheldonvillo,  on  "The  Cause  ami  the 

Elluot  of  the  RuWllieu." 


HT  JOHN    S.    ROCK,  Eso.,  will  deliver  his  lecture 
"  A  Pica  for  Emancipation,"  where  he  may    be  invited,  for 
a  trifle  over  his  expenses.     His  address  is  No.  6  Trcmont 
Street.,  Ronton. 


&T  E.  H.  HEVWOOD  will  speak  on  "  Common  Senso  ; 
a 

llopednle,  Sunday,   A.M.,  Feb.  23. 
On  "  The  War."  in 

Milfnrd,               Sunday  evening,  Fob.  23. 

Book  Hot t, mi,      Monday          "  «     jj, 

East  Cambridge,  Sunday,        «  Match  2. 


HT  MERCY  li.  JACKSON,   M.    P..  has  reraovod    to 

696  Washington  street,    '.\1  foot   North    of  W-irreu.     Pa,-, 
tloulftl  ftttftQttan paid  to    diseases  of  Women  and  Cliihtiou. 

hW.rmns.  —  Lutller  Clufli.  M.  P.;   play  id  Tharoi .  M.     I'. 

Offloo  boun  from  'I  lo  L  P.  ,M, 


33 

ff  attx%. 

THE     LIBERATOR 


For  the  Liberator. 

THE  KETKIBUTION  WAITIHG. 

Not  yet }  not  yot !  our  cup  is  not  yet  drained  ; — 
Wo  seo  not  jot  the  angel  through  the  lees  } 
But  when  Ho  wills  it, — when  our  Father  please, — 

We  then  shall  meet  you  with  a  soul  unstained. 

Our  blood  must  wash  this  blood-stain  !  'tis  decreed  ! 

Wo  thought  not  this,  sipping  the  surface  fair  ; 

Our  lot  with  yours  we  did  not  then  compare  : — 
For  this  our  hearts  and  hearths,  like  yours,  mustbleed. 
Sons  must  be  torn  from  mothers  ;  spouse  from  spouse  ; 

Brother  meet  brother  in  the  angry  fray  ! 

Ye  knew  this  wrong  could  not  bo  borne,  alway  ; — 
We  knew  it  not, — wrapt  in  our  deep  carouse. 
But  the  hour  oometh  !  now  we  watch  and  wait : 

The  Christ  will  come  again — we  hid  him  long 

In  a  dark  sepulchre  :  but  angels  strong 
Pull  at  the  stone,  and  soon  will  ope  the  gate. 

The  Eastern  lights  are  rounding  to  'the  West : 
She  sends  her  Lovejoys,  and  bravo  Conways  too  : 
No  cloud  will  hide  a  Fremont,  strong  and  true — 

The  ray  beyond  shines  brighter  for  the  test. 

Despair  not,  then,  ye  patient  little  ones  ! 

Come  with  your  token-budgets  to  ollr  doors  : 
Your  feet  are  sandaled  for  the  opal  floors, — 
While  we  creep,  bleeding,  over  unhewn  stones. 
Milney,  Jan.  4, 1862.  A.  P.  L. 


d^*  Happening  to  bo  in  Deerfield,  Mass.,  a  few  days 
since,  the  following  unpublished,  but  spirited  effusions 
upon  the  rendition  of  Thomas  Sims  and  Anthony  Burns, 
{written  at  the  time  by  a  much  respected  citizen  of  that 
place, )  were  read  to  us  in  manuscript  by  a  friend.  We 
deem  them  worthy  of  printing,  even  at  this  late  day,  as 
slave-hunting  at  the  North  is  not  yet  ended. — [Ed. 

LINES, 

Written    on   learning  that  Thomas    Sims   had  been  delivered 


7  the 


salers"  in  Boston. 


Sons  of  "  Old  Massachusetts,"  say,  has  it  come  to  this 

And  have  ye  learned  to  bend  the  knee,  th'  oppressor's  rod 
to  kiss  7 

And  will  yo  bow  your  free-born  necks  beneath  the  tyrant'} 
yoke, 

And  wear  these  chains  more  galling  still  than  those  your 
fathers  broke  7 

And  can  ye  calmly  take  your  stand  around  those  fathers' 
graves, 

And  tamely  hear  upon  your  souls  the  blighting  brand  of 
slaves  7 

Shall  Lexington  be  silent  now?  Shall  Fanouil  Hall  bo 
still  7 

And  shall  no  thunder-peal  of  wrath  roll  down  from  Bun- 
ker Hill  7 

Did  Prescott  bear  his  manly  breast  on  Freedom's  battle- 
field, 

And  did  the  martyred  Warren  bleed,  to  teach  yon  thus  to 
yield? 

Did  Hancock,  Adams,  Otis,  with  all  the  patriot  train, 

Toil  through  long  years  of  agony,  and  doubt,  and  strife,  in 
.  vain  7 

Have  ye  forgot  the  lessons  these  nobie  heroes  taught? 

Will  ye  give  up  the  heritage  by  their  enauruaiois 
bought  7 

Shall  Freedom's  holy  altar-fires  be  suffered  thus  to  wane  1 

And  will  ye  pile  no  sacrifice  within  her  sacred  fane  7 

Here  in  your  "  Ancient  Commonwealth  "  shall  man  bo 
bought  and  sold, 

That  ye  may  worship  at  the  shrines  of  Cotton  and  of  Gold  7 

Shame  !  shame  upon  your  recreant  souls,  if  things  like 
these  can  be ! 

Shame,  if  "  Old  Massachusetts"  no  longer  dare  bo  free  ! 

Rouse  up,  rouse  up,  in  Freedom's  cause  !  Up,  in  the  name 
of  Heaven  ! 

Pledge  life  and  fortune  to  maintain  the  birthright  God  has 
given  ! 

Ye  cannot  hear  the  brand  of  guilt  that's  stamped  upon  your 
brow  ; 

Ye  must  cast  off  the  venal  chains  that  bind  your  spirits 
now. 

By  all  the  stirring  memoncr  ■  od  the  past — 

By  ail  tfes  love  yo  bear  the  land  in  which  your  lot  is  i-Li=t — 

By  ail  the  brigh*  ana"  glorious  hopes  which  round  your  fu- 
ture throng — 

By  all  your  sacred  love  of  right,  and  burning  hate  of 
wrong — 

By  all  the  faith  in  Christian  truth  with  which  your  bo- 
soms swell — 

By  all  your  hopes  of  heaven,  and  all  your  fears  of  hell — 

And  by  the  living  God  above,   the  God  in  whom  ye  trust — 

Ye  will  not  see  His  image  thus  trampled  in  the  dust ; 

This  blot  of  infamy  may  not  upon  your  souls  remain — 

Ye  must,  ye  can,  ye  will  wipe  off  this  dark  and  damning 

Deerfield,  Mass.— 1851.  H.  K.  H. 

ON  THE  KETTJKN  OP  ANTHONY  BUSKS  TO 
SLAVEEY. 

Once  more,  0  Massachusetts  !  you've  vilely  bent  the  knee  ; 
Once  more  proclaimed  to  earth  and  heaven  that  you   dare 

not  be  free  ! 
Once  more  the  haughty  tyrant's  foot  your  sacred  soil  has 

trod  ; 
Once  more  your  back  he's  scored  and  gashed,  and  made 

yon  kiss  the  rod  ; 
Once  more  you've  grovelled   in   the    dust  at  his   imperial 

beck, 
And  felt  the  iron  heel  of  power  again  upon  your  neck  ; 
Once  more  you've  girt  your  armor  on  to  guard  th'  unholy 

cause, 
And  make  anew  the  slavish  boast  that  you've  "maintained 

the  laws  ;" 
Once    more  your  shining  bayonets  have  glistened  in   tho 

sun, 
To  crush  the  light  of  Freedom  out,  and  help  the  deed  be 

done ! 
Behold  your  fathers'  spirits  come  from  out  their  hallowed 

graves, 
To  brand  you  with  the  epithets  of  cowards  and  of  slaves  ! 
Their  solemn  voices,  sad  but  stern,  are  wafted  on  the  air — 
Hear,    then,  the   withering  rebuke  their  thrilling  accents 

bear  ! — 
"Blot  out  the  records  of  the  past !  Let  history  he  dumb — 
And  bid  a  hissing  world  forget  the  stock  from  which  you 

No  longer  dare  the  sacred  name  of  Liberty  to  mock, 

Nor  boast  of  your  descent  from  men  who  first  trod  Ply- 
mouth Rock; 

Down  with  yon  tower  that  lifts  its  head  in  pride  on  Bun 
kerHill, 

And  bar  tho  doors  of  Fanonil  Hall,  and  keep  its  echoes 
still  ; 

Let  "  Independence  ''  be  forgot — dare  not  to  breathe  the 

And  on  your  "  glorious  Fouth"  be  still,  and  hide  your  head 

in  shame  ; 
Seal  up  tho  sacred  book  of  God,  nor  dare  presume  to  scan 
The  page  whore  beams  that   living  truth,  "  the  buotii- 

EKHOOD  OF  MAN  "  ; 

Tear  every  Christian  attar  down    mock  not  your  God  with 

prayer — 
Look  not  to  Heaven,  for  j-jstice  sits  enthroned  in  judgment 

there ; 
And  He  who  holds  the  balance  true  shall    smite  you   with 

His  rod, 
And  you  shall  wither   up  before  tho  dreadful  wrath   of 

God." 
Deerfield,  Mass.— June,  1854.  H.  K.  H. 


HOME    IS    WHERE    THERE'S    ONE    TO 
LOVE    US, 

Homo's  not  merely  four  square  walls, 

Though    with  pictures  hung  and  gilded  ; 
Homo  is  where  affection  calls — 

Filled  with  shrines  the  heart  hatb  builded  ! 
Home  !  go  watch  the  faithful  dove, 

Sailing  'neath  the  heaven  above  us  ; 
Home  is  where  there's  one  to  love — 

Home  is  where  there's  one  to  love  us. 

Home's  not  merely  roof  and  room  ; 

Home  needs  something  to  endear  it; 
Home  is  whore  the  heart  ean  bloom, 

Where  there's  some  kind  ene  to  cheor  it  ! 
What  is  home  with  none  to  meet? 

None  to  welcome,  none  to  greet  ua? 
Homo  is  sweet — and  only  sweet — 

When  there 's  one  wo  love  to  greet  us  ! 


FEBRUARY  31. 


©lu  Wiktvixittt. 


LETTERS  PROM  ENGLISH  ABOLITIONISTS 
ON  THE  WAR   IN  AMERIOA. 

,  (England,)  Dec.  7, 1861. 

On  the  great  topic  of  the  day,  the  American  Revo- 
lution of  1861,  there  is  a  wide  difference  of  opinion  en- 
tertained between  New  and  Old  England.  Public 
opinion  here  I  think  decidedly  recognizes  the  right 
of  the  Southern  States  to  choose  their  own  form  of 
government.  I  have  never  yet  seen  an  argument 
against  it  worthy  of  notice,  except  the  statement  that 
a  designing  minority  have  produced  the  division, 
which  ail  the  facts  that  have  come  under  my  notice 
repudiate  and  refute.  The  North  has  no  more  right 
to  control  the  South  than  Austria  has  to  control  Hun- 
gary, Russia  Poland,  or  England  Ireland.  Govern 
ment  is  a  question  that  every  nation — i.  e.,  every  com- 
munity  of  men  containing  within  itself  the  elements 
of  self-govern  ment —ought  to  be  left  to  itself  to  settle. 
Any  interference  from  outsiders  is  to  be  condemned 
and  the  slavery  of  the  South  makes  no  difference  ir 
the  right.  It  would  have  made  no  difference,  in  my 
estimation,  even  if  the  policy  of  the  North  had  been 
to  extinguish  slavery.  There  is  no  doubt  that  tins 
would  have  made  a  great  difference  in  the  sentiment 
of  this  country  ;  but  my  own  deliberate  judgment  is, 
that  you — the  North — have  no  right  to  interfere,  by 
force  of  arms,  in  the  government  of  the  South.  As 
it  is,  the  North  is  simply  lighting  for  empire. 
The  basest  and  most  brutal  tyranny  that  exists  upon 
the  earth  is  attempting,  by  force  of  arms,  to  sustain 
itself;  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  thirty-four 
States,  united  to  uphold  African  slavery,  is  a  far 
more  powerful  despotism  than  the  Confederate  States 
alone  could  be.  It  is  this  feeling  that  separates  the 
North  from  the  sympathies  of  the  world ;  for,  so  far  as  ! 
gather  from  statements  made,  the  sentiment  of  Europi 
on  this  contest  is  one.  Of  course,  with  you,  the  Union  is 
an  idea  filling  every  Northern  heart.  But  it  is  an 
idol  which  I  trust  a  merciful  Providence  is  going  to 
destroy,  and  I  believe  that  every  American  will  be  ii 
a  better  state  for  realizing  the  glorious  destiny  that  yet 
awaits  him  when  he  regards  the  Union  from  the  same 
stand-point  that  we  look  upon  the  revolted  colonies  of 
1776. 

Of  course,  you  are  far  too  proud  a  people  to  be- 
lieve this  yet.  A  seven-years'  war,  with  all  the  suf- 
ferings it  will  entail  on  the  whole  continent  and  the 
world  at  large,  will  make  you  both  a  sadder  and 
wiser  people;  and,  as  it  often  is  the  case  with  higl: 
spirited  young  men  here,  and  I  dare  say  with  you  also, 
nothing  but  bitter  experience  of  life  will  tame  the  wild 
blood,  and  extort  from  them  the  recognition  of  those 
facts  which  prudent  age  always  saw,  but  youth  was 
blind  to. 

The  sentiment  here  is,  that  the  conquest  of  the 
South,  and  their  subjection  to  Northern  ideas,  is  a 
sheer  impossibility,  and  therefore  absurd  to  fight  for, 
No  doubt  distance  from  the  scene  of  contest,  as  well  as 
from  the  passions  excited  by  it,  must  always  present 
the  facts  very  differently  from  their  appearance  to  an 
excited  actor  in  their  midst.  The  difference  is  natural ; 
the  justice  and  truth  of  the  conclusions  of  cither  can 
have  no  arbiter  but  time.  We  must  await  the  final 
result,  and  believe  and  trust  in  the  goodness  of  that 
ever  mling  Providence 

"  which  shapes  our  ends, 
Bough-hew  them  bow  we  will." 

I  dare  say  you  will  demur  to  the  doctrine,  and  see  fal- 
lacies to  the  application  of  my  principles  to  the  pres- 
ent case.  But  just  look  hack  a  few  years  ago  to  the 
sympathy  of  the  Free  States  with  the  Canadian  insur- 
rection ;  or  suppose  that  now,  for  any  reason— for  mere 
logical  reasons  in  such  cases  are  the  veriest  moon- 
shine of  delusion — the  Canadians  thought  fit  to  assert 
their  right  to  govern  themselves  independently  of  the 
mother  country,  and  were  to  show  the  same  unanimi- 
ty that  tite  South  has  done — would  you  or  any  intel- 
ligent Americas  !ieny  their  right  to  do  so '(  and  would 
not  your  sympathies  involuntarily  flow  forth  towards 
them  in  their  endeavors  ?  I  am  sure  they  would  ; 
and  just  so  every  lover  of  liberty,  whose  personal 
feelings  do  not  warp  his  judgment,  will  wish  success 
to  the  South  at  this  present  crisis.  How  can  they  do 
other?  All  charges  of  treason  and  conspiracy  and 
robbery  mean  nothing  but  the  expression  of  revengeful 
feelings  or  disappointed  ambition.  Assuming  the 
truth  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the  traitorisni  of  the 
South,  it  is  all  justified,  so  far  as  the  thing  can  he  jus- 
tified, and  perfectly  so  too,  as  against  the  North,  by  the 
present  attitude  and  behavior  of  the  North  itself.  If 
the  South  had  not  availed  itself  of  the  opportunities 
of  arming  itself,  &c.  &c,  where  would  it  have  been 
now,  in  the  face  ftf  the  overwhelming  military  power 
of  the  North  f  Take  Maryland  as  an  example.  The 
North  will  not  allow  the  free  constitutional  expression 
of  opinion  on  the  part  of  a  "  sovereign  "  State.  That 
your  power  is  hated,  and  your  influence  only  coinci- 
dent with  your  military  strength,  is  seen  in  the  fact 
that  Maryland,  in  spite  of  the  presence  of  an  over- 
whelming military  force,  would  have  voted  herself  out 
of  the  Union,  but  for  an  act  of  oppression  and  despot- 
ism that  only  has  its  parallel  in  Russia  and  Austria  at 
the  present  time.  And  I  hold  military  despotism  to 
he  the  same  everywhere,  and  that  is  at  present  the 
character  of  your  government  wherever  your  armies 
coerce  the  people  of  the  separate  States. 

I  want  the  Abolitionists  of  America  to  take  a  broad- 
er and  wider  and  deeper  view  of  this  subject  than 
they  have  done.  I  loved  them  because  I  thought  they 
were  "MEN,"  not  Americans,  or  New  Englandcrs,  or 
Northerners,  but,  rising  above  all  such  distinctions, 
were  universal  men;  and  to  my  great  grief  I  found  they 
nearly  all  sank  from  this  sublime  height  to  the  level 
of  Americans.  It  affords  me  an  illustration  and  proof 
of  the  power  of  public  opinion  over  the  very  strongest 
minds  ;  and,  very  probably,  had  I  been  living  with 
you,  I  should  have  shared  your  feelings,  and  joined 
in  your  policy ;  for  I  have  tried  to  measure  the  one 
and  appreciate  the  other.  And  while  I  think  that  if 
I  had  been  in  your  midst,  I  might  have  been  carried 
away  by  the  flood,  I  still  must  record  my  judgment 
that  the  Abolitionist  body  have  fallen  from  that  lofty 
and  majestic  eminence  on  which  they  stood,  into  a  po- 
sition in  which  they  stand  little  higher,  at  the 
best,  and  in  some  respects  lower,  than  the  commu- 
nity around  them  ;  and  that,  while  they  have  destroy- 
ed for  themselves  the  impregnable  fortress  of  their 
old  position,  I  see  no  likelihood  of  military  success 
atoning  (as  success  in  this  world  is  wont  to  atone)  for 
their  egregious  error.  They  will  find  at  the  end,  I 
am  afraid,  that  in  uniting  their  own  with  the  dominant 
and  popular  feeling,  they  have  sunk  in  moral  power, 
and  gained  nothing  by  the  sacrifice. 

You  see  I  am  frank  and  outspoken.  My  personal 
regard  for  my  old  and  dear  American  friends  is  not 
abated.  The  fact  that  I  thus  speak  the  truth  that  is 
in  me  will,  I  trust,  he  evidence  of  this.  I  am  not 
without  hope  that  I  shall  again  see  them  (not  all,  -in- 
deed, for  some  very  dear  ones  are  passed  away)  in 
their  own  glorious  land — yet  to  be  far  more  glorious, 
when  all  past  glories  will  be  forgotten  by  reason  of 
"the  glory  that  cxcelleth  " — swallowed  up  as  the 
twinkling  stars  in  the  glory  of  the  rising  sun.  But, 
whether  this  hope  be  fulfilled  or  not,  I  shall  carry  my 
American  memories  with  me  to  the  spiritual  home, 
to  which  I  ant  swiftly  journeying, — memories  that 
will  there  be  radiant  with  joy  and  peace,  enduring,  if 
the  will  of  the  Lord  be  so,  for  ever  and  ever. 

I  bad  written  thus  far  when  the  news  of  the  Bad 
affair  of  the  San  Jacinto,  as  the  booming  of  war,  came 
to  this  country,  and  was  carried  by  the  telegraph  to 
every  district.  Nothing  i3  stranger  to  us  than  the 
mad  eagernesB  of  your  little  officials  to  do  unauthor 
ized  acts  of  boundless  importance.  Our  "little" 
English  officials  very  seldom  do  such  things.  They 
are  taught  caution,  and  wait  for  orders.  The  inad 
act — I  call  it  so,  because  the  capture  of  these  Southern 
Commissioners  could  not,  even  if  successful,  affect  the 
great  question  in  any  perceptible  degree — will,  so  far 
as  I  can  judge,  inevitably  plunge  you  and  us  into  war, 
and,  as  this  will  render  any  further  invasion  of  the 
South  by  sea  impossible,  and,  break  up  the   blockade 


of  the  Southern  ports,  it  can  only  have,  from  your 
point  of  view,  anti-American  results.  What  a  conso- 
lation it  is  to  know  that,  under  and  beyond  all  the 
follies  and  wretchedness  of  mankind,  there  is  a  Divine 
wisdom  working  to  Divine  ends! 

Affectionately  yours,  . 

■ ,  (Scotland,)  5th  12  mo.  1861. 

Our  sympathy  in  the  cause  is  as  great  as  ever;  and 
I  do  not  think  that  the  Anti-Slavery  feeling  has  any 
whit  diminished  in  Britain.  It  is  no  evidence  of  its 
being  less,  that  we  have  failed  in  hearty  unity  with 
the  Northern  side  in  this  sad  war  among  you.  I  fully 
believe,  if  the  Federal  Government  and  Northern  peo- 
ple would  have  proclaimed  an  anti-slavery  war,  and 
acted  in  accordance  with  such  proclamation,  that  the 
voice  of  Britain  would  with  one  hearty  acclaim  have 
wished  you  God  speed.  We,  like  you,  hope  that  thi 
war  may  eventuate  in  the  abolition  of  slavery.  We 
hope  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  blowing  the  mists 
away,  and  showing  the  true  state  of  matters,  and  re- 
vealing the  horrors  of  slavery,  and  the  complicity  of 
the  North  in  maintaining  them.  But  this  is  a  very 
different  thing  from  believing  the  motive  of  the 
to  be  anti-slavery.  Almost  every  move  made  by  your 
authorities  has  tended  to  dispel  the  possibility  of  such 
belief;  and  yet  your  people  are  carping  ami  cavilling 
because  we  have  not  at  once  sprung  up,  and  cheered 
them  on  to  the  fight  for  the  Union — a  Union  you  have 
taught  us  to  believe,  and  which  we  still  believe,  to  be 
based  on  the  subjugation  of  the  poor  slave.  Surely 
we  have  been  had  scholars,  if  we  have  not  learned 
that  the  slaveholders  have  ruled  your  Union  and  Gov 
ernment  till  a  seeming  anti-slavery  victory  was  gained 
and  then  they  could  brook  it  no  longer,  and  went  off. 
We  were  glad  to  be  released  from  such  association 
and  thought  you  too  would,  in  consistency — only  re- 
gretting  that  all  the  slave  States  had  not  gone,  and 
that  thus  the  point  for  which  you  (Abolitionists  proper) 
had  been  working,  had  at  length  been  attained.  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  your  Government  and  people  de- 
termined to  coerce  back  these  seceders — to  prepare 
the  way  for  bending  the  neck  once  more  under  the 
yoke  of  slavery ;  and,  to  our  intense  surprise,  our 
Abolition  friends  went  with  the  current,  gave  a  cheer 
to  those  who  went  forth  to  battle  for  the  Union,  and 
joined  the  cry  of  denunciation  against  us  who  still 
occupied  the  high  ground- on  which  they  had  placed 
us  !  I  can  assure  thee,  it  was  from  no  lack  of  anti- 
slavery  sympathy,  but  rather  from  the  opposite,  that 
we  could  not  see  any  true  Abolition  spirit  in  this 
Union-saving  movement. 

But  we  are  very  thankful  to  be  informed  by  thee 
that  there  is  a  strong  undercurrent  of  genuine  anti- 
slavery  motive  and  feeling  among  the  people.  We 
trust  it  may  increase,  and  bear  fruit  abundantly.  In 
the  mean  time,  this  bitter  feeling  against  England  has 
been  fostered  ;  and  now  your  officers  have  committed 
an  outrage  on  liberty  which  we  fear  may  bring  on  war 
with  us  1  Oh!  how  our  hearts  sink  in  the  thought! 
There  would  bo  unqualified  distress  in  such  a  war. 
War  with  you,  among  whom  are  those  we  are  bound 
to  by  closer  than  kindred  ties  !  War  for  such  a  ca 
and  at  a  time  when  it  would  give  courage  to  the 
South,  who  would  look  upon  the  passengers  taken 
from  our  mail  steamer  as  their  commissioners,  and  in 
this  light  would  glory  as  if  a  war  bad  been  undertaken 
to  protect  them — whereas,  it  would  be  simply  for  our 
own  protection.  It  would  be  a  dangerous  thing  for 
us  to  sail  the  Atlantic  ocean,  if  we  were  liable  to  be 
boarded. by  a  man-o'-war,  seized,  and  taken  prisoners. 
Nevertheless,  war  in  all  circumstances  is  wrong;  and 
this  war  would  be  peculiarly  horrible.  I  hope  some 
adjustment  may  take  place,  and  that  God  will  avert 
this  grievous  calamity.  A  war  with  England  would, 
I  fancy,  prove  the  crowning  triumph  of  the  South. 

I  earnestly  wish  we  could  have  given  a  decided  an- 
nouncement, that  we  should  hold  no  dealings  with  the 
Southern  Confederacy ;  and  then  we  might  have  left 
matters  to  take  care  of  themselves.  But,  as  it  is,  we 
are  getting  involved,  and  no  doubt  we  deserve  to 
share  in  the  judgments  slavery  brings  on  all  who  sus- 
tain it,  and  do  not  repent;  for  our  churches  and  mer- 
chants "have  not  done  their  duty."  And  who  can 
say  that  he  has  done  his  duty  1 — although  you  Aboli- 
tionists have  more  than  any  maintained  the  righteous 
cause  in  the  evil  day.  We  are  very  anxious  you 
should  not  lose  one  inch  of  your  vantage  ground  in  any 
way. 

*  *  *  *  Truly,  you  never  needed  money 
more  than  at  present;  and  it  was  a  great  mistake  to 
give  out,  in  the  spring,  that  your  work  was  likely  to 
be  accomplished  for  you.  I  expect  you  will  still  havt 
a  very  great  deal  to  do,  for  the  end  is  not  yet.  Oh 
I  long  for  your  preservation  on  the  right  hand  and  oi 
the  left,  and  that  the  iittle  salt  may  not  iose  its  savor  ! 

With  very  earnest,  affectionate  sympathy  in  all 
your  struggles  for  tlie  slave, 

I  remain,  thine,  very  sincerely, . 

London,  January  16,  1862. 

It  is  asked  from  America — 

1st.  Are  the  English  less  against  slavery  than  they 
used  to  be  % 

2d.  If  not,  why  do  so  many  facts  seem  to  give  such 
an  impression'? 

I  answer  to  the  1st — In  my  opinion,  certainly  not. 
Test  England  in  any  mode  that  can  be  called  national, 
and  I  believe  the  answer  would  be  as  sound  as  at  any 
previous  time.  A  petition  in  favor  of  slavery  could 
not  be  got  up,  nor  a  public  meeting  held,  I  will  not 
say  in  its  favor,  but  in  palliation  of  its  enormity.  I 
hardly  know  any  other  question  on  which  Englishmen 

ould  individually  or  collectively  sacrifice  so  much  as 
to  maintain  that  a  slave  could  not  tread  upon  British 
soil.     It  is  with  us  ingrained  into  our  very  natures  as 

principle,  a  sentiment,  and  a  tradition. 

2d.  But  why,  then,  do  we  so  act  or  speak  as  to 
make  America  think  we  are  on  this  question  aban- 
doning our  old  ground,  and  betraying  our  traditions  ? 
There  are  various  reasons  : — 

1st.  A  nation  is  really  never  unanimous  on  any 
question  of  right  or  policy  decided  within  any  mod- 
erate term  of  time — perhaps  not  within  centuries — 
certainly,  not  within  thirty-one  years.  In  times  of 
national  enthusiasm,  the  minority  are  overwhelmed 
and  swept  away.  When  a  time  of  silent  victory  su- 
pervenes, they  naturally  acquiesce  in  silence.  But 
the  old  opinions  are  not  dead;  and,  let  a  favorable 
opportunity  arise,  they  will  make  signs  of  life.  This 
is  the  favorable  opportunity  for  slavery  to  he  defended, 
beeause  to  some  extent  our  interests  and  our  preju- 
dices are  arrayed  on  the  side  of  the  South,  and  so  the 
seeds  of  slavery  within  some  classes  amongst  us  begin 
to  germinate.  We  have  not  more  cynics  and  despots 
amongst  us  to-day  than  yesterday,  but  their  bad 
thoughts  are  set  in  greater  activity.  Collective  Eng- 
land lias  the  same  answer  to  the  slave-owner,  yester- 
day, to-day,  and  forever.  What  I  mean,  then,  is 
this — Slavery  nor  anything  else  could  be  extirpated 
1  England  within  half  a  century.  It  does  not 
grow — it  is  dying  out,  like  other  wicked  things;  but 
what  there  is  of  it  has  epochs  of  activity  and  epochs 
of  quietude.  The  little  of  it  that  we  have  remaining 
amongst  us  has  just  put  forth  all  its  strength,  and  it 
has  seemed  twice  as  strong  as  it  really  is,  because  the 
people  of  this  country  have  never  been  able  to  realize 
that  the  North  is  really  fighting  against  slavery.  And 
no  very  great  wonder,  when  they  reflect — 

1st.  That  the  caste  prejudice  against  the  colored 
race  is  stronger  and  more  vehement  in  the  North  than 
in  the  South. 

2d.  That  all  through  their  history,  the  North  have 
participated  in  the  upholding  of  slavery,  directly  and 
indirectly. 

3d.  That  even  now,  in  tho  midst  of  a  ruinous  civil 
war,  the  Federal  Government  has  offered  again  and 
again  to  renew  every  guarantee  to  the  South  on  be- 
half of  their  "Institution" — and  if,  at  last,  any  states- 
man talks  of  emancipation,  it  is  from  fear  of  the  South, 
and  not  from  any  love  of  justice. 

I  do  not  say  this  line  of  reasoning  is  sound.  With 
many  others,  I  disagree  with  it;  but  I  do  not  wonder 

it^nre valence.  If  the  South  could  at  once  have 
been  crushed  into  obedience,  would  not  the  slave  have 
been  once'more  sacrificed  to  make  things  pleasant? 


Again— may  it  not  be  said,  for  the  slave  there  are 
two  hopes — 

1st.  That  the  North  shall  be  made  to  feel  its  ina- 
bility to  force  tho  South  back  to  the  Union,  without 
declaring  for  emancipation — or, 

2d.  That  the  South  shall  succeed,  and  form  a  sepa- 
rate State— the  "  Institution  "  hemmed  in,  (from  North 
and  West,  at  any  rate,)  and  no  Fugitive  Law  possible. 

Why,  then,  should  we  pray  for  the  success  of  the 
North?  Well,  for  one  reason — because  we  cannot 
help  it.  But  I  fear  the  rout  at  Bull's  Run  was  a  good 
element  for  the  slave.  Declare  for  emancipation,  and 
see  what  England  will  have  to  say  !  Not  one  advocate 
of  slavery  will  be  discoverable  for  another  quarter  of 
a  century  !  p,  a.  T. 


EUROPEAN   SYMPATHY. 

We  are  entitled  to  the  sympathy  of  Europe  only  on 
the  ground  that  this  war,  as  waged  by  the  Federal 
Government,  is,  either  in  its  aims  or  inevitable  ten- 
dencies, a  war  against  slavery.  We  have,  hoped  it 
was  so ;  some  of  us  continue  to  hope  against  hope  that 
it  may  be  so.  The  people  of  Europe,  undoubtedly, 
could  not  for  along  time  believe  that  an  administration 
elected  by  the  free  States,  finding  itself  in  a  war  waged 
solely  for  slavery,  could  shrink  from  the  issue.  Abo- 
litionists have  believed  that  the  administration  would 
he  forced  to  take  up  the  guantlet  thrown  down  by  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  and  withheld  all  criticism.  I 
think  we  are  beginning  to  find  that  we  have  made  the 
mistake  of  expecting  "grapes  of  thorns,  and  figs  of 
thistles." 

For  twenty  years,  Mr.  Garrison,  you  have  labored 
to  prove  that  the  American  Constitution  was  "a  cove- 
nant with  death  and  an  agreement  with  hell,"  and 
that  the  only  exodus  for  the  slave  was  over  the  ruins  of 
the  American  Union.  With  the  Constitution  interpre- 
ted as  it  has  been,  and  the  Union  as  it  has  been,  you 
were  right;  and  intelligent  European  Abolitionists 
have  been  convinced  that  you  were  right.  Now,  from 
the  fourth  of  March  to  this  hour,  it  has  been  the  uni- 
form and  declared  purpose  of  this  administration  to 
preserve  this  same  Union,  and  to  reestablish  over 
the  disaffected  portions  of  the  South  this  same  Con- 
stitution,  WITH  ALL  ITS  GUARANTEES  OF  SLAVERY. 

I  will  not  go  back  to  show  that  the  Republican  par- 
ty, through  all  its  influential  leaders,  its  stump  oratorsj 
in  all  its  conventions,  by  unanimous  votes  in  Congress-, 
declared  that  it  had  not  the  purpose  or  the  constitu- 
tional right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States. 
To  a  European  Abolitionist,  that  meant  that  the  Re- 
publican party  and  its  administration  would  never  at- 
tempt to  redeem  a  single  one  of  four  millions  of  slaves 
from  bondage.     Some  of  us  hoped  better  things. 

Mr.  Lincoln  came  into  power,  and  the  country  was 
plunged  into  a  gigantic  war.  From  the  beginning, 
the  sole  purpose  of  the  war  has  been  declared  rt  be 
the  preservation  of  the  Union.  The  President's  last 
message  declares — and  all  his  messages  contain  sub- 
stantially the  same  declaration — "  I  have  in  every 
case  thought  it  proper  to  keep  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  preeminent  as  the  primary  object  of  the  contest 
on  our  part."  Mr.  Seward,  in  his  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence, constantly  declares  the  same  thing.  To 
Mr.  Dayton  he  writes,  June  8,  1861 :  "  The  present, 
paramount  duty  of  the  Government  is  to  save  the 
American  Union."  And,  to  remove  all  doubt  as  to 
what  he  means,  he  repeatedly  and  emphatically  de- 
clares that  this  "paramount  duty  "  is  to  maintain  the 
old  Union,  with  all  the  old  constitutional  guarantees 
of  slavery. 

In  his  first  letter  of  instructions  to  Mr.  Adams,  Mr. 
Seward  says— "It  may,  probably,  be  Btated,  perhaps 
without  giving  just  offence,  that  the  most  popular  motive 
in  these  discontents  was  an  apprehension  of  designs 
on  the  part  of  the  incoming  Federal  administration 
hostile  to  the  institutiOH  of  domestic  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  is  tolerated  by  the  local  constitutions 
and  laws."  (How  gingerly  !)  Mr.  Seward  forgets,  in 
a  long  dispatch,  to  say  whether  this  "apprehension" 
has  any  foundation  or  not;  but  in  his  instructions  to 
Mr.  Dayton  he  says  : — 

"The  attempted  revolution  is  simply  causeless. 
It  is,  indeed,  equally  without  a  reason  and  without 
an  object.  Confessedly,  there  is  neither  reason  nor 
object,  unless  it  be  one  arising  out  of  the  subject 
of  slavery."  ....  "I  refrain  from  any  observation 
whatever  concerning  the  morality  or  immorality,  the 
economy  or  the  waste,  the  social  or  the  unsocial  as- 
pects of  slavery,  and  confine  myself,  by  direction  of 
the  President,  strictly  to  the  point  that  the  attempt  at 
revolution  on  account  of  it,  (slavery,)  is,  as  I  have  al- 
ready said,  without  reason  and  without  object."  .... 
"The  territories  will  remain  in  all  respects  the  same, 
whether  the  revolution  shall  succeed  or  fail.  The 
condition  of  slavery  in  the  several  States  will  remain 
just  the  same,  whether  it  succeed  or  fail.  There  is 
not  even  a  pretext  for  this  complaint  that  the  disaffec- 
ted States  are  to  be  conquered  by  the  United  States 
if  the  revolution  fail ;  for  the  rights  of  the  States,  and 
the  condition  of  every  human  being  in  them,  will  remain  sub- 
ject to  exactly  the  same  laws  and  fonns  of  administration, 
whether  the  revolution  shall  succeed,  or  whether  it 
shall  fail.  In  the  one  case,  the  States  would  be  feder- 
ally connected  with  the  new  confederacy  ;  in  the  other, 
they  would,  as  now,  be  members  of  the  United  States; 
but  their  constitutions  ancflfews,  customs,  habits  and  in- 
stitutions, in  either  case,  w%l  remain  the  same."  .  .  . 
"It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  to  this  incontestible 
statement,  the  further  fact  that  the  new  President,  as 
well  as  the  citizens  through  whose  suffrages  he  has 
come  into  the  administration',  has  always  repudiated 
all  designs  whatever  and  wherever  imputed  to  him 
and  them  of  disturbing  the  system  of  shivery  as  it  is 
existing  under  the  Constitution  and  laws." 


Again,  in  his  instructions  to  Mr.  Clay,  our  minister 
to  Russia,  Mr.  Seward  says  ; — 

"  All  existing  interests  of  slavery  are  protected  now, 
as  heretofore,  by  our  federal  anil  State  institutions, 
sufficiently  to  jwevent  the  destruction  or  mole.stali.on  of  the 
.institution  of  slavery,  wbere  it  exists,  by  federal  or  for- 
eign intervention,  without  the  consent  of  the  parties  con- 
cerned." 

This  is  the  uniform  tone  of  the  diplomatic  corres- 
pondence, as  officially  published,  from  the  fourth  of 
March  to  the  middle  of  November.  Not  one  gene- 
rous word  for  freedom  ;  not  an  intimation  that  any- 
thing else  was  involved  than  the  old-time  right  of 
governments  to  the  allegiance  of  their  subjects,  foolish- 
ly and  wickedly  excited  to  senseless  and  objectless  re- 
bellion ;  not  one  word  which  England  might  not  have 
said  to  her  colonies  in  1775,  or  Austria  to  Hungary  in 
1848.  Not  only  so,  but  our  representatives  are  pro- 
hibited from  discussing  the  moral  character  of  the 
contest.  Here  is  a  specimen  in  his  instructions  to  Mr. 
Corwin : — 

"  The  President  will  not  suffer  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States  to  engage  in  any  discussion  of 
the  merits  of  these  difficulties  in  the  presence  of  for- 
eign powers,  much  less  to  invoke  their  censure 
against  those  of  our  fellow-citizens  who  have  arrayed 
themselves  iu  opposition  to  its  authority." 

I  might  multiply  such  extracts  to  almost  any  ex- 
tent, and  every  official  utterance  of  every  member  of 
the  Cabinet  has  been  in  accordance  with  these  doc- 
trines; and  every  military  order  and  every  military 
proclamation  (not  modified  or  rebuked)  corresponds. 
Not  one  single  slave  of  the  thousands  who  have  fled 
from  rebel  masters,  and  signified  their  loyalty  to  the 
Government,  has  received,  from  that  Government,  the 
boon  of  freedom—not  one.  All  are  held  to-day  as 
slaves,  to  be  returned  to  their  former  masters  the  very 
moment  their  masters  profess  loyalty.  To-day  the 
President  of  tho  United  States  is  the  largest  slave- 
holder iu  the  country ;  and  Gen.  Wool  is  keeper  of  the 
largest  slave-pen. 

Of  the  poor  creatures  who  succeed  in  getting  into 
the  District  of  Columbia,  a  part  are  confined  as  felons 
in  the  jails  of  Washington  and  Alexandria— their  only 
crime,  that  they  loved  freedom  and  the  flag  which, 
they  imagined,  symbolized  it,  "  not  wisely,  but  too 
well ;  "  and  a  part  remanded  to  a  life  of  vagrancy  in 
a  community  where  a  colored  man  has  no  rights. 
Not  one  is  allowed  to  leave  the  District,  and  try  to 
take  care  of  himself.  At  Fortress  Monroe,  every  one 
of  the  two  thousand  fugitives  is  restrained  of  his  free- 
dom just  ns  much  as  he  was  on  his  rebel  master's 
plantation.  Under  no  pretext  whatever  will  (;<■».  Wool 
allow  one  of  these  loyal  refugees  to  leave  the  fort,  except 
upon  guarantees  with  satisfactory  eeaurity  for  his  speedy 
return;  and  at  Port  Royal  all  the  fugitives  mv  kept 
under  equally  strict  surveillance.  Why  is  this  ?  It  is 
because— and  tho  ears  of  every  decent  nmn  will  tingle 


at  the  statement — it  is  because  it  is  the  intention  of 
the  Administration  to  return  all  thr.se.  fugitives  to  masters 
who,  alter  being  whipped,  profess  loyalty/  Events 
may  defeat  this  intention  ;  but  this  is  not  only  their 
intention,  but  their  duty,  on  their  theory  that  their 
constitutional  obligations  are  and  will  be  unchanged 
by  the  rebellion. 

I  have  said  that  the  uniform  doctrine  of  Mr.  Seward 
is,  that  the  question  of  slavery  is  not  involved.  I 
would  not  do  him  injustice.  In  his  instructions  to 
Mr.  Burlingame,  (page  187,)  he  says:— • 

"  Both  the  justice  and  the  wisdom  of  the  war  must, 
in  the  end,  be  settled,  as  all  questions  which  concern 
llie  American  people  must  be  determined,  not  by 
arms,  but  by  suffrage.  When  at  last  the  ballot  is  to  be 
employed,  after  tlie  sword,  then,  in  addition  to  the 
pregnant  questions  I  have  indicated,  (viz.,  that  slavery 
will  be  safer  in  the  Union  than  out  of  it,  the  right  of 
secession,  &e.)  two  further  ones  will  arise  requiring 
to  be  answered — namely,  Which  parly  began  the  con- 
flict, and  which  maintained  in  that  conflict  the  cause  of 
freedom  and  humanity  "  ! 

If  the  friends  of  freedom  and  humanity  in  the  Old 
World  will  wait  till  the  war  is  ended,  we  will  put  it  to 
vote  whether  the  Federal  Government  or  the  Con- 
federate "maintained  the  cause  of  freedom  and  hu- 
manity "  I 

In  exact  conformity  with  this  doctrine  have  been 
all  the  utterances  from  Washington.  The  border 
slave  States  have  been  implored  to  remain  in  the 
Union,  because  slavery  would  be  safer  in  the  Union  than 
out  of  it!  Not  a  single  slave  would  have  been  found 
in  Maryland  to-day,  hut  for  the  presence  of  free  State 
troops.  One  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  free 
State  soldiers  stand  guard  over  the  slave-pens  of  Ken- 
tucky !  Only  in  Missouri  have  slaves  been  allowed 
to  escape;  and  there  only  because  the  Government 
had  no  district  "jails,  no  Fortress  Monroe,  no  Beaufort 
Islands  to  confine  them  in. 

Now,  Mr.  Editor,  I  hold  that  Europe  has  the  right- 
indeed  is  bound — to  take  the  Administration  at  its 
word,  that  "  the  condition  of  every  human  being  in 
the  United  (including  the  seceded)  States  will  remain 
subject  to  exactly  the  same  laws  and  forms  of  admin- 
istration, whether  the  revolution  shall  succeed  or 
whether  it  shall  fail." 

Let  us  take  one  peep  into  this  Sodom  which  Mr. 
Seward  says  shall  remain  "exactly  the  same."  The 
Hilton  Head  correspondent  of  the  London  Star  says  : 

"  There  are  two  classes  of  slaves  in  the  cotton 
States,  as  in  those  of  the  border:  the  field  hands, 
black  in  complexion,  bewhipped  almost  daily,  and 
locked  up  for  safety  at  night,  and  the  household  ser- 
vants, the  offspring  of  incestuous  intercourse  between 
masters  and  good-looking  'yellow-giris,'  who  them- 
selves are  the  children  of  white  men.  I  have  seen  a 
young  girl  in  Washington,  with  light-brown  smooth 
hair,  clear  rosy  complexion,  and  blue  eyes,  who,  I  was 
informed,  was  a  slave.  I  had  previously  heard  of 
such  cases,  but  attached  small  credit  to  the  reports. 
My  informant  being  resolved  to  satisfy  my  doubts 
showed  me  the  girl,  and  we  questioned  her  as  to  her 
history. 

In  a  perfectly  artless  manner  she  told  us  she  was 
born  in  Texas,  and  that  at  sixteen  years  of  age  her 
owner  and  father  made  her  his  mistress,  brought  her 
to  Washington,  and  lived  with  her  there  until  the 
secession  of  his  State,  when  he  went  South,  taking 
with  him,  as  his  new  concubine,  her  youngest  sister, 
also  bis  own  daughter.  The  girl  seemed  surprised  at 
my  astonisbment  and  disgust,  informing  me,  with  the 
greatest  naivete,  '  Why,  I  belonged  to  him  ! ' 

An  officer  of  the  Wabash  told  me  the  day  after 
the  victory  at  Hilton  Head  that,  goingashore  with  a 
boat's  crew  that  morning  on  St.  Helena  Island,  he  ran 
against  a  number  of  slaves  of  the  household  class:  a 
few  questions  satisfied  him  they  belonged  to  one  of 
the  richest  planters  in  those  parts.  Among  them  was 
a  handsome-looking,  oUve-eomplexioned  girl,  who  la- 
mented to  him  that  her  baby  had  been  carried  off  by 
the  family  after  the  battle.  '  Yaas,  Massa,'  said  one  of 
the  male  slaves,  '  and  it  is  Massa  George's  baby,  too ; ' 
and  the  girl  showed  by  her  manner  how  much  she 
was  pleased  at  the  fact  being  made  known  to  the 
strangers." 

Multiply  these  facts  by  one  million,  and  we  have 
the  legal  condition  of  two  millions  of  women  whose 
status  is  to  remain  unchanged  after  the  war.  And  it  is 
for  our  Administration,  carrying  on  war  for  such  pur- 
poses, that  we  ask  European  sympathy  ! 

We  remember  Polk  and  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
and  the  Mexican  war;  we  remember  Franklin  Pierce 
and  the  Nebraska  Bill,  and  the  outrages  upon  Kansas  ; 
we  remember  Buchanan  and  his  abject  servility  to 
slavery;  but  never,  never  has  there  been  an  Admin- 
istration so  completely  delivered  over  to  Blavery,  so 
devoted  to  its  purposes,  and  so  successful  in  that  devo- 
tion, as  Abraham  Lincoln's.  Released  by  the  volun- 
tary act  of  the  rebel  States  from  every,  even  the 
slightest  constitutional  obligation  to  support  slavery, 
they  have  stepped  forth  as  its  champions  in  the  hour 
of  its  direst  danger;  and  now,  whatever  the  issue  of 
the  war,  slavery,  as  Mr.  Seward  says,  is  eternal! 

I  have  no  heart  for  comments.  Just  such  is  the  as- 
pect of  our  situation  to  European  observers.  Let  not 
American  Abolitionists  join  in  denouncing  them,  be- 
cause they  do  not  ignore  facts  as  clear  as  noon-day. 
Let  us  rather  recognize  but  one  relation  between  us 
and  the  present  administration,  as  it  has  been  between 
us  and  past  administrations — that  of  undying  hostility 
as  to  enemies  of  God  and  Humanity. 

F.  W.  B. 


TEE    AMERICAN   QUESTION, 

The  great,  the  learned,  the  noble  in  England  are 
in  frightful  anxiety  lest  slavery  should  be  put  down 
in  America,  with  the  aid  of  people  not  acting  from 
an  abstract  moral  motive.  They  hear  the  cry  of 
rape  and  murder  in  the  street,  and  they  rush  to  stop 
the  policeman  because  they  have  a  doubt  whether  he 
has  not  an  eye  to  pay  or  promotion,  rather  than  to 
speculative  morality. 

There  is  no  exaggeration  in  this.  Southern  sla- 
very does  things  not  charged  against  the  Cities  of 
the  Plain  ;  for  the  last  account  of  which,  see  the 
Special  Correspondent  in  the  Morning  Slav  of  De- 
cember 13th.  And  British  Anti-Slavery  hurries  to 
protest  against  this  being  attacked,  because  it  is  not 
clear  on  the  purity  of  the  assailants'  views.  It  might 
be  lawful  to  put  an  end  to  the  "  institution  "  and  its 
peculiarities,  if  done  with  pure  views;  but  if  any- 
body joins  with  the  view  of  also  suppressing  a  rebel- 
lion,^ the  "institution"  and  its  peculiarities  shall 
flourish  under  special  protest  against  the  intrusion. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  American  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
things  look  not  amiss.  American  common-sense 
will  conquer,  in  spite  of  all  that  can  be  done  to  hin- 
der it.  Every  day  brings  men  over  to  the  knowl- 
edge, that  to  quench  rebellion  in  the  Southern  States 
by  calling  on  the  loyal,  including  the  colored  popula- 
tion, was  from  the  first  the  way  that  civil  or  military 
wisdom  would  have  taken  for  a  bloodless  solution, 
and  which,  after  oceans  of  bloodshed,  must  be  taken 
at  last.  An  uncommon  head  must  the  man  have, 
who  ever  dreamt  of  an  exodus  of  four  millions  of 
negroes  to  go  none  can  say  whither.  Had  General 
Fremont  been,  let  alone,  he  would  have  offered 
emancipation  to  the  slaves  on  condition  of  their  en- 
tering into  such  engagements  as  they  might,  to  work 
for  wages  for  such  masters  as  gave  in  their  ad- 
hesion to  the  new  order  of  things  in  return  for  con- 
donation of  past  rebellion,  and  for  government  com- 
missioners appointed  to  administer  the  estates  of  ob- 
stinate rebels.  Ami  this,  accompanied  with  General 
Orders  against  vagrancy, such  as  a  general  in  the 
field  knows  how  to  give,  and  the  Provost-Martial  on 
horseback  to  make  respected. 

Strong  parties  in  England  set  themselves  against 
this,  because  they  do  not  want  to  see  the  restoration 
of  the  Union  at  all ;  their  desire  is  to  see  the  Slates 
divided  that  they  may  be  weakened.  The  dread  of 
"nameless  horrors"  and  "horrible  weapons"  is 
purely  English.  Americans  know  that  there  need 
be  as  little  danger  of  "  horrors"  as  in  Jamaica,  and 
that  a  bill  ought  to  be  made  out  against  (he  South- 
ern States fofr enabling  them  to  cultivate  their  es- 
tates tho  cheaper  way,  and  -saving  iVnm  future  insur- 
rections. Which  is  what  men  profaning  the  name. 
of  Anti-Slavery  iu  England  are  not.  ashamed  to  call 

■uthless  c  ott  fiscal  ion." 

One  thing  more,  which  is  to  beg  and  earnestly  en- 
treat the  attention  of  all  whose  battle  is  indirectly 
lighting.  It  is  the  war  id'  "the  toiling  masses" 
against  brute  might,  all  over  the  earth.     There  may 

i.r  those  of  them  who  have  got  above  the  danger  of* 

seeing  their  daughters  sold  to  prostitution  al  the  or- 
der of  a  master.      But.  the  spirit,  is  abroad)  and  rich 

porations  are  feasting  the  man  who  come  to  say 


A   KEI6K    OF   TEEKOE   IN   RICHMOND. 

From  the  Albany  Express. 
When  the  rebellion  broke  out,  the  Southern  peo- 
ple rejoiced  that  they  had  cut  looser  from  the  demor- 
alizing associations  of  the  North;  in  fact,  they  de- 
clared that  all  sin  and  vice  were  to  be  found  north 
of  the  Potomac.  The  Smith  w;ih  a  perfect  paradise 
of  virtue  and  morality — somewhat  contaminated, 
however,  by  the  influence  of  the  Free  States.  We 
of  the  North  were  low,  degraded  beings — "  mudsills  " 
— steeped  in  all  the  depths  of  crime,  unconscious  of 
shame,  and  addicted  to  all  the  vices  tending  to  de- 
moralize and  debase  humanity.    They  of  the  South 

were  gems  of  morality,  high-toned,  chivalrous  souls, 
who  shunned  vice  as  a  leper,  and  guarded  with 
scrupulous  care  their  associations,  lest  corruption  and 
immorality  should  creep  in.  Now  what  is  the  truth 
with  reference  to  Southern  society,  and  the  South- 
ern people  ?  We  do  not  propose  to  describe  them 
ourselves,  but  will  allow  the  Richmond  Examiner,  of 
Wednesday  last,  to  depict  the  deplorable  state  of  af- 
fairs in  the  oncu  quiet  and  sleepy  capital  of  Virgin- 
ia.    It  says : — 

"  The  rowdyism  now  rife  in  this  city  has  become  in- 
tolerable, and  demands  immediate  suppression  with 
the  high  hand.  Acts  of  brutal  violence,  vulgar  ruf- 
fianism and  gross  indecency  are  of  momentary  occur- 
rence in  our  streets.  The  most  orderly  citizen  and 
the  most  delicate  lady  are  exposed  to  outrage  and  in- 
sult. No  man's  life,  even,  is  secure  in  broad  daylight 
on  our  most  public  thoroughfares.  To  surround, 
knock  down,  bruise  and  maltreat  has  become  the 
pastime  of  the  ruffians  who  throng  our  pavements. 
The  evil  must  be  suppressed,  or  else  society  must 
surrender  its  authority  to  brute  violence.  We  must 
disorganize  the  social  system,  resolve  ourselves  into 
savages,  and  prepare  for  protection  by  the  most  ef- 
fective weapons  of  self-defence,  or  else  we  must  as- 
sert the  power  of  the  law  upon  the  persons  of  the 
ruffians  and  vagabonds  that  infest  our  streets  and 
alleys.  ***** 

"  More  vigilance  should  be  required  of  the  police, 
and  a  larger  constabulary  employed.  Every  street- 
corner  should  be  manned  by  a  policeman  in  uni- 
form, armed  to  the  teeth,  whistle  in  hand,  prepared 
to  rally  a  dozen  colleagues  on  the  instant  of  disturb- 
ance. The  license  money  arising  from  the  rapid  in- 
crease of  grog-shops  would  seem  appropriately  em- 
ployed in  invigorating  the  police.  If  these  furnaces 
of  hell-fire  are  allowed  to  dispense  at  every  corner 
what  not  merely  intoxicates  but  crazes,  surely  the 
revenues  which  they  pay  into  the  city  treasury 
should  be  expended  in  protecting  the  valuable  lives 
.which  they  imperil,  and  in -restoring  the  order 
which  they  disturb.  The  city  by  tolerating  a  thou- 
sand dens  of  iniquity  and  passion,  owes  the  duty  to 
its  population  of  affording  it  protection  from  the 
dangers  and  outrages  thus  engendered  and  prepar- 
ed. The  time  has  arrived  for  vigilance  and  summa- 
ry reform,  or  else  ruffianism,  theft,  arson,  drunken- 
ness and  murder  will  soon  claim  the  city  as  their  ex- 
clusive  reserve." 

In  another  column  of  the  Examiner,  we  find  the 
following  extraordinary  statement,  on  which  it  is  not 
necessary  to  remark  at  all : — 

"  A  few  nights  ago,  the  gamblers  of  Richmond 
held  a  convention  in  this  city,  and,  after  the  fashion 
of  'the  noble  refrigerators'  of  Congress,  transacted 
their  business  in  secret  session.  We  are  informed 
that  one  hundred  and  fifty  members  of  the  gam- 
bling and  'plug*  fraternity  were  present;  that  fifty 
thousand  dollars  were  voted  and  subscribed  to  as  a 
fund  to  carry  the  next  election  for  Mayor;  and  that 
the  candidate  nominated  as  likely  to  unite  the  gam- 
bling and  rowdy  interests  of  Richmond  is  an  un- 
grammatical  grocer  and  whiskey-worm  of /he  name  of 
David  J.  Saunders.  We  are  very  much  of  the  opin- 
ion that,  if  matters  are  not  speedify  bettered  in  Rich- 
mond, the  gamblers,  '  plugs,'  and  the  retired  and  un- 
savory whiskey  dealer  they  propose  as  their  candi- 
date, will  be  in  the  hands  of  a  vigilance  committee 
before  the  date  of  the  next  municipal  election." 


PEAYEE   OF  A  COHTEABAND- 

In  one  of  Mr.  Lockwood's  (missionary  to  the  con- 
trabands at  Fortress  Munroe)  letters,  he  reports  a 
portion  of  one  of  the  colored  brother  Carey's  prayers, 
though  he  says  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  give  its 
force  and  beauty,  as  follows: 

"  O  Lord,  if  you  please,  look  down  upon  us  this 
evening,  I  pray,  and  give  us  a  closing  blessing.  We 
thank  and  praise  thee  for  all  that  we  have  heard 
from  the  lips  of  our  Northern  brethren,  who  have 
come  over  the  briny  waters  to  preach  to  us  the  pure 
gospel.  O  Lord,  though  I  cannot  read  thy  word,  I 
thank  thee  that  thou  hast  written  it  on  the  table  of 
my  heart,  and  given  me  an  understanding  mind, 
and  kept  it  blazing  before  my  eyes  like  the  sun. 
Yet,  O  Lord,  I  confess  that  we  have  never  been 
thankful  enough  for  all  thy  blessings.  We  confess 
that  we  are  like  the  children  of  Israel,  ever  readv 
to  murmur  and  complain.  But  for  murmurings,  O 
Lord,  you  have  given  us  blessings,  and  this  makes  us 
come  for  more.  O  Lordj  we  believe  that  you  have 
come  to  deliver  your  people.  O  trample  the  seces- 
sionists under  foot — bless  the  Union  cause,  and  right 
every  wrong.  Bless  the  President,  the  Congress 
Hall  and  the  Senate.  Help  *^era  to  make  laws 
that  shall  be  for  the  good  of  th*  "Union,  and  the 
freedom  of  thy  oppressed  people,  tr>  Lord,  1  pray. 
Bless  the  army  and  the  officers.  Make  them  wise  ' 
as  a  serpent,  and  bold  and  persevering  as  a  lion,  till 
thy  people  are  delivered.  Look  this  evening  upon 
our  dear  brethren  and  sisters  and  children  far  away 
in  the  home  of  boudage,  especially  those  who  have 
been  carried  away  by  the  secessionists.  Comfort 
their  minds,  and  interpose  for  their  deliverance,  and 
if  they  are  not  in  Christ,  bring  them  in,  O  Lord,  I 
pray.  Remember  our  dear  brother  (Jocelyn)  who 
has  been  with  us,  and  is  about  to  leave :  preserve 
him  on  the  mighty  waters,  and  reward  him  for  his 
labors  of  love,  and  remember  our  brother  (Loekwood) 
who  has  come  back  to  us.  Strengthen  him  in  the 
inner  and  outer  man,  and  give  him  grace  and 
strength  for  suffering  time,  that  he  may  go  in  and 
out  before  us,  and  do  us  good.  And  when  you  have 
remembered  all,  remember  me,  and  after  you  have 
done  and  suffered  your  holy  will  with  n.e,  please  to 
receive  me  to  yourself,  O  Lord,  I  pray,  through  Je- 
sus Christ  our  Lord.     Amen." 


oto  th 

licts 

■  Ihers 


playing 


he     The  workers  will  simply 
i  hands  of  their  enemies,  if  they  look  Wlikl 
vhile    the    IftdflW    is    kicked   down    by    whieh 
OUght  to  r'l^\— I  >ntf  if  ml  f ICng.)  Aili;rtis,:>\ 


Reward  fob.  Loyalty.  The  Port  Royal  cor- 
respondent of  the  New  York  Tribune,  in  his  "account 
of  the  destruction  of  the  rebel  batteries  at  Port 
Royal  Ferry,  after  describing  the  retreat  of  tin; 
rebels  before  our  troops,  snys  that  our  forces  returned 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  leaving  the  poor  negroes  to 
the  tender  mercies  of  masters  enraged  by  the  loval- 
ty  of  their  slaves  to  the  Federal  flag.    "lie  says: — 

"  The  negroes  were  greatly  disappointed,  having 
had  no  notice  of  the  departure  of  the  troops.  From 
every  direction,  they  came  running  across  the  fields, 
loaded  with  bundles,  followed  by.  their  wives  and 
children,  and  in  some  instances  mounted  on"  horses 
wbiob  had  lately  belonged  to  less  loyal  masters. 
Few  of  them  were  able  to  get  away.  We  could  see 
them  from  the  deck,  slowly  and  mournfully  return- 
ing to  the  cabins.  Some  of  them  had  no  cabins  to 
retire  to,  for  the  fire  had  not  spared  loyal  homes.  It 
was  sad  to  think  what  their  fate  might  be  if  the 
rebels  returned,  as  they  almost  certainly  would,  to 
carry  back  with  them  the  negroes  whose  willing  ser- 
vices we  rejected.  1  must  not  forget  to  sav  that  the 
pilot  of  the  Ottawa  was  an  intelligent  slave  named 
William,  and  that  only  by  his  knowledge  of  the 
channels  and  perfect  fidelity  were  the  gunboats  able 
to  penetrate  these  treacherous  waters,  and  1  am  glad 
to  add  that  he  was  cordially  thanked  on  the  quarter* 
deck  by  Capt.  Rodgcrs  and  Capt.  Stevens." 


"  Ax  AcrntSKD  Statk."  Mr.  Times  Russell. 
LL.D.,  is  shocked  because  the  chaplain  of  one  of  the 
Pennsylvania  regiments  at  Port  Royal  spoke  of 
South  Carolina  as  -  this  accursed  State  in  which  W8 
worship  Cud."  What  should  he  have  called  ii  ? 
This  blessed  Paradise  ?  This  happy,  prosperous 
State?  South  Carolina  is  "  ,u-atrstd',"  and  there  is 
no  more  unfitness  in  applying  that,  epithet   than  in 

calling  a  spade  a  spade.  Is  it  not  cursed  with  the 
slavery  of  4DO.OO0  Africans  iu  its  territory— cursed 

with  the  prevalent  ignorance"  and  degradation  of  its 
white  inhabitants— cursed  with  an  overbearing,  fac- 
tious, rebellious  aristneraey- -  cursed  in  (he  l.i,k  of 
wise  counsellors  and  in  the  rule  of  wicked  dema- 
gogues cursed  by  invasion  of  its  soil,  and  the  pos- 
session of  its  best  harbor  by  a  hostile  force — cursed 
in  the  destruction  of' its  chief  city  bv  lire  ?     Is  it  not 

(to  follow  the  dictionary)  "detestable;   execrable; 

wicked;  malignant  iu  the  extreme"?  What  could 
aggravate  its  ruined  condition  ?  Uncle  Tobv  would 
"not   have  the   heart    to   curse    the   devil"   as    South 

Carolina  has  cursed  herself.    Why  should  the  hont  m 

duiplain   pick   and   minee  his  phrases  in  ipi 

t  ?     Mtswurt  Di  mocrtit 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS    PUBLISHED  — 

EVERT  FBIDAY  MOENIHG, 

AT 

221    VTA  SHIN  GTON    STREET,    IIOOM   No.  0. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


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per  line. 

ESP  Tho  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

laif  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  viz: — "Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
jjdnd  Jackson,  and  "William  L.  Uarhison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof" 

"  Ilay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations  I  flay  that  mil- 
itary authority  takoH,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  BEST; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  thing*,  st*4ar  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  whero  slavery  exists  have  tho  cxclusivo 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  PneHiUK.XT  or 
the  United  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Aniiv, 
IIAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  .*.  .  .  From  tho  instant 
that  the  slave  holding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 

Slavery,  IS  EVERY    WAY  IN    WHICH    IT    CAN    BE  INTERFERE!* 

with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  iu  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  this 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory. "--J,  Q.  Adams. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


(Omv  ©mmtrtj  te  X\u  W$tM,  mix  Countrymen  nvt  »U  fjlirofctofl. 


J.  B.  YEKEINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    9. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     FEBEUAEY    28,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1627. 


Ufugc  of  toypmitm. 


THE  ABOLITION  TRAITORS. 

The  leading  Abolition  traitors  of  Massachusetts 
gave  vent  to  their  treason  on  Friday  of  last  week, 
at  tlie  meeting  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Society. 
Tliey  were  for  making  the  war  one  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  negro  solely,  and  for  arming  the  slaves 
and  stirring  them  up  to  murder,  rapine  and  arson. 
The  chairman  in  a  speech  urged  that  the  black 
soldiery  would  fight  with  desperation  for  the  cause 
dear  to  the  Abolition  heart.  Wendell  Phillips  urged 
the  raising  of  money  to  pay  a  hundred  Abolition 
lecturers  to  traverse  the  loyal  States,  and  preach  an 
Abolition  crusade.  In  four  years,  he  said,  an  Abo- 
litionist would  be  wanted  for  President  at  Washing- 
ton or  Philadelphia,  or  wherever  the  future  seat  of 
government  might  be !  He  was  sure  the  West 
might  be  depended  on  for  Fremont,  who  could  be 
President  in  four  years,  if  he  had  been  supplanted 
as  Major  General.  As  for  MeClellan,  he  should  de- 
plore his  success,  if  the  present  government  policy 
was  to  be  continued !  He  was  grateful  to  Beaure- 
gard for  arraying  an  army  in  front  of  Washington  ; 
ior,  in  so  doing,  lie  was  giving  Congress  the  power 
to  abolish  slavery. 

Another  rabid  traitor,  named  Foster,  was  for  more 
than  the  mere  emancipation  of  Sambo.  He  (Foster) 
was  for  installing  him  in  the  Senate  bouse,  and  ad- 
mitting him  into  the  social  circle,  on  full  equality 
with  the  whites.  He  insisted  that  the  negro  must 
be  taken  whole,  wool  and  all.  If  the  North  was  not 
to  do  this,  it  would  be  better  to  fight  on  the  Con- 
federate side  !  He  could  not,  or  would  not,  support 
the  Government  in  its  present  policy.  He  had  en- 
deavored to  dissuade  young  men  from  enlisting  in 
such  a  cause,  and  would  continue  to  do  so.  Carried 
on  as  the  war  now  is,  it  is  but  a  fight  for  slavery ! 

Such  was  the  burthen  of  the  treasonable  mouth- 
ings  of  avowed  Abolition  traitors  at  the  capital  of 
New  England,  and  this,  too,  within  gunshot  of  Fort 
Warren.  It  was  recently  the  boast  of  Greeley, 
that  no  anti-slavery  man  had  yet  felt  the  rigors  of 
that  Government  prison.  Why  are  such  of  them 
exempt  as  openly  express  a  wish  for  the  success  of 
the  Southern  rebellion,  unless  its  suppression  is  to 
result  in  the  negro  milleuium  ? — Springfield  (III.) 
Register. 

TRAITORS, 

If  thefe  is  any  one  class  of  men  m  this  country 
who  deserve  to  be  denounced  as  the  blackest  trait- 
ors and  the  most  unscrupulous  enemies  of  the  Re- 
public, it  is  the  abolitionists.  It  was  supposed  that 
when  the  dire  result  of  all  their  wicked  work  be- 
came manifest,  some  slight  feelings  of  remorse  might 
prompt  them  at  least  to  remain  silent.  But  they 
are  glorying  in  the  great  evils  of  the  country,  and 
gloating  over  the  shattered  ruins  of  this  once  happy 
nation.  Are  not  these  men'  traitors?  But  for  se- 
cessionists in  the  North,  we  should  never  have  heard 
of  secessionists  in  the  South.  Upon  whom,  then, 
shall  the  vengeance  of  an  injured  people  fall  most 
heavily?  Surely  upon  the  instigators  of  the  rebel- 
lion— upon  the  wicked  and  insidious  men  who,  with 
the  serpent's  wile  and  with  the  serpent's  cunning, 
stole  into  the  Eden  of  national  life,  poisoning  and 
polluting  the  springs  of  peace  and  prosperity  that 
mankind  had  fondly  hoped  might  be  perpetual.  It 
is  vain  for  the  abolitionists  to  deny  the  charge.  They 
have  preached,  and  prayed,  and  written"  rebellion 
for  many  years,  and  they  have  it  at  last..  But  let 
them  not  delude  themselves  with  the  idea  that,  in 
all  the  noise  and  excitement  of  war,  their  part  in 
bringing  it  on  will  be  forgotten  and  overlooked.  It 
requires  no  extraordinary  shrewdness  to  see  that,  of 
of  the  twin  evils,  slavery  and  abolitionism,  the  latter 
is  incomparably  Ike  most  mischievous.  Slavery  with- 
out abolitionism  had  been  a  tolerable  evil,-— with  it, 
it  has  destroyed  the  Union.  The  war  against  the 
Union  began  when  abolitionists  first  proclaimed  the 
government  unholy,  and  taught  men  to  despise  its 
laws.  It  was  treason  of  the  basest  kind  that  slowly 
and  steadily  lessened  public  confidence  in  the  gov- 
ernment, and  at  last  defended  those  who  openly 
broke  their  country's  laws.  Such  treason  should  not 
go  unpunished  ;  for  we  repeat  that  it  has  done  the 
country  infinitely  more  harm  than  even  the  .formi- 
dable armies  of  the  South.  It  is  clear  that  the  abo- 
litionists— the  secessionists  of  the  North — should  be 
imprisoned,  and  made  war  upon,  equally  with  their 
co-workers,  the  secessionists  of  the  South.  The  dif- 
ference between  them  is  solely  geographical ;  and  if 
we  had  our  way  of  it,  we  should  have  every  utterer 
of  abolition  sentiments  treated  as  a  rebel  and  an  out- 
law, and  forever  banished  from  the  society  of  loyal 
and  good  Americans.  Let  not  the  impudence  of 
these  traitors  protect  them,  but  let  all  the  enemies 
of  the  country  share  alike,  and  be  counted  guilty  of 
the  heinous  crime  of  treason. — EvansvUle  (Indiana) 
Gazette.  

"  GARRISON." 

The  performance  by  William  L.  Garrison,  "  the 
Nestor  of  the  Abolitionists,"  went  off,  in  Washington 
Hall,  on  Monday  evening.  The  audience  was  not 
large,  and  of  those  present,  many  of  whom  were  from 
out  of  Greenfield,  we  presume  the  majority  were  im- 
pelled to  attend  by  a  curiosity  somewhat  like  that, 
which,  though  not  commendable,  always  prevails  to 
see  notorious  villains,  and  to  hear  the  "  dying  con- 
fession" of  malefactors  on  the  gallows.  He  took  his 
text  from  the  Democrat  of  last  week.  We  are  glad 
we  gave  him  so  good  a  one.  And  the  manner  in 
which  he  winced,  and  writhed,  and  fumed,  indicated 
that,  though  hardened  to  a  degree  almost  incredible, 
he  is  not  entirely  callous.  He  can  be  reached  ; 
and  we  think  the  puncture  we  gave  him  did  him 
some  good.  After  the  effusion  of  bitterness  and 
wrath  which  followed,  he  may  be  more  comfortable, 
though  he  can  never  be  entirely  at  rest,  so  long  as 
it  is  true  that  "  there  is  no  peace  to  the  wicked," 
and  that  traitors  always  have  been,  and  ever  will  be, 
followed  by  the  execration  of  a  betrayed  country. 
As  for  our  part,  we  have  confidence  that  we  shall 
survive  the  visitation  of  Mr.  Garrison's  wrath  ;  that 
what  his  audience  could  endure,  will  not,  kill  us.  In 
fact,  we  can  truly  say  that  we  consider  abuse  as 
more  desirable  than  praise  from  a  ribald  reviler  of 
the  Constitution,  a  calumniator  of  Washington,  and 
a  persistent  vilifier  of  the  Church  and  Religion. — 
Greenfield  Democrat. 

f<g=  In  view  of  the  diatribe  against  the  Democrat 
on  Monday  evening,  a  friend  lias  suggested  for  our 
comfort,  that  it  was  impossible  for  Garrison  to  de- 
nounce us  with  virulence  exceeding  that  which  he 
has  exhibited  in  his  denunciations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States ;  and  that  the  time  and 
blows  devoted  to  us  were  undoubtedly  diverted 
from,  the  Constitution  and  the  country. — Ibid. 

Jjgjp  Garrison  was  vehement  the  other  even- 
ing  in  his  denunciation  of  the  Democratic  party. 
And  well  he  might  be  if  opposition  may  be  consider- 


ed as  any  cause  for  denunciation.  The  Democratic  ' 
party  was  the  last  and  most  formidable  obstacle  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  infernal  designs  against 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  And  it  was  not 
till,  by  his  efforts  and  the  efforts  of  others  more  or 
less  like  him  at  the  North,  aided  by  their  natural  or 
unnatural  allies,  Jeff  Davis,  Yancey,  Mason,  Slidell, 
and  others  of  the  South,  all  aiming  to  destroy  the 
Constitution  which  is  the  life  of  the  national  govern- 
ment, the  Democratic  party  was  divided  and  ren- 
dered powerless,  that  the  country  was  brought  into 
its  present  condition.  Ws  have  no  hesitation  in  as- 
serting, and  we  are  ready  to  maintain  the  position, 
that,  had  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party 
been  adhered  to,  and  sustained  in  their  integrity  by 
the  people,  and  faithfully  applied  and  followed  in 
the  administration  of  the  government,  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  United  States  would  never  have 
been  interrupted  by  the  terrible  calamity  of  civil  war. 
—Ibid. 


THE  EMANCIPATIONISTS  AND  TEE  BOR- 
DER STATES. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  how  men  who  care  more 
for  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  than  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Union — whose  hatred  to  slavery  exceeds 
their  affection  for  the  Government— can  seek  every 
occasion  of  reviling  and  insulting  the  Border  States ; 
but  it  is  not  easy  to  understand  how  those  who  real- 
ly desire  the  restoration  of  the  Union  can  deny  to 
these  States  any  of  their  constitutional  rights.  And 
we  do  not  believe  that  the  sincere  friends  of  the 
Union  do.  There  is  not  a  hearty  and  hopeful  Union 
man  in  the  country  who  does  not  bless  the  day  when 
the  powerful  and  vigorous  State  of  Kentucky  was 
saved  from  rebellion,  and  who  does  not  regard  with 
special  admiration  the  heroic  men  who  threw  them- 
selves into  the  breech,  and  thwarted  the  designs  of 
the  Rebel  leaders.  Moreover,  there  is  not  a  loyal 
man  in  the  land  who  would  deprive  these  Border 
State  heroes  of  a  single  right  to  which  they  are  en- 
titled under  the  Constitution.  They  have  been  de- 
nounced and  maligned  by  Abolitionists  because  they 
insist  upon  enjoying  their  constitutional  privileges, 
whilst  these  Abolitionists  have  never  accomplished  a 
hundredth  part  of  the  actual  labor  that  these  despised 
Border  States  men  have.  They  have  born  the  heat 
and  burden  of  the  day,  and  the  Abolitionists  talk  of 
rewarding  them  for  their  exertions  in  behalf  of  the 
Constitution  by  depriving  them  of  their  constitution- 
al rights. 

Whenever  we  hear  a  man  railing  at  the  Border 
States,  and  wishing  that  they  bad  taken  part  with 
the  rebellion,  we  have  no  hesitation  in  setting  him 
down  as  a  disunionist,  who  Vi  ould  rather  declare  the 
independence  of  all  the  slave  States  than  that  the 
Union  should  be  restored  with  the  rights  and  institu- 
tions of  the  States  unimpaired. — Harrisburg  Patriot 
and  Union. 


PREDICTIONS. 


The  Chicago  Times  makes  the  following  predic- 
tions : — "If  at  any  time  during  tlie  past  nine  months 
we  have  felt  the  slightest  faith  in  the  Unionism  of 
the  Republican  party,  or  we  should  rather  say,  the 
Republican  leaders,  such  faith  is  utterly  gone  now. 
They  are  against  the  Union — the  old  Union — and 
mean  that  it  shall  not  survive.  It  has  been  their 
purpose  to  destroy  it  from  the  beginning.  With 
them  the  war  has  been  an  anti-slavery  crusade  from 
the  beginning,  and  they  have  designed  to  hold  only 
such  States  in  their  Union  as  should  be  subdued  and 
abolitionized  at  the  same  time.  If,  when  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee  shall  be  sub- 
dued, the  difficulties  of  carrying  the  banner  of  abo- 
lition into  the  cotton  States  shall  seem  insurmounta- 
ble, these  Republican  leaders  will  clamor  for  peace 
and  a  Southern  boundary  line  of  36  deg.  30  min. 
Or  if,  at  any  time,  they  shall  be  convinced  that  the 
end  of  the  war  will  not  be  to  destroy  slavery  in 
any  of  the  States,  they  will  clamor  for  peace  and 
separation  upon  any  line  that  shall  then  be  held  by 
the  Federal  armies.  We  make  these  predictions, 
and  ask  the  reader  to  note  them.  There  is  but  one 
Union  party,  (the  Democratic  party,)  and  will  be 
but  one;  and  upon  the  unity  and  vigor  of  that,  and 
upon  the  resumption  of  power  by  it  in  the  Northern 
States,  depends,  vastly  more  than  upon  the  opera- 
tions of  the  armies  in  the  field,  the  salvation  of  the 
Union." 


EESOLUTIOHS 

Adopted  by  the  Democratic  State  Convention  held  at 
Indianapolis,  January  8,  1862. 

Whereas,  the  Democratic  party  having,  from  the 
date  of  its  organization,  been  in  favor  of  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Union  and  the  preservation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  seeing  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
country  the  deplorable  effects  of  a  departure  from  its 
time-honored  and  conservative  principles,  and  the  tri- 
umph of  sectionalism ;  and  firmly  believing  that  the 
Union  and  the  Constitution  can  be  preserved  alone 
by  the  restoration  of  that  party  to  power;  we  invite 
all  true  Union  men  to  unite  with  us  in  sustaining  its 
organization  and  carrying  out  its  principles.  There- 
fore, 

Resolved,  1.  That  we  re-affirm  and  endorse  the 
political  principles,  that,  from  time  to  time,  have 
been  put  forth  by  the  National  Conventions  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

2.  That  we  are  unalterably  attached  to  the  Con- 
stitution, by  which  the  Union  of  these  States  was 
formed  and  established ;  and  that  a  faithful  observ- 
ance of  its  principles  ean  alone  continue  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Union,  and  the  permanent  happiness  of 
the  people. 

3.  That  the  present  civil  war  has  mainly  resulted 
from  the  long  continued,  unwise,  and  fanatical  agita- 
tion, in  the  North,  of  the  question  of  domestic  slavery, 
the  consequent  organization  of  a  geographical  party, 
guided  by  the  sectional  platforms  adopted  at  Buffa- 
lo, Pittsburg,  Philadelphia,  and  Chicago,  and  the  de- 
velopment thereby  of  sectional  hate  and  jealousy, 

E reducing  (as  had  long  been  foreseen  and  predicted 
y  us)  its  counterpart  in  the  South  of  secession,  dis- 
union, and  armed  resistance  to  the  general  govern- 
ment, and  terminating  in  a  bloody  strife  between 
those  who  should  have  been  forever  bound  together 
by  fraternal  bonds;  thus  bringing  upon  the  whole 
country  a  calamity  which  we  are  now  to  meet  as  loy- 
al citizens  striving  for  tlie  adoption  of  that  mode  of 
settlement  best  calculated  to  again  restore  union  and 
harmony. 

4.  That,  in  rejecting  all  propositions  likely  to  re- 
sult in  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the  matters  in 
dispute  between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  es- 
pecially those  measures  which  would  have  secured 
the  border  slave  States  to  the  Union,  and  a  hearty 
cooperation  on  their  part  in  all  constitutional  arid 
legal  measures  to  procure  a  return  of  the  more 
Southern  States  to  their  allegiance,  the  Republican 
party  assumed  a  fearfat  responsibility,  and  acted  in 
total  disregard  of  the  best  interests  of  the  whole 
country. 

5.  That,  if  the  party  in  power  had  shown  the 
same  desire  to  settle,  by  amicable  adjustment,  our  in- 
ternal dissensions  before  hostilities  had  actually  com- 


menced, that  the  administration  has  recently  exhib- 
ited to  avoid  a  war  with  our  ancient  enemy,  Great 
Britain,  we  confidently  b  ilieve  that  peace  and  har- 
mony would  now  reign  throughout  all  our  borders. 

6.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  Union  upon  the 
principles  of  the  federal  Constitution  should  be  the 
controlling  object  of  all  who  profess  loyalty  to  the 
government — and  in  our  judgment  this  purpose  can 
only  be  accomplished  by  the  ascendancy  of  a  Unrftn 
party  in  the  Southern  States,  which  shall,  by  a  coun- 
ter revolution,  displace  those  who  control  and  direct 
the  present  rebellion.  That  no  effort  to  create  or 
sustain  such  a  party  can  be  successful  which  is  not 
based  upon  a  definite  settlement  of  the  questions  at 
issue  between  the  two  sections ;  and  we  therefore 
demand  that  some  such  settlement  be  made  by  addi- 
tional constitutional  guaranty,  either  initiated  by 
act  of  Congress,  or  through  the  medium  of  a  Nation- 
al Convention. 

7.  That  the  Republican  party  lias  fully  demon- 
strated its  inability  to  conduct  the  government 
through  its  present  difficulties. 

8.  That  we  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  twin  here- 
sies, Northern  sectionalism  and  Southern  secession, 
as  inimical  to  the  Constitution  ;  and  that  freemen, 
as  they  value  the  boon  of  civil  liberty  and  the  peace 
of  the  country,  should  frown  indignantly  upon  them. 

9.  That  in  this  national  emergency,  the  democra- 
cy of  Indiana,  banishing  all  feeling  of  passion  and 
resentment,  will  recollect  only  their  duty  to  the 
whole  country ;  that  this  war  should  not  be  waged 
in  the  spirit  of  conquest  or  subjugation,  nor  for  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the 
rights  or  institutions  of  tlie  States,  but  to  defend  and 
maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to 
preserve  the  Union  with  all  the  dignity,  equality 
and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired ;  and 
that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished,  the 
war  ought  to  cease. 

10.  That  we  will  sustain  with  all  our  energies  a 
war  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Constitution,  and  of 
the  integrity  of  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  ; 
but  we  are  opposed  to  a  war  for  the  emancipation  of 
the  negroes,  or  the  subjugation  of  the  Southern 
States. 

11.  That  the  purposes  avowed  and  advocated  by 
the  Northern  disunionists,  to  liberate  and  arm  the 
negro  slaves,  is  unconstitutional,  insulting  to  loyal 
citizens,  a  disgrace  to  the  age,  is  calculated  to  re- 
tard the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  and  meets  our 
unqualified  condemnation. 

12.  That  the  total  disregard  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  by  the  authorities  over  us,  and  the  seizure 
and  imprisonment  of  the  citizens  of  loyal  States 
where  the  judiciary  is  in  full  operation,  without  war- 
rant of  law,  and  without  assigning  any  cause  or  giv- 
ing to  the  party  arrested  any  opportunity  of  defence, 
are  flagrant  violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  most 
alarming  acts  of  usurpation  of  power,  which  should 
receive  the  stern  rebuke  of  every  lover  of  his  coun- 
try, and  of  every  man  who  prizes  the  security  and 
blessings  of  life,  liberty  and  property. 

13.  That  liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press  are 
guaranteed  to  the  people  by  the  Constitution,  and 
none  but  a  usurper  would  deprive  them  of  these 
rights  ;  they  are  inestimable  to  the  citizen,  and  for- 
midable to  tyrants  only.  And  the  attempts  which 
have  been  made,  since  our  present  unfortunate 
troubles,  to  muzzle  the  press  and  stifle  free  discus- 
sion, are  exercises  of  despotic  power  against  which 
freedom  revolts,  and  which  cannot  be  tolerated  with- 
out converting  freemen  into  slaves. 

14.  That  the  seizure  of  Slidell  and  Mason,  on 
board  a  neutral  vessel,  on  the  high  seas,  was  either 
in  accordance  with  international  law,  and  so  legal ; 
or  else  in  violation  of  such  law,  and  so  illegal.  If 
the  former,  we  lament  that  our  nation  has  been  hu- 
miliated by  their  surrender,  under  a  threat;  if  the 
latter,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  administration  at  once 
to  have  disavowed  the  act  of  their  officer,  and  in- 
stead of  incarcerating  the  captives  in  Fort  Warren, 
to  have  immediately  repaired  the  wrong  by  placing 
them,  as  far  as  practicable,  in  the  same  condition  in 
which  that  officer  had  found  them.  In  either  event, 
the  action  of  the  administration  was  vacillating  and 
cowardly,  and  degrading  to  the  dignity  of  a  great 
nation. 

15.  That  the  action  of  the  Republican  party  as 
manifested  in  the  partisan  character  of  all  appoint- 
ments oflhe  Administration  to  civil  office;  and,  in 
holding  party  caucuses  by  the  Republican  members 
of  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  impressing  upon  the 
legislative  action  of  that  body  the  peculiar  dogmas 
of  that  party,  have  demonstrated  that  their  profes- 
sions of  "  sacrificing  party  platforms,  and  party  or- 
ganizations, upon  the  altar  of  their  country,"  are 
but  so  many  hypocritical  and  false  pretences  by 
which  they  hope  to  dupe  the  unwary  into  their  sup- 
port ;  and  we  warn  all  loyal  persons,  as  they  love 
their  country,  not  to  be  deceived  thereby. 


CONNECTICUT  DEMOCRACY. 

The  following  resolutions  were  adopted  at  the  De- 
mocrate  State  Convention,  held  at  Middlctown,  Con- 
necticut, on  the  12th  February: — 

Whereas,  The  Democratic  party,  having  from  its 
organization  been  the  party  of  the  Union,  faithful 
and  true  to  its  best  interests,  maintaining  its  dignity 
in  war  and  in  peace,  against  the  assaults  and  insin- 
uations of  foreign  and  domestic  foes;  and 

Whereas,  The  present  deplorable  condition  of 
the  country  results  from  a  departure  from  its  time- 
honored  and  conservative  principles;  and 

Whereas,  We  fully  believe  that  the  Union  can- 
not be  restored  until  the  principles  and  spirit  of 
Democracy  prevail  in  the  Administration  of  the 
Federal  and  State  Governments,  and  that  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Democratic  party  offers  the  only  rea- 
sonable hopes  of  awakening  the  dormant  Union 
sentiment  of  the  South,  which  can  be  aroused  only 
by  the  assurance  of  safety  and  equality  in  the 
Union ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  present  extraordinary  condi- 
tion of  our  national  affairs,  in  which  we  have  been 
involved  through  the  pernicious  counsels  of  fanatics, 
urgently  calls  upon  every  Democrat  to  again  rally 
under  the  time-honored  banner  of  that  political 
organization  which  has,  in  war  as  well  as  in  peace, 
in  prosperity  and  adversity,  ever  proved  faithful  to 
the  Union,  tho  Constitution,  the  Government  and 
the  laws,  and  which  banner  we  will  continue  to 
blend  with  the  glorious  stars  and  stripes.         • 

Resolved,  That  resting  their  organization  upon 
the  patriotism  of  its  well-tried  principles,  and  still 
renewing  their  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Constitu- 
tional Government,  which  they  have  for  more  than 
three-quarters  of  a  century  unflinchingly  upheld, 
(whether  assaulted  by  Northern  abolition,  or  South- 
ern secession,)  the  Democracy  of  Connecticut  ear- 
nestly appeal  to  all  conservative  citizens  to  unite 
with  them  in  sustaining  the  President  in  all  con- 
stitutional efforts  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  restore, 
the  Union,  and  to  defend  our  country  against  all 
foeB,  whether  at  home  or  abroad ;  and  we  invite 
the  cooperation  of  all  who  are  opposed  to  the  revo- 
lutionary element  which  is  now  making  war  upon 
the  President  and  the  gallant  General  Mi'Ctellan, 
Jbr  the  purpose  of  converting  the  war  against  socos- 


U 

sion  aiurrebellion  into  a  struggle  for  the  emancipa- 
tion M  slaves,  in  violation  of  the  obligations  of  the 
Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  in  all  propositions  likely  to  result 
in  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the  matters  in  dis- 
pute between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  espe- 
cially such  measures  as  would  have  secured  the  bor- 
der States  to  the  Union  and  a  hearty  cooperation 
on  their  part  in  all  constitutional  and  legal  mea- 
sures, and  procure  the  return  of  the  seceded  States, 
the  Republican  party  assumed  a  fearful  responsi- 
bility, acted  in  utter  disregard  of  the  best  interests 
of  the  whole  country,  and  stamped  itself  as  wanting 
in   patriotism,  and  destitute  of  that  sound  political 

Erinciple  which  should  actuate  a  party  having  in  its 
ands  the  destinies  of  a  great  people. 
Resolved,  That  the  Republican  party,  who  prom- 
ised a  restoration  of  the  honesty  and  purity  of  the 
Washingtonian  administration,  has,  in  the  disclosures 
of  fraud  and  corruption  brought  to  light  by  the 
Congressional  Investigating  Committee,  shown  a  de- 
moralization not  only  unknown  before  in  the  States, 
but  unheard  of  and  unprecedented  in  the  history  of 
the  nation. 

Resolved,  That  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  the  arrest  of  freemen  without 
due  process  of  law  in  States  where  there  is  no  pre- 
tence of  a  military  necessity  therefor,  is  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  of  a  free  government,  and  is 
utterly  condemned  by  the  Democratic  party  of  this 
State. 

RHODE   ISLAND   DEMOCRACY. 

The  following  resolutions  were  adopted  at  the 
Democratic  State  Convention,  held  at  Providence, 
R.  I.,  Feb.  20th:— 

Resolved,  That  the  Democracy  of  Rhode  Island 
stand  to-day  upon  their  ancient  platform ;  that  they 
are  for  the  country,  and  nothing  less  than  the  coun- 
try— for  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  without 
conditions  or  higher  law  reservations;  ....  and 
against  all  encroachments  upon  State  or  individual 
rights — against  the  irresponsible  exercise,  by  public 
servants,  of  powers  not  delegated  in  the  Constitution 
— agaiust  oppression  of  every  description — against 
sectionalism  in  all  its  aspects — against  underground 
railroads  and  John  Brown  raids — and  finally,  and 
especially,  against  all  attempts  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  subjugate  States,  or  divest  their  govern- 
ments or  people  of  any  of  the  powers  or  privileges 
which  they  have  heretofore  exercised  or  enjoyed. 

Resolved,  That  the  so-called  "  Right  of  Secession," 
claimed  by  many  politicians  and  citizens  of  States 
now  in  arms  against  our  Federal  Government,  is  in- 
consistent with  all  government,  and  a  denial  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  all  Democratic  Republics. 
It  is  just  as  false  to-day  as  it  was  only  a  few  years  or 
months  ago,  when  it  was  claimed,  by  Northern  Abo- 
litionists and/at  least  one  Northern  Legislature,  and 
should  be  condemned  and  opposed  by  all  good  men, 
at  all  times,  as  tending  to  the  abrogation  of  law  and 
the  inauguration  of  civil  war.  And  denying  the 
right  of  Secession,  we  declare  that  the  present  re- 
bellion against  federal  authority,  and  the  attempt  to 
overthrow,  by  a  resort  to  force,  the  best  government 
which  the  sun  ever  shone  upon,  is  both  unreasonable 
and  criminal — an  indefensible  violation  of  all  the 
pledges  which  citizenship  implies,  and  such  an  out- 
rage against  humanity  and  civilization  as  even  the 
aggressions  and  menaces  of  Northern  Abolitionists, 
during  thirty  years  of  vengeful  warfare  upon  South- 
ern institutions,  cannot  justify  or  palliate. 

Resolved,  That  the  effort  now  being  made  to  di- 
vert this  war  from  its  original  purpose,  as  proclaimed 
by  the  President  and  Congress  seven  months  ago — 
the  maintenance  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and 
the  preservation  of  the  Union's  integrity — and  to 
turn  it  into  a  war  for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  and 
the  subjugation  of  the  Southern  States,  or  their  re- 
turn to  a  territorial  condition,  is  an  effort  against 
the  Union,  against  the  Constitution,  against  justice, 
and  against  humanity,  and  should  be  promptly 
frowned  upon  by  all  the  friends  of  Democratic  in- 
stitutions. It  is  unworthy  of  loyal  citizens,  and  can 
find  support  only  with  sectional  fanatics,  who  have 
no  love  for  the  Union  or  desire  for  its  restoration, 
and  whose  highest  patriotism  is  an  unnatural  and 
unrighteous  hatred  of  the  citizens  of  sister  States. 
And  whereas,  we  perceive  gratifying  indications  that 
President  Lincoln  is  resisting  and  will  continue  to 
resist  this  treasonable  effort,  it  is  further  resolved,  that ' 
in  such  patriotic  resistance  he  is  entitled  to  and  docs 
and  shall  continue  to  receive  our  cordial  sympathy 
and  unfaltering  support. 

Resolved,  That  to  bring  the  present  war  to  a  final 
and  happy  conclusion,  and  secure  a  union  of  hearts 
as  well  as  a  union  of  hands,  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  reassure  the  misguided  people  of  the  South 
that  we  mean  no  warfare  upon  their  rights,  and  are 
actuated  by  no  spirit  of  revenge;  to  disavow,  in  the 
language  of  Gov.  Sprague,  "  any  other  wish  than 
that  of  bringing  together  these  now  belligerent 
States,  without  the  loss  to  any  one  of  them  of  a  sin- 
gle right  or  privilege  which  it  has  heretofore  en- 
joyed ; "  to  show,  by  our  acts  as  well  as  by  our  pro- 
fessions, that  our  whole  purpose  is  to  preserve  our 
government  just  as  it  came  to  us  from  the  hands  of 
our  fathers — to  regard  all  the  guaranties  of  the  Con- 
stitution, whether  to  States  or  to  the  people  of  States 
— and  to  become  once  more  a  powerful  and  prosper- 
ous nation,  and  a  harmonious  and  happy  people. 
And  that,  to  this  end,  it  is  the  duty  of'  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  not  only  to  preserve  its  distinctive  or- 
ganization, but  to  demonstrate,  by  honorable  and 
patriotic  measures,  both  its  determination  and  its 
power  to  withstand  and  render  harmless  the  assaults 
of  Northern  sectionalists  upon  constitutional  liberty. 


(gg^If,  in  an  evil  hour,  the  Administration  should 
yield  to  the  determined  efforts  of  a  sectional  party, 
and  become  the  instrument  in  their  hands,  which 
the  anti-slavery  leaders  wish  to  make  it,  it  would 
not  merely  have  betrayed  the  trust  reposed  by  the 
Constitution  in  its  hands — but  it  would,  by  a  practi- 
cal abrogation  of  that  instrument,  have  abdicated  its 
authority  and  its  claim  to  the  support  which  is  now 
so  nobly  rendered  ;  it  would  verify  the  false  predic- 
tions of  the  instigators  of  this  monstrous  rebellion; 
it  would  supply  the  enemies  of  tho  Union  with  a 
justification  of  their  course,  even  while  it  suppresses 
them. — N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 


SS^Wo  give  in  another  column  a  communication 
on  New  Grenada  as  the  country  for  the  negro,  writ- 
ten by  a  gentleman  from  whom  we  should  be  glad 
to  hear  often,  who  has  held  oflieial  position  in  Bpan- 
ish  America,  and  who  is  most  competent  to  judge  of 
the  merits  of  the  case  on  which  he  treats.  The  de- 
sign of  the  article  is  patent  on  its  face;  anil  yet  in- 
directly it  establishes  another  point— the  wide  dill'cr- 
ence  between  the  while  and  black  races,  fully  con- 
firming what  nature  in  its  divine  arrangements  de- 
clares, that  the  home  of  the  black  is  within  the 
tropics,  and  the  home  of  the  white  in  the  temperate 
latitudes;    anil  be  who  would  join  and  amalgamate 

what,  nature  puts  asunder,  but  wars  with  the  econo- 
my of  God,  anil  all  his  efforts  must  iu  the  cud  come 
to  naught. — Nc.wburyport  Herald, 


%  t  \  t  1 1  X  0  U  S 


DEMOCRATIC  TREASON. 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  Northern  Abolitionism 
and  Southern  Secession  as  the  cooperating  sources  of 
our  present  calamities. 

The  above  denunciation  will  be  found  in  the 
Secesh  Platform,  enunciated  by  the  Pierce  fugl 
at  the  Democratic  State  Convention  held  in  Con- 
cord on  the  8th  ultimo.  It  is  interesting  as  being 
the  severest  utterance  that  Burke,  Bingham  &  Co., 
who,  under  Pierce,  controlled  the  Convention,  could 
bring  themselves  to  make  against  the  accursed  re- 
bellion, and  the  Southern  traitors  who  have  raised 
it  against  the  Government,  and  have  brought  upon 
our  country  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  Yet  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  how  considerately  tender  it  is, 
even  in  its  severity,  of  "secession."  That  "nu- 
merous and  highly  respectable  body  of  delegates" 
were  so  very  candid,  not  to  say  patriotic,  as  to  make 
"  secession  "  only  a  secondary  "  source  of  our  present 
calamities"!  Jeff.  Davis  could  not  have  asked  for 
anything  more  from  Pierce  and  other  friends  in  this 
State.  Of  course,  he  is  willing  to  make  all  due 
allowance  for  latitude,  and  to  take  into  considera- 
tion the  fact  that  sympathy  with  him  and  his  rebel- 
lion must  be  cautiously  expressed  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. Jeff,  is  perfectly  willing  to  let  his  Democratic 
friends  give  "  secession  "  a  gentle  love-pat,  just  for 
the  looks  of  the  thing,  if  they  will  only  give  "  abo- 
litionism" the  hard  knocks  with  a  will. 

But  what  is  meant  by  "  abolitionism,"  in  the  com- 
mon Democratic  parlance  of  the  present  day  ?  It 
means  that  hatred  to  human  slavery,  which  is  a 
natural  instinct  of  the  human  heart.  It  means 
hatred  of  a  system  of  oppression  that  disgraces  and 
degrades  labor,  barbarizes  society,  and  divides  it 
into  odious  castes  of  "  f/entlemen"  and  "mudsills" 
and  generates  despotic  ideas,  inconsistent  with  the 
existence  of  a  free  and  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment. It  means  hatred  of  the  "  sum  of  all  villa- 
nies,"  the  contemplation  of  which  made  even  South- 
ern statesmen,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic, 
tremble  when  they  remeinbered  that  "  God  is  just." 
It  means  opposition  to  the  nationalizing  of  an 
abominable  system  of  wrong,  which  the  fathers  of 
our  Government  left  as  a  local  evil,  with  the  hope 
and  expectation  that  it  would  be  speedily  removed. 
It  means  opposition  to  the  spread  of  an  unmitigated 
curse  over  all  our  fair  territorial  domain.  It  means 
this  hatred  and  opposition  to  slavery,  and  to  its  un- 
holy and  persistent  aggressions,  peaceably  and  law- 
fully expressed  by  a  free  people,  in  argument  and 
at  the  ballot-box.  This  is  what  Southern  rebels 
and  their  Northern  sympathizers  call  "  abolitionism." 
This  is  what  they  stigmatize  as  the  prime  "  coope- 
rating source  of  our  present  calamities."  Not  a 
word  of  condemnation  have  they  for  the  abomina- 
ble wickedness  of  slavery,  which  has  culminated  in 
rebellion  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  intimate,  with  more 
or  less  distinctness,  that  they  prefer  its  perpetuity 
to  the  salvation  of  the  country  in  the  present  strug- 
gle. As  to  touching  slavery,  they  cry  out  that  it 
must  not  be  done;  for  is  it  not  shielded  by  "  Consti- 
tutional guarantees"?  Not  a  word  of  hearty  con- 
demnation have  these  covert  traitors  of  the  North, 
for  the  open  and  armed  traitors  of  the  South.  They 
politely  suggest  that  "  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Confederate  States,"  and  his  fellows, 
eannot  be  entirely  excused,  perhaps,  for  conspiring 
and  rebelling  against  the  Government;  but,  after 
all,  did  they  not  have  almost  provocation  enough  for 
their  course  from  the  "miserable,"  "wicked,"  "trai- 
torous" "  abolitionists,"  who  have  had  the  audacity 
to  dislike  slavery,  and  to  carry  their  dislike  to  its 
eternal  perpetuity  and  universal  extension  to  such 
a  "fanatical"  pitch,  as  to  go  to  the  ballot-box,  and 
drrve  the  Democracy,  controlled  by  the  said  Davis 
and  his  sort,  from  power  ?  This  is  the  "  Demo- 
cratic" position,  in  this  State,  on  the  war  and  its 
"  sources  " — "  cooperating,"  or  otherwise. 

Considering,  then,  what  that  "  abolitionism  "  is, 
which  is  the  burden  of  Democratic  denunciation; 
considering,  too,  what  "  secession  "  is,  and  what  it 
has  brought  upon  our  country,  let  us  try  the  fore- 
going resolution  of  the  Democratic  platform,  by  the 
test  of  analogy. 

Suppose  that,  during  the  early  struggle  of  Chris- 
tianity with  Paganism,  when  the  peaceful  Gospel  of 
Truth  became  the  occasion  of  bitter  strifes  among 
men,  with  tortures,  imprisonment  and  death,  a 
"  highly  respectable  body"  of  professed  disciples  of 
the  Saviour  had  assembled,  and  adopted  the  follow- 
ing  resolution: — 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  these  new  doctrines 
of  Jesus  Christ  and  the  superstitious  errors  of  Pagan- 
ism as  the  cooperating  sources  of  our  present  calami- 
ties. 

Would  men  thus  resolving  have  been  deemed 
worthy  of  bearing  the  Christian  name?  Would 
they  not  have  been  condemned  as  Iseariots  in  dis- 
guise, under  the  sentence  of  him  "  who  spake  as 
never  man  spake" — "He  who  is  not  for  me  is 
against  me  "  ?  Especially  would  not  this  have  been 
their  fate,  had  these  "  respectable,"  self-styled  Chris- 
tians delighted  to  make  and  reiterate  with  bitter 
sneer — "  These  are  your  Cki-islian  times  —  your 
Christian  troubles"  ? 

What  would  have  been  thought  of  a  "  highly  re- 
spectable, body  "  of  professed  Protestants,  in  some  of 
the  bloody  wars  waged  by  the  Popes  and  their  ad- 
herents against  Protestantism  and  Liberty,  that 
should  have  passed  such  a  resolution  as  this? — 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  the  reformatory  teach- 
ings of  Luther,  and  the  lust  for  dominion  of  the  Papal 
See,  us  the  cooperating  sources  of  our  present  calami- 
ties. 

Would  not  the  Protestantism  of  "  highly  respecta- 
ble "  individuals  thus  denouncing  have  been  branded 
as  all  a  sheer  pretence  and  a  traitorous  sham  ? 
Could  not  the  Pope  have  rightfully  claimed  them  as 
in  his  interest,  especially  had  they  taken  every 
safe  opportunity  to  say,  "This  is  only  a  miserable 
Lutheran  war" ? 

Supposing,  once  more,  that,  during  the  dark 
hours  of  the  Revolution,  a  "  numerous  and  highly 
respectable  body"  of  professed  patriots  had  met, 
and  passed  the  following  resolution: — 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  American  resistance 
ard  British  tyranny  as  the  cooperating  sources  of  our 
present  calamities. 

What  would  have  been  the  fate  of  such  de- 
nouncers?     Would  they  not  have  been  reckoned  as 

Tories, mi  treated  accordingly?    Would  the  Stark 

of  those  days — a.  Stark  in  nature  as  well  as  in  uauir 
— have  been  found  standing  as  a  "  standard-hearer  " 
upon  a  platform  with  such  a  plank  in  it?  We  trow 
not.  Nor  would  he  have  been  caught  endorsing  the 
"  respectability  "  of  such  spurious  patriots.'  Me 
would  rather  have  been  found  helping  hang  or 
banish  them;  especially  hud  they  persisted  in  east- 
ing upon  their  patriotic  neighbors  the  continual 
taunt,  "This  is  your   Yankee  war.     Von  might,  have 

'  compromised,'  and  paid  the  tax  on  tea.    But  you 

would  n't  *  yield  an  inch.'  " 


What  shall  we  say,  then,  when,  in  these  latter 
days,  in  the  midst  of  a  deadly  struggle  between  a 
noble  and  beneficent  Government  and  felt  and  re- 
lentless Rebellion,  a  "  highly  respectable  body  of 
delegates,"  calling  themselves  loyal  men,  meet  here 
in  the  capital  of  New  Hampshire,  and  deliberately 
resolve,  in  substance,  as  follows? — 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  peaceable,  legal  and 
constitutional  opposition  to  the  aggressions  of  the 
Slave  Power  upon  the  rights  of  freemen,  against  the 
dictates  of  justice,  humanity  and  Christianity,  and 
tlie  best  interests  of  the  nation — otherwise  "aboli- 
tionism"— and  rebellion  involving  a  happy  country 
in  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  for  the  establishment  of 
a  "  Confederacy  "  whose  corner-stone  shall  be  Slavery 
— otherwise,  "  Secession  " — as  the  cooperating  sources 
of  our  present  calamities. 

Are  men  thus  resolving,  and  who  stand  upon  such 
a  platform,  and  who  continually  reiterate,  "  This  is 

a  d d  Black  Republican  Abolition  war,"  fit  to 

be  reckoned  as  loyal  to  their  Goverment  and  their 
country  ?  No,  they  are  traitors — covert,  cowardly, 
black-hearted  traitors  !  Let  them  be  marked,  watch- 
ed and  shunned  as  Traitors  ! — Concord  (N.  II.) 
Independent  Democrat. 


THE    DOUGHFACE  WAT    TO   SAVE    THE 

UNION. 

As  the  war  drags  and  the  prospect  of  quelling 

the  rebellion  becomes  darker,the  Times  grows  bolder, 
and  its  special  backers  more  insolent."  The  last  p<>" 
sition  it  has  assumed  is.  that  the  "Abolitionists" 
caused  the  war,  and  are  responsible  for  its  continu- 
ance. Give  the  South  its  "  rights,"  says  the  Times, 
and  there  would  be  no  war.  This  word  "  rights  "  is 
one  of  the  slang  phrases  in  the  slaveocratic  vocabu- 
lary. It  simply  means — accede  to  the  demands  of 
the  slaveholders.  Let  them  extend  slavery  wherever 
they  please,  over  the  territories,  over  Mexico,  ever 
the  free  States,  over  the  wliole  continent.  Re-open 
the  African  slave  trade  so  that  they  may  have  plenty 
of  slaves  at  cheap  prices;  adopt  the  Montgomery 
Constitution ;  depose  Lincoln  and  elect  JeiE  Davis 
or  Mason  ;  turn  the  Government  over  to  the  oli- 
garchy unconditionally  ;  put  a  muzzle  on  free  speech 
and  a  free  press;  hang  every  man  who  says  aught 
against  the  peculiar  institution  ;  make  it  treason  to 
call  slavery  wrong,  and  a  test  of  holding  office,  the 
taking  of  an  oath  that  the  candidate  believes  it  to 
be  right  and  of  divine  origin.  Do  these  things,  and 
there  will  be  no  farther  war,  no  more  secession  ;  all 
will  be  love  and  harmony,  and  every  man,  North  ~ 
and  South,  can  wallop  his  own  niggers  to  his  heart's 
content.  This  is  the  doctrine.  This  is  the  remedy 
for  the  nation's  disease.  In  this  way  the  Union  can 
be  saved  and  peace  restored.  Let  the  country 
adopt  the  doctrine  of  the  rebel  Vice-President  Ste- 
phens, that  slavery  should  be  the  corner-stone  of 
the  nation,  as  he  declares  it  is  to  be  of  the  rebel 
Confederacy.  Let  the  people  accept  the  maxim  of 
John  C.  Calhoun,  that  "  slavery  is  the  most  safe  and 
stable  basis  for  free  institutions  in  the  world,"  and 
agree  with  the  last  Democratic  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  that  "  capital  should  own  labor,"  and 
accept  the  opinion  that  "  some  men  are  born  with 
saddles  on  their  backs,  and  others  booted  and  spur- 
red, to  ride  them  by  the  grace  of  God."  And  finally, 
let  all  the  people  subscribe  to  the  proposition  of  a 
distinguished  rebel  Senator,  that "  they  would  spread 
the  blessings  of  slavery,  like  the  religion  of  our 
divine  Master,  to  the  uttermost  ends  of  the  earth," 
and  the  rebellion  will  instantly  come  to  an  end  of 
its  own  accord  ;  not  another  gun  would  be  fired,  nor 
another  life  lost.  Only  let  us  of  the  North  adopt 
these  atheistic  and  atrocious  sentiments  which  ani- 
mate the  revolt  against  the  Government,  and  peace 
will  be  instantly  declared,  and  the  broken  Union 
straightway  reunited. — Chicago  Tribune. 


CAUSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 

It  is  strange  that  any  man  of  intelligence' can  be 
in  doubt  as  to  the  cause  of  the  Southern  treason. 
Yet  the  senators  and  representatives  of  the  Border 
States  with  one  voice  reiterate  the  statement,  that 
slavery  is  only  a  remote  cause,  if  one  at  all.  Hon. 
Garrett  Davis  of  Ky.,  a  very  talented,  and  in  most 
respects  a  very  noble  man,  takes  a  determined  stand 
against  rebellion — his  whole  soul  burns  with  patriot- 
ism and  vengeance  against  treason — and  yet  he  pro- 
tests that  slavery  is  but  a  very  insignificant  cause  of 
the  trouble  !  lie  speaks  severely  of  the  traitors,  but 
charges  equal  guilt  upon  those  who  teach  that  all 
men  should  be  free,  and  claims  that  Beecher,  Gree- 
ley, Phillips,  and  Sumner,  should  be  hung  upon  the 
same  tree  with  Davis  and  Co.  1 

What  confused  and  biased  state  of  mind  that  must 
be,  which  deals  in  such  great  absurdities  as  charac- 
terize Mr.  Davis's  speech  in  the  senate !  What 
shade  of  moral  midnight  has  fallen  upon  these  men 
who  hold  property  in  man  !  Can  it  be  possible  that 
they  can  review  their  speeches  without  crimson 
blushes  of  shame  mantling  their  cheeks?  Accord- 
ing to  their  arguments,  love  of  slavery  is  not  inimical 
to  peace;  but  love  of  liberty  has  done  the  mischief 
The  repetition  of  the  self-evident  truths  of  the  De- 
claration, and  the  preaching  of  the  golden  rule,  have 
provoked  the  trouble.  0  Temporal  0  Mores!  O, 
cursed  satan  of  slavery,  to  pervert  the  minds  of 
great  men,  and  make  them  foolish  !  The  essence  of 
all  their  reasonings  is  this:  "  Slavery  is  a  just  and 
beneficent  institution;  it  would  never  have  made 
any  trouble  but  for  the  zeal  of  northern  fanatics,  who 
persist  in  preaching  men's  right  to  liberty  ;  by  this 
means,  the  South  has  been  enraged,  the  Church  has 
been  divided,  animosities  have  been  engendered, 
and  ambitious  men  have  taken  advantage  of  it  to 
work  rebellion.  The  fact,  that  where  there  is  the 
most  slavery,  rebellion  rages  with  the  most  violence, 
results  from  the  speeches  and  writings  of  Northern 
fanatics  in  behalf  of  Utopian  ideas  ot  libertv.  We 
are  in  favor  of  hanging  traitors  and  abolitionists  as 
equally  guilty,  upon  the  same  tree." 

What  can  cure  such  blindness?  How  can  their 
eyes  be  opened?  We  were  assured  a  short  time 
since,  that  Kentucky  was  about  to  take  the  lead  in 
emancipation,  and  thai  the  general  government  must 

make  no  move  against  slavery  until  then.  How 
these  new  senators  blast  all  such  hopes!  They  as- 
sert that  the  loyalty  of  their  own  States  is  condition- 
ed upon  the  protection  of  slavery;  and  if  the  Gov- 
ernment is  likely  to  crush  the  sole  enemy  of  our 
peace,  they  will  secede.  Poor  miserable  patriots 
these ! 

But  one  step  will  cure  them — one  blow  will  open 
their  eyes.  Strike  quickly,  heavily,  tat  ally .  and  let 
slavery  perish  forever,  and  the  chain  will  1h>  broken, 
the  nightmare  dissipated.  —  Donr  ( ,V.  II)  Star. 


K-Jp  Dr.  George  Cross,  recently  released  from  im- 
prisonment at  Richmond,  was  taken  to  bo  a  chaplain 
by  the  rebels,  and  many  women  eanie  to  see  him  as 
the  monster  who  had  prayed  "  that  h — 11  lire  and 
brimstone  might  be  showered  down  upon  the  whole 
Southern  Confederacy,  and  destroy  all  the  Saces- 
IKUfctS,  root  and  branch,  and  that  speedily  and  with- 
out (he  benefit  Of  0l«»gg  ."  lie  fold  them  he  had  not 
prayed  iu  that  style,  but  they  refused  to  believe  him. 


34 


THE     LIBER^TO  !R 


-FIDDLIKG  &ER0  AND  BURNING  ROME! 

The  first  Ball  ever  given  at  the  White  House 
tnme  off  last  Wednesday  evening.  The  Cabinet, 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  many  of  the  army  officers, 
foreign  Ministers,  leading  citizens,  &c.,  to  the  num- 
ber of  five  hundred,  were  present  with  their  wives 
and  daughters.  The  ladies  were  (tressed  in  the  high- 
est style  of  fashion  and  extravagance,  especially  Mrs. 
Lincoln.  The  gentlemen  were  generally  very 
plainly  attired.  About  twelve  o'clock,  the  supper- 
room  was  thrown  open,  and  exhibited  one  of  the 
finest  displays  of  gastronomic  art  ever  seen  in  this 
country:  a  temple  of  Liberty,  a  fort  and  war-steam- 
er, admirably  moulded  in  candy,  and  a  ton  of  turk- 
eys, ducks,  venison,  pheasants,  partridges,  &c.,  all 
exquisitely  prepared  by  Maillanl  of  New  York  at  a 
Cost,  of  thousands  of  dollars.  While  the  country  is 
shaken  as  by  an  earthquake  by  the  mightiest  and 
most  unnatural  civil  war  recorded  in  history,  and  on 
the  eve  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin  ;  while  it  is  even 
now  a  question — a  fearful  one — whether  we  are  to 
be  henceforth  the  free  people  of  a  free  nation,  or 
whether  we  are  to  become  the  subjects  of  anarchy, 
a  second  Mexico — we  say,  that  while  these  direful 
calamities  are  threatening  our  very  life  as  a  nation, 
such  an  extravagant  and  foolish  display  is  shocking. 
At  any  time,  such  mimicking  and  aping  of  European 
courts" is  disgusting  in  the  Capital  of  a  Republic; 
but  at  such  a  crisis  as  the  present,  such  a  wanton 
display  of  extravagance  and  indifference  on  the 
part  of  the  Administration  is  an  outrage  to  the  in- 
terests and  feelings  of  the  people.  It  is  tempting  a 
kind  Providence  to  our  destruction.  What  will  be 
thought  in  Europe  of  such  frivolity?  How  forcibly 
and  unpleasantly  it  calls  to  mind  the  fiddling  of  Nero 
at  the  burning  of  Rome  !  That  same  night,  while  in 
Washington  all  was  wanton  and  gay,  the  hunted 
Unionist  in  our  bloody  border-land  stole  in  secret 
from  his  den,  and,  aided  by  the  glimmering  moon- 
light, looked  once  more  upon  the  ashes  of  what  was 
once  his  happy  home.  That  same  night,  wounded 
volunteers  died  in  the  hospitals  for  want  of  care  and 
comfort,  and  our  noblest  sons  and  brothers  pined  in 
the  loathsome  horrors  of  a  southern  prison,  and  sigh- 
ed hopelessly  for  release ;  while  on  our  western  fron- 
tiers, the  houseless  mother  clasped  her  starving  babe, 
and  the  prairie  wolf  gnawed  ravenously  the  bones 
■of  the  loyal  dead.  And  still  with  bands  playing  and 
streamers  flying,  and  the  noble  old  Ship  of  State 
tempest-tossed,  and  drifting  along  the  very  verge  of 
an  abyss,  the  "  august  wisdom  of  the  Capital  "  are 
merry  with  wine,  jolly  and  indifferent,  toasting  and 
feasting,  dancing  and  capering  about  the  White 
House  goose  with  devil-me-eare  imbecility,  as  though 
life  were  intended  for  a  pastime — Civil  War  an 
agreeable  tableau.  Shade  of  Belshazzar  ! — Ashes 
of  Nineveh  I— Goldeu  Calf  of  Aaron  !  come  forth  : 
ye  are  wanted  in  Washington  ! — Adams  Transcript. 


FEBEUAEY  28. 


MRS.  LIKGOLFS  BALL. 

"  The  first  Ball  ever  given  in  the  White  House  came 
off  to-night"  says  the  Tribune's  correspondent  of 
Thursday  last.  We  have  read  of  the  crews  of  sink- 
ing ships,  when  all  hope  had  fled,  throwing  off"  all 
restraints,  human  and  divine,  and  mingling  their 
revolting  orgies  and  mad  carousals  with  the  aveng- 
ing spirit  of  the  tempest,  which  was  hurrying  them 
to  a  swift  and  sure  destruction.  Are  the  incumbents 
"  ~6f  the  liigh  places  of  trust  and  power  mad  or  de- 
mented, that,  in  this  dark  hour  of  our  history  and 
our  hopes,  they  desert  their  posts  of  duty  to  inaugu- 
rate the  reign  of  Fashion,  and  worship  at  the  shrine 
of  Folly?  Or  was  this  a  shameless  funeral  wake 
over  the  unburied  remains  of  a  defunct  Union? 

"Most  of  the  Senators  and  Members  of  Congress 
find  Generals  of  the  Army  were  there,"  says  the  re- 
porter. Faithless  betrayers  of  a  people's  trust,  was 
it  for  this  that  you  were  sent  to  Congress,  or  placed 
in  command  of  our  armies  ?  Are  we  incurring  an 
expenditure  of  two  millions  of  dollars  per  day,  and 
sacrificing  hundreds  of  lives,  that  you  may  congre- 
gate and  riot  at  our  expense  ? 

Again,  says  the  reporter,  "  The  supper  was  set  in 
the  dining-room,  and  is  considered  one  of  the  finest 
displays  of  gastronomic  art  ever  seen  in  this  country. 
It  was  prepared  by  Maillard,  of  New  York,  and 
cost  thousands  of  dollars."  And  this  was  while  Sec- 
retary Chase  was  urgently  importuning  Congress  to 
adopt  some  measures  to  replenish  an  empty  treasury. 

Again,  says  the  faithful  chronicler,  "  the  tables 
fairly  bent  under  the  expensive  luxuries  heaped  one 
upon  another"  Only  one  week  before,  Mr.  Wilson 
had  stated,  in  his  place  in  the  Senate,  that  "  he  had 
seen  certificates  from  sick  soldiers  that  they  had  ac- 
tually to  go  to  the  swill-tubs,  to  enable  them  to  live 
in  the  hospital  at  Alexandria." 

Is  the  White  House  to  be  made  the  scene  of  dis- 
graceful frivolity,  hilarity  and  gluttonj',  while  hun- 
dreds of  sick  and  suffering  soldiers,  within  plain 
sight  of  the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  are  left  to  suffer 
for  the  bare  necessaries  of  life,  unattended  and  un- 
cared  for  ?  There  must  be  a  moral  malaria  in  the 
atmosphere  of  Washington,  which  stupefies  the  in- 
tellect and  dims  the  perceptions,  while  it  dries  up  or 
poisons  the  fountains  of  human  kindness,  in  all  who 
enter  its  transforming  circle.  Slavery  and  Treason 
still  live  and  flourish  there.  Sampson  was  shorn  of 
his  strength  by  a  woman  of  the  Philistines.  The 
White  House  may  have  its  Delilah  ;    who  can  tell? 

SHARPSTICK. 
— Jeffersonian  Democrat. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE  PESTIVITIES, 

We  will  not  be  guilty  of  such  disrespect  towards 
President  Lincoln  as  to  suppose  him  responsible  in 
any  other  way  than  a  passive,  if  not  virtually 
enforced  acquiescence  in  those  misplaced  festivities 
-  -of  the  White  House  which  have  lately  shocked  the 
sensibilities  of  the  nation.  It  was  bad  enough  for 
Mrs.  Lincoln  to  make  an  ostentatious  parade  of  her 
gayety  at  fashionable  watering-places  last  summer. 
The  nation  has  drawn  no  favorable  augury  from  her 
intimacy  with  the  family  of  James  Gordon  Bennett, 
and  the  evident  relish  with  which  she  has  received 
the  fulsome  flattery  of  the  infamous  sheet  which  he 
edits.  But  these  things  were  generally  borne  in  si- 
lence. It  was  not  until  tins  crowning  act  of  inaugu- 
rating in  the  climax  of  the  nation's  agony,  the  re- 
cent scenes  of  rout  and  revelry  at  the  White  House, 
that  the  press  has  been  compelled  by  its  sense  of 
duty  to  speak  out.  This  it  is  now  doing,  and  with 
no  uncertain  tone.  It  comes  from  all  quarters,  and 
from  journals  representing  every  variety  of  senti- 
ment. 

A  member  of  Congress  from  this  State,  who  has 
already  done  his  country  signal  service  in  exposing 
frauds  for  which  this  same  social  influence  surround- 
ing the  White  House  is  said  to  be  largely  responsi- 
ble, is  reported  to  have  "  freed  his  mind  "  as  follows  : 

"  Two  or  three  days  since,  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  word  to 
Mr.  Dawes,  through  a  brother  member,  that  he 
(Dawes)  had  done  more  to  break  down  the  adminis- 
tration than  any  other  man  in  the  country,  by  his 
speech  exposing  the  corruptions  of  contractors  and 
others.  Mr.  Dawes  sent  back  a  message  in  reply  to 
the  President.  "Tell  him,"  said  Mr.  D-,  "that noth- 
ing that  I  can  do  will  break  down  his  administration 
so  rapidly  as  this  dancing-party  given  at  the  time 
when  the  nation  is  in  the  agonies  of  civil  war.  With 
equal  propriety  might  a  man  make  a  ball  with  a  corpse 
in  the  house." 

The  concluding  expression  of  Mr.  Dawes,  though 
startling,  can  hardly  be  called  extravagant.  The 
last  dollar  was  paid  from  the  national  treasury,  and 
the  nation  stood  face  to  face  with  its  hundreds  of 
millions  of  debt  unprovided  for,  on  the  day  of  this  un- 
seemly festivity.  Our  wounded  and  diseased  soldiers 
■were  suffering,  dying,  amidst  the  hardships  of  the 
camp,  while  the  contractors  who  had  wronged  them 
out  of  most  of  the  limited  comforts  which  the  necessi- 
ties of  their  situation  permitted  were  parading  amidst 
the  splendors  of  the  social  pageant. —  Corr.  of  Uox- 
bury  Journal. 


HOW  TO  BE  A  PATTERN. 

If  Mrs.  Lincoln  would  study  humanity  instead  of 
French;  practise  benevolence  instead  of  dancing; 
visit  the  sick  soldiers  who  have  sacrificed  home  and 
happiness  to  defend  the  Capital  of  the  nation  and 
the  White  House  against  a  hostile  enemy,  instead  of 
gallanting  the  Halls  of  that  mansion  on  the  arm  of 
a  European  Court  snob;  if  she  would  spend  her 
money  for  the  benefit  of  the  families  of  the  soldiers 
who  have  already  yielded  up  their  lives  for  the  cause 
of  the  Union,  on  the  battle-field,  instead  of  squan- 
dering ten  or  twenty  thousand  dollars  in  a  single 
night  for  the  entertainment  of  men  and  women  of 
.questionable  virtue,  she  would  then  be  entitled  to 
ithe  homage  and  respect  of  the  nation  ;  would  become 
an  example  to  be  patterned  after  by  the  opulent 
i-vcrywIii.Tc,  and  would  cease  (o  be  an  object  of  re- 
proach and  disgust  to  all  high-minded,  democratic, 
American  men  and  women. — Richmond  (Indiana) 
Independent  Press. 


THE  SLAVEHOLDING  DESPOTISM. 

The  following  extract  is  taken  from  the  meritorious 
work  just  published  by  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.,  Boston, 
entitled  "  The  True  Story  of  the  Barons  of  the  South, 
or  the  Rationale  of  the  American  Conflict,  by  E.  Win- 
chester Reynolds,  Author  of  the  '  Records  of  Bubble- 
ton  Parish,'  &c.,  &c."- 

The  development  of  the  slavehokling  despotism 
lias  borne  such  fruit  as  no  man  foresaw  who  con- 
sented to  tolerate  its  growth.  The  effects  of  the 
system  have  been  so  palpably  retributive  as  to  evince 
a  Divine  agency  working  out  its  destruction,  if  not 
the  destruction  of  those~  leagued  with  it.  _  We  are 
too  much  in  the  habit  of  estimating  the  evils  of  sla- 
very with  exclusive  reference  to  the  negro  race. 
Its  direct  and  obvious  effects  upon  the  slaves  them- 
selves arc  doubtless  revolting  enough  ;  but  the  most 
terrific  eflects  of  the  system  appear,  not  in  its  results 
to  the  negro,  but  in  its  results  to  the  white  man. 
Slavery  may  not  be  an  obvious  injury  to  every  in- 
dividual slave  ;  but  we  maintain  that  it  is  an  obvious 
injury  to  v.tvxy  individual  master, — to  avcry  free 
family, — to  every  State,  and  to  the  very  life  of  the 
Republic.  FortV  years  ago,  actuated  by  commercial 
selfishness,  and  Vy  our  antipathies  to  the  African 
race,  "we  supposed  that  the  perpetuity  of  slavery 
would  damage  nobody  but  the  helpless  negro.  But 
behold  how  God  has  punished  our  cruelty,  and  con- 
founded our  expectations  !  The  African  race  in 
America  has  passed  through  a  baptism  of  fire;  but 
it  has  multiplied  as  the  Israelites  did  under  the  op- 
pressions of  Egypt.  It  has  become  a  more  civilized 
and  mighty  race,  drawing  from  its  taskmasters  more 
mentaf vigor  and  greater  relish  for  freedom,  from 
year  to  year,  till  it  has  become  a  terror  in  the  land, 
no  longer  to  be  trusted,  hardly  to  be  restrained. 

While  God  has  thus  been  strengthening  the  ser- 
vile race,  he  has  been  weakening  their  oppressors. 
While  the  negro  has  been  rising  toward  civilization, 
the  white  man  of  the  South  has  been  sinking  into 
barbarism.  Ignorance  and  superstition,  cruelty  and 
vice,  violence  and  anarchy,  reign  paramount  in  the 
slaveholding  States.  There  never  was  seen  such  a 
sudden  and  wholesale  relapse  of  great  communities 
into  hopeless  barbarism.  The  records  of  the  social 
life  of  those  States  have  been,  for  some  years,  like 
pages  gathered  from  the  annals  of  the  tenth  century. 
Such  violent  despotism  over  private  judgment,— such 
sanguinary  sway  of  Lynch-law, — such  subjugation 
of  cities  to  brutal  mobs^  and  of  States  to  revolution- 
ary anarchy,— such  swaggering  pretensions  to  "  hon- 
or" and  ""chivalry,"  united  with  crimes  that  only 
the  hangman  can  properly  punish,— such  specta- 
cles, which  make  up  the  every-day  life  of  the  South, 
almost  persuade  a  man  that  he  is  reading  a  chroni- 
cle of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  not  an  American  news- 
paper reporting  contemporaneous  events. 

As  little  did  we  foresee  the  effect  of  slavery  on 
the  safety  and  integrity  of  the  American  govern- 
ment. When  it  clamored  for  protection,  we  never 
'  thought  it  would  aspire  to  rule.  When  it  aspired 
to  role,  we  never  thought  it  would  conspire  to  ruin 
the  Republic  if  it  were  voted  out  of  power.  But 
such  is  the  nature  of  the  system,  that  it  makes  every- 
thing it  touches  subservient;  and,  soon  as  it  comes 
to  be  resisted,  breaks  every  treaty,  defies  every  con- 
sequence, and  malignantly  stabs  the  nation  that  has 
warmed  it  into  power.  Itself  based  upon  injustice, 
rapine,  and  cruelty,  it  is  not  conciliated  by  fair  play, 
restrained  by  considerations  of  social  well-being,  or 
affected  by  the  prospect  of  boundless  carnage.  It 
is  a  creature  of  lust,  aggression,  and  violence,  and 
its  legitimate  influence  is  always  fatal  Justin  propor- 
tion to  its  power  and  opportunity. 

With  the  nature  and  tendencies^  of  slavery  so^ 
clearly  disclosed  as  they  now  are  in  the  state  of 
Southern  society,  and  in  this  most  wicked  rebellion, 
if  there  is  an  American  freeman  who  can  apologize 
for  it  any  longer,  it  must  be  a  case  of  infatuation 
utterly  without  parallel.  And  if  this  bloody  quarrel, 
which  slavery  has  ruthlessly  provoked,  is  ever  settled 
■without  rooting  the  deadly  curse  out  of  the  land,  we 
shall  bequeath  a  new  quarrel  to  our  children,  and 
untold  calamities  to  mankind. 

We  were  willing  to  tolerate  slavery  from  a  falla- 
cious sense  of  constitutional  obligation;  and  we 
would  even  violate  conscience  to  keep  the  faith  our 
fathers  were  believed  to  have  bound  us  by.  -But, 
since  slavery  was  not  content  with  being  tolerated, 
but  insisted  on  being  our  dictator,— since  she  will  be 
our  autocrat  or  our  destroyer ;  and  since  she  has  taken 
down  the  sword  and  summoned  us  to  mortal  combat, 
—away  with  all  forbearance,  and  all  compromise, 
and  let  the  wicked  harlot  die.  She  has  released  us 
from  the  old  compact,  tchatever  that  may  have  in- 
volved; and  God  be  thanked  for  the  madness  of  des- 
potism that  has  broken  the  dangerous  bond.  She 
has  exasperated  every  freeman  by  seventy  years  of 
insolence, — by  seventy  years  of  broken  faith  and 
culminating  crimes, — and  now,  by  the  just  God  in 
Heaven,  and  by  the  holy  instincts  of  freedom,  let  her 
perish  by  the  sword  she  has  compelled  us  to  draw ! 
We  have  endured  everything  from  slavery  that 
human  nature  can  endure,  "because  our  temper  is  for- 
bearing, our  manners  pacific,  and  our  pursuits  com- 
patible only  with  peace.  We  have  consented  to  be 
a  reproach  to  civilized  nations,  because  of  our  com- 
plicity in  this  great  wrong.  We  have  consented  to 
bear  more  than  our  just  proportion  of  the  burdens 
of  government,  and  have  received  less  than  our  just 
share  of  its  emoluments.  We  have  submitted  to 
have  our  citizens  mobbed,  imprisoned,  and  hung,  for 
no  crime  but  that  of  being  born  in  a  free  State,  and 
loving  their  natural  birthright.  We  have  endured 
insults  and  aggressions,  fraud  and  violence,  in  the 
halls  of  Congress,  and  in  our  own  free  cities.  We 
have  given  up  the  weak  to  the  fangs  of  the  slave- 
hunter,  and  seen  the  mark  of  the  beast  set  upon?  the 
forehead  of  our  most  illustrious  men.  All  this  has 
not  been  enough.  Slavery  has  demanded  more ; 
and  when  we  refused  to  grant  more,  she  seized  her 
wicked  bludgeon,  and  tried  to  demolish  the  fabric  of 
that  fair  Union  which  had  sheltered  her  treasonable 
head.  Now  let  her  have  what  she  has  invoked. 
Let  it  be  war  to  the  death.  Let  the  monstrous  ag- 
gressor find  no  shelter,  henceforth,  under  the  flag 
she  has  profaned  and  betrayed. 

We  compassionate  the  Southern  people,  so  hope- 
lessly involved  in  the  swift-footed  vengeance  that 
must  sweep  their  land.  They  are  not  radically 
more  guilty  than  ourselves;  only  the  diabolical  sys- 
tem that  has  possessed  them  so  long  has  inoculated 
many  of  them  with  its  own  malignity.  We  feel  like 
making  great  allowance  for  the  bad  schooling  those 
people  have  suffered  from.  So  deplorably  has  sla- 
very enervated  their  moral  principles  and  darkened 
their  sense  of  right,  that  they  no  longer  realize 
either  what  they  do  or  what  they  are.  They  are 
the  saddest  victims  of  their  own  oppression.  They 
are  like  drunkards  besotted  by  their  cups,  and  mad- 
ly clinging  to  the  terrible  vice  that  has  ruined  them. 
O,  for  their  sake — even  more  than  for  our  own — let 
us  swear  eternal  hostility  to  the  system  that  has  per- 
verted a  noble  people,  and  turned  a  fruitful  land 
into  a  howling  desert !  True,  we  must  bear  the 
sword  against  them, — for  their  salvation  and  ours  we. 
must  still  appeal  to  the  God  of  battles, — but,  as 
Heaven  is  our  witness,  compassion  shall  temper  the 
warfare  they  have  provoked ;  and  our  vengeance 
fall  only  upon  that  villanous  despotism  which  has 
brought  discord  between  us,  and  upon-those  who 
deliriously  espouse  its  fate. 

Nor  need  we  fear  that  a  war  of  emancipation  and 
subjugation — (for  this  war  must  involve  the  subjuga- 
tion, if  not  extirpation,  of  the  Southern  Barons) — 
will  permanently  alienate  the  rebellious  States  from 
the  Union-  Such  apprehensions  are  refuted  by  the 
experience  of  other  nations.  There  are  few  wounds 
inflicted  by  the  sword  upon  the  transitory  sentiments 
of  races,  which  time  docs  not  benignantly  heal ;  and 
a  quarrel,  fought  out  with  lusty  vigor,  often  ends  in 
cordial  friendship.  Ail  this  has  been  repeatedly 
proved,  from  the  days  of  the  Roman  empire  down- 
ward ;  and  in  no  country  more  plainly  than  in  Great 
Britain,  where  the  most  virulent  civil  wars  have  left 
no  darker  memento  than  a  few  suits  of  battered  ar- 
mor laid  up  at  Westminster,  or  a  broken  image  on 
some  cathedral  shrine. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 

liOSTON,  FRIDAY,  FEBKUAEY  28, 1862. 


Another  op  John  Bkown's  Men   Gone.     The 

special  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  writ- 
ing from  Roanoke  Island,  and  giving  an  account  of 
the  recent  conflict  there,  relates  the  following  incident : 

"  Orderly  Sergeant  0.  II.  Plummer  of  the  51st  New 
York,  was  on  the  gun-boat  Pioneer,  lying  mortally 
sick  .with  typhoid  fever  at  the  time  of  the  battle. 
Late  in  the  day  a  boat  came  off  from  the  shore,  and 
news  of  our  success  was  communicated  to  those  in 
the  cabin.  Plummer,  whose  life  was  just  hanging 
in  the  balance,  turned  to  the  chaplain,  and  asked, 
"  Is  our  side  winning  V"  On  being  told,  that  it  was, 
ho  smiled,  gasped  out  the  words,  "Thank  God!" 
and  died.  Plummer's  real  name  is  Charles  Plummer 
Tidd,  and  he  was  one  of  those  famous  nineteen  men 
who  captured  the  State  of  Virginia  at  Harper's 
Ferry  a  little  more  than  two  years  ago." 


LETTERS  TO  GEORGE  THOMPSON,  ESQ. 

LETTER    II. 

My  Dear  Friend  ani>  Coadjutor  : 

I  have  expressed  my  profound  astonishment,  that, 
among  the  professed  friends  of  freedom  and  progress 
in  England,  there  should  be  any  division  of  senti- 
ment as  to  the  cause,  nature  and  object  of  the  South- 
ern rebellion,  and  the  right  and  duty  of  the  Govern- 
ment, under  the  Constitution,  to  exert  all  its  power  to 
suppress  it.     This  division,  I  am  confident,  could  not 
exist,  if  they  would  make  an  analogous  case  on  their 
own  soil.     Suppose  that  England,  Scotland,  Ireland 
and  Wales  were  originally  colonial  dependencies  of 
France ;  but,  in  consequence  of  the  oppressive  treat- 
ment of  the   mother   country,  they  had   been   com- 
pelled to  declare  their  independence,  and,  after  a  long 
and  bloody  struggle,  they  had  obtained  its  recogni- 
tion.    To  secure  their  liberties,  they  found  it  neces- 
sary to  enter  into  "  solemn  league  and  covenant "  with 
each  other,  and  to  form  their  national  and  State  gov- 
ernments upon  a  common  basis — making  the  Federal 
Constitution  "the  supreme  law  of  the  land,"  and  the 
voice  of  the  majority  decisive  in  the  election  of  their 
officers.     Suppose  that  Ireland,  in  consequence  of  her 
"peculiar  institutions,"  had  insisted  upon  having  ex- 
traordinary privileges  conceded  to  her,  by  which  she 
had  been  enabled  to  control  the  government  and  shape 
its  policy  to  promote  her  special  interests,  for  more 
than  half  a  century.     Suppose  that,  during  all  that 
period,  while  she  was  enjoying  every  recognized  right 
and  privilege  throughout  the  republic,  she  was  per- 
fidious to  all  her  constitutional  obligations  and  duties 
— denying  the  guaranteed  right  of  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press  on  her  soil,  applying  lynch  law  in 
numberless    instances    to    the    citizens  of  England, 
Wales  and  Scotland  found  within  her  limits,  and  con- 
tinually bullying  and  insulting   the   whole   country. 
Suppose  that,  partly  to  prevent  an  open  rupture,  partly 
for  lack  of  true  courage,  and  partly  from  selfish  con- 
siderations,  the   other  portions   of  the   country  had 
allowed  her  to  have  her  own  way,  "like  a  spoiled 
child,"  till,  at  last,  in  order  to  have  a  vestige  of  liberty 
and  equal  political  rights  left  in  the  land,  it  became 
necessary  for  them  to  break  from  her  thraldom,  and 
to  take  the  reins  of  government  legally  into  their  own 
hands,  in  order  to  subserve  the  interests  of  freedom. 
Suppose  that  a  Presidential  election  was  made  the 
trial  of  strength  between  the  parties,  at  the  ballot-box, 
'as  by  law  provided ;  that  Ireland  had  entered  into  it 
professedly  in  good  faith,  nominating  her  own  candi- 
date, and  agreeing  to  abide  the  verdict  of  the  people; 
and  that,  being  defeated,  she  had  raised  the  standard 
of  rebellion,  and  proclaimed  her  independence — treach- 
erously seizing  upon  all  the  national  property  and  de- 
fences within   her  domains,  and  endeavoring  to  get 
possession  of  London  itself,  from  which  to  issue  her 
imperial    decrees.      And  suppose,  finally,   that   her 
avowed  object  for  taking  this  traitorous  course  was  to 
make  that  system  of  human  bondage,  which  is  "the 
sum  of  all  villanies,"  the  corner-stone  of  her  new 
government,   and  to  overturn  all  the  institutions  of 
freedom.     Under  such  circumstances,  what  would  the 
people  of  England,  Scotland  and  Wales  say,  if,  while 
their  own  government  was  exerting  its  constitutional 
authority  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  and  to  preserve 
the  unity  of  the  country,— not  for  purposes  of  "con- 
quest" or  oppression,  but  to  promote  the  general  wel- 
fare,— those  claiming  to  be  the  friends  of  freedom  in 
other  lands  should  declare  that  they  could  see 
essential  difference  between  the  contending  parties; 
that  it  was  a  mere  political  struggle,  in  the  decision  of 
which  the  civilized  world  had  no  interest ;  that  Ireland 
had  a  right  to  secede,  and  steal  what  she  could,  and 
the  British  Government  had  no  right  to  "coerce 
her;  and  that,  in  fact,  she  was  "more  sinned  against 
than  sinning,"  and  therefore  should  be  permitted  to 
take  her  course?    I  need  not  attempt  to  depict  the 
astonishment  and  indignation  they  would  express  in 
such  a  contingency. 

It  is  no  defence  to  quote  the  words  of  the  American 
Declaration  of  Independence — "All  governments  de- 
rive their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov. 
erned";  for,  surely,  that  political  axiom  was  never 
meant  to  justify  or  extenuate  perfidy,  robbery,  lynch 
law,  and  a  long  catalogue  of  bloody  crimes  !  Besides, 
the  South  had  helped  to  make  the  American  Consti- 
tution, and  it  was  shaped  expressly  so  as  to  secure  her 
approval;  she  voted  to  make  it  supreme  over  the 
whole  country  ;  she  registered  her  oath  to  support  it; 
under  it  she  had  found  peace,  security,  and  the  largest 
indulgence;  in  the  disposal  of  its  offices  and  emolu- 
ments she  had  obtained  vastly  more  than  her  fair  pro- 
portion; no  change  had  been  effected,  none  even  pro- 
posed, in  its  letter  or  spirit,  adverse  to  her  interests; 
yet  she  shamelessly  violated  her  plighted  faith,  cause- 
lessly lifted  the  heel  of  rebellion,  impudently  insisted 
that  she  had  been  grievously  insulted  and  outraged 
by  the  North,  wreaked  her  diabolical  vengeance  upon 
all  within  her  reach  who  dared  to  advocate  the  old 
Union,  and  instituted  a  bloody  reign  of  terror  for  the 
reign  of  constitutional  liberty! 

Granted  that  there  are  cases  in  which  "rebellion 
is  laudable,  and  "  treason  "  a  sublime  duty — rebellion 
against  the  iniquitous  decrees  of  a  fiercely  despotic 
power,  and  treason  against  the  powers  of  darkm 
Granted  that  "resistance  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to 
God."  But  the  South  has  rebelled  against  no  such 
decrees,  and  she  is  playing  the  traitor  in  order  to  es- 
tablish the  dominion  of  the  devil,  and  to  enlarge  tin 
boundaries  of  hell.  Her  spirit,  contumacy,  aim,  effort, 
are  all  infernal.  Justice  is  trodden  under  her  feet 
humanity  bleeds  under  her  murderous  lash;  liberty 
she  dreads,  abhors,  and  banishes  from  her  soil ;  mercy 
she  derides,  and  philanthropy  she  laughs  to  scorn. 
Honest,  free,  compensated  labor  is  not  to  her  taste ; 
she  delights  in  plundering  the  needy,  in  imbruting  the 
helpless,  in  stealing  and  buying  and  selling  fathers 
and  mothers,  husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  chil- 
dren ;  and  her  fury  "  burns  to  the  lowest  hell"  when 
she  is  rebuked  for  her  infamous  conduct,  and  admon- 
ished to  put  away  her  iniquities.  In  her  domains  are 
the  habitations  of  cruelty  ;  in  her  skirts  is  the  "  blood 
of  the  souls  of  the  poor  innocents."  By  a  divine 
decree,  her  system  of  chattel  slavery  is  sinking  her 
lower  and  lower  in  the  scale  of  civilization,  impover- 
ishing her  resources,  turning  her  fertile  soil  to  barren- 
ness, nourishing  every  form  of  sensual  indulgence, 
filling  her  brain -with  madness  and  her  heart  with  mur- 
der, promoting  violence  aud  lawlessness  among  all 
classes,  and  making  pandemonium  the  fitting  symbol 
of  her  actual  condition.  It  has  so  thoroughly  demon- 
ized  her  that  appeals  to  reason,  to  justice,  to  the  law 
of  eternal  rectitude,  are  not  only  inoperative,  but  they 
seem  to  inflame  her  passions,  and  to  stimulate  her 
to  the  perpetration  of  stillbloodier  crimes.  She  is  an 
outlaw  in  the  universe  of  God. 

This  is  not  to  deal  in  vituperation  :  it  is  truthfully, 
though  inadequately,  to  describe  her  character  and 
situation.  Promise  what  she  may,  there  is  no  reliance 
to  be  placed  upon  her  word  :  she  delights  in  lying  and 
perjury.  All  her  accusations  against  the  North  are 
the  basest  of  calumnies,  coined  and  circulated  for  the 
worst  of  purposes.  She  is  so  cursed  by  slavery  that 
she  is  insensible  to  shame,  recreant  to  every  sentiment 
of  honor,  and  dead  to  every  appeal  of  conscience.  Her 
rebellion  is  the  culmination  of  her  slaveholding  wick- 
edness :  it  has  been  characterized  throughout  by  that 
satanic  spirit  which  deems  it  incomparably  "  better  to 
reign  in  hell  than  serve  in  heaven." 

These  things  being  so,  my  dear  friend,  do  you  mar- 
vel at  my  astonishment  that  there  should  he  found  in 
England  a  disposition, — in  some  cases  even  in  the  An- 
ti-Slavery ranks, — to  defend  the  right  of  the  South  in 
dismembering  the  republic,  and  setting  up  a  confeder- 
acy based  expressly  upon  chattel  si.avkry  ;  and, 
consequently,  to  represent  the  American  government, 
as  seeking  her  subjugation  by  despotic  power,  in  vio- 1 


lation  of  the  doctrines  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  for  no  higher  purpose  than  the 
conquest  of  empire  ?  This  indicates  a  strange  obliqui- 
ty of  vision,  or  a  surprising  want  of  accurate  intelli 
gence.  As  well  take  the  part  of  the  wolf  against  th< 
lanih — of  the  highwayman  against  his  victim — of  the 
murderer  against  the  man  who  is  endeavoring  to  de- 
fend his  life.  The  government  is  innocent  of  wrong 
in  this  case,  except  that  of  dealing  with  the  rebellion 
too  forbearingly,  and  hesitating  to  strike  the  only  ef- 
fective blow  that  can  be  struck  for  its  suppression. 
The  South  is  wholly,  inexcusably,  horribly  in  the 
wrong,  in  all  her  declarations  and  measures,  her  meth- 
ods and  objects,  from  first  to  last.  Of  course,  I  do  not 
believe  that  the  great  body  of  the  intelligent  and  mor- 
al people  of  England  are  disposed  to  countenance  any- 
thing like  lawlessness  on  the  part  of  the  South  :  but, 
at  the  same  time,  it  is  certain  that  they  have  not  given 
that  earnest  sympathy  and  cordial  approval  to  the 
American  government  in  its  attempt  to  restore  the 
peace  and  unity  of  the  republic,  which  the  friends  of 
freedom  here  had  a  right  to  expect. 

I  have  not,  thus  far,  made  any  reference  to  the  con- 
nection subsisting  between  the  government  and  South- 
ern slavery,  under  the  Constitution,  because  that  is  a 
distinct  matter,  to  be  determined  by  another  standard. 
The  first  question  to  be  settled  is, — Has  the  South  any 
justification  for  her  revolt  on  the  ground  of  oppressive 
and  unconstitutional  treatment  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment.'? Certainly,  none  at  all.  Whatever  the 
words  "factious,"  "seditious,"  "rebellions,"  "trea- 
sonable "  mean  in  their  worst  sense,  is  applicable  to 
her  case ;  and,  therefore,  wholly  aside  from  the  question 
of  slavery,  every  lover  of  order  and  public  tranquillity 
is  bound  to  pass  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  her, 
and  to  desire  her  humiliation  and  defeat  in  every  en- 
counter with  the  government. 

It  is  objected  abroad,  that  the  government  forfeits 
its  claim  to  respect  and  sympathy,  because  it  allows 
the  fugitive  slaves  of  loyal  masters  to  be  given  up, 
and  refuses  to  make  this  a  war  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  But  is  it  any  worse,  in  these  particulars, 
than  it  was  before  the  rebellion,  when  it  obtained  the 
hearty  recognition  and  good  will  of  the  British  peo- 
ple 1  Surely,  my  position,  as  an  abolitionist,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  government,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
will  shield  me  from  the  suspicion  of  desiring  to  ex- 
tenuate or  overlook  its  constitutional  complicity  with 
slavery;  but  this  is  certain — bad  as  the  Constitution 
is,  it  has  at  last  become  so  intolerable  to  the  Southern 
slave-traffickers  that  they  will  no  longer  live  under  it, 
and  they  make  it  a  capital  offence  for  any  Southern 
man  to  profess  allegiance  to  it.  An  avowed  Unionist 
among  them  stands  in  as  great  peril  of  his  life  as 
though  he  were  an  "ultra  abolitionist."  Let  him 
dare  to  unfurl  "the  stars  and  stripes"  as  the  flag  to 
which  he  owes  loyalty,  and  they  will  either  smother 
him  in  its  folds,  or  hang  him  to  the  first  lamp-post. 
When  they  are  ferociously  eager  to  shoot  President 
Lincoln  and  every  member  of  his  Cabinet,  and  declare 
eternal  hostility  to  the  Union,  common  sense  dictates 
that  the  government  is  none  the  less,  but  all  tin 
to  be  favorably  regarded  by  the  friends  of  freedom  on 
that  account,  whether  at  home  or  abroad. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  governmental  as- 
pect of  this  question,  in  order  to  show  that  the  aboli- 
tionists are  fully  justified  in  the  course  they  are  pur- 
suing, and  also  that  the  friends  of  freedom  in  Europe 
ought  to  be  united  in  sustaining  the  American  gov- 
ernment in  its  efforts  to  crush  this  slaveholding  rebel- 
lion, I  shall  next  proceed  to  consider  its  anti-sla- 
very bearings. 

Your  attached  and  faithful  friend, 

¥M,  LLOYD  GARRISON. 
Geokge  Thompson,  Esq. 


EEV. 


^g^"  A  gentleman  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  writes  as 
follows  : — 

"  Opinion  here  seems  to  be  in  a  transition  state. 
Men  discuss  slavery  as  freely  as  in  Boston  ;  and  our 
worst  pro-slavery  paper  [The  Republican']  is  not  more 
malignant  than  your  Boston  Courier.  The  slavehold- 
ers in  St.  Louis,  and  throughout  Missouri,  who  have 
any  attachment  to  the  system,  are  either  Rebels  or 
only  quasi  Union  men.  The  strength  of  rebellion  in 
the  different  counties  of  the  State  is  in  almost  exact 
proportion  to  the  number  of  slaves." 

"  Thornton  Gunisley,  an  old  citizen,  who  had  been 
assessed  under  military  order  as  a  rebel,  died  a  few 
weeks  ago.  He  was  a  slaveholder,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  a  participant  in  the  slave-burnings  here,  some 
twenty  years  ago.  He  had  a  full  black  slave,  named 
Stephen,  I  think,  whom  he  emancipated  upon  terms, 
several  years  since.  He  employed  him  as  overseer  in 
a  large  manufacturing  establishment,  in  which  three 
hundred  white  men  were  at  times  employed.  He  gave 
him  §1000  per  annum,  and  latterly  §1500.  This  looks 
as  if  Stephen  had  some  capacity  to  take  care  of  him 
self." 

"  Upon  Fifth  street,  in  a  central  part  of  the  city,  stands 
a  building  known  as  Lynch's  Slave  Pen.  It  is  now 
used  for  a  military  prison,  and  not  a  few  slaveholders 
have  been  confined  in  the  very  dungeons  built  to  keep 
slaves." 

Nashville  Surrenders  at  Dischetion! — Nash- 
ville is  in  possession  of  the  Federal  forces.  Governor 
Harris,  according  to  a  Cairo  dispatch,  has  called  in  all 
the  Tennessee  troops,  and  a  strong  reaction  among  the 
people  has  taken  place.  This  news  confirms  the  state' 
ment  of  Colonel  Lee,  of  Massachusetts,  one  of  the  re- 
turned prisoners  from  Richmond,  who  was  privately 
informed  by  a  prominent  citizen  of  Richmond,  on 
Saturday  evening,  that  Nashville  had  fallen  without  a 
struggle.  A  despatch  from  Cairo,  dated  Feb.  25th,  to 
the  Chicago  Tribune,  says — "Nashville  was  yesterday 
occupied  by  20,000  troops  under  General  Buell.  The 
Federal  flag  is  now  flying  over  the  State  House.  The 
Tennessee  Legislature  adjourned  on  Saturday  week, 
and  met  again  at  Memphis." 


The  Confederate  Congress.  The  Confederate 
Congress  assembled  at  Richmond  on  the  18th  inst., 
and  elected  Thomas  S.  Bocock,  of  Virginia,  Speaker. 
On  the  19th,  the  Electoral  votes  for  President  and 
Vice-President  were  counted.  The  total  number  of 
Electoral  votes  was  109,  all  of  which  were  cast  for 
Jeff.  Davis  for  President,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
for  Vice-President,  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States. 

An  article  in  the  Richmond  Whig  calls  the  Jeff. 
Davis  Administration  the  most  lamentable  failure  in 
history,  and  suggests  that  the  best  service  that  Gov- 
ernment can  render  the  country  is  to  surrender  the 
helm  of  stnte  to  abler  and  better  hands. 

The  farce  of  inaugurating  Jeff.  Davis  as  President 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy  took  place  at  Richmond 
on  Saturday  last,  in  desecration  of  Washington's 
birthday.     His  inaugural  address  is  very  lugubrious. 

A  proclamation  issued  by  Jeff.  Davis  sets  apart 
Friday,  the  28th  inst.,  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation 
and  prayer.     The  audacious  hypocrite  1 


Great  Fire  in  Boston.  The  fire  on  Monday 
night  was  among  the  most  disastrous  that  ever  oc- 
curred in  Boston.  It  raged  from  10  o'clock  at  night 
till  3  o'clock  Jn  the  morning,  the  wind  blowing  a  furi- 
ous gale  from  the  Northwest,  with  a  blinding  snow  and 
hail  storm  at  the  time.  Two  firemen  were  killed,  and 
one  badly  wounded.  The  entire  range  of  buildings  on 
Sargeant's  Wharf;  the  buildings  on  the  Nortli  side  of 
Eastern  avenue,  from  Commercial  street  to  the  water, 
including  the  East  Boston  old  ferry  slip,  and  the  large 
six"tory  building  known  as  the  Eastern  Exchange 
Hotel,  is  among  the  property  destroyed.  The  total 
loss  is  half  a  million  of  dollars,  although  some  of  the 
estimates  are  much  higher  than  this. 


S^°  The  last  number  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard 
contains  a  full  report  of  a  very  able  and  impressive 
speech  made  by  Parker  Pillshdry  at  the  recent 
State  Anti-Slavery  Convention  at  Albany,  N.  Y. ;  and 
though  we  are  overwhelmed  with  matter  of  every 
kind  "  beyond  all  telling,"  and  though  the  speech  will 
occupy  an  entire  page  of  the  Liberator,  we  shall  try  to 
make  room  for  it  in  our  next  paper.  Its  admonitory 
words,  sharp  criticisms,  and  solcinns  warnings  cannot 
be  too  seriously  heeded  at  the  present  critical  period, 


J.  SELLA  MARTIN'S   FAEEWELL  TO 
ENGLAND. 

On  Thursday  evening,  January  30th,  a  most  inter- 
^lesting  meeting  took  place  in  the  handsome  Congrega- 
tional Chapel  at  Plaistow,  (England,)  of  which  the 
Rev.  John  Curwen  is  Pastor.  The  object  was  to  take 
a  final  leave  of  the  Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin,  of  Boston, 
(U.  S.)  previous  to  his  departure  from  England.  A 
numerous  gathering  attested  the  respect  and  esteem  in 
which  Mr.  Martin  was  held  by  the  friends  of  freedom 
in  England,  for  which  the  inhabitants  of  Plaistow  mus- 
tered in  great  strength  ;  the  evening  trains  from  Fen- 
church  street  brought  down  a  great  number  of  Mr. 
Martin's  city  admirers.  Among  the  numerous  in- 
fluential gentlemen  present  were  the  following: — Har- 
per Twelvetrees,  Esq. ;  Jabez  Legge,  Esq. ;  Taylor 
Curwen,  Esq. ;  Josiah  Woodhams,  Esq. ;  John  Noble, 
Esq.,  of  the  Middle  Temple ;  Joseph  A.  Horner,  Esq., 
F.  R.  S.  L. ;  George  Herbert  Thompson,  Esq.  (editor 
of  the  Tower  Hamlets  Express);  J.  Lonsdale,  Esq.; 
J.  Warmington,  Esq. ;  Mr.  Madison  Jefferson  (a  gen- 
tleman of  color) ;  the  Rev.  John  Curwen,  and  several 
city  merchants  and  friends  from  the  metropolis. 

On  the  motion  of  Mr,  Curwen,  Harper  Twelve- 
trees,  Esq.,  wa3  unanimously  called  upon  to  preside. 

The  Chaikman,  who,  on  taking  his  seat,  was  most 
enthusiastically  greeted,  said  it  gave  him  extreme 
gratification  to  preside  at  a  meeting  like  the  present, 
although  the  pleasure  which  he  experienced  in  being 
there  to  mingle  his  voice  with  the  expressions  of  es- 
teem and  goodwill  towards  Mr.  Martin  which  would 
he  uttered  that  evening,  was  sadly  marred  by  the  pros- 
pect of  so  speedily  losing  his  presence  in  this  country. 
He  was  glad  that  Mr.  Martin  had  chosen  Plaistow  as 
the  spot  for  taking  public  leave  of  his  friends  in  Eng- 
land, for  in  no  part  of  the  country  did  he  believe  Mr. 
Martin  would  be  more  affectionately  remembered  than 
there.  (Cheers.)  Mr.  Curwen,  the  beloved  pastor  of 
the  church  in  which  they  were  assembled — whose 
large-hearted  humanity  was  so  distinguishing  a  fea- 
ture in  his  character — had  introduced  Mr.  Martin  to  his 
congregation,  and  taken  him  by  the  hand.  (Loud 
cheers.)  It  was  the  kindly  sympathy  of  Mr.  Curwen 
that  bad  drawn  from  their  friend  that  story  of  his 
which  was  at  once  so  painful  and  so  interest- 
ing— a  history  which,,  in  his  unobtrusiveness,  he  had 
till  that  time  forborne  to  mention,  but  Mr.  Curwen  had 
elicited  from  him  the  fact  that  he  had  a  sister  with  two 
children  who  still  lingered  in  the  fetters  of  slavery,  for 
whose  wrongs  his  heart  was  bursting,  and  whose  re- 
demption it  was  his  earnest  desire  to  procure.  On 
inquiry,  Mr.  Curwen  found  that  a  sum  of  £400  was  re- 
quired to  accomplish  the  manumission  of  Mr.  Martin's 
relatives,  and  he  at  once  set  on  foot  a  subscription,  and 
induced  Mr.  Martin  to  make  public  the  narrative  of 
his  own  sufferings  as  a  slave.  (Hear,  hear.}  The  sum 
required  had  been  raised,  and  Mr.  Martin  was  now  go- 
ing back  to  America  to  complete  the  purchase  of  bis 
sister's  freedom.  (Tremendous  cheering.)  Oh,  what 
a  joyful  meeting  there  would  be  between  those  long 
parted  relatives  —  might  the  blessing  of  Heaven  be 
upon  it !  (Renewed  cheering.)  It  was  no  wonder 
then,-  that  Plaistow  held  a  foremost  place  in  the  affec- 
tions of  Mr.  Martin;  for  although  the  required  sum 
had  not  been  all  gathered  in  that  neighborhood,  yet 
it  was  the  first  place  in  which  the  undertaking  had 
been  set  on  foot,  and  its  contributions  were  pro- 
portionately the  largest  of  any  place  in  the  kingdom. 
(Cheers.)  Having  given  expression  to  his  own  feel- 
ings of  affection  and  admiration  for  Mr.  Martin,  whom 
he  characterized  as  one  of  the  most  eloquent  of  ora- 
tors and  best  of  men,  Mr.  Twelvetrees  resumed  his 
seat  amid  loud  and  general  applause. 

The  Rev.  John  Cokwen  read  letters  expressive  of 
the  most  earnest  sympathy  and  friendship  for  Mr. 
Martin,  from  the  Hon.  Arthur  Kinnard,  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Binney,  (.the  contribution  from  whose  con- 
gregation was  upwards  of  £85,)  Samuel  Morley,  Esq., 
the  Rev.  C.  Scribe,  of  Barnet,  aud  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Garrett,  of  Bloomsbury.  Mr.  Curwen,  in  an  eloquent 
speech,  compared  the  evils  which  the  friends  of  Abo- 
lition in  these  days  had  to  contend  with,  to  the  difficul- 
ties which  had  to  be  overcome  by  the  Parliamentary 
party  in  the  days  of  Cromwell,  and  reminded  them 
how  that  great  commander  had  rebuked  the  lukewarm- 
ness  of  his  followers,  and  exhorted  them  to  energy 
and  action.  To  be  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit 
of  liberty  was  the  great  thing.  That  was  the  spirit 
by  which  Garibaldi  had  been  actuated,  and  without  it 
he  never  could  have  conquered  as  he  did.  (Loud 
cheers.)  He  announced  that  the  contributions  re- 
ceived for  the  liberation  of  Mr.  Martin's  sister  and  her 
children  was  £474  10s.  (Cheers.)  Mr.  Martin  had 
only  asked  for  £400,  but  he  had  forgotten  the  personal 
expenses  which  he  would  have  to  encounter,  and  they 
had  therefore  determined  to  raise  about  £500,  in  order 
that  there  might  be  something  at  Mr.  Martin's  dis- 
posal to  provide  for  his  sister's  requirements  after  her 
recovery  from  bondage.     (Hear,  hear.) 

John  Noble,  Esq.,  of  the  Middle  Temple,  was  next 
called  upon  by  the  chairman,  and  was  received  with 
great  applause.  Having  expressed  the  sympathy 
which  he  felt  with  the  object  of  the  meeting,  Mr.  No- 
ble made  reference  to  the  occasion  on  which  he  had 
first  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Martin,  and  the 
impression  which  bis  eloquence  had  made  upon  him 
at  the  time.  He  had  next  met  him  at  the  house  of 
that  great  friend  of  the  slave,  George  Thompson, 
(cheers,)  where  the  meetings  of  the  National  Anti- 
Slavery  League  were  held.  He  had  been  glad  to  find 
that  Mr.  Martin  was  the  friend  of  William  Lloyd  Gar- 
rison, the  chief  of  the  true  and  real  advocates  of  free- 
dom sn  America.  (Loud  cheers.)  He  gave  Mr.  Mar- 
tin the  highest  praise  for  having  invariably  placed  the 
wrongs  of  his  race  in  a  more  prominent  position  than 
his  own  individual  claims.  Mr.  Noble  then  proceeded 
to  eulogise  Mr.  Martin  in  an  eloquent  speech  of  some 
length,  concluding  by  the  expression  of  a  sincere  hope 
for  the  future  prosperity  of  Mr.  Martin,  his  relatives, 
and  family. 

Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin  then  rose,  and  was  received 
with  the  most  rapturous  applause,  which  lasted  a  con- 
siderable time.  Silence  being  restored,  he  observed 
that  he  usually  went  to  a  meeting  with  something  of 
an  antagonistic  spirit,  as  there  was  always  something 
with  which  it  was  his  purpose  to  combat;  but  here  he 
had  nothing  to  fight  against,  for  all  were  friends,  and 
the  topic  was  one  of  sympathy  with  himself.  He  had 
therefore  no  arguments  to  use,  and  as  Mr.  Curwen 
had  laid  an  injunction  upon  him  that  he  was  not  to 
indulge  in  acknowledgments  to  Mr.  Twelvetrees  or 
himself,  he  was  deprived  of  his  next  best  weapon. 
(Laughter.)  He  must,  however,  give  some  expres- 
sion to  his  feelings  of  gratitude  for  all  the  kind  things 
which  had  been  said  of  him  that  night;  and  he  must 
be  permitted  to  make  the  acknowledgment,  that  it 
as  through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Harper  Twelvetrees 
that  he  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Curwen,  and  the 
tings  were  held  in  Plaistow  and  other  places  which 
resulted  in  the  raising  of  the  purchase-money  for  his 
beloved  sister's  freedom.  (Loud  cheers.)  lie  desired 
to  give  utterance  to  his  thanks  to  the  National 
Anti-Slavery  League,  at  whose  hands  he  had  received 
much  kindness.  Previous  to  the  establishment  of 
that  body,  there  had  been  but  one  recognized  society 
for  the  propagation  of  anti-slavery  principles  in  Lon- 
It  was  an  old  antiquated  affair,  the  members  of 
:h  met  but  once  a  year  for  the  purpose  of  insti- 
tuting deputations,  that  did  nothing  but  sprinkle  rose 
water  on  the  feet  of  a  few  conservative  lords.  (Laugh- 
ter.) They  had  offered  him  a  donation  if  he  wanted 
money,  it  whs  true;  but  when  he  asked  for  their  aid 
ing  before  the  public,  they  gave  him  no  assist 
Of  a  very  different  stamp  was  the  National 
Anti-Slavery  League,  and  very  different  were  the 
men  who  composed  it.  It  included  in  its  ranks  the 
true  anil  tried  friends  of  the  American  negro — such 
men  as  lieorge  Thompson,  Harper  Twelvetrees,  John 
Noble,  Joseph  A.  Horner,  and  the  Rev.  W.  II.  Bon- 
ner (cheers) ;  and  it  was  to  (hem  that  be  was  indebted 
for  die  favorable  Introductions  to  the  English  public 
which  he  hail  received.     (Hear,  hear.) 

Mr.  Martin  (hen  proceeded  to  speak  in  reference  to 
(lie  visit  ni'  Messrs.  Klitlell  and  Mason  to  England, 
StigHiatitlng    the   latter,  especially,  as  the  Author  Mid 


advocate  of  the  accursed  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  as 
the  torturer  of  the  heroic  John  Brown,  when  he  lay 
captive,  wounded  and  bleeding.  He  compared  the 
ception  of  Frederick  Douglass  in  England  and  the 
reception  of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  at  Southamp-  " 
ton,  pointing  out  the  difference,  and  saying  he  thanked 
God  for  it.  Of  Mr.  Yancey,  he  declared  that  for  two 
or  three  days  the  Star  had  had  hold  of  him,  and  what 
they  had  left  of  him  was  too  dirty  for  him  (Mr.  Mar- 
tin) to  touch.  (Laughter  and  cheers,)  Mr.  Yancey 
had  been  throughout  his  life  a  consistent  advocate  of 
slavery  ;  he  bad  not  only  gone  in  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  laws  by  which  the  Northern  Statei  had  been 
used  as  the  instruments  of  the  abominable  system, 
but  for  the  repeal  of  the  Federal  laws  which  prevented 
the  re-opening  of  the  African  traffic-  for  the  purpose 
of  enabling  the  Southern  States  to  gain  an  ascend- 
ancy over  the  North.  But  Yancey  was  not  only  a 
preacher,  but  a  bully.  He  would  meet  the  man  who> 
had  defeated  him  in  debate,  and  beat  him  over  the 
head  with  a  bludgeon.  He  was  the  great  advocate  of 
Heenanism,  or,  if  they  understood  tnc  term  better,  of 
Saycrsism.  (Hear,  hear,  and  laughter.)  Mr-  Mason 
was  not  so  consistent  as  Mr.  Yancey  ;  for  when  he 
bad  been  present  at  a  Bunker  Hill  celebration,  he  had 
asserted  the  principles  of  the  Union,  but  when  he  got 
back  to  Virginia  he  began  plotting  secession.  He  had 
at  one  time  done  all  he  could  to  irritate  Great  Britain, 
but  now  he  came  to  treat  with  her  for  sympathy  of  a 
great  slaveholding  community.  He  (Mr.  Martin)  had 
beard  it  said  that  the  Southern  Commissioners  were 
instructed  to  offer  that,  in  the  event  of  England  recog- 
nizing the  Confederation,  ail  children  born  of  slaves 
after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  should  be  free.  This, 
with  the  stoppage  of  the  African  trade,  would  be,  in 
effect,  virtually  to  abolish  slavery  ;  and  it  was  absurd 
to  suppose  that  they  would  ask  Great  Britain  to  re- 
cognize a  Confederation  avowedly  built  on  slavery, 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  rid  of  slavery.  He  did  not 
believe  any  such  offer  would  be  made  by  the  Southern 
States.  Their  great  bribe  was  free  trade,  and  he 
feared  that  though  the  English  people  would  see 
through  the  fallacy  of  the  thing,  some  legislators 
ight  be  disposed  to  fall  in  with  the  notion  that  by 
recognizing  the  Confederacy  they  would  promote  free 
trade.  He  argued  that  free  trade  could  not  long  exist 
in  a  slaveholding  country  ;  that  even  in  the  article  of 
cotton,  planters  who  had  to  buy  slaves  at  great  cost 
could  not  compete  with  planters  who  employed  free 
labor  at  small  but  remunerative  wages,  and  could  in- 
vest their  capital  in  the  cotton  production.  He  re- 
futed the  imputation  that  Secretary  Gamers*]  and  Gen. 
Fremont  had  been  dismissed  from  their  posts  by  the 
North  on  account  of  their  anti-slavery  principles,  and 
declared  that  the  feeling  in  &vor  of  abolition  was 
growing  stronger  throughout  the  United  States,  and 
confidently  anticipated  the  speedy  and  permanent 
downfall  of  slavery.  Throughout  the  whole  of  his 
impassioned  and  eloquent  address,  Mr.  Martin  was 
listened  to  with  the  greatest  attention,  and  most  en- 
thusiastically cheered  on  resuming  his  seat. 

After  some  further  remarks  from  Mr.  Ciiwes, 
Mr.  Hekbeht  Thompson  addressed  the  meeting, 
and  spoke  of  the  extreme  satisfaction  with  which  he 
had  listened  to  Mr.  Martfn's  eloquent  address.  Who 
could  listen  to  snob  a  splendid  proof  of  talent-,  and  not 
feel  bow  grossly  untenable  was  the  argument  that  a 
race  like  that  to  which  Mr.  Martin  belonged  was  infe- 
rior to  the  other  races  of  mankind?  (Cheers.)  He 
was  glad  to  be  there  that  night,  to  wish  Mr.  Martin 
God  speed  across  the  Atlantic,  and  he  knew  well  that 
if  his  father  (Mr.  George  Thompson)  had  been  in 
town,  nothing  would  have  prevented  him  from  taking 
part  in  the  proceedings  of  that  meeting.  (Hear,  hear.) 
He  thanked  Mr.  Martin  for  the  mention  of  his  father, 
and  begged  to  assure  him  that,  in  his  own  breast,  the 
love  of  freedom  beat  as  high ;  and  while  God  spared 
his  life,  he  would  endeavor  to  follow  in  the  footsteps 
of  his  father,  as  the  unswerving,  unrelenting  enemy 
of  all  restrictions  upon  human  liberty.  (Loud  cheers.) 
Mr.  Joseph  A.  Horner  next  rose,  and  in  a  short 
but  admirable  speech  bore  his  testimony  teihe  strong- 
attachment  which  Mr.  Martin's  sojourn  in  England 
had  created  for  him  in  .the  breasts  of  all  true  friends 
of  the  good  cause.  He  begged  to  make  a  statement 
to  the  meeting  which  no  previ«us  speaker  bad  re- 
ferred to.  It  was,  that  the  American  Government 
had  on  the  previous  day,  through  their  Ambassador, 
Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  granted  to  Mr.  Sella 
Martin  what  was  never  granted  to  a  colored  man  be- 
fore— [a  mistake] — a  passport  as  a  citizen  of  the 
United  StateSv     (Loud  and  general  cheering.) 

After  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Twelvetrees  for  pre- 
siding, the  meeting  terminated. 


A  Biffebeni  Estimate.  The  scurrilous  attacks 
of  the  Greenfield  Democrat  are  sufficiently  answered 
by  the  following  candid  notices  : — 

$$$=•  Garrison  had  a  fair  house  as  to  numbers,  and  a 
highly  respectable  house  as  to  those  present  to  hear 
his  views  upon  the  war,  on  Monday  evening.  He 
stated  among  other  things,  that  he  thoroughly  sympa- 
thized with  and  sustained  the  government  in  its  strug- 
gle with  the  Slave  Power,  and  that  nothing  gave  him 
so^  much  pain  as  to.  hear  of  any  disaster  to  the  Union 
cause.  He,  however,  thought  that  the  government 
had  not  yet  got  upon  the  right  track  to  end  the  rebel- 
lion— that  it  might  be  ended  in  thirty  days  if  liberty 
would  only  be  proclaimed  to  every  slave  of  the  rebels. 
He  also  gave  bis  views  of  an  article  in  the  Greenfield 
Democrat,  in  which  be  was  denounced,  and  that  bis 
hearers  should  be  marked,  as  giving  aid  to  treason. 
His- remarks  upon  the  editor  of  the  Dewocrai  and  his 
article  were  very  severe,  and  elicited  the  loud  applause 
of  ihe  house.  In  fact,  no  part  of  his  address  was  more 
loudly  applauded  than  that  which  denounced  the  man 
who  could  pen  or  publish  such  an  article.  He  con- 
tended that  he  did  not  know  what  the  first  principles 
of  democracy  were — the  liberty  of  speech  and  the 
press. — Greenfield  (Mass.)  Gazette  and  Courier. 

Ms.  Editor, — The  citizens  of  Greenfield  and  vicin- 
ity, during  the  past  week,  have  enjoyed  a  rich  iniel- 
lectual  least,  in  the  form  of  lectures,  from  three  dis- 
tinguished literary  men,  viz.,  William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
Rt.  Kev.  Bishop  Clark,  of  Rhode  Island,  and  Bayard 
Taylor.  Our  Democratic  friends,  I  see,  have  ven- 
tured to  speak  in  brief,  of  the  addresses  delivered  by 
the  two  bitter  gentlemen,  while  the  orator  of  Monday 
evening  is  honored  with  several  distinct  articles  with- 
in the  editorial  department. 

Of  course,  it  will  be  useless  for  me,  after  such  dis- 
tinction has  been  awarded  the  illustrious  man,  to  offer 
more  than  a  passing  tribute  of  gratitude  for  the  privi- 
lege of  listening  to  the  eloquent  and  soul-stirring  words 
of  the  noble  reformer,  who  so  nobiy  "stands  up  for 
the  right;  "  and  taking  the  Bible  for  his  guide,  with 
the  "golden  rule  "  for  his  text,  goes  forth  to  proclaim 
liberty  to  all  mankind-,  for  "  whatsoever  ye  would  that 
men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  thera." 

Even  the  Democrat  might  well  sit  at  Die  feet  of  the 
great  "  Nestor,"  and  learn  lessons,  not  only  of  wis- 
dom, but  of  true  courtesy  and  kindness,  of  which, 
judging  from  certain  articles  of  late,  there  seems  to  be 
a  great  deficiency  in  that  quarter. 
— Ibid.  Humanity. 


No  more  Rktvhning  Fvgitjve  Slaves  bt  the 
Army.  In  the  U.  S.  House  of  Representatives  on 
Tuesday  last — 

Mr.  Blair,  from  the  Military  Committee,  reported 
n  bill  establishing  an  additional  article  of  war  tor  the 
government  of  the  United  Slates  army,  to  (he  effect 
that  all  officers  in  the  military  service"  are  prohibited 
from  employing  any  of  the  forces  under  their  respec- 
tive commands  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor  escaping  iVom  those  who  claim 
such  service  or  labor  to  lie  due  to  them,  and  a»V  offi- 
cer found  guilty  by  court  martial  of  violating  (liis  ar- 
ticle shall  bo  dismissed  the  service. 

Mr.  Bingham  Of  Ohio  moved  an  amendment  sn  us 
to  include  not  only  officers,  but  any  person  in  the  naval 
military  service  ot  the   United  Slates. 

Altera  length}  debate,  Mr.  Vidlaniligham  of  Ohio 
moved  lo  lay  the  bill  on  the  tabic.  Pisngreed  u> — l;i 
against  85 . 

Mr.  W right  of  IVnnsytvama  moved  to  adjourn. 
Disagreed  to—  87  against  95, 

'Ihe  question  for  postponing  (he  bill  until  the  first 
M  ednesday  in  March  was  disagreed  to — tSl  against  7;-. 

The  main  question  was  ordered,  when  Mr.  Johnson 
<>f  Pennsylvania  moved  to  adjourn.  fogatived — H 
against  78. 

Mr.    Bingham    of  OMo  introduced  an  amendment 

iiuh  was  agreed  to,  prohibiting  any  peiaeu  connect- 
ed with  (ho  army  ami  navy  tVoin  returning  fugitive 
laves. 

The  bill  finally  Dtt«ed-r88   to   48. 

In  (Ms  decision  ihe  people  will  heartily  concur.     It 

hould  have  been  made  at  a  much  earlier  period  ;  but 
i  is  Mill  imperatively  called  for. 


FEBEUAEY  28. 


THE    LIBEEATOE 


35 


To  the  Editor  of  the  Liberator: 

I  have  recently  forwarded  the  fallowing  to  the  New- 
York  Tribune.  But  the  Tribune  is  so  fearful  of  weak- 
ening an  Imbecile  and  profligate  Administration,  I 
have  little  faith  that  it  will  clare  allow  me  the  utter- 
ance. It  does  appear  to  me  that  the  Tribune  is  in 
small  business — is  wasting  its  energies,  h  in  tie  ring  the 
people,  and  preventing  development,  while  employed 
endeavoring  to  strengthen  such  feeble  knees  and  to 
stay  up  such  trembling  hands — to  say  nothing  worse 
of  this  desperate  ease  it  is  manipulating  upon. 

O.  S.  M. 

For  the  New  York  Tribune. 

"MES.  LINCOLN'S  GEAND  BALL." 

In  two  or  three  consecutive  numbers  of  the  Dmity 
Tribune,  of  late,  there  have  been  particular  and  special 
editorial  appeals  for  contributions  to  the  United  States 
Treasury — at  least  loans — on  however  large  or  small 
a  scale.  The  case  has  been  represented  as  an  ap- 
proach to  an  important  crisis,  and  desperately  need- 
ful. In  one  of  the  same  papers  was  a  report  of  the 
generosity  of  a  poor  Irishman  and  his  wife,  feeding 
hungry  soldiers,  the  woman  refusing  pay  lest  it  should 
burn  her  pocket.  In  one  of  these  same  numbers  was 
a  reporter's  account  of  a  nocturnal  carnival,  under  the 
name  of 

"Mrs.  Lincoln's  Grand  Ball.  .  .  .  The  first  ball  ever 
given  in  the  White  House.  .  .  .  Over  800  invitations 
were  issued.  .  ■  .  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  stationed 
themselves  in  the  centre  of  the  East  Room,  and  re- 
ceived the  guests.  .  .  .  For  one  hour  the  throng  moved 
in  a  current;  and  when  the  rooms  were  full,  the 
Marine  Band,  stationed  in  their  usual  position,  began 
playing  operatic  airs  of  the  finest  description  at  eleven. 
-  .  .  A  large  apartment  was  thrown  open  about  twelve 
o'clock,  with  an  immense  punch-bowl  in  the  centre  and 
sandwiches,  <&c,  around  it.  .  .  .  The  supper  was  set 
in  the  dining-room,  and  is  considered  one  of  the  finest 
displays  of  gastronomic  art  ever  seen  in  this  country. 
It  cost  thousands  of  dollars.  The  bill  of  fare  was: 
(Here  upwards  of  thirty  dishes  are  described.]  .  .  . 
The  tables  fairly  bent  under  expensive  luxuries  heaped 
one  upon  another.  At  twelve,  the  dining-room  was 
thrown  open  tor  inspection,  and  guests  passed  in  and 
viewed  it,  preparatory  to  the  demolition  of  the  artistic 
pile.  About  eleven,  Gen.  MeClellan  and  lady  and  Gen. 
Marcy  and  daughter  came  in.  All  the  border  State 
Senators  and  Members  were  present  with  their  ladies, 
and  most  of  the  Members  and  Senators  from  the 
Northern  States.  -  -  .  Nearly  all  the  Generals  in  the 
army  were  there.  .  .  .  The  ladies  were  dressed  to  the 
height  of  fashionable  extravagance." 

The  New  York  Herald  describes  lady  Lincoln's 
■dress  thus — which  it  styles  "simple  and  elegant"; — 

"  A  magnificent  white  satin  robp,with  a  black  flounce 
half  a  yard  wide,  looped  with  black  and  white  bow; , 
a.  low  corsage  trimmed  with  black  lace,  and  a  bouquet 
of  cane  myrtle  on  her  bosom.  Her  head-dress  was  a 
wreath  of  black  and  white  flowers,  with  a  bunch  of 
cape  myrtle  on  the  right  side.  The  only  ornaments 
were  a  necklace,  ear  rings,  brooch  and  bracelets,  of 
pearl." 

When  a  million  of  husbands,  sons  and  brothers,  un- 
der the  doings  and  dictates  of  a  barbarous  institution, 
a  relic  of  barbarism,  are  marshaled  in  the  field  of  mas- 
sacre and  murder,  thousands  of  them  rotting  and  dy- 
ing of  disease,  other  thousands  maimed  and  mangled, 
agonizing  in  the  hospitals — to  say  nothing  of  the  other 
thousands  still,  in  preferable  conditions,  shot  down, 
bayoneted  down,  butchered  down,  trampled  down, 
any  way  got  down,  to  immediate  death  ;  wives,  moth- 
ers, daughters,  sisters,  lovers  everywhere  in  trembling 
anxiety,  agony  and  anguish;  everybody— except  the 
oaost  unfeeling  and  inhuman,  hardened  and  made 
«uch  by  that  inhuman  institution — in  doubt  and  dread 
as  to  the  future;  in  short,  when  our  nation  is  ■con- 
vulsed with  painful  forebodings,  and  plunged  in  an 
abyss  of  horrors  and  frightful  exposures,  by  its  slavery 
and  its  slavery's  war,  it  is  less  strange  that  so  weak  a 
woman  as  has  got  up  this  costly  and  dissipating  car- 
nival should  have  acted  her  part  in  the  matter,  and 
that  she  should  have  been  sustained  in  it  by  "all  the 
border  State  Senators  and  Members,  and  their  ladies,"  and 
by  "nearly  all  the  Generate"  who  have  hitherto  con- 
ducted our  war,  than  that-she  should  have  had  thecouu- 
tenance  and  sanction  of  "most  of  the  Members  and 
Senators  from  the  Northern  States,"  and  that  the  re- 
port of  the  abomination  should  have  found  place  in 
the  Tribune  without  denunciation,  without  rebuke, 
without  the  leas*  criticism.  Is  this  the  fitting  time  to 
get  up  the  "  first  ball  ever  given  in  the  White  House," 
and  at  the  expense  of  thousands  on  thousands  of  dol- 
lars 1 

Last  March,  fhe  inaugural  ball,  under  the  conduc- 
torship  of  Secretary  Seward,  was  said  to  have  cost 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars.  Since  that  time,  hund- 
reds of  millions  of  the  people's  earnings  and  thou- 
sands of  the  people's  lives  have  been  squandered, 
chiefly  to  keep  in  safety  the  place  where  these  mid- 
night revelries,  and  midday  rioting  to  match,  are  car- 
ried on.  Will  the  readers  of  the  listings  in  Rome,  in 
the  days  of  her  decadence,  tell  me  how  far  we  fail 
Short  of  having  returned  to  those  barbarous  abomina- 
tions, of  which  we  have  read  with  amazement,  not 
thinking  or  dreaming  but  tlrat  our  development  had 
carried  us  thousands  of  years  ahead  of  the  possibility 
of  subjection  to  such  experience  1 

It  is  worthy  a  woman  whose  sympathies  are  with 
slavery,  and  with  those  who  are  waging  war,  ruth- 
less, bloody,  brutal  war,  in  behalf  of  slavery,  against 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  human  race.  It  is  not 
■worthy  of  man  or  woman  with  ears  open  to  the  wails 
of  the  bereaved  throughout  the  country.  It  is  not 
worthy  of  woman  or  man  with  susceptible  heart — 
with  sympathetic  heart — with  heart  of  woman  or  man. 
At  such  a  time,  and  under  such  circumstances,  it  is 
aiot  a  fit  performance  for  women  or  men  fit  to  -be  in 
power,  fit  to  be  exemplars  for,  fit  to  be  rulers  of,  a 
moral  and  humane  people. 

ORSON  S.  MUKKAY. 
Foster's  Crossings,  Warren  Co.,  Ohio,  Feb.  10, 1862. 

While  I  was  copying  the  foregoing,  the  following 
came  to  hand,  in  the  Tribune  for  February  11 : — 

"  We  must  deeline  publishing  any  of  the  numerous 
letters  sent  us  in  deprecation  of  what  the  writers 
characterize  as  a  'ball'  or  a  'dance'  at  the  White 
House,  recently.  Our  reasons  are  briefly  these  : — 
1.  We  do  not  judge  for  others  atwhat  time  or  in  what 
manner  they  shall  entertain  their  friends;  2.  Our 
columns  are  pre-occupied  with  matters  which  seem  to 
us  more  momentous;  3.  There  was  no  ball  and  no 
dancing  at  the  time  and  place  in  question." 

It  appears  that  "numerous"  others,  among  the 
readers  of  the  Tribune,  were,  with  myself,  unfavorably 
impressed  by  its  report  of  this  banqueting  and  revelry 
among  our  rulers,  during  this  time  of  anarchy  and 
ruin.  The  reasons  rendered  by  the  Tribune,  for  the 
suppression,  are  entirely  insufficient.  They  are  no 
valid  reasons  at  all.  They  are  no  reasons.  They  are 
very  bad  pretexts. 

The  Tribune  does  "not  judge  for  others  at  what 
time  or  in  what  manner  they  shall  entertain  their 
friends."  Did  not  the  Tribune  "judge  for"  the  wife 
of  Daniel  E.  Sickles  "in  what  manner"  she  might 
"entertain"  her  "friends"  in  Washington?  And 
who  will  pretend  that  the  example,  or  the  influence 
any  way,  of  her  entertainment,  under  the  cireuni- 
■  stances,  harmed  human  interests  a  thousandth  part  as 
much  as  this  entertainment  given  by  Abraham  Lin- 
coln's wife,  and  received  by  "  most  of  the  Members 
and  Senators  from  the  Northern  States,"  with  the 
sanction  of  such  papers  as  the  Tribune?  Has  the 
Tribune  nothing  to  say  by  way  of  "judging  for  "  Gen. 
Stone  and  others  of  his  sort,  as  to  the  "manner"  in 
which  they  may  "entertain  their  friends,"  the  South- 
ern conspirators?  Ab  to  "the  time" — suppose  Sun- 
day to  have  been  chosen  by  our  banqueters  and  rev- 
elers, would  the  Tribune,  as  a  religionist,  have  had 
nothing  to  say  by  way  of  judging  in  the  case*  And 
what  is  Sunday  to  this  day  of  national  calamity?  Or 
suppose  it  to  have  been  the  day  of  the  Bull  Knn  bat- 
tle, or  of  the  Ball's  Bluff  battle,  witli  full  knowledge 
of  the  processes  and  results  of  those  battles — as  the 
was  full  knowledge  of  the  misery  and  suffering  all 
over  the  land,  in  consequence  of  slavery  and  slavery's 
conspiracy — at  the  time  of  this  entertainment.  It  hat 
been  abundantly  declared,  and  never,  that  I  have  seen 
contradicted,  that  the  wife  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  ir 
full  sympathy  with  slavery  and  its  conspirators.  It  is 
not  to  be  believed  that  a  woman  with  other  sympa- 
thies would  have  given  such  an  entertainment  at 
such  a  time. 


The  Tribune's  second  pretext  for  suppressing  the 
sentiments  of  its  readers  in  "numerous  letters  sent 
in  deprecation  of"  this  demoralizing  entertaiment,  is  : 
"Our  columns  are  pre-occupied  with  matters  which 
seem,  to  us  more  momentous."  But  they  were  not 
pre-occupied  with  matters  more  momentous  than  to 
afford  that  disgusting  and  corrupting  affair  a  flattering, 
sanctioning,  encouraging  report. 

The  Tribune's  third  text  is :  "  There  was  no  ball  and 
no  dancing  at  the  time  and  place  in  question."  But 
the  Tribune  does  not  say  that  the  entertainment — the 
nocturnal  revel — was  a  different  tiling  la  detail  from 
what  its  own  reporter  made  it  to  be  in  its  own  columns, 
under  the  head — "Mrs.  Lincoln's  Grand  Ball."  Now, 
suppose  that,  when  "the  Marine  Band  began  playing 
operatic  airs  of  the  finest  description,"  and  "  Mr.  Lin- 
coln gave  his  arm  to  Miss  Browning,  and  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
with  Senator  Browning  and  others,  soon  followed,  and 
they  passed  through  and  through  the  different  rooms," 
they  had  taken  a  " quick-step,"  a  "double-quick" — 
had  "hopped"  a  little  —  how  much  .would  it  have 
added  to  the  objectionableness  of  the  performance  % 
With  the  rational,  nothing.  And  the  'Tribune  is  care- 
ful not  to  tell  us  whether  or  not  it  would  in  that  case 
have  "judged  for'"  them  that  they  had  thus  trans- 
cended bounds  of  propriety.  The  Tribune  will  some 
day  have  occasion  to  see  that  it  has  made  too  "  mo- 
mentous" a  "matter"  of  sustaining  an  Administra- 
tion whose  sympathies  are  with  "  loyal  slaveholders" 
— slaveholders  loyal  to  a  Union  that  is  slavery's  guar- 
antee, according  to  the  showing  of  Senator  Seward, 
and  the  manifestations  of  all  wily  and  iuveterate  slave- 
holders. 0.  S.  M. 


A  PLEASAHT  NARRATION. 

I  will  tell  you  "a  merry  toy,"  as  old  Jeremy  Tay- 
lor was  wont  to  say.  I  was  lately  introduced  to  a  Mr. 
Bird,  who  lives  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  My  heart- 
warmed  towards  the  stranger  at  the  first  glance;  for 
he  looked  like  a  mountain  of  good  nature,  lighted  up 
with  sunny  streams  of  fun.  The  volume  of  his  voice 
was  in  proportion  to  his  bulk.  It  was  worthy  of  old 
Stentor,  of  Homeric  renown.  Our  conversation  turn- 
ed upon  slavery,  of  course  ;  for  that  is  the  hinge  upon 
which  all  conversation  turns  now-a-days.  Jeff.  Davis 
has  converted  the  entire  Free  States  into  a  great  De- 
bating Society  upon  that  subject.  Apparently,  it  was 
the  only  good  use  the  Lord  could  put  him  to. 

"  I  want  to  tell  you,"  said  Mr.  Bird,  "  what  first  set 
me  to  thinking  about  slavery.  Some  years  ago,  I  had 
thoughts  of  going  down  South  to  teach  music.  Look- 
ing over  the  Southern  papers  to  see  where  such  teach- 
ers were  wanted,  I  happened  to  light  on  this  adver- 
tisement : — "  Runaway,  my  man  John,  a  tall  stout  fel- 
low, with  light  hair  and  blue  eyes.  He  is  a  good 
blacksmith  and  a  bright  fellow,  and  will  be  very  likely 
to  try  to  pass  himself  off  for  a  white  man." 

"By  golly!"  said  I  to  myself,  "  here 's  a  descrip- 
tion of  me!  only  my  name  's  Joe,  and  that  fellow's 
name  's  John.  I  served  my  time  at  a  blackmith's,  and 
I'm  bright  enough,  any  how,  to  try  to  pass  myself  off 
for  a  free  man.  I  went  to  the  glass,  and  took  a  good 
look  at  myself  to  find  out  whether  I  was  a  nigger  or 
not.  Thinks  I  to  myself,  if  such  looking  fellows  as  I 
am  are  advertised  as  runaway  slaves,  it  will  be  about 
as  well  for  me  to  keep  clear  of  the  nigger-driving 
States.  So  I  went  to  Vermont  to  teach  a  singing- 
school.  There  I  found  a  fugitive  slave  working  round 
among  the  neighbors  ;  and  I  told  'em  about  my  being 
advertised  for  as  a  runaway  slave,  and  how  I  had  reck- 
oned it  was  best  to  change  my  name  to  Joe,  and  I 
hoped  they  wouldn't  any  of  'em  betray  me.  Many  a 
good  laugh  we  had  over  it.  When  my  school  closed, 
and  I  was  coming  home,  I  told  the  fugitive  I  calcu. 
lated  to  go  down  South  one  of  these  days,  and  then  I 
should  inform  against  bini,  and  make  some  money  by 
it.  He  looked  me  right  in  the  face  and  grinned,  as  if 
he  did  n't  believe  one  word  I  said.  "  You  won't  do  no 
such  a  ting,"  said  he  ;  "I  know  you  wont."  Now,  I 
took  that  for  a  compliment.  I  should  think  I  was  a 
bad-looking  sneak,  if  he  had  thought  I  looked  like  a 
chap  mean  enough  to  do  such  a  job." 

"I  don't  think  it  proved  any  astonishing  sagacity  in 
the  fugitive,"  replied  I.  "  If  I  were  a  runaway  slave, 
I  would  trust  you  with  the  secret,  after  a  look  at  your 
face.  It  is  plain  enough  that  nature  never  made  you 
for  a  bird  of  prey." 

So  ended  my  conversation  "with  Mr.  Joseph  Bird. 
I  hope  there  are  many  more  "  birds  of  the  same 
feather."  L.  M.  CHILD. 


AN  INVESTIGATION  INTO    THE  MISSION 

SCHOOL  AFFAIRS  AT  CHATHAM,  0.  W. 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  : 

Dear  Sir, — I  wish  to  call  your  attention,  and  the 
attention  of  the  friends  of  the  Refugees  in  Canada,  to 
•the  Mission  School  established,  and  now  in  successful 
^operation,  at  Chatham,  C.  W.  I  do  this  because 
friends  in  New  England  have  contributed  towards 
purchasing  the  lot,  now  nearly  secured  for  its  use  ■ 
and  because  a  handful  of  mischievous  persons  in  Chat- 
ham,— under  the  tutelage  of  personal  enemies  of  the 
managers  of  the  school,  and  persistent  persecutors  of 
myself,  because  of  my  known  and  active  opposition 
to  this  greatest  calamity  to  the  colored  people,  next  to 
slavery,  the  Hay  tian  scheme, — have  published  through 
the  Chatham  Argus,  the  Toronto  Globe,  and  the  Pine 
and  Palm,  a  series  of  maliciously  false  and  designedly 
injurious  resolutions,  to  myself  personally,  and  to  the 
school  in  general. 

The  Mission  School  in  Chatham  is  now  one  of  the 
public  fixtures  and  necessities  of  the  community, 
especially  to  the  colored  people.  The  limited  room,  at 
our  command  is  now  crowded  with  pupils.  Upwards 
of  four  hundred  persons  testified  their  approbation  of 
its  management,  of  the  course  adopted  by  the  Trus- 
tees one  of  whom  by  appointment  is  I.  D.  Shadd, 
and  of  the  agent,  by  setting  aside  the  resolutions 
offered  against  it  on  the  evening  of  December  16th, 
and  passing  resolutions  unanimously  in  favor  of  it, 
and  all  concerned  with  it. 

Viewing  this  assault  in  the  light  of  a  personal  at- 
tack, I  should  not  trouble  jou  to  entertain  it  for  one 
moment;  but  now  that  two  Hay  tian  attempts  at  sti- 
fling discussion  in  Canada,  by  deliberate  published 
misrepresentation,  have  failed,  it  is  not  meet  and  it 
must  not  be,  that,  by  the  same  agency,  united  with 
others,  the  Mission  School  at  Chatham  shall  share  the 
fate  of  the  Wilberforce  and  Pawn  schools,  ruled  and 
ruined  as  they  were  by  the  aid  of  J.  C  Brown  and 
others,parties  to  the  present  misohief.  Besides,  friends 
in  America  and  England  have  smiled  approvingly 
upon  the  Chatham  effort.  They  are  now  warned  to 
withhold  the  means  needed  now  to  prosecute  the 
work,  on  the  grouud  that  funds,  heretofore  received 
by  me,  have  been  applied  to  purchase  private  prop- 
erty ; — good  grounds  for  suspicion  and  severe  censure, 
if  true.  As  our  work  is  not  a  small  one,  and  as  a 
party,  the  party  publicly  accused,  I  publicly  demand 
an  investigation  into  the  charges,  by  well-known  Abo- 
litionists— said  investigation  to  take  place  at  Chatham 
during  my  absence — not  to  take  place  in  the  Bureau  of 
the  Pine  and  Palm  at  New  York,  nor  by  one  James 
Redpalh,  but  by  Abolitionists,  black  and  white,  or 
black  or  white;  not  by  my  personal,  unrelenting,  un- 
scrupulous and  bitter  enemies  and  defamers,  the  occu- 
pants and  familiars  of  the  Western  Branch  Bureau, 
under  one  J.  N.  Carey  and  frau,  at  Windsor,  but  by 
the  men  and  women  whom  I  am  charged  to  have 
fleeced.  Honest,  upright  Abolitionists  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada,  let  them,  or  any  of  them,  go  to 
Chatham,  put  themselves  in  communication  with  our 
trustees,  and  our  colored  and  white  friends  there,  and' 
there  learn,  first,  whether  those  resolutions  wcie  ever 
in  any  meeting;  whether  any  against  us  ewr  passed  ; 
whether  sixty-five  children  are  or  are  not  now  in- 
structed ;  whether  I.  D,  Shadd  can  or  does  hold  the 
Mission  property  as  private  property;  whether  I  ever 
deeded  or  caused  to  be  deeded  one  foot  of  the  Mis- 
sion School  property  as  private  property.  I  demand 
this;  the  cause  of  education  among  the  refugees  and 
others  of  us  demands  it;  truth,  justice  and  honor 
anion;;  Abolitionists  demand  it.  Else  let  clamor  cease, 
and  our  work  prosper. 

MARY  A.  SHADD  CAUV. 


A  GRATIFYING  CHANGE. 

Newton  Corner,  Feb.  22,  1862. 
Friend  Garrison, — The  celebration  at  this  place, 
to-day,  was,  in  part,  a  pleasant  surprise  to  a  great  num- 
ber of  our  citizens,  especially  so  to  such  as  really  love 
their  country,  and  hate  her  sin. 

This  village  lies  buried  to  the  top  of  her  highest 
steeple  in  a  calm,  luxurious  atmosphere  of  commerce. 
No  gusts  or  flashes  of  anti-slavery  thought,  from  pul- 
pit or  platform,  have  heretofore  been  allowed  ruffle  its 
depths.  The  Bible  and  the  Constitution,  -properly  in- 
terpreted, have  stood  like  mountains  on  the  right 
hand  and  on  the  left,  and  the  storms,  born  of  "anti- 
slavery  abstractions,"  have  passed  harmlessly  over 
our  heads. 

But,  to-day,  came  a  change.  A  large  audience  met. 
After  some  excellent  words  from  the  chairman,  the 
platform  was  held  for  a  short  time  by  T.  D.  Adams, 
Esq.,  Principal  of  the  High  School  at  Newtonville,  and 
most  nobly  did  he  acquit  himself.  I  am  familiar  with 
anti-slavery  sentiment,  hut  it  seemed  to  me  that  what 
I  heard  to-day  was  sweeter,  truer,  deeper  than  any  I 
had  heard  before. 

Perhaps  it  was  the  time  and  place  gave  it  the  charm, 
as  pure  water  has  a  value  in  the  desert  that  it  lacks  in 
the  city  ;  but  the  charm  was  there,  and  many  felt  it. 

Mr.  A.  saw  no  peculiar  beauty  in  the  flag  of  our 
country,  unless  it  represented  the  sentiment.of  free- 
dom for  all — rich  and  poor,  black  and  white.  He  said 
it  was  a  rule  in  ethics,  that  a  good  principle  can  only 
be  known  and  estimated  by  contrast  with  its  opposite 
or  evil  principle ;  therefore,  it  is  our  duty  to  teach  the 
evils  of  slavery  as  wellas  the  benefits  of  freedom.  He 
knew  what  perfect  liberty  all  enjoyed  to  speak  of  free- 
dom; he  knew,  also,  no  such  liberty  was  permitted  in 
regard  to  slavery.  This  is  wrong.  Mothers  must 
teach  their  little  onesj  teachers  tell  their  scholars,  and 
pastors  instruct  their  flocks,  in  the  evils  and  tendencies 
of  chattel  slavery ;  and  let  no  father  undo  the  lessons 
his  children  have  been  taught:  then  we  will  in  time 
know  and  value  freedom  as  we  should. 

Many  a  well-disposed  merchant  held  a  dollar  so 
close  to  his  eye  that  it  hid  a  moral  principle,  and  in  his 
indness  he  asks  for  charity  when  he  hears  the  slave- 
holder rebuked.  Mr.  A.  had  no  sympathy  with  the 
charity  that  would  save  the  property  and  cover  the 
sins  of  the  master,  while  it  ignores  the  sufferings  and 
wrongs  of  four  millions  of  slaves. 

He  feared  the  reconstruction  of  slavery.  There  was 
a  lurking  danger  in  this  sudden  submission  of  the 
rebels.  Mr.  A.  eloquently  urged  the  audience  to  use 
every  talent  and  all  their  influence  to  aid  their  country 
in  this  crisis,  and  forever  rid  the  Republic  of  a  power 
that  God's  own  finger  writing  on  the  wall  of  every  na- 
tion for  five  thousand  years  had  pronounced  the  great- 
est enemy  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  mankind. 
Mr.  A's  eloquent  remarks  met  with  hearty  applause, 
and  the  deep  gratitude  of  many,  for  his  bold  and  man- 
ly words. 

I  need  not  say,  the  one  thing  needed  to  send  this 
speech  home  to  the  hearts  and  consciences  of  such  as 
could  "hear  and  understand  "  was  not  wanted.  The 
lightning  had  done  its  work,  and  many  a  dusty  old 
idea  lay  in  fragments  around  ;  and  the  speaker  who  fol- 
lowed Mr.  A.  bestirred  himself  with  zeal  to  set  things 
right.  But  sarcasm,  invective  and  frantic  appeals  to 
the  Bible,  though  well  supported  by  applause,  did  not 
seem  to  me  to  mar  in  the  least  the  beauty  and  truth  of 
Mr.  Adams's  words,  but  rather  tended  to  strengthen  an 
idea  fresh  in  the  mind  of  the  audience,  that  a  good 
principle  can  only  he  known  and  valued  by  contrast 
with  its  opposite  or  evil  principle.  M. 


OF   LEICESTER. 
mt.~- Killed — Randal  1 


S^"  In  the  Liberator  of  the  17th  ult.,  mention  was 
made  of  the  death  of  Moses  Brown  of  Pembroke, — 
fallen  in  the  prime  of  youth,  and  possessing  qualities 
of  mind  and  brain  which  gave  promise  of  eminence 
and  usefulness  as  they  ripened  into  the  maturity  of 
manhood.  Fitting  words  of  grief  and  eulogy,  prompt- 
ed by  the  tenderest  sisterly  affection,  accompanied 
the  sorrowful  announcement.  The  following,  from 
the  Plymouth  Rock,  is  a  further  tribute  to  his  memory, 
from  the  polished  pen  of  a  youthful  co-laborer  of  his 
in  the  "delightful  task" — to  the  lamented  deceased, 
especially — of  rearing  "  the  tender  thought,"  and  train- 
ing it  to  usefulness.  The  attractive  homestead  of 
the  "venerable  patriarch,"  (father  of  the  deceased,) 
to  which  such  appropriate  allusion  is  made,  has 
long  afforded  shelter  and  succor  to  the  flying  and 
panting  fugitive,  forsaken  by  the  Church  and  pursued 
by  the  State,  and  bestowed  kind  sympathy  and  hos- 
pitality upon  the  often  weary  and  worn  anti-slavery 
lecturer,  whom  nothing  but  the  most  persevering  en- 
ergy, holy  zeal  and  heroic  fortitude  could  sustain 
amidst  the  almost  universal  indifference  and  op- 
position which  he  has  had  to  encounter. 

With  the  hallowed  home  associations  and  influ- 
ences of  which  young  Brown  was  the  fortunate  and 
rare  recipient,  he  could  scarcely  fail  of  being  a  youth 
of  manly  bearing  and  high  aims,  as  evinced  in  the 
subjoined  tribute  to  his  memory  by  one  who  seems  to 
appreciate  his  worth,  and,  like  many  others,  mourn 
his  early  departure. — r. 

DEATH  OF  MOSES  BROWN. 

Just  by  the  wayside,  where  the  old  Boston  road 
enters  the  quiet  town  of  Pembroke,  stands  a  well- 
preserved  specimen  of  the  thrifty  farmer's  mansion  of 
the  last  century,  the  residence  of  a  venerable  patri- 
arch, wearing  the  garb  of  peace,  whose  head  is  silver- 
ed o'er  with  the  sacred  locks  of  three  score  and  ten  ; 
yet,  with  the  strength  of  manhood,  he  walks  with  body 
erect,  and  intellect  vigorous  as  in  the  days  of  yore. 
Last  week  death,  for  thefirst  time,  invaded  the  sacred 
sanctuary  of  that  peaceful  home,  where  all  the  graces 
and  amenities  of  life  have  been  so  highly  developed, 
and  plucked  from  their  fond  embrace  the  youngest 
of  a  large  family  of  children,  the  "  Benjamin  "  of  that 
honored  sire,  who,  resisting  the  pressure  of  time,  now 
bends  low  with  sorrow  and  grief.  For  the  first  time, 
the  old  mansion  door  has  swung  slowly  on  its  hinges 
to  admit  the  funeral  throng  of  real  mourners,  and  close 
behind  the  lifeless  form  of  the  tall  and  graceful  youth 
whom  none  knew  but  to  love  and  admire.  Truly,  the. 
order  of  nature  is  reversed  in  that  family  history,  and 
the  freshest  plant  is  plucked  by  the  roots  from  the 
garden  of  home,  while  the  full  and  ripened  sheaf  is 
still  left  to  be  whitened  by  a  few  more  suns.  "  Death 
loves  a  shining  mark,  and  cruelly  disappoints  all  in  his 
selections,  in  which  the  last  shall  be  first,  and  the  first 
last." 

In  the  death  of  Moses  Brown  there  seems  to  be  in- 
deed a  mysterious  Providence.  From  his  youth  up  to 
early  manhood,  he  has  borne  a  character  of  remarka- 
ble purity  of  thought,  word  and  deed,  in  which  was 
perfected  all  those  genial  elements  of  grace  and  amia- 
bility which  bound  him  as  a  peculiarly  confidential 
and  trustworthy  friend,  to  all  with  whom  he  came  in 
contact  in  the  ordinary  intercourse  of  social  life,  and 
made  him  most  cordially  welcome  in  every  home  and 
social  circle. 

But  few  young  men  had  a  higher  appreciation  of  the 
value  of  education  and  mental  culture.  Especially 
was  Ins  interest  ever  alive  to  the  welfare  of  public 
schools,  giving  his  time  and  efforts  as  a  member  of 
the  School  Committee  of  his  own  town,  and  by  a  con- 
stant attendance  on  all  associations  tending  to  promote 
the  interests  of  general  education. 

Willi  such  an  experience,  such  a  character  and 
record,  it  surprised  none  who  knew  him  that  his  last 
hours  were  made  glorious  by  a  peculiar  realization  of 
the  Divine  presence  and  support,  in  calmly  contem- 
plating his  approaching  dissolution.  Remarking  often 
upon  the  same,  and  expressing  a  holy  resignation  to 
the  will  of  G«d,  he  passed  from  earth  to  heaven. 

But  he  has  not  gone  far  from  the  home  he  loved  so 
well.  Fond  recollections  of  his  virtues,  and  sweet 
thoughts  of  his  kindness,  will  ever  keep  him  in  the 
minds  of  the  broken  home  circle.  His  memory  will 
ever  be  freshly  enshrined  on  the  altar  of  a  pure  and 
lasting  friendship,  and  his  peaceful  exit  prove  an  in- 
centive to  those  who  loved  him,  so  to  live  that  they 
too  may  die  the  death  of  the  righteous,  and  their  last 
end  be  like  his.  A. 


Jdf=  Tub  Atlantic  Monthly,  for  March,  con- 
tains the  following  contents  : — 1.  The  Fruits  of  Free 
Labor  in  the  Smaller  Islands  of  the  British  West  In- 
dies. 2.  A  Story  of  To-Day.  3.  Mountain  Pictures. 
4.  The  Use  of  the  Rifle.  6.  Agnes  of  Sorrento.  6. 
Methods  of  Study  in  Natural  History.  7.  The  South- 
ern Cross.  8.  Concerning  the  Sorrows  of  Childhood. 
Ci.  The  Rehabilitation  of  Spain.  10.  A  Raft  that  no 
Man  made.  11.  Fremont's  Hundred  Days  in  MiB- 
Bouri.  12.  Birdofredom  Sawin,  Esq.  to  Mr.  EEosfia 
Biglow.  13.  Taxation.  14.  Voyage  of  the  Good 
Ship  Union.     If).  Recent  American  Publications. 


-  THE  LATE   RANDALL  MANN 

Masxachuxett.ii   'Twenty- Fifth   Rry'm 
Mann,  corporal,  Co.  II.,  of  Leicester. 

Such  is  the  announcement,  in  yesterday's  papers,  of 
the  death  of  a  noble  and  bravo  young  man,  whose 
loss  has  come  with  a  terrible  weight  upon  some  hearts 
hero,  and  which  is  generally  felt  among  us  as  a  great  loss 
to  our  town.  I  trust  I  may,  without  intruding  on  pri- 
vate grief,  say  a  fow  words  in  bis  honor  ;  and  which,  per- 
haps, may  help  to  convey  to  his  afflicted  friends  something 
of  tlio  sincere  sympathy  in  their  sorrow  which  is  largely 
felt  here.  Bo  was  eminently  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  re- 
spect of  the  anti-slavery  community,  and  would  have  been 
glad,  I  am  sure,  to  know  that  the  readers  of  the  Liberator 
should  be  assured  of  the  interest  he  felt,  living  and  dying, 
in  their  labors.  For  several  years  past  ho  has  been  a  sub- 
scriber to  tho  Liberator,  and  a  thoughtful,  intelligent,  and 
conscientious  friend  of  the  anti-alavcry  movement. 

At  an  early  period  in  life  he  was  left  an  orphan,  and  was 
taken  into  the  family  of  an  uncle  and  aunt.  In  that  fami- 
ly lie  grew  up,  regarded  as  a  son  by  the  parents,  and  as  a 
brother  by  the  other  children.  From  boyhood  he  gave  evi- 
dence of  possessing  a  thoughtful  mind  and  a  good  heart, 
superior  to  the  narrow  ideas  and  prejudices  which  control 
so  many  ;  and  they,  who  knew  him  best,  testify  to  his 
upright  character,  his  conscientious  regard  to  duty,  and 
his  trustworthiness  in  all  matters  confided  to  him.  Such  a 
young  man,  in  the  existing  circumstances  of  our  country, 
could  hardly  fail  to  he  an  abolitionist.  Not  being  one  of 
those  who  condemn  a  cause  unheard,  Because  others  tra- 
duce it,  nor  corrupted  by  prejudice  against  a  portion  of  his 
fellow-men  because  God  hath  created  them  of  a  darker 
hue,  and,  fortunately  for  himself,  finding  in  his  home  an 
atmosphere  favorable  to  humanity  and  the  love  of  freedom, 
he  grew  steadily  up  into  that  great  cause  which  aims  to 
render  justice  to  all  in  our  land,  to  save  our  country  from 
the  destroying  effects  of  a  false  democracy  and  a  false  re- 
ligion, and  to  diffuse  instead  the  benign  influences  of  true 
Christianity,  and  of  a  just  regard  to  all  men's  rights. 
The  outbreak  of  the  Southern  rebellion  found  him 
inking  deeply  on  tho  question  of  American  slavery,  and 
the  course  then  taken  by  the  slaveholders  and  their 
Northern  allies  justified  to  his  mind  all  that  the  Abolition- 
sts  had  foretold,  and  equally  justified  his  own  reflections 
and  conclusions.  He  was  not,  as  I  judge  by  some  inter- 
views with  him,  so  much  excited  by  the  doings  of  the 
slaveholders  during  the  winter  of  1860-61,  as  were  the  most 
of  our  people  ;  but  every  anti-slavery  conviction  and  princi- 
ple of  his  nature  became  deepened  and  confirmed.  And 
when  President  Lincoln  called  for  75,000  volunteers  to  de- 
fend the  capital  and  government  from  the  murderous 
hands  of  hypocrites  and  knaves,  unmasked  at  last,  ho  was 
among  the  very  first  to  offer  his  services,  calmly,  but  with 
a  resolute  purpose  which  was  not  to  be  changed.  For  glad- 
ly would  friends,  to  whom  he  was  dear  and  his  life  impor- 
tant, have  dissuaded  him,  at  first,  from  enlisting  in  the 
But  they  found  his  mind  fixed.  It  was  not  self-will, 
nor  love  of  adventure  ;  he  knew,  he  said,  there 
sport  to  be  looked  for  ;  and  when  reminded  of  the  hazards 
of  sickness,  maiming,  and  loss  of  life,  he  said  he  had  con- 
sidered them  all.  And  when  they  saw  that  it  was  a  mat- 
tor  of  principle  with  him, — that  he  sought  to  act  as  duty 
required, — they  ceased  to  object,  and  gave  him  all  the  aid 
and  sympathy  they  could.  He  went.  The  first  active  ser- 
vice to  which  he  was  called  was  that  at  Roanoke  Island, 
where  he  received  a  mortal  wound. 

Such  losses  are  the  severest  to  which  the  North  is  called 
in  this  war.  The  loss  of  money,  the  weight  of  debt,  heavy 
as  these  are  and  are  to  be,  are  not  to  be  named  in  com- 
parison with  the  loss  of  such  young  men,  who,  for  con- 
science' sake,  turn  away  from  all  the  endearments  of  home, 
and  offer  themselves  a  living  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of 
Freedom,  Justice  and  Humanity  !  Surely  it  will  be  accept- 
ed at  his  hands  as  good  and  faithful  service  !  And  "  though 
to  the  unwise  he  seems  to  die,  yet  he  is  in  peace  "  ;  and 
"being  made  perfect  in  a  shoTt  time,  he  has  fulfilled  a 
long  time."  In  his  case  we  may  fitly  use  the  oft-quoted 
lines  of  Collins  : — 

"How  sleep  the  brave,  who  sink  to  rest 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest ! 
"When  Spring,  with  dewy  fingers  cold, 
Returns  to  deck  their  hallowed  mould, 
She  there  shall  dress  a  sweeter  sod 
Than  Fancy's  feet  have  ever  trod. 
By  fairy  hands  their  knell  is  rung, 
By  forms  unseen  their  dirge  is  sung  ; 
There  Honor  comes,  a  pilgrim  gray, 
To  bless  the  turf  that  wraps  their  clay  ; 
And  Freedom  shall  awhile  repair, 
To  dwell  a  weeping  hermit  there." 

May  we  who  remain  carry  on  the  conflict  with  slavery, 
that  "  sum  of  all  villanies,"  as  bravely  and  as  persevering- 
ly  as  did  our  young  friend.  So  shall  his  great  and  gene- 
rous sacrifice,  and  that  of  many  another  of  like  spirit,  not 
have  been  in  vain.  M. 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE  DISTRICT 
OF  COLUMBIA. 

In  the  Senate  of  tub  United  States,  | 
December  16,  1861.  ( 

Mr.  Wilson  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent  ob- 
tained, leave  to  bring  in  the  following  bill;  which  was 
read  the  first  time,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 


DIED — In  Pepperell,  Feb.  13,  Capt.  Vrylixg  Shattuck, 
aged  87  years. 

The  deceased  was  of  that  primitive  class  of  men  capable 
of  much  endurance  :  and  never  was  there  a  robust  consti- 
tution more  severely  taxed.  His  sufferings  were  beyond 
patient  endurance  ;  and  for  a  long  time  before  his  death, 
his  constant  prayer  was,  "  I  want  to  die — why  can't  I  die  ?  " 
Death  had  no  terrors  for  him.  He  had  suffered  much,  and 
enjoyed  much.  The  measure  of  his  experience  was  full. 
He  had  builded  his  home,  and  reared  sons  and  daughters, 
who,  in  their  turn,  were  reproducing  his  life  anew,  and 
travelling  the  ground  that  ho  had  trod  :  and  nothing  more 
seemed  left  for  him  to  do  this  side  the  grave  but  to  suffer 
risome  days  and  more  wearisome  nights.  With  no  fear 
of  death,  no  fear  of  future  consequences,  with  his  arms  full 
of  years,  and  a  clean  record,  he  leaned  hack  upon  his  dy- 
ing pillow,  and,  laying  his  bony  firgers  upon  the  filial 
arms  which  had  never  wearied  in  his  service  by  night  or  by 
day,  in  strength  or  in  weakness,  and  with  a  wishful  eye 
and  inarticulate  voice,  seemed  to  say,  Bear  me,  bear  me 
gently  over  the  turbid  stream  where  my  loved  ones  await 
Then  slow  and  labored  came  his  breath  until  his  life 
went  out,  and  he  found  in  death  that  boon  which  life  refused 
;  and  is  gathered  unto  his  fathers — not  as  the  young 
grain  falleth  before  the  hail,  or  the  fragrant  clover  before 
mower's  scythe — like  a  shock  of  corn  fully  ripe,  and 
white  for  the  harvest.  He  honors  tho  grave,  and  the  grave 
not  him.  But  travel  back  who  will,  the  long  highway  of 
lis  life,  and  find  who  can,  the  waymark  which  hehasstain- 
d  with  a  lying  tongue,  a  hypocritical  tear,  or  a  fraudulent 
iand.  Lay  tho  ear  closely  down  to  the  frozen  ruts  of 
igbty-scven  autumns,  and  hear,  if  you  can,  one  com- 
plaining accent  charging  him  with  keeping  back  the  la- 
ir's hire,  or  rewarding  the  services  of  others  with  adul- 
terated qualities,  unjust  numbers,  light  weights,  or  stinted 
sures  ;  rake  open  every  unmarked  grave  where  wid- 
ows and  orphans  sleep,  and  give  to  each  a  tongue,  and 
then  inquire  if  he  ever  devoured  their  houses,  or  fraudu- 
lently ate  their  bread,  and  as  an  offset  made  for  them  long 
prayers'/  and  every  tongue  will  proclaim  an  anthem  of 
praise  to  his  memory,  and  a  blessing  upon  his  soul. 
The  deceased  seemed  to  excel  in  public  and  private  hones- 
ty, which  gave  shelter  and  protection  to  a  large  field  of 
generous  virtues. 

Although  educated  in  the  ecclesiastical  and  political 
schools  that  prevailed  in  this  region  at  the  commencement 
of  the  present  century,  ho  was  not  to  bo  hoodwinked  by 
demagogues,  nor  beguiled  by  the  sophistry  of  priosts. 
The  passage  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill  was  tho  baptism 
through  which  ho  passed  heroically  on  to  tho  anti-slavery 
ground,  and  ever  afterward  kept  the  faith  ;  and,  amid  op- 
position of  Church  and  party,  hurled  hi,*  anathemas  iu  tho 
faces  of  a  government  that  boasted  of  its  freedom,  and 
shamelessly  stultified  itself  in  enslaving  millions  of  its  sub- 
jects ;  and  while  tho  pulpit  that  ho  helped  to  sustain  was 
drunk  with  cowardice,  or  flippant  with  the  foulest  atheism 
in  defenoo  of  tho  towering  wickedness  of  tho  Government, 
he  gave  all  his  favor  to  those  men  who  most  faithfully  re- 
buked the  highhanded  treason  against  God,  the  common 
Father  of  all  nations  of  men.  From  this  period  he  dated 
a  sort  of  new  birth — a  regeneration — and  the  old  democrat- 
ic cloak  was  ever  afterward  so  narrow  that  ho  could  not 
wrap  himself  up  in  it,  and  his  church  raiments  were  out  at 
tho  elbow  and  out  at  the  knoo. 

Ho  hated  dissimulation,  hypocrisy,  and  vain  conceit. 
Justice  was,  with  him,  the  beginning  and  end,  tho  ruling 
character  of  his  life-,  and  with  an  iron  will  ho  executed  its 
highest  behest  ;  leaving  to  all  his  neighbors  and  townsmon 
an  example  of  uprightness,  iu  whioh  wo,  with  his  children, 
claim  a  common  freehold.  A.  II.  W. 


DIED — At  Inagua  Island,  Fob.  7th,  whero  she  was 
wrecked  on  her  passago  homo  from  Ilayti,  Almhia  Ckan- 
DALL,  youngost  daughter  of  tho  lato  William  and  Sally 
P.  Harris,  of  Canterbury,  Ct.  Though  of  a  oolorod  com- 
plexion, she  was  very  kindly  taken  care  of  by  n.n  English 
lady  ;  but  neither  tliisoaro  nor  tho  best  medical  *l»ill  could 
savo  her  from  tho  grasp  of  the  fell  destroyer.  Sho  lin- 
gered three  days,  and  then  expired. 


FEisRUAitT  13,  1862. 
Reported  by  Mr.  Morjiit.t.  with  amendments,  viz. : 
Strike  out  the  words  within    [brackets]   and  insert 
those  in  italics, 

A  BILL 
For  the  Release  of  Certain  Persons  held  to  Service  or 
Labor  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
if.  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, That  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor 
within  the  District  of  Columbia,  by  reason  of  African 
descent,  are  hereby  discharged  and  freed  of  and  from 
all  claim  to  such  service  or  labor;  and  from  and  ajler 
the  passage,  of  this  act,  neither  slavery  nor  in  voluntary  servi- 
tude, except  for  crime,  whereof  the.  party  shall  be  duly  con- 
victed, shall  hereafter  exist  iu  said  District ;  |and  subjec- 
tion to  service  or  labor  proceeding  from  such  cause 
shall  not  hereafter  exist  in  said  District.] 

Sec.  2.  And  be  it  farther  enacted,  That  all  persons 
loyal  to  the  United  States  holding  claims  to  service  or 
labor  against  persons  discharged  therefrom  by  this  act 
may,  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage  thereof, 
but  not  thereafter,  present  to  the  commissioners  here- 
inafter mentioned  their  respective  statements  or  peti- 
tions in  writing,  verified  by  oath  or  affirmation,  setting 
forth  the  names,  ages,  and  personal  description  of 
such  persons,  the  manner  in  which  said  petitioners  ac- 
quired such  claim,  and  any  facts  touching  the  value 
thereof,  and  dec/urine/  his  allegiance  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States. 

Sec.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  shall  appoint  three  commissioners,  resi- 
dents of  the  District  of  Columbia,  any  two  of  whom 
shall  have  power  to  act,  who  shall  receive  the  peti- 
tions above  mentioned,  [and  who  shall]  investigate 
and  determine  the  [legal]  validity  and  value  of  the 
claims  therein  presented,  as  aforesaid,  and  [who  shall] 
appraise  and  apportion,  under  the  proviso  hereto  an- 
nexed, the  value  in  money  of  the  several  claims  by 
them  found  to  be  valid :  Provided,  however,  That  the 
entire  sum  so  appraised  and  apportioned  shall  not  ex- 
ceed in  the  aggregate  an  amount  equal  to  three  hun- 
dred dollars  for  each  person  shown  to  have  been  so 
held  by  lawful  claim. 

Sec.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  commis- 
sioners shall,  within  nine  months  from  the  passage  of 
this  act,  make  a  full  and  final  report  of  their  proceed- 
ings, findings  and  appraisement,  and  shall  deliver  the 
same  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  report 
shall  he  deemed  and  taken  to  be  conclusive  in  all  re- 
ipects,  except  as  hereinafter  provided ;  and  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  shall,  with  like  qpieption, 
cause  the  amounts  so  apportioned  to  said  claims  to  be 
paid  from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  to  the 
parties  found  by  said  report  to  be  entitled  thereto  as 
aforesaid,  [the  lawful  holders  thereof,]  and  the  same 
shall  be  received  in  full  and  complete  compensation  : 
Provided,  That  in  cases  where  petitions  may  be  filed 
presenting  conflicting  claims  or  setting  up  liens,  said 
commissioners  shall  so  specify  in  said  report,  and  pay- 
ment shall  not  be  made  according  to  the  award  of  said 
commissioners  until  a  period  of  sixty  days  shall  have 
elapsed,  during  which  time  any  petitioner  claiming  an 
interest  in  the  particular  amount  may  file  a  bill  in 
equity  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, making  all  other  claimants  defendants  thereto, 
setting  forth  the  proceedings  in  such  case  before  said 
commissioners  and  their  action  therein,  and  praying 
that  the  party  to  whom  payment  has  been  awarded 
may  be  enjoined  from  receiving  the  same ;  and  if  said 
court  shall  grant  such  provisional  order,  a  copy  thereof 
may,  on  motion  of  said  complainant,  be  served  upon 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  shall  thereupon 
cause  the  said  amount  of  money  to  be  paid  into  said 
court,  subject  to  its  orders  and  final  decree,  which 
payment  shall  be  in  full  and  complete  compensation, 
as  in  other  cases. 

Sec.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  commis- 
sioners shall  hold  their  sessions  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, at  such  place  and  times  as  the  President  of 
the  United  States  may  direct,  of  which  they  shall 
give  due  and  public  notice.  They  shall  have  power 
to  subpoena  and  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses, 
and  to  receive  testimony  and  enforce  its  production, 
as  in  civil  cases  before  courts  of  justice;  and  they 
may  summon  [s]  before  them  the  persons  making 
claim  to  service  or  labor,  and  examine  them  under 
oath;  and  they  may  also,  for  purposes  of  identifica- 
tion and  appraisement,  call  before  them  the  persons  so 
claimed.  Said  commissioners  shall  appoint  a  clerk, 
who  shall  keep  files  and  complete  record  of  all  pro- 
ceedings before  them,  who  shall  have  power  to  ad- 
minister oaths  and  affirmations  in  said  proceedings, 
and  who  shall  issue  all  lawful  process  by  them  ordered. 
The  marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  per- 
sonally, or  by  deputy,  attend  upon  the  sessions  of  said 
commissioners,  and  shall  execute  the  process  issued 
by  said  clerk. 

Sec.  6.  And  he  it  further  enacted,  That  said  commis- 
sioners shall  receive  in  compensation  for  their  services 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars  each,  to  be  paid  upon 
the  filing  of  their  report;  that  said  clerk  shall  receive 
for  his  services  the  sum  of  two  hundred  dollars  per 
month ;  that  said  marshal  shall  receive  such  fees  as 
are  allowed  by  law  for  similar  services  performed  by 
him  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia  ; 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  cause  all 
other  reasonable  expenses  of  said  commission  to  be 
audited  and  allowed,  and  that  said  compensation,  fees, 
and  expenses  shall  be  paid  from  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States. 

EC  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  this  act  into  effect,  there  is  hereby 
appropriated  from  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  a 
sum  not  exceeding  one  million  of  dollars. 


merchant  vessels,  and  all  the  provisions  of  the  act  of* 
Congress  approved  March  third,  eighteen  hundred  and 
forty-nine,  entitled  "An  aet  to  extend  the  provision* 
of  all  laws  now  in  force  relating  to  the  carriage  of  pas- 
sengers in  merchant  vessel*,  and  the  regulation  there- 
of," shall  be  extended  and  shall  npply  to  all  vessel* 
owned  in  whole  or  in  part  by  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  registered,  enrolled,  or  licensed  within  the 
United  States,  propelled  by  wind  or  by  oteam,  and  to 
all  masters  thereof,  carrying  passengers  or  Intending 
to  carry  passengers  from  any  foreign  port  0?  place 
without  the  United  States  to  any  other  foreign  por^  or 
place  without  the  United  Statts;  and  that  all  penalties 
and  forfeitures  provided  for  in  said  act  shall  apply  to 
vessels  and  masters  last  aforesaid. 

Sec.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President 
of  the  United  States  shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  au- 
thorized and  empowered,  in  such  way  and  at  such 
time  as  he  shall  judge  proper  to  the  end  that  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act  may  be  enforced  according  to  the 
true  intent  and  meaning  thereof,  to  direct  and  order 
the  v-saels  of  the  United  States,  and  the  masters  and 
commanders  thereof,  to  examine  all  vessels  navigated 
or  owned  in  whole  or  in  part  by  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  registered,  enrolled,  or  licensed  under  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  wherever  they  may  be, 
whenever,  in  the  judgment  of  such  master  or  com- 
manding officer  thereof,  reasonable  cause  shall  exist  to 
believe  that  such  vessel  has  on  board,  in  violation  of 
the  provisions  of  this  act,  any  subjects  of  China, 
known  as  "coolies,"  for  the  purpose  of  transporta- 
tion ;  and  upon  sufficient  proof  that  such  vessel  is  em- 
ployed in  violation  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  to 
cause  such  vessel  to  be  carried,  with  her  officers  and 
r,  into  any  port  or  district  within  the  United  Stales, 
and  delivered  to  the  marshal  of  such  district,  to  be 
held  and  disposed  of  according  to  the  proTisions  of 
this  act. 

Sec.  7.   And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  this  act  shall 
take  effect  from  and  after  six  mouths  from  the  day  of 


PROHIBITION  OF  THE  COOLIE  TRADE. 

In  the  U.  S.  House  of  Representatives,  ) 

December  4,  1861.      j 

Mr.  Eliot,  of  Mass.,  on  leave,  introduced  the  follow- 
ig  bill : 

A  BILL 
To  prohibit  the  "  Chinese  coolie  trade  "  by  American 
citizens  in  American  vessels. 
Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represento- 
rs of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assem- 
bled, 'That  no  citizen  or  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
foreigner  coming  into  or  residing  within  the  same, 
shall,  for  himself  or  for  any  other  person  whatsoever, 
either  as  master,  factor,  owner,  or  otherwise,  build, 
equip,  load,  or  otherwise  prepare,  any  ship  or  vessel, 
or  any  steamship  or  steam  vessel,  registered,  enrolled, 
or  licensed,  in  the  United  States,  or  any  port  within 
the  same,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  from  China,  or 
from  any  port  or  place  therein,  or  from  any  other  port 
or  place,  the  inhabitants  or  subjects  of  China,  known 
'coolies,"  to  be  transported  to  any  foreign  coun- 
try, port,  or  place  whatever,  to  be  disposed  of,  or  sold, 
transferred,  for  any  term  of  years  or  for  any  time 
whatever,  as  servants  or  apprentices,  or  to  he  held  to 
service  or  labor.  And  if  any  ship  or  vessel,  steamship 
or  steam  vessel,  belonging  in  whole  or  in  part  to  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  and  registered,  enrolled,  or 
otherwise  licensed  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  employed  for 
the  said  purposes,  or  in  the  "coolie  trade,"  so  called, 
or  shall  be  caused  to  procure  from  China  or  elsewhere, 
as  aforesaid,  any  subjects  of  the  government  of  China 
for  the  purpose  of  transporting  or  disposing  of  them  as 
aforesaid,  every  such  ship  or  vessel,  steamship  or 
steam  vessel,  her  tackle,  apparel,  furniture,  and  other 
appurtenances,  shall  be  forfeited  to  the  United  States, 
and  shall  be  liable  to  be  seized,  prosecuted,  and  con- 
demned in  any  of  the  circuit  courts  or  district  courts 
of  the  United  States  for  the  district  where  the  said 
ship  or  vessel  may  be  found,  seized,  or  carried. 

Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  all  and  every 
person  so  building,  fitting  out,  equipping,  loading,  or 
otherwise  preparing,  sending  to  sea,  or  navigating,  as 
■  ner,  master,  factor,  agent,  or  otherwise,  any  ship  or 
ssel,  steamship  or  stenm  vessel,  belonging 'in  whole 
or  in  part  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  registered, 
enrolled,  or  licensed  within  the  same,  or  at  any  port 
thereof,  knowing  or  intending  that  the  same  shall  he 
employed  in  that  trade  or  business  aforesaid,  contrary 
to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act,  or  iu  any- 
iso  aiding  or  abetting  therein,  shall  he  severally  lia- 
ble to  he  indicted  therefor,  and,  on  conviction  thereof, 
shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  not  exceeding  one  vear. 
Sec  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  nny  citi- 
n  or  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall,  contrary  to 
the^true  intent  and  meaning  of  tins  act,  take  on  hoard 
of  any  vessel,  or  receive  or  transport  any  such  persons 
as  are  above  described  in  this  act,  for  the  purpose  of 
disposing  of  them  as  aforesaid,  he  or  they  shall  be  lia- 
ble to  be  indicted  therefor,  anil,  on  conviction  thereof, 
shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  not  exceed  ins;  one  vear. 

Sec.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  nothing  in 
this  act  hereinbefore  emit aitied  shall  bo  deemed  or  con- 
strued  to  apply  to  or  affect  any  free  and  voluntary 
ignition  of  any  Chinese  subject,  or  to  any  vessel 
carrying  such  person  as  passenger  on  hoard  the  same  : 
promded,  however,  That  a  "permit"  or  certificate  shall 
he  prepared  and  signed  by  the  consul  or  consular  agent 
of  the  United  States  residing  at  the  port  from  which 
such  vessel  may  take  her  departure,  containing  the 
name  of  such  person,  and  setting  forth  the  fact  of  his 
voluntary  emigration  from  such  port  or  place,  which 
certificate  shall  be  given  to  the  master  of  such  vessel ; 
hut  the  same  shall  not  be  given  until  such  consul  Or 
consular  agent  shall  he  tirst  personally  satisfied  bv 
evidence  produced  of  the  truth  of  the  facts  therein  con- 
tained. 

SSO.  5.    And  fa  it  fxrih.r  enacted,   That  all  the  pro- 
visions of  the  act  of  Congress  approved   February 

twenty  second,  eighteen  hundred  and  fortv  seven,  en- 
titled an  act  to  regulate  the  carriage  of  passengers  in 


g^=*  This  Bill  passed  both  honses  of  CongresB  aa 
now  printed.  Mr.  Eliot  deserves  special  thanks  for 
the  zeal  with  which  he  has  prosecuted  a  measure  so 
humane  and  important. 


EXECUTION  OF  NATHANIEL  GORDON  AT 
THE  TOMBS. 
Nathaniel  Gordon,  the  slave-dealer,  suffered  the 
highest  penalty  of  the  law  at  fifteen  minutes  past 
twelve  o'clock  Friday  noon,  in  the  yard  of  the  city 
prison.  Up  to  a  late  hour  on  Thursday  night,  no  man 
under  sentence  of  death  bore  up  with  greater  hope 
than  Captain  Gordon  ;  and  we  may  say,  that,  almost 
up  to  the  hour  of  execution,  there  seemed  to  be  a  glim- 
mering of  hope  pictured  in  his  countenance,  yet  he 
was  doomed  to  disappointment,  and  has  suffered  the 
horrible  penalty  for  the  crime  he  has  committed.  Dur- 
ing Thursday  he  was  attended  by  his  spiritual  advis- 
ers, the  Rev.  Dr.  Corbit,  Rev.  Dr.  Camp,  and  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Bingham.  He  would  frequently  tell  them 
that  he  was  ready  to  die,  and  would  soon  after  talk  as 
if  he  expected  a  commutation  of  sentence  from  the 
President. 

It  is  evident  that  he  based  his  hope  upon  the  state- 
ment of  the  United  States  District  Attorney,  C.  Dela- 
field  Smith,  whom  he  charges  with  haviDg  promised 
to  procure  him  a  pardon.  Between  six  and  seven 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  his  wife  and  mother-in-law, 
with  his  little  one,  called  at  the  Tombs,  to  take  a  final 
farewell  of  him.  The  unfortunate  woman  bore  a 
haggard  look,  and  had  evidently  eaten  but  little  for  a 
long  time,  every  moment  of  her  time  for  the  past  two 
weeks  having  been  devutc-d  to  securing  the  assistance 
of  influential  parties  in  endeavorlrrg-te-^CSj^nLjlie___yf' 
execution  of  her  husband.  As  she  entered  the  cell  of 
her  husband,  she  fell  fainting  on  the  floor,  and  had  to 
be  carried  out  into  the  reception  room,  where,  by  the 
assistance  of  the  prison  physician,  she  soon  recovered, 
when  her  husband  was  brought  out  to  her. 

The  scene  that  here  took  place,  their  last  moments 
together,  no  pen  could  describe.  She  would  talk  for 
a  few  moments,  and  then  get  so  overcome  that  she 
would  faint,  and  it  would  be  some  time  before  she 
could  recover.  When  the  fatal  moment  came  for  her 
to  leave  the  massive  walls  of  that  dismal  prison,  Bhe 
with  one  shriek  fell  headlong  at  her  husband's  feet- 
Gordon  raised  her  in  his  arms,  imprinted  a  last  fare- 
well kiss  upon  her  burning  brow,  and  was  then  re- 
moved from  her  sight  never  to  meet  again  on  earth. 
He  fondly  embraced  his  child,  and  kissed  and  kissed 
it  until  the  keeper  was  compelled  to  remove  it;  and 
then,  with  a  trembling  step,  he  returned  to  his  cell  in 
company  of  his  spiritual  advisers.  At  nine  o'clock  he 
entered  into  prayer  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Camp,  and  was 
then  left  alone  in  charge  of  the  keepers  for  the  re- 
mainder of  the  night. 

Until  four  o'clock  he  lay  upon  his  couch,  but  did  not 
manifest  any  desire  to  sleep.  About  four  o'clock  the 
keeper  went  to  his  cell,  and  discovered  him  in  great 
agony,  and  suffering  intense  pain;  he  immediately 
called  assistance.  Dr.  Hodgman,  the  prison  physician, 
being  at  hand,  he  soon  discovered  that  Gordon  had 
taken  poison.  Drs.  Limons  and  Wood  were  also  called 
in,  and  the  stomach  pumps  applied,  which,  after  a  lapse 
of  an  hour  or  so,  soon  placed  him  out  of  danger  by  the 
removal  of  the  poison.  On  examination  it  was  found 
that  he  had  taken  strychnine,  and  at  one  time  it  was 
feared  that  the  gallows  would  be  cheated  of  its  victim. 
Wheh  questioned  in  regard  to  how  be  obtained  it,  he 
said  that  it  was  put  into  a  cigar,  and  brought  to  him 
by  a  friend  ;  it  was  about  twenty  grains,  and  placed  in 
the  point  of  a  cigar ;  watching  Ms  opportunity,  he  bit 
the  end  of  it  off,  and  swallowed  it  all,  and  threw  him- 
self upon  his  bed  to  die.  He  had  not  taken  the  poison 
over  five  minutes  when  discovered. 

As  he  walked  toward  the  gallows,  he  was  the  picture 
of  despair.  With  a  trembling  step  he  reached  the  fatal 
spot,  and  seemed  hardly  able  to  support  himself.  The 
rope  was  immediately  adjusted  around  his  neck,  and 
he  then  spoke  a  few  words  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Camp,  and 
at  fifteen  minutes  past  twelve  o'clock  the  fatal  signal 
was  given,  and  the  unfortunate  man's  spirit  passed 
away,  it  is  to  be  hoped  to  a  far  better  world.  His  neck 
was  not  broken,  but  he  died  almost  without  a  struggle. 
He  hung  until  twenty-five  minutes  past  twelve,  when 
the  physicians  pronounced  life  extinct. 

At  thirty  minutes  past  twelve  he  was  cut  down,  and 
placed  in  charge  of  some  of  his  friends,  who  will  have 
him  privately  buried. 

Before  dying,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  two  mates  of 
his  vessel,  who  are  confined  in  the  City  Prison,  a~__' 
one  to  his  wife. — N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce;  'Zlst  hist. 


CRISPUS  ATTUCKS  CELEBRATION. 

The  Ninety-Second  Anniversary  of  the  Martyrdom  of 
the  colored  American,  Crispcs  Attfcks,  "the  day  which 
history  selects  as  the  dawn  of  the  American  Revolution, "  will 
be  commemorated  at  Allston  Hall,  on  Wednesday  evening, 
March  5th,  by  a  series  of  Tableaux,  historical,  mythologi- 
cal, classical,  humorous  and  dramatic — represented  by  a 
select  volunteer  company  of  young  ladies  and  gentlemen, 
masters  and  misses.  The  whole  entertainment  to  be  inter- 
spersed with  appropriate  vocal  and  instrumental  Music 
from  the  Boston  Quartette  Club  aud  other  favorite  perform- 
ers. 

Tickets  25  cents  each,  to  be  obtained  of  R.  F.  Wallcut, 
Anti-Slavery  office,  221  Washington  street ;  Saxton  & 
Bowcn,  233  Washington  street ;  S.  S.  Hauscoui,  74  Cam- 
bridge street,  and  at  tho  door.  Doors  open  at  half-past  6 
o'clock  ;  exercises  to  commeuce  at  half-past  7  o'clock. 

For  particulars,  see  Programme. 

Boston,  Feb.  25,  1S62.  WLILTAM  C.  NELL. 

[JST"  We  hope  Allston  nail  will  have  a  crowded  assem- 
bly on  the  evening  hero  advertised,  not  only  for  the  his- 
torical interest  of  the  occasion,  but  because  the  worthy  and 
indefatigable  projector  of  the  celebration  has  exerted  him- 
self to  make  an  attractive  and  pleasing  entertainment,  and 
is  deserving  of  liberal  encouragement.] — En,  Lib. 


Ef"  AARON  M.    POWELL,    Ageut  of  the    American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  will  speak  at 

Now  Roohellct,     N.  Y.,  Friday  evening,  2S. 

Pleasantville,  '*  Saturday   «  Mar.  1. 


ET  *USS  SALLIE   IIOLLEY  will  give   a  lecture   on 

American  Slavery  in  the  Methodist   church    iu    Palmyra, 
N.  Y.,  on  Friday  evening,  March  7th. 


E^~  LEOMINSTER     AND    FrTCFIBURG. Parkek 

i'iL].sr;i  r.v  will  lecture  iu 

Leominster,  Saturday  even'g,  March  1. 

Fitehburg,  Sunday  "         "      2. 

— at  7  o'clock. 


JHT  E.  11.  HEYWO0D   will   sneak   on 
East  Cambridge,  Sunday  eveniug,  March  1 


T&&  War/  in 


IE3-  ANTI-SLAVEKY  CONVENTION  AT  BYAN- 
N1S.— There  will  bo  an  Anti-SUvr.-y  Convention  t\  Hyan- 
nis,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  the  15th  and  16th  of 
UarOh.  Cape  Qod,  hitherto,  has  never  needed  argument.*, 
or  even  appeals,  to  orowd  its  largest  hulls,  where  the  cause 
of  Humanity  and  the  Slave  was  to  be  the  theme.  Further 
particulars  next  week. 


EST  HK.NMY  C.  WRIGHT  will  speak  at  South  Abing- 
ton,    on  Sunday    evening    next,     nt  T    o'clock.     Subject  — 

Natural  Antagonism,  or  the  bcanceaAta  9anAtah    Twrt 
"  What  CM  bath  put  asunder,  let  not  mw  put  togothor.1* 


HTWOrtKU,  I'll  i  i.i.i  is  vi]j  dhUret  ■  dtooonrw  at 
Uuslo  Hall,  before  bhe  TwentrJUghtli  0 

eiely,  mi  Sunday  foieiieou  next. 


36 


THE     LIB  EH  A.TOR 


0  1 1  X  g . 


For  the  Liberator. 

MAKE    KO   CONCESSIONS. 

Virtue  to  our  purpose  binding, 

God  and  Justice  over  minding, 
Lot  us  all  for  Freedom  battle,  and  crushed  liberty  restore. 

Freo  and  clear  of  all  aggression, 

Face  this  wicked,  mitd  secession, 
Standing  firm  against  rebellion  and  concessions  evermore. 

Why  to  traitors  all  so  tender  ? 

Why  to  rebels  more  surrender? 
Sumter's  guns  have  killed  concession,  and  to  freedom  ope'd 
the-  door. 

Massachusetts,  take  your  station  ! 

Show  your  strength,  and  snve  the  nation  ! 
Liberty  against  all  tyrants  we  must  guard  forevermoro. 

Shade  of  Washington,  inspire  us  ! 

With  thy  patriotism  fire  us  ! 
Till  a  rebel  in  our  borders  shall  be  heard  of  nevermore. 

Shade  of  Jackson,  speak  and  shame  us  ! 

Let  the  world  defame  and  blame  us ! 
If  we  falter  now,  we're  conquered — branded  cowards  ever- 
more ! 

Tell  me  what  we  gain  by  waiting, 

And  our  chances  all  berating? 
Long  we   faltered,  dodged,  and  doubted,  "  leagued  with 
hell  "  from  shore  to  shore. 

Now's  the  time  !  be  men,  and  know  it  ! 

Now's  the  time  !  the  traitors  show  it ! 
Strike  and  crush  the  rebel  monster  !  bind  him  fast  forever- 
more  ! 

Halt  no  longer,  dreaming — trembling! 

Try  no  more  our  poor  dissembling  1 
God,   and  Troth,  and  Justice  owning,  doubting    neither 
evermore  ! 

Stand  aback,  you  prone  to  kneeling  ! 

Back,  you  traitors,  prone  to  stealing  ! 
Let  God  apeak,  then  do  his  bidding,  minding  that  forever- 

We  have  rights  !    Shall  we  suspend  them  ? 
No — but  gallantly  defend  them, 
Though  Secession  threatens  vengeance  if  we  do  n't  its  gods 

Bights  of  men  wo  now  must  stand  on  ! 
Truth  and  Justice  ne'er  abandon  ! 
Come  what  may  of  "South-Side"    swearing,  that's  our 
place  fore  verm  ore. 

Standing  here,  no  threats  shall  move  us  ; 

Only  so  can  God  approve  us  ; 
Here  the  universe  will  aid  us  to  lost  liberty  restore. 

Here  we  'II  stand  till  wrongs  are  righted, — 

Hopes  renewed  that  these  have  blighted, — 
Till  the  world  regains  assurance  of  our  Justice  evermore. 

Piled  with  insults  hard  to  swallow, 

Propositions  hard  to  follow, 
We  demand  the  wrongs  retracted,  and  repeated  nevermore. 

Till  that  'a  done,  make  no  concessions  ! 

Turn  no  ear  to  such  expressions  ! 
Till  the  traitors  meet  their  merits,  silenced  here  forever- 
All  our  good  to  them  is  evil  ; 

Phillips,  Beecher — each  a  devil ! 
Higher  laws  are  but  pure  nonsense,  which  they  wiokedly 
ignore. 

Void  of  honesty  and  reason, 

They  rebellion  nurse  and  treason, 
Calling  God  to  help  sustain  them  and  their  bondage  ever- 

If  concessions  now  are  wanted, 
No  auch  favore  can  be  granted  ; 
Such   would  damn    us  all  forever,   damn    as    few  were 
damned  before ! 
No  inch  yielding,  stand  unflinching ! 
Show  no  fear  of  threats  or  lynching  ! 
Hit  the  monster  'twist  the  eye-brows  !  lay  him  low  forever- 
more  ! 

No  conversions  longer  wait  for  ! 

Ne'er  a  victory  be  too  late  for  ! 
Make  short  work  of  all  "Plug  Fglies"  in  or  out  of  Bal- 
timore ! 

Put  straight  through  the  iron  horses  ! 

Never  mind  the  breaks  or  losses  ! 
Whip  the  rebels  all  contented  to  stay  whipped  forevermoro. 

Liberty  and  Justice  calling 
Loud  to  save  their  temples  falling  ; 
Up  and  crush  the  foes  who  threaten  till  their  madness  they 
deplore  ! 
No  use  now  to  doubt  and  falter, 
Bring  the  traitors  to  the  halter  ! 
There  shut  off  their  barb'rous  nonsense,  threats  and  slang, 
for  evermore. 

Stand  on  technics  here  no  longer  ! 

For  each  day  the  foe  grows  stronger  ! 
Doubtful  courage  no  more  harbor — see  it  doubted  never- 
more ! 

Sumter's  guns  have  broke  th'  enchantment, 

Ope'd  the  door  to  Scott's  encampment : 
Rise  and  rush  from  this  hour's  dreaming  to  new  life  for- 
evermore ! 

Once  for  all  thi3  lesson  teaching, 

That  from  Maine  to  Texas  reaching, 
Our  old  flag  shall  wave  in  triumph,  and  be    scouted  never  - 

Fight  we  must  till  foes  are  routed, — 
■  ""Let. that  fact  no  more  be  doubted, — 
Fight  till  our  star-spangled  banner  greets  no  slave  forever- 
more. 
No  one  falter  !  no  one  quiver  1 
No  one  palter  !  no  one  shiver  ! 
Hesitate  no  moment  longer  to  demand  and  hold  the  floor  ! 
Strike,  and  crush  the  slave  defender  ! 
Die  we  may,  but  not  surrender  ! — 
Sink  ourselves  past  all  redemption — blotted  out  forever- 
more  ! 
Shame  no  more  our  sires  and  mothers  ! 
Let  us  prove  all  men  are  brothers'! 
What  they  left  us  let  us  cherish, and  depart  from  n 
To  the  breeze  our  flag  unfurling — 
To  all  knaves  defiance  hurling — 
od  and  Justice,  first  and  foremost,  be  our  motto  e 
Billerica,  1861.  Daniel  Pahker. 


FEBETJAEY  28. 


For  the  Liberator. 

A  GLOEIOUS  VICTOET 

It  is  a  glorious  Victory  ; 

There's  rejoicing  in  the  street, 
And  a  gay,  glad  smile  of  triumph 

Lights  every  face  we  meet. 

So  many  thousand  prisoners, 

So  many  thousand  slain  ; 
Husbands,  and  sons,  and  brothers, 

Cut  down  like  o'er-ripo  grain. 

It  is  a  glorious  Victory  : — 

Weak  woman's  heart,  be  still ! 
Or  join  in  th'  jubilation — 

It  is  nothing  now  to  kill. 

We  count  our  cause  as  holy  ; 

And  though  men  be  reaped  like  grain, 
If  freedom  follow  after, 

Not  one  ba3  died  in  vain. 

Oh  !  through  the  smoke  of  ba.ttle 

Breaketh  the  morning  light  ? 
Will  freedom  follow  after  ? 

Will  Might  give  place  to  Right  7 
If  this  bo  so,  join,  heart  and  voico, 

Join  fn  the  gladsome  cry, 
That's  Bounding  through  our  streets  to-day— 

"  Hurrah  ! — a  Victory  ! " 

And  yet,  and  yet — 0,  blame  me  not, 

With  tears  my  eyes  are  wet — 
Mine  is  a  woman's  hoart,  and,  oh  ! 

I  cannot  quite  forget 

How  many  wives  and  mothers 

Wait  with  suspended  breath, 
This  quiet  winter  morning, 

For  new3  of  life  or  death. 

nowmiiny  will  clutch  the  paper. 

To  read  therein  their  fate, 
Only  to  lay  it  down  again, 

Jloart-broken,  dusolato, 


Some  of  our  own, — for  well  wo  know 

Many  of  our  brave  men 
Who  wont  to  the  field  of  battle 

May  never  eome  again, 

And  others — wives  of  Bebels, 

But  loving,  it  may  be, 
With  just  such  love  as  mino  for  one 

Who  is  all  the  world  to  mo. 

0,  I  am  not  disloyal  ; 

But  down  in  my  heart  so  deep, 
There  is  pity  e'en  for  Rebels  : — 
I  must  weep  ;   yes,  let  me  weep  ! 

And  yet,  if  our  poor  country 

Through  blood  shall  be  made  free, 
Amid  my  tears  I'll  shout  it, 
•'Hurrah  ! — a  Victory  !  " 
Sherborn,  Feb.  18,  1802.  E. 


SIGKS  OF  THE  TIMES. 

An  admirable  speech  was  delivered  in  the  U.  S. 
House  of  Representatives,  Jan.  16th,  by  Hon.  John 
A.  Bingham  of  Ohio,  urging  an  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  by  act  of  Congress.  The  speech  of  Hon. 
George  W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  delivered  in  the  same 
place  on  the  previous  day,  lias  made  upon  us  an  im- 
pression no  less  favorable.  It  is  entitled,  "  The 
Cause  and  Cure  of  our  National  Troubles,"  and  it 
deals  with  this  subject  with  a  thoroughness  and  fidel- 
ity equal  lo  those  of  our  own  speakers  and  writers. 
As  we  have  not  spared  to  speak,  on  the  numerous  oc- 
casions demanding  such  notice,  of  the  short-comings 
and  vices  of  the  Republican  party,  and  as  that  party 
still  needs  sharp  reproof  for  its  failure  to  demand  that 
the  power  now  in  the  hands  of  its  President  be  used 
in  the  interest  of  freedom,  it  is  at  once  a  duty  and  a 
pleasure  to  honor  those  of  its  members  who  are  faith- 
ful in  the  performance  of  their  duty. 

In  an  age  and  country  where  not  only  direct  apos- 
tacy  is  common,  but  where  deficiencies  of  various  sorts 
deform  the  speech  and  action  of  most  of  those  who 
side  with  the  Government  and  against  the  rebellion, 
it  is  worth  our  while  to  take  special  note  of  the 
thoroughness  of  this  speech  of  Mr.  Julian,  delivered 
when  the  House  was  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union. 

He%>mmenced  with  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that 
this  is  one  of  the  grand  judgment-days  of  history; 
that  the  tremendous  conflict  in  which  we  are  now  en- 
gaged must  be  interpreted,  by  one  who  believes  in  a 
providential  government  of  the  world,  as  the  voice  of 
the  Supreme  Ruler,  calling  this  nation  to  account  for 
its  sins,  and  teaching  us,  through  the  terrible  lesson  of 
civil  war,  that  injustice  shall  not  prosper ;  and  that 
the  speech  and  action  of  every  man,  in  such  an  ap- 
palling crisis,  should  be  inspired  by  his  deepest  moral 
convictions. 

He  proceeds  to  rehearse  the  evidence  of  our  com- 
plicity with  the  gigantic  crime  which  has  brought 
this  terrible  retribution  upon  us.  Slavery  is  the  cause 
of  the  rebellion,  and  the  rebellion  is  the  act  of  the 
slaveholders ;  but  the  growth  of  slavery  to  a  point 
where  it  could  conceive  and  execute  the  idea  of  rebel- 
lion has  been  the  fault  of  the  North,  and  could  not 
have  taken  place  but  for  the  series  of  concessions 
which  we  have  made  to  it  in  the  course  of  the  last 
seventy-live  years. 

We  gave  it  three  large  States,  carved  out  of  the 
Territory  of  Louisiana.  At  its  demand  we  purchased 
Florida,  and  waged  the  barbarous  Seminole  and  Flori- 
da wars.  We  assisted  in  expelling  the  red  man  from 
six  or  eight  States  of  the  South,  at  the  cost  of  many 
millions,  to  make  room  for  slavery  there.  We  con- 
sented to  add  an  empire  to  slavery  in  the  South-West, 
in  the  annexation  of  Texas.  We  united  in  the  prose- 
cution of  the  Mexican  war,  well  knowing  that  the 
extension  of  slavery  was  its  object.  Under  the 
threat  of  disunion  in  1850,  we  abandoned  the  Wilmot 
proviso,  and  agreed  that  the  Territories  of  Utah  and 
New  Mexico  should  be  received  into  the  Union  with 
or  without  slavery,  as  their  people  might  determine. 
We  assisted  in  the  enactment  of  the  infamous  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law.  The  Missouri  compromise,  made  to 
pacify  slavery,  was  overthrown  at  its  bidding  by  the 
help  of  Northern  votos,  while  the  Dred  Scott  de- 
cision was  the  work,  in  part,  of  Northern  judges.  Our 
hatred  of  the  negro  has  cropped  out  in  black  codes  in 
the  Free  States  which  rival  in  villany  the  worst  fea- 
tures of  the  slave  laws  of  the  South.  We  have  allow- 
ed slavery  to  expurgate  our  literature  and  mutilate 
the  school-books  of  our  children,  while  even  the  grand 
instrumentalities  of  the  Church— its  Tract,  and  Bible, 
and  Missionary  and  Sunday-School  Associations — 
have  submitted  to  its  unhallowed  surveillance.  We 
have  consented  to  the  suspension  of  Constitutional 
rights,  in  the  Free  States,  through  the  Fugitive  Slave 
.  Law  of  1850,  so  far  as  the  trial  by  jury  and  the  habeas 
corpus  are  concerned;  and  in  the  Slave  States,  so  far 
as  the  rights  of  locomotion  and  free  speech  pertain 
to  our  own  citizens,  whom  we  meekly  permit  to  be 
driven  out  by  mobs,  tarred  and  feathered,  or  hung 
like  criminals,  without  cause.  We  have  permitted 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  Executive  and  Judicia- 
ry Departments  of  the  Government,  the  Army  and 
Navy,  and  our  Foreign  Diplomacy,  to  be  controlled 
by  this  rebel  interest,  with  the  power  all  the  while  in 
our  own  hands  to  have  done  otherwise.  Slavery  has 
ruled  the  Republic  from  the  beginning,  and  upon  its 
rebel  altar  our  public  men  of  all  parties  have  offered 
their  sacrifices. 

Even  the  Republican  party  (Mr.  Julian  proceeds) 
has  not  been  wanting  in  tokens  of  forbearance  to- 
wards the  slave  interest.  While  emphatically  avow- 
ing an  anti-slavery  policy  to  a  certain  extent,  it  has 
been  still  more  emphatic  in  disavowing  any  purpose  to 
go  beyond  its  self-imposed  limits.  Nothing  could  ex- 
ceed the  persistency,  emphasis  and  fervor  with  which 
its  editors,  orators  and  leaders  have  disavowed  the  in- 
tention to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  Slates  of  the 
South.  They  have  protested  perpetually  against  "abo- 
litionism," as  if  slavery  had  the  stamp  of  divinity  upon 
its  brow.  Their  course  has  been  marked  by  so  many 
denials,  disclaimers,  deprecations,  virtual  apologies 
to  slavery,  that  multitudes  have  joined  the  organiza- 
tion, less  through  its  |known  anti-slavery  purpose, 
than  the  disavowal  of  any  such  purpose  by  those  who 
have  spoken  in  its  name.  Its  chosen  President  is  a 
cool,  cautious  politician,  of  conservative  antecedents, 
who  solemnly  assured  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion, 
in  his  inaugural  address,  that  their  constitutional 
rights  were  perfectly  safe  in  his  hands.  He  declared 
himself  in  favor  of  enforcing  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act. 
He  expressed  his  willingness  to  see  the  Constitution 
so  amended  as  to  tie  up  the  hands  of  the  people,  for- 
ever, against  the  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States  of  the  South  ;  and  so  systematically  did  he 
seem  to  go  down  into  the  valley  of  humiliation,  that 
some  of  his  own  party  friends  pronounced  the  first  six 
weeks  of  his  administration  to  be  simply  a  contin- 
uation  of  the  policy  of  bis  predecessor. 

The  breaking  out  of  this  rebellion,  even  in  the 
midst  of  such  concessions  to  slavery,  is  a  demonstra- 
tion (Mr.  Julian  declares)  of  the  fact  that  slavery  and 
freedom  cannot  dwell  together  in  peace.  Slavery  itself 
has  wrought  that  very  timidity  and  lack  of  manhood 
in  the  North,  through  which  it  has  managed  to  rule 
the  nation;  it  has  paved  the  way  for  treason  by  feed- 
ing upon  the  virtue  of  our  public  men,  and  demoral- 
izing the  spirit  of  our  people  ;  and  the  crimes  and 
horrors  thus  developed  cry  out  against  it,  demanding 
its  utter  political  damnation.  Therefore  the  popular 
demand  now  is,  or  soon  will  be,  the  total  extirpation 
of  slavery  as  the  righteous  purpose  of  the  war,  and 
the  only  means  of  a  tasting  peace. 

The  rebels  have  demanded  a  "reconstruction  "  on 
the  basis  of  slavery.  Let  us  give  them  a  "  recon- 
struction" on  the  basis  of  freedom.  Let  us  convert 
the  rebel  States  into  conquered  provinces,  remanding 
them  to  the  status  of  mere  Territories,  and  governing 
them  as  such  in  our  discretion.  Under  no  circum- 
stances should  we  consent  to  end  this  struggle  on 
terms  which  would  leave  us  where  we  began  it.     Let 


us  see  to  it  that  out  of  this  war  shall  come  a  perma- 
nent peace.  Let  us  demand  "  indemnity  for  the  past 
and  security  for  the  future." 

After  showing  that  the  Constitution  itself  recognizes 
the  war  power  of  the  Government, — and  quoting  John 
Qnincy  Adams  to  show  that,  under  this  power,  not 
only  the  President,  but  Congress,  has  the  right  to  in- 
terfere with  slavery  in  any  way  and  to  any  extent, — 
Mr.  Julian  declares  that  no  consideration  should  now 
withhold  our  suffrage  from  the  proposition  to  "pro- 
claim liberty  throughout  all  the  land  to  all  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof  "  ;  and  that  our  failure  to  give  liberty  to 
four  millions  of  slaves  would  be  a  crime  only  to  be 
measured  by  that  of  putting  them  in  chains  if  they 
were  free. 

Mr.  Julian  is  one  of  those  worthy  representatives 
of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people,  who  re- 
fuse to  give  up  to  party  "what  was  meant  for  man- 
kind." He  returns  to  the  exposure  of  the  shameful 
complicities  of  the  present  Administration  with  slave- 
ry, and  shows  how  not  only  the  President,  but  the 
Secretaries  of  State,  of  War,  and  of  the  Interior,  Ihe 
Attorney  General,  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  vari- 
ous Generals  in  the  army,  have  spoken  and  acted  as  if 
slave  property  were  more  sacred  than  any  other  pro- 
perty ;  more  sacred  even  than  the  very  life  of  the  na- 
tion !  And  he  manfully  asks,  in  view  of  these  things — 
"  Is  not  this  a  practical  espousal  of  the  rebellion  by 
the  Administration  f  "  "  Is  it  not  time  for  the  people 
to  speak? " 

He  denies  the  assumption,  now  so  commonly  made, 
that  if  the  slaves  of  rebels  are  set  free,  slavery  itself 
must  necessarily  fall.  He  maintains  that  the  total  ex- 
tirpation of  slavery  will  be  our  only  security  against 
future  trouble  and  discord.  And,  expressing  his  wil- 
lingness (as  a  means  of  facilitating  a  settlement  of  our 
troubles,  and  securing  a  lasting  peace)  to  pay  to  every 
loyal  slave-elaimant,  on  due  proof  of  loyalty,  tbe  fairly 
assessed  value  of  his  slaves,  he  yet  plainly  declares 
that  he  would  not  do  this  as  compensation,  sinee  no 
man  should  receive  pay  for  robbing  another  of  his 
earnings,  and  plundering  him  of  his  humanity. 

After  answering,  well  and  ably,  several  popular  ob- 
jections, Mr.  Julian  declares  his  conviction  that  eman- 
cipation will  be  wise,  safe  and  profitable,  both  to  mas- 
ter and  slave.  He  would  give  the  victims  of  oppres- 
sion not  only  freedom  from  chains,  but  freedom  to 
work  out  their  own  destiny,  without  interference  by 
compulsory  colonization  or  otherwise.  And  he  ends 
as  he  began,  with  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the 
path  of  duty  is  the  path  of  safety  ;  that,  under  God's, 
government,  we  may  confidently  trust  ourselves  to 
the  consequences  of  doing  right;  and  that,  in  this 
season  of  great  national  trial,  we  can  hope  for  the 
smiles  of  our  Maker  only  through  our  practical 
recognition  of  liberty,  justice  and  humanity. 

The  fact,  that  Mr.  Julian  adds,  that  the  denial  of  all 
this  is  made  the  basis  of  our  policy,  and  the  test  of  our 
statesmanship,  is,  in  his  judgment,  the  most  deplora- 
ble sign  of  our  times. 

The  columns  of  the  Liberator  have  often  ex- 
pressed our  deep  conviction  of  the  reality  and  im- 
portance of  the  truth  last  stated.  The  number  of  op- 
ponents of  slavery  in  our  nation  has  greatly  increased, 
and  is  greatly  increasing.  But  this  enlargement  of 
numbers  springs,  almost  exclusively,  not  from  a  re- 
cognition of  slavery  as  a  sin,  but  only  as  a  nuisance. 
If  the  despotism  which  has  ruled — which  still  rules — 
our  country  would  only  proceed  in  a  quiet  and  orderly 
manner  as  before,  (that  is,  with  no  more  infraction  of 
quiet  and  order  than  the  occasional  seizure  of  a  fugi- 
tive slave  at  the  North,  and  the  occasional  lynching  of 
a  Northern  man  at  the  South,)  the  mass  of  these  new 
comers  would  be  perfectly  and  heartily  acquiescent. 
They  are  not  in  the  least  disturbed  by  the  considera- 
tion that  slavery  is  inhuman  and  unjust !  Any 
trouble  which  it  brings  merely  to  "niggers,"  and  to 
the  friends  of  "niggers,"  they  bear  with  absolute  se- 
renity and  composure.  But  when  slavery  proceeds 
to  interfere  with  their  trade — to  seize  their  forts,  arse- 
nals, mints  and  custom-houses — to  threaten  the  seiz- 
ure of  their  capital — to  summon  a  portion  of  their 
number  to  arms,  and  to  burden  the  whole  with  heavy 
taxes,  for  defence  against  its  further  aggressions — then 
it  occurs  to  them  that  slavery  must  be  put  down. 

The  voice  of  this  large  and  increasing  party  has 
lately  found  utterance  in  a  new  organ — The  Continental 
Monthly — which  has  the  merit  of  stating  with  perfect 
plainness  its  ideas  and  its  wishes.  Making  strong  and 
hearty  opposition  to  slavery,  demanding  its  complete 
overthrow  as  the  needful  policy  of  the  North,  it  con- 
temptuously repudiates  the  idea  of  being  supposed  to 
do  this  on  principle,  or  to  care  in  the  slightest  degree 
for  the  claims  made  by  justice  and  humanity  in  the 
premises.  Stigmatizing  these  claims  as  "the  jargon 
of  abolitionism,"  and  assuming  the  interests,  the 
rights,  and  the  destiny  of  negroes,  slave  or  free,  to  be 
utterly  unworthy  of  regard,  it  announces  its  convic- 
tion that  the  interests  of  the  white  race  demand  the 
overthrow  of  slavery,  and  urges  the  necessity  of  car- 
rying on  the  war  in  such  a  manner  as  to  accomplish 
this  purpose. 

Even  on  these  terms,  it  will  be  an  immense  gain  to 
have  slavery  eradicated,  and  to  have  that  frightful 
source  of  progressive  demoralization  cut  off.  But 
what  a  prospect  does  it  open  for  our  future,  when  our 
efforts  for  the  body  of  reform  are  accompanied  by  a 
repudiation  of  its  spirit !  when  we  execute  the  com- 
pulsory movement  of  turning  away  from  crime,  in  a 
manner  that  shows  us  still  devoted  to  sin!  when  we 
propose  to  gain  the  solid  advantages  of  reformation, 
without  going  through  the  distasteful  process  of  re- 
pentance ! 

It  is  righteousness,  not  selfish  policy,  that  truly  ex- 
alteth  a  nation.  If  the  aggravated  and  long-continued 
sins  of  these  United  States  are  not  washed  away  by 
repentance,  if  the  reparation  due  to  her  oppressed 
poor  be  not  fairly  paid,  any  semblance  of  prosperity 
which  she  may  yet  gain  will  prove  but  temporary, 
hollow  and  delusive. — c.  k.  w. 


ANTI-SLAVEEY  AT  WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  (D..  C.)  Feb.  6, 1862. 

Editor  Liberator, — But  few  of  us  New  Engend- 
ers have  any  idea  of  the  intensity  of  the  "Irrepressi- 
ble Conflict"  as  it  is  going  on  at  this  great  political 
capital  of  the  nation.  Whether  in  the  Senate  Cham- 
ber, in  the  hotels,  in  the  lecture-room,  in  the  concert 
hall,  or  in  the  street,  or  even  in  the  camp,  you  are  sure 
to  be  apprised  of  the  great  conflict  between  freedom 
and  slavery,  that  we  hope  must  soon  culminate  in  the 
entire  abolition  of  the  slave  system. 

Yesterday,  I  eat  in  the  gallery  of  the  Senate  Cham- 
ber, and  heard  Charles  Sumner  deliver  his  manly 
speech  in  favor  of  the  expulsion  of  Senator  Bright 
from  the  Senate ;  and  I  was  prouder  than  ever  of 
our  New  England,  as  I  heard  him  expose  the  treach- 
erous designs  of  the  slaveholding  rebels.  Although 
the  rebel  Senators  have  left  the  Senate,  yet  Union  (?) 
Senators  from  the  border  States  are  as  bold  and  defiant 
as  ever  in  asserting  the  rights  of  slavery  to  protection 
under  the  Constitution — just  as  if  slavery  was  not  at 
this  moment  in  open  rebellion  against  the  Constitu- 
tion !  It  was  very  evident  that,  among  the  spectators, 
a  large  majority  were  ready  to  applaud  the  sentiments 
of  Senator  Sumner;  yet  I  could  see  many  who  gave 
evidence  of  their  approval  of  the  most  violent  pro- 
slavery  sentiments. 

At  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  last  week,  R.  W. 
Emerson  was  enthusiastically  applauded  while  he  ut- 
tered his  most  anti-slavery  views,  and  the  chivalry  of 
Washington  stood  aghast  while  such  sentiments  were 
openly  avowed  and  heartily  cheered  by  such  a  vast 
audience  in  the  city  they  once  thought  secure  against 
such  Northern  fanaticism. 

Last  evening,  we  were  again  apprised  of  the  conflict 
in  this  city  between  freedom  and  slavery  as  we  attend- 
ed one  of  the  concerts  of  those  true  friends  of  free- 
dom, "  The  Hutchinsons,"  who  were  a  few  days  since 
driven,  by  order  of  a  Federal  General  (who  is  out  of 
his  place)  from  camp,  for  singing  one  of  those  beauti- 
ful songs  of  Wintrier  which  depict  so  truly  the  wrongs 
of  the  slave.  AVe  were  listening  to  the  same  words 
when  a  few  hisses  were  beard  from  some  one — per- 
haps a  pro-slavery  Unionist— whose  ears  were  more 


accustomed  to  hear  the  shrieks  of  the  slave  than  their 
songs  of  freedom ;  but  in  an  instant  such  an  over- 
whelming outburst  of  applause  arose  as  to  completely 
drown  all  murmurs  of  disapprobation.  Their  singing 
is  doing  a  good  work  here. 

Among  our  soldiers  in  the  camp,  I  find  the  same  con- 
flict of  opinion  as  everywhere  else.  I  was  happy  to 
find  that  most  of  our  officers,  as  well  as  soldiers,  are 
in  favor  of  striking  a  blow  direct  at  the  cause  of  the 
rebellion.  They  wish  to  see  justice  done  the  bIrvc  as 
well  as  the  rebel.  Yet  many  wish  to  quell  softly  the 
rebellion,  without  interfering  in  the  leaBt  with  the 
"divine  institution." 

I  believe  there  is  no  other  such  field  for  labor  as  this 
city  and  vicinity.  This  is  the  centre  of  action  for  the 
continent;  and  within  the  next  few  weeks,  direction 
will  be  given  to  a  course  of  events  that  may  settle,  for 
a  century  at  least,  the  destiny  of  the  American  people. 

There  are  many  here  who  are  awake  to  the  impor- 
tance of  the  crisis  ;  and  among  the  agents  now  at  work 
endeavoring  to  establish  a  noble  public  sentiment 
worthy  of  the  times,  not  the  least  is  the  Lecture  Asso- 
ciation at  the  Smithsonian  Institute.  Cheever,  Emer- 
son, Greeley,  and  others  like  them,  have  done  a  good 
work.  And  Wendell  Phillips  is  needed  here.  Let 
him  come — the  power  of  his  eloquence,  as  I  heard  him 
a  few  days  ago  at  Music  Hall,  would  do  much  to 
awaken  a  public  sentiment  that  is  to  overthrow  the 
base  system  of  American  slavery,  and  let  this  portion 
of  our  country,  by  nature  so  beautiful,  so  rich  in  agri- 
cultural and  mineral  wealth,  so  long  cursed  by  the 
most  impoverishing  and  degrading  system  of  bondage 
the  world  ever  knew,  awaken  to  a  new  life  as  the  air 
resounds  with  the  glad  huzzas  of  freedom.  And  you, 
too,  ought  to  come,  and  awaken  here,  as  you  have  else- 
where, a  more  generous  feeling  for  humanity. 

Never  since  the  commencement  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
struggle  was  there  so  much  need  of  earnest,  deter- 
mined action  as  now.  The  problem  is  soon  to  be 
solved,  whether  slavery  or  freedom  is  to  be  the  basis 
of  our  government.  In  less  than  a  single  year,  it  may 
be  decided.  The  more  I  see  of  Washington,  the  more 
I  regret  the  folly  of  those  who  located  the  capital  of 
the  nation  in  such  a  place  as  this — in  a  community 
whose  main  ambition  is  to  uphold  and  perpetuate  the 
institution  of  slavery.  What  might  have  been  our 
government,  had  the  capital  been  located  in  one  of  our 
free-States,  surrounded  by  the  healthy  influences  of 
education  and  enterprise!  J.  H.,  Jr. 


CONDITION   OP   THE   FUGITIVES. 

Fortress  Monroe,  (Va.,)  Feb.  16,  1862. 
Editor  Liberator: 

I  came  here  last  Friday  morning.  Had  a  fine  voyage 
in  the  steamer  Adelaide  from  Baltimore— one  of  the 
regular  line  of  boats  which  leaves  that  city  daily,  at 
5  o'clock,  P.  M-,  for  this  point.  The  moon  shone 
brightly,  and  the  water  of  the  Chesapeake  was  as 
smooth  as  a  mirror.  On  board  were  two  rebel  officers, 
going  down  to  be  exchanged.  I  left  Baltimore,  in- 
tending to  go  down  to  Roanoke  Island,  to  volunteer 
my  services  as  nurse,  or  assistant,  to  the  wounded  in 
the  late  battle;  but  on  reaching  this  place,  I  found 
that  but  few  had  been  wounded,  and  General  Wool 
thought  there  was  assistance  enough  already  on  the 
spot ;  so  I  do  not  go  down. 

There  are  about  3000  fugitive  slaves  at  and  around 
the  Fortress.  The  best  thing  that  can  be  said  for 
them  is,  that  they  are  still  slaves,  having  merely 
changed  masters.  The  men  are  compelled  to  work 
for  the  Government,  and  those  formerly  free  are  paid 
one,  and  sometimes  two  dollars  per  month,  besides 
rations  and  clothes  ;  but  those  formerly  slaves  are  not 
paid  anythivy  but  clothes  and  rations,  and  some  of 
them  have  worked  five  months  without  these  from 
the  Government. 

The  fact  is  this  : — Almost  every  officer  in  authority 
here  is  a  pro-slavery,  negro-hating  tyrant.  This  is 
particularly  the  case  with  those  who  have  the  im- 
mediate control  and  supervision  of  the  fugitives. 
Gen.  Wool  calls  them  "vagrants,"  "contrabands,"  or 
"refugees."  I  willingly  apply  the  first  of  these  titles 
to  his  under-officers  here,  but  will  never  use  it  or  the 
term  "contraband"  to  indicate  men  of  color. 

Rev.  Mr.  Lockwood,  agent  of  the  American  mis- 
sionary Society,  is  doing  a  good  work  here,  in  teach- 
ing and  preaching  among  the  colored  people.  The 
same  Society  has  also  sent  out  a  Mr.  Hyde  and  Mr. 
Hardcastle,  who  are  now  teaching  colored  schools. 
The  latter  gentleman  being  in  ill  health,  will  soon  re- 
turn North. 

I  would  suggest  that  some  of  the  money  left  to  the 
Anti-Slavery  Society  be  expended  for  schools  at  Port 
Royal;  not  that  I  think  the  work  of  this  Society  is 
nearly  accomplished,  but  that  it  may  be  facilitated  in 
this  way.  The  more  intelligent  these  men  become, 
the  less  valuable  they  will  be  as  slaves,  when  they  are 
delivered  up  to  their  former  masters,  as  they  will  prob- 
ably be,  if  a  majority  of  our  army  officers  can  have 
their  way. 

I  will  say  to  Abolitionists  that  they  must  not  think 
of  laying  off  their  armor.  Their  war  has  but  just 
begun.  In  case  of  a  settlement  of  hostilities  without 
emancipation,  the  persecutions  of  Abolitionists  will 
be  renewed  with  greater  vigor  than  ever.  Things 
work  slowly  for  good,  but  the  right  will  one  day 
prevail. 

I  must  do  the  Government  the  justice  to  say  that 
the  quarters  and  rations  of  its  slaves  are  about  the 
same  as  those  allowed  its  soldiers.  A  hospital  has 
been  built  for  them,  and  a  friendly  physician  em- 
ployed. The  physician  of  the  old  hospital  refuses  to 
let  him  take  the  charge  of  the  new  one.  Colored 
men  have  sickened  and  died  here,  without  the  attend- 
ance of  a  physician,  when  there  were  three  here,  hav- 
ing plenty  of  leisure. 

I  am  happy  to  mention  that  Prof.  Brown,  of  the 
New  York  Medical  College,  now  Brigade  Surgeon  in 
Camp  Hamilton,  makes  no  distinction  of  color.  He 
has  visited  many  that  otherwise  could  have  had  no 
medical  treatment. 

Yours  for  the  Right, 

J.  M.  HAWKS. 

P.  S.  Monday,  Feb.  17.  In  a  letter  to  you  yes- 
terday, I  stated  that  some  of  the  slaves  had  not  had 
rations,  although  working  for  the  Government.  This 
is  incorrect.  They  who  work  are  furnished  with  ra- 
tions, and  most  of  them  with  clothes.  But  they  are 
not  paid  even  a  dollar  in  six  months.  The  Govern- 
ment slaves  will  be  worse  treated  than  ever  before,  by 
the  hunker  negro  hounds,  kept  in  office  to  pacify  the 
Union  sentiment  in  the  border  States.  J.  M.  H. 


HEEALDEY. 

The  past  having  been  a  week  of  wonders,  the  New 
York  Herald  UlUBt,  of  course,  appear  conspicuously 
in  some,  of  the  acts.  His  eminence,  as  usual,  ib  a 
very  bad  one.  The  news  of  Gen.  Stone's  arrest  and 
confinement  in  Fort  Lafayette  had  scarcely  startled 
tiie  good  people  from  the  quiet  into  which  they  had 
settled,  when  another  telegram  repeated  the  delight- 
ful shock  by  the  grateful  news  that  Dr.  Ives,  one  of 
the  chief  correspondents,  if  not  editors  of  the  Her- 
ald, had  been  arrested  and  sent  to  Fort  McIIenry  ai 
aspy,  and  for  threatening  to  bring  the  influence,  of 
his  paper  against  the  government,  if  they  did  not 
allow  him  to  know  the  privacies  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment. The  general  delight  of  the  people  had  not 
subsided,  when  forthwith  there  comes  a  second  dis- 
patch, announcing  that  Chevalier  Wikoff,  another 
Herald  correspondent,  was  arrested  for  having  pre- 
maturely made  public  tiie  President's  message,  anil 
refused  to  tell  who  gave  it  to  Iiim.  Of  course,  the 
attention  of  the  people  was  not  directed  to  the  men 
who  were  thus  seized,  lint  to  the  Herald,  with  which 
they  were  connected.  Nobody  knew  who  (key  were  ; 
all  knew  the  Herald,  whose  representatives  they 
were.  Every  one  regarded  the  Herald  as  the  traitor 
and  spy.  Thus,  had  Bennett  himself  been  seized, 
it  would  have  been  little  less  evidence  of  the  status 
of  that  Satanic  sheet.  The  attention  of  the  public 
was  the  more  especially  called  to  the  arrest,  by  the 
fact  that  it  has  every  week  been  demanding  that 
Greeley  and  Sumner  and  the  leading  Abolitionists 
should  be  sent  to  Fort  Lafayette,  for  giving  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  rebels  by  their  emancipation  doc- 
trines ;  when  lo  !  he  himself  is  seen  looking  through 
the  bars  !  Hainan  dangling  from  the  very  gibbet  he 
had  erected  for  the  offensive  Mordecai,  who  ever  sat 
in  the  gate,  refusing  reverence  to  men  in  power! 

Every  true  Union  man  has  known  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  that  the  Herald  was  traitorous 
at  heart;  that  all  its  sympathies  were  with  the  trai- 
tors; that  it  was  precisely  the  same  in  its  nature, 
habits,  and  principles ;  that  it  set  out  with  them, 
with  palmetto  flag  in  hand,  urging  New  York  to  se- 
cede, and  was  only  foiled  and  kept  under  the  na- 
tional flag,  as  were  Maryland  and  Delaware,  by 
force;  yet  so  long  had  government  tolerated  it,  and 
so  great  had  been  the  favor  shown  it,  that  when  the 
blow  fell,  all  were  amazed.  Even  the  Herald  itself 
was  taken  by  surprise;  for  it  had  begun  to  consider 
itself  quite  out  of  danger,  and  as  we,  learn  from  Dr. 
Ives's  letter,  written  from  Fort.  McHenry,  he  was 
urging  at  Washington  that  Mr.  Stanton  and  others 
should  make  the  Herald  the  medium  of  all  their  com- 
munications to  the  people;  that  everything  they 
wished  the  public  to  know,  should  first  appear  in  the 
Herald.  What  brazen  audacity !  But,  M  what  a 
fall  was  there,  my  countrymen,"  from  being  the  or- 
gan of  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War,  to  the 
humble  atttache  of  Fort  McHenry  !  It  was  amus- 
ing next  morning  to  see  the  altered  and  plaintive 
tone  of  the.  bully  of  the  day  before.  Every  line 
was  as  deferential  and  modest  as  you  could  wish. 
There  was  evidently  a  wholesome  fear  that  Dr.  Ben- 
nett was  not  much  more  secure  than  Dr.  Ives. 

The  arrest  of  Stone  and  the  Herald  representa- 
tive has  awakened,  if  possible,  more  confidence  in 
Mr.  Stanton  and  the  present  administration,  than 
even  the  success  of  Burnside,  and  the  taking  of  Fort 
Henry.  If  there  is  a  traitor  on  this  continent,  in  or 
outside  of  rebeldom,  an  enemy  of  this  nation,  one 
who  hates  freedom,  truth  and  right,  that  man  is 
James  Gordon  Bennett.  There  is  no  one  living, 
who.  would  aid  in  ruining  this  country  sooner  than 
this  man;  and  if  there  has  been  any  one  worthy  of 
a  traitor's  cell  since  the  rebellion  "began,  it  is  he. 
How  Mrs.  Lincoln  could  have  invited  him  to  her  fes- 
tivities is  a  mystery  to  all  who  love  their  country. 
What !  invite  a  man  who,  to  say  nothing  of  his  moral 
standing,  only  flung  the  national  flag  from  his  win- 
dow to  save  his  office  from  being  demolished  by  an 
indignant  crowd  !  Trust  such  a  man  !  As  well 
confide  in  Mason  or  Slidell,  Davis  or  Floyd,  when 
taken  captives  at  the  bayonet's  point.  There  is  not 
an  issue  of  that  paper  which  does  not  contain  the 
virus  of  secession  and  rebellion.  How  surprising 
that  any  respectable  man  can  be  found,  if  such  there 
is,  who  makes  it  the  staple  of  his  reading  !  There 
are  some  irresistible  inferences  to  be  drawn  from  well 
settled  principles,  in  connection  with  this  Herald. 
A  man  is  known  by  the  company  he  keeps.  It  is 
well  known  that  all  who  have  been  seized  and  sent 
to  our  forts  as  traitors  were  readers  of  the  Herald. 
All  who  opposed  Mr.  Lincoln's  (-all  for  75,000  troops 
were  readers  of  the  Herald.  The  Herald  has  al- 
ways been  the  organ  patronized  by  the  rebels. — 
American  Baptist. 


Smart  Darkey.  The  Leavenworth  Conservative 
tells  of  a  contraband  who  came  over  there  from  Mis- 
souri ;  but  after  staying  a  time,  left  and  returned  to 
his  master,  telling  most  pitiful  stories  of  the  manner 
in  which  he  was  used  by  the  Abolitionists,  and  ac- 
cordingly was  pointed  to  by  masters  as  an  example  of 
what  befell  negroes  who  ran  away.  The  result  was, 
that  our  darkey  obtained  unusual  privileges,  and  in  a 
short  time  re-appeared  in  Leavenworth,  conducting  a 
train  of  fourteen  contrabands.  The  visages  of  some 
of  the  secesh  must  have  become  elongated  to  an  unu- 
sual degree,  when  they  learned  the  result  of  this  ope- 
ration. 

ftJT3  That  arch-traitor  and  charlatan,  Lieut.  Maury, 
was  not  long  since  proposed  as  a  candidate  for  the 
honor  of  being  chosen  a  corresponding  member  of  the 
French  Institute.  His  claims  were  referred  to  a  Com- 
mittee of  eminent  savnns,  who  reported  unanimously 
that  the  public  reputation  of  Mr.  Maury  was  the  work 
of  writers  who  knew  nothing  of  the  subjects  they  dis- 
cussed. 

Ej^=To  New  York  city  the  South  owes  $150,- 
800,000;  to  Philadelphia.  ^24,000,000;  to  Boston, 
§7,000,000;  to  Baltimore,  919,000,000,  The  entire  in- 
debtedness to  these  four  cities  is  tf-JI  1,000,000;  and  it, 
is  estimated  that  there  are  about  990,000,000  more  due 
to  the  rest  of  ihe  loyal  cities  and  tbe  States  of  the 
North,  making  a  total  of  «:S(  10,000,000.  In  dry  goods 
alone,  Huston  lost  82,000,000. 

FRENCH  Wit.  Le  Journal.  Dcs  Di-hats  in  comment- 
ing upon  the  Trent  Surrender,  says : — 

"  England  speaks  as  if  not  only  her  national  honor 
had  been  satisfied,  but  a  great  weight  taken  oil'  lu-r 
chest." 

PUBOHABBB  OP  FlBB  Amis.  The  total  amount  ex 
pended   by   Hie   Government  in   Ihe  purclia.se  of  fire 

jirrns  since  tiie  beginning  of  the  rebellion  is  twenty  - 

two  million  dollars. 


GEN.   EEEM01TT. 

The  Editor  of  the  Tuoy  Times,  writing  from  Wash- 
ington a  day  or  two  sinee,  after  an  interview  with 
Gen.  Fremont,  says  :  "  Gen.  F.'s  vindication  of  his 
official  acts,  during  his  memorable  one  hundred  days 
in  Missouri,  is  in  possession  of  the  investigating  com- 
mittee of  Congress.  That  committee  unanimously 
agree  that  his  defence  is  complete  in  all  respects, 
that  he  has  refuted  all  the  calumnies  of  his  persecu- 
tors, and  demonstrated  his  personal  integrity  as  well 
as  admirable  military  tact,  judgment  and  capacity. 
They  will  report  accordingly,  and  the  General  will 
be  awarded  another  and  an  important  command. 
But  this  is  not  sufficient.  Gen.  Fremont's  defence 
should  be  published.  Thomas's  tissue  of  slanders 
had  a  free  circulation,  notwithstanding  the  publica- 
tion afforded  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  Per- 
sonal justice  as  well  as  considerations  of  loyalty  de- 
mands that  the  triumphant  refutation,  calm  and  dig- 
nified as  it  is,  and  pervaded  with  a  spirit  of  unselfish 
patriotism,  shall  now  be  officially  published  to  the 
country.  A  man  possessing  the  sterling  qualities  of 
Fremont  cannot  be  crushed  by  obloquy. 

When  the  Pathfinder  is  again  at  the  head  of  a 
division  of  the  army,  the  public  will  hope  that  ener- 
gy and  determination  are  to  take  the  place  of  tor- 
por and  apathy  in  the  war  against  rebellion.  There 
are  hundreds  of  thousands  who  feel  that  he  is  the 
victim  of  the  most  venomous  malice  on  the  part  of  a 
class  of  old  school  army  officers  and  new  school  armv 
contractors,  whose  purposes  the  Administration  was 
shrewdly  made  to  subserve ;  and  who  will  not  cease 
to  believe,  that,  had  he  been  permitted  to  remain  in 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  West,  instead  of 
the  slow  and  profitless  operations  that  have  been 
carried  on  there,  we  should  have  had  a  brilliant  and 
dashing  campaign,  leaving  us  in  possession  of  Colum- 
bus and  Memphis,  and  freeing  Arkansas  from  the 
grasp  of  the  rebels.  The  course  of  Gen.  Fremont 
has  been  from  the  first  magnanimous  and  noble ; 
such  as  only  a  man  possessed  of  the  elements  of 
true  greatness  and  heroism,  and  conscious  of  the 
strength  of  his  cause,  coiild  have  pursued.  When 
he  is  again  put  in  the  field,  the  hearts  of  the  people 
will  go  with  him,  and  their  hopes  will  follow  him." 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Anti-Sla- 
very Standard  (says  the  American  Baptist)  often 
gives  us  glimpses  of  the  state  of  things  at  the  Capi- 
tal which  we  find  in  no  other  paper,  and  we  have 
observed  that  his  statements  are  generally  reliable. 
The  following  in  regard  to  Gen.  Fremont  will,  we 
hope,  be  found  as  correct  as  it  is  gratifying  : 

"  Gen.  Fremont  will  emerge  from  the  trial  which 
he  has  sought,  or  if  that  is  not  accorded  to  him,  from 
the  fiery  persecution  to  which  be  has  been  subject- 
ed by  his  enemies,  unharmed,  and  with  his  reputa- 
tion without  a  spot  upon  it.  He  has  undergone  a 
trial  such  as  few  of  our  public  men  could  endure. 
The  attack  upon  him  came  at  first  from  his  professed 
fyends.  A  man  can  endure  a  great  deal  from 
his  enemies.  Charles  Sumner  has  proved  this.  But 
Fremont  was  stabbed  by  men  who  approached  him 
under  the  guise  of  friendship.  What  he  has  suffer- 
ed, few  will  ever  know.  To  be  disgraced  as  be  was, 
or  at  least  so  far  as  it  was  in  the  power  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln to  disgrace  him,  at  the  head  of  the  fine  army 
he  had  created,  must  have  been  terrible  lo  a  man 
of  nice  feelings  and  an  ardent  spirit.  But  I  can 
safely  say  to  you  that  John  C.  Fremont,  one  year 
from  to-day,  will  occupy  a  higher  and  nobler  place 
in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  than  he  ever 
has  occupied.  Disease  has  been  most,  thoroughly 
examined  here  within  the  last,  few  weeks,  and  I  ven- 
ture to  predict,  that  when  all  flic  facts  ionic  before 
the  American  people,  I hey  will  wonder,  will  be  filled 
with  amazement,  that  (!en.  Fremont  has  borne   the 

cruel  treatment  bestowed  upon  him,  so  meekly  and 

with  such  lofty  calmness.  If  is  to  be  leared  that  the 
publication  Oral!  the  foots,  which  will  hereafter  be 
made,  will  seriously  damage  the  administration,  and 
thus  in  an  indirect  manner  aid  the  rebels.  You  are 
aware  that  almost  everybody  w""  attempts  to  ex- 
pose knavery  here,  is  charged  by  the  administration 
witli  willingly  aiding  secession  !  " 

g^T  There  is  no  name,  mentioned  approvingly  be- 
fore public  assemblies,  tmit  elicits  such  enthusiastic 
applause  U  thai  of  Fremont. 


AN   INFAMOUS   PROPOSITION, 

The  infamous  proposition,  started  in  tbe  State  Con- 
vention by  Mr.  Barney,  of  Gallatin  county,  to  expel 

ill.'  negroes  from  this  Stale,  regardless  of  their  wish- 
es in  tiie  premises,  was,  after  discussion,  beaten  bv  a- 
vote  of  21  ayes  to  4fi  nays.  The.  proposition  was 
not  to  prohibit  the  immigration  of*  negroes  to  the 
State,  but  to  drive  out  those  already  here,  and  en- 
titled by  law,  the  usages  of  civilization,  and  the 
plain  commands  of  Christianity,  lo  protection  !  A 
more  monstrous  proposal  never  disgraced  a  dclibcra- 
s  body  in  Illinois;  and,  (in- the  honor  of  our  .State, 
are  glad  to  announce  that  it  was  summarily  dis- 
posed of.  Jt  had  not  the  poor  excuse  which  is 
urged  in  defence  of  like  acts  of  atrocity  in  Mississip- 
pi and  Arkansas.  AVe  in  Illinois  have,  thank  God  ! 
no  slaves  whose  obedient  servility  to  their  masters 
may  be  corrupted  by  the  examples  of  freedom  in  in- 
dividuals of  their  own  race;  we  are  in  no  danger  of 
insurrection  from  the  men  who  toil  in  the  workshop 
or  the  field  ;  secure  from  the  contaminating  influences 
which  are,  in  the  slave  States,  debasing  the  white, 
but  not  elevating  the  black  race,  we  have  no  visions 
of  amalgamation  or  corruption  of  blood  :  and  Mr. 
Bartley's  motion,  conceived  without  the.  impelling 
power  of  any  present  or  prospective  public  or  pri- 
vate danger,  is  not  only  unnecessary,  but  inhuman, 
cowardly,  and  to  the  last  degree  disgraceful.  Illi- 
nois is  now,  owing  to  her  despotic  black  laws,  occu- 
pying a  position  for  which  many  of  her  sons,  in 
other  States  and  in  foreign  lands,  have  been  obliged 
to  hang  their  heads  with  shame  ;  and  the  fact,  as  un- 
welcome as  it  is  astounding,  that  the  representatives 
of  two  sevenths  of  her  people  should,  in  a  Conven- 
tion which  is  preparing  the  fundamental  law  which 
shall  be  to  ail  the  world  the  synonym  of  the  people's 
advancement  in  the  knowledge  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity, dare  to  support  by  their  votes  a  proposal 
which  is  more  tyrannical  than  anything  for  which 
Austria  and  Naples  have  been  held  up  to  the  ob- 
jurgation of  all  civilized  mankind,  gives  us  no  assur- 
ance that,  the  beastliness  of  past  legislation  is  to  be 
amended.  Yet  this  proposition  is  labelled  "  Dem- 
ocratic," and  the  men  who  vote  for  it  will  puff 
themselves  on  every  stump  in  their  respective  dis- 
tricts for  the  fidelity  with  which,  as  makers  of  a  Con- 
stitution, they  guarded  and  established  the  rights  of 
man!  If  anything  could  be  more  disgraceful  than 
the  avowal  of  a  willingness  to  commit  so  monstrous 
a  wrong,  it  is  the  pretence  that  the  men  who  make 
the  avowal  ever  had  or  ever  can  have  any  concep- 
tion of  what  Democracy  is.  Jn  Heaven's  name 
what  is  there  in  the  presence  of  a  few  negroes,  no 
matter  what  they  are,  which  should  impel  any  twen- 
ty-one men  in  the  Convention  to  endeavor  to  knock 
out  the  very  corner-stone  upon  which  all  real  free- 
dom must  rest — the  equal  right  of  all  men  to  life, 
liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ?  Mr.  Bartlcy 
would  be  puzzled  to  answer. —  Chicago  Tribune. 


PE0F.  EUTLEE, 


Professor  Clarence  Butler,  late  of  Texas,  spoke 
twice  yesterday  in  Welles  Hall :  in  the  afternoon,  on 
the  religious  wants  of  the  'age,  and  in  the  evening, 
on  the  national  crisis,  with  our  duties  and  responsi- 
bilities. The  institution  of  slavery  received  a  terri- 
ble scathing  in  the  latter  discourse,  being  declared 
the  only  cause  of  our  political  troubles,  and  the 
present  attitude  of  the  seceded  States  a  rebellion 
against  the  progress  of  the  age  and  of  civilization 
generally.  Those  troubles,  furthermore,  might  he 
considered  a  just  retribution  on  the  North  for  hav- 
ing countenanced  and  fostered  the  system  so  long, 
lie  advocated  an  edict  of  emancipation  as  best,  not 
only  for  the  blacks,  but  also  for  the  whites  of  both 
sections;  and  demanded  both  by  the  progress  of 
the  age  and  the  cause  of  human  rights  generallv. 
The  professor  is  small  in  stature,  of  a  nervo-bilious 
temperament,  with  a  very  energetic  and  rapid  de- 
livery, and  commanding  the  use  of  language  in  a 
most  remarkable  degree.  His  discourse  in  the  after- 
noon, both  oratorically  and  rhetorically  considered, 
could  hardly  be  surpassed.  He  is  English  by  "birth, 
and  has  been  eight  years  in  this  country  as  a  teacher 
in  the  Southern  States.  After  serving  three  years  as 
professor  of  English  literature  in  a  military  institute 
at  Bastrop,  Texas,  in  April  last,  he  was  ordered  into 
the  confederate  service  ;  and,  on  refusing,  was  tried 
by  lynch  law,  and  condemned  to  death  for  being  in- 
imical to  the  South.  Just  as  the  sentence  was  about 
to  be  executed,  the  President  of  the  college,  at  great 
risk,  interfered  and  saved  his  life,  though  the^mob 
would  not  release  him  till  he  had  been  tarred  and 
feathered,  in  addition  to  robbing  him  of  all  he  pos- 
sessed, save  his  watch  which  they  failed  to  find. 
Through  the  kindness  of  a  friend'he  reached  Gal- 
veston, where  he  sold  his  watch  for  enough  to  pay 
his  passage  to  Cairo  and  land  him  pennyless.  Since 
that,  he  has  paid  his  way  in  a  measure  by  lecturing, 
for  which  he  has  gifts  few  can  equal. — Lowell  Daily 
Citizen,  Jan.  13. 


A  00L0EED   0EAT0E. 

One  of  the  features  of  our  Queen  City  is  the 
Sunday  Night  Discussion  held  at  our  Unitarian 
Church  in  this  city.  All  sides  are  invited  to  attend, 
and  all  views  are  heard  thereat.  The  church  is 
every  Sunday  evening  crowded  to  its  utmost  ca- 
pacity, listening  now  to  a  warm  debate  upon  the 
right  and  propriety  of  immediate  and  unconditional 
emancipation.  A  queer  scene  occurred  there  not 
long  ago.  An  Englishman  had  sustained  the  nega- 
tive of  the  question,  arguing  with  great  vehemence 
against  emancipation.  He  had  a  great  manv  fig- 
ures, &c,  about  emancipation  in  the  British  Indies, 
and,  of  course,  quoted  largely  from  Anthonv  Trol- 
lope  (whose  book  on  the  West  Indies  is  the  most- 
complete  roynance  ever  imagined  by  that  profes- 
sional writer  of  fiction.)  When  he  had  spoken,  and 
various  others,  tbe  best  speakers  of  our  city,  per- 
haps, had  responded  or  sided  with  him,  and  the 
meeting  had  reached  its  hour  of  adjournment,  a 
colored  man  arose,  and  asked  the  meeting  to  listen 
to  what  he  had  to  say  a  few  moments.  The  noveltv 
of  the  thing  startled  every  one.  It  was  manifest 
that  a  large  number  of  those  present  were  pro- 
slavery,  not  a  few  being  from  Kentucky.  Bui.  the 
majority  demanded  that  he  should  be  heard,  and  so> 
he.  came  to  the  stand.  But  how  shall  J  express  to 
you  the  power  and  effect  of  this  colored  man's 
speech  ?  Never  were  a  set.  of  white  faces  so  com- 
pletely eclipsed  before.  Any  one  speech  that  had 
been  made  was  conceded  by  all  to  be  to  this  only  as 
a  boy's  debate  compared  with  Webster's  reply  to 
Hay ne.  Such  elegance  of  expression  ;  such  abso- 
lute mastery  of  his  subject ;  such  complete  acquaint- 
ance with  all  the  facts  and  figures;  such  perfection 
of  style  and  pronunciation;  such  serenity  and  self- 
possession,  which  could  not  be  betrayed  into  non- 
violent remark;  such  wit,  felicity  and  vigor  carried 
the  audience  by  storm.  The  negro  tried  to  stop; 
but,  though  the  hour  of  adjournment  had  passed 
when  he  began,  the  large  audience  would  not  per- 
mit him  to  stop,  but  sat  breathlessly  listening  to  his 
every  eloquent  word,  and  would  have  so  sat  an  hour 
longer.  When  he  ceased,  round  after  round  of  irre- 
pressible applause,  in  which  even  the  pro-slavery 
men  united,  told  that  this  eloquent  speech  had  told 
upon  the  hearts  and  heads  of  all  present. 

The  man  whe  had  been  criticising  the  Africans 
severely  turned  pale,  then  purple,  then  red;  for  the 
power  of  the  colored  man's  first  five  minutes  had 
laid  his  fabric  in  ruins.  Every  heart  in  the  audi- 
ence had  whispered,  "  That  is"  one  of  the  race  of 
which  we  are  here  considering  whether  it  shall  be 
treated  as  cattle."  It  was  a  triumph  which  the  anti- 
slavery  men  of  this  city  will  lonii  remember.  The 
name  of  this  young  colored  manis  IVter  Clark,  and 
I  trust,  the  friends  of  the  slave  in  the  East  will  one 
day  hear  him  for  themselves. — Cincinnati  con:  of 
the  Anti-Slavery  Standard. 


Death  ova  Colojkejd  Soxjoisb  at  Aww,. 

LIS.  Gni' of  the  casualties  at  Annapolis,  resulting 
in  the  death  of  John  Thompson,  (colored.)  aged 
about  '20,  an   attendant  on   one   of  the   Surgeons  of 

the    24th    Massachusetts    Regiment,  occurred    on 

Christmas  Eve,  which  is  a  merry  time  among  the 
blacks,  when  crackers,  squibs,  pistols.  8ro,,  are  let 
off.  On  returning  lo  camp,  one  of  his  (Thomp- 
';)  companions   prematurely  discharged   a   pistol. 


and  the  ball  j 
Dine,  passed  ( 


alcd  Thorn 


back  near  the 


_  h  the  abdomen,  and  lodged  mi- 
ller the  skin  above  the  navel,  lie  was  taken  into  a 
house,  and  he  asked  for  his  employer;  who  was  sum- 
moned, and  who  remained  with 'him  while  living. 
lie  was  unwilling  that  any  one  else  should  .1,- un- 
filing for  him.  lie  lingered  without  pain,  and  rm 
rational  until  the  next  day,  when  he  died,  lie  was 
kind    and    faithful,  Mid    was   liked   by  all,  and   was 

considered  one  of  the  best  lads  in  the  service,    His 

brother,  a  few  years  since,  broke  through  the  ice  in 
the  Back  Bay.  and  was  drowned,  and  their  mother 
is  now  a  lone  widow.—  Tntnlltr. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS    PUBLISHED 

EVERY  FRIDAY   MORNING, 

AT-— 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,    ItOOM    Mo.  0. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


E^  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

OF"  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  for  ten  dol- 
lahs,  if  payment  is  raado  in  advance. 

S^"  A1J  remittances  are  to.  be  made,  and  all  letters 
rotating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  t!io  paper  aro  to  bo 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agont. 

Ej^"  Advertisements  inserted  at  tlio  rate  of  five  cents 
per  lino. 

Its'*  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  Tax  Liberator. 

jj3T  Too  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tlio 
paper,  viz: — "Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quikcy,  Ed- 
ucxu  Jackson,  and  "William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  Inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  dawn  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  taken,  for  the  time,  the  place  »f  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  stato  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
"true  that  tbeStatcs  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive, 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  Pkkside.nt  or 
the  United  States,  but  the  OoHWAKixm  or  the  Army, 
JIAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES.  f\  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  the  stavebolding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  pewers 
of  Conqeess  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  tho  board,  and  hahtial  power  takes  the 
place  OP  THEH .  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  stares  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q,  Adams. 


TO.    LLOYD  GARRISON.  Editor. 


CDur  OTowwtfjj  is  tlue  Wwlft,  mx  tontryuwtt  m  all  Pattittofl. 


J.  B.  YERRINT01T  &  SON,  Printers. 


vol.  xxxii.  :tsro.  10. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     M^ROIT    7,    1862. 


WHOLE   NO.   1628. 


kfap  of  ©i>jnt$5ion- 


WHO  DID  IT? 

The  abolition  agitation  lasted  thirty  years,  and 
succeeded  in  making  thousands  of  people  in  the 
North  and  in  the  South  hate  each  other.  A  great 
many  foolish  .and  wicked  things  were  done  on  both 
sides,  but  on  otir  side  the  John  Brown  raid  was  the 
climax  of  the  experiment.  It  painted  the  reckless- 
ness and  devilislmess  of  abolitionism  in  their  true 
colors,  and  made  men  everywhere  shudder  for  the 
safety  of  tho  government. 

From  the  raid  itself,  however,  we  might  have  re- 
covered. Only  a  few  men  were  actually  engaged 
in  it.  But  abolitionism,  instead  of  standing  aghast 
at  so  fearful  a  demonstration  of  fiendish  passions,  or 
disowning  the  purpose  of  the  murderers  who  had 
shocked  the  moral  sense  of  the  civilized  world,  has- 
tened to  glorify  the  outrage  and  canonize  John 
Brown !  Republican  newspapers  applauded  Brown's 
courage,  and  called  him  a  martyr  to  a  good  cause 
and  a  great  truth.  On  the  day  he  was  hung,  a 
meeting  was  held  in  this  city,  and  orations  were  de- 
livered by  members  of  Christian  churches — all  of 
them  filled  with  praises  of  John  Brown.  Similar 
meetings  were  held  in  other  cities  and  towns,  all 
over  New  England.  And  the  South  believed  that 
these  orators  spoke  the  sentiments,  if  not  of  the  whole 
North,  at  least  of  the  Republican  party.  Who  won- 
ders that  the  people  of  the  South  trembled  Cor  their 
safety  when  the  candidate  of  this  party  was  elected 
to  the  Presidency?  Who  wonders  that  they  wished 
to  cut  loose  from  a  Union  which  was  to  be  governed 
four  years  by  men  who  could  applaud  John  Brown's 
raid  at  Harper's  Ferry  ? 

It  is  sometimes  denied  that  this  outrage  and  its 
endorsement  had  anything  to  do  with  the  war.  We 
are  told  that  secession  was  planned  years  before  it 
■was  consummated.  So  it  may  have  been.  But  the 
men  who  planned  it  had  no  hold  upon  the  hearts  of 
the  people.  They  were  universally  distrusted  and 
repudiated.  When  they  were  candidates  for  office, 
they  were  voted  down.  When  they  dared  lisp  the 
secret  of  their  schemes,  they  were  at  once  denounced 
and  shunned  by  the  men  of  all  parties.  They  were 
few  in  number  and  bankrupt  in  influence  until  John 
Brown  invaded  Virginia,  and  was  applauded  all 
over  the  North  as  the  great  hero-martyr  of  the  age. 
Then  the  Disunionists  took  heart,  and  they  knew 
that  if  they  could  keep  this  outrage  before  the  peo- 
ple, and,  secure  the  election  of  a  Republican  Presi- 
dent, their  triumph  would  be  certain.  Secession 
became  a  fact  beyond  peradventure. 

Who  did  it  ?  The  John  Brown  applaudcrs  did 
it !  They  did  not  justify  secession  ;  for  it  stands  to- 
day and  must  stand  forever  without  justification. 
But  they  did  what  led  to  it ;  and  what  the  conserva- 
tive men  of  the  North  warned  them  would  lead  to 
it.  They  aroused  the  hatred  of  the  whole  South,  by 
justifying  an  outrage. 

See  what  the  recklessness  of  these  men  has  done 
and  is  doing  for  us !  Six  hundred  thousand  men 
have  left  their  Northern  homes,  and  are  periling 
their  lives  to  restore  a  Union,  which,  but  for  aboli- 
tionism, would  never  have  needed  the  drawing  of  a 
single  sabre  in  its  defence.  We  applaud  their  pa- 
triotism, for  the  Union  can  only  be  saved  by  such 
sacrifice.  But  we  cannot  forget  the  moral  treason 
which  makes  the  sacrifice  necessary.  We  cannot 
forget  the  men  who  canonized  John  Brown. — Provi- 
dence (Democratic  '.)  Post. 

{EJgT"  This  is  the  audacious  form  in  which  the  latent 
sympathy  with  the  Southern  traitors  is  every  where 
beginning  to  crop  out  in  all  that  is  left  of  Northern 
pro-slavery  democracy — the  democracy  of  the  bottom- 
less pit,  in  which  "  devils  with  devils  damned  firm 
concord  hold." 


SUMHEE'S  KE30LUTI0HS. 

Is  it  not  execrable,  that  just  at  tho  time  when  our 
armies  are  advancing  into  the  Southern  States,  the 
unscrupulous  secession  leaders  should  have  put  into 
their  hands  such  a  fire-brand  as  Sumner's  subjugat- 
ing resolutions  ?  .  Is  it  possible  that  this  monomaniac 
can  entertain  the  thought  of  holding  in  such  a  de- 
pendent state  five  or  six  millions  of  the  white  race? 
His  resolutions  go  just  to  this  point,  if  they  go  to  any 
point.  Such  a  fanfaronade  mess  of  stuff  never  in- 
sulted the  intelligence  of  the  country.  To  suppose 
that  the  people  can  assent  to  them  is  to  suppose 
them  lost  to  all  appreciation  of  that  beautiful  dis- 
tribution of  local  power,  by  towns,  counties  and 
States,  that  makes  the  basis  of  the  country.  They 
form,  it  is  true,  a  subordinate  feature  to  the  nation- 
ality, but  still  they  are  the  perennial  fountains  of 
that  noble  public  spirit  that  is  the  source  of  our 
country's  triumphs. 

Now  the  ends  of  these  resolutions  cannot  be  car- 
ried out  without  palpable  violation  of  the  covenant 
that  makes  us  one  country — the  Constitution.  To 
pretend  to  be  true  to  this  instrument,  and  to  advo- 
cate the  doctrines  laid  down  here,  is  to  insult  the 
common  sense  of  men.  It  cannot  be  done.  It  were 
folly  to  waste  words  here.  It  is  no  time  to  enter- 
tain these  resolutions  now,  nor  at  any  other  time ; 
for  they  are  in  the  nature  of  treason  to  this  instru- 
ment, and  deserve  to  be  branded  as  such  by  every 
man  who  loves  his  country.  Congress  has  no  more 
right  to  carry  out  their  doctrine  than  it  has  to  come 
into  Boston,  and  manage  its  schools  and  highways. 

But  look  at  the  effect  of  this  execrable  business ! 
Beauregard  can  say  to  his  hesitating  troops:  Here 
is  evidence  that  the  North  mean  subjugation,  entire 
subjugation,  and  nothing  but  this.  If  the  people 
endorse  this  wholesale  wiping  out  of  States  at  one 
Abolition  swoop,  Beauregard  would  be  right.  It  is 
because  this  is  not  the  intention  of  the  North;  be- 
cause it  is  fighting  not  to  overthrow,  but  to  restore 
the  authority  of  the  Constitution,  that  the  Union 
feeling  is  seen  coming  out  to  welcome  the  old  flag. 
These  very  people,  all  the  Border  States  besides, 
hate  these  wholesale  Emancipationists — these  inter- 
meddlers  with  their  local  affairs— about  as  intensely 
as  they  hate  the  Secessionists.  Such  is  the  sum  of 
every  expression  of  sentiment  that  comes  up, 
every  way,  from  these  States.  They  are  classed 
there  as  much  their  enemies  as  the  Secessionists. 
They  deserve  to  be  so  classed.  To  support  such  a 
series  of  resolution!  as  Sumner  has  introduced,  and 
pretend  to  support  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
is  a  solemn  mockery  of  oaths  taken  before  God  and 
man. 

While  loyal  Union  men  rejoice  in  the  exhibition 
of  love  for  the  Union  flag  seen  in  the  late  expedi- 
tion to  Florence,  Alabama,  let  expressions  go  forth 
condemnatory  of  this  insulting  and  disorganizing 
proposal  of  Sumner.  There  is  no  use  of  mincing 
this  business.  The  party  men  who  thrust  such  fire- 
brands on  the  country  must  be  east  off,  root  and 
branch,  or  this  country  never  will  see  peace  and 
stored  prosperity ;  and  it  is  bocausc  there  are  signs 
of  a  rising  against  such  detestable  disunion  work 
that  wo  have  faith  that  the  Old  Flag  will  sunn  wave 
in  triumph  over  the  whole  country. — Boston  Post. 


From  the  Richmond  Exaw  iter  Extra,  Feb.  22. 

INAUaURAL  ADDRESS  OF  JEFF.  DAVIS. 

Fellcvw  Citizens, — On  this,  the  birthday  of  the 
man  most  identified  with  the  establishment  of  Ameri- 
can Independence,  and  beneath  the  monument 
erected  to  commemorate  his  heroic  virtues  and  those 
of  his  compatriots,  we  have  assembled  to  usher  into 
existence  the  permanent  government  of  the  Con- 
federate States.  Through  this  instrumentality,  un- 
der the  favor  of  Divine  Providence,  we  hope  to 
fierpetuate  the  principles  of  our  Revolutionary 
athers.  The  day,  the  memory  and  the  purpose 
seem  fitly  associated. 

It  is  with  mingled  feelings  of  humility  and  pride 
that  I  appear  to  take,  in  the  presence  of  the  people 
and  before  High  Heaven,  the  oath  prescribed  as  a 
qualification  for  the  exalted  station  to  which  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  people  has  called  me. 
Deeply  sensible  of  all  that  is  implied  by  this  mani- 
festation of  the  people's  confidence,  I  am  yet  more 
profoundly  impressed  by  the  vast  responsibility  of 
the  office,  and  humbly  feel  my  own  unworthiness. 

In  return  for  their  kindness,  I  can  only  offer  as- 
surances of  the  gratitude  with  which  it  is  received, 
and  can  but  pledge  a  zealous  devotion  of  every 
faculty  to  the  service  of  those  who  have  chosen  me 
as  their  Chief  Magistrate. 

When  a  long  course  of  class  legislation,  directed 
not  to  the  general  welfare,  but  to  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  the  Northern  section  of  the  Union,  culmi- 
nated in  a  warfare  on  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  Southern  States — when  the  dogmas  of  a  sec- 
tional party,  substituted  for  the  provisions  of  the 
constitutional  compact,  threatened  to  destroy  the 
sovereign  rights  of  the  States,  six  of  those  States, 
withdrawing  from  the  Union,  confederated  together 
to  exercise  tho  right  and  perform  the  duty  of  insti- 
tuting a  government  which  would  better  secure  the 
liberties,  for  the  preservation  of  which  that  Union 
was  established. 

Whatever  of  hope  some  may  have  entertained 
that  a  returning  sense  of  justice  weuld  remove  the 
danger  with  which  our  rights  were  threatened,  and 
render  it  possible  to  preserve  the  Union  of  the  Con- 
stitution, must  have  been  dispelled  by  the  malignity 
and  barbarity  of  the  Northern  States  in  the  prose- 
cution of  the  existing  war.  The  confidence  of  the 
most  hopeful  among  us  must  have  been  destroyed 
by  the  disregard  they  have  recently  exhibited  for 
all  the  time-honored  bulwarks  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  Bastiles  filled  with  prisoners,  arrested  with- 
out civil  process  or  indictment  duly  found  ;  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  suspended  by  Executive  mandate; 
a  State  Legislature  controlled  by  the  imprisonment 
of  members  whose  avowed  principles  suggested  to 
the  Federal  Executive  that  there  might  be  another 
added  to  the  list  of  seceded  States ;  elections  held 
under  threats  of  a  military  power;  civil  officers, 
peaceful  citizens  and  gentle  women  incarcerated  for 
opinion's  sake,  proclaimed  the  incapacity  of  our  late 
associates  to  administer  a  government  as  free,  lib- 
eral and  humane  as  that  established  for  our  common 
use. 

For  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  our  purpose  to  main- 
tain our  ancient  institutions,  wo  may  point  to  the 
constitution  of  the  confederacy  and  the  laws  enacted 
under  it,  as  well  as  fo  the  fact  that  through  all  the 
necessities  of  an  unequal  struggle,  there  has  been  no 
act  on  our  part  to  impair  personal  liberty  or  the 
freedom  of  speech,  of  thought  or  of  the  press.  The 
courts  have  been  open,  the  judicial  functions  fully 
executed,  and  every  right  of  the  peaceful  citizen 
maintained  as  securely  as  if  a  war  of  invasion  had 
not  disturbed  the  land. 

The  people  of  the  States  now  confederated  be- 
came convinced  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  sectional  ma- 
jority, who  would  pervert  that  most  sacred  of  all 
trusts  to  the  destruction  of  the  rights  which  it  was 
pledged  to  protect.  They  believed  that  to  remain 
longer  in  the  Union  would  subject  them  to  a  con- 
tinuance of  a  disparaging  discrimination,  submission 
to  which  would  be  inconsistent  with  their  welfare, 
and  intolerable  to  a  proud  people.  They  therefore 
determined  to  sever  its  bonds,  and  establish  a  new 
confederacy  for  themselves. 

The  experiment  instituted  by  our  Revolutionary 
fathers,  of  a  voluntary  union  of  sovereign  States  for 
purposes  specified  in  a  solemn  compact,  had  been 
perverted  by  those  who,  feeling  power  and  forget- 
ting right,  were  determined  to  respect  no  law  but 
their  own  will.  The  government  had  ceased  to 
answer  the  ends  for  which  it  was  ordained  and  es- 
tablished. To  save  ourselves  from  a  revolution 
which,  in  its  silent  but  rapid  progress,  was  about  to 
place  us  under  the  despotism  of  numbers,  and  to 
preserve  in  spirit,  as  well  as  in  form,  a  system  of 
government  we  believed  to  be  peculiarly  fitted  to 
our  condition,  and  full  of  promise  for  mankind,  we 
determined  to  make  a  new  association,  composed  of 
States  homogeneous  in  interest,  in  policy,  and  in 
feeling. 

True  to  our  traditions  of  peace  and  our  love  of 
justice,  we  sent  commissioners  to  the  United  States 
to  propose  a  fair  and  amicable  settlement  of  all 
questions  of  public  debt  or  property  which  might  be 
in  dispute.  But  the  government  at  Washington, 
denying  our  right  to  self-government,  refused  even 
to  listen  to  any  proposals  for  a  peaceful  separation. 
Nothing  was  then  left  to  us  but  to  prepare  for  war. 

The  first  year  in  our  history  has  been  the  most 
eventful  in  the  annals  of  this  continent.  A  new 
government  has  been  established,  and  its  machinery 
put  in  operation  over  an  area  exceeding  seven  hun- 
dred thousand  square  miles.  The  great  principles 
upon  which  we  have  been  willing  to  hazard  every- 
thing that  is  dear  to  man,  have  irade  conquests  for 
us  which  could  never  have  been  achieved  by  the 
sword.  Our  confederacy  has  grown  from  six  to 
thirteen  States;  and  Maryland,  already  united,  to  us 
by  hallowed  memories  and  material  interests,  will,  I 
believe,  when  able  to  apeak  with  unsiifled  voice,  con- 
nect her  destiny  icith  the  South.  Our  people  have 
rallied  with  unexampled  unanimity  to  the  support 
of  the  great  principles  of  constitutional  government, 
with  firm  resolve  to  perpetuate  by  arms  the  rights 
which  they  could  not  peacefully  secure.  A  million 
of  men,  it  is  estimated,  are  now  standing  in  hostile 
array,  and  waging  war  along  a  frontier  of  thou- 
sands of  miles.  Battles  have  been  fought,  sieges 
have  been  conducted,  and  although  the  contest  is  not 
ended,  and  the  tide  for  the  moment  is  against  us,  the 
final  result  in  our  favor  is  not  doubtful. 

The  period  is  near  at  hand  when  our  foes  must 
sink  under  the  immense  load  of  debt  which  they  have 
incurred — a  debt  which,  in  their  effort  to  subjugate 
us,  has  already  attained  such  fearful  dimensions  as 
will  subject  them  to  burthens  which  must  continue 
to  oppress  them  for  generations  to  come. 

Vye,  too,  ha vi-,  had  rmr  trials  and  difficulties. 
That  we  arc  to  escape  thorn  in  future  is  not  to  bo 
hoped.  It  was  to  be  expected  when  we  entered 
upon  this  war  that  it  would  expose  our  people  to 
sacrifices  and  cost  them  much,  both  of  money  and 
blood.  But  wo  knew  the  value  of  the  object  for 
which  we  struggled,  and  understood  the  nature  of 
the  war  in  which  wo  were  engaged.  Nothing  could 
bo  so  hair  as  failure,  and  any  sacrifice  would  be 
cheap  as  the  price  of  success  in  such  a  contest. 


But  tbe  picture  has  its  lights  as  well  as  its  shad- 
ows. This  great  strife  has  awakened  in  the  people 
the  highest  emotions  and  qualities  of  the  human 
soul.  It  is  cultivating  feelings  of  patriotism,  virtue 
and  courage.  Instances  of  self-sacrifice  and  of  gen- 
erous devotion  to  the  noble  cause  for  which  we  are 
contending,  are  rife  throughout  the  land.  Never 
has  a  people  evinced  a  more  determined  spirit  than 
that  now  animating  men,  women  and  children,  in 
every  part  of  our  country.  Upon  the  first  call,  the 
men  fly  to  arms;  and  wives  and  mothers  send  their 
husbands  and  sons  to  battle,  without  a  murmur  of 
regret. 

It  was,  perhaps,  in  the  ordination  of  Providence, 
that  we  were  to  be  taught  the  value  of  our  liberties 
by  the  price  which  we  pay  for  them. 

The  recollections  of  this  great  contest,  wjth  all  its 
common  traditions  of  glory,  of  sacrifice  and  of  blood, 
will  be  the  bond  of  harmony  and  enduring  affec- 
tion amongst  the  people  ;  producing  unity  in  policy, 
fraternity  in  sentiment,  and  joint  effort  in  war. 

Nor  have  the  material  sacrifices  of  the  past  year 
been  made  without  some  corresponding  benefits.  If 
the  acquiescence  of  foreign  nations  in  a  pretended 
blockade  has  deprived  us  of  our  commerce  with  them, 
it  is  fast  making  us  a  self-supporting  and  an  inde- 
pendent people.  The  blockade,  if  effectual  and  per- 
manent, could  only  serve  to  divert  our  industry 
from  the  production  of  articles  for  export,  and  em- 
ploy it  in  supplying  commodities  for  domestic  use. 

It  is  a  satisfaction  that  we  have  maintained  the 
war  by  our  unaided  exertions.  We  have  neither 
asked  nor  received  assistance  from  any  quarter. 
Yet  the  interest  involved  is  not  wholly  our  own. 
The  world  at  large  is  concerned  in  opening  our 
markets  to  its  commerce.  When  the  independence 
of  the  Confederate  States  is  recognized  by  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth,  and  we  are  free  to  follow  our  in- 
terests and  inclinations  by  cultivating  foreign  trade, 
the  Southern  States  will  offer  to  manufacturing  na- 
tions the  most  favorable  markets  which  ever  invited 
their  commerce.  Cotton,  sugar,  rice,  tobacco,  pro- 
visions, timber  and  naval  stores  will  furnish  attrac- 
tive exchange.  Nor  would  the  constancy  of  these 
supplies  be  likely  to  be  disturbed  by  war.  Our  con- 
federate strength  will  be  too  great  to  tempt  aggres- 
sion ;  and  never  was  there  a  people  whose  interests 
and  principles  committed  them  so  fully  to  a  peace- 
ful policy  as  those  of  the  Confederate  States.  By 
the  character  of  their  productions  they  are  too 
deeply  interested  in  foreign  commerce  wantonly  to 
disturb  it.  War  of  conquest  they  cannot  wage,  be- 
cause the  constitution  of  their  confederacy  admits 
of  no  coerced  association.  Civil  war  there  cannot 
be  between  States  held  together  by  their  volition 
only.  The  rule  of  voluntary  association  which  can- 
not fail  to  be  conservative  by  securing  just  and  im- 
partial government  at  home,  does  not  diminish  the 
security  of  the  obligations  by  which  the  Confederate 
States  may  be  bound  to  foreign  nations.  In  proof 
of  tlm,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that,  at  the  frst  moment 
of  asserting  their  right  of  secession,  these  States  pro- 
posed a  settlement  on  the  basis  of  a  common  liberality 
for  the  obligations  of  die  general  government. 

Fellow-citizens,  after  the  struggles  of  ages  had 
consecrated  the  right  of  the  Englishman  to  consti- 
tutional representative  government,  our  colonial  an- 
estors  were  forced  to  vindicate  that  birthright  by 
u  appeal  to  arms.  Success  crowned  their  efforts, 
and  they  provided  for  their  posterity  a  peaceful 
emedy  against  future  aggression. 

The  tyranny  of  an  unbridled  majority,  the  most 
odious  and  least  responsible  form  of  despotism,  has 
denied  us  both  the  right  and  remedy.  Therefore 
we  are  in  arms  to  renew  such  sacrifices  as  our  fathers 
made  to  the  holy  cause  of  constitutional  liberty. 
At  tho  darkest  hour  of  our  struggle,  the  provisional 
gives  place  to  the  permanent  government.  After  a 
series  of  successes  and  victories,  which  covered  our 
arms  with  glory,  we  have  recently  met  with  serious  dis- 
asters. But  in  the  heart  of  a  people  resolved  to  be 
free,  these  disasters  tend  but  to  stimulate  to  in- 
creased resistance. 

To  show  ourselves  worthy  of  the  inheritance  be- 
queathed to  us  by  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution, 
we  must  emulate  that  heroic  devotion  which  made 
reverse  to  them  but  the  crucible  in  which  their  pat- 
riotism was  refined. 

With  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  virtue  of  those 
who  will  share  with  me  the  icsponsibility,  and  aid 
me  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs;  securely  rely- 
ing on  the  patriotism  and  courage  of  the  people,  of 
which  the  present  war  has  furnished  so  many  exam- 

fles,  I  deeply  fool  the  weight  of  the  responsibilities 
now,  with  unaffected  diffidence,  am  about  to  as- 
sume ;  and,  fully  realizing  the  inadequacy  of  human 
power  to  guide  and  to  sustain,  ray  hope  is  reverently 
fixed  on  Him  wdiose  favor  is  ever  vouchsafed  to  the 
cause  which  is  just.  With  humble  gratitude  and 
adoration,  acknowledging  the  Providence  which  has 
so  visibly  protected  the  confederacy  during  its  brief 
but  eventful  career,  to  Thee,  O  God,  I  trustingly 
commit  myself,  and  prayerfully  invoke  Thy  blessing 
on  my  country  and  its  cause  1 


SICKNESS  IN  THE  ARMY --SAVING  THE 
UNION. 

Ticknor  &.  Fields,  Boston,  have  just  published  a 
highly  important  and  profoundly  suggestive  pamphlet, 

entitled  "  A  Letter  to  Mrs. ,  and  other  Loyal 

Women,  touching  the  Matter  of  Contributions  for  the 
Army,  and  other  Matters  connected  with  the  War,  by 
S.  G.  Howe."  The  following  extracts  from  it  deserve 
to  be  thoughtfully  pondered.  After  referring  to  the 
proverbially  slow  action  of  the  Medical  Bureau  in  re- 
porting the  actual  sickness  and  mortality  in  the  army, 
Dr.  Howe  says  : — 

Fortunately,  the  Sanitary  Commission,  not  tied 
up  by  red  tape,  has  sent  out  its  inspectors,  (earnest 
medical  mon,  who  look  to  prevention  of  disease,) 
into  all  parts  of  the  field.  These  Inspectors,  after 
careful  personal  inspection  of  over  three  hundred 
regiments,  have  made  over  four  hundred  reports. 
Each  report  gives  answer  to  some  seventy-five  ques- 
tions, prepared  with  a  view  to  show  the  sanitary 
condition,  and  the  mortality  of  the  troops. 

The  vast  amount  of  vital  statistics  contained  in 
these  reports  has  been  carefully  tabulated  bv  E.  B. 
Elliott,  (a  very  able  statistician  in  the  employ  of  the 
Commission,)  and  is  already  published: 

They  show  that  the  constant  rate  of  sickness  in  the 
army  of  the  Potomac  is  sixty-three  to  one  thousand 
men;  in  the  army  of  the  West,  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  to  one  thousand  men ;  in  Western  Virginia, 
one  hundred  and  sixty-two  to  one  thousand  men  ! 

This  means,  in  plain  English,  that  more  than  sixty 
thousand  of  our  soldiers  are  sick  every  day.  True, 
every  man  who  is  reported  unfit  for  duty  is  included 
in  this  return.  He  may  have  only  a  headache  or  a 
cold  ;  a  cut  or  a  sprain  ;  and  may  bo  on  duty  again 
to-morrow.  Bui.  allowing  that  only  Qn*4niPd  are 
really  ill,  yon  have  more  than  twenty  thousand  sick 
Holdicm  ;  and  can  answer,  as  well  as  1  can,  tho  ques- 


tion so  constantly  put,  "  What  in  the  world  can  they 
do  down  there,  with  so  many  hospital  clothes?  " 

But  there  is  a  fearful  truth  revealed  by  these  stub- 
born statistics,  which  will  shock  our  people  when  it 
is  fully  comprehended.  There  must  of  course  be 
much  sickness  and  many  deaths  among  six  hundred 
thousand  men,  let  them  be  where  they  may.  It 
would  be  at  about  the  rate  of  one  in  a  hundred, 
yearly,  if  they  were  at  home.  But  our  soldiers  in 
the  army  of  the  Potomac  are  dying  at  the  rate  of 
three  and  a  half  in  a  hundred  yearly;  and  in  the. 
army  of  the  West,  at  the  rate  of  five  in  a  hundred  ! 

Try  to  conceive  the  awful  truth  told  by  these 
figures.  Calculate  the  rate  upon  six  hundred  thou- 
sand men;  and  look  steadily  at  the  product, "not  as 
some  vague  and  abstract  estimate,  but  as  an  awful 
fact.  Ponder  it  all  the  more  sadly,  because  it  tells 
far  more  severely  upon  our  misguided  brethren  of 
the  South.  Think  of  seventy-five  stalwart  young 
men  from  the  North,  laid  out  cold  and  stiff  every 
day  !  Think  of  over  five  hundred  soldiers,  in  the 
very  bud  and  blossom  of  manhood,  dying  every 
week  !  Think  of  half  a  regiment  of  Union  troops 
buried  every  seven  days  I — twenty-seven  whole  regi- 
ments laid  low  in  a  year,  not  by  the  sword,  but  by 


Merciful  Heaven  !  it  almost  drives  one  mad,  when 
with  this  fearful  fact  before  his  eyes,  and  the  wail  of 
mothers  and  sisters,  of  widows  and  orphans  in  his 
ears,  he  is  told  to  be  patient  and  silent ;  and  to  hope, 
at  least,  that  the  Government  will  be  drifted  by 
events  away  from  its  serve-God-and-Mammon  policy 
of  saving  the  Union,  and  saving  too  tho  constitution- 
al rights  of  that  institution  which  is  the  accursed 
root  of  all  our  bitterness  and  sorrow,  and  the  only 
cause  of  disunion  ! 

Was  ever  such  sacrilegious  perversion  of  words  ? 
Constitutional  right  to  hold  men  in  slavery  !  As 
though  all  the  constitutions  ever  made,  from  that  of 
Sodom  down  to  ours,  could  create  right  out  of  wrong, 
or  hold  back  such  fiery  punishments  of  sin  as  are  now 
raining  down  upon  our  devoted  land  ?  Republican 
slaveholders  !  as  though  a  man  holding  fellow-men 
as  slaves  can  be  any  more  properly  called  a  repub- 
lican, than  one  habitually  stealing  can  be  called  an 
honest  man  ! 

Pardon  this  outburst ;  but  I  lose  patience  at  the 
delay  to  strike  a  righteous  and  killing  blow  into  the 
very  stomach  of  this  rebellion  by  proclaiming  eman- 
cipation under  the  war  power,  and  enforcing  it  as 
fast  and  as  far  as  we  can ;  since  every  week's  delay 
costs  five  hundred  lives,  and  every  month's  two  thou- 
sand ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  demoralization  which  is 
going  on. 

The  Athenians  rejected  a  plan  to  destroy  their 
enemies,  because  it  required  them  to  do  wrong;  we 
reject  a  plan  because  it  requires  us  to  do  right,  and 
to  destroy  a  wrong  ! 

War,  bloody  civil  war,  is  direful,  barbarous,  and 
brutalizing;  and  it  can  be  justified  and  sanctified 
only  by  high  religious  and  moral  motives.  Are  we 
justified  and  sanctified  in  fighting  as  we  do,  slaying 
and  destroying  the  young  and  thoughtless  part  of 
our  people,  and  bequeathing  countless  evils  upon  our 
posterity,  if  it  be  only  to  avenge  a  supposed  insult 
to  a  flag,  or  forcibly  repair  a  broken  political  pact,  or 
secure  commercial  advantages  ? 

Answer,  ye  bereaved  mothers,  ye  mourning  wid- 
ows, are  these  things  worth  the  blood  of  your  sons 
and  your  husbands  ?  And  ye,  over  whose  dear 
ones  the^demon  of  war  hovers  on  black  wings,  and 
may  soon  clutch  in  his  bloody  claws,  do  you  not  ask 
a  higher  price  for  the  dread  sacrifice  than  gratified 
national  pride,  and  material  national  gain  ?  May 
you  not  ask  for  it  tho  freedom  of  millions  of  slaves, 
and  the  blessings  of  coming  generations  ? 

Besides,  our  soldiers  are  the  children  of  the  nation, 
and  the  Government  has  no  moral  right  to  deny 
them  the  benefits  of  the  highest  moral  incentives  it 
can  place  before  them.  We  can  raise  their  real 
wages  more  by  giving  them  a  noble  task  of  freeing 
men  from  bondage,  than  by  any  amount  of  pay  and 
bounty. 

More  than  this  :  we  must  raise  the  moral  standard 
of  our  war,  if  we  would  have  our  country  come  out 
of  it  with  honor,  instead  of  conquering  by  dint  of 
greater  numbers  and  greater  strength. 

*  *      .      *  *  *  * 

Our  men  in  the  field  do  not  lack  food,  or  clothing, 
or  money,  but  they  do  lack  noble  watchwords  and 
inspiriting  ideas,  such  as  are  worth  fighting  and  dy- 
ing for. 

The  Southern  soldier  has  what  at  least  serves  him 
as  such ;  for  he  believes  that  he  fights  in  defence  of 
country,  home,  and  rights;  and  he  strikes  vehement- 
ly, and  with  a  will. 

Our  men,  alas  !  have  no  such  ideas.  The  Union 
is  to  most  of  them  an  abstraction,  and  not  an  inspir- 
ing watchword.  The  sad  truth  should  be  known — 
that  our  army  has  no  conscious  noble  purpose;  and 
our  soldiers  generally  have  not  much  stomach  for 
fight. 

Look  at  the  opposing  armies,  and  you  will  see  two 
striking  truths.  First,  the  Northern  men  are  supe- 
rior in  numbers,  virtue,  intelligence,  bodily  strength, 
and  real  pluck ;  and  yet,  on  the  whole,  they  have 
been  out-generalled  and  badly  beaten.  Second,  the 
Northern  army  is  better  equipped,  better  clad,  fed 
and  lodged  ;  and  is  in  a  tar  more  comfortable  con- 
dition, not  only  than  the  Southern  army,  but  than 
any  other  in  the  world ;  and  yet  if  the  pay  were 
stopped  in  both,  the  Northern  army  would  probably 
mutiny  at  once,  or  crumble  rapidly ;  while  the  South- 
ern army  would  probably  hold  together  for  a  long 
time,  in  some  shape,  if  their  cause  seemed  to  de- 
mand it. 

The  animating  spirit  of  the  Southern  soldier  is 
rather  moral  than  pecuniary;  of  the  Northern  sol- 
dier, it  is  rather  pecuniary  than  moral. 

Of  course,  moral  here  does  not  mean  virtuous. 
Anger,  hate,  revenge,  and  the  like,  are  among  the 
forces  which  intensify  the  morale  of  tho  Southern 
army,  and  give  to  it  the  snap  which  is  so  lamentably 
lacking  on  our  side. 

Intensify  the  morale  of  our  array  by  higher  pur- 
poses, by  nobler  motives,  and  you  will  see  how  much 
stronger  is  a  virtuous  than  a  vicious  cause,  when  men 
are  made  to  feel  that  it  is  so;  and  how  much  more 
hardy  and  plucky  is  a  Northern  than  a  Southern 
man. 

Our  men  aro  in  a  false  position  ;  not  strategically, 
but  morally.  The  assertion,  in  all  our  mouth's,  that 
the  war  will,  somehow,  destroy  slavery,  is  too  abstract 
for  them.  Men  do  not  go  to  the  death  on  abstrac- 
tions. Put  it  in  tho  concrete,  that  the  war  shall  de- 
stroy slavery,  and  you  give  tho  soldier  a  conscious 
nobie  purpose — that  of  helping  to  emancipate  four 
millions  of  men,  women  and  children  from  cruel 
bondage.  The  danger  to  the  Union,  if  no  higher 
consideration,  justifies  such  a  policy.  As  for  the 
power  to  enforce  emancipation,  we  shall  not  know 
whether  we  have  it,  until  wo  try.  As  for  the  right, 
if  wo  may  block  up  harbors,  and  destroy  one  source 
of  our  national  pride,  wo  may  set  men  free,  and  de- 
stroy the  only  sourco  of  our  national  shame. 

Let  'hen  indignant  anil  fiery  words  go  forth  from 
the  White  House,—"  Death  to  every  resisting  rebel  ! 
five, I to  every  friendly  bondsman  !  honor  and  pro- 
motion to  whoever  brings  to  our  side  most  helpers 
from  the  other!"     Let,  those  be  adopted  at  head- 


,  quarters,  and  repeated  by  generals  and  colonels, 
and  you  will  see  an  answering  spirit  in  the  ranks, 
showing  what  Northern  men  are,  and  what  they  can 
do;  especially  when  they  hear  (as  they  would)  the 
echoing  cheers  and  blessings  on  the  new  policy,  from 
all  the  women  and  all  the  male  men  of  the  North. 

Try  to  look  a  little  at  the  matter,  Madam,  I  pray 
you,  from  my  point  of  view,  if  only  for  a  moment. 

In  wars  carried  on  by  regular  armies,  moral  con- 
siderations arc  of  little  weight;  and  they  become 
lighter  as  discipline  rises.  Hence  the  seemingly  im- 
pious proverb,  that  God  is  always  on  the  side  of  the 
heaviest  battalions. 

Men  shrink  instinctively  from  danger,  and  fear 
death.  All  wars  and  fighting  are  carried  on  in  view 
of  this.  But  training  enables  the  veteran  to  over- 
come fear,  so  that  the  commander  may  count  almost 
as  surely  upon  his  men  marching  up  to  the  cannon's 
mouth,  as  though  they  were  machines,  let  the  cause 
in  which  they  fight  be  what  it  may.  If  he  has  ten 
thousand  men,  and  his  enemy  only  eight,  the  chances 
in  his  favor  are  as  ten  to  eight. 

Not  so  with  contending  peoples;  not  so  in  irregu- 
lar campaigns;  not  so  with  half  disciplined  armies. 
In  these,  the  moral  nature  resumes  its  sway;  and 
that  side  is  strongest,  (almost  irrespective  of  num- 
bers,) on  which  the  passions  are  most  thoroughly 
aroused. 

A  people  deeply  excited,  intensified  (so  to  speak) 
into  disregard  of  danger  and  death  by  hot  religious 
zeal,  by  fiery  patriotism,  or  by  any  elevating  passion, 
is  unconquerable  by  any  amount  of  numbers,  by  any 
length  of  persecution,  by  any  thing,  in  short,  save 
battalions  made  up  of  old  callous  military  machines. 

History  is  full  of  examples  where  people  with 
nothing  for  defence  save  their  passions  have  success- 
fully resisted  invaders  who  had"  every  thing  but  pas- 
sions. 

In  our  war  the  passions  go  for  much ;  the  disci- 
pline as  yet  for  comparatively  little. 

The  North  and  the  South  stand  in  hostile  array. 
Their  troops  are  about  equally  well,  or  rather  equal- 
ly ill  disciplined.  The  Southern  leaders,  playing 
their  old  game  of  brag,  by  the  help  of  men  in  buck- 
ram, and  of  paper  battalions,  display  a  long  front 
and  a  vast  force.  But  history  will  probably  show 
that  the  North  has  five-fold  more  men,  ten-fold  more 
material,  and  a  hundred-fold  more  of  warlike  power 
and  resources.  And  more  even  than  all  this,  the 
North  has  one  immense  advantage,— an  advantage 
which  might  have  settled  the  war  long  ago,  and 
spared  much  blood  and  treasure,  to  wit:  that  in  the 
very  midst  of  the  enemy's  country,  there  were  at 
least  four  millions  of  people,  (one-third  of  the  whole 
population,)  who,  if  not  repelled  by  her,  would  have 
risen  up  and  hailed  her  soldiers  as  friends  and  sa- 
viors, and  utterly  paralyzed  and  crippled  the  South. 

Now  why  is  it  that,  with  this  overwhelming  force 
— with  these  immense  advantages— the  North  has 
not  already  overrun  and  vanquished  the  South  ? 

Is  it  not  partly,  at  least,  because  the  heart  of  the 
army  has  not  been  impassioned  by  earnest  and  high 
motives,  as  it  might  have  been  ? 

I  have  seen  men  so  impassioned  and  intensified  In 
Greece,  in  France,  in  Poland.  I  have  been  among 
our  troops,  and  have  failed  to  find  the  men  so  earn- 
est for  work  and  fight  as  to  forget  about  pay,  and  to 
rise  above  the  instinctive  dread  of  danger.  There 
is  courage  in  them,  doubtless,  as  there  is  beat  in  iron ; 
but  it  is  latent  as  yet. 

The  North,  if  let  alone  long  enough  by  selfish 
powers  abroad,  and  juggling  politicians  at  home,  will 
surely  conquer.  But,  alas  !  she  will  conquer  in  vir- 
tue of  being  the  richest  and  strongest,  while  my 
heart  yearns  to  have  her  conquer  in  virtue  of  her 
cause  being  the  best,  and  her  men  the  bravest. 

Our  cause  will  be  the  best,  and  our  soldiers  will 
be  the  bravest,  when  we  write  emancipation  on 
our  banners;  and  this  war,  forced  upon  us  by  our 
enemy,  will  be  justified  and  sanctified  by  the  noble 
end  to  which  we  shape  it. 

In  the  vaunted  days  of  chivalry,  brave  knights 
went  up  and  down  on  the  earth,  seeking  glory"  by 
fighting  to  redress  some  foul  wrong,  or  to  set  free 
some  innocent  captive.  One  would  think  that  chiv- 
alry had  died  out  from  the  race,  or  from  the  land; 
for  here  stand  thousands  of  really  brave  officers,  all 
girded  for  battle ;  before  them  are  foul  wrongs  to  be 
redressed,  and  captives  pining  to  bo  free.  Would 
you  not  think  that  some  swords  would  leap  from 
their  scabbards,  and  that,  with  orders,  or  without 
orders,  some  young  men  would  find  or  make  oppor- 
tunities for  doing  deeds  worthy  of  Christian  knights  ? 

I  am  glad  to  have  known  one  act,  of  heroism — to 
have  seen  one  who,  leaving  what  is  dearest  behind, 
and  taking  life  in  hand,  has  gone  boldly  into  tho  land 
of  bondage  where  the  captives  aro  most  numerous; 
there,  alone  and  unaided,  to  do  such  works  of  libera- 
tion as  a  cool  head  and  brave  heart  may  find  to  do. 
That  one,  however,  is  not  of  our  race  and  color- 
It  must  bo  confessed  that  there  is  a  lack  of  ardor 
and  earnestness  in  our  army  for  anti-slavery  work. 
Some  explain  it  in  one  way,  some  in  another.  My 
way  is  this.  Instinctive  feelings  work  blindly,  and 
impel  men  to  action  long  before  they  are  conscious 
of  purposes.  The  fact  of  human  slavery  in  the  midst 
of  freedom  bred  this  strife.  But  down  at  the  very 
root  of  it,  the  blind  instincts  of  conservatism  and  of 
democracy  arc  fiercely  contending.  Tho  strife  would 
bo  short  were  it  not  for  the  prejudice  of  race,  which 
strengthens  conservatism,  while  it  ties  one  hand  of 
democracy.  Most  of  our  regular  land  and  naval 
officers  are  conservative ;  so  are  many  of  our  volun- 
teer officers;  and  so  is  the  great  majority  of  the 
army  of  political  office-holders,  whose  chiefs  give  the 
watch-words  of  the  war  ;  but  wdio  give  no  such  words 
as  stir  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  of  the  soldiers. 

Such  men  have,  and  must  have,  though  uncon- 
sciously, a  sympathy  with  the  aristocracy  of  tho 
South,  and  they  hesitate  to  strike  vehemently  at  its 
stronghold,  and  smash  it  in  pieces.  They  have  no 
enthusiasm  for  such  work,  and  of  course  inspire  none 
in  tho  army.  The  task  is  reserved  for  democracy; 
not  such  as  we  have  hady — but  for  true  democracy, 
when  it  shall  strike  in  and  save  a  perishing  country, 
God  grant  it  may  strike  in  time  to  save  it  and  the 
cause  of  human  freedom,  without  which  it  is  not 
worth  saving ! 


SLAVERY  AND  LIBERTY  ETERNALLY  IN 
00NFLI0T. 

We  Rive,  below,  another  extract  from  the  valuable 
work  just  published  by  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.,  Boston, 
entitled  "  The  True  Story  of  the  Barons  of  the  South, 
or  the  Rationale  Of  the  American  Conflict,"  by  Rev. 
E.  W.  Reynolds,  of  Watertown,  N.  Y. 

Slavery  and  freedom  can  never  bo  married  so 
long  as  hell  is  alien  to  heaven.  Their  characters 
ami  tendencies,  their  aims  and  desires  are  complete- 
ly hostile.  Slave,  society  rests  upon  robbery,— for  it 
holds  by  force  what  it  has  no  claim  to  hold  in  oquil  v ; 
asserting  that  claim  of  property  in  man  which  is  re- 
pugnant to  natural  justice.  Free  society  rests  upon 
I  ho  voluntary  industry  of  the  people,  and  is  guarded 
by  equil  v.  Slave  society  tyrannizes  over  the  weak  ; 
free  society  extends  over  the  weak  the  prolcetion  of 
law.  Slave  society  makes  brute  force  supreme  j  free 
society  makes  justice  supreme,     hi  slave  socieiv  g 


handful  of  aristocrats  govern  the  State,  and  the 
masses  of  tbe  inhabitants  are  disregarded  like  cattle. 
In  free  society,  political  power  is  distributed  among 
all  the  people;  and  the  most  vigorous  thinker  is  the 
mightiest  man.  In  slave  society,  everything  is  at 
the  mercy  of  an  unthinking  an  1  capricious  despot- 
ism, and  the  tendency  of  community  is  irretrievably 
downward  ;  but  in  free  society  great  questions  are 
settled  by  discussion,  by  reflection,  by  reason,— - 
every  man's  interest  is  safe,  because  natural  justice 
is  revered,  and  everything  is  open  to  investigation, 
and  so  the  community  is  continually  being  elevated 
and  fortified  by  the  private  conscience  and  public 
intelligence. 

Such  are  the  two  hostile  interests  that  have  been" 
subsisting  in  this  Republic  from  the' beginning. 
Our  fathers,  with  many  scruples  and  doubts,  set 
them  up  house-keeping,  in  the  same  edifice,  because 
they  supposed  that  slave  society  would  soon  die  a 
natural  death,  and  they  were  scarcely  prepared 
to  kill  it  by  violent  means.  For  seventy  years 
these  two  types  of  society  have  been  developing  in 
the  nation, — each  according  to  its  nature,  each 
obedient  to  its  own  instinct.  In  the  exact  ratio  of 
their  growth  has  been  their  aggression  upon  each 
other.  When  the  house  began  to  resound  with 
their  strife,  all  the  peace-makers  turned  out  to  settle 
the  quarrel.  Tbe  more  they  tried  to  settle  it,  the 
more  fiercely  the  quarrel  raged  ;  and,  step  by  step, 
by  a  series  of  ineffectual  compromises  that  only  irri- 
tated wdiat  they  were  expected  to  heal,  we  have  ^ 
journeyed  on  to  civil  war. 

Suppose  you  plant  Canada  thistles  on  one  side  of 
your  garden  and  a  bed  of  strawberry  plants  on  the 
opposite  side,  and  charge  them  not  to  meddle  with 
each  other  !  You  will  soon  find  that  they  will  med- 
dle with  each  other, — not  because  they  are  wilful, 
but  because  each  must  obey  the  law  of  its  own  na- 
ture. Now  slave  society  and  free  society  have  their 
peculiar  instincts,  and  each  develops  agreeably  to  its 
own  law.      They   must   encroach   tjfon   each 

OTHER  ;  THEY  MUST  CONFLICT  ;  THEY  MUST  QUAR- 
REL :— and  what  God  and  Nature  have  thus  made 
hostile,  we  cannot  join  together  in  harmony.  Slave 
society  imbues  those  who  grow  up  under'  its  spirit 
with  a  despotic  and  lawless  disposition.  Free  so- 
ciety imbues  people  with  a  sense  of  justice,  liberaliz- 
es and  elevates  the  mind,  and  prepares  the  heart  to 
feel  the  liveliest  sympathy  for  the  weak  and  the  op- 

Eressed.  Thus,  the  tendencies  of  the  two  systems, 
y  their  legitimate  operation,  involve  collision  and 
strife.  How  can  wo  help  ourselves?  Can  the  man 
who  was  nourished  at  the  breast  of  despotism  be 
otherwise  than  tyrannical?  Can  the  offspring  of 
liberty  disown  bis  mother,  or  resist  the  generous  im- 
pulses that  spring  from  his  blood  ?  We  must  all 
have  noticed  how  vain  it  is  to  attempt  to  override 
or  suppress  an  hereditary  trait;  and  these  in- 
stincts that  are  born  with  us,  and  fostered  by  the  so- 
ciety in  which  we  are  reared,  cannot  be  control- 
led by  any  arbitrary  edict.  We  may  as  well 
make  up  our  minds  to  face  the  fact,  first  as  last: 
There  will  be  no  peace — at  best,  only  a  short  truce, 

WHILE  THESE   BELLIGERENTS   OCCUPY   THE   SAME 

house.  May  we  not  have  a  public  opinion  in 
America  that  shall  recognize  this  fact  without  long- 
er delay? 

We  have  all  railed,  more  or  less,  at  the  ultra  men 
of  the  South  ;  but  we  might  as  well  rail  at  the  Can- 
ada thistles  when  they  manifest  a  desire  to  monopo- 
lize the  garden.  They  are  obeying  the  instincts  of 
slave  societ3r,  and  our  entreaties  and  expostulations 
— as  the  event  has  repeatedly  proved — might  as  well 
have  been  addressed  to  thistles  as  to  that  class  of 
men. 

Suppose  a  company  of  Indian  Thugs  come  into  the 
neighborhood,  buy  a  certain  amount  of  real  estate, 
and  settle  among  us.  It  is  the  profession  of  the 
Thug  to  murder,  and  in  him  the  tendency  to  mur- 
der has  the  force  of  an  instinct.  Murders  are  per- 
petrated, the  community  is  in  arms,  and  the  Thugs 
are  disposed  of  agreeably  to  law  and  equity.  But, 
however  heinous  the  crime,  it  was  no  greater  than 
was  to  have  been  expected,  in  view  of  the  habitsToT  ~ 
the  Thugs.  So  with  slave  society.  All  its  habitudes 
and  instincts  are  aggressive  and  destructive.  We 
are  not  denying  that  individual  slaveholders  may  be 
very  fair  men.  Some  natures  are  proof  against*  the 
worst  social  influences.  We  speak  of  the  "system  of 
slavery  in  its  essence  and  general  effects.  And  we 
say  that  the  most  odious  developments  of  Southern 
society  arc  the  legitimate  outgrowths  of  slavery, — 
things  which  it  is  idle  to  protest  against,  so  long  as 
we  foster  the  seed  that  produces  them. 

We  have  complained,  also,  against  the  ultra  anti- 
slavery  men.  But,  candidly  and  philosophically 
viewed,  what  have  they  done  but  obey  the  instincts 
of  free  society?  It  was  just  as  natural  for  free  so- 
ciety to  develop  the  Abolitionist  party  as  it  was  for 
your  strawberry  bed  to  throw  out  "  runners  "  toward 
the  Canada  thistles.  How  futile  it  is  to  quarrel 
with  any  settled  tendency  of  nature!  How  unwise 
it  is  to  ignore  such  facts,  instead  of  accommodating 
ourselves  to  them  !  We  might  as  reasonably  attempt 
to  resist  gravitation,  or  any  other  natural  law,  as  at- 
tempt to  carry  out  a  peace  policy  in  violation  of 
these  immutable  conditions.  Free  society  fills  every 
bosom  that  is  open  to  its  influences  with  the  love  of 
free  institutions, — with  the  love  of  justice,  mercy, 
and  manhood  ;  and  it  inspires  us,  at  "the  same  time, 
with  an  irrepressible  abhorrence  of  the  injustice,  the 
profligacy,  and  the  ignorance  which  are  the  fruits 
of  slavery.  Under  this  influence,  it  is  impossible 
that  mon  should  hold  their  peace.  The  full  heart 
vill  make  its  emotions  audible  in  burning  words. 
Almost  involuntarily — almost  against  a  man's  will 
— he  thunders  out  his  hatred  of  tyranny,  and  chants 
the  hymns  of  Freedom.  It  is  tho  holy  spirit  of  God 
that  impels  his  utterance,  and  timidity  and  compro- 
mise have  no  padlocks  strong  enough  to  shut  tho 
mouth  of  a  live  man,  when  the  trumpet  sounds  and 
tho  hour  has  come. 

Tho  great  lesson  which  this  eventful  epoch  is  to 
teach  our  people  is  devotion  to  liberty,  and  hatred 
of  every  influence  that  would  quality  tho  principle 
or  abridge  the  blessing.  As  our  spiritual  life  has  its 
fountain  in  Christ,  and  as  the  Church  derives  all  its 
vitality  from  the  Divine  Spirit,  so  our  political  life  has 
its  spring  in  liberty,  and  tho  strength  of  the  Ropulv 
lie  lives  in  the  spontaneous  enthusiasm  of  free  men. 

Liberty,  then,  as  the  inalienable  right  of  every 
man,  of  every  race,  as  the  spring  of  perpetuity  and 
(he  crown  of  glory  in  the  State,  should  be  tho  soul; 
and  joy  of  the  nation,  marching  to  battle  or  exult- 
ing in  victory.  Through  all  the  ages  to  come,  it 
should  usher  the  citizen  to  the  post  of  duty  in  peace- 
ful days,  and  fire  him  with  antique  heroism  m  the 
hour  of  danger.  Mothers,  with  loyal  fingers,  should 
sprinkle  their  children  in  its  name.  Fair  brides 
should  be  wedded  to  the  peal  of  its  auspicious  bells. 
Old  men,  while  reviving  the  pageantry  of  youth, 
should  rehearse  its  inspiring  story.  Statues  should 
rise  to  its  honor  in  every  village.  Banners  should 
blazon  its  conquests.  Literature  should  embalm  Its 
fame  in  the  majestic  march  of  historical  periods,  and 
in  the  splendor  of  epic  verse.  And  Ueligion — be- 
holding in  liberty  her  own  co-worker  should  invest 
it  with  spiritual  sanctions,  and  awe  the  hearts  ol'inen 
before  it  wilh  all  the  terrors  of  a  righteous  Provi- 
de nee. 


38 


OKATIOBf  OF  HON.  GEOEGE  BANOKOPT. 

"Washington's  Birth-Day  (Feb.  22)  was  commemo- 
rated in  the  city  of  New  "York  by  a  public  meeting  of 
the  city  authorities  nt  the  Cooper  Institute.  The 
great  building  was  densely  crowded  long  before  the 
meeting  was  organized.  After  the  reading  of  Wash- 
ington's Farewell  Address  by  George  H.  Moore,  Esq., 
an  able  and  elaborate  Oration  was  delivered  by  Hon. 
tejrge  Bancroft.     Below  are  some  extracts  from  it. 

At  last  "we  have  fallen  on  evil  days."  "The 
propitious  smiles  of  Heaven  " — such  are  the  words  of 
Washington — "  can  never  be  expected  on  a  nation 
that  disregards  the  eternal  rules  of  order  and  right." 
During  eleven  years  of  perverse  government  those 
rules  were  disregarded,  and  it  came  to  pass  that 
men  who  should  firmly  avow  the  sentiments  of  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson  and  Franklin  and  Chancellor 
Livingston  were  disfranchised  for  the  public  service  ; 
that  the  spotless  Chief  Justice  whom  Washington 
placed  at  the  head  of  our  Supreme  Court  could  by 
no  possibility  have  been  nominated  for  that  office,  or 
confirmed.  Nay,  the  corrupt  influence  invaded 
even  the  very  home  oi'justiee.  The  final  decree  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  in  its  decision  on  a  particular 
case,  must  be  respected  and  obeyed ;  the  present 
Chief  Justice  has  on  one  memorable  appeal  accom- 
panied his  decision  with  an  impassioned  declamation, 
wherein  with  profound  immorality  which  no  one  has 
as  yet  fully  laid  bare,  treating  the  United  States  as  a 
shrew  to  he  tamed  by  an  open  scorn  of  the  facts  of 
history,  with  a  dreary  industry  collecting  evidences 
of  cases  where  justice  may  have  slumbered  or  weak- 
ness been  oppressed,  compensating  for  want  of  evi- 
dence by  confidence  of  assertion,  with  a  partiality 
that  would  have  disgraced  an  advocate  neglecting 
humane  decisions  of  Colonial  Courts,  and  the  en- 
during memorials  of  colonial  statute-books,  in  his 
party  zeal  to  prove  that  the  fathers  of  our  country 
held  the  negro  to  have  "  no  rights  which  the  white 
man  was  bound  to  respect,"  he  has  not  only  denied 
the  rights  of  man  and  the  liberties  of  mankind,  but 
has  not  left  a  foothold  for  the  liberty  of  the  white 
man  to  rest  upon. 

That  ill-starred  disquisition  of  Taney,  who,  I 
trust,  did  not  intend  to  hang  out  the  flag  of  Disunion, 
is  the  fountain  head  of  this  rebellion  :  that  offence 
to  the  conscious  memory  of  the  millions  convulsed 
our  country  with  the  excitement  which  swept  over 
those  of  us  who  vainly  hoped  to  preserve  a  strong 
and  sufficient,  though  narrow  isthmus  that  might 
stand  between  the  conflicting  floods.  No  nation  can 
adopt  that  judgment  as  its  ride,  and  lice;  the  judgment 
has  in  it  no  element  of  political  vitality.  I  will 
-jay.  it  is  an  invocation  of  the  dead  past;  there 
never  was  a^past  that  accepted  such  opinions.  If 
we  want  the  opinions  received  in  the  days  when  our 
Constitution  was  framed,  we  will  not  take  them  sec- 
ond-hand from  our  Chief  Justice  \  we  will  let  the 
men  of  that  day  speak  for  themselves. 

How  will  our  American  magistrate  sink  when 
arraigned  as  he  will  be  before  the  tribunal  of  human- 
ity; how  terrible  will  be  the  verdict  against  him, 
when  he  is  put  in  comparison  with  Washington's  po- 
litical teacher,  the  great  Montesquieu,  the  enlight- 
ened magistrate  of  France,  in  what  are  esteemed 
the  worst  days  of  her  monarchy!  The  argument 
from  the  difference  of  race  which  Taney  thrusts  for- 
ward with  passionate  confidence,  as  a  proof  of  com- 
plete disqualification,  is  brought  forward  by  Mon- 
tesquieu as  a  scathing  satire  on  all  the  blood  of 
"despots  who  were  supposed  to  uphold  slavery  as 
tolerable  in  itself,.  The  rights  of  mankind,  that  pre- 
cious word  which  had  no  equivalent  in  the  language 
of  Hindostan,  or  Judea,  or  Greece,  or  Rome,  or  any 
ante-Christian  tongue,  found  its  supporters  in  Wash- 
ington and  Hamilton  ;  in  Franklin  and  Livingston  ; 
in  Otis,  George  Mason  and  Gadsden ;  in  all  the 
greatest  men  of  our  early  history. 

****** 

Washington  not  only  upheld  the  liberty  of  the 
ocean.  He  was  a  thorough  Republican.  And  how 
has  our  history  justified  his  preference!  How  has 
this  very  rebellion  borne  testimony  to  the  virtue 
and  durabiliry  of  popular  institutions!  The  rebel- 
lion which  we  are  putting  down  was  the  conspiracy 
of  the  rich,  of  opulent  men,  who  count  laborer; 
their  capital.  Our  widely-extended  suffrage  is  not 
only  utterly  innocent  of  it — -it  is  the  power  which 
will  not  fail  to  crush  it.  The  people  prove  their 
right  to  a  popular  government ;  they  have  chosen 
it  and  kept  it  in  healthy  motion,  they  will  sustain  it 
now,  and  hand  it  down  in  its  glory  and  its  power  to 
their  posterity.  And  this  is  true  not  only  of  men 
who  were  born  on  our  soil,  but  of  foreign  corn  citi- 
zens. Let  the  European  skeptic  about  the  large 
extension  of  the  suffrage  come  among  us;  and  we 
will  show  him  a  spectacle  wonderful  in  his  eyes, 
grand  beyond  his  power  of  conception.  That  which 
in  this  contest  is  marked  above  all  that  has  appear- 
ed is  the  oneness  of  heart  and  purpose  with  which 
all  the  less  wealthy  classes  of  our  people  of  all  na- 
tionalities are  devoted  to  the  flag  of  the  Union. 

The  foreigners  whom  we  have  taken  to  our  hearts, 
and  received  as  fellow-citizens,  have  been  true  to 
the  country  that  had  adopted  them;  have  been 
sincere,  earnest,  and  ready  for  every  sacrifice.  Sla- 
very is  the  slow  poison  which  has  wrought  all  the 
evil;  and  a  proud  and  selfish  oligarchy  are  the  au- 
thors of  the  conspiracy. 

****** 

If  the  views  of  Washington  with  regard  to  the 
slave-trade  commend  themselves  to  our  approbation 
after  the  lapse  of  nearly  ninety  years,  his  opinions 
on  slavery  are  so  clear  that  if  they  had  been  follow- 
ed, they  would  have  established  peace  among  us  for- 
ever. On  the  1 2th  of  April,  1 786,  he  wrote  to  Rob- 
ert Morris :  "  There  is  not  a  man  living  who  wishes 
more  sincerely  than  I  do  to  see  a  plan  adopted  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery."  This  was  his  fixed  opin- 
ion ;  so  that  in  the  following  month,  he  declared  to 
Lafayette :  "  By  degrees  the  abolition  of  slavery  \ery 
certainly  might  and  assuredly  ought  to  be  effected, 
arld-that,  too,  by  legislative  authority."  On  the  9th 
of  September  of  the  same  year,  be  avowed  his  resolu- 
tion "  never  to  possess  another  slave  by  purchase," 
adding  "  it  being  among  my  first  wishes  to  see  some 
plan  adopted  by  which  slavery  in  this  country  may 
be  abolished  by  law." 

In  conformity  with  these  views,  the  old  Confeder- 
ation of  the  United  States,  at  a  time  when  the  con- 
vention for  framing  our  Constitution  was  in  session, 
by  a  unanimous  vote  prohibited  slavery  forever  in 
all  the  territory  that  then  belonged  to  the  United 
States;  and  one  of  the  very  first  acts  of  Washington 
as  President  was  to  approve  a  law  by  which  that 
ordinance  might  "  continue  to  have  full  effect." 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1 794,  in  the  midst  of  his  cares 
as  President,  he  devised  a  plan  for  the  sale  of  lands 
in  Western  Virginia  and  Western  Pennsylvania, 
and  after  giving  other  reasons  for  his  purpose,  he 
adds :  "  I  have  another  motive  which  makes  me 
earnestly  wish  for  the  accomplishment  of  these  things; 
it  is  indeed  more  powerful  than  all  the  rest,  namely : 
to  liberate  a  certain  species  of  property  which  I 
possess,  very  repugnantly  to  my  own  feelings. 

And,  in  less  than  three  months  after  he  wrote 
that  Farewell  Address  to  which  we  have  this  day 
listened,  he  felt  himself  justified  in  announcing  to 
Europe  his  hopes  for  the  future  in  these  words: 
"  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  Maryland  and 
"Virginia  must  have  laws  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery,  and  at  a  period  not  remote." 

But  though  Virginia  and  Maryland  have  not 
been  wise  enough  to  realize  the  confident  prediction 
of  the  Father  of  his  Country — though  slavery  is 
still  permitted  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  from 
which  Madison  desired  to  see  it  removed — the  cause 
of  freedom  has  been  steadily  advancing.  The  line 
of  36  deg.  30  min.,  which  formed  a  barrier  to  the 
progress  of  skilled  labor  to  the  southward,  has  been 
effaced.  Our  country  with  one  bound  crossed  the 
Rocky  Mountains;  and  the  wisdom  of  our  people, 
as  they  laid  the  foundations  of  great  empires  on  the 
coast  of  the  Pacific,  has  brought  about  that  to-day, 
from  the  Straits  of  Bhering  to  the  Straits  of  Magel- 
lan, the  waves  of  the  great  ocean  as  they  roll  in  upon 
the  shore,  clap  their  hands  in  joy  ;~  for  all  along  that 
wide  region  the  land  is  cultivated  by  no  hands  but 
those  of  the  free.  Let  us  be  grateful  to  a  good  Provi- 
dence which  has  established  liberty  as  the  rule  of 
our  country  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  relapse. 

For  myself,  I  was  one  who  desired  to  postpone, 
or  rather  hoped  altogether  to  avoid  the  collision 
which  has  taken  place,  trusting  that  society  by  de- 
grees would  have  worked  itself  clear  by  its  own  in- 
nate strength,  and  the  virtue  and  resolution  of  the 
community.  But  slavery  has  forced  upon  us  the 
issue,  and  has  lifted  up  its  hand  to  strike  a  death- 
blow at  our  existence  as  a  people.  It  has  avowed 
itself  a  desperate  and  determined  enemy  of  our  na- 
tional life,  of  our  unity  as  a  republic,  and  hencefor- 
ward no  man  deserves  the  name  of  statesman,  who 
would  conaept  to  the  introduction  of  that  element  of 
weakness  and  division  into  any  new  territory,  or  the 
admissu.u  of  another  slave  State  into  the  Union. 
Let  HS  hope  ratfier  that  the  prediction  of  Washing- 
ton will  prove  true,  and  that  Virginia  and  Maryland 
will  BOOll  lake  tlirjr  places  as  free  States  by  the  side 
of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania. 


THE     LIBEEATOE 


THE  CAUSES  AND  PROBABLE  RESULTS 
OP  THE  AMERICAN  CIVIL  WAR. 

The  Hon.  Arthur  Kinnaird  and  Mrs.  Kinnaird 
invited  a  number  of  gentlemen  and  ministers  of  va- 
rious denominations  to  their  residence,  2  Pallniall, 
East,  on  Friday  evening,  to  meet  the  Venerable 
Bishop  of  Ohio,  who  was  asked  to  give  information 
onthe present  war  in  the  United  States.  Addition- 
al iofcerest  attached  to  the  occasion  from  the  presence 
of  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  a  leading  American  politician 
of  the  Republican  school,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  be- 
longs, and  of  Mr.  Bancroft  Davis,  a  nephew  of  Ban- 
croft the  eminent  American  historian. 

The  company  having  assembled  in  the  drawing- 
room,  Mr.  Kinnaird  explained  that  his  .object  in 
calling  his  friends  together  was  to  aid  in  removing 
the  misapprehensions  which  prevailed  in  regard  to 
the  unhappy  conflict  now  raging  in  America.  It 
could  not  be  denied  that  among  certain  classes  in 
this  country,  there  was  a  disposition  to  favor  the 
South;  and  there  was  also  a  general  want  of  infor- 
mation as  to  the  causes  which  had  brought  about  the 
present  disruption.  He  had,  therefore,  taken  this 
opportunity,  just  before  the  meeting  of  Parliament, 
to  ask  their  American  friends  to  give  explanations 
as  to  these  causes,  and  as  to  the  probable  results  of 
the  war. 

Bishop  Mcllvaine  then  rose,  and  made  a  length- 
ened and  interesting  statement  on  the  whole  subject 
of  the  war,  and  its  causes,  proximate  and  remote. 
He  opened  with  an  emphatic  denial  of  the  assump- 
tion, put  forward  in  some  quarters,  that  there  was 
an  inherent  and  irreconcilable  incompatibility  of 
union  and  association  between  the  people  of  the 
North  and  South  respectively.  The  close  intercom- 
munication in  all  matters— educational,  ecclesiasti- 
cal and  social — which  prevailed  between  the  two 
parts  of  the  country,  prior  to  the  disruption,  entirely 
negatived  the  allegation  in  question.  If,  then,  the 
division  could  not  be  accounted  for  by  natural  an- 
tagonism of  races  or  sections — what  was  the  cause  ? 
It  was  an  institution  ;  not  the  people,  not  man,  but 
a  thing.  It  was  simply  slavery,  and  nothing  else. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  Prelate  then  entered  on  an  historic  re- 
sume, to  show  that'  the  disruption  is  only  the  cul- 
minating point  of  a  conspiracy,  prepared  and  steadi- 
ly kept  in  mind  by  the  slave  power  for  thirty  years 
past.  He  traced  the  origin  of  the  secession  to  the 
promulgation  of  Calhoun's  doctrine  of  "  Nullifica- 
tion," which  asserted  that  an  individual  State,  not 
agreeing  with  a  law  passed  by  the  general  Congress, 
might  nullify  it  within  its  own  boundaries;  a  prin- 
ciple which  was  the  seed  of  secession.  He  next 
adverted  to  the  effect  produced  upon  the  slavehold- 
ing  interest  by  the  adoption  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, prohibiting  the  formation  of  new  slave  States 
North  of  36  30  north  latitude;  and  by  the  growth 
of  population,  and  the  consequent  increase  of  the 
political  weight  of  the  free  States,  while  the  slave 
States  were  almost,  stationary. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  (he  said)  only  a 
pretext,  a  mere  convenient  moment,  for  the  out- 
break of  the  slaveholding  conspiracy,  so  long  pre- 
pared, under  the  operation  of  the  circumstances 
which  he  had  detailed.  The  rebellion  had  some- 
times been  attributed  to  the  operation  of  the  tariff 
laws,  but  neither  the  Morrill  Tariff,  nor  any  other 
cause,  had  the  weight  of  a  feather  in  the  matter,  ex- 
cept this  question  of  slavery,  and  the  power  of  ex- 
tending  it  to  the  (as  yet)  unoccupied  territories  of 
the  Union.  The  Bishop  next  combatted  the  pre- 
text of  ''  a  legal  right  of  Secession  "  in  the  individu- 
al States  of  the  Union,  quoting  the  provisions  of  tin 
Federal  Constitution  which  proved  its  fallacy.  Its 
assertion  was,  in  fact,  equivalent  to  that  of  "  a  legal 
right  to  destroy  Government."  The  question  was, 
not  "  the  legal  right  of  Secession,"  but  "  the  legal 
right  of  Revolution."  What,  he  would  next  ask. 
were  the  matters  of  grievance  put  forward  by  the 
seceded  States — what  the  pleas  for  Revolution  ? 
Just  nothing.  The  only  serious  plea  was  that  fugi- 
tive slaves  who  had  escaped  to  the  Free  States  were 
more  or  less  prevented  from  being  returned  to  their 
owners,  and  that  certain  States  had  enacted  per- 
sonal liberty  laws,  conflicting  with  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  The  law  of  Ohio,  for  example,  freed 
every  slave  putting  his  foot  upon  its  soil;  and  the 
practical  operation  of  this  law  of  liberty  was  illus- 
trated by  an  interesting  example.  The  Right  Rev. 
Prelate  dwelt  at  considerable  length  on  this  and 
kindred  points,  referring  in  detail  to  events  in  Vir- 
ginia, which  exhibited  in  a  strong  light  the  tyran- 
nous proceedings  of  the  leaders  of  Secession  in  keep- 
ing down,  by  armed  intimidation,  the  large  substra- 
tum of  Union  feeling  in  that,  and,  as  he  believed. 
in  other  Southern  States.  Among  the  facts  bear- 
ing on  the  last-named  point,  he  had  just  received  a 
copy  of  the  Memphis  Appeal,  a  journal  published  in 
Tennessee,  a  Secession  State,  and  it  contained  an 
article  regretting  the  failure  of  attempts  to  organize 
the  militia,  and  declaring  that  "If  the  Federal 
troops  were  to  march  in,  thousands  upon  thousands 
would  welcome  their  approach," 

The  Bishop's  statement  was  followed  by  conversa- 
tional remarks  and  questions,  in  which  the  Rev.  3. 
Hampden  Gurncy,  the  Rev.  William  Arthur,  Mr. 
Joseph  Hoare,  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  Baptist  Noel,  Mr. 
G.Rochfort  Clark,  the  Rev.  James  Davis,  Mr.  Kin- 
naird, and  other  gentlemen  took  part.  A  leading 
point  in  this  discussion  was  the  cause  of  the  alleged 
want  of  English  sympathy  toward  the  North.  This 
was  attributed  by  Mr.  Joseph  Hoare  to  the  fact  that, 
as  yet,  there  had  not  been  the  slightest  sign  that  if 
the  North  were  at  once  restored  to  power,  the  con- 
dition of  the  slave  would  be  one  atom  improved 
(Hear.)  Mr.  Rochfort  Clark  having  asked  informa- 
tion as  to  the  past  policy  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment in  regard  to  the  amelioration  of  slavery,, 
and  as  to  whether  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
would  not  be  followed  by  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Union  on  the  same  principles  as  formerly — 

Mr.  Thurlow  Weed  gave  some  details  in  reg_ 

to  the  policy  of  the  Whig  or  Republican  party,  to 
which  the  present  Federal  Government  belongs.  As 
to  the  prospects  of  the  future,  he  said  they  not  only 
desired  but  expected  emancipation  as  the"  fruit  and 
result  of  the  war.  Slavery  was,  and  would  be, 
burned  out  of  every  rod  and  acre  of  territory  con- 
quered from  the  rebels.  The  slaves  of  rebels  were 
confiscated,  while  those  of  the  loyal  would  be  paid 
for,  so  that  by  process  of  war  and  by  legal  enact- 
ment, if  the  United  States  Government  were  suc- 
cessful, slavery  would  cease  to  exist, 

The  discussion  was  continued  by  the  Rev,  New- 
man Hall  and  the  Rev.  S.  Minton.  The  Rev.  Wil 
liam  Arthur  gave  inter  alia  some  details  on  the  mu- 
tual misapprehension  in  the  two  countries  (England 
and  America)  as  to  the  feelings  of  each  toward  the 
other.  He  also  asserted  the  existence  of  a  pro-sla- 
very feeling  among  certain  classes  and  in  certain 
organs  of  the  English  press.  The  Rev.  Henry  Ste- 
vens, on  the  other  hand,  declared  that,  from  travel- 
ling widely  throughout  the  country,  he  was  convinc- 
ed that  the  supposition  of  any  English  sympathy 
with  slavery  or  slaveholders  was  entirely  groundless. 
He  believed  that,  as  there  had  been  no  evidence 
of  any  tendency  among  Americans  to  put  down 
this  monster  evil,  the  war  had  been  permitted  by 
Providence  as  the  means  for  its  extinction.  (Hear, 
hear.)  Bishop  Mcllvaine  again  rose,  and  replied 
with  much  earnestness  to  various  points  which  had 
been  urged  in  the  course  of  the  debate.  He  dwelt 
emphatically  on  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  Unit- 
ed States  Government  in  connection  with  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery,  and  the  fallacy  of  schemes  resting  on 
the  proclamation  of  immediate  emancipation,  or  in- 
volving submission  to  the  dismemberment  of  the 
Union.  With  evident  and  deep  feeling,  the  Bishop 
expostulated  on  the  want  of  consideration  for  these 
things  among  the  people  of  England,  and  also  on 
England's  virtual  support  of  slavery  by  the  import 
of  its  very  pabulum — slave  grown  cotton. 

Mr.  Bancroft  Davis  also  delivered  an  address,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  urged  that  the  United  States 
Constitution  did  not  recognize  property  in  slaves, 
and  had  not  the  word  "  slave  "  in  it.  He  proceeded 
to  show,  by  a  variety  of  facts,  that  the  war  was  one 
of  slaveholding  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  South. 
— London  Record  of  Feb.  3d. 


jSgjp*  Emancipation  is  evidently  deferred.  We 
see  that  the  speech  to  be  delivered  by  Wendell  Phil- 
lips before  the  "League,"  is  postponed  until  the 
12th  of  March—"  necessarily,"  it  is  said.  We  shall 
be  surprised  if,  when  that  day  arrives,  it  is  not  put 
off  indefinitely.  Mr.  Phillips,  with  all  his  abolition 
zeal,  has  got  more  sense  than,  we  were  about  to  say, 
all  his  associates  in  a  body,  lie  sees  that  with  every 
triumph  of  the  arms  of  the  United  States,  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution  are  the  more  sure  to  be  restor- 
ed ;  and  that,  as  these  are  confirmed;  abolition  dwin- 
dles, until,  when  the  authority  of  the  Government 
is  complete,  the  rights  of  the  States  are  assured,  and 
abolition  is  dead.  It  will  then  never  lift  its  head 
again,  as  a  political  engine,  and  the  occupation  of 
its  advocates  will  be  gone.  Mr.  Phillips  sees  this — 
the  veil  is  on  the  hearts  of  many  others,  so  that  they 
cannot  or  will  not  discern  the  inevitable  course  of 
events. — Boston  Courier.     [Spile  and  nonsense  !] 


®ft*    %'xlitxntttx. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders ! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  MAKCII  7, 1862. 


LETTEES  TO  GEOKGE  THOMPSON,  ESQ. 

LEITEK    III. 

Mr  Dhar  Eriund  and  Coadjutor  : 

There  are  some  of  our  Anti-Slavery  friends  in  Eng- 
land, who  are  not  disposed  to  give  any  countenance  to 
the  rebels,  or  to  wish  them  any  success  ;  nevertheless, 
they  have  no  cheering  word  for  the  North,  and  evince 
no  sympathy  with  the  Government.  They  are  neither 
on  one  side  nor  on  the  other;  they  cannot  perceive 
that  the  struggle  has  any  particular  connection  with 
the  cause  of  negro  emancipation  in  special,  or  of  hu- 
man liberty  in  general.  Hence,  they  marvel  at  the 
deep  interest  taken  in  it  by  the  Ameriean  Abolition- 
ists, and  have  sorrowfully  come  to  the  conclusion  that, 
in  sustaining  the  Government,  we  have  abandoned  our 
high  vantage  ground,  lowered  our  moral  standard,  and 
allowed  ourselves  to  be  carried  headlong  by  a  strong 
tide  of  popular  feeling.  Their  sincerity  is  not  to  he 
questioned ;  and,  for  one,  I  thank  them  for  their  friend- 
ly solicitude  and  admonitory  counsel,  while  none  the 
wondering  at  what  seems  to  me  their  lack  of  sound 
discrimination  as  pertaining  to  American  affairs  at  the 
present  crisis. 

How  is  it,  after  so  many  years  of  faithful  and  gener- 
ous cooperation,  that  they  fail  to  see  the  intimate  rela- 
tion of  this  Southern  rebellion  to  the  Anti-Slavery 
movement;  or  to  find  in  it  the  most  cheering  evidence 
of  the  growing  power  and  victorious  march  of  that 
movement?  Have  they  forgotten  the  state  of  the 
country  before  the  banner  of  immediate  emancipation 
was  flung  to  the  breeze— how  the  slave  oligarchy  held 
unquestioned  sway  over  the  religion  and  politics,  the 
government  and  legislation,  the  press  and  the  pulpit, 
the  literature  and  business  of  the  whole  country  ? 
Then  "order  reigned  in  Warsaw  "—despotism  su- 
preme on  the  one  hand,  and  subjugation  absolute  on 
the  other.  Then  quietude  prevailed  throughout  the 
land— the  quietude  of  the  grave,  where  there  is  "no 
work  ner  device,"  and  where  "the  dead  do  all  forgot- 
ten He."  Then  there  was  no  agitation,  but  all  was 
peace — the  peace  engendered  by  universal  moral  de- 
generacy and  the  rankest  political  corruption.  At 
length,  in  the  order  of  divine  appointment,  the  Anti- 
Slavery  struggle  commenced,  that  henceforth  there 
should  be  neither  peace  nor  quietude,  but  rather  tu- 
mult and  strife,  until  the  overthrow  of  the  republic 
through  incorrigible  impenitence,  or  its  salvation 
through  the  liberation  of  every  bondman,  and  obe- 
dience to  the  Higher  Law.  Have  they  forgotten,  by 
some  inexplicable  loss  of  memory,  the  long  eventful 
history  of  that  struggle— how,  from  the  time  that  the 
first  number  of  the  Liberator  made  its  ominous  appear- 
ance, the  Southern  dealers  in  human  flesh  instinctive- 
ly clutched  at  every  weapon  their  brutality  could  wield, 
and  resorted  to  every  device  their  villany  could  frame, 
in  order  to  suppress  all  discussion  of  the  question  of 
slavery  ?  These  haughty  oppressors  had  every  thing 
on  their  side,  excepting  God  and  justice.  The  North 
was  swarming  with  religious  and  political  accomplices, 
who  left  nothing  undone  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the 
new  heresy.  Abolitionism  was  every  where  fiercely 
denounced,  and  its  advocates, — "like  angels'  visits, 
few  and  far  between," — were  universally  ridiculed, 
insulted,  ostracised.  Mob  violence  became  epidemic. 
No  Anti-Slavery  meeting  could  be  held  in  any  village 
or  hamlet,  however  remote  or  obscure,  without  hostil 
demonstrations.  You,  my  dear  Thompson,  knew  by 
early  experience  and  a  memorable  residence  here, 
what  trials  and  perils  thronged  in  the  pathway  of  the 
faithful  advocate  of  the  slave  at  that  tumultuous  period, 
But  the  struggle  went  on— every  inch  of  ground  be- 
ing as  desperately  contested  by  the  minions  of  the 
slavocracy  as  was  ever  field  of  battle.  Year  after 
year,  Abolitionism  was  hissed  down,  howled  down, 
mobbed  down,  voted  down,  trodden  down,  but  would 
not  stay  down.  Over  it  the  powers  of  hell  could  ex- 
ercise no  control,  and  maintain  no  mastery.  In  every 
encounter,  it  grew  stronger,  and  more  assured  of  ulti- 
mate victory.  In  vain  did  the  church  excommunicate 
it,  the  pulpit  anathematize  it,  the  press  calumniate  and 
caricature  it,  the  mob  assail  it ;  in  vain  were  scoff,  and 
sneer,  and  falsehood,  and  deception,  and  menace,  and 
violence  resorted  to ;  in  vain  did  wealth,  and  respecta- 
bility, and  piety,  and  political  demagoguism  combine 
their  ample  means  and  mighty  forces  to  crush  it  out  of 
existence;  it  was  never  defeated  in  argument,  nor  in- 
timidated by  numbers,  nor  compelled  to  relinquish  the 
ground  on  which  it  stood,  because  based  upon  reason, 
supported  by  justice,  inspired  by  humanity,  and  guard- 
ed by  an  omnipotent  arm.  Steadily  but  surely,  it  has 
won  its  way  from  heart  to  heart,  from  fireside  to  fire- 
side, from  city  to  city,  from  one  extremity  of  the  coun- 
try to  the  other,  till  it  can  no  longer  be  safely  trifled 
with  or  despised.  All  the  while,  naturally  and  in 
tably,  by  the  law  of  repulsion,  the  slave  oligarchy  have 
been  growing  more  and  more  seditious,  and  rendered 
more  and  more  uncomfortable  in  their  relations  to  the 
North.  At  length,  the  vast  moral  change  effected  in 
public  sentiment,  through  the  Anti-Slavery  movement, 
culminated  at  the  ballot-box  in  a  political  triumph  of 
the  Free  States  on  the  territorial  issue,  by  the  election 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  candidate  of  the  Republican 
party.  This  triumph  indicated  no  wish  or  design  to 
interfere  with  slavery  as  already  existing  in  the  Slave 
States,  or  to  repudiate  any  of  the  pro-slavery  guaran- 
ties contained  in  the  Constitution  ;  but  it  showed  a  de- 
termination to  allow  no  further  territorial  expansion  of 
slavery,  and  for  the  first  time  entrusted  the  policy  of 
the  government  to  the  hands  of  the  North.  The  po- 
litical campaign  was  hotly  contested;  and  I  am  confi- 
dent that  there  was  not  an  English  Abolitionist  who 
did  not  regard  its  result  as  a  triumph  to  the  cause  of 
freedom,  and  as  indicating  a  hopeful  and  progressive 
state  of  things  in  the  United  States.  Certainly,  the 
Southern  lords  of  the  lash  looked  upon  it  as  a  most  dis- 
astrous defeat;  it  filled  them  with  rage  and  despair;  it 
proclaimed  that  the  day  of  their  tyrannical  dominion 
was  ended;  it  drove  them  to  open  rebellion. 

By  their  own  recorded  declarations,  they  would 
have  seceded  just  as  promptly  if  John  C.  Fremont  had 
been  elected  four  years  previous ;  for  their  motto  has 
always  been  to  "rule  or  ruin."  They  would  have 
broken  up  the  Union  at  any  period,  from  George  Wash- 
ington down  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  if  there  had  then 
been  the  same  relative  growth  of  Anti-Slavery  senti- 
ment as  now.  In  short,  they  came  into  the  Union 
only  to  play  the  part  of  masters  and  overseers,  not  only 
to  their  slaves,  but  to  the  whole  country.  They  cared 
nothing  for  a  republican  form  of  government,  provided 
they  could  be  the  governing  party.  Their  usurpation 
being  overthrown,  and  despairing  of  ever  reestablish- 
ing it,  they  have  gone  out  like  the  unclean  spirits  of 
old,  but  not  without  rending  the  body. 

Is  not  this  a  hopeful  state  of  things  3  Is  it  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  very  slight  or  a  very  dubious  matter  by 
any  friend  of  the  slave  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  1 
Granted  that  the  North  is  still  far  from  being  up  to  the 
true  Anti-Slavery  standard  ;  that  the  Government  still 
hesitates  to  strike  the  one  decisive  blow,  which  it  may 
lawfully  give,  to  crush  the  rebellion  and  terminate  the 
war,  without  returning  evil  for  evil;  that  a  fugitive 
slave  is  occasionally  sent  back  from  the  camp  by  an 
upstart  officer ;  that  there  is  danger  of  future  compro- 
mises, as  the  federal  forces  inarch  on  to  victory. 
Nevertheless,  tho  fact  stands  "open  and  palpable  as  a 
mountain,"  that  it  is  owing  to  the  increasing  strength 
and  general  prevalence  of  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  at 
the  North,  that  these  stave-holding  conspirators  have 
seceded  in  hot  haste,  declaring  that  with  them  endur- 
ance has  passed  its  bounds,  and  they  will  never  again 
consent  to  be  in  the  same  Union  with  the  people  of  the 
Free  States.  Are  we,  as  Abolitionists,  never  to  recog- 
nize that  we  have  made  any  progress,  because  wc  have 
not  yet  effected  all  that  we  have  been  so  long  strug- 
gling to  accomplish  ?  For  one,  I  am  disposed  to  shout 
and  sing,  "Glory!  nalleluial"  And  when  it  is  re- 
proachfully  said  by  the  enemies  of  freedom,  that,  had 


M^IRCIT  7. 


it  not  been  for  the  Abolition  agitation,  there  would 
have  been  no  secession,  I  accept  the  statement  as  a 
splendid  tribute  to  the  power  of  truth,  the  majesty  of 
justice,  and  the  advancement  of  fhe  age.  Of  course, 
if  there  had  been  no  slaveholders  in  the  land,  there 
would  have  been  no  Abolitionists— no  pro-slavery 
mobs— no  civil  war— no  dissolution  of  the  Union— but 
freedom,  peace,  prosperity  and  happiness  would  have 
been  the  inheritance  of  the  people  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific.  Let  the  responsibility  rest  and  the  re- 
tribution fall  on  the  heads  of  the  oppressors  ! 
Yours,  for  the  jubilee, 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON. 
George  Thompson,  Esq. 


IMPOETANT   PUBLIC   MEETING. 

Last  evening,  a  public  meeting  of  citizens  of  New 
York  was  to  have  been  held,  and  undoubtedly  was 
held,  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  in  response  to  the  fol- 
lowing inspiring  invitation  :— 

"  All  citizens  of  New  York  who  rejoice  in  the  down- 
fall of  treason,  and  are  in  favor  of  sustaining  the  national 
government  in  the  most  energetic  exercise  of  all  the 
rights  and  powers  of  war,  in  the  prosecution  of  its  pur- 
pose to  destroy  the  cause  of  such  treason,  and  to  recover 
the  territory  heretofore  occupied  by  certain  States,  re- 
cently overturned  and  wholly  subverted,  as  members 
of  the  Federal  Union,  by  a  hostile  and  traitorous  pow- 
er, calling  itself 'The  Confederate  States';  and  all 
who  concur  in  the  conviction  that  said  traitorous 
power,  instead  of  achieving  the  destruction  of  the  na- 
tion, has  thereby  only  destroyed  slavery,  and  that  it 
is  now  the  sacred  duty  of  the  National  Government, 
as  the  only  means  of  securing  permanent  peace,  na- 
tional unity  and  well-being,  to  provide  against  its  res- 
toration, and  to  establish  in  said  territories  democratic 
institutions,  founded  upon  the  principles  of  the  Great 
Declaration,  "that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  the  inalienable  rights 
of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  are  re- 
quested to  meet  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  on  the  Gth 
day  of  March  inst.,  at  8  o'clock,  P.  M.,  to  express  to 
the  President  and  Congress  their  views  as  to  the 
measures  proper  to  be  adopted  in  the  existing  emer- 
gency." 

Appended  to  this  Call  are  the  names  of  the  follow- 
ing gentlemen,  acting  as  a  committee  of  arrange- 
ments : — 


Wm.  Curtis  Noyes, 
Park  Godwin, 
J.  W.  Edmonds, 
Edgar  Ketchum, 
Charles  L.  Brace, 
Rev.  E.  Thomson, 
A.  W.  Morgan, 
Andrew  Bowdin, 
Dr.  R.  T.  Hallock, 
Sigismund  Lasar, 
Richard  Warren, 
Horace  Greeley, 
Wm.  Cullen  Bryant, 
Edward  Gilbert, 
Charles  T.  Rodgers, 
George  Bancroft, 
Erastus  D.  Culver, 
George  B.  Cheever,D.D 
Wm.  C.  Russell, 
S.  S.  Jocelyn, 
Theodore  Tilton, 
Samuel  E.  Lyon, 
James  Wiggins, 
Alexander  Wilder, 


James  MeKaye, 
Charles  Gould,. 
Robert  L.  Darragh, 
William  Goodell, 
Rev.  S.  R.  Davis, 
Dexter  Eairbank, 
Rev.  Mansfield  French, 
David  Magie, 
Cephas  Brainerd, 
John  T.  Wilson, 
James  Frceland, 
Charles  Butler, 
Peter  Cooper, 
Rev.  J.  R.  W.  Sloane, 
J.  E.  Ambrose, 
Samuel  Wilde, 
H.  A.  Hart,M.  D., 
.,  Rev.  Nathan  Brown, 
Adon  Smith, 
Rev.  John  Duer, 
Thomas  L.  Thornell, 
Oliver  Johnson, 
George  Wm.  Curtis. 


We  were  kindly  invited  to  be  present,  and  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  proceedings.  It  would  be  well  worth  a 
trip  to  New  York  to  attend  such  a  gathering  for  such 
a  purpose.  [See  our  letter  to  Col.  MeKaye,  in  the 
next  column.] 


The  Educational  Commission.  We  are  sure 
that  all  our  subscribers  will  read  with  lively  interest 
the  Address  to  the  Public  which  we  publish  in  another 
column,  in  behalf  of  the  Educational  Commission  late- 
ly organized  in  Boston,  under  the  most  promising  au- 
spices, for  the  education  and  moral  training  of  the  lib- 
erated bondmen  and  bondwomen  at  Port  Royal.  Ap- 
pended to  it  is  precisely  the  information  which  those 
who  are  writing  to  us  on  the  subject  desire  to  obtain. 
The  names  of  the  officers,  and  of  the  members  of  th 
various  committees,  with  their  special  functions,  are 
given,  so  that  all  inquiries  may  be  intelligently  ad- 
dressed. The  chairman  of  the  committee  on  teach- 
ers is  George  B.  Emerson,  Esq.  On  Monday  last,  a 
large  number  of  instructors  and  assistants  sailed 
the  steamer  Atlantic  from  New  York  to  Port  Royal. 
All  of  them  were  required  to  take  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance. What  a  missionary  field  is  opening  in  be- 
nighted Carolina!  And  how  naturally  educational 
effort  follows  emancipation  ! 

Of  course,  the  efficiency  and  usefulness  of  the  Ed- 
ucational Commission  will  depend  very  much  on  the 
amount  voluntarily  contributed  by  the  benevolent  to 
its  funds.  Let  that  amount  be  large,  and  promptly 
supplied. 

$^~  Dr.  Tyng,  the  venerable  Rector  of  St.  George's 
Episcopal  Church,  in  New  York,  delivered  an  address, 
not  long  since,  in  the  Church  of  the  Puritans,  intro- 
ductory to  a  concert  by  the  Hutchinson  Family  for  the 
benefit  of  the  daughters  of  soldiers  slain  or  disabled  in 
the  present  war.     The  reporter  of  the  Tribune  says 

"He  closed  by  welcoming  the  Hutchinson  Family, 
who  had  left  their  mountain  home  to  come  down 
among  the  people,  and  cheer  them  with  the  gladsome 
songs  of  Freedom.  There  were  places  where  such 
strains  could  not  be  echoed,  but  the  time  had  come 
when,  throughout  the  loyal  North,  they  could  sing  the 
strongest  words  in  behalf  of  Right  and  in  rebuke  of 
Wrong.  Even  there  (in  the  Church  of  the  Puritans), 
old  conservatives  like  himself  eould  not  help  feeling 
free  to  speak  an  honest  word  for  liberty.  Somehow, 
the  atmosphere  of  that  church  was  infectious  (ap- 
plause), and  before  the  people  would  know  it,  they 
would  be  all  standing  and  working  in  glorious  har- 
mony with  the  indefatigable  William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
and  then  they  would  wonder  why  they  had  stood  sc 
long  anywhere  else.  As  for  himself,  he  was  resolved 
to  stand  by  that  cause  which  sought  to  sweep  away 
every  obstruction  to  the  proper  development  of  Re- 
publican Freedom  in  this  nation."     (Applause.) 


2^=*  A  late  Southern  paper,  the  Courier,  published 
at  Bowling  Green,  recently  the  head-quarters  of  the 
rebel  army  in  Kentucky,  insolently  said  : — 

"When  we  have  independence,  and  shall  grant  free 
trade  to  our  former  oppressors,  then  will  come  the 
proud  hour  of  the  final  and  complete  triumph  of  the 
South.  Look  at  the  map  of  America,  and  see  bow 
we  tear  from  the  vitals  of  the  old  Union  nearly  nil 
that  is  valuable.  We  then  will  be  seated  on  the  throne  of 
the  new  continent — the  true  seat  of  all  constitutional 
government  and  republican  liberty — holding  in  servile 
dependence  our  former  oppressors !  We  will  hold  their 
very  means  of  living  in  our  hands.  Lower  our  tariff, 
and  they  will  sink — raise  it,  and  they  wilt  lick  the  dust 
beneath  our  feet.  Then  we  will  hold'tbem  in  bonds  to 
keep  the  peace,  to  catch  our  slaves,  to  bend  before  our 
word,  the  dependents  and  feudatories  of  the  true  men 
of  America.  At  every  session  they  will  fill  the  lob- 
bies of  our  Congress  with  committees  to  beg  for  mercy 
in  the  adjustment  of  the  details  of  our  tariff—  begging 
for  the  bread  which  we  will  give  to  them,  because  we 
love  mankind.  (!}  At  each  returning  session  of  our 
Congress,  you  will  see  them  fawning  around  the  throne 
they  wilt  acknowledge,  returning  to  us  our  fugitives,  and 
in  every  way  endeavoring  to  propitiate  the  people 
they  so  insolently  attempted,  in  the  old  Union,  to  en- 
slave— the  last  instance  in  history  of  the  'members 
rebelling  against  the  belly.'" 


West  Cambridge,  March  3, 1862. 

Bro.  Garrison  :  E.  II.  Heywood,  Esq.,  epoke 
very  interestingly  and  eloquently  here  last  evening, 
in  the  Unitarian  church,  on  "  The  Cause  and  Cure  of 
the  War."  A  large  audience  was  in  attendance,  and 
listened  with  deep  interest  to  his  remarks  ;  and  while 
he  had  the  sympathy  of  most  of  bis  audience,  the  few 
who  dissented  from  him  were  quite  won  by  his  calm, 
candid  course,  and  confessed  that  there  was  "  more 
in  that  side  of  the  case  than  they  bad  thought." 
Mr.  II.  has  such  a  sweet  and  happy  way  of  saying 
strong  things,  that  ho  disarms  prejudice,  and  half 
converts  an  opponent  before  be  knows  it.  His  lec- 
ture convinced  some  people  here  that  deriunotatlori  is 
not  n*CM«tr%  connected  with  Anti-Slavery  ;  that  Jus- 
tice and  Humanity  can  be  advocated  without  shock- 
ing the  good  sense  and  taste  of  a  cultivated  congrega- 
tion. 

I  will  not  attempt  a  report  of  tho  lecture,  hut  con- 
clude with  the  hope  that  Mr.  Heywood  will  have 
as  many  calls  to  repeat  it  in  our  cities  and  towns  as  bo 
can  respond  to,  satisfied  that  it  will  help  forward  the 
good  cause. 

Very  truly  yours,  C. 


THE  ABOLITION  OP  SLAYEEY  THE  EIGHT 
AND  DUTY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

Boston,  March  4,  1802. 
Cor,.  James  McKaye  : 

.Dear  Sir,— I  feel  honored  by  the  invitation  which 
has  been  extended  to  me,  in  behalf  of  the  Committee 
of  Arrangements,  to  be  present  at  a  public  meeting 
to  be  held  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  in  New  York,  on 
Thursday  evening  next.  Other  engagements  will 
prevent  my  attendance,  except  in  spirit.  Most  heart- 
ily do  I  subscribe  to  the  statement  in  your  call,  that 
the  "  hostile  and  traitorous  power,  calling  itself  '  The 
Confederate  States,'  instead  of  achieving  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  nation,  has  thereby  only  destroyed  slavery ; 
and  that  it  is  now  the  sacred  duty  of  the  National 
Government,  as  the  only  means  of  securing  perma- 
nent peace,  national  unity  and  well-being,  to  provide 
against  its  restoration."  Whoever  else  may  have 
the  folly  or  hardihood  to  do  so,  the  Southern  traitors 
themselves  will  not  deny  the  validity  of  this  state- 
ment. In  raising  the  standard  of  rebellion,  they  vol- 
untarily and  defiantly  assumed  all  the  responsibilities 
of  their  perfidious  act,  and  declared  themselves  ready 
and  eager  to  meet  all  its  consequences,  whether  ex- 
tending to  the  confiscation  of  their  property,  the 
emancipation  of  their  slaves,  the  outlawry  of  their 
persons,  or  the  forfeiture  of  their  Jives.  Whatever 
claims  they  once  bad  upon  the  Constitution,  as  loyal 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  ceased  the  first  moment 
they  declared  themselves  out  of  the  Union,  set  up 
their  hostile  confederacy,  and  made  war  upon  the 
Government.  The  punishment  of  treason  is  death. 
Death  is  the  extinction  of  all  constitutional  rights. 
In  such  a  case,  the  power  of  the  Government,  in  tbe 
exercise  of  its  legitimate  functions,  is  absolute;  and, 
surely,  it  is  not  for  those  who  have  halters  around 
their  necks  to  call  it  in  question.  It  is  now  tbe  glori- 
ous prerogative  of  the  Government  to  "  create  a  soul 
under  the  ribs  of  death,"  by  proclaiming  liberty  to 
every  bondman  at  the  South,  and  by  establishing 
upon  her  soil  "democratic  institutions  founded  on 
the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence." 
In  view  of  their  recent  staggering  defeats,  the 
Southern  traitors  will  not  deny  that  they  have  failed 
to  destroy  the  Republic;  or  that,  solely  to  guard  and 
perpetuate  slavery  and  slave  institutions,  they  have 
plunged  the  country  into  all  tbe  horrors  of  civil  war  ; 
and,  therefore,  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  is  "tbe 
only  means  of  securing  permanent  peace  and  national 
unity."  They  instinctively  perceive  and  frankly 
avow,  that  there  is  an  "  irrepressible  conflict "  between 
liberty  and  slavery,  free  institutions  and  slave  institu- 
tions; and  they  are  consistently  carrying  out  their 
anti-republican  doctrines.  Fearful  as  is  the  guilt  they 
have  incurred,  I  hold  that  they  are  to  be  far  less  ab- 
horred than  those  at  the  North,  who,  under  the  mask 
of  loyalty,  are  for  treasonable  ends  denying  to  the 
Government  the  right  to  remove  the  source  of  the 
rebellion,  and  to  uproot  the  cause  of  all  our  national 
troubles.  I  prefer  the  _  Charleston  Mercury  to  the 
New  York  Journal  of  Commerce,  the  Richmond  En- 
quirer to  tbe  New  York  Herald,  the  Norfolk  Day- 
Book  to  the  Boston  Courier.  Give  us  the  devil,  "go- 
ing about  like  a  roaring  lion  seeking  whom  he  may 
devour,"  rather  than  the  devil  in  the  garb  of  "  an  an- 
gel of  light,"  trying  to  deceive  even  the  very  elect ! 
Over  the  so-called  "  Confederate  States,"  ever  since 
his  inauguration,  President  Lincoln  has  been  as  una- 
ble to  exercise  governmental  jurisdiction  as  over  China 
or  Japan.  They  have  rendered  it  impossible  for  any 
officer  of  the  Government  to  exist,  or  any  law  of  the 
land  to  be  enforced,  within  their  limits.  They  have 
trampled  upon  the  national  flag,  made  the  slightest 
manifestation  of  loyalty  to  the  Union  perilous  to  life, 
exhibited  entire  unanimity  of  sentiment  in  their  trea- 
sonable designs,  and  as  thoroughly  ignored  all  consti- 
tutional relations  and  obligations  as  though  no  such 
instrument  as  tbe  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
had  ever  been  beard  of.  Nor,  to  this  hour,  is  their 
position  changed  one  hair's  breadth.  Hitherto  they 
have  acted  under  a  temporary  provisional  arrange- 
ment; now  they  are  acting  under  a  recognized  Con- 
stitution, designed  to  be  permanent,  and  have  duly 
inaugurated  a  President,  with  all  the  machinery  of 
independent  government.  Their  treason  is  now  or- 
ganized and  consolidated  rebellion,  compelling  obedi- 
ence to  its  bloody  decrees  in  tbe  name  of  law  and 
order,  and  by  virtue  of  constitutional  authority.  Their 
avowal  is  still  one  of  undying  hostility  to  that  Union 
which  they  once  professed  to  adore,  and  to  that  Con- 
stitution which  they  formerly  lauded  as  the  perfec- 
tion of  human  reason,  the  bulwark  of  national  securi- 
ty, the  ark  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Their  voice 
is  still  for  war — fierce,  revengeful,  sanguinary,  fratri- 
cidal war— "war  to  the  knife,  and  the  knife  to  the 
hilt."  They  have  left  nothing  undone  to  destroy  the 
Government,  to  paralyze  every  branch  of  industry, 
to  jeopard  the  safety  of  peaceful  and  prosperous 
commerce,  to  throw  upon  tbe  shoulders  of  the  loyal 
North  a  crushing  weight  of  debt  and  taxation,  to  fill 
the  land  with  lamentation  and  woe,  and  to  redden 
the  Boil  with  blood.  Thus  they  have  forfeited  all 
rights  and  immunities;  they  have  brought  upon  them- 
selves all  the  tremendous  penalties  of  treason;  they 
have  challenged, the  Government  to  mortal  combat, 
and  staked  every  thing  upon  the  issue.  Not  one 
of  their  Northern  abettors  is  so  audacious  as  to  deny 
tbe  right  of  the  Government,  under  these  circum- 
stances, to  confiscate  their  property  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent— property  in  houses  and  lands,  in  ships  and  goods, 
in  cattle  and  swine — property  recognized  as  legitimate 
throughout  the  world,  and  in  all  ages  ;  but  when  it  is 
proposed  to  include  slave  property  also,  which  is  based 
upon  robbery  and  oppression,  and  therefore  has  no 
rightful  existence  in  this  or  in  any  other  land,  then  a 
hue-and-cry  is  instantly  raised,  in  the  name  of  the 
Constitution,  against  the  exercise  of  this  right,  as 
though  it  were  a  sacrilegious  act  I  Is  not  this  palpa- 
ble complicity  with  the  Southern  traitors,  and  ought  it 
not  to  excite  universal  indignation  and  abhorrence  ? 
It  is  a  vicious  rejection  of  the  law  of  nations  for  the 
basest  purposes,  and  a  practical  betrayal  of  the  Gov- 
ernment itself.  But  it  needs  no  other  answer  than 
is  contained  in  tbe  following  truthful  declaration  of 
John  Quincy  Adams: — "From  tbe  instant  that  the 
slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war,  civil, 
servile  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with.  .  .  Not  only  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  but  the  Commander  of  the  Army,  has  power 
to  order  the  universal  emancipation  of  the  slaves." 

The  Government,  then,  being  clothed  with  this 
power,  and  refusing  to  wield  it,  is  to  be  held  as  respon- 
sible for  the  continuance  of  slavery  as  though  it  had 
just  created  the  system,  and  reduced  four  millions  of 
the  people  to  tbe  condition  of  chattels.  It  occupies 
to  the  slave  population  tbe  position  which  Pharaoh 
did  to  the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt.  It  can  "  let 
the  people  go,"  and  blow  the  trump  of  jubilee  through- 
out the  land;  and  not  to  do  so  is  to  evince  infatuation 
and  to  court  destruction.  Every  hour  that  it  delays 
is  pregnant  with  future  judgments,— symbolized  by 
the  plagues  of  frogs  and  lice,  of  fire  and  hail,  of  lo- 
custs and  darkness,  the  murrain  of  beasts,  and  tbe 
slain  of  the  first-born  in  tbe  old  Egyptian  kingdom. 
Every  hour  that  it  delays,  it  is  to  be  held  responsible 
for  a  fearfully  criminal  waste  of  life  and  treasure,  and 
for  tbe  needless  prolongation  of  a  rebellion  more  des- 
penile  in  spirit  and  design  ihiin  any  to  be  found  in  the 
annals  of  the  world.  It  has  now  an  opportunity  to 
strike  a  blow  for  justice,  humanity,  freedom,  the 
rijdils  of  mankind,  and  to  terminate  the  nmsi  dreadful 
system  of  oppression  that  ever  cursed  the  earth,  that 
has  never  been  equalled  in  beneficence  and  glory.  To 
allow  this  opportunity  lo  pa-ss  unimproved,  no  matter 

on  what  pretence,  will  be  such  comprehensive  Iniquity 
as  only  He  can  measure  and  punish  whose  command 
is,  "  Execute  judgment  in  tbe  morning,  mid  deliver 
him  that  is  spoiled  out  of  the  band  of  the  oppressor, 
lest  my  fury  go  out  like  fire,  and  burn  that  none  can 
quench  il,  because  of  the  evil  ol'yuur  doings." 

Let  tho  will  of  God  be  done,  mid  let  all  ibe  people 
say,  Allien  !  Yours,  to  break  every  yet  c. 

WM.   LLOYD  GAKI.'lMiX 


A  LOYAL  NEGRO  WHIPPED  TO -DEATH. 

The  following  letter  is  taken  from  the  New  York 
Times.  It  bears  every  mark  of  authenticity,  and 
should  be  published  in  every  newspaper  throughout 
tbe  country  and  tbe  civilized  world.  "The  tender 
mercies  of  the  wicked  are  cruel."  The  abominable 
cruelties  of  the  slaveholders  in  tbe  rebel  States  should 
be  held  up  to  the  reprobation  of  mankind.  Will  the 
Northern  States  have  any  fellowship  with  such  a  sys- 
tem, the  natural  fruits  of  which  are  cruelty  and  mur- 
der? Will  England,  that  boasts  of  lis  Emancipation 
Act,  have  any  alliance  with  men-stcalers  and  men- 
slayers,  who  shed  innocent  blood  ?  Let  the  universal 
voice  of  free  people,  everywhere,  say,  "  0  my  soul, 
come  not  thou  into  their  secret;  unto  their  assembly, 
mine  honor,  be  not  thou  united."  And  what  shall  be 
said  of  American  military  officers,  who  officiate  as  hu- 
man bloodhounds  in  delivering  up  loyal  slaves  to  their 
rebel  masters  1  They  are  a  disgrace  to  the  army,  to 
the  country,  and  to  human  nature  !  Instead  of  being 
permitted  to  wear  a  sword,  or  be  decorated  with  an 
epaulette,  should  not  Government  cashier  each  officer 
so  offending — 

"And  put  in  every  honest  hand  a  whip, 
To  lash  ttie  rascal  naked  thro'  the  world  '." 


A  letter  from  General  Hooker's  division,  dated  Jan- 
uary 10th,  says: — 

"  One  of  tbe  most  cruel  and  atrocious  deeds  of  the 
barbarous  slave-master  was  perpetrated  by  one  Sam- 
uel Cox,  living  five  miles  below  Port  Tobacco,  who  is 
said  to  be  an  ex-State  representative,  a  returned  rebel, 
the  captain  of  a  cavalry  company  organized  for  the 
rebel  army,  but  disbanded  by  tbe  rebel  troops,  and  a 
contraband  trader.  When  Col.  Dwight  of  tbe  Excel- 
sior Brigade  scoured  that  portion  of  the  country  with 
his  regiment,  Jack  Scroggins,  a  slave,  represented  to 
the  Colonel,  that  Cox  and  his  confederates  had  secre- 
ted a  large  amount  of  ammunition  and  arms ;  and  true 
enough,  these  arms  and  ammunition  were  found  in 
Cox's  bouse,  and  in  an  adjoining  marsh.  The  regi- 
ment moved  down  to  its  present  encampment  above 
Hilltop.  Jack  joined  them,  and  this  was  about  eleven 
miles  from  bis  home.  Cox  dared  to  lay  claim  to  his 
slave,  and  under  the  promise  that  he  would  not  harm 
the  slave,  he  was  surrendered  up  to  bim  ;  but  not  with- 
out difficulty,  for  the  men  protested  and  forcibly  res- 
cued him,  when  an  officer  rode  up,  and  declared  be 
would  shoot  the  first  man  that  again  interfered  with 
the  master:  and  thus  was  this  man  returned  to  bon- 
dage, hy  an  officer  of  the  United  States  army.  Such 
was  the  reward  of  distinguished  loyalty  ! 

Cox,  the  cursed  fiend,  tied  the  man  to  his  horse,  and 
rode  at  a  rapid  rate,  tbe  poor  slave  running  to  keep  up 
behind  bim.  When  he  left  the  regiment,  he  bad  on  a 
pair  of  good  shoes,  but  when  he  reached  his  master's 
house  his  shoes  were  gone,  and  his  bleeding  feet  were 
found  to  be  bursting  open  from  coming  in  contact  with 
pebbles  and  stones.  He  had  been  dragged  eleven 
miles  behind  bis  master's  horse!  They  arrived  home 
in  the  evening  about  eleven  o'clock,  on  Friday.  He 
tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  tailed  his  overseer,  Franklin 
Boby,  and  a  man  by  tbe  name  of  John  Eobinson. 
They  commenced  whipping  him  about  12  o'clock,  and 
whipped  him  until  3  o'clock,  three  hours,  taking  turns 
with  tbe  whip — when  one  was  tired  and  breathless, 
another  would  take  the  lash- 

The  only  words  be  uttered,  up  to  2  o'clock,  were, 
'  I  shall  not  live  after  this.'  '  Oh,  no,  you  rascal,  I  in- 
tend to  kill  you,'  said  Cox.  'Mr.  Cos,'  said  Eobin- 
son, '  he  is  dying.'  '  No,  he  is  not ;  be  is  stout-heart- 
ed, and  able-bodied  ;  he  can  stand  as  much  more. 
However,  give  me  the  whip ;  let  bis  blood  be  upon  my 
bead,'  replied  Cox.  Tbe  lash  was  then  applied  until 
about  two  hours  before  day.  About  3  o'clock  be  was 
cut  down,  and  sank  to  tbe  earth  insensible.  He  had 
on  a  new  cotton  shirt  when  they  began  to  whip  him, 
and  when  they  were  done,  there  was  nothing  left  of  it 
but  tbe  collar-bands  and  wristbands.  Then  commenced 
the  rubbing  down  to  bring  back  sensibility,  but  all  of 
no  avail.  Their  unfortunate  victim  breathed  his  last 
before  sundown  on  Saturday  evening.  Thus  perished 
a  loyal  negro  at  the  hands  of  a  traitor." 

Tbe  foregoing  story,  I  regret  to  say,  is  intrinsically 
probable.  Just  such  cruelty  is  to  be  expected  of  a 
slaveholder,  under  the  circumstances  mentioned,  and 
just  such  unspeakable  baseness  is  to  be  expected  of 
many  officers  of  our  army  and  functionaries  of  our 
government.  I  have  seen  the  same  narrative  in  some 
other  paper,  perhaps  the  Tribune,  but  I  have  clipped 
the  above  from  the  American  Missionary  of  this  month, 
for  the  sake  of  the  just  comments  prefixed  to  it.  But 
I  wish  to  add,  that  the  narrator  should  have  told  us 
two  things  more.  Was  it  Col.  Dwight  (of  the  Excel- 
sior Brigade)  who  delivered  up  a  slave  who  had  given 
such  decisive  proof  of  loyalty,  to  a  rebel  slaveholder, 
on  his  promise  that  he  would  not  barm  the  slave? 
And  who  was  the  officer  that,  when  the  humaner  sol- 
diers were  helping  their  fellow  patriot,  came  up  and 
interposed  his  authority  in  aid  of  the  rebel  and  against 
the  loyalist  ?  These  two  things  should  be  known,  and 
it  is  to  be  hoped  that  tbe  original  reporter,  or  some 
other,  will  give  these  two  names  the  public  infamy 
which  they  deserve. 

So  greatly  has  tbe  moral  sense  of  Americans  gen- 
erally been  depraved — a  result  inevitable  to  those  who 
tolerate  slavery  as  well  as  to  those  who  actively  main- 
tain it— that  very  few  people  will  recognize  the  fact 
that  each  of  these  officers  of  the  Excelsior  Brigade, 
both  he  who  first  made  the  surrender  and  he  who  en- 
forced it,  was  guilty  of  a  crime  far  worse  than  an  or- 
dinary murder ;  a  crime  that  should  cover  bim  with 
infamy,  and  make  him  ashamed,  henceforth,  to  look 
into  the  face  of  a  decent  man  or  woman.  But  every 
upholder  of  the  Government,  and  opposer  of  the  re- 
bellion, ought  to  see  that  conduct  like  this  is  the  worst 
sort  of  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,  and  the  worst  sort 
of  discouragement  to  those  who,  while  wishing  to  assist 
the  Federal  army,  are  at  tbe  same  time  most  able  to  assist 
it  by  information  and  otherwise.  What  sort  of  Gen- 
eral is  he  who  hangs  a  deserter  from  the  enemy  after 
his  intentions  have  been  proved  good,  and  bis  informa- 
tion true  ?  Two  officers  of  the  Excelsior  Brigade,  in 
General  Hooker's  Division,  have  committed  a  worse 
folly,  a  more  outrageous  act  of  disloyalty,  than  this. 
Setting  aside  their  baseness  as  men,  looking  away  from 
tbe  moral  aspect  of  their  conduct,  and  considering 
them  as  U.  S.  officers  merely,  the  very  least  penalty 
they  should  suffer  would  be  to  be  stripped  of  their 
uniforms,  and  drummed  out  of  camp  in  presence  of 
the  whole  regiment.  Jleauwhile,  let  us  have  their 
names. — c.  K.  w. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  "WAR. 

Has  fhe  Federal  Government  a  Constitutional  right  to  re- 
enslave  those  whom  their  enslavers  have  set  free  ? 

Boston,  Feb.  25,  1S62. 

Dear  -Garrison  :  The  question  now  pending  be- 
fore the  nation,  as  to  the  relations  of  the  Federal 
Government  to  slavery,  is  not,  Has  Congress  or  the 
1'rcsident  a  constitutional  and  legal  right  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  rebel  States — but,  Has  the  Govern- 
ment a  constitutional  right  to  re-enslave  those  whom 
their  former  masters  have  set  free  ? 

When  South  Carolina  adopted  the  Act  of  Secession, 
she  adopted  an  Act  of  Emancipation  to  every  slave 
in  her  borders.  The  Act  of  Secession  was  an  Act  of 
Abolition.  The  Act  that  took  the  State  out  of  the 
Union,  constitutionally  and  legally  took  every  stave 
out  of  slavery.  Every  slave  in  every  rebel  State  is, 
before  the  laics  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as 
tree  as  dell'.  Davis  or  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Has  the  Federal  Government  a  constitutional  riijht  to  re- 
enslave  them  f  Send  this  question  borne  to  every  heart 
and  every  head.  NO!  is  my  answer.  That  Gov- 
ernment has  no  more  right  to  re-enslave  those  whom 
their  pretended  owners  have  set  free,  than  to  go  to 
Africa,  mid  seize  and  enslave  her  children.  By  the 
Act  of  their  former  enslavers,  every  slave,  in  everv 
■ebel  Stftte,  is  declared  forever  free.  V.vcvy  chain  and 
fetter  was  broken  by  tbe  Act  of  Secession.  A  traitor 
can  have  no  rights  under  the  government  *  hicb  lie 
is  warring  to  overthrow. 

Shall  Congress  claim  and  exercise  the  constitution- 
al right  to  reduce  those  freed  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren to  cbaltel  slavery  !  The  war  is  not  tor  AUJii,~,m  ; 
for.  in  tbe  rebel  States,  there  is  no  slavery  to  abolish  ; 
nit  are  «e  lighting  lo  re-enslave  those  whom  their 
nstavers  had  set  free  % 

Be  THIS  Till':   QUKSTIOt)   of  tin:    ihm  r, 

roars,  llF.NUY   C.  WRIGHT, 


Tin-:  l'i  i.err    ura   EtO«VB,l  M  "     We   call  the   at- 
tention of  tbe  friends   of  freedom   universally  to  the 

advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  this  Interesting 

Serial    of  Sermons,    Orations,    Popular  Lectures,    fee. 

The  numbers  already  printed  deserve  the  widest  ctr 

Illation,  especially  those    containing    Die    speeches  of 

Son.  M.  1».  Conway,  Wendell  PhiHipe,  && 


M.A.IRCII  7. 


THE   LIBEEATOE 


THE  PEOPLE. 


It  may  not  bo  inappropriate  for  one,  who  lias  made 
such  common  anil  perhaps  indiscriminate  use  of  the 

term  people,  to  attempt  an  explanation  of  the  idea  in- 
tended to  be  conveyed  by  it.  This  was  suggested  by 
listening  to  an  able  and  eloquent  lecture  upon  that  sub- 
ject by  Rev.  E.  II.  Chapin,  of  New  York.  The  term 
people,  he  said,  represented  nothing  tangible  or  defi- 
nite ;  sometimes  the  synonym  of  the  grossest  crimes 
as  well  of  the  highest  virtues.  Thence  it  followed 
that  the  popular  phrase,  Vox  popttli  vox  Dei,  was  Jar  too 
sweeping  to  convey  a  literal  truth.  In  attempting  to 
define  my  own  opinion  of  its  real  and  most  compre- 
hensive moaning,  although  perfectly  clear  in  my  own 
mind,  as  a  tangible  truth  it  was  capable  neither  of 
analysis  nor  any  definite  signification.  Not  long  since, 
when  speaking  upon  this  subject,  a  gentleman  ob- 
served— "  It  was  the  people  who  crucified  our  Savior : 
how  do  you  reconcile  that?  "  No,  said  I,  it  was  not 
the  people,  it  was  the  rabble  ;  there  was  no  such  ele- 
ment as  the  people  in  those  days.  It  was  an  unpre- 
meditated, perhaps  a  thoughtless  answer,  but  it  was  an 
impromptu  definition  of  what  I  understand  by  the 
term  as  I  use  it.  It  is  the  calm,  rational  sense  of  the 
individual  as  distinguished  from  the  excited  passions 
and  inflamed  prejudices  that  prevail  in  times  of  un- 
wonted oppression  or  misguided  zeal ;  the  enlightened 
conscience  rather  than  the  bigotry  and  superstition 
flowing  from  ignorance  and  religious  fanaticism.  In 
accordance  with  this  theory,  there  has  been  very  little 
opportunity  for  the  normal  development  of  this  ele- 
ment in  the  great  drama  of  the  world's  history.  Tet, 
as  there  is  nothing  new  under  the  sun,  there  have 
been  epochs  in  all  ages  when  this  latent,  reserved 
power  has  sent  forth  a  clear  and  distinct  utterance  in 
the  midst  of  the  greatest  political  convulsions,  at  which 
thrones  have  trembled,  and  kings  have  been  compelled 
to  listen  to  the  eternal  principles  of  human  rights. 

As  in  the  most  depraved  and  degraded  individual, 
we  sometimes  see  occasional  gleams  of  inspiration  and 
contrition  worthy  of  a  noble  nature,  so  in  this  vague, 
fickle  stratum  of  society,  possessing  neither  form  nor 
substance,  but  universally  recognized  by  the  appella- 
tion of  the  masses,  signifying  numbers,  or  the  common 
people,  denoting  position,  we  have  known  instance* 
when,  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  darkness  and  cor- 
ruption, the  hidden  springs  of  human  nature  havesem 
up  their  gushing  fountains  of  sensibilities  and  emotions 
that  ally  it  to  the  divine,  though  obstructed  in  their 
flow  by  the  grossest  enormities  that  can  result  from 
the  ungovernable  passions  consequent  on  ignorance 
and  oppression. 

Blackstone  has  laid  it  down  as  a  law  of  human  na- 
ture which  governs  society,  that  justice  is  so  closely 
interwoven  with  the  happiness  of  every  individual, 
that  self-interest  requires  obedience  to  its  laws.  Then 
it  follows,  as  the  highest  happiness  can  be  attained 
only  in  the  most  perfect  freedom,  the  independence 
of  the  masses  is  the  first  thing  to  be  gained. 

Thus  all  history  is  full  of  imperfect  attempts  at  this, 
and  one  principle  after  another  has  been  wrested  from 
unwilling  monarchs,  not  by  methods  we  could  endorse, 
but  by  such  means  as  the  circumstances  and  intelli- 
gence of  the  times  afforded.  The  executions  of 
Charles  I.,  of  Louis  XVI.  and  his  Queen,  though  un- 
warranted by  every  principle  of  even  legal  justice, 
were  the  outburst  of  the  people's  indignation  for  the 
recovery  of  their  God-given  rights,  which  had  been 
ruthlessly  trampled  down  by  the  tyrants  of  the  pre- 
ceding reigns ;  and  as  soon  as  the  rigors  of  the  sceptre 
were  sufficiently  relaxed  to  give  breath  to  the  stifled 
impulses,  pentLup  like  the  raging  fires  of  a  volcano, 
the  reaction  was  terrific. 

In  proportion  to  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  the 
predominance  of  ideas  over  brute  force,  we  find  this 
element  assuming  a  more  definite  and  exalted  charac- 
ter. Paradoxical  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  to  our  own 
country  we  must  look  for  the  highest  proof  of  this  as- 
sertion ;  for  no  where  else  have  the  people  been  al- 
lowed such  free  development,  or  to  take  such  an  active 
part  in  political  affairs. 

Though  at  this  juncture,  presenting  the  most  anoma- 
lous aspect  to  the  eyes  of  foreign  nations,  and  involv- 
ing ourselves  in  such  a  strange  commingling  of  oppo- 
site interests  as  scarcely  to  know  where  we  do  stand, 
the  free  school  system  has  been  working  its  beneficent 
results  among  us,  and  the  spirit  of  freedom,  surround- 
ed by  the  most  adverse  circumstances,  has  been  grad- 
ually diffusing  its  leaven  of  righteousness,  which  is  yet 
to  exalt  us  as  a  nation  unparalleled  in  history  when  the 
days  of  our  purification  are  ended. 

Beginning,  then,  at  the  formation  of  this  govern- 
ment, it  was  clearly  the  voice  of  the  people  that  sla- 
very should  not  be  recognized ;  since  only  two  of  the 
thirteen  colonies  stood  out  against  the  original  draft  of 
the  Constitution.  It  is  true  that  the  intelligent,  hon- 
est convictions  of  the  majority  yielded  to  the  sordid 
passions  of  the  minority,  following  the  short-sighted 
policy  which  is  the  bane  of  all  nations— the  sacrifice 
of  a  principle  for  the  attainment  of  a  present  end.  It 
is  true  that  the  Constitution  once  adopted,  the  people 
yielded  implicit  obedience  to  all  its  provisions,  as  they 
pledged  themselves  to  do,  by  entering  into  that  com- 
pact. It  is  true  that  they  have  allowed  the  petty  oli- 
garchy of  the  South  to  transcend  the  limits  of  that 
document,  and  bind  themselves  in  a  thraldom,  the  like 
of  which  existed  not  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  where 
a  people  boasting  of  self-government  submitted  to 
wrongs  and  indignities  a  king  never  dreamed  of  im- 
posing. 

It  is  not  the  first  time  the  base  passions  of  a  partisan 
faction  have  gained  unlimited  control  by  working  on 
the  -fears  of  the  majority.  Then,  again,  the  people 
have  been  constantly  duped  and  betrayed  by  their  rep- 
resentative leaders,  who  have  a  fearful  responsibility 
to  bear  in  this  matter. 

Mr.  Foster  says  it  is  a  misapplication  of  terms  to 
confound  the  government  with  the  administration, 
since  the  former  represents  the  people  directly  in 
Congress  assembled.  In  one  sense  it  does,  and  in 
another  it  does  noL  There  is  a  difference  between 
the  unorganized  mass,  which  is,  properly  speaking, 
the- constructive  element,  and  the  organizing  force  of 
the  legislative  department.  It  is  said  that  when  or- 
ganization begins,  freedom  parts  with  a  portion  of 
itself.  When  a  man  accepts  an  office  under  the  Gov- 
ernment, he  pledges  himself  to  observe  all  its  re- 
quirements, and  is  no  longer  the  independent  unit, 
free  to  act  out  his  own  individual  convictions.  If  his 
sentiments  change  on  any  question  therein  concerned, 
he  must  resign  his  office  before  he  can  consistently 
give  them  expression.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
Church.  The  ministry  and  representative  members 
are  the  expositors  of  the  creed  and  tenets  of  their  re- 
spective organizations,  to  which  the  great  body  of  the 
laity  yield  their  indiscriminate  assent,  regardless  and 
many  of  them  ignorant  of  the  true  position  in  which 
they  are  thus  placed,  relative  to  the  vital  questions 
of  the  age. 

God  has  so  constituted  the  human  soul,  that  the 
perception  of  a  truth  and  the  ability  to  appreciate  a 
great  idea  are  not  dependent  on  opportunities  for  cul- 
ture, but  are  the  common  birthright  of  all.  Only 
here  and  there  an  individual  has  the  ready  gift  to  ar- 
range his  thoughts  in  a  systemalic  form  of  expression, 
either  with  his  pen  or  in  easy  flow  of  speech;  but  the 
masses  are  ever  ready  to  give  their  unerring  verdict 
upon  the  merit  or  demerit  of  such  productions. 

It  would  he  an  insult  to  the  humanity  of  any  age 
to  say  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  the  voice  of 
the  people.  Ilather  Jet  it  remain  as  the  sad  memento 
of  the  bewildered  intellect  and  demoralization  of  one 
who  fell  a  victim  not  only  to  the  temptations  of  office, 
but  also  to  that  heaviest  scourge  of  all  nations,  love 
of  the  wine-cup  ;  and  in  his  fall  his  power  for  evil  was 
proportionate  to  the  strong  hold  his  remarkable  quali- 
ties had  given  him  upon  the  affections  of  the  people. 
How  far  Boston,  the  far-famed  city  of  mobs,  repre- 
sents the  intelligent  convictions  of  the  people,  let  the 
events  of  the  past  year  testify.  So  far  back  as  1835, 
when  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  was  eecfeted  in  a  jail  to 
save  his  life,  (for  which  let  Massachusetts  forever 
hang  her  head  in  shame  when  it  is  spoken,)  it  was  a 
mob  in  broadcloth,  representing  the  commercial  inter- 
est which  dragged  him  through  the  streets  of  Boston. 


When,  some  fifteen  years  after,  George  Thompson 
was  silenced  within  the  walls  of  Faneuil  Hall  by  the 
same  interest  summoning  to  its  aid  the  renegades  of 
all  ranks,  the  heart  of  the  Commonwealth  enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed  him  to  her  midst.  In  the  ever  memo- 
rable winter  of  1861,  when  the  stillness  of  a  New 
England  Sabbath  was  invaded  by  the  reappearance  of 
the  same  element  under  the  imposing  pomp  of  a 
mayoralty  at  its  head,  with  the  concealed  purpose  of 
assassinating  Wendell  Phillips  if  it  had  dared,  the 
clock  was  already  sounding  the  hour  when  the  devil 
had  gone  the  length  of  his  chain,  and  the  eve  of  the  peo- 
ple's uprising  to  settle  scores  with  the  aristocracy  in 
broadcloth  and  its  ever  concomitant  ally,  the  rabble  of 
the  streets. 

It  was  neither  the  rashness  of  John  Brown  on  the 
one  side,  nor  the  utter  corruption  of  the  North  on  the 
other,  which  began  and  carried  out  the  plot  that 
involved  the  sacrifice  of  himself  and  his  no  less  no- 
ble coadjutors.  It  was  the  organic  sin  baptized  into 
our  national  existence  at  its  birth  which  had  bound 
us  in  chains  of  adamant  to  he  the  scavengers  of  the 
South,  and  resistance  would  have  been  then,  as  now, 
the  prelude  to  a  civil  war,  as  his  resistance  to  its  fun- 
damental laws  was  the  precursor  of  his  own  martyr- 
dom. He  carried  with  him  the  sympathy  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  to-day  witnesses  bis  glorious  resurrection, 
shaking  the  four  corners  of  the  earth.  Whatever 
may  be  the  conditions  of  this  Union  as  a  consequence 
of  the  victories  now  perching  on  our  banners,  in  view 
of  which  every  Abolitionist  must  needs  tremble  at  the 
well-grounded  fear  that  the  end  of  the  war  may  not  wit- 
ness the  end  of  slavery,  it  is  upon  the  leaders  fhe  fear- 
ful responsibilily  must  rest.  Should  emancipation  be 
declared  to-day,  even,  it  is  at  their  door  lies  the  im- 
mense loss  of  life  and  treasure,  to  have  prevented 
which  required  no  violation  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution.  Of  course,  we  Abolitionists  know  how 
the  whole  war  might  have  been  avoided  ;  but  in 
judging  for  the  people,  we  must  assume  their  stand- 
point. Were  it  not  for  confounding  the  distinctions 
of  vice  and  virtue,  it  might  be  said  that  the  North  had 
been  more  than  conscientiously  observant  of  the  con- 
stitutional rights  of  the  South",  and,  consequently,  it 
was  too  much  to  expect  that  she  should  strike  out  of 
existence  at  the  first  blow  what  she  had  been  so 
carefully  guarding.  Justice  and  expediency,  how- 
ever, demanded  it. 

Perhaps  it  is  owing  to  my  intensely  conservative 
temperament  that  makes  me  confess  to  some  degree  of 
respect  for  John  Bull.  It  is  not  strange  to  me  that 
England  should  become  warped  and  prejudiced  to- 
wards us  in  view  of  our  whole  existence  as  a  na- 
tion, and  the  absurd  position  we  must  now  present 
to  the  eyes  of  a  stranger.  Suppose  the  principality 
of  Wales  should  set  itself  up  as  an  independent  oli- 
garchy, presuming  to  dictate  terms  to  the  rest  of 
Great  Britain,  to  which  no  resistance  should  be  made, 
would  we  have  any  respect  for  the  English  Gov- 
ernment 1  Should  one  of  its  members  of  Parliament 
strike  down  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  or  John  Bright, 
for  words  spoken  in  debate  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  no  reparation  be  demand- 
ed, or  apology  offered,  should  we  not  say  that  it 
had  lost  all  self-respect,  or  else  it  had  not  strength  to 
defend  itself?  We  "stand  in  that  light  to-day.  Al- 
though the  stride  from  James  Buchanan  to  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  was  as  great  as  could  reasonably  be  ex- 
pected, and  we  understand  how,  in  the  chain  of 
events,  all  these  contradictions  and  absurdities  occur, 
others  may  not  be  able  to  do  it, — I  mean  the  mass  of 
the  English  people-  As  a  government,  we  stand  pre- 
cisely to-day  where  we  did  in  the  palmiest  days  of 
Pierce  and  Buchanan.  The  positive  vice  of  the  South 
has  arrayed  against  it  the  negative  virtue  of  the 
North.  That  is  all  that  can  be  said  in  defence  of  gen- 
eral principles,  and  that  is  as  far  as  an  aristocratic 
government  will  dare  to  go  in  search  of  morality. 

Reverse  the  picture.  Suppose  the  question  of 
universal  suffrage  was  the  exciting  theme  of  the  Brit- 
ish public,  and  that  the  nobility,  fearing  the  waning 
of  power  from  their  own  hands,  had  risen  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  Queen  and  the  constitutional  party, 
because  a  new  ministry  had  been  appointed  more  fa- 
vorable to  the  interests  of  the  people.  She  and  her 
cabinet,  desiring  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  nobles,  ig- 
nore all  mention  of  the  real  question  at  issue,  and 
will  not  even  permit  Ireland  to  help  put  down  the  re- 
bellion. Very  likely,  America  would  affect  not  to 
know  what  they  were  fighting  for,  and  would  be  wait- 
ing to  ice  on  which  side  the  almighty  dollar  is  most 
likely  to  chink,  before  sympathizing  with  either  side. 
Let  me  not  be  misunderstood  as  defending  England. 
I  do  not  think  any  of  us  are  capable  of  impartial 
judgment  on  either  side,  but  let  not  America  think 
to  shield  herself  from  the  world's  scorn  till  she  has 
brought  forth  fruits  meet  for  repentanee. 
Worcester.  y.  E.  W. 


39 


ADDEESS    TO    THE    PTJBLIO 

BY    THE 

Committee  on  Correspondence  of  the  Educational 
Commission. 


The  condition  of  the  negroes  who,  in  one  way  or 
another,  have  passed  from  the  control  of  masters  en- 
gaged in  rebellion  against  the  Government,  and  are 
now  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  col- 
lected in  large  bodies  near  several  of  the  principal 
military  centres,  demands  prompt  and  serious  atten- 
tion. It  is  well  known  that  the  public  authorities, 
soon  after  the  capture  of  Port  Royal,  humanely"  de- 
puted an  Agent  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  thou- 
sands of  slaves  who,  by  the  flight  of  their  former 
proprietors,  were  left  at  large  in  that  neighborhood. 
The  wants  and  dangers  of  these  negroes,  which  are 
not  essentially  different  from  those  of  the  fugitive  and 
deserted  slaves  congregated  at  Fortress  Monroe,  have 
been  brought  before  us  in  a  letter  from  the  Govern- 
ment Agent,  which  was  printed  in  the  Boston  news- 
papers, and  has  been  widely  circulated.  Abandoned 
to  themselves,  they  are  now  suffering  from  the  lack 
of  the  clothing  hitherto  provided  by  their  masters. 
The  majority,  scattered  over  a  considerable  space,  and 
beyond  the  supervision  of  our  military  officers,  are 
under  no  law  or  government,  and  will  be  likely  to 
abuse  their  new-found  liberty  to  their  own  hurt ; 
while  those  who  live  in  the  neighborhood  of  our 
camps  will  inevitably  be  corrupted  by  contact  with 
our  soldiers.  Without  some  help,  direction  and  re- 
straint, these  unhappy  creatures,  the  victims  of  an 
institution  for  which  nearly  every  citizen  of  the 
United  Stales  is  in  some  measure  accountable,  may 
soon  sink  into  a  deeper  misery  than  even  they  have 
known,  and  become  not  only  vicious,  hut  ungovern- 
able and  very  dangerous.  The  people  of  the  North 
owe  at  least  thus  much  to  the  subject-people  of  the 
South — that  their  condition  shall  not  be  the  worse  for 
our  invasion.  The  care  and  control  formerly  exer- 
cised by  masters,  (and  sometimes  conscientiously  and 
benevolently  exercised,)  we  must,  therefore,  assume — 
not  simply  as  a  charity,  but  as  a  matter  of  the  plainest 
obligation.  And  if  we  would  not  fall  below  those  of 
whose  disregard  of  human  rights  many  of  ua  are  ac- 
customed to  speak  in  strong  terms;  if  we  would  not 
stand  convicted  before  them  and  before  God  of  that 
spurious  philanthropy  of  which  we  have  been  accused, 
we  must  see  to  it  that  these  slaves  gain  something  by 
exchanging  servitude  for  liberty.  We  must  actually 
receive  these  black  men  into  the  great  human  family, 
to  which  we  allow  they  belong;  we  must  teach  them 
how  to  live  in  that  freedom  which,  up  to  this  time, "we 
have  not  been  willing  to  concede,  or  if  willing  to 
concede,  not  able  to  secure  them.  Their  right  to 
property,  bofh  in  their  persons  and  in  the  products  of 
their  labor,  and  also  the  rights  of  family,  may  be  con- 
sidered as  already  recognized.  We  arc  now  called 
upon  to  provide  for  their  education,  and  that  in  the 
widest  sense;  not  such  an  education  as  makes  them 
safe  and  profitable  servants,  but  such  as  is  required  by 
other  moral  beings  living  in  human  society  ;  an  edu- 
cation which  shall  make  them  industrious,  thrifty, 
self-supporting;  orderly,  temperate,  eclf-roiiqiccting; 
which  shall  excite  the  unquenchable  thirst  for  im- 
provement, ami  unfold  their  now  almost  undeveloped 


mental  and  spiritual  faculties.  Proceeding  thus,  with 
due  regard  to  their  circumstances  and  capacities,  not 
ignoring  their  present  unfitness,  but  honestly  striving 
to  remove  their  disabilities,  we  must  do  our  best  to 
prepare  them  or  their  posterity  to  enter  into  all  the 
privileges  and  blessings  of  an  advanced  civilization. 
We  may  hope  and  aspire  to  do  for  these  step-chil- 
dren of  nature  all  that  their  masters  have  failed  to  do, 
but  we  must  certainly  begin  by  doing  what  their  mas- 
ters did  not  and  could  not  omit.  Whatever  uncer- 
tainty may  rest  upon  the  future  of  these  negroes,  the 
duty  of  the  present  hour  is  plain.  So  far  as  is  re- 
quired, we  must  first  make  provision  for  their  imme- 
diate bodily  wants,  and  preside  over  their  labor,  re- 
garding it,  however,  as  a  condition  indispensable  to 
their  civilization  that  they  should,  as  soon  as  possible, 
be  made  to  take  care  of  themselves:  wo  must  also 
enforce  order  and  justice  ,  we  must  begin  at  once  the 
work  of  intellectual  and  religious  instruction. 

Our  second  duty  is  to  explore  and  survey  the  field 
before  us..  We  are  to  study  a  momentous  question, 
involving,  sooner  or  later,  the  rights  and  happiness  of 
millions.  Providence  has  accorded  to  us  the  most  fa- 
vorable opportunities;  it  has,  as  it  were,  given  out  to 
us  the  problem  under  the  easiest  conditions.  We 
have  at  Port  Royal  a  few  thousands  of  blacks  (proba- 
bly very  good  specimens  of  the  kind)  on  their  own 
ground,  engaged  in  their  customary  employments, 
with  their  usual  means  of  living,  in  a  society  by 
themselves,  unmolested  by  the  prejudice,  jealousy, 
and  conflicting  interests  of  a  surrounding  white  pop- 
ulation, and  under  the  protection  of  the  sovereign 
power.  As  a  matter  of  pure  curiosity,  the  problem 
bow  a  happy  community  may  be  made  out  of  these 
unfortunate  beings  is  intensely  interesting;  as  im- 
posed upon  us  by  common  humanity,  and  by  our  con- 
nection with  a  Government  that  has  protected  slave- 
ry, it  is  a  problem  we  cannot  decline  to  take  up  with- 
out confessing  ourselves  either  hard  of  heart,  or 
more  sentimentalists  and  hypocrites. .  Finally,  as 
opening  possibly  a  way  to  solve  the  most  difficult 
problem  submitted  to  our  people,  this  inquiry  is  un- 
speakably exciting  and  important. 

For  the  purposes  above  hinted  at,  an  association  has 
been  formed  in  Boston,  under  the  name  of  The  Edu- 
cational Commission,  which  proposes,  under  the 
patronage  and  as  an  auxiliary  of  the  Government,  to 
undertake  the  care  and  education  of  the  negroes  now 
in  the  custody  and  protection  of  the  United  Slates. 
It  is  hoped  that  by  means  of  this  association,  an  inter- 
est will  be  awakened  in  the  whole  subject  of  our  du- 
ties towards  the  African  race  in  America.  It  is  hoped 
that  the  operations  of  the  Society  will  be  so  conducted 
as  not  to  be  embarrassed  by  political  differences,  and 
that  in  the  prosecution  of  its  objects,  a  sterling  phi- 
lanthropy, a  warm  zeal  for  the  rights  of  one  party, 
and  a  deep  conviction  of  the  duty  of  the  other,  will 
not  be  disjoined  from  patience  and  moderation,  justice 
and  wisdom. 

Henry  I.  Bowditch,  112Boyiston  st.,  Boston. 
Samuel  Cabot,  Jr.,  11  Park  Square,  Boston. 
Francis  J.  Child,  Cambridge. 
Anna  Loring,  32  Derne  street,  Boston. 
Ellen  Jackson,  2  Hamilton  Place,  Boston. 
The  Educational  Commission  was  founded  the 
7th  of  February,   1862,  and  was  organized  by   the 
choice  of  the  following  officers  : — 

President— His  Excellency  John  A.  Andrew,  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Commonwealth.       •  •",". 

Vice  Presidents — Rev.  Jacob  M.  Manning,  Rev.  Ed- 
ward E.  Hale.  Rev.  F.  D.  Huntington,  D.D.,  Rev.  T. 
B.  Thayer,  Rev.  J.  W.  Parker,  D.D.,  Rev.  James 
Freeman  Clarke,  Hon.  Jacob  Sleeper,  Dr.  Robert  W. 
Hooper. 

Treasurer— Mr.  William  Endicott,  Jr. 
Secretary — Mr.  Edward  Atkinson. 
Committee  on  Teachers — Mr.  George  B.  Emerson,  Dr. 
LeBaron  Russell,  Mr.  Loring  Lothrop,  Rev.  Charles 
F.  Barnard,  Mrs.  Anna  Lowell,  Miss  Hannah  Steven- 
son. 

Committee  on  Clothing — Mrs.  Samuel  Cabot,  Jr.,  Mr. 
George  Atkinson,  Mr.  Edward  Jackson,  Mrs.  J.  A. 
Lane,  Mrs.  William  B.  Rogers. 

Committee  on  Finance — Mr.  Edward  Atkinson,  Mr. 
Martin  Brimmer,  Mr.  William  Endicott,  Jr.,  Mr. 
James  T.  Fisher,  Mr.  William  I.  Bowditch. 

Committee  on  Correspondence — Dr.  Henry  I.  Bow- 
ditch,  Prof.  Francis  J.  Child,  Dr.  Samuel  Cabot,  Jr., 
Miss  Ellen  Jackson,  Miss  Anna  Loring. 

The  sole  condition  of  membership  of  the  Educa- 
tional Commission  is  the  contribution  of  Five  Dollars 
to  the  funds. 

AH  contributions  of  money  for  the  objects  of  the 
Commission  should  be  sent  to  the  Treasurer,  Wil- 
liam Endicott,  Jr.,  Esq.,  care  of  C.  F.  Hovey  &  Co., 
Summer  Street,  Boston. 

Donations  of  Clothing  may  be  sent  to  the  Educa- 
tional Commission's  Committee  on  Clothing,  care  of 
Wellington,  Gross  &  Co.,  103  Devonshire  Street, 
Boston. 

Letters  relative  to  the  subject  of  Clothing  for  the 
Negroes  may  be  directed  to  George  Atkinson,  Suffolk 
Bank  Building,  State  Street,  Boston. 

Letters  relating  to  Teachers  should  be  addressed 
to  George  B.  Emerson,  Esq.,  Pemherton  Square,  Bos- 
ton. 

Letters  on  the  general  subject  of  the  Objects  and 
Operations  of  the  Commission,  or  upon  the  Formation 
of  Local  Associations  of  the  same  kind,  may  be  ad- 
dressed to  Henr.y  I.  Bowditch,  112  Boylston  Street, 
Boston. 


Waldeck,  E.  S.  Philbrick,  Geo.  II.  Blake,  Dr.  A.J. 
Wakefield,  Isaac  W.  Cole,  Jas.  II.  Palmer,  David 
Mack,  J.  M.  F.  Howard,  Dr.  Jas.  Waldock,  Leonard 
Wesson,  Wm.  E.  Peck,  Frederick  A.  Eustis,  Wm.  S. 
Clark,  Jules  L.  De  Croix,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  B.  Hale, 
Mrs.  Helen  H.  Whisor. 


Northern  Missionaries  foe  South  Carolina. 
The  steamer  Atlantic  sailed  from  New  York  for  Port 
Royal  on  Monday  afternoon,  with  a  large  cargo  of 
army  stores,  and  about  sixty  persons  who  accompany 
Mr.  Edward  L.  Pierce,  the  government  agent  in 
charge  of  the  plantations  and  contrabands  at  Port 
Royal.  The  New  York  Post  furnishes  the  following 
particulars  of  the  embarkation: — 

These  persons  were  all  recommended  by  the  Na- 
tional Freedman's  Relief  Association,  and  its  anxilia- 
the  Education  Commission  at  Boston.  Three- 
fourths  of  the  whole  number  are  men  who  are  to  be 
the  superintendents  of  the  abandoned  estates,  and  will 
direct  the  labors  of  negroes,  who  are  to  be  employed 
in  such  agricultural  pursuits  as  cotton-culture  and  rais- 
ing vegetables  for  their  own  support  and  for  the  use 
of  the  army  at  that  point. 

Twelve  or  fifteen  of  the  passengers  are  ladies,  who 
will  become  teachers  of  an  industrial  school,  which 
will  be  at  once  established  at  Port  Royal,  under  the 
superintendence  of  Rev.  M.  French,  of  this  city. 
Mrs.  Senator  Harlan,  of  Iowa,  is  among  the  ladies, 
who  wiil  assist  in  some  department  of  the  work. 
Rev."  Dr.  Floy,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  of 
this  city,  is  passenger  by  the  Atlantic.  He  went  to 
Port  Royal  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  for  missiona- 
ry efforts  among  the  negroes. 

A  portion  of  the  superintendents  and  teachers  who 
are  employed  under  the  regulations,  so  far  as  the  gov- 
ernment is  concerned,  explained  in  Mr.  Chase's  letter 
to  the  '  contraband  '  agent,  receive  compensation  from 
the  associations  in  this  city  and  Boston  ;  but  some  are 
volunteers.  Among  the  number  are  men  of  almost 
all  trades,  and  some  professions.  There  are  several 
physicians,  and  one  or  two  clergymen.  Quite  a  num- 
ber, especially  of  those  from  Boston,  have  been  teach- 
ers, and  are  liberally  educated;  others  of  them  arc 
quite  familiar  with  agricultural  operations. 

About  three  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  agricultural 
implements,  including  ploughs,  hoes,  and"  others  in 
most  common  use,  have  been  purchased  by  Mr. 
Fierce,  and  will  be  taken  to  Port  Royal  in  the  Atlan- 
tic, lie  takes  also  a  quantity  of  seeds,  including  one 
barrel  contributed  from'thc  Patent  Office  at  Washing- 
ton ;  as  well  as  some  medicines,  and  other  necessary 
articles. 

From  this  city,  forty  barrels  and  boxes  of  clothing, 
seven  or  eight  boxes  of  shoes,  and  two  sewing  ma- 
chines, are  sent  for  the  use  of  the  negroes  from  the 
Association  in  this  city.  The  sewing  machines  will 
be  used  in  the  Industrial  School.  Besides  these,  a 
large  number  of  boxes  and  packages  of  all  sorts,  con- 
taining contributions  for  the  contrabands,  and  from 
many  persons,  were  put  on  board  the  Atlantic. 

From  Boston,  about  twenty-five  boxes  of  clothing, 
with  many  other  barrels  of  goods  and  other'  notions,' 
have  been  forwarded," 

The  following  are  the  names  of  the  teachers  from 
Boston : — 

10.  W.  Hooper,  Wm.  C.  Gannett,  J.  E.  Zachas,  J. 
F.  Sisson,  .1.  W.  K.  Hill,  D.  P.  Thorpe,  T.  Edwin 
Ruggles,  V.  0.  Barnard,  Richard  Soulo,  Jr.,  Dp.  Chaa. 
ii.  Brown,  Jas.  E.  Taylor,  Daniel  Howe,  Samuel  I). 

Phillips,  Geo.  M.   Wells,  MissMena  Halo,  Miss  M.  A. 


THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY  AND 
THE  CONTRABANDS. 
Secretary  Chase  has  sent  a  letter  to  Mr.  Edward  L. 
Pierce,  the  Government  Agent  at  Port  Royal  in  charge 
of  the  "  Contrabands."  After  acknowledging  in  terms 
of  commendation  the  receipt  of  his  Report,  already 
published,  Mr.  Chase  says  : — 

"The  whole  authority  of  this  Department  over  the 
subjects  of  your  Report  is  derived  from  the  6th  Sec- 
tion of  the  Act  to  provide  for  the  Collodion  of  Duties; 
and  for  other  purposes,  approved  July  13,  1861,  by 
which  the  President  is  authorized  to  permit  commer- 
cial intercourse  with  any  part  of  the  country  declared 
to  be  in  a  state  of  insurrection  under  such  Rules  and 
Regulations  as  may  be  prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  who  is  himself  authorized  to  appoint  the 
officers  needed  to  carry  into  effect  such  Permits,  Rules 
and  Regulations. 

As  incidental  to  this  authority,  alone,  have  I  any 
power  to  sanction  any  measures  for  the  culture  of  the 
abandoned  estates  in  the  Port  Royal  or  any  other  dis- 
trict. It  is,  indeed,  in  the  highest  degree  essential  to 
commercial  intercourse  with  that  portion  of  the  coun- 
try, that  the  abandoned  estates  be  cultivated,  and  the 
laborers  upon  them  employed.  I  do  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  to  continue  your  agency  with  a  view  to  the 
geueral  superintendence  and  direction  of  such  persons 
as  may  be  engaged  in  such  cultivation  and  employ- 
ment. 

It  is  understood  that  an  Association  of  judicious  and 
humane  citizens  has  been  formed  in  Boston,  which 
may  act  in  concert,  or  be  consolidated  with  a  similar 
Association  in  New  York  and  other  cilies,  and  that, 
through  the  agency  of  these  Associations  or  one  of 
them,  persons  may  be  employed  to  proceed  with  the 
sanction  of  the  Government,  to  take  charge  of  the 
abandoned  plantations  under  the  general  plan  suggest- 
ed by  yourself,  and  which  is  fully  approved  by  this 
Department. 

You  will,  herewith,  receive  copies  of  orders  ad- 
dressed to  the  Quartermaster  of  New  York,  and  Gen- 
eral Commanding  at  Port  Royal,  directing  that  trans- 
portation and  subsistence,  with  all  other  proper  facili- 
ties, be  afforded  to  the  persons  thus  engaged. 

You  will,  therefore,  receive  applications  for  the  em- 
ployments indicated,  and  will  select  and  appoint  such 
applicants  as  you  think  best  fitted,  and  assign  each  to 
his  respective  duty;  it  being  understood  that  compen- 
sation for  services  to  be  rendered  wiil  be  made  by  the 
Association,  while  subsistence,  quarters  and  transpor- 
tation, only,  will  be  furnished  by  the  Government,  un- 
less Congress  shall  otherwise  provide.  All  engage- 
ments made  by  you  wiil,  of  course,  be  subject  to  be 
terminated  by  the  Government,  whenever  any  public 
:igency  shall  require. 

As  Agent  of  the  Department,  yon  will  also  give  all 
suitable  support  and  aid  to  any  persons  commissioned 
or  employed  by  these  Associations,  for  the  religious 
instruction,  ordinary  education,  or  general  employ- 
ment of  the  laboring  population. 

It  is  also  my  wish  to  prevent  the  deterioration  of 
the  estates,  to  secure  their  best  possible  cultivation  un- 
der the  circumstances,  and  the  greatest  practical  bene- 
fit to  the  laborers  upon  them,  and  by  these  general 
purposes  your  own  action  will  be  guided. 

Reposing  great  trust  in  your  intelligence,  discretion 
and  benevolence,  the  Department  confides  this  impor- 
■*  fission   to  you,   with   confident  expectation  of 


tafit  i 

beneficial  results. 


General  Halleck's  Order  No.  3.     There  is  one 

fact  in  connection  with  General  Halleck's  Order  No.  3 
which  is  worthy  of  note.  Just  before  daybreak  on 
Sunday  morning,  when  our  men  were  lying  on  their 
arms,  ready  to  make  an  assault  on  Fort  Donelson,  a 
slave  came  into  the  lines,  and  reported  that  tin.-  rebels 
wure  fleeing.  Some  of  the  officers  suggested  that  he 
might  have  been  sent  out  to  lure  General  Grant  into  a 
trap.  He  was  accordingly  threatened  with  summary 
punishment  if  lie  was  reporting  falsely.  He  replied 
that  if  it  was  not  found  to  be  true,  they  might  hang 
him  on  the  nearest  tree.  An  hour  later  came  the  flag 
of  truce  from  Buckner,  asking  for  the  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  agree  upon  terms.  It  was  just  then 
that  the  information  derived  from  the  slave  was  found 
to  be  valuable.  It  enabled  General -Grant  to  write 
that  sentence  which  has  been  applauded  throughout 
the  country,  "  Unconditional  surrender,"  and  the  se- 
quence, "  I  propose  an  immediate  advance  upon  your 
lines."  What  if  the  negro  bad  not  made  his  appear- 
ance with  that  information  1  Would  that  reply  have 
been  given  '/  I  have  it  from  one  who  knows — a  mili- 
tary gentleman  who  was  present,  who  knows  what 
was  said,  what  views  were  expressed— that  the  intelli- 
gence communicated  by  the  slave  had  a  material  bear- 
ing upon  Genera!  Giant's  reply. 

But  to  the  sequel.  Yesterday  several  officers  came 
down  the  Cumberland.  On  the  same  boat  was  this 
negro.  At  a  landing  where  the  boat  stopped  for  a  few 
moments,  some  of  the  residents,  seeing  the  negro, 
claimed  him  in  behalf  of  his  master,  who,  they  said, 
was  a  good  Union  man.  The  Captain  of  the  boat  was 
inclined  to  give  him  up,  fearing  that  he  would  be  held 
responsible  ;  but  the  officers  on  board,  knowing  what 
service  he  had  rendered,  were  determined  he  should 
not  be  given  up  on  such  a  sham  claim,  and  informed 
the  Captain  of  the  steamer  that  as  martial  law  had 
been  proclaimed  in  Kentucky,  he  need  be  under  no 
apprehensions.  They  kept  the  negro  safe,  and  he  is 
now  in  Cairo.  As  General  Halleck  has  recently  given 
intimation  that  General  Order  No.  3  is  to  be  rigidly 
enforced,  there  is  some  curiosity  to  know  what  will  be 
done  in  this  particular  instance.  What  if  Gen.  Grant 
had  adhered  strictly  to  the  order,  and  had  refused  the 
negro  admission  to  his  lines  where  his  worn  and  weary 
men  were  lying  on  their  arms  1—  Cairo  correspondent 
of  the  Boston  Journal. 


(Signed)        S.  P.  Chase, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury." 


NATIONAL  FREEDMAN'S  RELIEF  ASSOCLA 
TION. 

At  a  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  of  citizens  of 
New  York,  held  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  on  the  even- 
ing of  Thursday,  the  20th  day  of  February,  1862, 
William  C.  Bryant  in  the  chair,  a  Committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary  for 
the  relief  and  protection  of  the  Emancipated  Negroes, 
now  with  and  near  the  National  forces  in  the  rebel 
States,  and  to  act  as  a  National  Committee  to  corre- 
spond and  cooperate  with  other  Committees  through- 
out the  country  on  the  same  subject. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Committee,  held  on  Friday 
evening,  Feb.  21,  Mr.  Bryant  in  the  chair, 

It  was  Unsolved,  That  an  appeal  be  made  at  once  to 
the  humane  throughout  the  country  to  form  Auxiliary 
Committees,  and  contribute  means  and  efforts  toward 
the  object  in  view. 

Therefore,  the  undersigned  appeal  to  the  people 
throughout  the  whole  land  to  aid  in  the  work,  and  ap- 
point Committees  in  all  cities,  villages  and  towns,  to 
cooperate  with  the  Parent  Committee. 

The  object  in  view  is  one  of  the  highest  interest  and 
importance,  namely,  that  of  aiding  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem, what  shall  we  do  with  the  negroes  when  emanci- 
pated % 

Already  thousands  of  slaves  have  been  practically 
emancipated  by  the  events  of  the  war,  and  great  ad- 
ditions will  be  made  to  the  number  as  our  armies  con- 
tinue to  advance. 

To  teach  them  civilization  and  Christianity,  to  im- 
bue them  with  notions  of  order,  industry,  economy, 
and  self-reliance,  to  elevate  them  in  the  scale  of  hu- 
manity by  inspiring  them  with  self-respect,  is  the  work 
that  is  before  us.  To  this  end  we  ask  the  cooperation 
of  the  wise  andthe  good  everywhere. 

There  is  an  immediate  and  pressing  necessity  for 
clothing  for  the  frecdraen  at  Port  Royal  and  its  vicin- 
ity, and  donations  for  that  purpose  of  plain  substantial 
clothing,  new  or  second-hand,  suitable  for  men,  wo- 
men and  children,  are  asked  for  without  delay,  to  be 
sent  directed  to  the  Association,  at  No.  320  Broadway, 
New  York. 

Donations  in  money  may  be  sent  to  Joseph  B.  Col- 
lins, the  Treasurer,  at  No.  40  Wall  street. 

New  York,  Feb.  22,  1862. 

COMMITTEE. 

Stephen  H.  Ttng,  Wm.  Allen  B 

Charles  Gould, 

Charles  C.  Lejgh, 

Francis  Y.  Shaw, 

John  W.  Edmonds, 

Edgar  Ketchum, 


Rebel  Vandalism  at  Bowling  Green.  The  cor- 
respondents of  the  Louisville  papers  furnish  further 
accounts  of  the  destruction  of  property  by  the  rebel 
troops,  on  their  evacuation  of  Bowling  Green.  Prop- 
erty of  friend  and  foe  was  indiscriminately  destroyed. 
Quigly  &  Co's  pork  house,  with  815,000  worth  of  hides 
and  tallow  belonging  to  Campbell  and  Smith,  who 
were  killing  cattle  for  the  rebel  army,  was  destroyed  • 
also  the  drug  store  of  J.  T.  Donalson,  Goaty  &  Groves's 
shoe  store,  Hines's  grocery  store,  dwelling  of  Mrs. 
C.  1.  Dunnivan,  jewelry  store  of  McCIune  &  Fusetti, 
offices  of  J.  II.  Wilkins  and  Dr.  W.  D.  Helm,  livery 
stables,  flour  mills,  &c.  The  beautiful  railroad  bridge 
was  demolished.  Mines  were  exploded  in  the  towers 
of  the  piers,  but  as  the  iron-work  did  not  fall,  cannon 
■were  brought  to  bear,  and  thirteen  rounds  fired  before 
the  demolition  was  completed. 

On  Friday  morning,  about  4  o'clock,  the  planks  were 
torn  off  the  sides  of  the  turnpike  bridge,  and  tallow 
strewed  over  it  to  facilitate  the  combustion.  This  was 
burned  only  about  three  hours  before  the  division  of 
Gen.  Mitchell  came  up.  The  railroad  depot,  filled 
with  army  stores,  and  a  machine  shop  were  burned. 
There  was  a  train  of  cars  loaded  with  meat,  'the  en- 
gine to  which  had  steam  on  ready  to  start.  All  the 
cars  and  contents  were  burned.  The  hotels  were  ran- 
sacked and  fired.  The  rebels,  after  doing  this  mis- 
chief, fled  in  a  perfect  rout  before  Mitchell's  advancing 
column.  The  Nashville  pike  was  completely  block- 
aded by  cavalry  and  infantry,  all  in  admirable  disorder, 
and  a  long  line  of  carriages,  carts,  and  all  kinds  of 
vehicles.  Officers  were  hurrying  away  with  their 
wives  on  foot,  and  carrying  their  children  in  their 
arms,  while  the  whole  non-belligerent  portion  of  the 
flying  crowd  were  screaming  arid  shouting  at  the  top 
of  their  voices  in  a  perfect  frenzy  of  apprehension. 


Death  of  Gen.  Lander.  We  are  pained  to  learn 
that  Brigadier  General  Lander  departed  this  life  at 
his  h<  ailquarters,  Paw  Paw,  Va.,  yesterday  (Sunday) 
afternoon.  His  disease  was  congestion  of  the  brain. 
The  deceased  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  born, 
we  believe,  in  Salem,  where  his  relatives  now  reside. 
He  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  a  noble  specimen  of  a 
man,  physically,  and  possessed  of  intellectual  attain- 
ments of  a  high  order.  His  career  has  been  a  marked 
one,  and  he  leaves  behind  a  record  that  any  son  of 
Massachusetts  may  well  be  proud  to  emulate.  An  an 
explorer  on  the  Pacific  coast,  hie  fame  rivalB  that  of 
the  renowned  Fremont,  and  his  services  to  the  Gov- 
ernment in  that  capacity  have  received  the  warmest 
praises  and  the  well-earned  reward  of  a  grateful  peo- 
ple. 

His  military  career  Bince  the  breaking  out  of  the 
rebellion  has  stamped  his  name  with  enduring  fame. 
Under  the  gallant  McClellan,  he  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  early  campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 
Subsequently,  he  was  placed  in  command  on  the  Up- 
per Potomac,  and  met  with  a  painful  wound  in  a  skir- 
mish with  the  rebels,  which  incapaeitated  him  for 
duty  for  several  weeks.  On  resuming  his  command, 
he  at  once  signalized  himself  by  one  of  the  most  dash- 
ing exploits  of  the  campaign,  which  cleared  his  de- 
partment of  Northwestern  Virginia  entirely  of  the 
rebel  forces,  and  led  to  the  capture  of  a  large  number 
of  commissioned  officers  in  the  enemy's  service.  For 
this  daring  and  important  act,  he  received  the  signal 
approbation  of  the  War  Department,  expressed  in  an 
order  which  received  publicity  in  every  portion  of 
the  loyal  States.  It  is  said  of  the  deceased  that  he 
never  lost  a  battle  or  a  skirmish.— Boston  Herald. 


Horace  Greeley  in  Tremont  Temple.  Horace 
Greeley  spoke  before  the  Emancipation  League  at 
Tremont  Temple,  to  the  largest  audience  of  the 
course,  thus  far.  He  had  a  warm  welcome,  and  be 
spoke  with  a  good  degree  of  the  Tribune  "vein."  He 
seemed  on  the  whole  rather  hopeful;  congratulated 
his  auditors  in  view  of  the  fact  that  there  will  never 

any  more  compromises  with  slavery,  and  that,  di- 
rectly or  indirectly,  slavery  isdoomed.  He  reiterated, 
with  genuine  earnestness,  the  saying  of  Senator  John- 
son of  Tennessee,  that  traitors  should  not  be  permit 
ted  to  own  anything — and  so,  of  course,  not  slaves. 
Greeley  is  "no  orator  as  Phillips  is."  He  has  no 
graces  of  gesture,  nor  musical  intonations  of  voice. 
But  he  is  eloquent,  for  he  never  says  a  word  for  effect 
—says  his  real  thoughts,  and  is  always  sincere.— Gos- 
pel Banner. 

J^=*  The  Boston  Courier  is  thrown  into  convul- 
sions by  the  action  of  the  U.  S.  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  directing  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence to  be  read  in  conjunction  with  Washington's 
Farewell  Address  before  that  body  on  the  22d  of  Feb- 
ruary. It  evidently  considers  that  immortal  docu- 
ment as  nothing  more  than  a  political  harangue,  for  it 
says  the  Chicago  platform  might  as  well  have  been 
proposed.— Bellows  Falls  Times. 

$3^  Jeff.  Davis  has  appropriated  a  day  of  "Fast- 
ing, Humiliation  and  Prayer."  Of  the  first,  the  rebels 
have  perhaps  as  much  now  as  they  want;  of  the 
second,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  have  already 
much  more  than  they  want;  of  the  last  no  one  can 
doubt  that  none  need  it  more. 

_S^=  General  Halleck  has  issued  a  general  order  rel- 
ative to  the  poisoning  of  forty  United  States  troops  at 
Mudtown,  saying  that  all  persons  guilty  of  such  in- 
human acts,  when  captured,  will  be  hung  as  common 
felons. 


The  Rebel  Generals  Buckner  and  Tilghman 
sent  to  Fort  Warren.  The  rebel  Generals  Buck- 
ner and  Tilghman  arrived  in  Boston  in  the  train  from 
Albany,  which  reached  here  a  few  minutes  after  6 
o'clock  on  Monday  evening.  They  came  in  charge  of 
Col.  R.  G.  Cutts,  (a  brother  of  Mrs.  Douglas,)  of  Gen. 
Halleck's  staff,  and  a  guard  of  seven  volunteer  sol- 
diers. A  crowd  of  some  five  hundred  people  had  as- 
sembled, and  they  were  greeted  by  outcries  not  of  a 
complimentary  character.  They  were  immediately 
driven  in  a  hack  to  Union  wharf,  in  charge  of  U.  S. 
Marshal  Keyes,  Deputy  Marshal  Jones,  and  Capt.  Mc- 
Kim,  Assistant  U.  S.  Quartermaster,  and  were  con- 
veyed by  steamer  May  Queen  to  Fort  Warren. 

Gen.  Buckner  is  a  man  of  about  medium  height, 
rather  inclined  to  corpulency,  and  about  forty-five 
years  of  age.  He  wears  his  hair  cut  rather  short,  aud 
it  is  partially  gray.  Gen.  Tilghman  is  the  taller  of 
the  two,  and  five  or  six  years  the  junior  of  his  com- 
panion. He  is  of  spare  habit.  They  were  both  in 
military  undress. 


UTLER, 

George  C.  Ward, 
Wm.  C.  Bryant, 

Benjamin  C.  Wandall, 
Mansfield  French, 
Joseph  B.  Collins. 


[Correspondence  of  the  Boston  Traveller.  | 

Roanoke  Island,  Feb.  21,  1862. 
The  Contraband  question  here,  as  with  every 
other  division  of  our  army,  is  assuming  both  interest 
and  importance.  A  considerable  number  of  colored 
persons,  some  free  and^ome  slave,  were  found  here 
on  taking  possession  of  the  island.  The  former  had 
been  forced  here  from  the  main  land  to  work  upon  the 
batteries.  Most,  if  not  all  of  the  latter  were  body 
servants  of  the  rebel  officers.  But  so  far  from  having 
any  desire  to  return  with  their  masters,  they  have 
gladly  embraced'the  opportunity  to  quit  their  service, 
with  the  hope  of  acquiring  their  freedom.  Some  of 
these  were  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Rim;  others  have 
been  attendants  upon  Wigfall,  Beauregard,  and  other 
rebel  magnates.  Contrabands  are  also  daily  arriving 
from  the  main  land.  Yesterday,  ten  arrived  in  one 
squad  from  near  Plymouth,  all,  I  believe,  belong- 
ing to  one  man ;  and  early  this  morning,  three  more 
from  Currituck,  besides  others  of  whom  I  hear,  but 
have  not  seen.  In  most  respects  their  stories  concur. 
They  are  all  delighted  at  their  escape  from  the  realm 
of  Secessia,  and  their  arrival  in  our  lines.  They  say 
that  the  capture  of  Roanoke  has  smitten  the  whole 
coast  of  North  Carolina  with  terror.  The  people  in 
many  places  are  almost  beside  themselves.  Masters 
are  endeavoring  to  send  their  slaves  inland ;  while 
the  slaves,  aware  that  their  day  of  redemption  is  draw- 
ing nigh,  are  refusing  to  go,  and  are  fleeing  to  the 
woods  for  refuge,  or  deserting  to  us  as  fast  as  they 
can  find  means  of  transportation.  Already  there  must 
be  between  one  and  two  hundreds  within  our  lines  ; 
and  before  the  summer  closes,  there  will  dobtless  be 
ton  times  that  number. 

What  shall  be  done  with  them?  Return  them  to 
their  masters,  who  have  forfeited  both  property  and 
life  by  this  wicked  rebellion,  or  make  freemen  of 
them  ?  It  is  hoped  that  at  this  late  day,  there  can  be 
but  one  answer  to  this  question,  and  this  not  a  doubt- 
ful or  hesitating  answer,  buta  confidentand  ready  one. 
Let  us  make  men  of  them, — If  not  such  men  as  we 
would  out  of  this  generation,  yet  such  as  we  can,  as- 
sured that  the  next  generation  will  be  a  vast  improve- 
ment on  this.  That  they  are  susceptible  of  culture, 
who,  not  insane  with  negrophobia,  doubts  '?  Let  the 
Christian  sentiment  of  the  country  feel  itself  charged 
with  their  care  and  instruction.  Surely,  no  more 
promising  field  of  missionary  labor  was  ever  opened. 
Never,  1  believe,  was  a  people,  as  a  whole,  more 
anxious  to  improve.  Never  has  one  more  promptly 
responded  to  any  effort  for  its  good  than  will  the  col- 
ored people  of  the  United  States. 

What  they  need  most  are  school-hooks — primers,  spel- 
ling-books, and  easy  readers.  If  a  box  of  such  books 
could  be  forwarded  to  the  Chaplain  of  the  Massachu- 
setts 24th,  I  am  confident  they  would  be  used  as  long 
as  his  regiment  may  remain  on  the  island,  and  then 
would  be  passed  to  some  other  hands,  which  will  make 
an  equally  good  use  of  them.  Lot  whoso  wishes  some- 
thing to  do,  heed  the  suggestion. 

A  Commissioner  roE  Sooth  Carolina.  Pre- 
vious to  the  departure  of  Edward  C*.  Pierce,  Esq.,  for 
Toil  Royal,  he  was  by  Governor  Andrew  appointed  a 
Commissioner  for  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  with 
the  usual  authority  f"  lake  depositions,  acknowledge 
doeds,  &o.    This  will  he  a  great  convenience  to  each 

Massachusetts  soldiers  as  may  he  stationed  in  Ihai  vi- 
cinity, and  is,  we  believe,  the' first  instance  in  which 
such  an  appointment  has  been   made  for  a  rebellious 

Siatc  since  tho  war  commenced.— Boston  Journal. 


St.  Louis,  March  4.  The  following  is  a  telegram 
from  Gen.  Halleck  to  Gen.  McClellan  :— 

"Major  Gen.  McClellan— Sir:  The  cavalry 
from  Paducah  marched  into  Columbus  yesterday  at 
6^P.  M.,  driving  before  them  the  enemy's  rear  guard. 
The  flag  of  the  Union  is  flying  over  the  boasted  Gib- 
raltar of  the  West.  Finding  himself  completely  turn- 
ed on  both  sides  of  the  Mississippi,  the  enemy  was 
obliged  to  evacuate  and  surrender.  Large  quantities 
of  artillery  and  stores  were  captured. 

(Signed)  H.  W.  HALLECK." 

Chicaco,  March  4.  A  special  despatch,  dated  Co- 
lumbus via  Cairo,  says—'*  The  evacuation  of  Colum- 
bus was  commenced  on  Thursday,  the  last  of  the  reb- 
els not  leaving  until  yesterday  afternoon.  The  burn- 
ing commenced  on  Friday,  and  was  continued  until 
Sunday.  Many  portions  of  their  barracks  and  other 
quarters  are  still  on  fire.  The  fortifications  were  not 
molested.  Every  thing  that  could  not  be  carried  off 
was  fired,  or  thrown  into  the  river.  A  large  number 
of  cannon  were  thrown  into  the  river." 


S5.00 
10.00 
1.00 
2.00 
1.00 

7.00 
5.00 
30.05 


MASSACHUSETTS  A.  S.  SOCIETY.  ___ 
Receipts  into  the  Treasury,  from  Feb.  1,  to  Marchl,  1862. 
J.  M.  W.  Yerrinton — donation, — 
Dea.  Josiah  Henshaw — do. — 
N.  T.  Allen— do.— 

"  to  redeem  pledge,  Jan.,  1861 

W.  P.  Garrison,         ditto,  pledge  Jan.,  1862, 

Collections  by  E.  H.  Heywood  : 
At  Milford, 

East  Cambridge, 
Collections  by  A.  M.  Powell, 

EDMUND  JACKSON,  Treasu, 

PLEDGE   TO   THE    SOCIETY, 

R.  H.  Ober,     ^ 10  00  ' 

"THE  GOLDEN  HOUR,"  AND  "THE  BLACK 
MAN'S  FUTURE  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES." 
M.  D.  Conway,  of  Cincinnati,  will  lecture  on  the  for- 
mer subject,  and  Frederick  Douglass  on  the  last,  in  this 
State,  wherever  wanted,  during  the  next  two  weeks. 

Arrangements  for  their  Lectures  may  be  made  on  appli- 
cation to  JAMES  M.  STONE,  22  Eromfield  street. 

Murch  4. 


'  OLD  COLONT. — Parker  Pillsbdry  will  lecture 


Plymouth,  Sunday  afternoon  aud  e 

N.  Bridgewater,  Wednesday  eve'g, 


s'g,  March        9. 
"  12. 


§3^  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION  AT  HFAN- 
NIS — There  will  be  an  Anti-Slavery  Convention  at  Hyan- 
nis,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  the  loth  and  16th  of 
March.  Cape  Cod,  hitherto,  has  never  needed  arguments, 
or  even  appeals,  to  crowd  its  largest  balls,  where  the  cause 
of  Humanity  and  the  Slave  was  to  be  the  theme.  Parker 
Pillsbuby  and  E.  H.  Heywood  will  be  present. 


STORM  IN  WESTERN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  hills  of  Berkshire,  famous  for  the  coldest  weath- 
er and  most  severe  storms  of  any  portion  of  New 
England,  were  probably  never  visited  by  a  more  try- 
ing gale  than  that  which  has  just  subsided,  after  a 
fearful  rage  of  more  than  thirty  hours.  It  was  a 
storm  without  precedent  in  the  memory  of  the 
"oldest  inhabitant,"  and  the  veteran  railroaders  all 
along  the  route  between  Boston  anil  Albany  speak 
of  it  as  by  far  the  most  severe  in  all  respects  of 
anything  they  ever  witnessed.  And  it  is  all  the 
more  wonderful,  too,  from  the  fact  that  the  coldest 
weather  for  many  seasons  should  have  so  rapidly 
succeeded  a  warm  rain  of  several  hours'  duration. 
Monday  morning,  and  until  three  o'clock  in  the  af- 
ternoon, it  rained  torrents,  and  the  storm  was  very 
much  like  a  July  thunder  shower;  but,  two  hours 
later,  it  was  changed  to  a  heavy  snow  storm,  the 
thermometer  fell  to  ten  degrees  below  zero,  and  the 
wind  blew  a  perfect  gale,  prostrating  fences,  chimnevs, 
and  uprooting  quite  a  number  of  dwellings,  barns,  &c. 

The  railroads  were  also  rendered  impassable  from 
the  accumulated  water  upon  the  tracks,  which 
was  suddenly  turned  to  ice,  and  afterwards  covered, 
for  miles  in  length,  with  huge  snow  drifts. several  feet 
in  depth.  The  Western  Railroad  (Boston  and  Alba- 
ny) was  blocked  during  tho  entire  dav  of  Tuesday 
and  the  evening  train  from  Albany,  Bostonward  re- 
mained for  twenty-four  hours  imbedded  in  a  drift  at 
the  Stone  House,  about  a  mile  east  of  the  Hinsdale  sta- 
tion. The  evening  train  from  this  city  to  Albany  was 
also  detained  by  snow  and  ice,  a  few  miles  east  of  Pitts- 
field,  from  8  o'clock,  Monday  evening,  till  7  o'clock 
Tuesday  evening.  .Monday  morning's  mail  from 
Boston  did  not  arrive  in  Albany  until  the  next  morn- 
ing, and  the  mail  from  tho  West,  due  here  at  4.45 
Monday  afternoon,  did  not  arrive  until  Tuesday. 

At  Hinsdale,  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  tho  storm 
was  most  severe,  and  many  of  the  passengers  and 
men  employed  on  the  train  came  near  perishing  while 
walking  three  fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  train  to  tho 
depot.  A  Brighton  cattle  driver  from  the  West  had 
his  hands  and  arms  frozen  nearly  to  the  elbows,  and 
will  probably  lose  them;  the  conductor  of  the  train 
also  had  his  hands  badly  fro/en  while  going  buck  to 
stop  an  approaching  train ;  and  others,  more  fortu- 
nate, escaped  with  frost-bitten  ears  and  faces.  A  stu- 
dent from  Harvard  came  verv  near  freezing  to  death 
but  was  fortunately  rescued  just  as  be  was  taking  a 
tarewcll  sleep  upon  the  drifting  snow.  When  arous- 
ed, he  was  unable  to  walk,  and  desired  that  his  moth- 
er m  Western  New  York,  should  be  informed  of  his 
sad  late,  and  he  he  left  alone  to  die.  He  was  taken 
to  the  station,  where  he  soon  revived. 

About  lifty  passengers  spent  the  entire  night  upon 
the  train,  where  they  were  with  difficulty  kept  com- 
fortable aud  from  freezing.  Among  the  Dumber  were 
one  couple  from  Western  New  York  on  their  way  to 
Boston,  where  they  were  to  be  joined  in  matrimony 
the  same  evening.  They  arc  probably  down  on  snow 
storms  and  nulroads,  and  it  is  to  bo  hoped  that  by 
this  time  their  connubial  intentions  have  boon  con<uini- 
nuitcd. 

The  weekly  exports  of  stocks  from  the  West  to  tho 
Brighton  and  Cambridge  markets  puss  over  (bo  rend 
Monday  night  ami  Tuesday,  and  this  week  fhe  entire 
lot  were  exposed  to  fhe  severe  storm.  Many  of  the 
sheep  and  hogs  arc  reported  to  have  been  fro/en  to 
death,  anil  also  a  number  of  the  cattle.  Their  arrival 
at  (heir  destination  will  W  delayed  one  or  two  d»a 

The  train,  over  the  Houaatonic  railroad,  between 

I  iitsiield  and  Bridgeport,  were  delayed  by  fhe  storm 
1  he  amount  of  snow  upon   the  ground  throughout 

the  western  portion  of  the  State  is  immense,  and  in 

some  places  from  five  to  eight  feel  deep.  Willi  |  sud- 
den thaw  there  will  he  n  severe  freshet,  and  there 4X0 
apprehensions  of  considerable  damage   to  properly  - 

Boston  Journal,  i    i     j- 


The  closing  lecture 
lay  evening, 
A  ticket,  aduiit- 


|y  EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE, 
will  be  given  at  Tremont  Temple,  or 
March  12,  by  WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 
ting  a  gentleman  and  lady,  25  cents. 

. L^_ 

5^*  WILLIAM   LLOYD    GARRISON  will  deliver    a 

discourse  at  Musio  Hall,  before  the  Twenty-Eighth  Con- 
gregational Society,   on  Sunday  forenoon  next.     Teit 

"IT  WILL  NBV£E  do  to  turn  them  all  loose." 


&•  MERCY  B.  JACESON,   M.   D.,  has  removed 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.     Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children, 

References. — Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  JI.  D. 

Office  hours  froin  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


to 


THE    PULPIT    AND    ROSTRUM, 
ffo,  28. 

THE  WAR  :  A  SLAVE  UNION  OR  A  FREE  ? 
The  Speech  of  Hon.  Martin  E.  Conwat,  deliv- 
ered in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  revised  by 
the  author,  is  published  in  the  Puli-it  and  Rostrum. 
No.  28. 

This  is  one  of  the  ablest,  the  most  original,  and1  the 
most  comprehensive  speeches  yet  made  in  Congress 
on  the  present  crisis  of  our  National  affairs.  The 
reader  cannot  fail  of  being  deeply  interested  in  its  pe- 
rusal. We  append  two  or  three  brief  notices,  taken 
from  hundreds : — 

"It  is  tho  only  speech  made  in  Congress  this  session 
that  fully,  properly  grapples  with  the  great  question  of 
the  day,  or  comprehends  tho  issues  at  stake,  or  deals  with 
the  rebellion  in  a  statesmanlike  manner."—  Chicago  ZW- 

_  It  is  one  of  the  most  plain-spoken  utterances  of  eho 
time,  full  of  original  views  and  hold  suggestions."— -JV.  Y. 

"  I  have  read  it  with  profound  interest,  and  almost  with 
surprise.  It  is  tho  spoceb  of  a  living  and  thinking  man 
of  a  statesman  and  a  philosopher.  It  is  far  above  the 
range  of  ordinary  politicians,  and  has  seldom,  for  depth 
of  thought,  largeness  and  justness  of  view,  been  equalled 
by  auy  speech  I  have  seen  from  any  member  of  either 
House  of  Congress."— Dr.  O.  A.  Brovnum. 

Three  different  men— Wm.  Lloti>  Garrison,  of 
Massachusetts,  Garkktt  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  Al- 
BXANI>BB  II-  Stbpiikns,  of  Georgia— are  represented 
in  the  Pulpit  and  Rostrum,  Nos.  26  and  27,  (double 
number,  two  in  one,  price  20  cents,)  as  follows  : — 

The  Abolitionists,  and  their  Relations  to  the  11V: 
A  Lecture  by  William  Llovd  Garrison,  delivered  at 
the  Cooper  Institute,  Now  York,  January   II.  1868. 

The  Mar  not  for  Confiscation  or  Emancipation:  A 
Speech  by  Hon.  Garrett  Davis,  delivered  in  the  U.  S 
SenatOj  Jammrj-SS,  1802. 

African  Slavery,  the  Comer-Stone  of'  the  St>»tliem 
Conj.da-a.-y :  A.  Speech  hvllon.  Alexander  11.  Ste- 
phens, Vice  President  of  tho  Confederacy,  in  which 
the  speaker  holds  that  "African  slavery  ."as  it  exists 
among  ua,  is  the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  onr  form 
of  civilization  :  "  and  "our  new  Government  Ithe 
Southern  Confederacy]  is  the  first  in  the  history  of 
the  world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  phllosophl* 
cal  and  moral  truth." 

Tht  fulfil  and  Rostrum,  No.  25,  contains  the  cele- 
brated address  of  Wi:nih;i.i,  Phillips,  in  support  of 
The  War  for  the  Union,  It  is  delivered  in  the  finished 
and  unequalled  style  of  Mr.  Phillips,  and  has  oafled 
forth  many  comnk'mhitoi'v  notices. 

The  Pulpit  ami  Rostrum,  No.  24,  has  fhe  verv  ahlo 
and  eloquent  nrgumont  of  the  Hon.  Husky  Win  mi 
D.vvis,  on  The  Southern  R.Kili.-n.nmi  the  Constitutional 
I  mm  -J  the  Repuhl.e  for  Us  Suppression.  This  is  on,' 
01    the    clearest  and    most    exhaustive    addresses    vet 

elicited  by  the  present  state  of  our  country.  It  lets 
received  the  most  flattering  testimonials"  from  the 
highest  sources. 

/'/,,    Pulpit   an,!    Rostrum    gives   full    PoOUOMBBte 

Beporta  (revised  bj  the  authors]  ol  the  s,>e>v]u.s  md 

Discourses  of  our   must    eminent  public  speakers.      It 
I  Constitutes  a  series   most  valuable   for  perusal  or 

reference. 

I'riee  It)  cents  a  number,  or  SI  a  vear  ffor  13  num. 
bers.)  K.  1).  BARKER,  Pi  m  tsHsn 

L88  Grand  St.,  tfm  For*, 


40 


THE     LIB  E  !R  A.  T  O  E 


MAECH  7. 


From  the  Hastings,  (Mich.)  Republican  Bnnuor. 

CAUSE   OF   THE   WAR. 


Henr  ye  tho  booming  of  tlio  oannon, 

As  its  thunder  shakes  tho  ground? 
Hear  ye  the  bursting  of  the  bombshells, 

Scattering  wounds  and  death  around  ? 
Hear  ye  the  whistling  of  the  bullet, 

By  the  deadly  rillo  thrown, 
As  in  its  flight  of  swift  destruction 

It  mangles  flesh  and  crushes  bone? 
Hear  ye  the  trampling  of  tho  war-horse, 

Ah  he  rushes  to  the  fight? 
Seo  ye  the  gleaming  of  tho  sabre, 

Flashing  like  a  beam  of  light? 
See  ye  the  thousands  upon  thousands, 

Marshalling  in  dread  array  ? 
See  ye  the  thick  and  sulphurous  war-cloud, 

Dimming  the  blessed  light  of  day  ? 
Hear  ye  the  ories  and  moans  of  anguish, 

Echoing  o'er  our  startled  land  ? 
Parents,  children,  widows,  orphans, 

Heave  the  sigh,  and  wring  the  hand  ! 
TVhat  is  tho  cause  of  this  uprising? 

What  is  tho  cause  of  all  this  strife — 
Of  these  tears,  and  groans,  and  wailings, 

And  this  waste  of  human  life? 
Far  away  in  the  sunny  South-land 

Proud  and  haughty  men  are  found, 
Living  on  their  vast  plantations, 

■With  a  servile  race  around  ; 
And  they  work  their  will  upon  thom 

Without  hindrance,  let,  or  fear  : 
"Might  makes  right,"  is  the  rule  of  action 

They  would  establish,  even  hero  ! 
When  law-making  for  the  nation, 

They  did,  as  a  thing  of  course, 
Into  the  halls  of  legislation 

Bring  their  creed  of  brutal  force. 
Bludgeons,  bowie-knives  and  pistols 

Wero  the  arguments  they  used 
With  those  who,  to  bow  subservient 

Unto  their  behests,  refused  ; 
And  to  cap  th  horrid  climax, 

They  in  their  heart  of  hearts  had  sworn 
They  would  rule,  or  the  country  should  bo 

Into  bleeding  fragments  torn  ; 
And  when  they  felt  the  power  departing 

From  their  weak,  relaxing  grasp, 
Closed  their  fingers  on  the  sword-hilt, 

With  relentless,  vengeful  olasp  ! 

As  they  have  urged  tho  war  upon  us, 

They  tho  issue  must  abide, 
Even  to  the  forfeit  of  their  •''chattels," 

And  the  humbling  of  their  pride. 
Martin,  Jan.  26,  1862. 


®JU    ISilfMtttflt. 


The  Justice  of  God  in  our  National  Calamities. 

REMARKS  OF  PARKER  PILLSBTJRY, 

In  the  Convention  at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  Feb.  1th  and  8th 

Reported  by  Hexry  M.  Pakkhurst. 

This  meeting,  I  think,  is  the  most  important  this 
body  ever  held.  I  do  not  know  that  another  like  il 
•will  ever  be  held.  Probably  not.  Before  another 
winter  comes  round,  events  will  doubtless  have  trans- 
pired essentially  changing  the  character  of  this  anni- 
versary. I  think  the  last  Fourth  of  July  was  the  lasl 
-re  shall  ever  celebrate  in  that  form  ;  and  I  hope  this 
is  the  last  meeting  of  this  kind  we  shall  hold.  But, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  the  last,  one  or  two  things 
must  transpire  :  either  the  subjugation  of  the  North 
to  the  Slave  Power,  which  is  not  impossible  ;  or  else 
the  recognition  of  the  rights  of  all  men,  of  so  sublime 
a  character  that  there  shall  he  no  need,  certainly,  of 
oilling  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  abolishing  slavery. 
I  do  not  wish  to  see  this  government  prolonged 
another  day  in  its  present  form.  On  the  contrary,  I 
have  been  for  twenty  years  attempting  to  overthrow 
the  present  dynasty.  I  do  not  quite  agree  with  some 
of  my  friends,  that  a  change  has  taken  place  which 
releases  me  from  my  former  course  of  action.  If  I  do 
not  misjudge  the  Constitution,  whatever  may  have 
been  its  real  character,  it  waB  never  so  much  an  en- 
gine of  cruelty  and  of  crime  as  it  is  at  the  present 
hour.  It  seems  to  me  the  present  Administration  is, 
on  the  one  band,  the  weakest,  and  on  the  other  the 
wickedest,  we  have  ever  had.  Mr.  Buchanan's  admin- 
istration is  under  infinite  obligations  to  it  for  casting 
its  wickedness  an  imbecility  so  far  into  the  shade. 

I  agree  with  all  my  friends  in  one  particular,  how- 
ever we  may  differ  in  others :  that  the  Government 
has  the  constitutional  power  to  perform  an  act  of  hu- 
manity and  justice  which  would  release  us  from  all 
further  necessity  for  this  kind  of  anniversary.  But 
having  the  power,  and  it  may  not  be  too  much  to  say 
the  undisputed  power,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  becomes 
even  more  wicked  than  the  South,  in  failing  to  do  it. 
Slavery  is  the  sin  and  crime  of  the  country.  The 
present  war  is  a  just  and  most  fearful  retribution 
for  that  crime.  The  North  is  not  willing  yet  to  re- 
pent of  its  sin,  or  to  admit  that  this  war  is  a  retribu- 
tion. And  when  you  ask  the  North  to  let  the  people 
go,  it  answers,  almost  in  the  language,  quite  in  the 
spirit  of  the  ancient  tyrant,  "  Who  is  the  Lord,  that  I 
should  obey  his  voice,  and  let  the  people  go  ?"  I  have 
no  hope  of  any  salvation  to  the  North  until  it  is  first 
convicted  of  its  own  guilt  in  its  terrible  complicity 
with  the  great  sin  and  crime  of  slavery. 

I  am  far  from  being  satisfied  that  the  South  is  the 
more  guilty  party  of  the  two.  All  the  superiority 
that  is  claimed,  on  the  part  of  the  North,  operates,  in 
my  judgment,  just  so  far  against  the  North  in  the 
scale  of  moral  responsibility.  Have  we  the  power? 
Then  why,  in  God's  name,  is  not  slavery  swept  away  ? 
Have  we  more  light  and  knowledge,  then  why  do  we 
not  act  up  to  that  light  and  knowledge,  and  repent; 
and  arrest  the  most  daring  crime  ever  committed  un„ 
._4erthe  bright  sun  of  heaven  ?  Have  we  the  majority, 
the  wealth,  the  cultivation,  everything  that  pertains  to 
national  greatness  1  Then  is  our  guilt  exactly  pro- 
portioned to  our  superiority.  I  can  attribute,  there- 
fore, only  to  Pharaohism  or  perverseness  the  longer 
continuance  of  slavery.  It  seems  to  me  that  one  Ed- 
ward Everett,  one  Southside  Adams,  one  Dr.  Lord, 
outweighs  in  guilt  and  moral  responsibility  a  thousand 
ordinary  slave-owners  in  the  Carolines  or  in  Louisia- 
na. Yet  all  that  I  san  see  in  the  North  is  the  spirit 
of  Pharisaism,  saying  to  the  South,  "  I  am  holier 
than  thou." 

Slavery  is  said  to  be  the  cause  of  the  war.  What 
is  the  cause  of  slavery  1  I  remember  my  first  lesson 
in  theological  investigation  was  to  prove  the  existence 
of  a  God  ;  and  I  found  the  argument  summed  up  in 
this  :  thateverythingmust  have  a  cause.  That  cause  is 
God.  Here  is  the  universe;  it  must  have  a  cause.  But 
I  told  the  Professor  I  was  not  satisfied  with  the  argu- 
ment, for  it  seemed  to  me  an  infidel  would  ask  me  if 
God  could  any  more  exist  without  a  cause  than  a  uni- 
verse, and  I  should  not  know  how  to  answer  him.  He 
drew  his  face  down,  and  replied,  "Ah,  hut  God  is  an 
uncaused  being."  I  said  that  another  man  might  say, 
"Ah,  but  the  universe  is  an  uncaused  universe." 
So  slavery  must  have  had  a  cause  as  well  as  the  war. 
I  look  for  that  cause  not  in  the  South  alone,  but  in  the 
more  highly  cultivated  North  ;  and  the  North  I  hold 
responsible  accordingly. 

I  cannot  join  in  the  congratulations  I  so  often  henr 
as  to  the  hopefulness  of  the  Bigna  of  tho  times.  I  do 
not  want  to  see  hopefulness.  I  am  not  rejoiced  at 
tidings  of  victory  to  the  Northern  army.  I  would  far 
rather  see  defeat.  Not  that  I  want  to  see  our  troops 
massacred,  or  to  see  them  imprisoned;  nay,  Heaven 
and  humanity  forbid  !  but  upon  the  same  ground  that 
a  physician,  wisely  administering  medicine,  accepts 
the  agonies  and  contortions  of  his  patient,  which  are  al- 
ways produced  hy  administering  heroic  treatment. 


I  rejoice  in  defeat  and  disaster  rather  than  in  victo- 
ry, because  I  do  not  believe  the  North  is  in  any  con- 
dition to  improve  any  great  success  which  may  at- 
tend its  arms.  I  think  the  Abolitionists  fail  suffic- 
ently  to  recognize  one  great  fact ;  and  that  is,  the  per- 
sistent, determined,  heaven-provoking  impenitence  of 
the  North.  The  hatred  of  the  colored  race,  the  ha- 
tred of  the  Abolitionists,  the  willingness  to  continue 
the  slave  system,  the  intense  desire  to  get  back  to  our 
prosperous  peddling  with  Great  Britain  and  other  na- 
tions, and  with  one  another;  all  these  are  to  my  mind 
indications  that  we  are  in  no  condition  to  hear 
of  success ;  that  the  God  who  judges  righteously 
must  hold  us  responsible  for  the  cries  and  groans  of 
the  slave  to-day,  even  beyond  the  immediate  perpe- 
trators of  the  crime  of  slavery  upon  the  soil  of  the 
South.  Whatever  man  may  decree,  the  God  of  jus- 
tice reigns  and  will  reign,  and  we  cannot  compromise 
away  any  of  the  penalties  due  to  violated  law. 

Holding  these  opinions,  1  do  not  desire  success  to 
the  Northern  army.  I  do  not  wish  to  see  Abraham 
Lincoln  triumph  over  the  South  in  the  way  he  has 
himself  marked  out.  Mr.  Seward  assures  us,  and  it 
is  "  published  by  authority,"  that  "  the  condition  of 
no  human  being  is  to  be  changed,  whether  the  revo- 
lution succeeds,  or  whether  it  fails."  I  say,  then,  let 
us  have  war;  let  us  have  all  its  disasters  and  all  its 
defeats,  if  the  condition  of  the  slave  is  not  to  be  chang- 
ed. If  that  is  treason,  I  must  let  the  Government 
make  the  most  of  it,  and  send  me  to  Fort  Warren; 
and  if  they  do  not  treat  me  worse  than  they  treat  the 
traitors,  spies  and  rebels  there,  and  are  as  prompt  to 
release  me  upon  the  application  of  my  friends,  my 
condition  will  not  he  very  greatly  to  be  deplored. 
(Laughter.) 

It  is  said  by  some  philosophers  to  he  more  natural 
to  laugh  than  to  weep.  Certainly,  it  is  more  pleasant. 
But  it  is  of  no  use  to  overlook  the  true  condition  of  the 
country  ^  and  let  us  not  undertake,  in  the  old  Hebrew 
language,  to  "heal  the  hurt  of  the  daughter  of  my 
people  slightly."  God  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day, 
and  forever.  In  the  history  of  the  Jews  at  the  time 
of  their  captivity,  I  find  a  marvellous  analogy  to  the 
history  of  our  country  to-day.  I  find  a  Seward  and  a 
Lincoln  ;  boasting  churches  and  false  prophets  ;  and 
Garrisons,  too,  and  Cheevers,  among  the  historic  men 
of  that  day.  The  popular  men  of  that  period  are 
pretty  much  mixed  up  with  the  mould  and  waste  of 
the  past,  and  there  is  little  of  them  left.  But  there 
were  prophets  who  were  true  to  their  time,  whose 
writings  have  come  down  to  us  ;  and  I  take  my  stand 
by  the  side  of  those  old  Hebrews,  Isaiah  and  Jeremi- 
ah, and  I  would  call  for  justice,  as  Isaiah  complained 
that  none  did  then  call  for  justice. 

Jeff.  Davis  is  not  to-day  the  foe  most  to  be  feared.  -It 
is  the  Jehovah  of  Hosts  against  whom  this  Government 
is  contending,  and  it  is  determined  to  carry  on  the 
battle  against  that  terrible  foe!  If  Gen.  Fremont 
will  not  act  with  it,  Gen.  Fremont  must  be  disgraced 
and  removed  ;  while  the  basest,  most  truculent  spirits 
of  slavery  are  exalted  to  posts  of  honor  and  power. 
Our  work  as  Abolitionists  is  plain  work,  I  do  not 
see  that  it  is  changed.  It  is  not  numbers  that  we  want 
in  order  to  succeed.  Christianity  was  never  more  tri- 
umphant than  when  it  was  incorporated  in  one  person, 
and  He  nailed  to  the  cross.  The  virtue  of  the  victim 
set  the  cross  on  fire,  and  it  became  a  beacon-light  to 
illumine  the  generations.  And  if  the  Anti-Slavery 
cause  to-day  were  incorporated  in  the  person  of  but 
one  individual,  and  he  doomed  to  the  fate  of  John 
Brown,  its  glorious  triumph  would  be  no  less  assured. 
I  hope  we  shall  not  mistake  our  calling.  Government 
is  mistaken,  but  we  should  not  be.  Congress  is  evi- 
dently blind  as  moles  and  bats,  but  we  should  not  be. 
The  Church  and  the  ministry  of  our  land  are  as  blind  as 
the  Government,  but  we  should  not  be  ;  else,  if  the  blind 
undertake  to  lead  the  blind,  of  course  we  shall  fall  into 
the  ditch  together.  Until  this  Government  makes  atone- 
ment for  the  injustice  done  the  slave  and  his  race,  the 
injustice  done  to  Fremont,  the  injustice  done  to  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause,  I  shall  hold  it  the  enemy  of  liber- 
ty, and  of  course  the  enemy  of  God.  For  one,  I  am 
not  disposed  to  be  identified  with  it.  Rather  let  me  die 
the  death  of  the  righteous. 

I  said  the  Church  is  as  blind  as  the  rest.  The  pul- 
pit to-day  knows  nothing  of  the  demands  of  the  law 
of  God.  George  B.  Cheever  seems  almost  alone  to 
remain.  At  any  rate,  I  know  of  no  other  pulpit-oc- 
cupant worthy  to  stand  by  his  side.  Somebody  asked 
me  the  other  day,  "  Won't  they  soon  be  arraigning 
Dr.  Cheever  before  the  Consociations  I"  I  said,  per- 
haps they  might ;  bnt  it  seemed  to  me  quite  time  that 
the  Consociations  were  arraigned  before  Dr.  Cheever. 
We  have  all  sinned,  North  and  South.  The  Church 
might  have  known  it,  must  have  known  it ;  but  the 
Church  does  not  call  the  Government  to  repentance. 
It  has  been  giving  the  country  a  religion  of  so  mon- 
strous a  character,  that  to-day  it  is  in  the  field  butch- 
ering the  same  brethren  with  whom  it  waslastyear  in 
Christian  fellowship  and  communion.  It  is  all  the 
same  to  the  Northern  pulpit  and  the  Northern  Church, 
whether  they  break  the  sacramental  roll  with  their 
Southern  brethren,  or  dash  out  their  brains  with  the 
butt  end  of  their  muskets.  The  Church  and  the 
clergy  pray  for  good  luck  on  both  occasions  alike, 
and  in  both  armies  alike. 

Last  year,  we  were  endeavoring  to  sever  the  con- 
nection between  the  North  and  South.  Last  January, 
upon  the  first  Sunday  of  the  year,  the  whole  Church 
of  the  land  met,  as  is  its  wont,  at  the  sacramental  ta- 
ble, in  full  fellowship,  North  and  South,  claiming  kin- 
dred under  one  Lord,  one  faith,  and  one  baptism. 
The  Abolitionists  protested  against  it,  demanding  of 
the  North  that  it  separate  itself  from  the  cup  of  devils ; 
that  it  come  out  from  such  a  synagogue  of  Satan,  and 
wash  its  garments  clean  of  the  blood  of  the  slave. 
The  North  would  not  hearken.  The  North  despised 
us  and  our  warning,  trampled  upon  our  testimony, 
and  rushed  to  the  sacramental  feast ;  the  South  join- 
ing in  the  solemn  sacramental  supper.  But  God  saw 
it ;  heard  our  testimony,  too,  I  trust.  And  he  said,  or 
seemed  to  Bay,  "Yet  a  little  while  longer,  and  I  will 
arise,  and  make  bare  my  own  arm."  In  six  months, 
or  a  little  more,  from  that  day,  on  a  summer  Sunday, 
in  the  following  July,  the  Almighty  did  arise  in  the 
majesty  of  his  might,  and  seizing  the  Church  of  the 
North  as  in  his  right  hand,  and  the  Church  of  the 
South  in  his  left  hand,  at  Manassas  Junction  he  dash- 
ed them  together,  and  gave  them  their  last  sacrament 
in  each  other's  blood. 

And  yet,  to-day,  the  Church  of  the  North  does  not 
seem  to  know  that  in  that  hour  she  was  abandoned  of 
God.  But  we  know  it.  If  we  know  the  works  and 
ways  of  God,  we  know  that  a  Church,  any  Church, 
that  can  thus  eat  the  communion  bread  upon  one  Sab- 
bath, and  go  to  butchering  each  other  with  bay- 
onets and  bombshells  on  the  next,  must  be  an  abomi- 
nation in  His  sight.  Yet  that  is  the  Church  of  this 
land ;  and  the  Government  of  the  country  is  what 
might  be  expected  from  such  a  religion.  The  law  and 
the  government  of  God  are  set  at  naught,  nay,  de- 
fied. 

It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  for  us  most  emphatically, 
in  this  hour,  to  distinguish  between  him  who  knows 
and  endeavors  to  keep  the  law  of  God,  and  him  who 
sets  it  at  defiance.  I  come  here  for  the  purpose  of 
vindicating  what  seem  to  me  to  be  the  doctrines  of 
the  Most  High.  I  have  no  faith,  no  hope,  in  any  vic- 
tory, in  any  success,  until  the  North  is  first  made  con- 
scious of  its  sin.  When  it  is,  repentance,  reform, 
atonement,  justice  done,  will  be  the  first  fruits  of  that 
knowledge.  When  that  comes,  when  we  shall  learn 
to  recognize  the  difference  between  human  constitu- 
tions and  unions  and  the  demands  of  God's  law,  then 
there  will  be  hope.  Until  that  time,  I  look  for  noth- 
ing, lean  hope  for  nothing,  but  defeat.  It  is  certainly 
better  that  the  penalty  due  to  crime  be  executed,  no 
matter  what  becomes  of  the  criminal ;  better  for  him— - 
better  for  all.  Bitter,  fearful,  direful  as  the  conse- 
quences of  sin  may  be,  it  is  better  that  those  conse- 
quences be  visited  upon  us,  and  that  the  North,  the 
State  and  the  Church,  should  come  into  the  knowl- 
edge and  acknowledgment  of  these  high  and  holy 
doctrines  and  demands.  Then,  and  not  before,  shall 
I  feel  that  the  time  has  come  for  ub  to  take  or  to 
preach  hope  and  encouragement. 


I  wish  to  correct  the  misapprehension  of  the  clerical 
gentleman  who  followed  me.  [Alluding  to  a  review 
of  a  previous  speech.]  He  said  I  had  assailed  the 
Church  of  Christ.  His  Church  of  Christ,  it  may  be. 
I  do  not  know  that  it  is  his  prerogative  to  decide  for 
hat  constitutes  the  Church  of  Christ.  I  see  cer- 
tain men  eating  the  communion  bread  and  drinking 
the  sacramental  wine.  Six  months  afterwards,  I  see 
those  same  men,  with  rifle,  cannon  and  columbiad, 
endeavoring  to  destroy  as  many  of  each  other  as  they 
possibly  can.  If  that  is  the  Church  of  Christ,  then  I 
plead  guilty  to  the  charge  of  my  friend.  I  spoke  of 
Dr.  Cheever  as  a  worthy  preacher  of  the  gospel  of 
truth.  I  did  not  say  how  many  more  were  worthy  ; 
but  I  only  knew  Dr.  Cheever.  Outside  of  the  popu- 
lar Church,  I  know  several  others  ;  my  friend,  Beriah 
Green,  before  me,  for  one  ;  and  I  could  name  a  few 
in  my  native  State,  Massachusetts.  But  the  general 
statement  will  defy  all  criticism,  that  what  is  regarded 
as  the  American  Church  and  the  American  pulpit  is 
to-day  in  deadly  hostility,  North  against  South.  We, 
the  Abolitionists,  never  asked  the  Church  of  the  North 
to  mob  or  harm  the  Church  of  the  South.  The  Abo- 
litionists never  mobbed  anybody,  or  countenanced  the 
mobbing  of  anybody.  I  never  heard  of  such  a  thing 
as  a  mobocratic  Abolitionist.  We  simply  asked  her 
to  come  out  from  a  fellowship  and  sacramental  com- 
munion with  the  traffickers  in  slaves,  in  the  bodies  and 
souls  of  men  ;  with  brethren  who  bought  and  sold  the 
image  of  God  in  the  market,  whose  sacramental  ves- 
sels were  bought  with  the  blood  of  the  slave-mother's 
child,  and  filled  with  wine  purchased  with  the  pro- 
ceeds of  her  unpaid  toil.  The  Northern  Church 
would  not  heed  us.  She  reviled  and  persecuted  us. 
She  hated  us.  She  did  not  even  seek  to  reclaim  and 
save  us,  as  she  did  ordinary  sinners,  but  branded  us 
as  outcasts  from  the  grace  of  God.  The  Church  of  the 
South  she  held  as  bone  of  her  bone,  flesh  of  her  flesh, 
spirit  of  her  spirit.  We  asked  the  North  to  separate 
from  her.  She  would  not  do  it.  By-and-bye,  God 
himself  seemed  to  take  the  matter  into  his  own  hands. 
He  said,  I  have  sent  you  my  Servants,  the  prophets. 
and  ye  would  not  hear  them.  Behold,  I  work  a  work 
among  you,  at  the  very  name  of  which  the  ears 
that  hear  shall  tingle.  And,  as  I  said,  the  Church  of 
the  North  is  lifted  and  dashed  against  the  Church  of 
the  South,  and  they  are  bathing  their  deadly  bayo 
nets  in  each  other's  blood.  To  call  that  the  Church 
of  Christ  is  a  scandal  to  that  sacred  name.  It  is  a 
blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  man,  to  me, 
is  a  monster  who  can  do  it,  in  the  light  of  the  present 
hour.  Is  that  a  Church  of  Christ  that  has  defied  the 
demands  of  God  for  thirty  years,  until  He  has  made 
it  its  own  executioner  ?  He  himself  has  scattered  it ; 
scattered  it,  so  to  speak,  in  ghastly  corpses  on  the 
ground ;  and  the  verdict  of  the  moral  universe  on 
them  is,  and  shall  be  forever  :  "  Death  by  the  visita- 
tion of  God  1 " 

It  is  time  for  us  to  speak  the  truth  I  think,  with 
our  excellent  friend  President  Green,  it  is  for  us  not 
to  take  counsel  of  flesh  and  blood.  These  are  holy, 
sublime,  righteous  principles ;  let  them  be  affirmed. 
Why  is  it  that  such  multitudes  are  down  in  the  mis't, 
the  murky  darkness  to  which  Mr.  Fryne  referred  ? 
Why,  but  for  the  reason  that  hypocritical  priests  and 
despicable  politicians  have  had  the  training  of  them 
from  generation  to  generation  3  The  multitude  sit  in 
the  region  and  shadow  of  death  I  Why  is  it  thus  ?  I  turn 
again  to  my  old  oracles,  the  prophets,  and  the  answer  is 
the  same  :  "  Like  people,  like  priest ; "  "I  bade  thee 
feed  my  people  with  the  bread  of  knowledge,and  behold 
ye  have  filled  them  with  lies  and  deceit!  "  I  tell  you, 
Mr.  Chairman,  when  the  Church  and  the  ministry 
understand  the  Bible  as  well  as  babes  and  suckliugs 
understand  it,  until  poisoned  with  their  teachings, 
the  world  will  be  the  better  for  it. 

A  year  ago,  I  endeavored  to  warn  the  people  against 
what  we  now  see.  The  Republican  party  was  then 
flushed  with  victory,  and  still  more  with  prospective 
emoluments,  and  place,  and  prerogative,  when  its  can- 
didate should  occupy  the  chair  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy of  the  nation.  I  told  them  that  their  victory 
was  not  yet  complete.  They  had,  indeed,  elected 
their  Presidential  candidates  ;  hut  their  ballots  were 
only  a  paper  currency,  and  before  the  Administration 
could  proceed,  or  be  recognized  over  the  country,  that 
paper  currency  must  be  redeemed  by  a  specie  pay- 
ment of  solid  leaden  and  iron  bullets.  They  laughed 
at  such  warnings,  and  mobbed  me  all  winter  for  utter- 
ing them.  From  Boston  to  the  Mississippi  river,  I 
passed  through  one  succession  of  mob  violence.  The 
only  two  instances  that  came  to  my  knowledge, 
through  that  long  and  dreary  winter,  of  the  protec- 
tion of  Anti-Slavery  meetings  from  mobs,  were  by  the 
aid  of  a  Democratic  Mayor  of  this  city  at  our  last  an- 
nual meeting,  and  of  a  Democratic  magistrate  in  the 
State  of  Iowa.  From  the  beginning  of  the  winter 
campaign  until  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln, 
(if  that  event  can  in  any  sort  of  propriety  be  said  to 
have  yet  transpired,)  was  a  succession  of  mobs  of  Re- 
publican manufacture  or  of  Republican  maintenance. 
Mob  law  reigned  until  Abraham  Lincoln  was  compell- 
ed to  flee  upon  the  under-ground  railroad  from  Harris- 
burg  to  Washington,  to  escape  its  violence;  and  the 
mob  has  ruled  him  and  his  administration  from  that 
hour  to  this.  Jeff.  Davis  has  more  power,  to-day,  in 
New  York  and  New  England,  than  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  all  his  Cabinet,  and  all  his  army.  He  has  more 
power  by  far  than  he  could  have  had,  if  he  had  been 
regularly  elected  and  regularly  installed  in  the  Presi- 
dential chair.  He  has  but  to  speak,  and  it  is  done. 
He  has  but  to  command,  and  the  very  army  stands 
fast  They  tell  of  the  clay  mud  of  the  Virginia  roads. 
I  tell  you  that  a  deeper  and  more  impenetrable  mud 
than  that  prevents  the  advance  of  our  armies  upon 
the  seceded  banditti  of  the  Soiffh. 

You  have  convicted  I  know  not  how  many  men  of 
being  spies  and  traitors.  You  have  even  had  Mason 
and  Slidell  in  custody.  You  have  convicted  seven- 
teen men,  in  this  State,  of  the  most  high-handed 
piracy.  Yet  those  men  are  just  as  safe  from  harm, 
in  the  bosom  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  administration, 
as  if  they  were  safe  smuggled  in  the  bosom  of  the 
patriarch  Abraham  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  You 
dare  not  hurt  a  hair  of  their  heads.  At  this  very  mo- 
ment you  have  700,000  men  in  arms;  and  yet  the 
South  laughs  at  your  pretensions.  Her  ragged  ruffi- 
ans are,  perhaps,  scarcely  one  to  your  five  ;  and  yet, 
in  the  hands  of  Jeff*.  Davis,  they  are,  to  this  hour, 
omnipotent  to  control  the  destinies  of  this  nation. 
John  Brown,  and  his  twenty  white  men,  and  two  or 
three  black  men,  at  Harper's  Ferry,  were  more  a  ter- 
ror to  all  the  South,  than  Gen.  McClellan  and  his 
myriads  of  men.  (Applause.)  And  -why  1  Because 
the  South  knew  full  welt  that  he  had  a  purpose — an 
almighty,  a  divine  purpose — and  your  government 
has  not;  that,  though  Abraham  Lincoln  is  nominally 
President  of  the  United  States,  she  herself  holds  the 
sceptre  of  almost  supreme  dominion.  What  gave 
John  Brown  such  omnipotence,  and  such  omnipres- 
ence, too,  all  through  the  South'?  Simply  this,  that 
every  tyrant  had  a  John  Brown  in  his  own  bosom, 
against  whom  he  could  not  fight.  It  is  conscience 
that  makes  cowards  of  us  all.  We  are  arrayed  against 
the  Almighty,  and  therefore  it  is  that  we  cannot  pre- 
vail. 

One  of  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Garrison  affirms  that 
the  government  has  now  the  constitutional  power  to 
do  a  righteous  action.  Some  of  our  friends  believed 
that  it  had  the  power  before.  Gerrit  Smith  has  al- 
ways believed  that  the  government  had  the  power  to 
abolish  slavery  under  the  Constitution.  I  have  not 
so  believed.  But  now  the  government  has  undeniably 
the  power;  and  it  lacks  tiie  other  more  important 
thing — the  disposition.  We  are  a  nation  of  atheists, 
governed  by  a  President  and  Cabinet  of  downright 
practical  atheists.  The  National  Assembly  of  France, 
in  the  days  of  Robespierre,  it  is  said,  voted  God  from 
his  throne.  But  wc  have  done  worse  than  they;  for 
they  enshrined  Reason  as  God  instead,  at  any  rate, 
and,  in  obedience  to  it,  began  their  new  government 
by  striking  every  fetter  from  every  slave  throughout 
the  French  dominions.  Tho  Abolitionists  of  this 
country  have  been  branded  for  the  last  thirty  years  as 
atheists;  but  I  fear  we  are  the  only  men  who  believe 
in  the  Divine  existence  or  the  Divine  government. 


Arc  not  the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  to-day,  at  tho 
head  of  this  nation,  defying  the  God  of  heaven  ? 
Moses  [turning  to  Mr.  Garrison'  demands  that  he  let 
the  people  go;  and  in  the  true  spirit  of  his  illustrious 
predecessor  of  four  thousand  years  ago,  the  President 
answers,  Who  is  the  Lord,  that  I  should  obey  Him  1 

We  were  told,  yesterday,  that  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple could  not  comprehend  our  friend,  President  Green, 
when  he  was  simply  carrying  principles  and  laws 
which  everybody  recognizes  in  material  things  up 
into  the  region  of  conscience  and  the  higher  law. 
Men  are  loyal  to  the  laws  of  the  material  universe  as 
soon  and  as  far  as  they  know  them.  The  agricul- 
turist, the  mechanic,  the  engineer,  the  navigator, 
every  one  who  employs  the  great  forces  of  nature, 
respects  the  laws  and  keeps  them.  AVhosoever  shall 
keep  the  whole  law  of  the  steam-engine,  and  yet 
offend  in  one  point,  soon  finds  that  he  is  guilty  of  all, 
in  the  explosion  that  scatters  his  engine  and  the  frag- 
ments of  his  own  mutilated  body  in  every  direction. 
Our  friend  Green  was  endeavoring  to  lead  men  up 
into  the  region  of  conscience  and  the  moral  laws  of 
the  universe ;  and  was  insisting  upon  the  same  loyalty 
and  obedience  there.  The  great  difficulty  with  our 
Government  officers  is,  that  they  are  unwilling  to  be- 
lieve in'a  God  whose  laws  are  the  same,  whether  they 
pertain  to  a  grain  of  shifting  sand  on  a  distant  shore, 
or  the  whirling  of  the  celestial  orbs  in  infinite  space, 
or  throb  in  the  breasts  of  cherubim  and  seraphim  be- 
fore the  eternal  throne.  If  we  could  but  know  and 
feel  that  the  law  of  God  is  one  and  the  same,  whether 
it  pertains  to  matter  or  to  mind,  to  the  material  world 
or  the  region  of  universal  conscience  and  moral  being, 
that  wisdom,  that  grace  controlling  our  actions  would 
be  our  present  and  everlasting  salvation. 

But  the  people  perish  for  lack  of  knowledge.  Forty 
thousand  pulpits  have  not  yet  taught  them  the  first 
lessons  in  the  government  of  God.  We  prefer  to  be 
wrestling  with  the  dragon  of  secession  in  the  South 
John  Brown,  like  a  mighty  angel,  came  down  as  from 
heaven,  and  if  the  powers  would  have  permitted, 
would  have  bound  that  dragon  for  a  thousand  mil- 
lennial years  and  forever!  You  seized  that  first, 
grandest  hero  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and  hung 
him  upon  a  cross ;  the  suhlimest  as  well  as  saddest 
spectacle  since  the  scene  upon  Calvary,  that  veiled 
the  very  heavens  in  sackcloth  and  darkness.  John 
Brown  taught  us  the  way;  but  the  people  would  not 
learn.  He  came,  the  very  God  made  flesh,  and  pointed 
the  road,  but  the  people  and  the  Government  would 
not  walk  therein.  He  was,  almost  literally,  the  way 
and  the  truth,  and  he  would  have  been  the  life,  but 
the  nation  was  not  worthy.  I  sometimes  think  that, 
on  that  fearful  morning,  the  2d  of  December,  1859,  as 
he  bowed  his  head  and  gave  up  the  ghost,  that  the 
recording  angel  wrote  in  the  ledgers  of  heaven,  of  this 
nation:  "It  is  finished."  From  that  hour  to  this, 
disaster  and  distress  have  followed  us,  and  we  are 
wildly,  madly  pursuing  the  same  career  which  has 
destroyed  so  many  nations  in  the  past.  I  amost  hear, 
to-day,  coming  up  from  the  abyss  of  the  dark  eterni- 
ties below,  the  voices  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  of  all 
those  long-since  buried  empires,  fallen  beneath  their 
own  crimes,  cruelties  and  oppressions,  screaming  in 
our  ears  the  lamentation  of  the  Hebrew  minstrel, 
"Oh  Lucifer,  son  of  the  morning,  how  art  thou,  too, 
fallen,  and  become  like  unto  us  1 " 

Mr.  Garrison  says,  "  The  war  is  upon  us ;  and  it  is 
because  there  is  a  God."  When  he  made  that  re- 
mark, 1  thought  that  should  be  my  text,  if  I  should 
speak  to-night.  The  Abolitionists  have  always  be- 
lieved it.  Other  people  in  the  country  have  not  been 
so  ready  to  believe.  They  have  professed  belief,  but 
they  have  not  really  believed.  There  is  always,  in 
every  country — and  in  all  past  time  I  think  it  is  true — 
a  class  of  men,  greater  or  smaller  in  number,  as  the 
case  may  happen  to  be,  who  believe  interiorly,  with 
the  whole  heart  and  soul,  in  the  Divine  existence  and 
government.  They  preach  in  accordance  with  that 
belief.  They  act  in  accordance  with  that  belief. 
They  endeavor  to  illustrate  that  important  article 
of  their  faith,  in  all  they  say  and  do.  Thirty  years 
ago,  the  Anti-Slavery  enterprise  demanded  the  libe- 
ration of  the  slaves,  in  the  name  of  humanity,  and 
in  accordance  with  the  law  of  the  ever-living  God. 
That  was  the  whole  gospel  of  Anti-Slavery,  and  until 
this  hour  it  has  been  the  whole  gospel  of  Anti-Slavery. 
Men  have  not  believed  that  there  was  a  God  who 
hearkened  to  the  cry  of  the  oppressed.  Now  He  is 
vindicating  His  own  character  and  government;  vis- 
iting our  nation  with  the  severest  judgments,  and  en- 
deavoring by  this,  His  last  manifestation,  the  very  last 
with  which  He  ever  addresses  or  approaches  any  peo- 
ple, to  rescue  and  save  this  guilty  nation  from  de- 
served destruction.  The  remaining  work  of  the  Abo- 
litionists is  to  assert  that  great  truth.  We  have  no 
other  truth  to  proclaim.  Argument  has  ceased  with 
us.  God  is  here  now  in  righteous  judgments;  and  it 
is  for  us  to  declare  this,  and  to  vindicate  them.  If  the 
people  will  hearken,  well;  if  not,  then  the  conse- 
quences must  inevitably  be  visited  upon  themselves. 

Yesterday,  President  Green,  in  some  remarks,  vin- 
dicated the  demands  of  the  higher  law  in  the  highest 
and  divinest  sense  of  those  demands.  I  was  glad  of 
his,  to  me,  most  instructive,  nay,  more,  most  sublime 
utterance  of  the  sublimest  truths  in  the  whole  gospel 
of  God.  The  trouble  with  the  North  is,  that  it  does 
not  recognize  the  hand  of  God  in  this  visitation.  You 
want  to  hear  of  glorious  victories ;  crushing  out  the 
rebellion ;  the  stars  and  stripes  ;  rebel  Southerners 
seized,  imprisoned,  and  hung,  or  whatever  you  think 
they,  deserve.  The  South  deserves  all  this.  But 
does  the  South  deserve  it  at  our  hands  ?  Who  are  we 
of  the  North,  that  wc  should  attempt  to  execute  the 
judgments  of  the  Most  High  on  our  Southern  fellow- 
sinners  ?  Might  we  not  say  to  day,  in  the  language  of 
one  of  England's  proudest  poets  ?  — 

"Let  not  this  weak,  unknowing  hand 
Presume  thy  bolts  to  throw, 
And  deal  damnation  round  tho  land 
On  each  I  judge  thy  foe." 

Once  there  was  a  man  travelling  up  and  down, 
preaching  righteousness  to  the  people.  He  was  in  the 
"midst  of  men  who  fancied  they  were  righteous  while 
they  despised  others;  and  they  brought  into  his 
presence  a  sinner,  taken  in  a  crime,  and  informed  him 
what  their  law' demanded, — namely,  that  such  should 
be  stoned.  His  ruling  was,  "Let  him  that  is  without 
sin  among  you  cast  the  first  stone."  What  did  he 
mean  by  that  ?  Simply  this,  I  suppose  :  if  you  judge 
others,  and  visit  judgments  upon  others,  be  sure  you 
do  it  with  clean  hands. 

Now,  this  war  is  upon  us.  It  is  upon  us  because 
there  is  a  God,  as  Mr.  Garrison  well  said.  But  if  we 
properly  and  duly  consider  this  one  fact,  that  slavery 
is  the  cause  of  the  war,  we  shall  see  that  there  is  also 
a  cause  of  slavery.  And  what  is  that  cause?  Who 
instituted  it  and  planted  it  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
country  ?  AVho  has  protected  it  by  solemn  guaran- 
ties, from  that  hour  to  the  present?  Who  has  enacted 
and  executed  Fugitive  Slave  laws,  from  171)3  down  to 
1850?  Who  has  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise 
in  behalf  of  slavery  !  Who  has  purchased  Louisiana 
and  Florida,  and  conquered  Texas  at  its  bidding? 
Who  has  elected  the  Presidents  ?  Who  has  appointed 
tho  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court?  Who  has  exe- 
cuted the  Fugitive  Slave  law  for  the  last  ten  months  ? 
AVho  has  interpreted  the  Bible?  Who  has  found  jus- 
tification for  slave-breeders  and  slave-traders  in  both 
the  Old  Testament  and  the  New;  in  patriarchal  ex- 
ample, in  prophetic  approval,  in  diviner  sanction  still, 
by  the  silence  of  Christ;  and,  as  a  climax  of  the  argu- 
ment, the  sending  back  by  the  apostle  Paul  of  a  fugi- 
tive slave  to  his  master?  Who  has  done  all  this? — 
because,  it  seems  to  me,  the  answer  to  these  questions 
is  the  answer  to  the  other  question,  Who  arc  tho 
cause  of  slavery  ?  So  that,  when  I  examine  tho  sub- 
ject in  the  light  of  the  highest  truth  I  can  discover  or 
comprehend,  I  have  to  go  hack  to  the  North,  anil  lay 
the  guilt  of  this  monstrous  system  at  the  door  of  the 
Northern  people,  Northern  Churches,  and  Northern 
pulpits.     Verily,  yc  arc  the  men. 

Suppose  there  were  fifty  persons  somewhere  in  your 
vicinity,  instituting  and  carrying  on,  from  year  to 
year,  a  system  of  high-handed  robbery  and  burglary  ; 
carrying  on  their  plundering  operations  in  every  part 


of  New  York  and  New  England,  extending  their 
depredations  to  Canada  and  the  West,  or  whatever 
plunder  might  be  found.  And  suppose,  some  morn- 
twenty-five  of  them  should  awake,  and  find  that 
the  other  twenty-five,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  had 
stolen  the  horses,  saddles,  bridles,  powder,  pistols,  and 
all  the  furniture  of  the  whole  establishment,  and  had 
made  off  to  parts  unknown.  Suppose  that  they  should 
'We  must  get  hold  of  the  fleetest  horses  we  can 
steal  from  the  nearest  stables,  and  ride  at  the  top  of 
their  speed,  until  we  overtake  those  brethren  of  ours, 
and  we  must,  if  possible,  win  them  back,  and  if  not, 
drive  them  back  into  the  confederation."  They  go 
out  and  overtake  them,  and  say,  "  Come  back,  come 
back  ;  we  always  thought  that  there  was  honor  among 
thieves,  if  nowhere  else.  You  have  stolen  the  prop- 
erty and  made  off  with  it,  and  set  up  on  your  own 
account.  Were  we  not  doing  a  prosperous  and  glori- 
ous business?  Were  we  not  making  ourselves  rich 
and  powerful?  And  with  our  money  have  we  not 
always  been  benevolent  and  philanthropic?  Nay, 
more,  were  we  not  spreading  the  gospel,  converting 
the  heathen,  and  rapidly  millennializing  the  world? 
Were  we  not  endowing  orphan  and  insane  asylums, 
founding  theological  seminaries,  building  churches 
and  hospitals  for  the  poor,  and  filling  the  whole  world 
with  the  grandeur  and  glory  of  our  achievements? 
And  here  you  have  upset  it  all,  by  stealing  our  horses, 
and  bridles,  and  saddles,  and  powder,  and  pistols,  and 
gone  off  and  set  up  on  your  own  account.  Did  not 
our  fathers  set  us  up  in  business?  Did  not  they  steal 
500,000  horses  to  begin  with?  Have  not  we  multi- 
plied seven  or  eight  fold  in  capital?  Were  we  not 
paying  enormous  dividends  upon  our  stock  in  trade? 
And  now,  like  fools,  and  knaves,  and  villains,  almost, 
you  have  broken  everything  all  up !  Here  are,  all 
flat,  and  nothing  can  be  done.  The  hopes  of  the 
world,  the  millennial  prospects  and  desires  and  antici- 
pations of  the  whole  Church  of  Christendom  are  blast- 
ed and  disappointed.  Repent  of  your  folly,  and  can- 
ter back  in  the  quickest  possible  time  ;  and  let  us  join 
hands  again,  and  proceed  as  before  with  our  business." 
Some  of  you  look  up  to  me  as  though  you  under- 
tood  my  illustration.  I  think  myself  it  goes  pretty 
nearly  on  all  fours,  and  I  will  not  carry  it  any  farther. 
This  is,  to  be  sure,  a  somewhat  lively  view  of  what, 
after  all,  I  regard  as  the  most  sublime  spectacle  of 
iniquity  the  history  of  mankind  ever  exhibited.  We 
framed  our  Government  in  injustice.  We  built  up  our 
temple  on  crime  and  cruelty.  Perhaps  our  fathers 
thought  they  were  doing  well.  There  is  this  defence, 
at  least,  to  be  made  for  them.  They  had  just  escaped 
from  the  power  of  the  British  Government,  and 
almost  all  Europe  was  combined  against  them  to 
crush  the  upspringing  spirit  of  freedom  in  the  western 
hemisphere.  To  make  a  Union,  even  though  slavery 
were  an  element,  seemed  to  them  necessary,  at  least 
for  a  time;  though  expecting  that  all  the  States  would 
ultimately,  as  your  State  of  New  York  and  some  others 
have  done,  at  the  earliest  possible  period,  sweep  that 
system  of  abominations  away  forever.  That  is  their 
best  defence ;  and  perhaps  it  is  defence  enough  ;  for  I 
do  not  believe  that  New  York  or  New  England  had 
any  members  in  the  Convention  that  framed  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  who  loved  slavery  for 
its  own  sake,  or  who  intended  that  slavery  should  be 
perpetual  in  the  country.  No,  my  friends,  let  us  take 
a  brighter  and  better  view  of  the  subject,  and  believe 
that  in  their  distress,,  in  their  extremity,  they  built  up 
the  best  government  they  could.  But  let  us  remem- 
ber that  they  laid  their  foundations  upon  the  hearts, 
and  the  hopes,  the  bodies  and  the  spirits  of  immortal 
beings. 

Missionaries  come  homes  and  tell  us  of  a  heathen 
pagoda  in  the  East,  of  seventy  proud  columns,  every 
column  resting  upon  a  human  skull,  the  skull  of  a  vic- 
tim offered  at  its  base  when  the  fabric  was  reared. 
Our  fathers  laid  their  foundations,  not  upon  seventy 
but  upon  half  a  million  crushed  immortal  spirits,  and 
half  a  million  bodies  framed  by  the  hand  of  God. 
There  was  the  terrible  injustice  and  oppression.  And 
all  the  time,  we  are  assured  that  our  Government  was 
based  upon  compromises,  and  must  consequently  be 
carried  on  by  compromises.  Compromise  is  a  beauti- 
ful word  in  the  right  place.  I  have  seen  it  when  it 
looked  well,  even  in  the  newspaper.  But  when  ap- 
plied to  American  politics,  I  see  no  beauty  or  comeli- 
ness in  it.  Compromise  is  good  in  its  place.  I  saw  a 
gardener  pulling  up  beautiful  flowers,  and  throwing 
them  away.  I  asked  him  why  he  did  so.  "  Why," 
said  he,  "they  are  weeds."  "But,"  said  I,  "those 
are  beautiful  flowers."  "  Yes,"  said  he,  "  but  every- 
thing is  a  weed,  out  of  its  place."  Compromise  out  of 
its  place  is  always  a  weed,  may  be  poisonous,  deadly, 
to  whatever  government  it  may  chance  to  belong. 

Two  men  may  try  to  adjust  a  dispute  by  compro- 
mise, in  settling  the  boundaries  of  their  land.  One 
may  say  to  the  other,  "  Set  this  Btake  here,  and  that 
one  there,  and  we  shall  have  a  better  line  of  division ; 
it  will  make  your  wood-lot  better  there,  and  it  will 
bring  water  into  my  pasture  here,  and  we  shall  both  be 
benefitted  ;  and  that  will  adjust  our  trouble."  "  Very 
well,"  says  the  other ;  "  I  am  glad  you  thought  of  it ; 
for  it  will  benefit  us  and  our  children  after  us."  Thus 
they  compromise  the  matter,  and  settle  it.  But  sup- 
pose the  second  man  says,  "  No ;  I  have  another  com- 
promise to  propose.  There  is  a  poor  fellow  with  land 
next  to  ours,  and  if  wc  take  offa  strip  of  that  and  annex 
it,  it  will  give  you  water  in  your  pasture,  and  give  me 
a  good  wood-lot.  So  let  us  stretch  our  boundary  line 
two  rods  over  into  his  land.  He  is  a  poor  fellow  and 
has  no  friends,  no  money,  no  nothing,  and  cannot  help 
himself;  everybody  hates  him,  and  we  shall  both  be 
benefitted  by  that,  and  get  just  what  we  both  need." 
What  kind  of  a  compromise  is  that?  Is  there  any 
beauty  or  comeliness  in  the  word  there  ?  Is  it  not 
rather  a  blasphemy  against  the  holy  spirit  of  truth 
and  justice,  thus  to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  the 
helpless  poor? 

Now,  what  did  your  fathers  do  ?  They  seized  half 
a  million  immortal  beings,  poor,  friendless,  hated,  de- 
spised, down-trodden,  and  they  compromised  them 
and  their  children  after  them  forever,  not  for  their 
benefit,  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation  that  thus  de- 
spised and  oppressed  them.  There  is  where  our  diffi- 
culty is.  O  there  is  a  God  in  heaven,  who  remem- 
bers, who  can  never  forget,  the  cries  of  the  suffering, 
friendless  poor!  There  is  our  grand  difficulty  at  ibis 
hour,  and  I  know  no  hope  for  us  while  we  are  thus 
fighting,  not  against  Jeff.  Davis,  but  against  the  God 
of  heaven  and  earth.  How  can  we  prosper?  I  do 
not  care  if  you  multiply  your  soldiers  tenfold  more, 
and  take  half  your  ministers  and  make  chaplains  of 
them  to  pray  in  concert  for  victory  ;  it  will  avail  noth- 
ing. There  is  but  one  triumph  ;  and  that  is  the  tri. 
umph  of  justice — the  triumph  of  truth. 

What  was  one  of  tho  divinest  and  yet  saddest  lamen- 
tations of  the  ancient  Hebrew  poet?  If. I  were  a 
minister,  I  think  I  would  take  those  words  for  my 
text  for  a  whole  sumnicrfull  of  Sundays — "  Xtwr  call- 
elk  for  justice."  Sometimes  I  have  a  good  mind  to  go 
hack  into  the  pulpit,  just  to  let  the  people  know  that 
one  truth,  that  there  is  a  God  who  loves  justice;  for 
the  pulpits  seem  to  know  nothing  of  Him.  Why  is 
it  that  the  people,  to-day,  grope  in  darkness,  seeing  no 
light?  Why  is  it  that  we  are,  to-day,  held  in  the  iron 
grasp,  so  to  speak,  of  the  Slave  Power  at  the  South  ? 
Our  friend,  Mr.  Garrison,  asked  us,  "  Canst  thou  draw- 
out  Leviathan  with  a  hook*"  No;  you  have  tried 
it.  But  if  you  hold  on  to  your  line  of  connection,  the 
Leviathan  will  draw  you  in,  instead,  and  drown  you 
forever.    (Applause.) 

My  only  ground  of  discouragement  is,  not  that  the 
people  are  not  all  right  at  heart;  because  I  do  not  be- 
lieve in  the  doctrine  of  total  depravity.  I  know  the 
pulpits  have  preached  it  a  good  while,  judging  man- 
kind, I  suppose,  by  themselves.  But  I  do  no!  believe 
in  that  doctrine.  All  I  want  is  to  get  at  the  young, 
unsophisticated  mind  anil  soul  of  the  people,  and  pour 
into  that,  soul  the  divine  truths  of  the  eternal  Godj 
and  I  will  he  accountable  for  any  slavery  that  will 
survive  after  that.  It  is  because  none  calleth  for  jus- 
tice that  we  are  to-day  struggling  with  a  power  too 
mean  and  despicable  for  our  steel ;  too  dastardly  a  foe 
for  us  t<>  light,  only  that  We  also  are  in  the  same  con- 
demnation and  degradation. 


What  is  the  South  ?  I  do  not  believe  in  the  mighty 
armies  of  Beauregard,  with  which  the  newspapers 
terrify  the  old  ladies  in  pantaloons,  up  and  down  New 
England  and  New  York.  How  was  it  that  Munson 
Heights  were  taken  ?  We  were  told  what  a  mighty 
army  invested  that  field  ;  but  by  some  strange  circum- 
stance, when  we  managed  to  pluck  up  courage  enough 
to  march  there,  behold  there  was  no  army,  and  had 
not  been  for  twenty-four  hours,  nor  a  single  gun  ex- 
cept those  made  of  logs  of  wood  painted  to  resemble 
camion.  Half  the  armies  of  the  South  are  myths. 
Give  me  one  John  Brown,  with  ten  thousand  such 
men  as  he  led  to  Harper's  Ferry,  and  I  will  plant  the 
stars  and  stripes  in  every  city  in  all  the  South.  (Ap- 
plause.) It  is  all  a  lie — this  talk  about  the  power  and 
pluck  of  the  South.  I  do  not  believe  in  it.  Our  dif- 
ficulty is  that  we  dare  not  take  the  South  at  her  word. 
While  she  strikes  for  slavery,  we  dare  not  parry  her 
thrust,  and  strike  for  freedom.  When  we  do  that, 
there  is  no  doubt  upon  which  side  victory  will  smile. 
How  is  it  now  ?  We  have  been  told  how  many  men 
the  South  had,  what  immense  armies,  arsenals,  what 
military  resources,  what  prowess,  what  courage,  and 
all  that.  We  have  something.  We  are  told  that  we 
have  700,000  men  in  arms,  or  in  preparation  for  war. 
We  voted  $500,000,000  last  July  in  Congress,  and 
have  expended  most  of  it.  Our  national  debt  at  the 
end  of  January  was  $400,000,000.  Our  army  is  in  the 
field.  Thirty  or  forty  thousand  of  them  have  been 
slain  in  battle,  or  died  by  disease  or  accident.  'Ten 
months  have  passed  away;  and  what  is  the  record? 
That,  with  all  our  men  and  money,  the  States  of  Mary- 
land, Missouri  and  Kentucky,  though  more  than  half 
loyal,  as  we  are  told,  to  the  national  flag — that  those 
three  States  are  not  yet  conquered.  Has  it  ever  oc- 
curred to  you  to  ask  the  reason  why  ?  I  have  no  dif- 
ficulty in  finding  the  answer;  and  it  seems  to  me  to 
be  this  :  that  we  are  not  striking  at  the  foe.  We  are 
ther  defending  the  foe.  John  C.  Fremont  sought  to 
strike  the  foe ;  but  John  C.  Fremont  is  no  longer  in 
command.  John  Brown  taught  us  the  way ;  ,but  we 
crucified  John  Brown,  as  the  old  Hebrew  nation,  eigh- 
teen hundred  years  ago,  crucified  their  leader  and 
Lord.  We  are  here,  to-day,  shivering,  shaking  before 
that  mean,  miserable  foe,  when,  had  we  but  the  cour- 
age to  strike  its  vital,  vulnerable  point,  victory  would 
inevitably  be  ours. 

You  remember  the  old  fable  of  the  ancient  Greek. 
When  he  was  born,  it  was  told  to  his  mother  that  if  she 
would  baptize  him  immediately  in  the  Styx,  he  would 
become  invulnerable.  So  they  hurried  him  away  and 
bathed  him  in  the  Styx;  but  the  nurse  held  him  by 
the  heel,  and  that  was  not  wet  with  the  water.  He 
grew  up  the  mightiest  warrior  in  Greece ;  but  in  an 
evil  hour  an  arrow  was  aimed  at  the  vulnerable  spot, 
that  unbaptized  heel,  and  Achilles  fell  to  rise  no  more. 
The  South  has  a  vulnerable  spot;  but  we  have  no 
archer  who  dares  to  aim  his  arrow  there.  And  so  we 
are  conquered ;  we  are  baffled,  and  balked  of  victory. 
Richmond  sleeps  quietly  to-day  with  no  army  of  im- 
portance to  protect  it.  But  Abraham  Lincoln,  I  am 
afraid,  has  bad  dreams;  and  I  am  told  that  William 
H.  Seward  has  sometimes  very  bad  dreams,  with 
200,000  armed  men  waiting  at  his  call. 

Mr.  Chairman,  we  forget  that  there  is  a  God  ;  that 
there  is  such  a  thing  as  justice  towards  the  slave.  In- 
stead of  washing  our  hands  of  the  iniquity,  instead  of 
proclaiming  liberty  to  the  captive,  we  are  trembling 
before  the  tyrant.  You  have  plenty  of  brave  men. 
There  is  no  lack  there.  There  is  no  want  of  patriot- 
ism upon  the  part  of  the  people.  Our  only  want  is — 
the  man  for  the  hour.  We  need  but  a  Garibaldi,  a 
Mazzini,  a  Kossuth,  and  victory  would  soon  perch 
upon  our  banners.  But,  alas !  we  have  none.  In- 
asmuch as  there  is  a  God,  inasmuch  as  righteousness 
and  judgment  are  the  habitation  of  His  throne,  why 
is  it  that  our  forty  thousand  pulpits  have  not  furnished 
the  men  to  warn  the  people,  in  the  name  of  the  God  of 
justice,  of  the  calamity  that  has  now  come  upon  us  ? 
There  seems  now  to  be  no  special  difference  between 
the  Church  and  the  pulpit.  The  Church  for  twenty 
years  has  disregarded  the  claims  of  God. 

And  the  religion  of  the  country,  like  the  Govern- 
ment, is  founded  in  compromise.  Eternal,  immutable 
principle  has  no  place  in  it.  Slavery  not  only  inter- 
prets the  Constitution,  but  it  explains  and  expounds 
the  Bible.  What  the  law  makes  property  is  property, 
in  Church  as  well  as  State.  The  law.  of  God,  the  de- 
mands of  nature,  the  claims  of  justice  are  all  set  aside, 
at  its  behest.  So  it  is  ruled  in  the  State,  taught  in  the 
School,  and  held  in  the  Church.  The  Church  gives 
us  a  "  Dr.  Southside  Adams,"  to  teach  us  that  "  while 
the  Constitution  is  in  force,  all  appeal  to  any  higher 
law  is  fanaticism."  The  School  and  the  Church  gave 
us  a  Daniel  Webster,  who,  in  his  memorable  seventh 
of  March  speech,  which  spoke  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
into  life  and  being,  said  with  sneer  and  scorn  and  scoff, 
"  It  is  of  no  use  for  us  to  rcenact  the  laws  of  God." 
As  if  woe  and  destruction  were  not  the  inevitable 
doom  of  any  people  who  dare  enact  any  other  than  the 
laws  of  God  !  At  the  door  of  our  forty  thousand  pul- 
pits the  responsibility  of  all  this  blindness  and  infatua- 
tion must  be  laid.  The  priests  have  not  taught  the 
people  knowledge. 

And  the  religion  inculcated  at  home  we  send  also 
abroad.  The  Foreign  Missionary  Board  has  so  far 
millennialized  the  Cherokee  and  Choctaw  Indian 
tribes,  that  it  has  now  transferred  them  to  the  Home 
Mission  Society,  to  be  aided  as  they  need  it,  like  the 
feeble  Churches  of  Ohio  and  other  parts  of  the  great 
West.  They  were  pronounced  Christian,  as  nations, 
and  so  not  included  longer  in  the  field  of  foreign  or 
heathen  operation.  And  the  American  Board  trium- 
phantly handed  them  up  into  Christendom  as  among 
the  first  trophies  of  its  faithfulness  and  success.  Bat 
the  Indian  had  learned  what  he  knew  not  before,  that 
he  could  hold  property  in  his  fellow-man.  And  this 
very  day  I  read  in  the  newspaper  how  many  thousands 
of  warriors  those  very  tribes  are  furnishing  the  South- 
ern army,  to  carry  on  a  fratricidal,  parricidal  war  in 
support  of  slavery's  bloody  throne!  returning  with 
spear  and  scalping  knife  to  butcher  the  very  saints, 
society  and  Church,  from  whence  came  their  civiliza- 
tion, their  baptisms,  and  their  sacraments  ! 

Such  is  our  religion  at  home.  So  is  it  also  "made 
easy  for  the  heathen." 

Under  such  delusions  the  North  lives,  moves  and 
fights  to-day.  It  hates  the  slave  ;  it  hates  all  his  race 
for  their  color  and  condition;  it  hates  no  less  their 
friends  who  have,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  been 
contending  earnestly  for  their  equal  rights  under  all 
laws,  human  and  divine.  Can  we  prosper?  Never, 
while  God  holds  his  throne  and  power.  To-day  His 
arm  is  made  hare  for  justice.  To  day  the  judgment 
is  set  for  this  nation,  and  the  books  are  opened.  The 
South  deserves  a  whelming  destruction,  but  not  from 
us.  For  wrongs  done  to  humanity,  to  the  slave  in  his 
generations,  the  North  is  no  less  guilty  than  the 
South — and  the  North  is  not  yet  repenting;  is  not 
convicted  of  its  sin.  To  shoot  down  its  Southern 
fellow-sinners  is  no  atonement  to  the  slave  or  to  his 
race.  Let  him  that  is  without  sin  fire  the  first  colum- 
biad, is  a  judgment  that  should  strip  our  officers  of 
their  uniform,  and  clothe  them  in  the  sackcloth  of 
repentance.  It  should  send  our  Government,  army 
and  people,  Church,  pulpit  and  nil,  down  into  the 
dust  of  humiliation,  penitence  and  prayer. 

Once  a  divine  man  went  in  to  dine  at  a  lordly  table. 
And  in  recognition  of  the  high  quality  of  his  guest, 
the  proprietor  stood  up  and  said,  "  Behold  the  half  of 
my  goods  I  give  lo  feed  the  poor,  and  if  I  have  taken 
anything  from  any  man  unjustly,  I  restore  him  four- 
fold."   Immediately,  from  sanctified  lips,  came  the 

heavenly   applaud,    "This  day  is  salvation  come  to 
this   house." 

And  all  the  gospel  was  there.  Let  us  learn  to  do 
justice,  and  io  restore,  at  least,  so  far  as  we  may,  one- 
Cold,  if  no  more,  as  justice,  not  as  a  "  military  neces- 
sity," to  those  we  have  robbed  and  peeled  so  long. 
Never,  never  before,  while  God  and  Nature  live  and 
reign,  can  wc  expect  or  hope  for  success  and  salvation. 


JOHN    S  .    KOCK,    E  S  Q  . . 
\rro!;.\i-:v  A\n  cot  \sr:i.u>i:  at  LAW, 
o.  6,  Irjutokt  Strut,        :        :       :       :       BOSTON. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS    PUBLISHED  — 

EVERY  PKIDAY  MOEKIHG, 

—  AT  — 

221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    ROOM   No.  6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent 


|E^"  TERMS  — Tito  dollars  and  fifty  coots  per  annum, 
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(ST  The-  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  fur  The  Liberator. 

(£P~  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz:  —  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
mund  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


TO.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERS'  AMONG  TEH  REST; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  or 
tub  United  States,  but  the  Cohmamder  of  the  Army, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  ....  From  the  instant 
that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  bvery  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfeked 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
bas  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thk 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  sc*in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  Blaves  in  the  invaded  territory."-J.  Q.  Abaju, 


fflur  ffimmtnj  is  tit  World,  <mr  (Smirttxtimtu  m  all  PiwMnfl. 


J.  B.  YERKIHTON  &  SOU,  Prin 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    11. 


BOSTON,     FRIDAY,     MARCH    14,    1863. 


WHOLE    NO.    1629. 


ftfngt  of  Q$ytmi$iL 


DEFEAT  OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS. 

Vehement  language  is  always  justifiable  against 
this  class  of  people,  because  they  are  persistent  fa- 
natical enemies  to  the  fundamental  law  of  the  coun- 
try- It  can  never  be  denied,  I  hat  they  have  been 
active  causes  in  the  present  rebellion  ;  and  it  is  as 
clear  as  a  mathematical  proposition,  that  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  Republic  can  never  be  com- 
pletely restored  until  they  are  suppressed.  There 
they  are— a  vast  noisy  body  of  the  men,  and  women, 
daily  Editors,  Parsons,  Quarterly  Reviewers,  and 
strong-minded  females,  in  incessant,  boisterous,  tur- 
bulent activity,  spreading  political  and  religious  prin- 
ciples that  are  most  subversive  of  the  pillars  of  the  na- 
tion. Out  upon  them  with  every  man's  tongue  in  the 
sternest  language1  and  against  them  be  planted 
every  man's  foot  and  shoulder  in  absolute  antagonism ! 
They  are  pests  who  deserve  no  lenity  of  treatment. 
In  _the'ir  hands  the  Constitution  of  the'  land  would  not 
.  exist  five  minutes. 

The  victory  at  Fort  Donelson  is  a  great  defeat  to 
these  howling  fanatics.  Their  well-cherished,  well- 
propagated  theory,  that  the  slaves  of  the  South 
should  be  emancipated  and  made  soldiers  of  before 
the  rebellion  could  be  put  down,  was  upset  by  the 
surrender  of  that  fortification.  The  capture  of  the 
rebels  at  that  point— the  tremendous  victory  gained 
over  them  there— is  ample  proof  that  none  of  the 
features  of  the  Constitution  need  be  violated  to  carry 
on  the  war  with  complete  success.  This  has  always 
been  the  judgment  of  the  sensible  part  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  successes  at  Port  Royal,  at  Spring  Hill, 
at  several  other  places,  including  Roanoke,  strength- 
ened this  patriotic  judgment:  the  surrender  of  "the 
Tennessee  Sevastopol  has  made  it  a  conviction  that 
cannot  be  removed. 

The  hoary  jobber,  Simon  Cameron  himself,  the 
identical  Ex-minister  of  war,  who  proposed  to  arm 
the  slaves,  sees  now  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  his 
proposition.  No  doubt  he  regrets  the  non-necessity 
of  his  own  Abolition  principles.  But  who  cares  ?  The 
back  bone  of  the  rebellion  is  now  in  two;  it  is  in 
that  desperate  state  by  the  force  of  Constitutional 
means,  and  all  Abolitionism  is  quaking  at  the  discom- 
fiture of  its  treasonable  plans.  Verily,  Abraham 
Lincoln  is  not  so  undemocratic ,  after  all !  It  was  a 
most  democratic  thing  in  him  to  cashier  Fremont 
and  Cameron.  Stanton  and  Halleck  have  served 
the  places  of  these  men  in  an  admirable  manner. 
In  Fort  Donelson  there  was  a  double  triumph,  one 
over  thejrebebj,  and  another  over  the  Abolitionists. 
Of  the  I  wo,  the  latter  are  the  worst  enemies  to  the 
Constitution.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  be  their 
antagonist. — Boston  (Catholic)  Pilot. 


AN  ESOELLENT  DOCUMENT. 

The  following  (says  the  Boston  Courier)  is  the 
admirable  proclamation  of  Commodore  Goldsborough 
and  General  Burnside,  in  full.  It  is  as  good  as  "an 
army  with  banners."  Its  explicit  disavowal  of  any 
purpose  to  liberate  the  slaves,  or  to  commit  any  other 
outrage,  is  a  sharp  blow  upon  the  "  wicked  and  even 
diabolical "  traitors  among  us,  who  would  pervert 
the  efforts  to  suppress  a  rebellion  into  an  infamous 
outrage  upon  the  rights  of  a  people,  a  majority  of 
whom  are  believed  to  have  no  heart  in  the  rebellion  : 

TO    THE    PEOPLE   OF   NORTH   CAROLINA. 

Roanoke  Island,  N.  C,  Feb.  IS,  1862. 

The  mission  of  our  joint  expedition  is  not  to  in- 
Tade  any  of  your  rights,  but  to  assert  the  authority 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  close  with  you  the  deso- 
lating war  brought  upon  your  State  by  comparative- 
ly a  tew  bad  men  in  your  midst. 

Influenced  infinitely  more  by  the  worst  passions  of 
human  nature  than  by  any  show  of  elevated  reason, 
they  are  still  urging  you  astfay  to  gratify  their  un- 
holy purposes. 

They  impose  upon  your  credulity  by  telling  you 
of  wicked  and  even  diabolical  intentions  on  our  part ; 
of  our  desire  to  destroy  your  freedom,  demolish  your 
property,  liberate  your  slaves,  injure  your  women, 
and  such  like  enormities — all  of  which,  we  assure  you, 
is  not  only  ridiculous,  but  utterly  and  wilfully  false. 

We  are  Christians  as  well  as  yourselves,  and  we 
profess  to  know  full  well,  and  to  fee! profoundly,  the 
sacred  obligations  of  the  character. 

No  apprehensions  need  be  entertained  that  the 
demands  of  humanity  or  justice  will  be  disregarded. 
We  shall  inflict  no  injury,  unless  forced  to  do  so  by 
your  own  acts,  and  upon  this  you  may  confidently 
rel)'. 

Those  men  are  your  worst  enemies.  They,  in 
truth,  have  drawn  you  into  your  present  condition, 
and  are  the  real  disturbers  of  your  peace  and  the 
happiness  of  your  firesides. 

We  invite  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution, 
and  in  that  of  virtuous  loyalty  and  civilization,  to 
separate  yourselves  at  once  from  these  malign  in- 
fluences, to  return  to  your  allegiance,  and  not  com- 
pel us  to  resort  further  to  the  force  under  our  control. 

The  Government  asks  only  that  its  authority  may 
be  recognized  ;  and  we  repeat,  in  no  mariner  or  way 
does  it  desire  to  interfere  with  your  laws,  constitu- 
tionally established,  your  institutions  of  any  kind 
whatever,  your  property  of  any  sort,  or  your  usages 
in  anv  respect. 

L.  M.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 
Flag  Officer  Commanding  North  Carolina  Blockad- 
ing Squadron. 

A.  E.  BURNSIDE, 
Brig.  Gen.  Com'g  Department  North  Carolina. 


TREASON  IN   FULL   VIEW. 

Several  weeks  ago,  a  friend  of  ours  met  a  strong- 
minded  female  acquaintance  coming  oul  of  a  mcet- 
ing  of  the  faithful  in  Music  Hall,  in  this  city,  on  the 
day  that  news  was  received  here  of  some  triumph  of 
our  arms.  This  woman  was  in  doleful  spirits  about 
it,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the  gentleman  to  whom 
she  unreservedly  communicated  her  grief.  "  Oh," 
— she  groaned  out, — "  if  things  are  going  on  in  this 
way,  we  shall  have  the  old  Government  back  again, 
and  all  the  slave  States,  just  as  they  were  before, 
and  what  -  will  become  of  emancipation:"'  Our 
friend  was  surprised,  as  well  as  indignant,  though 
the  revelation  gave  us  no  new  light.  That,  all  agita- 
tions, plans  and  projects,  the  tendency  of  which 
was  to  break  up  the  Union,  were  intended  to  have 
that  effect,  however  veiled  by  plausible  pretences, 
we  could  never  doubt;  though  not  often  heretofore 
so  expressly  developed  as  by  this  female  secessionist. 

Of  late,  however,  it  has  been  more  distinctly 
brought  forward,  in  various  quarters.  Sumner  in- 
troduces his  abomimdile  resolutions  to  this  end  into 
the  Senate;  the  Tribune  and  kindred  prints  advo- 
cate the  scheme,  in  diversified  shapes,  yet  with 
scarcely  the  pretext  of  a  decent  veil  to  their  designs; 
and  now  we  see  that  a  meeting  is  to  be  held  at  the 
Cooper  Institute,  in  New  York,  to-morrow  evening, 
in  correspondence  with  the  tenor  of  Sumner's  reso- 
lutions, which  had  been  undoubtedly  conuocted  in 


concert  with  the  managers  of  the  meeting  in  ques- 
tion. The  call  for  it  we  find  in  the  following  lan- 
guage, the  character  and  object  of  which  cannot  be 
mistaken  : — 

"  All  citizens  of  New  Torlc  who  rejoice  in  the  down- 
fall of  treason,  and  are  in  favor  of  sustaining  the  national 
government  in  the  most  energetic  exercise  of  all  the 
rights  and  powers  of  war,  in  the  prosecution  of  its  pur- 
pose to  destroy  the  cause  of  such  treason,  and  to  recover 
the  territory  heretofore  occupied  by  certain  States,  re- 
cently overturned  and  wholly  subverted,  as  members 
of  the  Federal  Union,  by  a  hostile  and  traitorous  pow- 
er, calling  itself  'The  Confederate  States';  and  all 
who  concur  in  the  conviction  that  said  traitorous 
power,  instead  of  achieving  the  destruction  of  the  na- 
tion, has  thereby  only  destroyed  slavery,  and  that  it 
is  now  the  sacred  duty  oi  the  National  Government, 
as  the  only  means  of  securing  permanent  peace,  na- 
tional unity  and  well-being-,  to  provide  against  its  res- 
toration, and  to  establish  in  said. territories  democratic 
institutions,  founded  upon  the  principles  of  the  Great 
Declaration,  'that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  the  inalienable  rights 
of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,'  are  re- 
quested to  meet  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  on  the  6th 
day  of  March  inst.,  at  8  o'clock,  P.  M.,  to  express  to 
the  President  and  Congress  their  views  as  to  the 
measures  proper  to  be  adopted  in  the  existing  emer- 
gency." 

This  is  an  acknowledgment  of  secession  with  a 
vengeance  !  And  if  of  secession,  then  of  all  the 
rights  consequent  upon  it.  The  syllogistic  proposi- 
tion stands  thus— Either  these  States  have  effected 
secession,  or  they  have  not.  If  they  have,  then  we 
have  no  more  right  to  establish  among  them  any  in- 
stitutions whatever,  than  we  have  to  establish  them 
jn  Peru  or  Canada.  If  they  have  not,  then  their 
institutions  remain  as  they  were.  They  are  States 
of  the  Union  still,  with  rights  and  privileges  un- 
diminished. In  the  latter  ease,  all  we  have  to  do,  or 
can  do,  is  to  put  down  the  revolt  of  certain  persons, 
more  or  less  numerous,  living  in  the  South,  not  med- 
dling with  their  political  institutions,  which  are  al- 
ready theirs,  as  our  own  are  ours,  under  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  with  which  we 
have  no  legal  right  to  interfere. 

The  shallow  sophistry  of  the  project  is  thus  ap- 
parent ;  but  the  ulterior  purpose  is  also  clearly  shown. 
The  whole  idea  of  the  Cooper  Institute  meeting  is 
based  upon  the  assumptions  of  the  absurd  theory 
put  forth  in  Sumner's  resolutions— that  the  Confed- 
erate States  are  in  the  condition,  as  he  calls  it,  of 
felo  de  se;  and  being  civilly  dead,  therefore,  the  sla- 
very which  existed  in  them  is  dead  also,  and  they 
are  mere  territories,  to  be  occupied  by  the  United 
States  as  it  pleases,  for  the  establishment  of  new 
States,  upon  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, and  not  on  those  of  the  Constitution,— 
which  of  course  set  aide  that  Declaration,  so  far  as 
was  inconsistent  with  it,  or  as  was  necessary,  when 
that  Constitution  was  subsequently  agreed  upon  and 
accepted.  This  new  theory  entirely  ignores  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Confederate  States,  to  be  sure — but 
what  is  such  a  trifle  as  that  to  accurate  thinkers  and 
accomplished  statesmen  as  Mr.  Sumner  and  his  con- 
federates of  the  Cooper  Institute  ? 

We  need  not  say  that  all  this  is  outright  and 
downright  secession  ;  and  that  if  the  doctrine  of  these 
persons  is  entitled  to  prevail,  instead  of  attempting 
to  quell  the  revolt  in  the  South,  we  preclude  our- 
selves from  any  interference  with  them,  and  in  the 
exercise  of  reason  and  justice  must  "let  them  alone." 
If  by  their  own  act  they  can  commit  suicide  as 
States,  they  are  dead  to  us,  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses. They  are  then  no  more  our  territories,  than 
they  areStatee  of  the  Union.  The  whole  theory  is 
too  childishly  silly  to  gain  any  very  extensive  hold  of 
the  public  mind.  It  is  brought  forward  with  a  defi- 
nite object,  however, — that  is,  to  promote  the  aboli- 
tion cause ;  and,  accordingly,  the  Cooper  Institute 
wiseacres  are  proceeding  exactly  on  the  motives  of 
the  strong-minded  woman,  with  whose  distress  at  our 
military  successes  we  began  these  remarks.  All 
these  persons  are  in  mortal  terror,  lest  the  arms  of 
the  Union  should  be  triumphant,  the  authority  of  the 
Constitution  be  vindicated,  the  Union  be  restored. 
When  that  takes  place,  all  their  anti-slavery  agita- 
tion comes  to  an  end.  After  our  recent  experience, 
nothing  of  the  sort  will  be  again  submitted  to,  as  it  has 
been  heretofore.  In  anticipation  of  the  meeting  for 
the  6th,  we  get  in  the  New  York  Anti-Slavery  Stand- 
ard the  full  development  of  their  motives  and  ob- 
jects, as  follows: — 


returning.  The  day  is  close  at  hand  when  the  mad- 
ness and  folly  of  the  last  few  years  will  be  looked 
back  upon  by  thousands  upon  thousands  of  such  men 
as  only  a  fevered  dream.  It  will  not  need  years 
nor  months  to  m;ike  this  plain.  We  do  not  know 
the  names  of  many  of  those  set  to  this  notice.  We 
recognize  those  of  some  old  abolitionists,  and  S'ane 
of  more  modern  date.  "We  pity,  their  fatuity,  and 
that  of  their  confederates;  and  we  believe  they  will 
have  occasion  to  rue  it  in  dust  and  ashes.— Boston 
Courier. 


"ABOLITION   IS   TREASON." 


"  The  Time  is  Short.  The  recent  great  success' 
es  of  the  Federal  arms,  their  victories  at  so  many  and 
such  important  points,  and  the  rumors,  intrinsically 
probable,  not  only  of  an  out-speaking  of  Union  men 
in  various  parts  of  the  rebel  territory,  but  of  the  dis- 
position of  a  large  party  in  New  Orleans  itself  to 
capitulate — all  these  things  show  an  imminent  danger 
now  threatening  the  North.  As  soon  as  the  existing 
war  ceases,  the  power  (now  providentially  in  the  hands 
of  the  Government)  of  directly  attacking  and  thor- 
oughly eradicating  slavery  will  cease,  and  we  fall 
again  within  the  limitations  of  a  pro-slavery  Constitu- 
tion." * 

This,  it  will  be  seen,  is  in  full  correspondence  with 
the  exposure  of  this  class  of  agitators,  made  by  us 
at  times  and  in  ways  innumerable.  They  fear"  our 
national  successes — they  fear  the  rising  of  Union 
men  at  the  South — they  regard  all  things  which  pa- 
triots desire  with  dread  and  detestation.  They  look 
upon  the  prospect  of  the  restoration  of  the  Union  as 
"  an  imminent  danger  now  threatening  the  North." 
We  trust  there  will  be  no  disturbance  of  their  meet- 
ing at  the  Cooper  Institute;  but  that  no  person  will 
attend  it,  except  their  own  set,  and  an  ample  array 
of  reporters.  We  want  to  see  the  names  of  those 
present  in  full.  We  know  what  they  are  after — 
the  people  should  know  who  they  are — and  the  doom 
of  traitors  will  be  duly  theirs. 

****** 

The  whole  scheme  is  as  impracticable  as  it  is  hostile 
to  every  sentiment  of  humanity;  and  however  the. 
Cooper  Institute  enthusiasts  and  fanatics  may  in- 
dulge in  such  a  futile  dream,  it  is  certain  that  their 
plans  are  as  distasteful  to  two-thirds  of  the  people  of 
the  North,  as  to  the  extremest  South  itself.  For  these 
two-thirds  are  capable  of  seeing  that  such  a  project 
means  the  misery  ami  ruin  of  the  country  ;  and  they, 
too,  would  resist  it  to  the  last  extremity.  But  they 
will  be  put  to  no  such  fatal  alternative.  The  Coop- 
er Institute  meeting  may  come  together,  and  listen 
to  the  counsels  of  Me  runaway  Shurz,  or  the  renegade 
Boutwell,  both  of  whom  are  promised  by  the  Tribune 
among  the  speakers;  but  it  has  no  means  to  carry 
its  evil  designs  into  effect.  They  constitute  what 
Mr.  Lincoln  said  the  emancipation  project  was; — "  a 
John  Brown  raid  on  a  gigantic  scale" — and  without 


the  government,  the  army,  or  the  prevailing  popular 
senliment,  they  show  themselves  only  drivellers,  to 
spend  I  heir  breath  for  naught. 


In  fact,  without  wasting  more  time  upon  them,  let 
us  say  that  they  cannot  discern  the  signs  of  the 
times.  They  propose  to  substitute  the  "sounding 
generalities  "  of  art  instrument  [the  Declaration  of 
Independence]  which  was  well  adapted  to  the  time 
and  the  occasion,  for  the  Constitution  of  the  land, 
which,  by  its  solemn  adoption  afterwards,  abrogated 
in  law  whatever  was  inconsistent  with  itself.  To 
this  sound  ami  sober  doctrine,  those  of  the  people  i 
who  had  been  for  a  time  deluded  are  now  rapidly  I  that  their  crimes  have  impoverished  and  disgraced. 


This  is  what  the  Chicago  Times  reiterates  day 
after  day.  It  means  that  slavery  is  as  sacred  as  the 
cause  of  our  country — that  it  is  just  as  criminal  to 
wish  for  its  abolition  as  to  plot  against  the  govern- 
ment, give  aid  and  comfort  to  its  armed  enemies,  or 
enlist  in  the  army  of  Jeff.  Davis.  The  Times  en- 
forces its  doctrine  by  "praying  to  God  that  it  (abo- 
lition) may  be  treated  like  southern  treason." 

The  Times  is  not  ignorant,  nor  is  it  fanatical,  for 
it  has  not  the  honesty  of  a  fanatic.  It  is  diabolically 
partizan.  It  has  taken  up  the  notion  that  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  will  be  destroyed  if  slavery  is  abolished 
by  the  rebellion.  It,  therefore,  labors*  strenuously 
to  save  slavery  from  destruction.  To  do  this  it  seeks 
to  defame  the  enemies  of  slavery.  Hence  it  assumes 
that  the  government  cannot  be  saved  without  first 
saving  slavery.  Having  taken  this  position,  it  con- 
demns those  who  do  not  believe  in  its  doctrines,  as 
traitors.  It  then  piously  exclaims — "  Lest  us  pray.'; 
When  so  many  of  the  political  faith  of  the  Times 
have  proved  themselves  traitors,  it  would  become 
that  paper  to  be  more  moderate  in  its  judgment. 
The  whole  southern  government,  and  nearly  all  of 
the  officers  of  its  army,  were  once  laboring  with  the 
Times  in  the  same  political  organization.  For  in- 
stance, Jeff.  Davis,  Stephens,  Toombs,  Beauregard, 
Mason,  Slidell,  Floyd,  Wise,  &c.  &c.  Bright,  also, 
so  recently  expelled  from  the  Senate  for  disloyalty, 
and  Vallandigham,  who  ought  to  be  expelled  from 
the  House,  are  yoke  fellows  with  the  Times. 

It  appears  also  from  the  speech  of  Mr.  McDougal, 
democratic  Senator  from  California,  delivered  when 
the  case  of  Bright  was  considered,  that  there  has 
been  a  continued  organization,  since  1832,  to  bring 
about  secession  ;  that  it  was  well  known  to  Democrats, 
known  to  him.  McDougal,  and  therefore  Bright, 
must  have  known  it,  when  he  wrote  the  letter  to 
Davis;  therefore  Mr.  McDougal  considered  him 
guilty,  and  voted  for  his  expulsion. 

Now,  if  this  secret  treasonable  organization  has 
existed  so  long,  and  was  known  the  whole  time  to  all 
leading  democrats  of  the  nation,  does  it.  become  them 
at  this  time  to  taunt  anti-slavery  men  with  treason  ? 
They  ought,  long  ago,  to  have  denounced  it,  as  did 
Thomas  Benton,  Silas  Wright,  and  democrats  of 
their  school.  It  is  this  very  organization,  founded 
upon  the  idea  of  making  slavery  the  basis  of  this  re- 
public, or  of  destroying  it,  that  anti-slavery  men,  or 
abolitionists,  as  i.he  Times  calls  them,  have  not 
ceased  to  warn  the  country.  Because  they  have 
done  so,  they  are  now  denounced  as  traitors  by 
those  who  have  for  years  associated  with  the  members 
of  this  organization,  and  allowed  them  to  control  the 
party  to  which  they  belonged,  when  the  highest 
duty  of  patriotism  should  have  impelled  them  to  ex- 
pose these  life-long  traitors.  Instead  of  this,  they 
have  concealed  the  treason,  and  now  when  this  se- 
cret organization  for  the  overthrow  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  was  so  long  hidden  in  the  bosom  of  the 
democratic  party,  has  thrown  off  its  disguise,  such 
democrats  as  the  Times  exhibit  more  enmity  towards 
a  loyal  class  of  men  than  they  do  abhorrence  of 
Jeff.  Davis  and  his  confederates.  Where  the  Times 
denounces  traitors  once,  it  denounces  those  who 
have  never  swerved  in  their  loyalty  a  hundred  times, 
and  so  with  all  its  class.  It  must,  therefore,  have  a 
brazen  cheek  when  it  accuses  republicans  of  treason. 
The  anti-slavery  men  of  the  country  are  not  trait- 
ors— they  are  intensely  loyal — ready  to  give  life  and 
property,  everything  for  the  support  of  the  govern- 
ment. They  have  manifested  this  in  acts  of  which 
they  do  not  boast,  from  the  beginning  of  the  rebel- 
lion. Not  one  of  them  is  suspected  of  disloyalty. 
It  is  true,  they  wish  the  accursed  institution  of  sla- 
very "  wiped  out,"  because  they  believe  and  know 
that  it  is  the  cause  of  all  our  national  troubles. 
They  think  it  can  be  done,  constitutionally,  under 
the  war  power  of  the  President  and  Congress. 
Since  they  believe  this,  and  since  they  are  a  part  of 
the  people  and  of  the  government,  they  will  endea- 
vor to  have  the  administration  act  up  to  their  ideas, 
if  possible;  if  they  fail  in  this,  their  life-blood  and 
their  money  will  be  just  as  freely  offered  to  put 
down  rebellion,  trusting  in  God,  and  not  in  men,  to 
ork  out  the  destruction  of  this  great  evil,  and  the 
salvation  of  the  republic. — Jaoesville  Gazette. 


The  n.^rtion  of  the 'Federal  power  must  be  co- 
extensive with  the  area  of  the  Republic ;  and  with- 
out terms,  quibbles  or  concessions,  it.  must  be  ac- 
cepted as  the  supreme  law.  Unconditional  submis- 
sion is  that  for  which  true  men  will  struggle.  With- 
out it,  any  peace  is  but  a  hollow  truce— a  breathing 
spell — to  be  followed  by  new  outpourings  of  blood. 
Though  it  may  cost  half  a  -million  of  lives,  and 
though  the  Cotton  States  should  smoke  with  fire 
from  Texas  to  Charleston,  and  though  every  slave 
should  be  set  free,  it  must  be  attained,  or  the  battle 
is  for  nought. — Chicago  Tribune. 


THE  IMMINENT  DANGEE. 

With  every  advance  of  our  Union  armies  into  the 
heart  of  Seeessia — with  every  victory  of  the  loyal 
forces  over  the  rebel  hordes  who  have  raised  their 
impious  hands  against  the  Republic — the  cry  of  the 
Northern  advocates  of  human  slavery,  that  we  must 
not  push  our  advantages  too  far  ;  that  we  must  re- 
member that  the  South  has  "constitutional  rights," 
and  that  we  must  not  humiliate  secession  by  too 
great  a  victory ;  that  this  must  not  be  "suffered  to 
"  degenerate  "  into  an  "Abolition  war," — this  cry 
and  more  of  the  same  sort  grows  more  and  more 
distinct.  Even  at  a  mecling  called  in  this  city  to 
take  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  wounded  Illinois 
men  at  Fort  Donelson.  this  was  the  sing-song  of  two 
of  the  speakers,  who,  in  their  incredible  zeal  for  the 
safety  of  negro-breeding  and  amalgamation,  forgot 
the  wounded  of  their  own  State,  torn  by  the  bullets 
that  these  same  nigger-drivers  sent,  and  went  off 
into  deprecatory  harangues,  which,  fortunately  for 
these  sympathizers,  our  soldiers  were  too  far  off'  to 
hear.  From  this  spirit  which  is  ever  breaking  out; 
from  this  craven  fear  that  the  business  of  man-selling 
and  woman-whipping  may  receive  a  cheek  by  the 
onward  progress  of  the  Federal  arms;  from  this  mis- 
taken inawkisliuess  which  turns  pale  at  the  thought 
of  pushing  the  war  to  its  only  safe  conclusion — the 
subjugation  of  the  rebels,  the  abrogation  of  their 
State  Governments,  and  the  establishment  of  territo- 
rial rule  on  the  ruins — the  country  has  more  to  fear 
than  from  Jeff".  Davis  and  all  his  tatterdemalions. 
Any  treaty  with  the.  rebels  in  their  organized  "  con- 
federal e"  capacity,  any  diplomatic  bi  Hi  ng-and-eooiiig, 
no  matter  what  the  result,  will  be  the  disgrace  of 
the  Federal  power,  a  quasi  recognition  of  the  bas- 
tard Government,  a  humiliation  to  all  loyal  men, 
and  an  ever-to-be-remembered  incentive  to  future 
■bullion.  The  revolt  must  be  put  down  by  force 
'arms.  The  men  whose  bad  ambition  and  infinite 
falsehood  have  incited  and  guided  it  must  be  hunted 
oles,  and  then  be  hung  as  malefactors,  or 
t  to  be  forever  banished   from  the  country 


WHO  IS   RESPONSIBLE? 

A  special  law  exists  upon  the  Statute  books  of 
the  United  States,  prescribing  the  condition  and 
state  of  slaves  of  rebels  serving  in  a  military  capaci- 
ty against  the  Government.  It  is  plain,  clear,  and 
explicit :  all  such  negroes  are  free.  The  other  day, 
after  some  sharp  fighting,  a  large  party  of  rebels 
were  surprised  on  the  Cumberland. 

It  cost  us  fifteen  hundred  loyal  men  to  capture 
them.  Many  of  those  who  were  our  neighbors,  sons, 
brothers,  are  in  the  honored  grave  of  the  soldier; 
others  are  maimed  for  life.  With  such  serious  work, 
we  won  Donelson.  i£mong  the  prisoners  were  cer- 
tain and  numerous  black  men.  They  had  made 
themselves  useful  in  the  fort.  They  had  served  rebel 
offieerii,  had  brought  and  carried  their  masters  wea- 
pons. When  Donelson  fell,  these  men  were  free. 
The  law  had  said  it.  But,  no— the  chivalrous  con- 
struction of  their  duties  by  our  officers  forbade  their 
severing  the  sacred  relations  of  master  and  slave, 
Sambo  has  since  been  especially  guarded,  and  held 
up  to  the  performance  of  his  personal  duties  by  Fed- 
eral bayonets.  Government  has  given  the  black 
man  rations  and  transportation  to  Camp  Douglas, 
has  fed  him  here,  and  last  night  when  the  rebel^ofli- 
cers  were  put  on  board  the  Pittsburg,  Fort  Way 
and  Chicago  Railroad  for  Columbus,  the  black  men 
were  closely  kept  in  place  by  Federal  soldiers,  and 
sent  with  their  masters.  Is  not  this  an  outragi 
upon  decency  and  a  violation  of  special  law  ?  Who 
will  pretend  that  these  blacks  are  prisoners  ?  Let 
him  stand  in  awe  of  the  wrath  of  the  secesh  for  dar- 
ing to  class  them  with  niggers.  Who  will  pretend 
that  they  are  still  slaves,  in  the  face  of  the  statute 
covering  this  exact  ease  ?  Who  then  is  responsible 
for  thus  chivalrously  giving  the  rebel  officers,  our 
prisoners,  each  his  own  nigger,  and  asking  loyal 
people  to  pay  for  the  transportation  of  these  blacks 
and  for  their  support  ?  The  colored  men  should 
have  been  banished  from  Camp  Douglas  the  first  day 
oftheir  arrival  They  had  no  right  thefe,  and  the 
commandant  should  have  shown  them  the  gate.  In 
place  of  so  doing,  they  have  been  shipped  in  good 
order  to  Columbus.  It  is  a  disgrace  to  Chicago, 
and  to  Illinois  officers  who  had  no  discretion  in  the 
matter,  who  in  this  outrage  have  violated  the 
plainest  possible  law,  made  expressly  for  their  guid- 
ance in  such  cases.  When  is  there  to  be  an  end  of 
this  poor  truckling  to  the  great  evil  of  the  age  ? 
Has  it  not  cost  our  nation  enough  in  respect,  in  blood, 
in  treasure,  already,  but  that  the  heavier  the  penal- 
ties we  suffer,  the  deeper  our  darkness  and  the  more 
abject  our  subserviency  ?  What  lower  depth  can  we 
reach? — Chicago  Tribune. 


men  of  the  South  with  their  intimate  relations  with 

the  blacks,  who  quarrel  with  the  practice  of  mixing 
the  races  when  done  according  to  orthodox  Demc> 
cratic  formulas,  or  who  would  not  at  any  time  enter 
into  patriarchal  partnership  with  a  gang  of  niggers, 
no  matter  how  large,  and  according  to"  the  custom 
of  the  South,  eat,  drink,  and  sleep  with  them  all 
their  lives.  Their  objection  to  negroes  is  not,  then, 
on  account  of  their  color,  or  their  smell,  or  their 
physical  conformation  ;  but  on  account  oftheir  con- 
dition. While  they  reproach  Republicans,  who 
have  antipathies  to  the  African  race,  with  the  crime 
of  negro  worship,  they  have  not  a  word  of  fault  to 
find  with  those  to  whom  that  worship  is  incessant 
and  sincere.  Hence  we  have  the  right  to  assume 
and  declare  that  it  is  Slavery— the  principle — with 
which  they  are  enamored ;  and  that  the  outcry 
against  those  of  a  different  faith  is  because  Freedom 
is  their  rule. 

As  a  slave,  the  negro  is  well.  To  eat  with  him 
is  no_  disgrace  ;  to  be  the  father  of  his  wife's  children 
is  evidence  of  Southern  industry  in  manufactures; 
to  spend  the  money  that  he  has  earned  is  a  South- 
ern and  Democratic  right ;  to  be  willing  to  plunge 
the  country  into  war,  that  there  may  be  no  objec- 
tion to  the  full  of  enjoyment  of  negroes,  is  patriot- 
ism which  the  Democracy  of  the  North  imperfectly 
condemn.  But  let  the  proposition  be  made  to  pay 
the  negro  fair  wages  for  a  day's  work,*to  let  him 
have  his  wife  to  himself,  to  allow  him  to  spend  the 
money  that  he  earns,  to  make  freedom  the  rule  in  a 
free  country,  and  .to  suffer  Sambo  and  Dinah  to 
work  out  their  own  salvation  in  their  own  way,  and 
the  cry  of  "Negro  Worshipper,"  "Abolitionist," 
comes  up  loud  and  strong.  We  thank  Heaven  that 
we  have  outgrown  the  fear  of  that  taunt.— Chicaqo 
Tribune. 


WHO   ARE  THE  NEGRO-WORSHIPPERS? 

Sambo,  in  certain  conditions,  is  a  very  precious 
article  of  Democratic  ornament  and  utility.  North 
or  South  as  a  slave,  he  is  always  acceptable.  "  D — n 
the  niggers,"  is  a  fine  expletive;  but  in  spite  of  its 
frequent  use,  a  prime  merchantable  darkey  is,  or 
used  to  be,  equivalent  to  a  legal  tender  for  fifteen 
hundred  dollars— each  dollar  a  reason  why  he  should 
not  be  damned.  Sambo  drives  carriage,  acts  as 
body  servant,  as  barber,  as  carpenter,  as  table-wait- 
er, as  boot-black,  or  nurse  in  sickness,  as  farm  hand, 
as  hostler,  as  wagoner,  as  woodman,  as  everything 
else  that  will  relieve  his  lazy  owner  of  the  mental 
exertion  and  physical  effort  implied  in  work.  In 
none  of  these  places  is  Sambo  accounted  a  nuisance, 
when  he  is  a.  slave,  and  works  without  pay  !  He  all 
the  while  smells  like  a  rose ;  the  odor  which  is  so 
insufferable  in  free  blacks  is  not  perceived  in  him. 
Thick  lips,  woolly  heads,  long  heels,  and  crooked 
shins  go  for  naught.  In  early  youth  he  is  the  play- 
mate of  master's  children.  Shirtless  and  breeches- 
less,  without  coat,  hat,  or  fig-leaf,  naked  both,  and 
therein  on  a  footing  of  equality,  Sambo  and  Clar- 
ence have  common  pursuits  and  many  confidences; 
but  to  be  tolerated  in  ordinary  good  families,  the 
certainty  that  Sambo  is  to  be  a  slave  must  be  known. 

Dinah,  too,  is  a  good  sort  of  body  as  long  as  her 
body  is  owned  by  some  white  man,  whatever  the 
same  Dinah  may  be  when  she  owns  herself.  Dinah, 
in  doors,  is  the  complement  of  Sambo  out  of  doors, 
with  certain  important  functions  added,  valuable 
mainly  to  white  men  of  polygamous  tendencies. 
Dinah  brews  and  bakes,  washes  and  irons,  makes 
clothes  and  does  chamber  work,  combs  mistress's 
hair,  cares  for  her  dresses,  holds  her  head  when  it 
aches,  bathes  her  limbs  when  she  is  tired,  watches 
her  when  she  is  sick,  attends  her  on  journeys,  and 
is  her  shadow  when  she  is  at  home.  Dinah,  if  the 
sign  is  right,  nurses  the  white  children,  carries  and 
pets  them,  submits  to  their  caprices  as  a  slave 
should, and  gladly  permits  them  to  call  her  "mam- 
my." She  can  if  necessary  go  to  the  field,  handle 
the  hoe,  hold  the  plow,  pick  cotton  or  gather  corn. 
We  have  never  heard  that  Dinah,  in  doing  any  of 
these  things  for  poor  board  only  and  a  few  cast-off 
duds  was  accused  of  being  offensive  to  touch,  sight, 
hearing  or  smell.  We  have  known  a  great  many 
gentlemen  in  our  day,  who  made  the  fact  that  they 
were  brought  up  at  the  bosom  of  Dinah  a  matter  of 
boast;  but  we  never  knew  one  to  make  any  wry- 
faces  at  the  remembrance  of  the  fountain  whence 
he  drew.  But  then  Dinah  was  all  the  while  a  slave. 
We  have  known  a  great  many  men  more  than  sus- 
pected of  bearing  a  very  near  relation  each  to  some 
black  Dinah's  yellow  children.  Indeed,  we  think 
that  sort  of  thing  is  in  Dixie  a  feather  of  not  incon- 
siderable length  in  a  man's  cap;  but  we  have  yet 
to  learn  that  that  sort  of  nigger-worship  is  the  cause, 
in  any  Southern  community,  of  particular  disgust. 
But  then  to  mix  the  races— the  mixee  being  a  slave 
—is  all  right !  The  nigger  in  bonds  is  a  very  lova- 
ble animal.  He  may  live  in  a  white  man's  house, 
wait,  on  him  at  table",  sit  by  him  in  the  carriage,  «<> 
with  him  to  church,  work  with  him  in  the  field,  and 
as  long  as  he  is,  cash  in  hand,  a  thousand  dollars 
more  or  less,  he  is  a  blessing  not  to  be  undervalued. 
He  don't  smell  a  bit,  no  matter  how  hot.  the  day  nor 
which  way  the  wind.  Put  shackles  on  his  limbs,  and 
all  his  fine  points  come  out.  He  is  the  great  Dngnn 
of  Southern  idolatry — everywhere  worshipped, 
everywhere  sought  after.  A  handsome  mulatto 
girl— is  she  not  worth  three  thousand  clean  cash  ? 

Our  Democratic  friends  here  at  the  North  blow 
on  the  toot  horn  that  has  been  lent  them  by  the 
South.  Damning  the  niggers  with  collateral  rurses 
for  the  nigger  worshippers,  meaning  thereby  the 
11  Bl&uk  Republicans,"  is  about  their  only  method 
of  arguing  political  questions.  But  wo  know  of  few 
Democrats  who  object  to  slaves,  who  reproach  the 


MASS  MEETING  IN  COOPER  INSTITUTE. 

NEW  YORK  FOE  A  FREE  REPUBLIC. 

speeches  by  James  A.   Hamilton,    Carl  Schurz,  M.  F. 
Conway,  and  others— Letters  from  Preston  King,  Henry 
Wilson,  David  Wilmot,    George   W.  Julian,   Charles 
id  Montgomery  Blair. 


Sumner,  i 


From  the  New  York  Tribune,  March  7. 

The  large  Hall  of  the  Cooper  Institute  was 
last  night  the  scene  of  a  large  and  enthusiastic 
demonstration  of  the  popular  sentiment  *in  fa- 
vor of  emancipation  as  a  war  measure  to  secure  an 
early  peace,  and,  through  Freedom  once  secured, 
to  perpetuate  our  institutions  free  from  internal 
convulsion  in  the  future. 

At  an  early  hour,  the  crowd  began  to  pour  into 
the  Hall,  .and  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before 
the  time  for  the  organization  of  the  meeting,  all  the 
available  space  for  sitting  or  standing  was  occupied. 
The  platform  was  occupied  by  leading  citizens, 
many  of  whom  have  for  years  been  known  for  the 
conservative  positions  they  have  occupied  in  na- 
tional politics,  but  there  were  also  those  present,  in 
large  numbers,  who,  for  long  years,  have  foreseen  the 
inevitable  necessity  of  making  Freedom  universal 
in  our  land,  if  free  institutions  are  to  be  perpetuated 
among  us.  Among  those  present  were  Gernt  Smith, 
Peter  Cooper,  Thomas  B.  Stillman,  President 
Charles  King,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hague,  John  W.  Ed- 
monds, and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thompson. 

Throughout  the  meeting,  the  most  enthusiastic 
responses  were  given  to  the  utterances  demanding 
the  crushing  out  of  the  source  of  treason  in  our 
country. 

At  8,  P.  M.,  Mr.  J.  McKaye  called  the  meeting 
to  order,  and  said  :  We  have  here  to-night  the  son  of 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  founders .  of  our  Gov- 
ernment and  free  institutions — a  man  who  loves  lib- 
erty and  the  rights  of  human  nature,  as  earnestly 
as  Ins  father.  I  propose  for  our  President  the  Hon. 
James  A.  Hamilton. 

The  nomination  was  acceded  to  with  applause. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Richards  read  the  following  list  of 
Vice  Presidents  and  Secretaries.  They  were  unan. 
imously  elected! — 

The  Hon.  George  Bancroft,  Frederick  Kapp,  the 
Rev.  S.  B.  Tyng,  D.  D.,  Isaac  Sherman,  George 
Reimnger,  the  Rev.  Win.  Hague,  D.  D.,  Prof.  Francis 
X-ieber,  David  Dudley  Field,  Dr.  J.  A.  Forsch,  Lewis 
Tappan,  Dr.  Henry  A.  Hartt,  Erastus  C.  Benedict, 
Andreas  Willman,  Win.  Cullen  Bryant,  Prosper  M. 
Wetmore,  Adon  Smith,  A.  Walthur,  the  Rev.  E.  H. 
Chapin,  D.  D.,  the  Hon.  George  Folsom,  the  Rev.  Pe- 
ter Stryker,  Rufus  F.  Andreas,  Sigismond  Kaufman 
the  Rev.  0.  B.  Frothingham,  Dr.  Rudolph  Dulon 
Wm.  Curtis  Noyes,  George  P.  Putnam,  Edgar  Keteh- 
um.the  Rev.  Duncan  Dunbar,  Horace  Webster,  LL.D., 
Dr.  Charles  Kessman,  Charles  King,  LL.D.,  Theo- 
dore Bracklow,  the  Rev.  George  B.  Cheever,  D.  D.( 
Dr.  Henry  Burgman,  John  W.  Edmonds,  the  Rev. 
Joseph  P.  Thompson,  D.  D.,  the  Rev.  A.  Cookman. 

Secretoves— Charles  A.  Dana,  T.  G.  Glaubensklee, 
Samuel  B.  Barlow,  Dr.  James  B.  Richards,  Ethan 
Allen,  Hon.  Henry  B.  Stanton.  Edward  Vorster,  A. 
J.  H.  Duganne,  Dr.  W.  M.  Werinershirsh,  George 
Kupper. 

speech  of  the  president. 

The  President  then  said  : 

Fellow-Citizens — The  honor  of  presiding  at 
this  thronged  meeting  of  those  who  represent  the 
intelligence,  the  wealth,  the  enterprise,  the  mechan- 
ical skill  and  labor  of  this  great  city,  excites  my  sen- 
sibility, from  the  conviction  that  your  choice  has  been 
induced  not  by  considerations  personal  to  myself, 
but  from  respect  to  the  memory  of  him  whose  name 
I  bear.  (Cheers.)  We  are  assembled  here  to  ex- 
press to  the  President  and  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  our  views  of  Slavery,  its  influence 
upon  our  national  character  and  the  destiny  of  our 
country,  and  to  advise  the  adoption  of  such  "measures 
as  will  give  us  permanent  peace,  and  thus  secure 
the  future  from  the  dangers  and  calamities  of  the 
present.  Let  the  voice  of  the  loyal  men  of  this 
great  metropolis  be  given  out  in  no  ambiguous 
terms ;  let  it  be  the  utterance  of  earnest  men,  im- 
pressed with  the  magnitude  of  the  consequences  in- 
volved. Let  us,  under  the  hallowed  intluence  of 
patriotism— of  a  sense  of  our  duty  to  the  oppressed 
of  this  nation — treat  this  great  subject  so  decisively 
as  that  the  echo  of  your  voice  may  'come  op  from  I  he 
loyal  people  in  all  parts  of  the  nation,  in  tones  which 
cannot  be  mistaken  or  disregarded  by  their  Repre- 
sentatives.  (Cheers.)      With  your  permission,  I  will 

briefly  express  my  opinions  of  the  duties  of  the  pea* 

ple>the  powers  and  duties  of  the  Government,  in 
regard     to    shivery.      The    great  principle   on  which 

our  ><  Representative  Democracy "  is  founded  is, 
The  Freedom  of  Man."  (Applause.)  In  obedi- 
ence to  this  great,  principle,  it  is  your  duly  to  ex- 
press your  earnest  conviction  that  slavery  is  not 
only  a  great  crime,  but  also  a  great  social  and  polit- 
ical evil ;  (cheers) —that  it  is  the.  direct  and  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  calamities  which  so  sorely  ftffliot 
the  whole  country  ;  and,  above  all,  to  express  your 
fixed  determination  that  the  course  and  policy  o( 
your  government  shall  hereafter  be  to  develop  the 

great  principle  ofhuman  freedom,  and  nol,  ;is  ii  has 

hitherto  been,  to  extend  and  fortify  slavery,  (Ap- 
plause.) We  are  told  ihe  Government  has  no  pow- 
er to  destroy  slavery,  because  the  right  of  one  man 


to  hold  his  fellow-man  in  perpetual  and  degrading 
bondage  is  established  by  State  laws.  I  answer, 
such  laws  cannot  rightfufly  exist,  cither  under  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  States. 
Man  was  created  in  the  express  image  of  his  Ma- 
ker— a  responsible  being,  having  an  immortal  soul. 
No  power  less  than  that  which  created  him,  less  than 
omnipotent,  can  reduce  him  from  his  condition  of  a 
man  to  that  of  a  brute— a  chattel.  (Cheers.) 

Has  the  Government  the  power  to  destroy  slave- 
ry ?  We  are  engaged  in  a  war  which  involves  the 
life  or  death  of  the  nation.  A  blow  in  behalf  of 
slavery  has  been  struck  at  the  national  existence. 
Every  Government,  whatever  may  be  its  Constitu- 
tion, is  necessarily  armed  with  all  the  powers  re- 
quired to  preserve  its  life.  In  the  exercise  of  those 
powers  it  has  the  right,  and  it  is  its  dutv,  to  destroy 
property,  institutions,  laws  of  State,  and  the  lives  of 
those  who  are,  or  may  be,  employed  for  its  destruc- 
tion, or  which  may  expose  the  nation  to  a  death- 
struggle  at  a  future  period.  (Applause.) 

Theseare  rights  and  duties  not  to  be  sought  for 
in  Constitutions  or  laws.  They  are  given  and  im- 
posed on  all  governments  by  that  great  law  of  na- 
ture, the  law  of  self-preservation. 

The  President,  by  his  oath  of  office,  is  bound, 
"to  the  best  of  his  ability,  to  preserve,  protect  and 
defend  the  Constitution."  You  will  observe,  he  is 
required  to  devote  to  this  first  great  duty  all  his 
ability.  He  is  not  limited  in  doing  so  to  the  means 
committed  to  him  by  the  Constitution  or  the  laws. 
From  these  considerations,  it  is  indisputable  that 
slavery,  whether  sanctioned  or  not  by  State  laws, 
now  eminently  endangers  the  rational  life,  or  threat- 
ens to  do  so,  and  therefore  may  be  destroyed  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  As  to  lis-qaes- 
tion  whether,  in  the  exercise  of  this  power,  can  the 
Government  disregard  its  own  obligations,  or  the 
rights  of  persons?  (applause,)  I  answer,  I  will  re- 
fer to  an  authority  which  is  well  entitled  to  your 
respect.  One  of  "  The  Fathers,"  in  discussing  the 
question  whether  a  nation  may,  in  certain  extra- 
ordinary cases,  be  excusable  for  not  observing  a 
right  in  the  performance  of  a  duty,  says : — 

"A  nation  is  excusable  in  certain  extraordinary 
cases  for  not  observing  a  right  in  performing  a  duty, 
if  the  one  or  the  other  would  involve  a  manifest  and 
grave  national  calamity.  But  here  also  an  extreme 
case  is  intended.  The  calamity  to  be  averted  must 
not  only  be  evident  and  considerable,  it  must  be  such 
as  is  likely  to  prove  fatal  to  the  nation,  as  threatens 
its  existence,  or  at  least  its  permanent  welfare." 

Of  the  second  class  of  exceptions  (those  which 
threaten  the  permanent  welfare  of  the  nation) — 

"  The  case  of  certain  feudal  rights  which  once  op- 
pressed all  Europe,  and  still  oppresses  too  great  a 
portion  of  it,  may  serve  as  an  example;  rights  which 
made  absolute  slaves  of  a  part  of  the  community,  and 
rendered  the  condition  of  the  remainder  not  much 
more  eligible. 

"  These  rights,  though  involving  that  of  property, 
being. contrary  to  the  social  order,  and  to  the  perma- 
nent welfare  of  society,  were  justifiably  abolished  in 
the  instances  in  which  abolitions  have  taken  place, 
and  may  be  abolished  in  all  the  remaining  vestiges. 
(Cheering.) 

"  Whenever,  indeed,  a  right  of  property  is  infringed 
for  the  general  good,  if  the  nature  of  the  case  admits 
of  compensation,  it  ought  to  be  made,  but  if  compen- 
sation be  impracticable,  that  impracticability  ought 
not  to  he  an  obstacle  to  a  clearly  essential  reform." 
(Applause.) 

Fellow-citizens :  The  people  of  the  loyal  States 
have,  with  unequalled  patriotism,  devoted  their  lives 
to  the  service  of  the  country.  The  Government, 
through  its  various  departments,  has  formed  an. 
army  and  a  navy  of  vast  proportions  and  the  most 
efficient  character,  with  a  promptitude  and  skill 
most  honorable  to  them.  Now,  let  the  people  re- 
quire that  this  accumulated  power  shall  be  used  not 
only  to  crush  out  armed  rebellion,  but  its  malignant 
cause.  (Tremendous  and  long-continued  cheering.) 
Your  military  and  naval  forces  with  rapid  blows  are 
destroying  the  military  power  of  your  enemy;  but 
unless  the  last  blow  which  is  struck  strikes  off  the 
fetters  of  the  slaves,  the  work  of  restoring  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  Union  will  be  a  mockery.  (Great 
applause.) 

Edgar  Ketchum,  Esq.,  read  from  the  following 
letters.  They  were  received  with  hearty  applause, 
every  allusion  to  the  extinction  of  slaverv  being 
vociferously  cheered.  The  letter  of  Charles  Sum- 
ner evoked  a  magnificent  demonstration  of  enthu- 


LETTER    FROM    THE   BOX.    PRESTON    KING. 

Washington,  March  5,  1862. 

Dear.  Sir, — Your  invitation  to  attend  a  meeting 
of  citizens  of  New  York  who  rejoice  in  the  downfall 
of  treason,  and  who  are  in  favor  of  sustaining  the 
National  Government  in  the  most  energetic  exercise 
of  all  the  rights  and  powers  of  war  in.  the  prosecu- 
tion of  its  purpose  to  destroy  the  caase  o^Jreasoxu 
and  to  express  their  views  as  tothtTSieasures  proper 
to  be  adopted  in  the  existing  exigencies,  to  be  held 
at  the  Cooper  Institute  on  the  evening  of  March  6th, 
is  received. 

Slavery  and  the  influence  it  has  exerted  over  the 
minds  of  so  many  of  the  people  among  whom  it  has 
existed  is  the  fountain  of  the  treason  against  our  re- 
publicaninstitutions,  and  the  cause  of  the  extended 
insurrection  that  has  subverted  the  constitutional 
Governments  of  so  many  States,  and  that  is  now 
waging  war  against  the  existence  and  uuity  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States. 

Permanent  security  to  the  existence  of  Republi- 
can Government  and  to  the  peace  of  the  country  re- 
quires that  the  cause  of  the  treason,  as  well  as  the 
treason  itself,  shall  be  overcome  and  extinguished,  or 
placed  at  once  under  such  control  of  law  as  will  pro- 
duce its  extinction,  and  thus  make  certain  that  its 
power  and  intluence  to  disturb  the  public  peace  can 
never  be  renewed.  The  whole  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernment should  be  put  forth,  with  prompt  and  per- 
sistent energy,  to  overcome  by  military  force,  and 
capture  or  disperse,  the  armed  organizations  o(  the 
insurgents,  and  to  seize  the  persons  of  the  riuglead- 
ers,  that  the  peualty  for  treason  may  be  inflicted 
upon  them. 

Every  citizen  who  desires  the  perpetuity  of  re- 
publican government  should  give  his  hearty  support 
to  the  Government  in  accomplishing  these  objects. 
I  should  be  glad  to  be  present  at  the  meeting  at  the 
Cooper  Institute,  but  public  engagements  here  pre- 
vent me.  Please  to  accept  my  thanks  for  your  in- 
vitation. Very  respectfully, 

PRESTOS  RING. 

Mr.  jAMSfl  Mi/Kaye,  Chairman  Committee,  &0. 

IH'ITll    KUOM    THE    HON.    CHAK1.KS    SVMXFK. 

Senate  Chamber,  March  :>.  ij*62. 
Drab  Sir,  -Never,  except  when  disabled  by  ill- 
health,  have  I  allowed  myself  to  bo  absent  from  un- 
seal in  the  Senate  for  a  single  day,  and  now,  amid 
the  extraordinary  duties  of  (lie  present  session,  I  am 
more   than   ox^r  disposed  U)  adhere  to  this  inflexible 

rule.    If  anything  could  tempi  me  bo  depart  from  it, 

1  sk.uld  find  art  :-.p  ''-  ftf  "i  lh-  ni.it  Urn  with  win  h 
yon  have  honored  me. 

The  meeting,  which  has  been  called  under  Bucb, 


42 


THE     LIB  ER  A.  T  O  H, 


MAECH  14. 


is  needed  at  this  moment  to     stitutc  on  Thursday  next,  and  I  regret  that  my  pub- 


distimiuished  auspices,  -  — 

rally  The  country  to  those  true  principles  by  which 
alone  this  great  rebellion  can  be  permanently  sup- 
pressed. 1  should  be  truly  happy  to  take  part  m  it, 
and  try  to  impart  to  others  something  of  the  strength 
of  my  own  convictions.  '         ' 

It  is  only  neeessarv  that  people  should  see  tiling 
as  they  are,  and  they  will  easily  see  how  to  deal  with 
them  This  is  the  obvious  condition  of  praetteal  ac- 
tion. Now,  beyond  all  question,  slavery  is  the  great 
trauscendant  malefactor  and  omnipresent .  traitor- 
Men  deadly  to  the  Union  than  all  the  leaders,  eml 
or  military,  of  the  rebellion.  Of  course,  therefore 
if  you  are  in  earnest  against  the  rebellion,  you  will 
not  spare  slavcryi  And  happily  tho  way  is  plain- 
so  that  it  cannot  be  mistaken. 

Look  now  thronahont  the  whole  rebel  territory 
and  you  will  not  find  a  single  officer  legally  qualified 
to  discharge  any  of  the  functions  of  Government. 
By  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  "members 
Of  the  several  State  Legislatures  and  all  executive 
and  iudteial  officers,  both  of  the  United  States  ami 
the  several  States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  afhnna- 
tion  to  support  this  Constitution."  But  these  func- 
tionaries have  all  renounced  their  allegiance  to  the 
United  States,  and  taken  a  new  oath  to  support  the 
Rebel  Government,  so  that  at  this  moment  they 
cannot  be  reeo"nized  as  constitutionally  empowered 
to  act.  But  a  State  is  known  only  through  its 
functionaries,  constitutionally  empowered  to  act ; 
and  since  these  have  ceased  to  exist,  the  State, 
with  its  unnatural  institutions,  has  ceased  to  exist,  or 
it  exists  only  in  the  dead  parchments  by  which  its 
Government  was  originally  established.  The  action 
of  these  functionaries  was  impotent  to  transfer  Us 
territory  to  a  pretended  confederation.  To  destroy 
the  States  was  all  that  they  could  do.  ... 

In  the  absence  of  any  constitutional  authority  in 
this  territory,  Congress  must  assume  all  necessary 
jurisdiction.  Not  to  do  so  will  be  an  abandonment 
of  urgent  duty.  There  are  some  who  propose  a 
temporary  military  government;  others  propose  a 
temporary  provisional  government,  with  limited 
powers.  'All  these  concede  to  Congross  jurisdiction 
over  the  territory  ;  nor  can  this  jurisdiction  be  ntst- 
■stioncd.     But  it  seems  to  me  clearly  best  that. 


shall  follow  the  au- 


*y  questi 

on  this  important  occasion,  we 

thoritative  precedents  of  our  history,  and  proceed  as 

Congress  has  been  accustomed  to  proceed  in  the  or- 

jranilation    and    government   of    other  territories. 

This  will  be  simple.     And,  as  to  slavery,  if  there  be 

any  doubt  that  it  died  constitutionally   and   legally 

with  the  State  from  which  it  drew  its  wicked  breath, 

it  might  be  prohibited  by  the  enactment  of  that  same 

.Teffersonian  ordinance,  which  originally  established 

Freedom  throughout  the  great  North- West. 

Accept  my  thanks  for  the  honor  you  have  done 
roe,  and  believe  me,  dear  sir,  ,„„„ 

Faithfullv  yours,       CHARLES  SUMNER. 

James  McKaye,  Esq.,  Chairman,  &c. 

LETTER   FROM   THE    HON.    HENRY   WII.SON. 

Washington,  March  4,  1SG2. 
Dear  Sir  :  Your  note  requesting  my  attendance 
at  a  meeting  to  be  held  on  the  evening  of  March  6, 
of  the  citizens  of  New  York  "who  rejoice  in  the 
downfall  of  treason,"  and  are  ready  "  to  destroy  the 
cause  of  such  treason,"  has  been  received.  I  regret 
that  my  duties  here  will  not  permit  me  to  meet  with 
the  citizens  of  the  commercial  metropolis  of  our  coun- 
try, who  will  on  that  occasion  respond  to  the  summons 
of  the  eminent  gentlemen  who  compose  your  commit- 
tee. I  am  sure  your  meeting  will  fully  comprehend 
the  duties  of  the  hour,  and  utter  the  accents  of  pa- 
_-trioti=m  and  humanity. 

Slavery,  not  content  with  stifling  for  years  the 
voice  of  conscience  and  of  reason,  diminishing  the 
Bpirit  of  Liberty,  scoffing  at  the  faith  and  creed  of 
the  Republican  Fathers,  debauching  political  organ- 
izations, and  dishonoring  the  public  men  of  our  age, 
has  extinguished  the  patriotism  of  large  masses  in 
one  section  of  our  country,  and  impelled  its  support- 
ers to  raise  the  banners  of  a  bloody  insurrection. 

To-day  Slavery  "  has  lifted  up,"  in  the  words  of 
Bancroft,  "  its  hand  to  strike  a  death-blow  at  our 
existeuce  as  a  people—  it  has  avowed  itself  a  desper- 
ate and  determined  enemy  of  our  national  life,  of 
our  unity  as  a  Republic."  Shall  we  confront  this 
"  desperate  and  determined  enemy  of  our  national 
life,"  with  uplifted  "  hand  to  strike  a  death-blow  at 
our  existence,"  with  soft  words  and  whispering  hum- 
bleness, or  shall  we  not  rather,  in  the  name  of  a  per- 
iled country,  by  the  strong  hand  of  an  outraged  peo- 
ple, smite  it  down  forever  ? 

Humanity,  justice,  and  patriotism  all  demand  that 
the  American  people  should  never  pardon  the 
GREAT  CRIMINAL  that  has  raised  the  banner  of 
revolt  against  the  unity  and  authority  of  the  Repub- 
lic. The  blood  of  our  fallen  sons  demands  that  the 
Government  for  which  they  gave  their  lives  should 
walk  up  to  the  verge  of  Constitutional  power  in^  in- 
flicting condign  punishment  on  their  murderer.  The 
nation"  imperiled  by  slavery,  should  use  every  legal 
and  constitutional  power  to  put  it  in  process  of  ulti- 
mate extinction.  To  that  end  I  would  at  once  abol- 
ish slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  repeal  the 
BLACK  CODE  that  dishonors  the  National  Capi- 
tal, tender  to  the  loyal  slaveholding  States  the  trea- 
sures of  the  Federal'  Government  to  aid  them  in  the 
work  of  Emancipation,  deal  justly  and  liberally  with 
the  loyal  men  of  the  rebel  States,  but  free  tho  bond- 
men of  rebels. 

With  much  respect,  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 
HENRY  WILSON. 
To  J.  McKaye,  Esq.,  Chairman  of  Com.  of  Arrange- 
ments. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  HON.  DAVID  WILMOT. 

Washington,  March  5,  1862. 

Dear  Sir:  Your  letter  of  invitation  to  attend 
a  meeting  to  be  held  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  in  the 
City  of  New- York,  on  Thursday  evening,  the  6th 
inst.,  has  been  received. 

I  am  honored  by  your  invitation,  and  would  be 
pleased,  if  it  were  convenient,  to  be  present  and 
participate  in  the  proposed  meeting.  My  public 
duties  will  hold  me  here ;  and  I  can  only  respond 
briefly  by  letter  to  your  kind  invitation. 

I  heartily  approve  of  the  objects  of  the  meeting 
as  set  forth  in  the  call.  The  honor  and  safety  of 
the  nation  demand  that  the  cause  of  this  gigantic 
rebellion  should  be  forever  removed.  Tins  alone 
will  give  us  peace  and  safety,  honor  and  national 
respect.  Slavery  is  the  one  exclusive,  and  only 
cause  of  the  rebellion  and  the  war,  through  which 
we  are  struggling  for  national  existence.  It  is  now 
made  clear  to  all,  that  slavery  is  the  deadly  foe  of 
the  Union — the  implacable  and  eternal  foe  of  free 
Government.  A  truly  free  Government,  (bunded 
upon  justice  and  right,  and  appealing  to  reason  and 
-feenemTentlaws  for  support,  never  did  and  never  can 
lone  exist  irTthe  midst  of  slavery.  God,  in  his  prov- 
idence, has  placed  slavery  within  the  rightful  power 
of  the  nation.  We  must  not  tremble  and  hesitate, 
because  of  the  magnitude  of  the  labors  and  dutie 


lie  duties  here  forbid  my  attendance.  1  could  not 
hope^  however,  if  present,  to  say  anything  new  re- 
specting our  national  troubles,  or  their  cause  and 
cure;  Upon  these  topics  1  have  already  avowed  my 
opinions,  quite  explicitly  and  at  some  length,  in  a 
Speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  14th 
Ot  .January  :  and  every  passing  day  deepens  my  con- 
viction of  the  truth  of  my  positions.  This  rebellion 
is  the  child  of  slavery.  It  admits  of  no  other  possi-^ 
ble  solution.  The  fact  is  as  palpable  as  the  exist- 
ence of  the  rebellion  itself,  and  requires  as  little 
proof.  If  there  are  persons  who  deny  it,  the  attempt 
to  convince  them  of  their  error  would  be  like  "ad- 
ministering medicine  to  the  dead." 

We  are  thus  prepared  to  demand  the  only  true 
and  saving  policy  for  our  country,  namely,  the  total 
extirpation  of  slavery,  as  the  righteous  purpose  of  Cjf  f#  * 
the  war  and  the  sole  means  of  a  lasting  peace.  As  \*}j  \\  \> 
an  argument  against  slavery, and  a  reason  for  its  over- 
throw, this  rebellion  is  overwhelming.  All  the  evils  of 
slavery,  social,  moral,  political  and  economical,  are 
eclipsed  by  this  final  tiagedy.  We  have  patiently 
borne  with  these  evils  for  more  than  70  years,  stri- 
ving to  live  with  the  monster  in  peace,  and  to  placate 
its  spirit,  by  every  form  of  concession  and  compro- 
mise, only 'to  be  rewarded  by  this  stupendous  scheme 
of  treason,  piracy,  and  murder.  Having  run  through 
the  whole  gamut  of  ordinary  villanies,  slavery  has  at 
last  turned  National  assassin.  It  has  inundated  the 
land  with  the  hoarded  atrocities  of  two  hundred 
years,  and  painted  its  own  character  with  a  pencil 
dipped  in  hell.  Every  dollar  expended  in  this  war 
is  expended  because  of  slavery.  Every  soldier 
perishing  in  battle  or  by  disease  is  the  murdered  vic- 
tim of  slavery.  And  every  wail  of  sorrow  ascending 
from  broken  and  bleeding  hearts  is  a  "  Thus  saith 
the  Lord  "  for  scourging  it  from  the  land.  These 
facts,  instead  of  being  ignored,  should  be  kept  in 
perpetual  remembrance  ;  for  we  can  only  hope  for 
the  favor  of  God  in  this  terrible  struggle  by  keep- 
ing steadily  in  view  the  cause  of  our  quarrel. 

'if  it  be  said  that  the  Constitution  stands  in  the 
way  of  this  policy,  I  reply,  that  the  Constitution  was 
made  for  the  people,  not  the  people  for  the  Consti- 
tution. The  Nation  is  greater  than  the  Constitu- 
tion, because  it  made  the  Constitution.  The  pres- 
ent Administration  has  taught  us,  by  some  striking 
examples,  that  the  country  is  paramount  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  no  one  could  complain  should  this  prin- 
ciple be  adopted  in  dealing  with  slavery,  the  source 
of  our  disasters.  But  I  reply,  further,_tbat  this  is 
unnecessary.  The  Constitution  recognizes  the  war 
power  of  the  Government,  which  the  rebels  have 
compelled  us  to  employ  against  them,  and  that  pow- 
er is,  of  course,  commensurate  with  the  demand 
for  its  employment.  As  a  "  military  necessity," 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  laws  of  war,  and  with- 
out any  violation  of  the  Constitution,  we  can  now 
destroy  the  institution  of  slavery  utterly,  if  we  will. 
The  rebels  having  taken  their  stand  outside  of  the 
Constitution,  and  defied  its  power,  have  no  rights 
under  it  which  loyal  men  are  bound  to  respect. 
Thev  have  forfeited  their  property  of  every  descrip- 
tion," and  the  right  to  their  own  godless  lives.  The 
rebel  States,  by  their  act  of  rebellion,  have  commit- 
ted suicide,  and  Congress  ought  to  say  so,  and  eon- 
demn  them  as  traitors,  preparatory  to  their  reorgan- 
ization and  admission  as  States.  Nothing  short  of 
this  sweeping  policy  will''"  save  the  country.  We 
must  cease  to  regard  rebels  and  outlaws  as  "  our 
misguided  Southern  brethren,"  and  deal  _" 
as  rebels  and  outlaws. 


Liberty,"  and  not  utterly  and  forever  rendered  im- 
possible by  the  re-institution  of  slavery. 

We  repudiate,  therefore,  and  utterly  repel  tho  idea 
that  the  property  and  blood  of  the  loyal  people  of  the 
free  States  are  to  be  wasted  without  result,  in  the 
suppression  of  the  military  power  of  the  rebels,  in 
order  that  the  Capital  may  in  the  end  be  surrendered 
into  the  bands  of  tho  conquered  trtiitors,  and  the  Na- 
tional Government  be  again  put  under  the  heel  of  the 
alnve  barons. 

Resolved,  therefore,  That  amid  the  varied  events 
which  are  occurring  during  the  momentous  struggle 
in  which  we  are  engaged,  it  is  the  duty  and  interest  of 
the  Government  and  the  people  to  adopt  and  to  advo- 
cate such  measures  as  will  ensure  universal  emanci- 
pation, and  thus  complete  the  work  which  the  revolu- 
tion began. 


i  fc  *  r » t  o  r . 


No  Union  with.  Slaveholders! 
BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  MARCH  14, 1862. 


THE    PRESIDENT'S    MESSAGE. 


ith  them 
We  must  cease  to  deal  with 
slavery  as  our  pet  and  favorite,  as  the  spared  object 
of  our  love,  and  give  it  our  quickest  and  hardest 
blows.  Instead  of  giving  the  world  to  understand 
that  this  is  a  mere  contest  for  power  between  con- 
tending States,  we  must  write  Freedom  on  our  ban- 
ner, and  thus  elevate  our  cause  to  the  dignity  of  a 
grand  battle  for  Republicanism.  Nor  should  the 
Administration  hesitate  a  moment  to  reconsider  its 
avowed  policy  of  reconstruction  on  the  basis  of  sla- 
very, which  would  leave  the  cause  of  all  our  troubles 
to  canker  the  heart  of  The  nation  anew,  and  repeat 
its  diabolical  deeds. 

I  agree  that  this  is  not  a  struggle  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  black  men,  but  for  the  life  of  a  nation  of 
thirty  millions  of  people  ;  but  since  it  is  slavery  that 
has  the  nation  by  the  throat,  and  thus  thrusts  upon 
us  tl;e  issues  of  its  life  or  death,  we  should  destroy  it 
absolutely  and  forever.  Not  to  do  so  would  be  the 
most  Heaven-daring  recreancy  to  the  grand  trust 
which  the  circumstances  of  the  hour  have  committed 
to  our  hands.  The  mere  suppression  of  the  rebel- 
lion will  be  a  horrid  mockery  of  our  sufferings  and 
sacrifices,  if  we  do  not  see  to  it  that  a  permanent 
peace  shall  follow  ;  while  the  millions  in  chains,  now 
legally  free  by  the  act  of  their  rebel  masters,  would 
certify  before  Heaven  against  us  as  the  authors  of 
their  cruel  destiny. 

Heartily  desiring  that  your  meeting   may  be  a 
decided  success,  and  a  help  in  this  time  of  need  to 
the  cause  of  Liberty,  Union,  and  Peace, 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  vours, 

GEO.  W.  JULIAN. 
James  McKaye,  Esq. 


cast  upon   us:  we 


must  meet   and   discharge   our 


duties,  as  men  in  whose  hands  is  placed  the  ark  of 
buraan  happiness  and  hopes.  We  must  and  will,  if 
true  to  God,  our  country,  and  the  race,  of  mankind, 
now  and  forever  destroy  and  wipe  out  from  this  na- 
tion the  accursed  institution  of  human  slavery. 

The  slaveholder,  by  his  treason  and  rebellion 
against  the  Constitution,  and  by  the  war  he  has 
forced  upon  the  Government  for  self-preservation, 
has  wholly  absolved  us  from  all  constitutional  and 
political  obligations  to  treat  his  unnatural  claim  of 
property  in  man  with  any  toleration  whatever. 
When  the  traitor  is  forced  by  arms  from  his  pur- 
pose to  destroy  the  Constitution  and  Government, 
lie  cannot,  the  moment  he  is  defeated  in  his  wicked 
purpose,  plead  the  Constitution  he  made  war  to 
overthrow  as  the  shield  and  pvoteelion  for  his  for- 
feited rights  of  slavery.  It  is  the  right  and  duty  of 
the  nation  to  protect  itself  now  and  in  the  future. 
We  must  makesure  against  another  rebellion  greater 
than  that  now  upon  us.  The  national  life  must  be  pre- 
served by  applying  the  knife  to  the  cancer  that  is  eat- 
ing the  very  substance  and  life  of  the  nation.  The 
nation  must  make  a  proclamation  of  freedom  to  the 
slaves  of  every  traitor  ;  and  as  a  matter  of  policy,  not 
of  strict  right,  provide  for  making  compensation  to 
[loyal  slaveholders,  for  the  temporary  loss  incident 
to  the  speedy  emancipation  of  their  slaves.  Leu 
than  this  we  cannot  do  with  honor  or  safety.  Wo 
have  a  right  to  do  more.  We  have  a  right,  instant- 
ly and  at  onee,  to  uproot  and  eradicate  forever  any 
local  institution,  law,  custom,  usage,  that  puts  in  im- 
minent peril  the  national  life.  We  have  a  right  to 
fcill  slavery  that  the  nation  may  live. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

D.  WILMOT. 

Jamjjs  McKaye,  Chairman  of  Committee. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  HON.  GEORGE    W.   JULIAN. 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  4,  1862. 
Dear  Sir  :  1  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  favor  of  tlie  1st  inst.,  inviting  me  to  be 
1  reseat  at  your  proposed  meeting  at  the  Cooper  In- 


LETTER    FROM    THE    REV.    JOHN     PIEKFONT. 

Washington,  (D.  C.)  March  3,  1862. 
My  Dear  Sir  :  Thanks  for  your  invitation,  this 
moment    received.       Would  God  that   I  could    be 
with  you  on  the  6th  ;   but  I  cannot,  without  more 
expense  of  money  and  muscle  than  I  can  afford. 

So,  then,  since  I  cannot  spirit  my  body  so  far,  I 
embody  my  spirit  "  in  these  few  lines,"  which  pray 
read  to  the  meeting,  instead  of  a  longer,  but  not 
a  slronqer,  speech  from 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  PIEKPONT. 
To  J.  McKaye,  Esq. 

This  fratricidal  war 

Grows  on  the  poisonous  tree, 
That  God  and  men  abhor — 

Accursed  ftlnvcry. 
And  God  orditins  that  wo 

Shall  eat  this  deadly  fruit, 
Till  wc  dig  up  the  tree, 

And  burn  its  every  root. 

Eloquent  speeches — such  as  the  times  demand — 
were  made  by  Rev.  M.  D.  Conway  and  Hon.  Carl 
Shurz,  and  the  following  Resolutions  adopted  : — 

Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  our  nationality  and 
democratic  institutions  are  founded  upon  the  idea  that 
"  all  men  are  created  equal,  endowed  by  their  Crea- 
tor with  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,"  whatever  tends  to  weaken  and 
destroy  the  vital  force  of  this  idea  in  the  popular 
heart  constitutes  the  most  dangerous  and  fatal  enmity 
to  the  real  unity,  true  peace  and  glory  of  the  nation. 

Resolved,  That  national  unity  does  by  no  means 
consist  alone  in  the  conservation  of  territorial  domain, 
but  in  identity  of  idea  and  affection.  In  the  heart  of 
no  people  can  a  genuine  love  of  liberty  and  the  rights 
of  human  nature  coexist  with  a  toleration  of  slavery. 
Slavery  is  treason  to  the  fundamental  idea  of  our 
national  existence,  and  the  war  but  its  necessary  and 
legitimate  effect.  In  the  present  imminent  crisis,  he 
who  seeks  to  maintain  slavery  becomes  thereby  the 
abettor  of  the  great  treason. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  present  extreme  exigency 
brought  upon  the  country  by  slavery,  we  hold  the 
right  of  the  National  Government  to  destroy  that  sole 
cause  of  all  our  disasters,  not  only  to  be  clearly  within 
the  Constitution,  but  to  be  imperatively  demanded  by 
it; 

First,  upon  the  ground  that  its  existence  is  wholly 
incompatible  with  national  self-preservation.  Either 
the  nation  must  die  or  slavery  must ; 

Second— Because  the  rights  and  powers  conferred 
by  the  laws  of  war  upon  all  sovereignties,  and  under 
our  system -of  delegated  power,  primarily  upon  the 
President  and  Congress,  constitutionally  require  its 
destruction  as  the  only  effectual  means  of  ending  the 
conflict,  and  reestablishing  permanent  national  peace 
and  prosperity ; 

And  lastly  and  preeminently,  because  the  supreme 
jurisdiction  of  the  National  Constitution  over  all  the 
territories  now  occupied  by  the  rebel  States  must  be 
held  to  be  exclusive  of  the  traitorous  rebel  authorities 
therein  established,  by  virtue  of  which  alone  slavery 
now  therein  exists,  and  that  wherever  the  Constitu- 
tion has  exclusive  jurisdiction,  it  ordains  liberty  and 
not  slavery.  This  is  the  very  ground  upon  which 
the  people  placed  the  present  Administration  in 
power,  and  in  derogation  of  which  the  rebels  wage 
their  war. 

Resolved,  That  while  slavery  remained  upon  its 
own  ground,  good  citizens  might  deem  themselves 
bound  by  a  jii6t  respect  for  the  National  Constitution 
to  refrain  from  dealing  with  it  as  in  ite  own  nature 
it  deserved.  But  since  its  masters  have  begun  a  war 
for  its  triumph  and  the  subjugation  of  our  National 
Government  and  free  institutions,  we  deem  it  our  su- 
premest  duty  never  to  make  peace  with  or  cease  our 
conflict  witli  it  until  it  shall  be  extirpated  from  the 
whole  land. 

Resolved,  That  wo  entertain  no  jot  of  hatred  or 
hostility  towards  tho  great  body  of  the  people  of  the 
rebel  States  ;  and,  therefore,  white  we  stand  ever 
ready  to  welcome  them  to  a  loyal  reunion  under  our 
glorious  National  Constitution,  in  the  words  of  the 
Farewell  Address  of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  we 
desire  that  "the  happiness  of  the  people  of  these 
States  may  be  made  complete  under  the  auspicks  of 


The  message  that  was  transmitted  to  Congress  by 
President  Lincoln,  on  the  6th  instant,  recommending 
the  passage  by  that  body  of  a  resolution,  proffering 
the  pecuniary  cooperation  of  the  United  States  in 
case  any  Slave  State  shall  adopt  a  gradual  abolish- 
ment of  slavery,  has  excited  deep  interest  and  uni- 
versal discussion.  We  will  very  briefly  say  what  we 
think  of  it. 

;  First— as  to  its  style.  It  is  very  evident  that  the 
President  writes  all  his  own  messages ;  for  they  are  al. 
alike  bunglingly  expressed,  and  quite  discreditable  in 
that  particular  as  official  documents.  Take,  for  exam- 
ple, the  paragraph  in  which  "the  initiation  of  emanci- 
pation" is  reiterated  in  such  a  jumbling  manner  in  the 
course  of  half  a  dozen  lines.  But  this  is  a  trifling 
matter,  though  deserving  of  criticism.  The  Cabinet 
should  help  the  President  to  mend  his  phraseology. 

Second— The  resolution  proposed  for  adoption  by 
the  President  gives  no  reason  for  such  an  anomalous 
overture  to  the  Slave  States;  it  says  nothing  about  any 
national  or  governmental  exigency  rendering  the 
measure  necessary  or  expedient;  upon  the  face  of  it, 
it  has  no  relation  to  the  war,  in  which  alone,  even  as  a 
suggestion,  it  can  find  any  constitutional  warrant; 
and  it  is  without  limitation  as  to  the  period  in  which 
the  offer  may  be  accepted.  In  all  these  particulars  it 
is  radically  defective. 

Third — It  offers  a  bounty  to  all  the  States  that  are 
in  confederate  rebellion  against  the  government,  as 
much  as  to  any  so-called  loyal  Slave  States  ;  and  this 
it  cannot  do  with  any  sort  of  propriety,  justice,  or  con- 
sistency. Treason  is  not  a  purchasable  or  negotiable 
article  ;  and  traitors  are  not  to  be  allowed  to  make 
terms  with  a  profit  to  themselves,  by  the  govern 
ment  they  are  seeking  to  overturn. 

Fourth— It  not  only  perversely  recommends  "  t 
qradual  abolishment  of  slavery,"  but  by  its  very  terms 
holds  out  no  inducement  for  any  State  to  immediately 
emancipate  its  slaves ;  whereas,  slavery  ought  not  to 
exist  for  one  moment,  and  special  inducements  ought 
to  he  held  out  for  its  instant  abolition  as  against  a 
lingering  process. 

Fifth— The  President  is  at  war  with  common  sense, 
sound  reason,  the  teachings  of  history,  the  instincts 
and  aspirations  of  human  nature,  the  laws  of  political 
economy,  and  the  uniform  results  of  emancipation, 
■when  he  says— "In  my  judgment,  gradual  and  not 
sudden  emancipation  is  better  for  all,  in  the  -mere  fi- 
nancial or  pecuniary  view  "—because  no  such  paltry 
consideration  is  allowable,  even  if  it  were  (as  it  surely 
is  not)  well  founded.  Ethically  and  pecuniarily,  im- 
mediate emancipation  is  best  for  all  parties ;  and  the 
President  is  culpable  for  keeping  up  the  old  delusion 
of  "gradualism."     Away  with  itl 

Sixth— The  President,  as  well  as  Congress,  in  con- 
sequence of  this  slaveholding  rebellion,  ar.d  the  dire 
extremity  into  which  it  has  brought  the  nation,  has 
now  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  RIGHT,  POWER 
AND  OPPORTUNITY  to  "  proclaim  liberty  through- 
out all  the  land  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof";  and 
neither  the  President  nor  Congress  must  be  allowed  to  evade 
this  solemn  duty  by  any  dodge  of  this  kind.  "Now  is  the 
accepted  time,"  and  now  let  it  be  "the  day  of  salva- 
tion." Multitudes  of  petitions  from  all  the  free  States, 
signed  by  tens  of  thousands,  of  estimable  citizens,  are 
before  Congress,  asking  for  the  immediate  abolition  of 
slavery  under  the  war  power  ;  and  are  these  to  be  sat- 
isfied by  proposing  such  a  will-o'-th'-wisp  as  a  sub- 
stitute ?  Why  wait  for  the  dealers  in  human  flesh  to 
determine  when  they  will  deem  it  advisable  to  cease 
from  their  villany  as  a  matter  of  pecuniary  advantage 
and  cunning  speculation  with  the  Government,  when 
the  Government  is  clothed  with  constitutional  power 
to  dispose  of  the  whole  matter,  at  once,  without  any 
huckstering  or  delay?  "Let  justice  be  done,  though 
the  heavens  fall."  President  Lincoln,  delay  not  at 
your  peril  !  "Execute  judgment  in  the  morning- 
break  every  yoke — let  the  oppressed  go  free." 


THE  BIETHDAY  OF  WASHINGTON— SPEECH 
OF  GEORGE  THOMPSON,  ESQ. 

The  anniversary  of  tho  birthday  of  Washington 
was  celebrated  on  the  22d  ultimo,  by  a  dejeuner,  at 
the  Freemasons'  Tavern,  London,  at  which  some  two 
hundred  ladies  and  gentlemen  (mostly  Americans} 
participated.  A  portrait  of  Washington  was  suspend- 
ed behind  the  Chairman's  seat,  flanked  off  either 
side  by  the  "  Star-spangled  Banner  "  and  the  "  Union 
Jack."  The  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  Mcllvaine,  Bishop  of 
Ohio,  presided  ;  and  among  those  who  supported  him 
were  Mr.  Adams,  the  American  Minister;  Messrs, 
Wilson  and  Moran,  Secretaries  of  the  United  States 
Legation  ;  Mr.  Morse,  United  States  Consul  in  Lon- 
don ;  Cyrus  W.  Field,  Dr.  Margown  and  others. 
Letters  of  apology  for  non-attendance  were  read 
from  Earl  Spencer,  Messrs.  Bright,  ScbolefieM  and 
Gibson,  members  of  Parliament;  Mr.  Dayton,  United 
States  Minister  to  Paris  ;  M.  Kossuth,  and  others. 

The  proceedings  were  highly  patriotic,  and  occupy, 
with  the  letters  received,  no  less  than  sixteen  and  a 
half  columns  of  the  London  American,  of  the  26th  ult. 
Speeches  were  made  by  Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
U.  S.  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James;  Rev.  J. 
Simkinson,  Rev.  Dr.  Ferguson,  Dr.  MacGowan,  Geo. 
Thompson,  Esq.,  Hon.  F.  H.  Morse,  (U.  S.  Consul,) 
Cyrus  W.  Field,  Esq.,  Washington  Wilks,  Esq.,  Geo. 
W.  Train,  and  others.  Below  is  Mr.  Thompson's  elo- 
quent and  magnanimous  tribute. 


"WITHERED  BE  THEIR  LAURELS. 

By  turning  to  the  "  Refuge  of  Oppression,"  on  the 
first  page,  our  readers  will  find  what  the  profligate 
and  brazen-faced  Boston  Courier  characteristically 
styles  "an  admirable  proclamation  "  by  L.  M.  Golds- 
borough,  Flag  Officer  Commanding  North  Carolina 
Blockading  Squadron,  and  A.  E.  Burnside,  Brig.  Gen. 
Commanding  Department  North  Carolina.  No  mat- 
ter what  "laurels"  those  officers  have  won,  or  may 
win,  by  thetr  successes,  one  such  proclamation  should 
blast  them  forever.  Mark  what  is  said  in  the  following 
extract : — 

"  They  impose  upon  your  credulity  by  telling  you 
of  wicked  and  even  diabolical  intentions  on  our  part ; 
of  our  desire  to  destroy  your  freedom,  demolish  your 
property,  liberals  your  slaves,  injure  your  women, 
and  such,  like  enormities— -all  of  which,  we  assure  you, 
is  not  only  ridiculous,  but  utterly  and  wilfully  false. 
We  are  Christians  as  ivell  as  yourselves,  and  we  pro- 
fess to  know  full  well,  and  to  feel  profoundly,  the  sa- 
cred obligations  of  the  character." 

There's  a  specimen  of  moral  discrimination  and 
"  Christian  "  principle  for  you  !— placing  the  libera- 
tion of  the  slaves  in  the  category  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  liberty,  the  demolition  of  property,  the  perpe- 
tration of  rape,  "and  such  like  enormities"!  But 
these  gentkmanly  officers  very  significantly  remark- 
addressing  the  rebel  slave-mongers  of  North  Caroli- 
na— "We  are  Christians  as  well  as  yourselves"! 
Precisely  of  the  same  stamp,  beyond  all  cavil  1  And 
they  all  "  feel  profoundly  the  sacred  obligations  of 
the  character,"  precisely  in  the  same  manner  and  to 
the  same  extent.  Such  officers  deserve  to  be  en 
iered  without  delay.  They  are  a  disgrace  to  civil: 
tion,  to  say  nothing  of  Christianity. 


GREAT  MEETING  AT  COOPER  INSTITUTE. 


The  meeting  held  at  Cooper  Institute,  in  New  York, 
on  Thursday  evening  of  last  week,  (it  will  be  seen  by 
the  account  given  in  preceding  columns  from  the  Tri- 
bune,) with  reference  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  es- 
sentia! to  the  peace  and  unity  of  the  republic,  ws 
great  success,  not  only  on  the  score  of  numbers,  but  in 
view  of  its  commanding  intelligence,  talent  and  moral 
weight  of  character.  In  addition  to  the  letters 
ceived,  that  we  have  printed,  was  a  long  one  from  the 
Postmaster  General,  Hon.  Montgomery  Blair,  which, 
being  exactly  adapted  to  the  "Refuge  of  Oppression,' 
we  shall  place  in  that  infamous  department  in  next 
week's  Liberator.  It  is  reeking  with  the  venom  of  ma- 
lignant colorpbobia,  and  impudently  asserts  that  "  this 
jealousy  of  caste  is  the  instinct  of  the  highest  wisdom, 
and  is  fraught  with  the  highest  good  "  1 1  Of  course, 
it  is  in  favor  of  expatriating  the  whole  colored  popula- 
tion tp  some  foreign  territory  !  To  the  colonization  of 
Montgomery  Blair,  there  can  be  no  objection  whatever. 

A  racy  and  spirited  speech  was  made  by  Rev.  Mon- 
cure  D.  Conway,  a  native  of  Virginia,  followed  by  an 
exceedingly  able  and  eloquent  one  by  Hon.  Carl  Sliurz, 
which  occupies  nearly  one  closely  printed  page  of  tho 
Tribune,  and  was  warmly  applauded  throughout. 


SPEECH    OF   MR.    THOMPSON. 
Gentlemen,   I   cannot  say  that  I   am  wholly  unac- 
customed to  public  speaking  ;  but  this  I  can  say,  that 
addressing  meetings  like  the  present  ib  by  no  means 
my    hobby,  and   I  have  frequently  rather    shunned 
gatherings  of  this  kind   than  sought    attendance    at 
them  ;  and   still  less  have  I  ever  felt  inclined  to  make 
meetings  like  this  an  opportunity  of  stating  my  pri- 
vate sentiments.     I  cheerfully  consented,  however,  to 
respond  to  the  toast  of  "  The  President  of  the  United 
States,"  because  I  thought,  in  doing  so,  I  could  dis- 
charge an  individual  feeling,  and  that  I  could,  at   the 
same  time,  speak  with  some  authority  with  regard  to 
the  feelings  of  my  countrymen  at   large.     There  has 
not  been  before  the  world,  for  the   last   fifteen  or  six- 
teen years,  a  man  for  whose  situation  I  have  so  deep- 
ly sympathized  as  the  President  of  the  United  States 
•  of  America.     I  have  bitterly  mourned  over  the  course 
taken  by  many  of  my  countrymen,  who,   ignorant  of 
the  circumstances  in  which  the  President  is  placed, 
have    censured   his     measures,    brought    unfounded 
charges  against  him,  and  rebuked  him  for   weakness 
and  hesitancy,  when  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  be 
was    not  justly    liable  to  any  of  those  imputations. 
(Hear,  hear.)     Were  this  a  mere  formal  toast,  I  should 
have  declined  to  have  any  connection  with  it,  in  the 
way  of  recommending  it  to  an  audience  like  the  pres- 
ent, because  it  is   not  my  wont    to  discharge  these 
mere  formal  duties ;  but  I  am  here  to  declare  my  own 
conviction,  that   Mr.  Lincoln  is  peculiarly  entitled   to 
our    sympathies,    our  respect,   and    our   admiration, 
whether  he  be  regarded  simply  in  bis  own  private 
character,  or  as  the  elect  of  a  great  nation  of  free  and 
united  citizens,  or  in   bis  peculiar  situation  as    Chief 
Magistrate   of  the  United   States    at    thi3    moment. 
(Cheers.)     On   behalf  of  the  people  of  this   country, 
I  may  take  it  upon  myself  to  say  that — whenever  they 
are  fairly  and  fully  informed  with  regard  to  the  circum- 
stances in  which  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  well  as  every  subordi- 
nate office-bearer  in  the  United  States,  is  placed,  by 
his   obligations  to  observe   the    Constitution   of  that 
country,  and  by  the  very  oath   which  he  takes  when 
he   undertakes  to  serve   that  country — whenever  the 
truth  has  been  fairly  and  fully  spoken,  there  has  been 
at  once  a  withdrawal  of  those   imputations  that  have 
been   thrown  upon  the  President.     I  believe  that  this 
country  never  fairly  considered    the    circumstances 
under  which   Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected,  nor   are  they 
aware,  as  they  should  be,  of  the   nature  of  the   obli- 
gations he  has  assumed. 

The  people  of  this  country  are  but  imperfectly  ac- 
quainted with  the  Constitution  of  the  country  to 
which  the  majority  of  this  assembly  belong.  Many 
have  the  impression  that  the  Chief  Magistrate  is  in- 
dividually empowered  to  do  whatever  he  pleases 
with  regard  to  that  great  question  which  lies  at  the  root 
of  the  present  unhappy  conflict,  and  that  he  may  be 
censured  if  he  does  not  exert  that  power.  If  they 
do  not  ascribe  to  the  President  that  power,  they  at 
least  believe  that  the  Congress  possesses  it.  When- 
ever they  are  told  that  neither  the  President  nor  the 
Congress  has  the  power  to  do  what  it  was  always 
competent  for  our  Parliament  to  do,  seeing  that  they 
could  determine  whatever  measure  they  pleased — 
whenever  they  are  informed  of  the  real  state  of  the 
case,  they  can  understand  more  clearly  the  circum- 
stances in  which  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  is  placed. 

With  regard  to  the  sympathy  of  the  people  of  this 
country  with  the  North,  I  assert  that,  so  far  as  the 
industrious  classes  are  concerned,  in  all  the  meetings 
I  have  bold  among  them,  and  in  private  intercourse 
with  them,  I  have  scarcely  ever  discovered,  when  the 
truth  has  been  fairly  placed  before  them,  any  differ- 
ence with  the  people  of  the  North  now  engaged  in 
this  fierce  conflict.  (Hear,  hear.)  If  anything  would 
have  tried  the  loyalty  of  the  people  to  their  princi- 
ples in  regard  to  freedom,  it  is  the  recent  adversity 
that  has  come  upon  our  manufacturing  districts, 
through  the  suspension,  and,  in  fact,  the  entire  stop 
page  of  oue  of  the  greatest  branches  of  manufacture 
in  this  country.  Yet,  from  the  various  meetings 
which  I  have  attended  in  Manchester  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, I  am  able  here  to  declare  that  there  is  the  great- 
est and  most  noble  spirit  of  self-denial  amongst  the 
working  classes  of  this  country.  (Loud  cheers.) — 
Again  and  again  I  have  put  the  question  pointedly, 
and  in  the  plainest  and  direetest  terms, — "  Will  you 
hamper  the  Government  of  the  Uniteil  States,  and 
paralyze  the  people  of  the  North,  or  at  least  distract 
their  attention  and  engage  them  in  two  wars  at  the 
same  time,  by  a  precipitate  recognition  of  these  se- 
ceded States,  or  by  attempting  to  break  the  blockade 
of  tho  .Southern  ports  ?  "  The  reply  has  always  been 
the  same — "No!"  (Loud  cheers.)  There  is  not  a 
sentiment  in  the  English  mind  at  this  time  more  pow- 
erful and  more  universal  than  the  sentiment  of  entire 
non-interference  in  the  present  state  of  affairs.  (Hear, 
hear.) 

I  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  entitled  peculiarly  to 
our  sympathy.  No  other  President  of  the  United 
States — though  each  in  bis  turn  has  had  difficulties  to 
contend  with — was  placed  in  circumstances  so  embar- 
rassing as  those  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  is  placed.  The 
Northern  States  have  been  accused  of  rashness  ;  the 
war  has  been  imputed  to  them ;  the  vices,  the  want  of 
integrity,  and  the  treachery,  which  arc  ascribiible 
solely  to  the  South,  have  been  almost  invariably  as- 
cribed to  the  North — or  it  has  been  attempted  to  be 
shown  that  they  were  equally  conspicuous  for  those 
evils  with  the  South.  But  when  we  look  at  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, called  to  Washington  at  a  time  when  secession 
was  already  resolved  upon,  and  all  the  means  for  ren- 
dering it  an  accomplished  fact  taken  ;  when  the  act 
of  secession  had  actually  been  made  by  some  of  the 
Southern  States,  finding  himself  in  the  Presidential 
chair,  at  the  head  of  a  corrupted  and  in  great  part  a 
treasonable  army,  with  men  around  him  in  every  de- 
partment who  wcce,  many  of  them,  declared  enemies 
to  the  Constitution  which  be  had  sworn  to  preserve — 
wc  behold  a  man  entitled,  under  these  circumstances, 
to  our  collective  and  national  sympathy.     (Cheer*. ) 

Whenever  I  have  endeavored  to  judge  the  conduct 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  of  his  Government,  I  have  felt  it 
my  duty  to  realize  the  circumstances  in  which  they 
are  placed — to  ascertain  carefully  what  are  their  true 
Constitutional  powers,  and  what  are  the  limitations  of 
those  powers — to  place  myself  in  their  circumstances, 
and  to  judge  what  I  would  do  if  I  were  so  placed,  not 
with  reference  to  my  hopes  and  wishes  and  inspira- 
tions, but  with  reference  to  my  ability  on  the  one 
hand,  and  my  obligations  on  the  other.  When  1  have 
judged  Mr.  Lincoln  by  such  a  standard  as  this,  he  may 
not  have  done  in  every  case  that  which  T  may  have  de- 
sired bim  to  do,  yet  I  am  here  prepared  to  siiy  that  1  con- 
gratulate my  American  brethren  that  they  have  in  the 


person  of  Mr.  Lincoln  a  person  pre-eminently  entitled 
to  their  warm  attachment  and  most  cordial  support. 
(Loud  cheers,)  No  one  can  trace  bis  history  without 
speaking  of  him  in  terms  of  admiration.  He  was  first 
of  all  dependent  upon  his  own  industry  as  a  field  la- 
borer, I  believe — a  rail  splitter — he  successively  be- 
came a  soldier,  a  lawyer,  a  representative  in  Congress, 
and  then  President  of  the  United  States.  Without 
abating  one  jot  of  my  fervent  loyalty  to  my  own  sov- 
ereign, I  congratulate  you  that  you  live  under  institu- 
tions in  America  which  enable  every  fond  mother, 
when  she  gazes  on  the  face  of  her  darling  child,  to  see 
in  him  a  possible  heir  apparent  to  the  throne — (laugh- 
ter)— for  I  see  it  so  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  and 
what  has  happened  to  that  orphan  child,  will,  I  hope, 
often  happen  to  distinguished  statesmen  in  those  suc- 
cessive generations  in  which  the  Union  will  last. 
(Hear,  hear.) 

We  are  constantly  told  that  what  is  going  on  in 
America  is  the  result  of  democracy  running  to  seed, 
and  that  all  the  excesses  of  democracy  are  proving  its 
absolute  failure.  If  we  are  to  judge  of  democracy  by 
the  fact  that,  at  the  end  of  seventy-three  years  from 
the  time  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  a  rebellion  has 
arisen,  what  shall  we  say  of  monarchy  on-  the  conti- 
nent of  Europe1?  (Cheers.)  I  maintain  that  your 
glorious  Union  is  disrupted,  not  because  of  the  failure 
of  democracy,  but  because  of  a  defection  from  the 
principles  of  democracy.  (Cheers.)  Why,  sir,  in  one 
of  the  Richmond  papers  some  months  ago,  we  bad  a 
programme  of  their  new  Government — a  very  great 
Government  army,  a  privileged  class,  a  high  qualifica- 
tion for  voters,  and  in  fine  nothing  was  wanting  but  a 
crown  or  a  coronet  to  make  a  monarchical  government 
altogether.  I  maintain,  sir,  that  these  principles  are. 
not  the  principles  of  the  great  North,  and  that  what- 
ever disfigures  the  South,  and  disgraces  the  South, 
and  brings  upon  it  the  just  condemnation  of  mankind, 
is  ascribable  not  to  democracy,  but  to  the  seed  which 
iown  before  the  Revolution  itself,  and  which  has 
grown  into  a  monstrous  and  contemptible  oligarchy. 
(Cheers.) 

I  will  not  touch  upon  the  question  to  which  Dr.  Fer- 
guson has  so  beautifully  referred,  nor  will  I  again 
sound  the  praises  of  my  own  countrymen  ;  but  this  I 
will  say,  sir,  that  I  am  from  my  own  knowledge  cog- 
nizant that  there  is  at  this  time  a  larger  number  of  per- 
sons interested  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  freedom 
in  the  North — men  and  women  who  have  made  great- 
er sacrifices,  and  run  more  risks,  than  ever  existed  in 
this  country  at  any  period  of  our  anti-slavery  exist- 
ence. (Hear,  hear.)  We  are  too  much  misled  by  in- 
dividuals and  the  statements  of  persons  in  authority. 
This  is  not  the  best  mode  of  ascertaining  the  true  state 
of  the  public  mind  in  the  Northern  States.  It  is  not 
from  newspapers  published  in  Philadelphia,  or  Boston, 
or  New  York,  that  you  can  ascertain  the  true  feeling 
that  prevails  in  the  New  England  States.  You  can 
only  get  this  information,  as  I  have  done,  by  travelling 
through  those  States,  and  ascertaining  from  the  peo- 
ple, and  judging  from  their  own  actions,  what  their 
reat  opinions  are. 

I  venture  to  express  a  hope  that,  as  events  are  now 
shaping  themselves,  and  compelling  statesmen  to  at- 
tend to  them  rather  than  control  them,  not  only  that 
your  Union  may  be  restored,  and  certain  of  your  stars 
which  are  now  eclipsed  may  appear  in  the  field  more 
resplendent  than  ever,  but  that  when  that  happy  day 
arrives,  you  may  not  only  rejoice  in  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  Union  at  present  severed  by  traitorous 
hands,  and  of  your  unrivalled  Constitution,  but  that 
you  may  find  that  you  have  not  only  restored  the 
Union,  and  recovered  your  status  as  a  great  nation, 
but  in  the  progress  and  issue  of  this  great  war,  you 
may  secure  also  impartial  and  universal  liberty.  (Loud 
cheers.)  Of  the  success  of  the  North  I  have  no  fear ; 
I  never  had  any  fear.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  could  have 
had  none,  unless  I  had  lost  all  faith  iu  human  progress, 
and  all  belief  in  an  overruling  Providence.  I  know 
that  the  city  of  Boston  alone  could  buy  up  North  Caro- 
lina and  all  her  slaves,  and  that  New  York  could  buy 
up  Virginia,  and  have  thirty  millions  sterling  to  spare. 
I  know  the  blighting  influence  of  slavery  in  the  South ; 
but  I  see  in  the  North  a  display  of  virtue  and  a  deter- 
mination that  their  country  shall  be  regenerated,  and 
I  cannot  doubt  the  issue  of  this  contest.  (Hear,  bear.) 
You  may  have  to  struggle  for  a  while,  but  the  time  is 
coming  when,  in  the  language  of  one  of  our  poets:  — 


thirty  years,  the  most  bitter  discussions  have  been 
carried  on  there,  and  the  Southern  people  were  edu- 
cated to  the  height  of  hatred  on  this  subject.  And 
what  do  the  so-called  Unionists  of  Tennessee  say  T 
"  We  thought  you  were  an  army  of  Abolitionists — 
we  find  you  are  not,  and  we  are  Unionists."  An  ad- 
mission that  they  fought  for  slavery.  Conquer 
South  Carolina,  and  she  will  send  the  same  men  to 
Congress  that  she  did  before.  Let  peace  come  and 
slavery  remain,  and  what  is  the  result?  Five  or  six 
years  hence,  after  intriguing  with  foreign  nations, 
these  Southern  Senators  will  rise  again  witli  more  suc- 
cess than  now.  And,  leaving  that  aside,  a  long  war 
is  full  of  danger  for  republican  institutions. 

We  are  told  by  some  that  the  South  does  not  mean 
anything,  is  not  In  earnest.  It  is  like  the  old  hulk 
that  we  were  told  waB  so  useless,  and  which  came 
out  at  last,  and  sank  two  frigates.  The  South  is  united 
and  in  earnest,  and  it  is  to  the  death.  The  slaves 
will  be  liberated  by  them  before  they  give  up  the 
struggle.  It  is  to-day  a  race  between  Abe  Lincoln 
and  Jeff.  Davis  which  will  arrive  at  emancipation 
first — and  which  does  will  succeed   in  the  end. 

Mr.  Phillips  occupied  an  hour  and  forty  minutes  in 
the  delivery  of  his  speech  :  it  was  a  very  able  effort. 


Like  some  tall  cliff  that  rears  its  awful  form, 
Swells  from  the  vale  and  midwny  meets  the  storm  ;    . 
Though  round  its  breast  the  gathering  clouds  are  spread, 
Eternal  sunshine  settles  on  its  head. 

The  speaker  resumed  his  seat  amidst  loud  applause 


LECTURE  EY  WENDELL  PHILLIPS,  ESQ, 

The  sixth  lecture  before  the  Emancipation  League 
was  delivered  in  the  Music  Hall  on  Monday  evening 
by  Wendell  Phillips,  to  a  large  audience.  The  lec- 
r  commenced  by  saying  that  the  friends  of  the 
Emancipation  League  meet  now  under  the  happiest 
auspices-  All  the  news  that  comes  to  us  is  good,  and 
favorable  to  their  cause.  All  the  signs  of  the  times 
are  on  their  side.  The  only  danger  is,  lest  the  North- 
ern people  should  take  too  much  courage  and  relax 
their  zeal,  trust  in  the  logic  of  events  which  they  may 
think  could  only  result  in  the  emancipation  of  the 
blacks.  This  continent  must  be,  at  no  distant  day, 
under  one  government  and  one  race,  but  it  will  take 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  to  perfect  the  work. 
This  is  a  war  between  the  slaveholders  and  the  influ- 
ence which  their  system  has  persistentlv  exerted  upon 
ten  millions  of  people  for  the  last  thirty  years.  And 
it  never  will  cease  until  the  people  are  abolished,  or 
slaveholders  are.  The  only  end  to  this  war  is  in  the 
total  annihilation  of  one  or  the  other.  There  is  no 
probable  ground  for  believing  that  the  slaveholders 
can  be  converted  ;  they  must  be  expelled,  or  we  must 
wait  until  they  die  out. 

The  contest  between  Kansas  and  Missouri  was  an 
epitome  of  that  now  raging  between  the  North  and 
South.  Missouri  invaded  Kansas,  and  taught  her  to 
fight,  so  that  five  years  of  experience  turned  Kansas 
from  an  army  of  farmers  to  an  army  of  Jayhnwkers, 
which  means  Abolitionists  with  guns  in  their  hands. 
And  he  would  that  all  the  700,000  men  of  the  North 
now  in  arms  were  Jayhawkers. 

Another  cause  for  congratulation  is,  that  now,  for 
the  first  time  in  the  struggle,  the  President  pronounces 
for  us.  From  the  holy  of  holies  at  Washington,  we 
hear  at  hist  a  voice.  And  I,  for  one,  welcome  that 
voice  with  my  whole  heart.  It  is  one  more  sign  of 
promise.  (Applause.)  If  the  President  has  not  en- 
tered Canaan,  he  has  turned  his  face  Zionward. 
(Great  applause.)  In  England,  years  ago,  the  gov- 
ernment spoke  just  such  quiet  words,  and  later  came 
the  struggle  of  eleven  hot  years  before  which  slavery 
went  down.  So  do  we  believe  our  President's  words 
are  the  handwriting  on  the  wall.     (Applause.) 

The  lecturer  further  commented  on  the  proclamation, 
saying  that  by  it  the  President  says  in  effect;  "Gen- 
tlemen of  the  border  States,  now  is  your  time.  If 
you  want  your  money,  take  it,  and  if  hereafter  I  should 
take  your  slaves  without  paying,  don't  say  I  Hid  not 
offer  to  do  it." 

Another  bow  of  promise.  This  proclamation  comos 
unexpected,  unannounced,  like  a  thunderbolt  in  the 
clear  sky,  and  from  the  entire.  Northern  press  goes  up 
the  voice  of  approval.  This  shows  that  the  North  is 
ready  to  follow  where  the  President  lends ;  and  who 
can  tell  whither  the  next  step  will  fall '? 

The  President's  proclamation  is  wonderfully  sug- 
gestive, immensely  pregnant  with  ideas.  We  have 
been  told  for  the  last  fifty  years  that  we  must  deal 
with  shivery  according  to  (he  strict  totter  of  the  Con- 
stitution ;  but  where  does  the  President  find  any  au- 
thority for  paying  the  slaveholders  of  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee  for  their  slaves,  or  for  aiding  people  to  get 
rid  of  a  nuisance?  The  first  line  of  the  message  re- 
cognizes the  existence  of  a  necessity  which  gives  us 
powers  utterly  beyond  the  Constituliou. 

The  Southern  strength  and  purpose  have  not  been 
■TOUted  in  vain.  The  root  of  the  lack  of  apprecia- 
tion is  a  lurking  belief  in  the  idea  that  the  South  is 
not  united.  Now,  for  all  practical  pUIpOTOB,  (he  It  as 
much  ii  unit  as  we  were  in  the  Revolution.     During 


LETTER  PE0M  MES,  PEAN0ES  D.  GAGE. 

Fkiend  Garrison: 

Having  been  absent  from  home  for  three  weeks, 
lecturing  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  I  have  lost 
the  weekly  reading  of  the  Liberator,  and  now  have  all 
the  good  things  in  the  three  last  numbers  to  refresh 
me  at  once.     I  am  glad  that  you  are  not  as  despond- 
ing as  some  of  our  Eastern  friends  over  the  war.  What 
if  the  Government  is  standing  still,  the  minds  of  the 
people   are  not.     I  sometimes  feel  that  now,  as  in  the 
olden  time,  "the  Lord  is  hardening  the  hearts  of  the 
Pharaohs "    of   this   nation,    that  they   shall  not   let 
the  bondmen  go  free,  that  the  people  may  have  time 
to  become  converted  to  the   great  idea  that  underlies 
the  whole  of  this  turmoil — "  Salvation  to  the  slave." 
The  feeling  of  the  people  in  the  towns  and  villages, 
on  the  farms  and  in  the  shops,  is  intense  against  that 
"masterly  inactivity"  that  prevails  at  Washington ; 
and  the  gingerly  manner  in  which  our  white-gloved 
military   aristocracy    handle  the    secession  gentry  is 
growing  daily  more  offensive  to  those  whose  sons  and 
brothers  are  spilling  their  blood   to  subdue  this  rebel- 
lion.    The  women   seem  thoroughly  aroused,  and  the 
chat  around  the  fireside  shows  the   progress  of  anti- 
slavery  feeling  in  the  few  months  past.     Slavery  and 
its  consequences  is  the  talk,  and  it  is  rarely  that  you 
hear  any  one  of  the  non-voting  half  of  humanity  ad- 
vocating the  perpetuity  of  the  peculiar  institution — 
now  and  then  one;  but  she  is  the  minority,  not  the 
majority,  in  these  regions.     True,  all  have  not  grown 
up  to  the  full  stature   of  immediate  emancipationists, 
but   most  are    ready   to   declare  that  freedom  must 
come  in  some  shape,  and  to  acknowledge  that  slavery 
is  the  corner-stone  of  rebellion,  and  must  be  torn  np 
ere  the  monstrous  fabric  can  be  utterly  demolished. 
In  parlors  and  kitchens,  at  soirees  and  Boldiers'  aid 
socials,  at  mite  societies  and  churcb  festivals,  this  talk 
comes  in  to  fill  all  the  gaps  in  conversation.     Rather 
let  me  say  it  is  the  conversation,  and  other  things  fill 
the  gaps. 

The  remark  often  falls  upon  my  ears,  when  some 
spirited  woman  has  given  utterance  to  her  heart's 
convictions  on  this  all-absorbing  subject — "  Why,  you 
are  as  rank  as  Garrison  in  your  abolition,"  or  "  You 
are  as  fanatical  as  Wendell  Phillips."  Possibly  she 
will  repel,  with  indignation,  the  terrible  impeachment, 
and  declare  she  is  not  an  Abolitionist — not  she ;  but 
she  never  did  believe  slavery  was  right,  and  she 
wishes  that  every  slave  in  the  United  States  was  free 
this  very  minute,  and  if  she  was  Abraham  Lincoln, 
it  should  be  done  double  quick  !  Not  an  Abolitionist  I 
The  rauk  old  pro-slavery  men,  who  bated  the  anti- 
slavery  advocates  a  few  months  ago  as  a  mad  dog 
hates  the  running  stream,  now  declare  that  something 
must  be  done,  and  frankly  admit  that  Emancipation  is 
but  a  question  of  time  and  of  fact  now. 

A  few  days  since,  I  listened  to  a  spesch  from  a 
Southern  Ohio  Colonel,  right  from  Gouley,  Va.  He 
had  left  his  regiment,  and  was  home  recruiting.  He 
had  been  an  old  "stump  speaker,"  as  we  call  the  pol- 
iticians of  the  West.  "  Two  years  ago,"  said  he,  "  as 
you  all  remember,  I  used  to  make  speeches,  and  often 
iu  this  hall,  too,  for  Stephen  A.  Douglas;  and  I  took 
great  pains  to  make  you  believe,  for  I  believed  it 
nyself,  that  the  negro  was  not  a  man,  only  a  sort  of 
uperior  beast,  or  ourang  outang,  or  something  like 
that.  But  I  tell  you,  boys,  I  have  changed  my  mind. 
If  you  had  been  with  me  in  Virginia,  you  would  have 
been  taught  better,  as  I  have  been,  and  learned  to 
know  he  was  a  man,  and  his  freedom  as  well  worth 
fighting  for  as  yours  or  mine.  Yes,  Sir,  we  were  all 
mistaken.  It 's  not  the  negro  that  can't  take  care  of 
himself,  it's  the  master  that  can't  live  without  him. 
(Cheers.)  Cheer  away  1  I  am  telling  you  facts,  and 
I  ask  you  to  join  our  company  and  march  with  us  to 
the  battle-field,  and  when  we  have  conquered  these 
hard-hearted  rebels,  and  unchained  every  slave,  we 
shall  only  have  atoned  for  the  wrong  we  did  as  politi- 
cians in  tlie  days  gone  by."  And  this  man  was  born 
in  Kentucky,  (though  brought  up  in  Ohio  by  pro-sla- 
very parents,)  and  w^s  making  this  speech  to  an  au- 
dience sadly  pro-slavery  in  sentiment  and  feeling  be- 
fore the  war.  Let  us  take  heart !  Tins  war  acts  like 
a  long  and  welt  kept  up  Protracted  Meeting,  and  is 
daily  bringing  the  hardened  sinners  to  the  anxious 
seat;  the  conviction  is  deep,  and  if  the  meeting  is  only 
kept  up  long  enough,  wc  may  hope  for  thorough  con- 
versions. F.  D.  G. 
Columbus,  0.,  March  4th,  1SG2. 


LE0TUEES  BY  AAEON  M.  POWELL. 

New  Rochellk,  (N.  Y.)  2d  mo.  7th,  18G2. 

Dear  Garrison — Believing  that  a  brief  account 
of  a  few  Anti-Slavery  meetings,  recently  held  in 
West  Chester  county  by  Aaron  M.  Towell,  accompa- 
nied by  his  wife,  would  be  interesting  to  some,  I  will 
therefore  endeavor  to  do  it  in  as  few  words  as  possi- 
ble. 

On  the  evenings  of  the  27th  and  28th  of  last 
month,  two  meetings  were  held  iu  the  town  of  New 
lloehelle.  In  consequence  of  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  these  meetings  were  very  small  ;  there 
were,  however,  a  few  intensely  earnest  listeners; 
amongst  the  number  was  a  score  of  fugitives.  It  was 
indeed  a  luxurious  feast  to  them.  But  the  communi- 
ty generally  are  in  a  very  lukewarm  state,  sadly  af- 
flicted with  colorpbobia.  Very  few  are  willing  to 
sign  an  Anti-Slavery  petition.  It  would  seem  almost 
as  if  the  stones  were  crying  out  against  them,  for  the 
monument  in  this  town,  erected  to  the  memory  of 
Thomas  Paine,  has  been  covered  all  over  with  choice 
sentences,  selected  from  his  political  writings,  and 
made  to  speak  in  favor  of  freedom  and  humanity. 

The  following  arc  extracts  taken  from  the  monu- 
ment : — 

"These  are  the  times  that  try  men's  souls." 

"  The  summer  soldier  and  the  sunshine  patriot  will, 
in  this  crisis,  shrink  from  the  service  of  their  country  ; 
hut  he  who  stands  it  now  deserves  the  thanks  of  man 
and  woman." 

"Tyrsany,  like  belt,  is  not  easily  conquered;  yet 
we  have  (his  consolation  with  us,  thai  the  harder  tho 
conflict,  the  more  glorious  the  triumph.  What  wo 
obtain  too  cheaply,  we  esteem  too  lightly  :  it  is  dear- 
noss  only  that  gives  everything  its  value.  Heaven 
knows  how  to  sot  a  proper  price  upon  its  goods  ;  and 
it  would  bo  strange  indeed,  if  so  celestial  nn  article 
as  freedom  should  not  be  highly  rated," 

On  the  1st  and  2d  of  this  month,  two  very  good 
meetings  were  held  at  Chapaqua;  in  which  the  gos- 
pel of  liberty  and  humanity  WSJ  earnestly  and  elo- 
quently preached  to  very  attentive  audiences,  made 
up  mostly,    I  think,    of  liberals   and    mm  professors. 

Tho  slave  finds  but  few  friends  oonotttad  with  the 

Churches ;  Ihoir  doors,  with  few  exceptions,  are 
closed  against  him,  and  he  and  his  friends  kmvk  in 
vain  for  admission.  I  think  I  shall  not  lie  charged 
with  a  hick  of  charity  if  I  pronounce  such  Christianity 
one  of  the  greatest  humbugs  in  the  world. 
Yorv  cordially  and  truly  thy  friend. 

JOSEPH  CARPENTER. 


i.ruijiTii^fcvnn 


MAECH  14. 


THE    LIBERA.TOH 


44 


GEN.  FREMONT'S  DEFENCE. 
The  New  York  Tribune  March  2d  publishes  Gen- 
eral Fremont's  statement,  presented  to  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  in  defence  of  his  course 
while  administering  the  military  affaire  of  the  West- 
ern Department,  it,  with  documents,  occupies  five 
closely-printed  pages  of  that  journal,  and  of  course  we 
can  only  make  a  brief  synopsis  of  so  voluminous  a 
document ; — 

"Gen  Fremont  was  assigned  to  the  command  in 
July  last.  The  Department  then  comprised,  with  Il- 
linois, all  the  States  and  territories  west  of  the  Missis- 
sippi river  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  including  New 
Mexico.  He  was  furnished  with  no  plan  of  a  cam- 
paign. Full  discretionary  powers  were  given  him. 
'Of  the  Illinois  contingent  of  troop*,  seven  thousand 
were  unarmed.  Their  cavalry  was  without  horses 
or  sabres,  their  artillery  companies  had  hardly  any 
guns,  and  were  wholly  without  equipments.'  He  pro- 
cured an  order  for  seven  thousand  stand  Of  arms. 
The  order  was  countermanded  on  his  arrival  at  New 
York.  On  his  representation,  Major  Hagncr  was 
sent  to  New  York  to  aid  him  in  procuring  what  he 
deemed  necessary.  With  this  aid,  Gen.  Fremont  ar- 
ranged for  arms  and  equipments  to  be  sent  to  St. 
Louis  sufficient  for  the  complete  equipment  of  an 
army  corps  of  twenty -three  thousand  men. 

"  He  received  permission  from  Gen.  Scott  to  take 
the  field  immediately,  and  reached  his  command  at 
St.  Louis  on  the  25th  of  July.  Missouri  throughout 
was  then  a  rebellious  State.  Of  the  Federal  troops, 
few  were  then  in  the  field,  the  term  of  the  three 
months'  men  was  then  expiring,  and  the  rebels  had 
fifty  thousand  men  on  the  southern  frontier  of  the 
State.  Gen.  Pope  was  in  northern  Missouri,  with 
nearly  all  the  disposable  Federal  troops.  Gen.  Lyon 
was  at  Springfield  with  seven  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred: Gen.  Prentiss  at  Cairo  with  seven  regiments. 
Lyon's  and  Prentiss'  men  were  nearly  all  three  months' 
men,  whose  term  of  enlistment  was  about  expiring. 
Arms  and  money  were  wanted,  but  men  offered  in 
abundance.  Tire  three  months'  men  had  not  been 
paid.  The  Home  Guards  were  willing  to  remain  in 
the  service,  but  their  families  were  destitute.  Gen. 
Fremont  wrote  to  the  President,  stating  his  difficul- 
ties, and  informing  him  that  he  should  peremptorily 
order  the  United  States  Treasurer  there  to  pay  over 
to  his  Paymaster  General  the  money  in  his  posses- 
sion, sending  a  force  at  the  same  time  to  take  the 
motley.  He  received  no  reply,  and  assumed  that  his 
purpose  was  approved. 

"  Five  days  after  he  arrived  at  St.  Louis,  he  went 
to  Cairo,  taking  three  thousand  eight  hundred  men 
for  its  reinforcement.  He  says  that  Springfield  was 
a  week's  march,  and  before  lie  could  have  reached  it, 
Cairo  would  have  been  taken  by  the  rebels,  and  per- 
haps St.  Louis.  He  returned  to  St.  Louis  on  the  4th 
of  August,  having  in  the  meantime  ordered  two  reg- 
iments to  the  relief  of  Gen.  Lyon,  and  set  himself 
to  work  at  St.  Louis,  to  provide  further  reinforce- 
ments for  him  ;  but  he  claims  that  Lyon's  defeat  can- 
not be  charged  to  his  administration,  and  quotes  from 
a  letter  from  Gen.  Lyon,  dated  on  the  9th  of  August, 
expressing  the  belief  that  he  would  be  compelled  to 
retire.  Also,  from  a  letter  written  by  Lyon's  adju- 
tant-general, in  which  he  says,  '  Gen.  Fremont  was 
not  inattentive  to  the  situation  of  Gen.  Lyon's  col- 
umn.' 

He  shows  that  the  purchase  of  the  Austrian  guns 
was  a  necessity.  After  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek, 
expecting  the  enemy  would  immediately  advance,  he 
fortified  Girardeau,  Ironton,  Holla  and  Jefferson  City, 
making  St.  Louis  his  base,  and  leaving  the  army  free 
for  operations  in  the  field,  and  claims  that  the  neces- 
sity of  these  fortifications  had  been  concurred  in  by 
officers  of  unimpeachable  loyalty  and  capacity.  With 
respect  to  the  allegation  that  the  work  on  the  fortifi- 
cations of  St.  Louis  was  done  under  his  own  personal 
direction,  and  the  payments  made  on  his  personal 
order,  he  quotes  from  a  letter  of  we  believe  a  subse- 
quent date  (Sept.  3)  from  Mr.  Blair,  telling  him  that 
Gen.  Meigs  wishes  him  to  contract  for  certain  guns 
personally,  telling  the  contractor  that  his  ordnance 
officer  would  pay  for  them,  as  showing  that  Ins  power 
so  to  act  was  recognized. 

"  The  cost  of  the  works  was  about  .¥300,000,  and 
considering  the  time  and  manner  in  which  they  were 
built,  General  Fremont  thinks  the  money  was  well 
applied.  He  explains  his  purchase  of  arms  that  had 
been  sold  by  the  Government,  and  which  was  one  of 
the  principal  charges  against  him,  we  think  satisfac- 
torily. 

"  The  turbulent  condition  of  the  State  at  the  end  of 
August  induced  him  to  proclaim  martial  law.  Up  to 
the  10th  of  September,  he  felt  no  alarm  about  the 
safety  of  Jefferson  City  or  St.  Louis.  General  Price 
was  still  upon  the  Upper  Osage,  and  General  Fre- 
mont was  organizing  a  force  to  march  against  him  to 
force  him  to  retreat,  or  to  cut  off  his  communications 
■with  Arkansas.  Want  of  transportation,  arms  and 
money  delayed  the  movement.  Paducah,  Fort  Holt, 
and  Western  Kentucky,  where  lodgment  had  been  ef- 
fected, and  Northern  Missouri,  tasked  his  resources  to 
the  utmost.  On  the  11th  of  September,  he  heard  that 
Price  had  arrived  at  Clinton  ;  on  the  12th,  that  Col. 
Mulligan  had  reached  Lexington,  and  that  Price  was 
near  Warrensburg,  with  a  force  of  from  five  thousand 
to  fifteen  thousand  men.  On  the  13th,  two  regiments 
were  ordered  to  the  relief  of  Lexington. 

"  On  the  14th,  General  Sturgis  was  ordered  to  move 
with  all  speed  upon  Lexington  ;  and  on  the  same  day, 
'  in  the  midst  of  all  this  demand  for  troops,  he  (I)  was 
ordered  by  the  Secretary  of  War  and  General  Scott 
to  send  five  thousand  well-armed  infantry  to  Wash- 
ington without  a  moment's  delay.'  He  sent  them. 
He  had  at  that  time  a  total  force  of  nearly  sixty  thou- 
sand men.  Here  follows  a  remonstrance  against  ex- 
pecting any  General  to  be  always  successful,  and  an 
averment  that  general  and  great  success  had  resulted 
from  his  administration,  and  that  he  was  on  the  eve  of 
yet  greater  things  when  he  was  relieved  of  his  com- 
mand. 

"  The  documents  that  accompany  General  Fre- 
mont's defence  are  very  numerous.  They  throw  con- 
siderable light  upon  the  internal  working  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  department.  On  the  13th  of  June, 
General  McClellan  telegraphed  General  Lyon  as  fol- 
lows :  'If  you  wish  more  troops  from  Illinois,  in- 
form me  at  Cincinnati.  Don't  telegraph  direct  to  any 
of  my  subordinates,  unless  danger  is  imminent.' 
Then  follow  a  number  of  dispatches  between  various 
officers  detailing  their  wants,  movements  and  inten- 
tions. All  General  McClellan's  dispatches  are  fine 
specimens  of  compression  and  decision.  Inadispatch 
from  Booneville,  dated  July  2,  Gen.  Lyon  urges  the 
suppression  of  the  State  Journal,  and  says  that  the 
Union  cause  is  suffering  from  too  much  indulgence. 

"On  the  6th  of  July,  Gen.  Harding  telegraphs  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  urging  the  necessity  of  cavalry 
regiments  for  prairie  service,  and  saying  that  much 
has  been  lost  for  want  of  them.  About  the  15th  of 
July,  the  various  Generals  inquire  of  each  other  about 
the  truth  of  the  report  that  Gen.  Fremont  had  been 
appointed  to  command  them.  They  all  appear  to  be 
working  together  harmoniously,  cheerfully  and  vigor- 
ously. On  the  26th  of  July,  Mr.  Blair  telegraphs 
Fremont  from  Washington  that  he  can  get  no  at- 
tention to  Missouri  or  Western"  matters  from  the  au- 
thorities, and  adding  :  "You  will  have  to  do  the  be_st 
you  can,  and  take  all  needful  responsibility  to  defend 
and  protect  the  people  over  whom  you  are  specially 
set." 

"  Gen.  Lyon  complains  frequently  that  his  men  have 
not  been  paid,  that  their  clothes  are  worn  out,  and 
that  they  arc  becoming  dispirited  on  account  of  the 
neglect.  On  the  6th  of  August,  the  President's  pri- 
vate secretary  telegraphs  to  Gen.  Frement,  "The 
President  desires  to  know  briefly  the  situation  of  affairs 
in  the  region  of  Cairo;  please  answer."  We  do  not 
find  that  this  inquiry  was  answered  by  the  General. 

"  Some  remarkable  communications  from  the  Hon. 
Montgomery  Biair  to  Gen.  Fremont  appear  in  this 
publication.  It  is  very  clear  that  at  the  dates  of  these 
communications,  Mr.  Blair  was  Fremont's  warm 
friend,  and  he  indulges  in  comments  upon  '  the  au- 
thorities' at  Washington  that  we  feel  sure  are  unfair, 
and  certainly  are  not  creditable  to  the  writer.  In  a 
letter  dated  August  2d,  Mr.  Blair  says  : 

'  Chase  has  more  horror  of  seeing  Treasury  notes 
below  par  than  of  seeing  soldiers  killed,  and  there- 
fore has  held  back  too  much,  I  think.  I  don't  believe 
at  all  in  that  style  of  managing  the  Treasury.  It  de- 
pends on  the  war,  and  it  is  better  to  get  ready  and 
beat  the  enemy  by  selling  stocks  at  fifty  per  cent,  dis- 
count than  wait  and  negotiate  and  lose  a  battle.  I  have 
got  you  a  splendid  officer  for  your  Navy  Department, 
and  guns.  He  will  be  en  route  for  you  in  a  day  or 
two,  when  he  will  be  posted  up  and  call  for  what  you 
want.  You  will  have  credit  at  the  Navy  Department 
when  you  get  him  under  you. 

****** 
'  You  must  not  expect  too  much  of  me  in  the  Cab- 
inet. I  have,  as  you  know,  very  little  influence,  and 
even  now,  when  the  policy  I  have  advocated  from 
the  first  is  being  inaugurated,  it  does  not  seem  to  bring 
me  any  great  power  over  the  Administration.  This, 
I  can  see,  is  partly  my  own  fault.  I  have  been 
too  obstreperous,  perhaps,  in  my  opposition,  and  men 
do  not  like  those  who  have  exposed  their  mistakes  be- 
forehand, and  taunt  them  with  them  afterward-  The 
main  difficulty,  however,  is  with  Lincoln  himself. 
He  is  of  the  Whig  school,  and  that  brings  him  nat- 
urally not  only  to  incline  to  the  feeble  policy  of  Whigs, 
but  to  give  his  confidence  to  such  advisers.  It  costs 
me  a  great  deal  of  labor  to  get  anything  done,  because 
of  the  inclination  of  mind  on  the  part  of  the  Presi- 
dent or  leading  members  of  the  Cabinet,  including 
Chase,  who  never  voted  a  Democratic  ticket  in  his 
life.  But  you  have  the  people  at  your  back,  and  I  am 
doing  all  1  can  to  cut  red  tape,  and  get  things  done. 
I  will  be  more  civil  and  patient  than  heretofore,  and 
see  if  that  won't  work.'" 

In  conclusion,  Gen.  Fremont  says — "  I  do  not  feel 
that  in  any  case  I  overstepped  the  authority  intended 
to  be  confided  to  me.  Myself,  and  the  officers  and  men 
acting  with  me,  were  actuated  solely  by  a  desire  to 
serve  the  country  ;  and  I  feel  assured  that  this  is  real 
ized  by  the  people  of  the  West,  among  whom  wc  were 
acting."     Ilia  defence  is  triumphant. 


MESSAGE  FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

FROrOSALTO  AID  THE    STATES    IN   THE  ABOLISHMENT 
OP    SLAVERY. 

Wasiiinoton,  March  tith.     The  President  to-day 
transmitted  to  Congress  the  following  message: — 
Fellow- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  recommend  the  adoption  of  a  joint  resolution  by 
your  honorable  bodies,  which  shall  be  substantially  as 
follows : — 

Resolved,  That  the  Uaited  States  ought  to  co-operate 
with  any  Stato  which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of 
slavery,  giving  to  such  State  pecuniary  aid  to  bo  used  by 
such  State  in  its  discretion  to  compensate  for  the  incon- 
veniences, public  and  private,  produced  by  such  chiuige  of 
aystoui. 

If  the  proposition  contained  in  the  resolution  does 
not  meet  the  approval  of  Congress  and  the  country, 
there  is  the  end;  but  if  it  does  command  such  approval, 
I  deem  it  of  importance  that  the  States  and  people  im- 
mediately interested  should  be  at  once  distinctly  noti- 
fied of  the  fact,  so  that  they  may  begin  to  consider 
whether  to  acceptor  reject  it,  The  Federal  Govern- 
ment would  find  its  highest  interest  in  such  a  measure, 
as  one  of  the  most  efficient  means  of  self-preservation. 
The  leaders  of  the  existing  insurrection  entertain  the 
hope  that  the  Government  will  ultimately  be  forced  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  some  part  of  (he  dis- 
affected region,  and  that  all  the  slave  States  north  of 
such  parts  will  then  say,  "The  Union  for  which  we 
have  struggled  being  already  gone,  we  now  choose  to 
go  with  the  Southern  section."  To  deprive  them  of  this 
hope  substantially  ends  the  rebellion,  and  the  initiation 
of  emancipation  completely  deprives  them  of  it,  as  to 
all  the  States  initiating  it.  The  point  is,  not  that  all 
the  States  tolerating  slavery  would  very  soon,  if  at  all, 
initiate  emancipation,  but  that  while  the  offer  is  equal- 
ly made  to  all,  the  more  northern  shall,  by  such  initia- 
tion, make  it  certain  to  the  more  southern,  that  in  no 
event  will  the  former  ever  join  the  latter  in  their 
proposed  Confederacy,  because,  in  my  judgment, 
gradual  and  not  sudden  emancipation  is  better  for 
all.  In  the  mere  financial  or  pecuniary  view,  any 
member  of  Congress,  with  the  census  tables  and  the 
Treasury  reports  before  him,  can  readily  see  for  him- 
self how  very  soon  the  current  expenditures  of  this 
war  would  purchase,  at  a  fair  valuation,  all  the  slaves 
in  any  named  State.  Such  a  proposition  on  the  part 
of  the  Genera!  Government  sets  up  no  claim  of  aright 
by  Federal  authority  to  interfere  with  slavery  within 
State  limits,  referring  as  it  does  the  absolute  control  of 
the  subject  in  each  ease  to  the  State  and  its  people  im-- 
mediately  interested.  It  is  proposed  as  a  matter  of  per- 
fectly free  choice  with  them.  In  the  annual  message 
of  last  December,  I  thought  fit  to  say,  "  The  Union 
must  he  preserved,  and  hence  all  indispensable  means 
must  be  employed."  I  said  this  not  hastily,  but  delib- 
erately. War  has  been  and  continues  to  be  an  indis- 
pensable means  to  this  end.  A  practical  reticknowledg- 
ment  of  the  National  authority  would  render  the  war 
unnecessary,  and  it  would  at  once  cease.  If,  however, 
resistance  continues,  the  war  must  also  continue,  and 
it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the  incidents  which  may 
attend  and  all  the  ruin  which  may  follow  it.  Suchas 
may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  obviously  promise 
great  efficiency  towards  ending  the  struggle,  must  and 
wilt  come.  The  proposition  ■  now  made,  though  an 
offer  only,  I  hope  it  may  be  esteemed  no  offence  to  ask 
whether  the  pecuniary  consideration  tendered  would 
not  be  of  more  value  to  the  States  and  private  persons 
concerned  than  are  the  institution  and  property  in  it 
in  the  present  aspect  of  affairs.  While  it  is  true  that 
the  adoption  of  the  proposed  resolution  would  be  mere- 
ly initiatory,  and  not  within  itself  a  practical  measure, 
it  is  recommended  in  the  hope  that  it  would  soon  lead 
to  important  results. 

In  full  view  of  my  great  responsibility  to  my  God 
and  my  country,  I  earnestly  beg  the  attentiou  of  Con- 
gress and  the  people  to  the  subject. 

(Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  the  House,  on  Friday,  Mr.  Eoscoe  Conkling, 
of  New  York,  asked  leave  to  offer  the  following : — 

Kesolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co- 
operate with  any  State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual 
abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such  State  pecuni-, 
ary  aid  to  be  used  by  such  State  in  its  discretion  to 
compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  pri- 
vate, produced  by  such  change  of  system. 

The  rules  were  suspended  for  that  purpose,  86 
against  35. 

The  motion  to  postpone  the  consideration  of  the 
resolution  was  spiritedly  discussed,  but  without  com- 
ing to  a  decision,  the  House  adjourned. 

The  next  day,  the  House  refused  to  postpone  until 
Monday,  and,  after  further  debate,  the  resolution  was 
passed— 88  against  31. 

J^=The  Emancipation  Message  of  the  President 
is  regarded  among  the  Foreign  Ministers  as  an  epoch, 
and  calculated  to  produce  a  profound  impression  in 
Europe.  It  was  made  the  subject  of  dispatches  from 
all  the  Legations  by  the  last  steamer. 


A  LETTER  FROM  SENATOR  SUMNER. 

Wa.  M.  Wermersklihch,  Esq.,  Corresponding  Secre- 
tary of  the  German  Republican  Central  Committee, 
New  York.  . 

Sir, — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  the  resolution 
unanimously  passed  by  the  German  Republican  Cen- 
tral Committee  of  New  York,  declaring  their  adhesion 
to  certain  principles  presented  by  me  to  the  Senate  on 
the  relation  between  the  United  States  and  the  Terri- 
tory once  occupied  by  certain  States,  and  now  usurped 
by  pretended  Governments,  without  constitutional  or 
legal  right. 

I  pray  you  to  let  the  Committee  know  my  gratitude 
for  the  prompt  and  generous  support  which  they  have 
given  to  these  principles.  The  Germans,  throughout 
our. long  contest  with  slavery,  have  been  not  only 
earnest  and  true,  but  they  have  always  seen  the  great 
question  in  its  true  character  and  importance.  With- 
out them  our  cause  would  not  have  triumphed  at  the 
last  Presidential  election.  It  is  only  natural,  there- 
fore, that  they  should  continue  to  guard  and  advance 
this  cause.  But  where  so  many  persons  fail  and  hesi- 
tate, it  is  most  gratifying  to  find  a  Committee  so  dis- 
tinguished as  yours  ready  again  to  enter  into  the  con- 
test for  Human  Rights. 

Accept  the  assurance  of  the  respect  with  which  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  faithfully  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 
Senate  Chamber,  Feb.  25,  1862. 


DESPERATE  NAVAL  FIGHT    IN   HAMPTON 

ROADS. 
The.  U.  S.  Frigate  Comnu   Captured  and  Burned,   and 

the  Cumber/and  Sunk,  with  200  of  fan-    Crew   Drowned, 

hi/  the  Iron-Glad  Rebel  Steamer  Merrimac— Opportune 

Arrival  of  the  Ericsson  Marine  Battery  "Monitor," 

and  her  Victorious  Engagement. 

Fortress  Monroe,  March  8.  The  dullness  of 
Old  Point  was  startled  at  10  o'clock  to-day  by  the 
announcement  that  a  mysterious  vessel,  supposed  to 
he  the  Merrimac,  looking  like  a  submerged  house, 
with  the  roof  only  above  water,  was  moving  down 
from  Norfolk  by  the  channel  in  front  of  Sewall's 
Point  batteries.  Signal  guns  were  also  fired  by  the 
Cumberland  and  Congress  to  notify  the  Minnesota, 
St.  Lawrence  and  Roanoke  of  approaching  danger, 
and  all  was  excitement  in  and  about  Fortress  Monroe. 

There  was  nothing  protruding  above  the  water  but 
a  flagstaff  flying  the  rebel  flag,  and  a  short  smoke- 
stack. She  moved  along  slowly,  and  turning  into  the 
channel  leading  to  Newport  News,  steamed  directly 
for  the  frigates  Cumberland  and  Congress,  which 
were  lying  at  the  mouth  of  James  river.  As  soon  as 
she  came  within  range  of  the  Cumberland,  the  latter 
opened  on  her  with  her  heavy  guns,  but  the  balls 
struck  and  glanced  off',  having  no  more  effect  on  her 
than  peas  from  a  popgun.  Her  ports  were  all  closed^ 
and  she  moved  on  in  silence,  but  with  a  full  head  of 
team. 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  Merrimac  was  approaching 
our  two  frigates  on  one  side,  the  iron-clad  steamers 
Yorktown  and  Jamestown  came  down  James  river, 
and  engaged  our  frigates  on  the  other  side.  The  bat- 
teries at  Newport  News  also  opened  on  the  James- 
town and  Yorktown,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  as- 
sist the  Cumberland  and  Congress,  which,  being  sail- 
ing vessels,  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  approaching 
steamers. 

The  Merrimac  in  the  meantime  kept  steadily  on 
her  course,  and  slowly  approached  the  Cumberland, 
when  she  and  the  Congress,  at  the  distance  of  100 
yards,  rained  full  broadsides  on  the  iron-clad  monster. 
The  shot  took  no  effect,  glancing  upward  and  flying 
off,  having  only  the  effect  to  check  her  progress  for  the 
nent.  After  receiving  the  first  broadside  of  the 
two  frigates,  she  ran  into  the  Cumberland^ striking 
her  about  midships,  and  literally  laying  open  her  sides. 
She  then  drew  off,  fired  a  broadside  into  the  disabled 
hip,  and  again  dashed  against  her  with  her  iron-clad 
prow,  and,  knocking  in  her   side,   left   her   to  sink, 

bile  she  engaged  the  Congress,  which  lay  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  distant. 

The  Congress  in  the  meantime  kept  up  a  sharp  en- 
gagement with"  the  Yorktown  and  Jamestown,  and 
having  no  regular  crew  on  board  of  her,  and  seeing 
the  hopelessness  of  resisting  the  iron-clad  steamer,  at 
once  struck  her  colors.  Her  crew  had  been  dis- 
charged several  days  before,  and  three  companies  of 
the  Naval  Brigade  had  been  put  on  board  temporarily, 
until  she   could  be   relieved    by   the   St.   Lawrence, 

Inch  was  to  have  gone  up  on  Monday  to  take  her 
position  as  one  of  the  blockading  vessels  of  James 
river.  On  the  Congress  striking  her  colors,  the 
Jamestown  approached,  and  took  from  on  board  her 
all  her  officers  as  prisoners,  but  allowed  the  crew  to 
escape  in  boats.  The  vessel  being  thus  cleared  was 
fired  by  the  rebels. 

The  Merrimac.  and  her  two  iron-clad  companions 
then  opened  with  shot  and  shell  on  Newport  News 
batteries,  which  briskly  returned  the  fire. 

In  the  meantime,  the  steam  frigate  Minnesota  hav- 

g  partly  got  up  steam,  was  being  towed  to  the  relief 
of  the  two  frigates,  but  did  not  get  up  until  too  late  to 
assist  them.  She  was  also  followed  up  by  the  frigate 
St.  Lawrence,  which  was  taken  in  tow  by  several  of 
the  small  harbor  steamers. 

In  the  meantime,  night  approached,  though  the 
moon  shone  brightly,  and  nothing  but  the  occasional 
flashing  of  the  guns  could  be  seen.  The  Merrimac 
was  believed  to  be  aground,  as  she  remained  stationa- 
ry at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the  Minnesota,  mak- 
ing no  attempt  to  attack  or  molest  her.  The  Minne- 
sota and  St.  Lawrence  were  both  aground,  at  the  same 

ne,  on  Sewall's  Point. 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  Minnesota,  with  her 
picked  and  gallant  crew,  to  run  into  close  quarters 
v?ith  the  Merrimac,  avoid  her  iron  prow,  and  board 
her.  .  This  the  Merrimac  seemed  not  inclined  to  give 
her  an  opportunity  to  do,  being  afraid  to  have  the 
Minnesota  crew  approach  her  at  close  quarters  when 
aground. 

The  rebel  battery  at  Pig  Point  was  enabled  to  join 
in  the  combined  attack  on  the  Minnesota,  and  several 
guns  were  fired  at  her  from  Sewall's  Point,  as  she 
went  up.  None  of  them,  however,  struck  her,  but 
one  or  two  of  them  passed  over  her. 

Baltimore,  March  9.  The  boat  left  Old  Point  at 
8  o'clock  last  night.  About-  half  an  hour  after  she 
left  the  wharf,  the  iron-clad  Ericsson  steamer  Monitor 
passed  her  going  in,  towed  by  a  large  steamer.  The 
Monitor  undoubtedly  reached  Fortress  Monroe  by  9 
o'clock,  and  immediately  went  into  service. 

Another  Dispatch.     The  Monitor  arrived  at  10 

last  night,  and  went  immediately  to  the  protection  of 
the  Minnesota,  lying  aground  just  below  Newport 
News. 

At  7  A.  M.  to-day,  the  Merrimac,  accompanied  by 
two  wooden  steamers,  the  Yorktown  and  Jamestown, 
and  several  tugs,  stood  out  toward  the  Minnesota,  and 
opened  fire.  The  Monitor  met  them  at  once  and  re- 
turned the  fire,  when  the  enemy's  vessel  retired,  ex- 
cept the  Merrimac.  The  two  iron-clad  vessels  fought, 
part  of  the  time  touching  each  other,  from  8  A.  M. 
until  noon,  when  the  Merrimac  retreated.  Whether 
she  is  injured  or  not,  it  is  impossible  to  say..  One 
account,  however,  says  she  was  inasinking  condition. 

Lieut.  J.  M.  Worden,  who  commanded  the  Monitor, 
handled  her  with  great  skill,  assisted  by  Chief  Engi- 
neer Stuners.    . 

The  Monitor  is  uninjured,  and  ready  at  any  moment 
to  repel  another  attack. 

The  Norfolk  Da//  Book  contains  a  highly  colored  ac- 
count of  Saturday's  fight,  and  pays  a  great  compli- 
ment to  the  bravery  of  the  crew  of  the  Cumberland, 
and  admits  that  some  of  the  shot  from  her  entered  the 
Merrimac.  One  shell  killed  17  men,  and  wounded 
Capt.  Buchanan,  who  subsequently  died. 


Gerrit  Smith  at  Washington.  The  Washing- 
ton correspondent  of  the  Dover  Morning  Star  says  : — 

"We  have  had  a  lecture  from  Gerrit  Smith,  the 
philanthropist.  He  maintains  that  the  war,  as  now 
conducted,  is  a  war  against  the  Constitution,  the  ne- 
gro, freedom,  and  God — that,  if  we  wish  to  succeed, 
we  must  make  it  a  war  against  the  rebels  alone.  We 
must  stop  taking  counsel  of  Kentucky.  This  is  a  war 
for  slavery  ;  and  slavery  had  blinded  the  eyes  of  Ken- 
tucky. If  it  were  a  whiskey  insurrection,  we  would 
not  go  to  distillers  for  counsel.  If  it  were  a  war  for 
polygamy,  it  would  not  do  to  trust  too  much  to  the  ad- 
vice of  Brigbam  Young.  If  it  were  an  anti-slavery 
insurrection,  Kentucky  would  be  qualified  to  judge. 
But  as  it  was  a  pro-slavery  insurrection,  the  Govern- 
ment should  ask  counsel  of  such  clear  eyed  Abolition- 
ists as  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  and 
Frederick  Douglass.  In  conclusion,  he  exhorted  the 
Government  to  take  counsel  of  the  whole  nation  and 
of  God." 

The  Principia.  This  able  abolition  journal,  ed- 
ited by  Rev.  William  Goodell,  has  been  suspended  for 
a  few  weeks,  in  order  to  start  anew  on  a  permanent 
basis,  and  in  an  enlarged  form.  The  next  number  is 
to  appear  the  first  week  in  April.  The  death  of  Mr. 
Samuel  Wilde,  the  former  proprietor,  who  always 
stood  ready  to  meet  deficiencies,  has  rendered  it  nec- 
essary to  make  the  paper  self-supporting,  and  for 
t$m  an  addition  of  two  thousand  subscribers  is  indis- 
pensable. Mr.  J.  W.  Alden,  formerly  publisher  of  the 
Emancipator,  has  now  become  proprietor  of  the  Prin- 
cipia, and  will  publish  it  at  the  cost  to  subscribers  of 
$2  in  advance.  It  is  a  good  family  paper  of  large 
size,  and  will  contain  the  usual  variety  of  miscellane- 
ous reading  for  the  household,  in  addition  to  the  anti- 
slavery  articles  and  the  news.  Dr.  Cheever  will  be 
a  contributor.  We  wish  our  contemporary  the  fullest 
success.  Published  at  339  Pearl  street,  New  York.— 
Stale  League. 

The  Independent  Shut  out  of  Camp.  We 
have  received  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Eagle,  published  at 
Grand  Rapids,  Mich.,  containing  a  statement  by  a 
committee  of  the  Sabbath-school  of  the  Congregational 
church  of  that  place,  of  which  the  following  is  the 
substance : — 

"That  in  June  last/this  school  contributed  $22.20, 
and  forwarded  it  to  the  publisher  of  the  New  York  In- 
dependent, with  directions  to  furnish  as  many  copies  of 
that  paper  for  four  months  as  the  money  would  pay 
for  ;  that  the  papers  were  sent  and  regularly  received 
at  the  headquarters  of  the  3d  Michigan  Regiment  on 
the  Potomac;  that  Col.  Daniel  McConnell,  then  com- 
manding, declared  the  Independent  an  '  abolition  paper,' 
and  ordered  the  copies  received  to  be  withheld  from 
the  men  ;  that  the  soldiers  did  not,  therefore,  receive 
them,  as  you  designed  they  should." 


Washington,  March  10. — The  Capture  of  tue 
Georgia  Forts.  An  official  despatch  from  Commo- 
dore Dupont,  dated  Flag  Ship  Mohican,  harbor  Fer- 
nandina,  Florida,  March  4,  1862,  says — 

"  I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you,  in  my  last  des- 
patch, that  the  expedition  for  Fernandina  was  equip- 
ped, and  waiting  only  for  suitable  weather  to  sail  from 
Port  Royal.  I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  inform  you 
that  I  am  in  full  possession  of  Cumberland  Island  and 
the  Sound  of  Fernandina  and  Amelia  Island,  and 
the  river  and  town  of  St.  Mary's. 

We  came  to  anchor  in  Cumberland  Sound  at  half- 
past  10,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  to  make  an  examin- 
ation of  the  channel  and  wait  for  the  tide.  Here  I 
learned  from  a  "contraband,"  who  had  been  picked 
up  at  sea  by  Commander  Lanier,  and  from  the  neigh- 
boring residents  on  Cumberland  Island,  that  the  reb- 
els bad  abandoned  in  baste  the  whole  of  the  defences 
of  Fernandina,  retreating  from  Amelia  Island,  carry- 
ing with  them  such  of  their  munitions  as  their  precip- 
itate flight  would  allow." 


Refugees  from  North  Carolina.  The  Peters- 
burg {Va.)  Express  says:  —  "Refugees  from  North 
Carolina,  and  even  from  Norfolk,  have  been  nrriving 
in  this  city  for  several  days  past  in  considerable  num- 
bers. On  Sunday  some  six  or  eight  wagons,  filled 
with  negroes  and  their  effects,  belonging  to  citizens  of 
Eel  en  ton,  who  have  been  compelled  to  flee  for  safety 
from  that  place,  reached  Blandford.  We  presume 
there  must  have  been  at  least  fifty  negroes  with  these 
wagons.  We  have  also  seen  and  oonverned  with  sev- 
eral refugees  from  Elizabeth  City  and  other  points  on 
the  coast  of  North  CaroUua." 


Springfield,  (Mo.)  March  10. 

A  messenger,  who  arrived  at  three  o'clock  this 
morning,  reports  that  the  battle  at  Pea  Ridge  lasted 
from  Thursday  night  or  Friday  morning  to  Saturday 
evening,  and  that  our  loss  was  about  4130  killed  and 
wounded.  The  rebel  loss  was  about  10(H)  killed  and 
wounded,  and  1000  taken  prisoners.  Among  them  was 
Charles  Mcliae,  of  an  Arkansas  regiment. 

The  attack  was  made  from  the  north  and  west,  our 
army  being  completely  surrounded.  Generals  Van 
Dorn,  Price,  McCulloch  and  Mcintosh  arc  reported 
mortally  wounded.  The  attack  from  the  rear  was 
made  by  Gen.  McCulloch,  and  was  met  by  Gen.  Sigel, 
who  routed  him  completely.  His  corps  scattered  in 
wild  confusion.  We  have  also  captured  a  large 
amount  of  stores,  cannon,  teams  and  ammunition. 

This  is  the  bloodiest  conflict  that  has  taken  place 
since  the  war  commenced. 

The  Thirteenth  Massachusetts  Regiment  have  cap- 
tured Martinsburg,  Va.,  which  is  a  large  place  with 
some  good  houses,  five  or  six  hotels,  and  a  very  large 
court  house  and  jail.  The  rebels  have  destroyed  an 
immense  amount  of  property  in  this  region,  have  torn 
up  the  railroad  track,  destroyed  machine  shops,  &c,  &c. 

Col.  Geary  left  Lovcttsville  on  Friday  night,  and 
marching  through  Wheatland  and  Waterford,  put  the 
rebel  forces  to  flight.  Early  the  next  morning  he  took 
unresisted  possession  of  Leesburg,  which  they  con- 
sidered one  of  their  greatest  strongholds,  and  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  now  wave  over  the  town  and  the  surround- 
ing forts.  The  rebel  army,  under  Gen.  Hill,  fell  back 
towards  Middleburg. 

Brunswick  (Georgia)  has  been  evacuated  by  the 
rebels.  They  are  known  to  have  had  at  least  20  heavy 
guns  there,  which,  it  is  believed,  have  been  sent  to 
strengthen  Savannah. 

A  despatch  from  Atlanta,  Ga.,  says  that  the  Federal 
troops  have  possession  of  Murfreesboro,  and  that  Gen. 
A.  Sydney  Johnston  has  retreated  to  Decatur,  Ala. 

New  Madrid,  Mo.,  has  been  completely  invested  by 
our  forces.  The  rebels  have  between  5,000  and  10,000 
men,  and  four  gunboats.  Several  of  our  men  have 
been  killed  by  shells  from  the  gunboats. 

On  the  line  of  the  Potomac,  our  gunboats  on  Sun- 
day captured  the  battery  on  Cockpit  point.  The 
rebels  burnt  their  tents,  the  steamer  Page  and  all  the 
other  craft  in  the  creek. 

Gen.  Hooker  reports,  from  Budd's  ferry,  that  all  the 
enemy's  batteries  in  front  of  his  lines  are  abandoned, 
and  their  guns  spiked.  This  raises  the  so-called  block- 
ade of  the  Potomac. 

At  the  recent  engagement  between  the  U.  S.  gun- 
boats and  a  rebel  battery  on  the  Tennessee  river,  it  is 
reported  that  the  Confederates  lost  about  twenty  killed, 
and  two  hundred  wounded.  The  enemy  have  fallen 
back  three  miles  from  the  river.  The  rebel  force  en- 
gaged in  the  fight  was  1,000  infantry,  500  cavalry,  and 
six  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  Memphis  Appeal  advocates  the  burning  of  the 
city  as  the  last  resort,  but  the  Mayor  has  issued  a  pro- 
clamation that  any  person  detected  in  setting  fire  to 
houses  should  be  immediately  hung. 

Gen.  Beauregard  had  left  Jackson  to  take  command 
at  Island  No.  10.  A  large  number  of  transports  were 
lying  at  the  foot  of  the  island  to  take  off  the  troops  in 
case  of  defeat. 

Thirty  cannon  have  already  been  found  at  Colum- 
bus, which  had  been  thrown  away  by  the  rebels  in 
evacuating  the  place. 

JJE^T"  Among  the  rebel  prisoners  captured  at  Fort 
Donelson,  and  now  at  Evansville,  Ind.,  is  Col.  J.  13. 
Clay,  grandson  of  the  great  Henry  Clay.  He  is  said 
to  have  been  one  of  the  staff  of  Gen.  Buckner. 

$£$='  On  Thursday  of  last  week,  an  attempt  waS 
discovered  to  blow  up  the  Chain  Bridge  at  Washing- 
ton. Eighty  pounds  of  powder  were  found,  with 
fuses,  placed  under  the  span  of  the  bridge,  so  that  the 
explosion  would  destroy  the  fabric. 

g^=  The  village  of  Harper's  Ferry  is  half  burned, 
scorched  and  blackened  by  the  hand  of  secession, 
and  is  almost  deserted  by  its  inhabitants.  Before 
General  Banks  came,  it  was  said  there  were  but  six 
families  in  the  town.  Even  our  men,  who  spent  some 
time  here  last  year,  could  hardly  recognize  it  as  the 
same  place. 

g^=  Brig.  Gen.  Jones  has  been  placed  in  command 
of  the  rebel  force  at  Pensacola,  Gen.  Bragg  having 
taken  charge  of  the  defence  of  Mobile. 

Fearful  Loss  in  One  Regiment.  The  11th  Il- 
linois (in  McClernand's  division)  went  into  battle 
only  450  strong — the  regiment  being  weak,  and  many 
being  absent  on  detached  duty.  They  came  out  with 
120  fit  for  service — 330  being  killed  or  wounded. 

Texas  Journals.  A  year  ago  there  were  sixty 
papers  published  in  Texas.     There  are  now  only  ten. 


The  Evacuation  of  Manassas  —  Rebel  Army  in  Full 
Retreat  for  Richmond.  The  following  special  despatch, 
dated  Washington,  March  11th,  appears  in  the  New 
York  Herald :~ 

"  Great  excitement  exists  here  over  the  news  of  the 
evacuation  of  Manassas.  No  details  of  the  occupation 
of  the  place  by  the  Federal  troops  has  as  yet  been  re- 
ceived. The  rebels  had  all  precipitately  fled  before 
our  forces  took  possession*  AH  their  fortifications 
were  abandoned,  as  were  those  at  Centreville  and  on 
the  Lower  Potomac-  The  rebel  army  is  in  full  retreat 
toward  Richmond." 

Gen.  McClellan  has  taken  up  his  headquarters  at 
Fairfax  Court  House. 

Col.  Averill,  with  a  large  body  of  cavalry,  entered 
the  rebel  works  at  Manassas  Junction,  and  bivouacked 
for  the  night  amidst  the  ruins  of  the  rebel  stronghold. 

Log  huts  ample  to  accommodate  30,000  troops  re- 
main. Heaps  of  dead  horses  cover  the  fields  in  the 
vicinity.  Log  huts  are  strewn  all  along  between  Cen- 
treville and  Manassas.  The  railroad  track  is  undis- 
turbed, except  the  bridges.  The  stone  bridge  across 
Bull  Run,  on  the  Warrenton  turnpike,  is  blown  up,  as 
also  the  bridge  across  Cog  Run  between  Centreville 
and  Manassas. 

Everything  at  Manassas  indicates  a  precipitate  re- 
treat of  the  rebels.  All  the  log  huts  are  standing, 
and  an  immense  number  of  canvass  tents.  Some 
caissons  were  found,  but  no  guns.  Piles  of  bullets  and 
cartridges  were  left  in  the  tents,  and  immense  quanti- 
ties of  quartermasters'  stores.  In  one  place  were  dis- 
covered about  30.0(H)  bushels  of  corn  which  had  been 
set  fire  to,  and  which  was  still  smouldering.  The 
troops  found  abundant  rebel  trophies,  pack-saddles, 
army  orders,  muskets,  revolvers,  bowie-knives,  letters, 
&c.  Over  1000  pack-saddles  were  found,  all  new,  and 
marked  C.  S.  A. 

The  people  of  the  vicinity  state,  that  prior  to  the 
evacuation,  there  were  100,000  rebel  troops  at  Manas- 
sas and  Centreville. 


Severe  Battle  in  Arkansas — The  Rebel  Army  of  the 
Southwest  Defeated.  St.  Louis,  March  10.— The  fol- 
lowing is  anoflicial  despatch  to  Major  General  McClel- 
lan : — 

"The  army  of  the  Southwest,  under  Gen.  Curtis, 
after  three  days'  hard  fighting,  has  gained  a  most  glo- 
rious victory  over  the  combined  forces  of  Van  Dorn, 
Meftulloch,  Price  and  Mcintosh.  Our  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  is  estimated  at  1000.  That  of  the  ene- 
my is  still  larger.  Guns,  flags,  provisions,  &(!.,  were 
captured  in  large  quantities. 

Our  cavalry  arc  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy. 
(Signed)         II.  W.  Hai.i.eck,  Major  General." 


Rebel    Indignation    at   New  Orleans.,     The 

New   Orleans  papers     are  full  of  fight  and  defiance 
under  the  late  adverse  news  : 

The  Delta  has  a  leader  headed  "  The  Only  Issue," 
which  talks  very  plainly  to  men  who  feel  shaky  about 
their  property.  They  must  defend  it  with  the  sword, 
and  drive  back  the  foe  who  is  now  waging  war  for 
eain,  or  they  will  be  reduced  to  a  condition  tenfold 
worse  than  slavery.  The  Crescent  concludes  an  ar- 
ticle on  the  state  of  affairs  with  these  words  : — 

"We  are  glad  to  note  that  the  disasters,  instead  of 
dispiriting  our  people,  have  aroused  them  to  the  high- 
est pitch  of  warlike  excitement.  Our  whole  popula- 
tion are  eager  for  the  fray,  and  all  they  want  is  a  lea- 
der and  arms.  They  are  resolved  to  defend  their  glo- 
riously beautiful  land  to  the  last,  and  will  do  so.  The 
same  spirit,  we  are  sure,  animates  the  entire  people 
of  the  Confederate  States,  and  when  they  turn  out 
en  masse,  as  they  shortly  will,  the  enemy  will  find  an 
unconquerable  foe  to  encounter.  The  possession  of 
the  leading  points  will  not  give  them  the  country. 
The  occupation  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  South 
will  eventuate  in  no  lasting  advantage  to  them. 

Our  people  will  retire  into  the  interior,  and  in  their 
mountains  and  swamps  they  will  maintain  a  warfare 
which  must  ultimately  prove  successful." 


Subjugation. — [From  the  Richmond  Dispatch .] — 
We  again  reiterate  what  we  have  a  hundred  times 
said,  that  the  subjugation  of  the  South  is  impossible, 
and  we  would  hold  to  the  same  con  fiction,  if  every  Southern 
city  in  the  Mississip/a'  I  'alley  and  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard, 
were  in  Yankee  hands.  The  South  is  an  agricultural 
people,  not  dependent  upon  its  cities,  and  its  vitality 
and  strength  would  be  untouched,  if  each  of  them 
should  fall  at  once  into  Yankee  hands,  or  be  swallow- 
ed up  by  an  earthquake.  We  are  not  quite  sure  but 
that  if  the  government  should  take  the  proper  precau- 
tion to  remove  the  munitions  of  war  from  its  cities,  and 
to  keep  the  public  stores  from  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  it  would  even  so  much  as  weaken,  in  any  con- 
siderable degree,  its  military  operations,  if  the  enemy 
should  be  permitted  to  seize  and  occupy  a  dozen  of 
these  imaginary  centres  of  trade  and  power,  the  cities 
of  the  South,  not  one  of  which,  happily,  has  any  more 
influence  on  the  power,  prosperity,  and  the  morals  of 
the  country,  than  a  wart  on  the  lace  of  a  giant. 


More  Slave-Catching  nv  the  Second  Ohio 
Cavalry — Hum  a  Slave,  was  Delivered  to  his  Secession 
Muster,  and  How  he  Didn't  Keep  Him.  The  following 
spirited  sketch  (says  the  Cleveland  Leader)  is  from  a 
private  in  the  Second  Ohio  Cavalry  to  his  mother. 
It  is  dated  Platte  City,  Missouri,  February  17th.  It 
proves  the  truth  of  the  charges  that  have  been  made 
of  fugitives  being  returned  by  the  commanding  offi- 
cers, and  then — to  the  honor  of  the  Reserve,  and  of  the 
brave  boys  who  accomplished  the  feat — tells  how  a 
slave  was  rescued  from  his  inhuman  master,  and  sent 
to  a  land  of  freedom.  We  omit  names  and  some  other 
details  that  might  get  the  writer  into  trouble  with  his 
officers  if  published: — 

We  had  a  big  time  the  other  night.  A  darkey  ran 
away  from  his  master,  and  came  to  Company  — .  He 
was  a  good  fellow,  and  we  were  going  to  take  him  with 
us  to  Fort  Scott;  but  along  came  his  old  master  with 
an  order  from  the  Colonel  to  hunt  for  his  nigger.  The 
Colonel  was  not  to  blame  ;  he  had  to  obey  his  General, 
The  old  sinner  had  three  men  with  him.  We  knew 
he  was  seeesh,  and  we  were  awful  mad.  The  darkey 
said:  'Don't  let  him  take  me;  he  will  kill  me.' 
Our  officers  were  mad  too.  When  night  came,  one  of 
our  best  boys  came  to  ine  and  said :  '  Yankee,  that 
slave  must  see  Leavenworth  to-uiaht.'  I  was  in  for  it. 
After  roll,  at  9  o'clock,  we  started.     There  were  three 

of  us.     The  boys'  names  were ,  and ,  and 

myself. 

The  boys  were  just  the  right  kind  for  such  a  thing — 
big,  strong,  and  good  pluck.  I  am  not  very  large  or 
very  stout,  but  I  like  that  kind  of  work.  It  was  four 
miles  to  the  old  sinner's  house  ;  we  went  across  lots  to 
avoid  the  patrol.  We  got  there  about  11  o'clock. 
There  was  a  light  in  the  house  ;  we  went  up  and  looked 
through  the  window.  What  a  sight!  three  men,  be- 
side the*master,  had  the  slave  stripped  and  tied,  and 
one  of  the  men  whipping  him  with  a  cowhide ! 

Mother,  I  had  read  of  such  things,  but  never  saw 
them  before.  It  docs  not  come  home  to  read  of  them 
as  it  does  to  see  them.  There  stood  the  slave,  with 
Ins  bare  back  bleeding — an  awful  sight ! 

We  ran  in,  and  C.  told  him  to  stop  that.  The  mas- 
ter said  that  it  was  his  nigger,  and  he  would  lick  him 

hen  he  wanted  to,  and  he  hit  the  slave  again.  We 
had  our  revolvers  out  and  ready.  C.  knocked  the  old 
fellow  down  with  Jjie  butt  of  his  revolver.     The  other 

en  never  said  a  word. 

We  took  the  slave  down,  and  had  him  put  his  clothes 

i.  The  boys  stayed  and  watched,  and  as  I  knew 
the  road  to  Leavenworth,  I  went  part  of  the  way  with 
him,  and  showed  him  the  way  to  go.  The  boys  wait- 
ed till  I  came  back." 


Gen.  Mansfield  and  Fugitive  Slaves.  General 
Mansfield,  who,  in  June  last,  forbade  negroes  to  come 
within  his  lines,  has  entirely  changed  his  opinions 
concerning  the  slaves,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of  his 
which  we  published  the  other  day,  and  to  which  we 
now  again  refer,  recapitulating  the  chief  facts.  It 
seems  that  the  General  in  command  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Virginia  sent  down  to  Newport  News,  where 
Gen.  Manfield  was  stationed,  for  the  purpose  of  col- 
lecting the  money  the  contrabands  had  earned  since 
they  had  come  under  the  protection  of  the  Union  sol- 
diers. Gen.  Mansfield  resisted  the  payment  of  this 
money,  and,  in  reply  to  a  Commissioner  sent  down  to 
make  inquiries,  sent  the  letter  to  which  reference  is 
made.  He  says  that  the  negroes  can  be  divided  into 
four  classes  :  Those  who  are  abandoned  by  their  mas- 
ters; those  who  have  abandoned  their  masters;  those 
who  have  been  set  at  work  for  the  Rebels  against  the 
United  States  Government;  and  free  negroes.  The 
question  arising  what  to  do  with  them,  Gen.  Mansfield 
distinctly  lays  it  down  as  his  opinion  that  these  ne- 
groes are  not  property,  but  persons  held  to  labor  in  cer- 
tain States,  nowhere  else  ;  they  are  not  bound  to  labor 
to  the  United  States;  consequently  are  not  slaves  to 
the  United  States;  consequently  the  United  States 
Government  is  not  compelled  to  hold  them  as  slaves, 
nor  has  it  the  right  to  take  their  wages,  or  prevent 
them  from  going  whither  they  will.  It  is  clear,  also, 
says  Gen.  Manfield,  that  these  negroes  are  not  prison- 
of  war,  for  they  have  not  been  taken  in  arms  ;  on 
the  contrary,  they  have  run  away  to  escape  the  neces- 
sity of  bearing  arms  against  the  United  States.  There- 
fore he  thinks  and  declares  that  all  the  earnings  of  the 
slaves  should  be  paid  to  them,  or  taken  care  of  for 
their  use,  and  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  go  about 
unrestrained  of  their  freedom. — New  York  Tribune. 


McClellan  on  Slavery.  The  Washington  cor- 
respondent of  the  New  York  Post  makes  the  following 
interesting  statement: — 

"  I  was  yesterday  informed  by  one  of  General 
McClellan's  most  intimate  friends,  that  he  approves 
most  heartily  the  President's  emancipation  proclama- 
tion, and  that  he  has  been  very  much  misunderstood 
by  the  country  generally  as  to  his  views  on  the  slavery 
question,  as  it  connects  itself  with  the  war. 

This  friend  asserts  that  General  McClellan  believes 
that  the  country  will  see  no  lasting  peace  until  slavery 
is  destroyed,  and  that  he  is  not  a  pro-slavery  man,  as 
some  persons  have  stated.  It  is  further  said  of  hiin, 
that  as  a  soldier  be  has  been  careful  of  his  words  on 
all  such  matters,  but  that  he  has  intended  that  no  offi- 
cer of  the  Potomac  army  shall  ever  return  a  fugitive 
slave,  and  that  the  few  isolated  cases  which  have  oc- 
curred have  not  met  with  his  approbation. 

That  he  ordered  the  arrest  of  Gen.  Stone  is  a  well- 
known  fact,  and  it  is  further  known  that  when  his  at- 
tention has  been  repeatedly  called  to  the  fact  that  fu- 
gitive slaves  were  in  the  camps  of  the  government 
troops  across  the  river,  he  has  replied  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  army  could  no*  recognize  any  person 
as  a  slave." 


The  Case  of  Gen.  Stone.  The  Washington 
correspondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  under 
date  of  Feb.  27,  says  :— 

"  The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  have 
had  before  them  Messrs.  Paul  Revere,  Raymond,  Col. 
Lee,  and  others  of  the  returned  prisoners  from  Rich- 
mond, who  were  taken  at  Ball's  Bluff.  Their  testi- 
mony as  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  their  numbers, 
and  the  locality  of  the  ground,  is  highly  important. 

"  Their  conviction  is  unanimous,  that  had  Gen. 
Stone  moved  up  the  men  he  had  crossed  at  Edward's 
Ferry  and  attacked  the  rebels  in  the  rear,  he  could 
have  whipped  them  and  drove  them  beyond  Leesburg 
in  less  than  an  hour  from  the  time  the  men  left  Ed- 
ward's Ferry,  only  distant  some  three  miles,  and  over 
a  good  ground  unobstructed. 

"  Col.  Lee  says  they  were  taunted  by  the  rebels 
with  having  been  'sold,'  but  he  never  knew  that  any 
men  had  crossed  at  Edward's  Ferry  until  he  had  re- 
turned here  from  Richmond." 


Fremont's  Re-Appointment  !  President  Lincoln 
has  issued  a  War  Order,  dated  March  11,  in  which  it  is 

"  Ordered,  That  the  country  west  of  the  Department 
of  the  Potomac,  and  east  of  the  Department  of  the 
Mississippi,  be  a  military  department  to  be  called  a 
Mountain  Department,  and  that  the  same  be  com- 
manded by  Major  General  Fremont." 


Vai.landioham.  The  rebel  newspapers  down  in 
Secessia  are  warmly  complimenting  Vallandigham 
for  his  speeches  in  Congress,  and  his  opposition  to 
the  Lincoln  administration.  The  Breckinridge  or- 
gans, North,  have  the  same  opinion  of  the  man,  arid 
the  votes  of  their  representatives  In  Congress  are  al- 
ways found  to  coincide  with  his.  The  race  of  dough- 
faces  is  not  yet  extinct. 

"  His  Mark."  A  correspondent  of  the  New  Haven 
Journal,  in  a  letter  from  Koanoke  Island  to  that  paper, 
says  that  "in  one  company  of  the  Wise  Legion,  out 
of  sixty-four  men  but  seven  could  sign  their  names, 
and  in  another  of  the  same  legion,  out  of  fifty-einht 
men  but  five  were  able  to  accomplish  it."  Yet  these 
are  the  men  who  scorn  our  free,  educated  Northern 
mechanics. 

A  Slave  Yoke.  A  slave  yoke,  with  two  antler- 
like prongs  to  hinder  runaways  from  getting  through 
the  bushes,  the  whole  contrivance  weighing  five 
pounds,  is  now  on  exhibition  at  the  Boston  Union  Mis- 
sion Fair.  It  was  taken  from  the  neck  of  a  fugitive 
last  September,  on  the  Maryland  side  of  the  Upper 
Potomac,  by  a  member  of  the  First  Massachusetts 
regiment,  after  two  hours  hard  filing  of  the  iron  collar. 

E®=*  The  Philadelphia  Saturday  Post  thinks  the 
General  we  have  to  thank  for  the  recent  victories  is 
General  Activity. 

2^"  Old  Toucey,  that  Yankee  tool  of  the  South, 
had  the  impudence  to  make  a  speech  at  a  celebration 
of  the  22d  of  February,  at  Hartford.  He  would  have 
been  better  placed  with  Floyd  or  Cobb,  his  associates 
in  the  Buchanan  Cabinet  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Union. 

0^=*  The  rebel  accounts  of  the  fight  at  Roanoke 
Island  told  in  glowing  language  that  the  celebrated 
Richmond  Blues  stood  to  their  post  till  all  were  cut 
down  but  seven :  but  we  now  know  that  they  all  ran 
away  but  seven,  who  were  killed  or  wounded.  A 
fair  specimen  of  Southern  exaggeration. 

5^"  With  most  impious  thought  and  feeling,  the 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  appeals  to  the 
Supreme  Providence  for  His  support.  A  government 
founded  upon  fraud,  falsehood  and  robbery,  appeals 
to  God  for  his  protection  !  The  Inaugural  is  a  piece 
of  brazen  and  foolish  temerity.  What  he  says,  he 
does  not  believe  in,  and  what  he  believes  in,  he  does 
not  say. 

EJT^  Some  editors  seem  still  to  entertain  and  try  to 
spread  the  delusion,  that  the  Union  can  be  reorganized 
on  a  firm  basis,  and  yet  retain  the  disorganizing  element 
slavery.  It  can't  be  done.  As  well  expect  fire  and 
gunpowder  to  come  together  without  an  explosion. — 
Northampton  Free  Press. 

jj^3  John  Stuart  Mills,  the  able  English  writer  on 
political  economy,  characterizes  the  rebellion  of  the 
South  as  "treason  of  the  worst  sort — a  revolt  against 
the  highest  form  of  collective  authority — an  attempt 
to  tear  up  the  very  basis  of  legitimate  power."  He 
also  gives  the  English  sympathizers  with  secession  a 
good  thrashing. 

2^="  N.  T.  Gray,  of  Washbungf  has  recently  lost, 
by  diptheria,  five  children  out  of  a  family  of  six. 
Two  were  buried  in  one  grave  the  same  day. 

ft^" James  Redpath  announces  that  the  Haytian 
Government  have  concluded  an  arrangement  with  an 
English  company,  by  which  a  line  of  steamers  is  to  be 
at  once  established  between  New  York  and  Port-au- 
Prince  for  the  conveyance  of  our  emigrants.  These 
steamers  will  start  once  a  month.  The  first  will 
leave  New  York  on  the  twentieth  of  March.  A  col- 
ony of  100  will  be  ready  for  her. 

New  England  Female  Medical  College.  The 
closing  exercises  of  the  fourteenth  annual  term  took 
place  at  the  College,  Springfield  street,  in  this  city,  last 
week.  The  exercises  were  opened  with  prayer  by 
Rev.  Dr.  Barrows.  The  President,  Micah  Dyer,  Jr., 
conferred  the  degree  of  M.  D,  upon  the  following 
named  graduates: — Alida  Cornelia  Avery,  Lebanon, 
N.  Y. ;  Mary  Green  Baker,  Middleborough;  Helen 
Morton,  Plymouth ;  Lucy  Ellen  Sewall,  Melrose ; 
Helen  Baker  Worthing,  New  Bedford.  Miss  Avery 
and  Worthing  read  their  medical  theses,  and  the  vale- 
dictory address  was  given  by  Prof.  Zakrzewska,  on 
"  Woman  and  her  Position." 

Ladies'  Medical  Academy.  The  third  annual 
Levee  of  the  Ladies'  Medical  Academy  was  held  in 
Mercantile  Hall,  Boston,  on  Wednesday  of  last  week. 
Dr.  AVilliam  Symington  Brown,  the  Principal,  was 
presented  with  a  valuable  microscope,  and  Dr.  Salis- 
bury with  a  silver  goblet.  The  graduating  exercises 
took  place  the  next  day  in  the  same  hall,  when  the 
following  ladies  received  the  Degree  of  M.  D-; —  Mary 
M.  Rideout,  Charlestown ;  Annie  A.  Crozier,  Rox- 
bury ;  Anna  M.  Poole,  Newburyport;  Margaret  B. 
Brown,  Greenwood,  Mass. 

The  Christian  Examiner,  for  March,  is  publish- 
ed with  the  following  table  of  contents  :    I.  LordTBacon; 

II.  The  Wesleyan  Doctrine  of  Christian  Perfection; 

III.  Can  we  have  an  Art-Gallery ;  IV.  Dr.  Stanley 
andArius;  V.  Sehlosserand  his  Histories ;  VI.  The 
Reformation  and  its  Results ;  VII.  The  American 
Board ;  VIII.  Review  of  Current  Literature.  The 
publishers  offer  new  inducements  to  subscribers  by 
proposing  to  furnish  the  Examiner  in  connection  with 
the  Atlantic  Monthly  and  North  American  Review  at 
reduced  rates. 


Rebel  Brutality.  The  returned  prisoners  from 
Richmond  report  that  eight  or  ten  of  their  fellow-suf- 
ferers were  shot  for  the  offence  of  trying  to  get  a  little 
fresh  air  by  going  to  the  windows.  What  but  slavery 
could  inspire  such  infernal  cruelty  1  Can  an  instance 
be  named  where  any  thing  like  it  has  been  perpetrated 
at  the  North  on  a  Southern  prisoner  1  The  most  ac- 
tive of  the  rebel  Thugs,  in  instigating  barbarities 
against  the  prisoners,  appears  to  have  been  Col.  Todd, 
brother  of  Mrs.  President  Lincoln.  Let  not  this 
drunken  and  cowardly  rascal  be  forgotten  in  the  day 
of  reckoning.  His  severities  called  forth  the  indignant 
remonstrances  even  of  his  own  superiors,  and  he  was 
finally  removed  from  his  post. — Roxbury  Journal. 

Barbarity  of  the  Rebels  to  their  Woondbd. 
An  officer  of  a  Massachusetts  Regiment  writes  from 
Camp  Foster,  Roanoke  Island,  Feb.  15th,  that  the 
rebels  dug  holes  into  which  they  threw  their  dead. 
In  one  hole,  forty-five  bodies  were  found,  some  of 
whom  had  wounds  that  coukl  not  have  proved  mortal, 
and  it  is*the  opinion  of  our  surgeons  that  they  were 
thrown  in  alive,  and  perished  from  the  barbarity  of 
their  friends. 

jft^*  Jeff".  Davis,  in  his  last  message,  talks  of  the 
"  malignity  and  barbarity  of  the  Northern  States  in 
the  prosecution  of  the  war."  A  singular  commentary 
on  this  brazen  declaration  is  supplied  by  the  dispatch 
of  Gen.  Halleck,  announcing  that  forty-two  of  our 
men  have  been  poisoned  by  eating  food  which  had 
been  drugged  and  left  in  their  way  by  the  rebels  of 
Arkansas.  The  Thugs  of  India  could  not  conduct  a 
war  in  a  more  brutal  and  cowardly  manner  than  this. 
There  is  nothing  like  it  on  record  in  the  modern  war- 
fare of  civilized  nations. 


The  Richmond  Dispatch  rails  attention  to  mysterious 
writings  on  the  wall,  indicating  that  Union  conspira- 
tors arc  at  work.  Among  these  writings  arc  the  fol- 
lowing: "Attention,  Union  men!"  "Watch  and 
wait!  "  "The  Union  forever!  "  "  The  day  is  dawn- 
ing— the  hour  of  deliverance  approaches  I  " 

It  was  these  significant  announcements  that  caused 
the  arrest  of  John  Minor  Botts  and  twenty  other  re- 
spected citizens  of  wealth,  character  ami  position,  and 
the  proclamation  of  martial  law. 

The  Richmond  Dispatch  urges  summary  measures 
for  checking  the  progress  of  treason,  anil  advocates 
the  arrest  and  execution  of  the  conspirators. 

Col.  Corcoran  and  Col.  Wilcox  and  other  Federal 
prisoners  have  reached  Richmond.  There  was  a  great 
panic  at  Richmond,  which  was  caused  by  the  recent 
defeats  of  the  rebels.  The  leading  traitors  exhibited 
the  greatest  trepidation. 


Memorials  of  John  Brown  of  Charlestown, 
Virginia.  The  troops  are  distributed  through  the 
town  in  halls  and  empty  houses.  A  part  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Second  occupy  the  court  house  where  John 
Brown  was  tried.  On  the  walls  where  secession  has 
drawn  an  eagle  only  to  deface  it  and  inscribe  "death 
before  dishonor,"  are  written  the.  names  of  the  present 
occupants  from  Lynn  and  Salem  and  Boston. 

A  Lynn  shoemaker  sits  in  -the  seat  of  the  judge. 
The  jury-box  is  filled  with  Salem  sailors,  and  men 
from  all  Massachusetts  form  the  audience.  We  have 
men  on  guard  who  will  not  alarm  the  country  if  a  cow 
approaches.  What  citizen  of  Virginia  would  ever 
have  imagined  this  two  years  ago;  and  who  shall  say 
that  this  is  not  a  righteous  retribution  upon  the  rebels 
for  their  treatment  of  John  Brown  > 


Secesh  in  New  Jersey.  The  Bridgeton  (N.  J.) 
Pioneer  learns  that,  at  a  meeting  about  four  miles 
from  that  place,  the  following  question  was  debated: 
"  Have  the  Southern  States  a  reasonable  right  to  se- 
cede?" It  was  voted  upon  by  the  audience,  and  de- 
cided in  the  affirmative— forty-two  to  six.  The  meet- 
ing was  largely  attended,  many  not  voting  on  either 
side.  After  voting  in  favor  of  secession,  they  retired 
from  the  building,  and  gave  cheers  for  the  rebel  Jeff. 
Davis. 


Why  the  Rebels  Appointed  a  Fast  Day.  In 
Jeff.  Davis's  proclamation  appointing  a  day  of  fasting, 
humiliation  and  prayer,  he  assigns  this  curious  reason, 
among  others : — 

"  The  termination  of  the  provisional  government 
offers  a  fitting  occasion  again  to  present  ourselves  in 
humiliation. 

Once  in  a  while  even  a  rebel  can  speak  the  truth. 
Davis  was  quite  right  in  asserting  that  the  South  had 
reason  to  humiliate  itself  over  the  deeds  of  its  so-call- 
ed "  provisional  government." — N.  Y.  Post. 


The  steamship  Mississippi,  while  on  her  way  to  Ship 
Island,  with  Gen.  Butler  and  staff  on  board,  ran  into 
Frying  Tan  Shoals,  in  Wilmington  harbor,  staving  a 
large  hole  in  her  bow.  She  was  hauled  off  by  the 
Mount  Vernon,  and  has  proceeded  to  Port  Royal, 
where  she  will  probably  be  repaired. 

The  army  of  the  Potomac,  by  order  of  the  Presi- 
dent, has  been  divided  into  five  army  corps,  the  first 
commanded  by  Major  General  McDowell,  nod  the 
others  by  Brigadiers  General  Sumner,  I  lei  litre  I  man, 
Keyes,  and  Major  General  Banks. 

A  brief  despatch  from  Denver  City  states  that  a 
desperate  battle,  lasting  all  day,  took  place  on  the  2lst 
dlt.,  at  Valverdc,  ten  miles  south  of  Fort  Cniig,  New 
Mexico.  Both  parties  chum  the  victory.  The  loss  is 
great  on  both  sides.  Capt.  MeReii,  of  the  U.  S.  artil- 
lery, and  every  man  of  his  eonunitnd,  Were  killed  Ht 
their  post,  and"  their  cannon  taken  by  the  teluls. 


1^=*  The  Student  and  Schoolmate  is  the  title 
of  a  neat  little  work  for  young  persons,  published 
monthly,  at  one  dollar  per  annum,  by  Galen  James  & 
Co.,  15  Cornhill,  Boston.  It  is  among  the  best  maga- 
zines for  children  now  issued  from  the  press. 


ADDITIONAL  SUMS, 

Received  for  Twenty-Eijhth  Subscription- Anniver sot  y. 

Preston  Anti-Slayery  Society,  by  Jane  Clemi- 

shaw,                                                              £8  0  0 
Leigh  Ladies'  Anti-Slavery  Society,  by  Elizabeth 

Fletcher,                                                                 5  0  0 
Ullverston  Ladies'  Anti-Slavery  Society,  by  Ann 

Fletcher  Jackson,                                                 5  0  0 

Sarah  Elizabeth  Palmer,  Reading,                               2  0  0 

Mary  Palmer,                              "                                     10  0 

Elizabeth  P.  Nicliol,  Edinburgh,                                  2  0  0 

Other  friends,  by  Jano  Wigham,  Edinburgh,         12  0  0 

Joel  Smith,  Leominster,  Mass., 
George  W.  Stacy,  Milford,    " 


$2.00 
2.00 


A  CARD. — By  way  of  redeeming  the  failures  attendant 
upon  the  Tableaux  Exhibition  of  March  5th,  at  the  At- 
tucks  Commemoration,  arrangements  are  being  made  for 
an  early  repetition,  and  under  circumstances  insuring  suc- 
cess.   Due  notice  will  be  given  of  time  and  plaee. 

Boston,  March  12,  1862.  WILLIAM  C.  NELL. 


"THE     GOLDEN    HOUR,"     AND     "THE    BLACK 

MAN'S  FUTURE  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES." 
M.  D.  Conway,  of  Cincinnati,  will  lecture  on  the  for- 
mer subject,  and  Frederick  Douglass  on  the  last,  in  this 
State,  wherever  wanted,  during  the  next  two  weeks. 

Arrangements  for  their  Lectures  may  be  made  on  appli- 
cation to  JAMES  M.  STONE,  22  Bromfield  street. 

Mrcrch  4. 

d^-  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION  AT  HYAN- 
NIS. — There  will  be  an  Anti-Slavery  Convention  at  Hyan- 
nis,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  the  15th  and  16th  of 
March.  Cape  Cod,  hitherto,  33?3BWB*sed«rafgemenfcS;-  " 
or  even  appeals,  to  crowd  its  largest  halls,  where  the  canse 
of  Humanity  and  the  Slavo  was  to  be  the  theme.  Parker 
Pillsbuky  and  E.  H.  Heywood  will  be  present. 


CT"  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in 
Foxboro',  Sunday,     March  16. 

West  Gloucester,  "  "       23. 

Hopedale  and  Milford,  "  "      30. 

Essex,  "  "       6. 


ff"  EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE.— The  dosing  lecture 
will  bo  given  at  Trcmont  Temple,  on  Weduosday  evening, 
March  19,  by  Rev.  MONCURE  D.  CONWAY.  Subject— 
"The  Golden  Hour."    A  ticket,  admitting  a  gentleman 

and  lady,  25  cents. 


Q3P  REV.  CHARLES  SPEAR  will  deliver  an  address 
in  tho  Congregational  Church  at  East  Cambridge,  on  Sun- 
day evening  next,  at  7  o'clock.  Subject — Criminal  Re- 
form. 


17*  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D,,  has  removed  to 
696  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— LutherClark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,,  P.  M. 


INDUCEMENTS    TO    SUBSCRIBE. 

TO  New  Subscribers  the  present  vear,  the  CHRIS- 
TIAN EXAMINES  &  ATLANTIC  MONTH- 
LY will  bo  furnished  for  85.00  a  vear  :  the  CHRIS- 
TIAN EXAMINES  AND  NORTH  AMERICAN 
REVIEW  will  he  furnished  for  $7.00  a  vear:  the 
CHRISTIAN  EXAMINER,  NORTH  AMERICAN 
REVIEW,  and  ATLANTIC  MONTHLY,  will  ho 
furnished  for  |9.00  a  year. 

Payment  in  advance  to  accompany  the  order  in  all 
cases. 

A  lew  subscriptions  can  be  reeeived  on  the  above- 
terms,  beginning  with  Tni'.  Kxamiseh  for  Jauuary, 
1862,  the  fust  number  of  the  current  volume. 

Much  I.  WQ& 


44 


THE     L  I  B  E  E  A.  T  O  Ft 


ttttt% 


For  the  Liberator. 

MY    CHILDHOOD    HOME. 


BY    B. 

I  love  the  scenes  of  childhood, 
And  childhood's  happy  home* 

Tho  streamlet  and  the  wildwood, 
Where  oft  wo  toY'd  to  roam* 

Ho  tree  in  all  the  forest 
But  seems  a  chosen  friend  j 

No  frail  and  fragile  flow'rot 
But  seems  to  comprehend. 

The  bank  so  steep  and  mossy, 
Where  oft  we  played  of  yore, 

Or  lay  from  mom  till  gloaming, 
Absorb'd  in  Grectnn  lore. 

Yon  stream,  so  fcvight  and  mazy, 
Where  angling  lung  and  late. 

We  stroll'd  in  childish  prattle, 
Nor  dreain'd  of  after  fate. 

The  mansion  old  and  shady  ; 

The  pines  we  planted,  dead  ; 
Within,  the  same  eld  chambers, 

Whence  sainted  spirits  fled. 

There,  long  their  voices  sounded 

like  masie  in  onr  ears, 
A  sister's  and  a  mother's, — 

I  cannot  hold  my  tears  ! 

They  drop  npon  the  threshold, 
Where  oft  we  sat  in  love  ; 

Upon  the  shrubs  they  planted. 
Before  they  went  above. 

0,  blessed  ones  in  glory  ! 

The  angels  mast  be  glad, 
Ye  led  as  nnto  Jesns 

By  gentle  way*  ye  bad ! 
I  miss  npoK  the  playground 

The  old  accustom 'fl  shade  ; 
The  cool  and  viny  arbor 

Has  long  ago  deeay'd. 

J  Kiiss  the  gorgeons  maples 

In  autumn  haes  so  bright  ; 
But  still  our  Eden  valley 

Is  full  of  golden  light ! 
How  all  has  ehang'd,  dear  brother. 

Since  yon  and  I  were  here  ! 
Gone  are  th«;*pringiime  blossoms, 

And  all  is  brown  and  sere. 

Gone  are  the  merry  voices, 

And  gone  the  merry  heart  j 
For  all  onr  present  laughter 

Is  fore'd  by  sickly  art. 
Then,  let  us  seek,  dear  brother, 

A  rest  beyond  the  tomb, 
Where  sainted  ones  are  waiting 

To  shout  a  "  Welcome  Home  !  " 
Boston,  Feb.  13,  1862. 


For  the  Liberator. 

T3  THE  THIRTEENTH  MAINE   KEGIMEHT. 

On  whose  banner  is  inscribed,  "  We  strike  for  the  Union 
and  man's  birthright,  Freedom." 
Aye,  noble  sons  of  the  Pine  Tree  State, 
Press  forward  with  vigor,  nor  longer  wait  ; 
But  dash  at  the  foe  with  a  freeman's  zest, 
And  release  the  bondmen  at  God's  behest ! 

The  scroll  on  your  banner  is  helmet  strong 
To  confront  the  rebels,  and  conquer  wrong  ; 
Press  on  with  vigor,  and  hold  it  high — 
The  rebels  shall  see  it,  and  quickly  fly. 

The  slave  shall  see  it,  and,  hurrying  fast, 
Will  smile  at  its  promise,  nor  heed  the  past  ; 
But  his  soul,  elate  with  Liberty's  breath, 
Will  rush  on  to  join  you  in  life  or  death. 

____     JBtrike  for  the  standard  on  whose  silken  fold 
Blazons  man's  birthright  in  letters  of  gold  ! 
Strike  for  the  Union,  and  Liberty  too — 
Then  will  your  prowess  the  rebels  subdue. 

The  Union  you  fight  for  is  one  without  slaves — 
Then  rush  to  the  battle,  and  conquer,  je  braves  ! 
The  sword  of  the  Lord  shall  victory  win, 
For  his  battle  is  waged  when  ye  fight  against  sin. 
Boston,  March  6,  1862.  Mercy  B.  Jackson. 


e  Paterson,  (N.  J.)  Guardian. 

WAITING   FOE    DAY. 

BY    A.  GIBBS  CAMPBELL. 

I  looked  from  the  mountain  height,  and  saw 

Bapine  assume  the  robes  of  law  ! 

Justice  I  saw  driven  out  apace, 

While  Robbery  climbed  to  the  highest  place. 

Humanity,  trampled  down  in  the  street, 
Lay  bleeding  beneath  unholy  feet. 

And  rulers,  and  priests,  and  people,  all 
Quickly  responded  to  Rapine's  call, 
And  shouted  aloud,  "Henceforth  art  thou 
The  only  God  to  whom  we  will  bow." 

A  chosen  few  there  were,  indeed, 

Who  would  not  swear  to  the  robber-creed  ; 

But  disturbed  the  nation's  wicked  rest, 
Pleading  tho  cause  of  the  poor  oppressed  ; 
And  they  were  hissed,  and  hooted,  and  curst, 
As  though  of  all  men  they  were  the  worst. 
But  they  still  kept  faith  in  God,  and  some 
Attested  that  faith  by  martyrdom. 

Fair  Freedom,  wounded,  hid  away, 
»  And  dared  not  walk  in  the  light  of  day  ; 
But  Rapine,  bolder  and  bolder  g  own, 
Snore  that  tbe  nation  was  all  his  own  : 

And  over  it  now  his  black  flag  waves, 

A  nation  once  free, — now  a  nation  of  slaves  ! 

Its  sun  has  set,  and  a  starless  night 
Drops,  like  a  curtain,  before  my  sight ! 

I  look  again  from  the  mountain  height, 
~~~ T5T38A?fe^ajWn3CgI<:2,pi  of  morning  light. 
I  hear  the  first  shot  of  a  distant  gun, 
Which  speaks  of  a  battle  just  begun — 

The  hurried  tramp  of  armed  hosts  I  hear, 
Whose  martial  tread  shakes  a  hemisphere. 
By  the  cannon's  fitful  glare,  I  behold 
Two  banners  over  tbe  field  unrolled  ; 

On  one  shine  tbe  stars  with  waving  light, 
The  other  is  black  as  Slavery's  night  ; 
Two  hostile  armies,  in  battre  array, 
Each  eager  to  enter  the  terrible  fray  ; 

One  eager  to  fight  for  Rapine's  throne, 
The  other  willing  to  let  him  alone  ; 

But  no  sure  gleam  of  coming  morn 

Through  the  gloom  of  this  rayless  night  is  borne. 

Tet  I  know  that  a  brighter  day  shall  rise 
To  cheer  our  hearts,  and  gladden  our  eyes. 

Justice  and  Law  shall  resume  their  sway, 
While  Rapine  and  Robbery  slink  away. 

Humanity,  lifted  up  from  the  dust, 
No  more  by  violence  shall  be  crushed — 

For  Christ  our  Lord  shall  come  and  reign — 
His  glance  shall  shatter  each  poor  slave's  chain  ; 
And  whatever  shall  dare  obstruct  his  path 
Shall  bo  swept  away  by  Jehovah's  wrath. 

And  that  day,  by  prophets  long  foretold, 
Shall  Us  brightest  glories  all  unfold  ! 

For  its  speedy  coming  let  us  pray  : 

Oh  !  hasten,  dear  Lord,  the  perfect  day  ! 


MAEOH. 

A  nation  waits,  oh  earth,  (like  thee,) 
"With  bleeding  heart,  and  anxious  gaze  ; 

Till  war's  wild  winter  cease  to  be, 
And  peace  shall  bring  her  summer  days. 


MISSIONABT    DISHONESTY. 

Rev.  Samuel  M.  Worcester,  of  Salem,  Recording 
Secretary  of  the  American  Board "^f  Commissioners 
for  Foreign  Missions,  has  a  long  article  in  the  January 
number  of  the  American  Theological,  Review,  the  pur- 
pose of  which  is  to  correct  certain  erroneous  state- 
ments in  the  "  Memorial  Volume  "  lately  published 
by  Dr.  Anderson,  purporting  to  give  a  true  account 
of  "the  first  fifty  years"  of  the  operations  of  the 
Board. 

The  following  paragraph  from  that  article  will 
show  the  writer's  conviction,  not  only  of  the  import- 
ance of  truthfulness  and  accuracy  in  a  work  purport- 
ing to  be  historical,  (like  the  Memorial  Volume,)  but 
of  the  imperative  duty  of  correcting  errors  in  such  a 
work,  even  ihuugh  the  correction  involve  labor  and 
expense : — 

"It  has  long  been  our  conviction,  therefore,  that 
those  wlni  have  [he  opportunity  and  the  power  of  at- 
tempting the  correction  of  such  errors  as,  uncorrected, 
will  inevitably  become  a  part  of  accredited  history, 
should  not  shrink  from  the  duty  which,  according  to 
the  Golden  Rtle,  they  imperatively  owe  to  the 
generations  of  the  future.  And  such  is  the  design  of 
this  Memorial  Volume,  such  the  acknowledged  im- 
portance of  accuracy  in  every  statement,  such  wilt  be 
the  estimation  in  which  it  will  be  held,  as  an  author- 
ity for  citation  or  reference,  that  it  would  be  incom- 
parably better  to  expunge,  or  rewrite,  whole  pages 
and  whole  chapters,  than  that  any  material  misconcep- 
tion and  misrepresentation  of  a  single  fact,  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  American  Board,  should  he  circulated 
through  the  world,  and  transmitted  to  posterity,  under 
the  full  sanction,  seemingly,  of  its  own  consecrated 
seal." — p.  95. 

The  errors  which  Dr.  "Worcester  has  thus  seriously 
set  himself  to  correct  are  certain* statements  made  in 
the  "Memorial  Volume"  respecting  "the  founders" 
of  the  Board,  and  the  true  period  when  its  first  half 
century  commenced.  Controverting  Dr.  Anderson's 
statement  that  the  Board  assumed  its  national  charac- 
ter in  1813,  and  that  "  twenty-six  corporate  members  " 
were  "its  founders,"  its  "originators,"  Dr.  Worces- 
ter claims  the  high  credit  of  originating  and  founding 
the  Board  for  his  father  and  one  other  person;  and 
further  claims  that  these  two  gentlemen,  assisted  by 
three  others,  framed  the  Constitution  of  the  Board, 
substantially  the  same  as  its  present  one,  in  1810.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that,  if  these  alterations  are  needed,  to 
bring  the  "  Memorial  Volume  "  into  conformity  with 
fact,  they  may  be  made,  and  we  counsel  the  critic  to 
persevere  in  his  efforts  until  they  shall  be  made,  even 
though  some  valuable  time  "at  the  meetings  of  the 
Board  "  be  spent  in  an  effort  to  convince  the  members 
of  that  body  of  the  superiority  of  truth  over  error, 
and  of  the  expediency  of  adhering  to  truth  iu  their 
statements. 

It  appears,  however,  that  when  the  subject  of  slave- 
ry is  in  question,  Dr.  Worcester  does  not  find  truth 
and  accuracy  so  very  important.  Speaking  further 
of  the  contents  of  the  "Memorial  Volume,"  he  says — 

"On  the  relations  of  the  Board  to  slavery,  there  is 
but  little  said.  We  may  presume,  from  the  experi-" 
ence  of  tbe  past,  that  the  volume,  in  this  respect,  will 
be  unsatisfactory  to  many  ;  and  we  should  have  been 
pleased  if  there  had  been  more  fullness  and  explicit- 
ness  on  this  subject.  But  we  do  hope  that  we  have 
heard  the  last  of  it  at  the  meetings  of  the  Board." — 
p.  92. 

During  the  controversies  respecting  slavery  which 
have  agitated  the  Board  more  or  less  during  the  last 
twenty  years,  Dr.  Worcester  has  invariably  acted 
with  the  pro-slavery  majority  in  that  body,  has  up- 
held the  Prudential  Committee  in  its  maintenance  of 
slavery  in  the  Cherokee  and  Choctaw  churches,  and 
has  thrown  the  whole  weight  of  his  influence  against 
the  small  remonstrating  minority.  Moreover,  his 
attention  has  been  called  to  detailed  and  well-authen- 
ticated statements  proving  the  following  things; — 
systematic  unfairness  and  disingenuousness  practised 
by  the  Prudential  Committee  against  these  remon- 
strants, through  this  whole  period  of  twenty  years ; 
gross  evasions,  sophistries  and  deceptions  in  their 
documents  attempting  to  justify  this  policy ;  the  al- 
lowance, in  their  Indian  churches,  not  only  of  the 
ordinary  wickedness  necessarily  inherent  in  slavery, 
but  of  the  open  burning  alive  of  one  church-member 
by  another,  without  either  process  of  law  or  church- 
discipline  against  the  murderess,  and  without  the 
slightest  action  by  the  Prudential  Committee  against 
their  missionary,  who  was  an  "accomplice  after  the 
fact  "in   this  horrible  murder. 

Further,  the  attention  of  Dr.  Worcester  has  been 
called  to  the  fact  that  in  this  "Memorial  Volume," 
purporting  to  be  historical,  a  large  class  of  facts,  con- 
spicuous in  the  Board's  past  history,  and  essential  to 
a  correct  understanding  of  its  character,  has  been 
carefully  suppressed ;  that  in  the  same  volume  other 
things  have  been  grossly  misstated;  and  that,  after 
the  exposure  of  those  omissions  and  misstatements, 
alterations  were  made  in  the  fourth  edition  of  the 
same  work,  which  seeming,  and  only  seeming,  to  give 
admission  to  this  part  of  the  Board's  history,  continue 
and  aggravate  the  original  dishonesty,  instead  of 
atoning  for  it. 

These  facts,  with  details  of  evidence  demonstrating 
their  truth,  have  been  laid  before  Dr.  Worcester. 
What  impression  do  they  make  upon  him  ?  How 
much  does  he  care  that  the  Secretaries  and  the  Pru- 
dential Committee  have  not  only  upheld  slavery,  but 
upheld  it  by  a  long  course  of  dishonest  manoeuvring, 
including  many  instances  of  direct  deception,  and 
ended  with  the  attempt  to  conceal  their  guilt  by  fal- 
sifying the  history  of  their  first  half  century  ? 

He  coolly  admits  that  the  Memorial  Volume,  "in 
this  respect,  will  be  unsatisfactory  to  many;"  he 
gently  intimates  that  he  himself  would  have  been 
"  pleased  if  there  had  been  more  fullness  and  explicit- 
ness  on  this  subject"  ;  but  he  concludes,  with  a  fer- 
vor evidently  coming  straight  from  the  heart — "But 
we  do  hope  that  we  have  heard  the  last  of  it  at  the 
meetings  of  the  Board." 

The  contrast  (both  of  feeling  expressed  and  of  ac- 
tion proposed)  between  these  two  cases  is  noteworthy 
.and  instructive. 

When  it  is  merely  the  maintenance,  by  his  pioos 
and  reverend  associates,  of  a  system  of  caste  in 
America  like  that  which  they  oppose  in  India,  (includ- 
ing, like  that,  occasional  burnings  alive  of  the  inferi- 
or class,)  he  earnestly  deprecates,  not  this  state  of 
things,  but  all  complaint  respecting  it,  and  all  further 
attempts  to  call  to  account  those  who  have  established 
and  upheld  it. 

When,  on  the  other  hand,  the  question  is  whether 
his  venerable  father  had  more  or  fewer  associates  in 
the  original  formation  of  the  "American  Board,"  and 
whether  that  institution  was  founded  in  one  year  or 
another,  then  truth,  accuracy  and  justice  are  seen  to 
be  of  the  very  highest  importance;  then  no  labor,  no 
expense,  and  no  interference  with  the  repose  of  the 
Board  will  be  misplaced  (he  thinks)  in  the  attempt  to 
rectify  its  errors. 

This  position  of  Dr.  Worcester  naturally  brings  to 
mind,  not  only  the  difference  it  makes  to  a  man 
whether  it  be  his  ox,  or  merely  his  neighbor's,  that 
ts  gored,  but  that  narrative,  handed  down  to  us  from 
ancient  times,  of  a  great  conference-meeting,  where 
various  animals  assembled  for  penitential  exhorta- 
tion and  confession.  The  lion,  the  tiger,  the  wolf  and 
the  bear  confessed  the  destruction  of  numerous  lives 
for  the  gratification  of  their  appetites,  and  their  of- 
fences were  passed  by  as  venial.  The  ass  acknowl- 
edged having  once,  under  the  pressure  of  hunger, 
nibbled  without  Ieavesome  of  the  parson's  grass.  He 
was  immediately  condemned,  as  a  wretch  unworthy 
to  live. — c.  k.  w. 


Cash  Better  than  the  Lakh.  The  New  York 
Times  says  the  contrabands  at  Fortress  Monroe,  under 
Gen.  Wool's  system  of  cash  vs.  lash  as  a  motive,  "  have 
paid  for  their  own  support,  saved  very  large  sums  to 
the  Government,  and  accumulated  a  fund  of  over  three" 
thousand  dollars  in  the  Quartermaster's  hands."  Does 
not  this  fact  furnish  a  satisfactory  and  conclusive  an- 
swer to  the  question  so  often  asked — "  What  would 
you  do  with  the  slaves  ?  " 


METATEES. 

Civilization  in  Europe  has  advanced  the  slave  to 
the  Metayer.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  is  the  normal 
progress  commended  by  history  as  the  true  policy  to 
be  pursued  with  respect  to  the  slaves  of  this  country. 
I  take  leave  to  ask  the  attention  of  the  friends  of  the 
colored  race  to  this  suggestion,  which  seems  not  to 
have  occurred  to  any  of  them  in  this  anxious  inqui- 
ry— "  What  is  to  be  done  with  the  emancipated  slaves 
of  the  South  ?  " 

Adam  Smith  says  : — 

"  The  pride  of  man  makes  him  love  to  domineer, 
and  nothing  mortifies  him  so  much  as  to  be  obliged  to 
condescend  to  persuade  his  interiors.  Wherever  the 
law  allows  it,  and  the  nature  of  the  work  can  afford  it, 
therefore,  he  will  generally  prefer  the  serviceof  slaves 
to  that  of  freemen.  The  planting  of  sugar  and  tobac- 
co can  aflbrd  the  expense  of  slave  cultivation.  The 
raising  of  corn,  it  seems,  in  the  present  lime  can- 
not." 

This  was  written  in  1775,  before  the  culture  of  cot- 
ton had  scarcely  been  thought  of  in  this  country.  He 
continues : — 

"  To  the  slave  cultivators  of  ancient  times  gradually 
succeeded  a  species  of  farmers,  known  at  present  in 
France  by  the  name  of  metayers.  They  are  called  in 
Latin  Colom  Partiarii.  They  have  been  so  long  in 
disuse  in  England,  that  at  present  I  know  no  English 
name  for  them.  The  proprietor  furnished  them  with 
the  seed,  cattle,  and  instruments  of  husbandry,  the 
whole  stock,  in  short,  necessary  for  cultivating  the 
farm.  The  produce  was  divided  equally  between  the 
proprietor  and  the  farmer,  after  setting  aside  what 
was  necessary  for  keeping  up  the  stock,  which  was  re- 
stored to  the  proprietor  when  the  farmer  either  quit- 
ted or  was  turned  out  of  the  farm."  *  •       * 

"  Such  tenants,  being  freemen,  are  capable  of  ac- 
quiring property  ;  and  having  a  certain  proportion  of 
the  produce  of  the  land,  they  have  a  plain  interest  that 
tbe  whole  produce  should  oe  as  great  as  possible,  in 
order  that  their  own  proportion  may  be  so  A  slave, 
on  the  contrary,  who  can  acquire  nothing  hut  his 
maintenance,  consults  his  own  ease  by  making  the 
land  produce  as  little  as  possible  ovcr.and  above  that 
maintenance.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  partly  on  ac- 
count of  this  advantage,  and  partly  on  account  of  the 
encroachments  which  the  sovereigns,  always- jealous 
of  the  great  lords,  gradually  encouraged  their  villains 
to  make  upon  their  authority,  and  which  seems,  at 
least,  to  have  been  such  as  rendered  this  species  ot  ser- 
vitude altogether  inconvenient,  that  tenure  in  villa- 
nage  gradually  wore  out  through  the  greater  part  of 
Europe.  The  time  and  manner,  however,  in  which 
so  important  a  revolution  was  brought  about,  is  one  of 
the  most  obscure  points  in  modern  history." 

According  to  Dr.  Smith,  then,  the  parallel  appears 
to  be  about  perfect  between  the  condition  of  society  in 
Europe  in  ancient  times,  which  brought  about  the  ex- 
tinction of  slavery  there,  and  its  condition  in  this  coun- 
try now,  which  is  bringing  about  the  same  thing  here. 
The  self-interest  of  every  man,  he  scarce  know*s  how— 
the  religion  of  commerce,  is  spreading  its  influence  to 
encourage  and  stimulate  a  more  profitable  system  than 
the  slave  culture  of  the  South.  We  want  a  better 
and  safer  market  there  ;  an  augmented  production  to 
create  an  augmented  consumption  of  values.  We 
want  to  accommodate  the  South  with  greater  supplies, 
and  we  want  the  South  to  accommodate  us  by  payi: 
for  them,  which  it  appears  to  be  unable  or  unwilling 
to  do  under  slave  culture.  The  spirit  of  Commerce 
speaks  inarticulately,  but  forcibly,  to  the  South- 
"  Get  more  capital ;  get  more  intelligence  ;  I  will  send 
you  schoolmasters  and  schoolmistresses,  because  I 
must  have  more  traffic;  and  neither  your  interest  nor 
my  desire  can  be  accommodated  under  your  system 
of  slave  culture."  It  is  the  old  teaching  in  a  new 
country — more  labor  and  better — more  profit  and  more 
wealth. 

And  the  sovereigns  of  this  country  are  with  reason 
enough  jealous  of  the  great  lords  of  the  cotton  fields, 
and  very  properly  and  inevitably  encourage  their  vil- 
lains to  make  encroachments  upon  their  authority. 
These  rattlesnake  lords  have  been  threatening  noisily 
the  sovereigns  of  this  country  with  their  venom  for 
thirty  years  or  more.  They  grovel  in  the  dirt,  and 
shake  their  noisy  appendages — "Don't  tread  upon 
me  !  " — while  commerce,  and  science,  and  religion,  and 
philanthropy,  with  war  in  harness,  are  driving  the 
car  of  progress  through  their  fields  and  over  their 
bodies  with  no  more  regard  to  their  "  Don'ttread  upon 
me!"  than  to  the  hissing  of  the  reptiles  who  lie 
in  the  path  of  human  advancement,  without  sense 
enough  to  see  that,  if  they  do  not  get  out  of  the  way: 
they  must  be  crushed  to  death.  Again,  it  is  the  old 
teaching  in  a  new  country — "No  resistance  to  the  le- 
gitimate sovereignty  of  freedom  and  truth  and  right 
in  human  society." 

The  Metayer  culture  does  not  differ  essentially 
from  the  custom  of  taking  a  farm  upon  shares 
this  country.  The  chief  distinction  appears  to  be, 
that  custom  governs  wholly  in  the  Metayer  system; 
while  the  joint  account  system  with  us  is  governed  by 
special  contract.  Sismondi,  however,  speaking  chiefly 
of  Tuscany,  says: — "This  connection  is  often  the 
subject  of  a  contract  to  define  certain  services  and  cer- 
tain payments  to  which  the  metayer  binds  himself 
nevertheless,  the  differences  in  the  obligations  of 
one  such  contract  and  another  are  inconsiderable 
usage  governs  alike  all  these  engagements,  and  sup- 
plies the  stipulations  which  have  not  been  expressed  ; 
and  the  landlord  who  attempted  to  depart  from  usage: 
who  exacted  more  than  his  neighbor,  who  took  for 
the  basis  of  the  agreement  anything  but  the  equal  di- 
vision of  the  crops,  would  render  himself  so  odious, 
he  would  be  so  sure  of  not  obtaiidng  a  metayer  who 
was  an  honest  man,  that  the  contract  of  all  the 
metayers  may  be  considered  as  identical,  at  least  in 
each  province,  and  never  gives  rise  to  any  competi- 
tion among  peasants  in  search  of  employment,  or  any 
offer  to  cultivate  the  soil  on  cheaper  terms  than  one 
another."  To  the  same  effect  Chateauvieux,  speak- 
ing of  the  metayers  of  Piedmont :  "  They  consider  it 
(the  farm)  as  a  patrimony,  and  never  think  of  renew- 
ing the  lease,  but  go  on  from  generation  to  generation, 
on  the  same  terms,  without  writings  or  registries." 

I  find  these  extracts  from  Sismondi  and  Chateau- 
vieux in  John  Stuart  Mill's  "Principles  of  Political 
Economy,"  to  which  I  refer  the  reader  for  an 
proving  and  most  interesting  chapter  on  the  Metay- 
ers, which  it  appears  to  me  shows  very  clearly  that 
the  system  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  condition  of 
the  negroes  of  the  South  in  their  incipient  political 
freedom,  and  to  the  culture  of  the  Southern  staples  of 
cotton,  rice  and  tobacco. 

Obviously,  these  laborers  must  work  with  or  upon 
somebody's  capital  beside  their  own,  for  they  have 
none.  To  turn  them  adrift  in  freedom,  with  uncer- 
tainty of  employment,  and  dependent  upon  wages, 
without  any  organization  of  capital  or  labor  to  provide 
them;  with  no  self-reliance,  and  no  power  of  self-seek- 
ing or  self-assertion,  would  be,  it  appears  to  me,  rath- 
er cruel  than  kind.  Freedom  upon  such  terms  would 
be  a  doubtful  boon.  I  propose,  therefore,  that  the 
national  government  shall  assume  the  position  of 
landlord  of  the  abandoned  or  confiscated  estates,  and 
inaugurate  the  Metayer  system  at  once  upon  the 
plantations  at  Port  Royal,  under  the  supervision  and 
management  of  competent  commissioners  selected 
from  the  fast  friends  of  the  colored  race.  It  could 
not  fail  of  success,  in  elevating  that  race,  by  proper 
incentives  to  ambition  in  the  acquisiton  of  property 
and  of  self-reliance,  and  iu  revenue  to  the  government 
beside.  q 

SAFETY  OF  EMANCIPATION. 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Webb  of  Dublin,  in  a  late  Anti- 
Slavery  Standard,  he  says — 

*  *  *  *  "Not only  in  Ameri- 

ca, but  in  England,  the  greatest  horror  is  expressed 
of  the  consequences  of  a  servile  insurrection.  Con- 
trasting the  relative  area  and  population  of  the  slave 
States  and  of  those  islands  and  other  colonics  in  which 
the  act  of  British  emancipation  took  cfibct,  this  dread 
appears  both  cowardly  and  puerile.  Omitting  Texa 
tbe  area  of  the  present  slave  States  is  about  600  000 
square  miles;  whites  10,000,000:  slaves  4,000,000. 
This  gives  about  lf'»  whites  and  fi  1-2  blacks  to' the 
square  mile.  The  area  of  the  British  slave  territory 
was  probably  not  more  than  f>0,000  square  miles,  al- 
though that  of  the  West  India  islands  which  contain.  d 
the  great  majority  of  the  slaves  was  only  16,000 
square  miles.  But  I  allow  50.000  Cor  the  whole,  and 
allow  to  them  800,000  slaves  ilih!  50,000  Whites,  which 
was,  I  believe,  the  full  proportion  ofootolliBti,  ami  we 
have  16  black  and  1   white  inhabitant  to  the  Bquare 


mile.  Now,  it  would  be  strange  indeed,  if  an  experi- 
ment of  freedom  in  the  United  States,  under  prudent 
precautions,  should  produce  more  dangerous  results 
with  such  a  preponderance  of  the  armed  and  organ- 
ized whites  than  resulted  in  the  British  possessions 
where  the  whites  were  so  enormously  outnumbered." 

This  is  an  important  view  to  those  who  need  to 
have  it  proved  that  it  is  safer  to  hold  men  as  slaves 
than  as  freemen.  But  the  case  may  be  put  in  a  much 
stronger  light. 

The  area  of  the  slave  States— all  of  them,  for  I 
see  no  propriety  in  omitting  Texas— is  927,000  square 
miles.  The  entire  white  population  of  those  States, 
in  18(30,  was  8,275,000,  not  10,000,000,  as  Mr.  Webb 
states  it;  slaves  4,000,000.  These  figures  give  8  9-10 
whites  to  the  square  mile,  and  4  3-10  slaves.  Here  is 
the  comparison  : — In  the  British  slave  territory,  16 
blacks  and  1  white  to  the  square  mile,  and  sixteen 
times  as  many  black  inhabitants  as  white  ;  and  accom- 
plished emancipation  peaceful.  In  the  American  slave 
territory,  8  9-10  whites  and  4  3-10  blacks  to  the  square 
mile,  and  more  than  twice  as  many  whites  as  blacks; 
and  anticipated  emancipation  involves  the  "  horrors  of 
St.  Domingo  "  !  Add  to  these  contrasts  another  con- 
sideration : — The  British  slave  territory,  composed  of 
islands,  was  cut  off  from  help  from  the  outside  in  the 
event  of  disturbances  ;  our  slave  territory  is  watched 
by  twenty  millions  of  freemen  ready  to  control  any 
disorders,  if  any  were  possible,  resulting  from  eman- 
cipation as  an  act  of  justice  and  humanity.  Is  it  ig- 
norance, cowardice,  stupidity  or  depravity,  or  all  com- 
bined, that  conjures  up  this  bugbear  of  the  dangers  of 
emancipation  ?  B. 


"WAR  AND  PUBLIC  M0EALS  AND  HONOR. 

Extract  from  "A  Discourse  delivered  before  the 
Executive  and  Legislative  Departments  of  tbe  Gov- 
ernment of  Massachusetts,  at  the  Annual  Election. 
Wednesday,  Jan.  1,  1862,  by  Rev.  William  Rocn- 
seville  Alger"; — 

The  connection  of  war  with  public  morals  and 
national  honor  is  so  close  and  broad,  and  so  promi-* 
nent  at  this  moment,  that  ]  must  ask  your  attention 
to  some  thoughts  on  it.  A  subtle  fallacy  underlies 
the  popular  admiration  for  war,  and  hardly  any  other 
error  has  been  so  injurious  as  the  popular  misestimate 
of  military  glory.  The  only  ultimate  good  of  hu- 
man nature  is  the  fruition  of  its  functions.  The 
greater  the  power  and  freedom  for  this,  the  greater 
the  good.  Energy  is  the  agent  by  which  all  fruition 
is  secured.  Energy,  therefore,  is  the  chiefest  de- 
sideratum, the  greatest  virtue  \  energy,  to  repel 
death  and  disease,  to  preserve  life  and  health,  to  sus- 
tain activity.  Of  course  this  is  as  true  of  a  nation 
as  it  is  of  an  individual.  Now  in  war  is  summoned 
up  and  put  forth  incomparably  more  energy  than  in 
any  other  exigency.  At  no  other  time  does  a  peo- 
ple so  keenly  feel  its  life  in  all  its  limbs,  thrilling 
with  electric  pulsations ;  is  its  conscious  supply  of 
will  and  purpose  so  exuberant,  its  imagination  so 
dilated,  its  total  experience  so  variously  heightened. 
A  colossal  army,  at  the  waving  of  the  emblem  of 
native  land,  precipitating  themselves  into  the  deadly 
hell  of  battle,  to  conquer  or  die  in  a  good  cause,  is 
the  most  dazzling  embodiment  of  valor  and  self- 
sacrifice  ever  seen  below  the  heavens.  It  is  but 
natural  that  the  spectacle  should  captivate  and  set 
men  wild  with  admiration.  Yet  in  giving  way  to 
the  impulse  to  glorify  war,  and  to  laurel  and  deify 
its  champions,  their  minds  are  blurred  by  pernicious 
sophistries.  In  the  first  place,  war  does  not  create — 
it  only  directs  and  expends — the  energy  so  vehement- 
ly sympathized  with.  Faith,  love,  harmonious  ex- 
ertion, nutrition,— the  normal  accompaniments  of 
peace, — are  the  generators  and  storers  up  of  power. 
Hate,  strife,  terror,  ravaging  spasms, — the  normal 
accompaniments  of  war, — only  evoke  that  power 
from  its  treasuries  in  the  souls  of  a  loyal  people,  and 
conduct  it  along  discordant  ways  to  purposes  of  de- 
fence or  destruction.  War  is  a  wasteful  exhibition 
rather  than  a  beneficent  creation  of  energy.  If  we 
accept  and  wonder  at,  let  us  not  covet  and  praise., 
the  dire  phenomenon,  whose  sorcerous  beauty  in  one 
particular  has  so  long,  caused  mankind  to  overlook 
its  demoniacal  hideousness  in  general. 

Again,  we  ought  to  understand  that  it  is  not  the 
mere  quantity  of  energy  displayed  by  a  being,  and 
the  recklessness  of  its  expenditure,  but  its  quality 
also,  together  with  the  method  and  aim  of  its  ex- 
penditure, that  mark  the  rank  of  his  life  and  the 
desirableness  of  bis  condition.  Here  is  an  error  con- 
stantly committed.  People  mistake  excitement  for 
fulfilment.  A  man  in  the  convulsions  of  an  inter- 
mittent fever  may  make  a  prodigious  exhibition  of 
energy ;  but  the  occasion  is  lamentable.  Does  it 
make  no  difference,  if  we  but  show  a  given  amount 
of  energy,  whether  we  expend  it  in  stamping  a  rat- 
tlesnake, or  in  embracing  a  truth  ?  in  beating  off  a 
murderer,  or  in  devising  a  new  benefaction  ?  in 
thwarting  the  plans  of  a  rival,  or  in  consummating 
an  act  of  saintly  goodness  ?  In  that  torrent  of  de- 
votion to  the  cause  of  our  embattled  and  imperilled 
country  now  surging  through  the  souls  of  the  people, 
many  needful  discriminations  of  morality  are  fre- 
quently swept  away ;  utterances  abound  on  every 
side  which  flatly  contradict  the  holiest  oracles  of  re- 
ligion. Hundreds  of  speeches .  and  sermons  have 
been  delivered  affirming,  almost  in  so  many  words, 
that  peace  is  naturally  a  great  breeder  of  selfishness 
and  corruption,  a  nest  of  degrading  tameness  and 
vice  ;  that  war  is  naturally  a  purifying  leaven,  a  be- 
getter of  every  high  excellence,  the  sole  condition 
for  realizing  the  choicest  blessings';  that  a  little  while 
ago  life  was  a  dull  business,  hardly  worth  carrying 
on,  a  puling  period  of  habit  and  tedium  ;  but  now  it 
is  indeed  a  privilege  to  be  alive. ;  this  arbitrament  by 
slaughter,  with  its  concomitants,  is  the  acme  of  glory  ; 
now  the  night  is  full  of  hope  and  the  day  is  full  of 
splendor.  In  a  word,  we  are  to  thank  God  for  per- 
mitting our  eyes  to  see  this  magnificent,  kindling, 
blessed,  religious  war  !  This  is  the  popular  tone  in 
many  quarters.  But  what  a  perversion  it  is  of  truth 
and  propriety;  what  a  reversal  of  the  sanctities  of 
right  and  humanity ;  what  a  piteous  parody  of  that 
gospel  whose  beginning,  middle  and  close  are,  "  Peace 
on  earth,  good-will  towards  man,"  "  Do  unto  others 
as  you  would  have  them  do  unto  you,"  "  Father,  thy 
will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven  ! "  The  per- 
sons who  talk  so  seem  actually  to  interpret  this  fever 
of  the  country,  raging  at  its  climax,  her  agonized 
struggle  of  life  and  death,  as  a  wholesome  and  de- 
lightful exaltation  of  her  proper  life,  instead  of  see- 
ing that  it  is  a  horrible  wrench  of  her  structure 
which  sets  all  her  organs  griding  in  their  sockets, 
with  appalling  waste  of  power,  and  with  many  dan- 
gers. 

.  War  is  the  constrained  expenditure  of  the  ener- 
gies of  a  people,  not  in  the  happy  play  or  natural 
work  of  their  faculties,  but  in  bursting  their  chains  or 
repulsing  their  assailants.  Primarily  it  is  an  insur- 
gent outbreak  of  evil ;  secondarily,  to  put  down  that 
insurrection  is  rather 'a  woful  task  of  necessity,  to  be 
religiously  regretted  while  accepted,  than  a  heaven- 
ly opportunity  for  glory,  to  offer  holocausts  for. 
The  joy  and  dignity  of  a  people  reside  in  the  varied 
spontaneity  and  concord  of  their  action.  But  there 
is  immeasurably  less  of  this  in  war  than  in  peace. 
Nowhere  are  men  so  compressed  and  hardened  into 
machine-like  masses  as  in  armies.  Everv  other  form 
of  rule  allows  more  freedom  and  diversify  than  mili- 
tary discipline,  which,  whenever  it  prevails,  increases 
the  severity  and  enlarges  the  province  of  government, 
sternly  curbing  the  free  functions  of  the  people  in 
accordance  with  the  martial  exigencies  of  the  hour. 
Government  is  a  check  on  the  evil  propensities  of 
men.  War  is  a  demonstration  that  those  propensi- 
ties have  been  aggravated  into  insurgency,  and  have 
made  a  corresponding  intensification  of  the  func- 
tions of  government  necessary.  -A  conspicuous  and 
chronic  element  in  barbarism,  it  is  a  monstrous  ex- 
ception in  civilization,  every  recurrence  of  it,  show- 
ing that  the  barbaric  stage"  is  not  yet  wholly  out- 
grown. The  dissentient  energies  of  society  on  en- 
countering may  crash  in  war,  recoil  and  proceed  in 
the  separate  bnf.  parallel  paths  of  jealous  rivalry,  or 
with  mutual  modifications  blend  in  cooperative  union. 
Which  of  these  results  will  be  experienced  depends 
on  the  degree  of  moral  refinement  reached.  With 
reckless  savages  it  will  be  the  first;  with  shrewd, 
selfish  competitors  it  will  be  the  second;  but  with' 
thoughtful  Chrisfians  it  will  be  the  last.  People  are 
very  apt  to  overlook  the  infernal  and  even  diaaust- 
ir.£  :.h;:r<:  I  IT  oi  I  Ik-  :1- tr.i|-.-:l  :  nijK.n-  ills  of  tattl  ■  in 
its  collective  sublimity  :  to  allow  their  fancies  to  be 
deluded  by  the  imposing  grandeur  of  a  nation's 
vt.-.lf  :;::  1  v;  r.£ ;  ,:n  ■:.  :h^;:i.  i::g  th;  met!t  -.r..\ 
odious  features  of  individual  fury,  cruelty,  mnlilat  inn 
and  terror,  in  the  aggregate  aspects  of  awe  and 
beauty.  Is  not  the  fallavy  obvious?  So  stupendous 
and  impressive  in  total  bulk  and  show  was  the  pyra- 
mid of  human  skulls  reared  by  Timimr,  that  undoubt- 
edly many  a  spectator  forgot  that  its  components 
were  but  death,  horror,  sacrilege  and  decay.  The 
true  glory  of  a  state  cannot  be  that  which  exempli- 


fies its  evil,  but  must  be.  that  which  prophecies  its 
perfection.  Therefore  it  shrinks  from  the  passions 
of  war  to  live  with  the  principles  of  virtue. 

lie  that  in  light  diminishes  mankind, 
Does  no  addition  to- bin  stature  find  ; 
But  be  that  clues  a  noblu  nature  ehow, 
Obliging  others,  still  does  higher  grow. 

No  one  can  compute  the  details  of  anguish,  of 
wide-spread  poverty  and  woe,  to  result  from  this 
present  war  of  ours.  ]t  will  all  be  due  virtually  to 
the  unhallowed  wilfulness  of  a  party  of  slave-inas- 
ters  who  forced  the  issue  on  us,  and  would  not  suffer 
it  to  be  prevented.  In  its  origin,  then,  there  was  no 
glory,  but  boundless  disgrace.  It  was  an  eruption 
of  evil  actions  from  a  pit  of  evil  passions.  And  in 
the  war  itself,  so  far,  I  can  see  only  incidental  cause 
for  exultation,  much  greater  cause  for  sorrow.    Were 

a  war  prosecuted  by  the  aroused  spirit  of  freedom 
and  justice  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  all,  rescue  the 
down-trodden  victims  of  wrong,  cleanse  our  national 
banner,  adjust  our  constitution  to  the  principles  of 
true  democracy  and  religion,  there  would  be  a  re- 
deeming glory  in  its  cause  and  motive  which  might 
call  on  our  pulses  to  dance  for  joy.  But  it  does  not 
seem  to  be  such  a  conflict.  It  appears  much  more 
like  the  pride  of  the  country  leaping  up  to  avenge 
an  insult,  the  interest  of  the  country  rallying  to  sup- 
port its  authority  and  immunities.  This  is  an  im- 
perative duty,  whose  determined  performance  is  in- 
finitely better  than  submission  to  the  encroachments 
of  wrong.  But  the  opportunity  is  not  a  boon  to  sing 
pagans  over.  The  Christian  patriot  who  sees  this 
war  aiming  simply  to  place  things  as  they  were  be- 
fore, returning  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters,  de- 
creeing no  act  for  the  enlargement  of  tbe  freedom 
of  the  people,  must  feel  oppressed  with  grief  rather 
than  electrified  with  gratitude.  He  can  only  cling 
to  the  hope  that,  as  the  panorama  rolls  on,  to  the 
lurid  accompaniments  of  battle,  by  and  by  the  dis- 
mal scenes  will  burst  asunder  and  suddenly  reveal 
an  act  of  compensating  good,  an  act  of  sublime 
splendor — millions  of  men  going  free,  with  broken 
fetters,  tears  of  joy,  and  hymns  to  God.  Nor  let 
any  over-nice  constructionist  deem  it  treason  to  the 
organic  law  of  the  land  to  wish  such  a  result.  The 
Constitution  is  mighty  and  venerable;  but  the  con- 
vulsions of  a  crisis  like  this  snap  many  ties ;  and  new 
legislation  can  modify  and  mend. 

As  veers  tbe  wind  so  shifts  the  pilot's  art  ; 
"Who  saves  the  ship  may  well  reset  the  chart. 

Yet  in  immediate  connexion  with  this  overshadow- 
ing calamity  of  civil  war,  the  discriminating  moral- 
ist, as  well  as  another,  perceives  that  there' has  ac- 
tually been  an  outbreak  of  glory  illuminating  the 
whole  land.  But  he,  unlike  the  superficial  observer, 
recognizes  the_  genuine  origin  and  purport  of  that 
glory,  and  ascribes  it  to  its  substantial  cause,  not  to 
its  mere  occasion  ;  to  the  virtues  of  the  people,  not 
to  the  war.  The  sublime  enthusiasm  with  which,  at 
the  call  of  their  country,  half  a  million  gallant  men 
extricated  themselves  from  the  ties  of  home  and 
business,  and  sprang  into  the  mortal  field  ;  the  heroic 
elevation  of  sentiment  with  which  the  women  yield- 
ed up  their  beloved  ones  to  the  hazards  of  the  con- 
flict, and  resolved  themselves  into  a  committee  of  the 
whole  for  supplying  the  wants  of  the  camp  and  the 
hospital ;  the  voluntary  assumption  of  sacrifices,  hard- 
ships and  perils,  by  all  classes,  in  response  to  the 
exigency  of  the  public  weal — this,  however- alloyed 
by  the  intermixture  of  baser  matter,  this  is  the  daz- 
zling glory  of  the  hour.  Let  it  not  be  blasphemed 
bya  profane  identification  of  it  with  feats  of  brute 
strength,  butchery  and  devastation,  or  with  the  bril- 
liant antics  of  ambition  and  the  rampant  egotism  of 
victory.  Rather  let  the  wrecks  of  fortunes,  the 
fumes  of  carnage,  the  smoke  of  conflagrations,  the 
groans  of  the  wounded,  the  heaps  of  the  dead,  the 
tears  of  widows  and  orphans,  cause  these  latter  to 
hide  themselves  in  silence  behind  the  stern  garb  of 
duty. 

War  is  properly  the  carnival  of  hatred  and  injury. 
Its  essence  is  destructive  animosity.  Intrinsically, 
therefore,  it  is  wicked  and  infamous.  But  in  accom- 
paniment with  it  there  may  be  an  unparalleled  ex- 
hibition of  the  noblest  virtues  of  man,  eneroy,  brave- 
ry, disinterestedness.  Through  it  also  may  some- 
times be  achieved  the  most  priceless  advantages  of 
society,  justice,  freedom,  and  assured  security.  Ob- 
viously the  glory  won  in  such  eases  does  not  belong 
to  war,  but  to  the  commanding  virtues  exemplified, 
and  the  costly  ends  obtained  in  connection  with  it. 
War  by  itself,  destroying  wrath  let  loose,  can  be 
nothing  but  repulsive  and  damnable.  But  through 
one  of  those  sensational  fallacies  so  common,  and  so 
pregnant  of"  mischief  to  mankind,  the  glory  thus  visi- 
bly associated  with  war  is  often  morally  identified 
with  it.  The  people  come  to  admire  and  applaud 
the  scenic  display  of  virtues  on  exciting  occasions, 
but  topass  careJessly  over  the  beneficent  fulfilment 
of  their  normal  functions  in  the  blessed  routine  of 
privacy  and  peace.  Then  the  votaries  of  ambition 
learn  to  love  war  as  a  thrilling  field  of  adventure,  to 
covet  it  as  the  speediest  path  to  notoriety,  to  improve 
every  opportunity  of  rushing  into  it  as  the  most  bril- 
liant and  feasible  arena  for  drawing  the  eyes  of  the 
populace  and  plucking  the  wreath  of  adulation. 
And  so  war  becomes  an  idol  daubed  with  praise  and 
tricked  out  with  gewgaws. 

The  test  of  universality  will  make  it  start  up  in 
its  frightful  truth.  Imagine  every  man  on  earth  to 
be  a  military  hero  flaunting  the  incarnadine  trophies 
of  a  conqueror:  and  imagine  war  to  prevail  steadily 
everywhere.  A  seething  chaos  of  strife,  vengeance 
and  murder,  closing  in  the  silence  of  exhaustion  and 
ruin,  would  be  the  sequel.  But  suppose,  on  the 
other  hand,  peace  to  be  everywhere  and  perpetual ; 
suppose  every  man  on  earth  to  be  a  victorious  em- 
bodiment of  truth  and  love,  incarnating  all  the  vir- 
tues in  his  character,  and  unobtrusively  enjoying 
their  prerogatives  in  the  spontaneous  performance  of 
the  functions  of  a  man.  What  would  result  then  ? 
Why,  the  absolute  perfection  .of  the  individual  and 
the  whole,  full  of  bliss  and  covered  with  glory,  each 
man  a  finite  representative  of  God,,  and  the"  entire 
earth  a  mirror  of  heaven.  Let  us  therefore  ever 
deprecate  the  need  of  war  while  we  glorify  the  vir- 
tues it  elicits,  remembering  that  the  radiant  worth 
of  the  soldier  springs  not  from  the  dread  business  he 
is  about,  but  from  the  high  spirit  in  which  he  exe- 
cutes it.  Nor  let  us  forget  that  if  he  goes  to  war, 
simply  from  hatred  of  the  foe,  or  from  a  regard  for 
the  emoluments,  or  from  a  selfish  hankering^for  dis- 
play and  reputation,  however  valiant  and  successful 
he  prove,  not  the  faintest  attribute  of  true  glory  be- 
longs to  him.  Glorious  Bayard  was  not  the  strong- 
est man  in  the  army,  nor  the  handsomest,  but  the 
best. 


THE    BLIND    CHILDREN. 

BY  JOSEPH  A.  WiGDALE. 

Nearly  twenty  years  ago,  Aunt  Ruth  and  I  made 
a  visit  to  the  institution  for  the  blind  in  Columbus, 
Ohio.  The  edifice  was  then  new,  and  seemed  to  us 
quite  tastefully  constructed.  We  were  delighted  to 
find  a  happy  family  of  thirty  or  forty  dear  children. 

The  boys  were  engaged  in  making  shoes  and 
brushes;  the  girls  in  knitting,  sewing,  and  con- 
structing little  baskets,  cradles  and  chairs,  by 
stringing  various  colored  beads  on  thread  and  vpjre. 

As  we  looked  upon  their  sightless  eyes,  forever 
shut  from  the  glorious  light  and  beauty  of  the  world, 
our  bosoms  heaved  a  sigh,  and  our  cheeks  were 
moistened  with  tears. 

Will  you  not  be,  very  much  surprised,  my  little 
readers,  when  I  tell  you  that  many  of  these  blind 
children  could  spell,  read  and  write? 

You  wonder  how  this  can  be  true.  Well,  the' 
letters  are  made  by  impression  on  paper,  and  are 
raised  above  the.  surface,  so  that  by  the  touch  of 
their  fingers  they  soon  learn  to  distinguish  one  let- 
ter from  another. 

It  is  said  that  when  one  of  our  faculties  becomes 
impaired  or  destroyed,  others  will  increase  in  power. 
Just  as  if  five  good  little  girls  and  bovs  were  to  <ro 
_  ..utting  in  the  autumn,  and  one  should  Lv».[  a  i;,]^ 
and  grow  faint  and  sick,  the  balance  of  the  party 
would  say,  "We  will  search  the  more  diligently, 
nd  work  the  harder,  and  share  our  gains  with  onr 
unfortunate  comrade."  So,  when  the'  sense  of  hear- 
ing becomes  impaired,  the  eye  says  to  the  ear, 
"Never  mind.  I  will  help  thee  "—or  when  the  eye 
grows  dim,  feeling  comes  to  the.  rescue,  and  docs  all 
t  can. 

I  guess  you  would  have  thought  this  true,  if  yon 
had  seen  these  children  in  their  round  of  labor  and 
amusement.  They  would  run  through  the  great 
house  and  pass  from  one  apartment  to  another  with 
surprutrejS  ft:  ditv.  Th.:r  little  hanio  would  be 
stretched  out  ready  to  touch  any  object,  t hat  came 
in  tho  way. 

They  played  hide  and  seek,  jump  the  rope,  and 
were  as  merry  a  group  as  1  ever  saw.  I  was  invi- 
ted to  speak  to  ilu'  whole  Bohool,  which  I  did  briefly, 

I  sometimes  say,  "  1  love  God  and  little  children." 
I  well  remember  how  I  felt,  drawn  in  with  near  and 

affectionate  feeling  <<•  attar  words  of  kindness  to 

those  little  ones,  a  number  of  whom  were  orphans, 


MAECH  14. 


and  all  separated  from  "  home,  sweet  home,"   where 

many  of  you  are  blessed  with  a  father's  counsel 
anil  a  mother*"  love. 

Little  Lucinda  was  not  more  than  five  year*  old  ; 
she  seemed  an  angel  child.  She  WBM  heauliful  in 
her  form,  and  possessed  a  rare  wealth  of  affection. 
Well  do  I  remember  how  she  climbed  upon  my 
knees,  passing  her  tiny  finger*  over  my  face,  and 
then  my  hair,  at  the  Maine  time  her  sweet  little  lips 
finding  mine.  Aaron  was  a  manly  boy,  prepossess- 
ing in  a  remarkable  degree.  Anna  Maria  was  very 
interesting  and  attractive, — remarkably  talented  in 
musical  acquirements.  But  lest  I  make  the  story 
too  long,  I  will  come  right  to  the  point,  and  tell 
you  that  in  the  spring  of  I860,  Aunt  Ruth  and 
Uncle  .Joseph  made  a  tour  from  their  home,  in 
Chester  county,  Pa.,  to  several  points  in  the  grand 
West,  where  we  held  some  delightful  conventions 
for  the  little  folks,  and  we  had  grand  times  with 
them.  It  happened  that  we  made  the  city  of  Co- 
lumbus one  of  our  points,  and  again  visited  the 
Blind  Asylum. 

Twenty  years  had  made  many  changes;  the  for- 
mer principals  and  teachers  were  gone.  The 
children  of  1840  had  grown  to  be  men  and  women, 
and   were  not  there,  with  one  exception. 

Dr.  Lord  and  his  excellent  wife,  the  present  in- 
cumbents, gave  us  a  kind  reception.  Before  being- 
seated  in  the  school-room,  1  inquired  for  the  three- 
whom  I  have  named.  The  doctor  replied,  "  Aaron 
is  now  a  teacher  in  another  institution,  Lucinda  is 
in  heaven,  Anna  Maria  is  yonder,"  pointing  to  a 
fine-looking  woman  at  the  farther  end  of  the  spa- 
cious room.  I  inquired,  "May  I  go  and  speak  to 
her?"  "Oh,  yes,"  said  the  principal,  "I  will  go 
and  introduce  you."  "  Please  not,"  I  replied,  "  I 
want  to  see  if  she  will  remember  me."  So  I  went 
to  her,  presented  my  hand,  and  taking  hers  in  mine, 
asked  if  she  knew  me.  Very  soon  I  discovered  at 
slight  tremor  upon  her  lips,  as  she  exclaimed  with 
emotion,  "  Oh,  can  it  be  friend  Dugdale  ?  Why,  I 
heard  you  were  dead  !     I  am  very  glad  to  see  you." 

The  blind  always  talk  as  if  they  could  see.  Here 
was  a  wonderful  illustration  of  the  power  of  other 
faculties  having  been  brought  into  play,  so  thatr 
after  twenty  years,  this  blind  woman  recognized  by 
the  voice  and  touch  of  the  hand  a  friend  upon  whose 
countenance  she  had  never  looked. 

The  chapel  was  lighted  in  the  evening,  and  an 
hour  or  more  spent  in  the  narration  of  instructive 
stories,  when  one  by  one  the  dear  children  came 
forward,  and  gave  us  the  parting  hand. — Educator 
and  Museum. 


PARKEK  $40 

Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 

rriHISisanew  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
I  Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  variouB  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Cbaritable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  the  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market. 

JSP"  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 

Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

At!  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice. 

Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 

IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"Four  Parker's  Sewing  Machines.  This  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  -They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  iu  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  guagingtbe  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz:  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  up»n 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  grrat 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  ran,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. The  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston  Traveller. 

8^*  We  would  call  tbe  attention  of  our  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  tbe  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  4  Wilson,  and 
Grover  &  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company  :  consequently,  it  has  tbe  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines—first, in  being  a  licensed  machine  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretufore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
lso  the  necessity  of  tbe  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  the  various  motions  to  ihe  machine. 
The  favor  with  whiofe  the  Parker  Sewing  Maehine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  the  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  best  machine    now    in    market. 

South  Reading  Gazette,  Nov.  24,  18G0. 

The  Parker  Sewing  Machine  is  taking  the  lead  in  the 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made— strength 
and  utility  combined— and  is  emphatically  the  cheapest  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  delighted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parker's  machine  the 
preference  over  all  others.  We  are  pleased  to  learn  that 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  George  E.  Leonard,  188  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  and  sells  them  as  fast  as  they  can  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  the  dnllncss  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  manufacturers  have  almost  wholly  suspended 
operations.  This  fact,  of  itself,  speaks  more  strongly  in 
its  favor  than  any  thing  we  cau  mention  ;  for  were  it  not 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  suffered  from  the  gen- 
eral depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  the  wrecks  of 
its  rivals.  Whntwe  tell  you  is  no  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
one  of  them,  and  you  will  say  that  "  half  of  its  good  qual- 
ities had  never  been  told  you."  Every  man  who  regards 
the  health  and  happiness  of  his  wife  should  buy  one  oi 
these  machines  to  n.-si^t  her  in  lessening  life's  toilsome 
■jask. —Marlboro'  Gazette,  July  IS,  lSlil. 


IMPROVEMENT  IN 

Champooing   and  Hair   Dyeing, 

'•  WITHOUT    SMUTTING." 

MADAME    CAKTAix   BANNISTER 


W 


OlT.n  inform  the  piihlie  that  she  has  removed  from 
823  Washington  Stmt,  to 

No-   31    WINTER    STREET, 
Wh««  she  will  attend  to  all  diseases  of  tho  Hair. 

She  is  Ban  to  wire  in  nine  omaa  out  of  ten,  m  she  has 

for  many  yean  made  the  hair  her  study,  and  is  sure  there 

--e  none  to  e.xe>-i  her  in  produoing  a  now  jcr.iivtii  of  hair. 

Her  Restorative  differs  from  thiil  of  any  one  else,  being 

made  from,   the   roots  and  herbs  of  Hie  (,>nst. 

She  I'hamnoos  with  a  bark  whioh  does  not  grow  in  this 
country,  and  which  Is  highly  beneficial  to  the  hair  Otfore 
ttsroo  the.  Restorative',  and  «ill  prevent  the  hair  from 
turning  grey. 

She  nlso  has  another  for  restoring  grey  linir  to  its  natu- 
ral color  in  nearly  all  oases,      She  ism>t"  afraid  In  speak  ..f 
liestorntives  in  any  part  of  tbe  World,  as  thev  are  useil 

iu  every  oit-y  in  the  oountry.    Tho.v  are  also  packed  for  her 
ouBtoaera  to  take  to  EEnrepe  with  them.  MMKtgh  tn  last  twe 

-   "ree    years,    as  they    ,>lteu    say    they   can    get  uothinir 

nl  like  theiiL. 
MADAME    CARTEAtTX   BANNISTER, 
No.  31  Winter  Street,  Boston. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS    PUBLISHED 

EVERY  FRIDAY  MOENING, 

AT 

221    WASHINGTON    STBEET,    ROOM    No.  6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Age 


i  per  annum, 


HP"  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty 
in  advance. 

12?™  Five  copies  will  t^fcent  to  one  address  for  ten  i>ol- 
LAUs,  if  pivymunt  is  muilu  in  ailviuico. 

B^~  All  remittances  are  to  bo  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  bo 
directed  (pobt  i*aw)  to  the  General  Agent. 

Q5T  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

C^~  Tlio  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  aod  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

E^P"  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz: — "Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Qoincy,  Ed- 
mund Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  tho  laud,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof!" 

"  T  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  titno,  tho  placo  of  all  munic- 
ipal Institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  TIIE  REST; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tbe  States  where  slavery  exists  have  tho  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
the  Uhitbd  States,  but  tho  Commander  op  the  Army, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  TIIE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  *  .  .  From  tbe  instant 
that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tbo  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  ever*  wAr  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tbo  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  wae  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  op  thew.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tbe  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory. "—J.  Q.  Adams. 


TO.  LLOYD  GAREISOH".  Editor. 


mx  Qtnmtxxj  \%  \\u  World,  mv  iomttvpwtt  m  all  panluurt. 


J.  B.  YEEEINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    12. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     MARCH    21,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1630. 


Uhp  of  ($\)\mmtm. 


LETTEE  FKOM  MOHTGOMEEY  BLAIR. 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  2,  1862. 
Gentlemen:  1  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
your  favor  of  yesterday,  inviting  me  to  attend  a 
meeting  of  the  citizens  of  New  York,  at  the  Cooper 
Institute,  on  the  sixth  inst.,  and  requesting  my  views 
on  the  subject  of  the  call.  I  shall  not  be  able  to  at- 
tend the  meeting,  nor  have  I  the  leisure  to  write 
out  my  views  upon  the  subject  with  the  care  de- 
manded by  the  nature  of  it,  but  I  will  offer  some 
thoughts  for  your  consideration. 

I  do  not  concur  in  the  proposition  that  certain 
States  have  been  "  reentry  overturned  and  wholly 
subverted  as  members  of  tke  Federal  Union,"  upon 
which  the  call  is  based.  This  is,  in  substance, 
what  the  Confederates  themselves  claim,  and  the 
fact  that  secession  is  maintained  by  the  authors  of 
this  call,  for  a  different  purpose,  does  not  make  it 
more  constitutional,  or  prevent  them  from  being  ac- 
tual aiders  and  abettors  of  the  Confederates. 

No  one  who  knows  my  political  career  will  sus- 
pect that  my  condemnation  of  this  doctrine  is  influ- 
enced by  any  indisposition  to  put  an  end  to  slavery. 
I  have  left  no  opportunity  unimproved  to  strike  at 
it,  and  have  never  been  restrained  from  doing  so  by 
personal  considerations.  But  I  have  never  believed 
that  the  abolition  of  slavery,  or  any  other  great  re- 
form, could  or  ought  to  be  effected  except  by  lawful 
and  constitutional  modes.  The  people  have  never 
sanctioned,  and  never  will  sanction,  any  other;  and 
the  friends  of  a  cause  will  especially  avoid  all  question- 
able grounds  when,  as  in  the  present  instance,  uoth- 
ingeise  will  long  postpone  their  success. 

There  are  two  distinct  interests  in  slavery,  the  po- 
litical and  property  interests,  held  by  distinct  classes. 
The  rebellion  originated  with  the  political  class. 
The  property  class,  which  generally  belonged  to  the 
"Whig  organization,  had  lost  no  property  in  the  re- 
gion where  the  rebellion  broke  out,  and  were  pros- 
perous. It  was  the  Democratic  organization,  which 
did  not  represent  the  slaveholders  as  a  class,  which 
hatched  the  rebellion.  Their  defeat  in  the  late  po- 
litical struggle,  and  in  the  present  rebellion,  extin- 
guishes at  once  and  forever  the  political  interest  of 
slavery.  The  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  put  an  end  to 
the  hopes  of  Jeff*  Davis,  Wise,  et  id  omne  genus,  for 
the  Presidency  of  the  Union,  and  hence  the  rebel- 
lion. It  extinguished  slavery  as  a  power  to  control 
the  Federal  Government,  and  it  was  the  capacity  of 
slavery  to  subserve  this  purpose  alone,  which  has 
givenit  vitality,  for  morally  and  economically  it  is 
indefensible.  With  the  extinction  of  its  political 
power,  there  is  no  motive  to  induce  any  politician  to 
uphold  it.  No  man  ever  defended  such  an  institu- 
tion except  for  pay,  and  nothing  short  of  tbe  power 
of  the  Government  could  provide  sufficient  gratifica- 
tion to  ambition  to  pay  for  such  service:  and  there- 
fore Mr.  Toombs  said,  with  perfect  truth,  that  the 
institution  could  "only  be  maintained  in  the  Union  by 
the  possession  of  the  Government.  That  has  been 
wrested  from  it,  and  the  pay  is  on  the  side  of  justice 
and  truth.  Can  any  man  who  respects  popular  in- 
telligence think  it  necessary,  with  such  advantages 
on  the  side  of  justice  and  truth,  to  violate  the  great 
charter  of  our  liberties  to  insure  their  triumph  ? 
Such  an  act,  in  my  judgment,  so  far  from  advancing 
the  cause  in  whose  name  it  is  performed,  would 
surely  be  disastrous,  and  result  in  bringing  our  op- 
ponents into  power  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution. 
It  is  not  merely  a  question  of  Constitutional  law 
or  slavery  with  which  we  have  to  deal  in  "  securing 
permanent  peace."  *  *  *  The  problem  before  us  is 
the  practical  one  of  dealing  with  the  relations  of 
masses  of  two  different  races  in  the  same  communi- 
ty. The  calamities  now  upon  us  have  been  brought 
about,  as  I  have  already  said,  not  by  the  grievances 
of  the  class  claiming  property  in  slaves,  but  by  the 
jealousy  of  caste,  awakened  by  the  secessionists  in 
the  non-slaveholders. 

In  considering  the  means  of  securing  the  peace  of 
the  country  hereafter,  it  is  therefore  this  jealousy  of 
races  which  is  chiefly  to  be  considered.  Emancipa- 
tion alone  would  not  remove  it.  It  was  by  proclaim- 
ing to  the  laboring  whites  who  fill  the  armies  of  re- 
bellion, that  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  involved 
emancipation,  equality  of  the  negroes  with  them,  and 
consequently  amalgamation,  that  their  jealousy  was 
stimulated  to  the  fighting  point.  Nor  is  this  jealousy 
the  fruit  of  mere  ignorance  and  bad  passion,  as 
some  suppose,  or  confined  to  the  white  people  of  the 
South.  On  the  contrary,  it  belongs  to  all  races,  and 
like  all  popular  instincts  proceeds  from  the  highest 
wisdom.  It  is,  in  fact,  the  instinct  of  self-preserva- 
tion which  revolts  at  hybridism. 

Nor  does  this  instinct  militate  against  the  natural 
law,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  if  another  law 
of  nature  equally  obvious  is  obeyed.  We  have  but 
to  restore  the  subject  race  to  the  same  or  to  a  region 
similar  to  that  from  which  it  was  brought  by  violence, 
to  make  it  operative,  and  such  a  separation  of  races 
is  tbe  condition  which  the  immortal  author  of  the 
Declaration  himself  declared  to  be  indispensable  to 
give  it  practical  effect.  A  theorist  not  living  in  a  com- 
munity where  diverse  races  are  brought  in  contact  in 
masses  may  stifle  the  voice  of  nature  in  his  own  bosom, 
and  from  a  determination  to  live  up  to  a  mistaken 
view  of  the  doctrine  go  so  far  as  to  extend  social  in- 
tercourse to  individuals  of  the  subject  race.  But  few 
even  of  such  persons  would  pursue  their  theories  so  far 
as  amalgamation  and  other  legitimate  consequences  of 
their  logic.  Indeed,  for  the  most  part,  such  persons, 
in  our  country,  like  the  leading  spirits  in  Exeter  Hall, 
are  so  far  removed,  by  their  circumstances,  from  any 
practical  equality  with  working-people  of  any  race, 
that  they  have  little  sympathy  for  them,  and  nothing 
to  apprehend  for  themselves  from  the  theory  of 
equality.  Not  so  with  the  white  working-man  in  a 
community  where  there  are  many  negroes.  In  such 
circumstances,  the  distinction  of  caste  is  the  only 
protection  of  the  race  from  hybridism,  and  conse- 
quent extinction. 

That  this  jealousy  of  caste  is  the  instinct  of  the 
highest  wisdom,  and  is  fraught  with  the  greatest 
good,  is  abundantly  attested  by  its  effects  on  our  own 
race,  in  which  it  is  stronger  than  any  other.  We 
conquer  and  hold  our  conquests  by  it. 

The  difficult  question  with  which  we  have  to  deal 
is,  then,  the  question  of  race,  and  I  do  not  think  it 
is  disposed  of,  or  that  our  difficulties  will  be  lessened 
by  emancipation  by  Congress,  even  if  such  an  act 
was  constitutional.  It  would  certainly  add  to  the 
exasperation  of  the  non-slaveholdlng  whites  of  the 
South,  and  might  unite  them  against  the  Government, 
and,  if  so,  they  would  be  unconquerable.  As  mat- 
ters stand,  we  can  put  down  the  rebellion,  because 
the  people  of  the  natural  strongholds  of  the  South- 
ern country  are  with  us.  It  is  chiefly  in  the  low 
lands  accessible  from  the  ocean  and  navigable  rivers 
and  bays,  that  treason  is  rampant.  The  mountain 
fastnesses,  where  alone  a  guerilla  war  can  be  sus- 
tained, are.  now  held  by  Union  men,  and  they  are 
more  numerous,  and  more  robust,  intelligent,  and  in- 
dependent than  the  rebels.  It  is  chiefly  the  more 
di-gradcd  class  of  non-slaveholders,  who  live  in  the 
midst  of  slavery,  who  are  now  engaged  against  the 


Government.  But  the  non-slaveholders  of  the  moun- 
tain and  high  land  regions,  while  for  the  Union,  are 
not  free  from  the  jealousy  of  caste,  and  the  policy  I 
object  to  would,  if  adopted,  I  apprehend,  array 
them  against  us.  Nor  would  we  succeed  in  our  ob- 
ject if  they  were  finally  subdued  and  exterminated, 
if  we  left  the  negroes  on  the  soil  ;  for  other  whites 
would  take  the  country,  and  hold  it  against  the  ne- 
groes, and  reduce  them  again  to  slavery,  or  exter- 
minate them. 

I  am  morally  certain,  indeed,  that  to  free  the 
slaves  of  the  South,  without  removing  them,  would 
result  in  the  massacre  of  them.  A  general  massacre 
was  on  the  eve  of  taking  place  in  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, in  1856,  upon  a  rising  of  some  of  them  on 
the  Cumberland ;  and  I  have  been  assured  by  the 
Hon.  Andrew  Johnson,  who  was  then  Governor  of 
the  State,  that  nothing  but  his  prompt  calling  out 
of  the  militia  prevented  it. 

But  this  antagonism  of  race,  which  has  led  to  our 
present  calamities  and  might  lead  to  yet  greater, 
if  it  continues  to  be  ignored,  will  deliver  us  from 
slavery  in  the  easiest,  speediest,  and  best  manner,  if 
we  recognize  it  as  it  is — the  real  cause  of  trouble 
and  invincible,  and  deal  with  it  rationally. 

We  have  but  to  propose  to  let  the  white  race 
have  the  lands  intended  for  them  by  the  Creator,  to 
turn  the  fierce  spirit  aroused  by  the  secessionists  to 
destroy  the  Union  to  the  support  of  it,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  break  up  the  slave  system  by  which 
the  most  fertile  lands  of  the  temperate  zone  are 
monopolized  and  wasted.  That  is  the  result  which 
the  logic  of  the  census  shows  is  being  worked  out, 
and  which  no  political  management  can  prevent  be- 
ing worked  out.  The  essence  of '  the  contest  is, 
whether  the  white  race  shall  have  these  lands,  or 
whether  they  shall  be  held  by  the-  black  race,  in  the 
name  of  a  few  whites.  The  blacks  could  never  hold 
them  as  their  own,  for  we  have  seen  how  quickly 
that  race  has  disappeared  when  emancipated.  Ex- 
perience proves  what  might  have  been  inferred  from 
their  history,  that  it  has  not  maintained  and  cannot 
maintain  itself  in  the  temperate  zone,  in  contact  and 
in  competition  with  the  race  to  which  that  region 
belongs.  It  is  only  when  dependent  that  it  can  ex- 
ist there.  But  tins  servile  relation  is  mischievous, 
and  the  community  so  constituted  does  not  flourish 
and  keep  pace  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.  It  has 
scarcely  the  claim  to  the  immense  area  of  land  it  oc- 
cupies, which  the  Aborigines  had;  for  though  the 
Indians  occupied  larger  space,  with  fewer  inhabi- 
tants, they  did  not  waste  the  land  as  the  slave  sys- 
tem does.  No  political  management  or  sentimental- 
ism  can  prevent  the  natural  resolution  of  such  a 
system,  in  the  end,  any  more  than  such  a  means 
could  avail  to  preserve  tbe  Indian  possession  and  do- 
minion. 

The  rebellion,  like  the  Indian  outbreaks,  is  but  a 
vain  attempt  to  stem  the  tide  of  civilization  and 
progress.  The  treachery,  falsehood  and  cruelty  per- 
petrated to  maintain  negro  possession,  scarcely  less 
than  that  of  the  savages,  mark  the  real  nature  of 
the  contest.  Nevertheless,  I  believe  it  might  have 
been  averted  if  we  had  adopted  Mr.  Jefferson's 
counsels,  and  made  provision  for  the  separation  of 
the  races,  providing  suitable  homes  for  the  blacks, 
as  we  have  for  the  Indians,  It  is  essential  still,  in 
order  to  abridge  the  conflict  of  arms,  and  to  frater- 
nize the  people  when  that  is  past,  to  follow  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson's advice. 

This  most  benevolent  and  sagacious  statesman 
predicted  all  the  evils  which  it  has  been  our  misfor- 
tune to  witness,  unless  wo  should  avert  them  by 
this,  the  only  means  which,  after  the  most  anxious 
thought,  he  could  suggest.  No  statesman  of  our 
day  has  given  the  subject  so  much  thought  as  he 
did,  or  possesses  the  knowledge  or  abilitv  to  treat  it  so 
wisely.  Let  us,  then,  listen  to  his  counsels.  By  do- 
ing so,  we  shall  establish  a  fraternity  among  the 
working-men  of  the  white  race  throughout  the 
Union  which  has  never  existed,  and  give  real  free- 
dom to  the  black  race,  which  cannot  otherwise  exist. 
Nor  is  it  necessary  to  the  restoration  of  harmony 
and  prosperity  to  the  Union,  that  this  policy  should 
be  actually  and  completely  put  in  force.  It  is  only 
necessary  that  it  should  be  adopted  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  it  be  made  known  to  the  people  that 
it  is  adopted,  to  extinguish  hostility  in  the  hearts  of 
the  masses  of  the  South  toward  the  people  of  the 
North,  and  secure  their  co-operation  in  putting  an 
end  to  slavery.  No  greater  mistake  was  ever  made 
than  in  supposing  that  the  masses  of  the  people  of 
the  South  favor  slavery.  I  have  already  stated 
that  they  did  not  take  up  arms  to  defend  it,  and  ex- 
plained the  real  motives  of  their  action.  The  fact 
that  they  oppose  emancipation  in  their  midst  is  the 
only  foundation  for  a  contrary  opinion.  But  the 
masses  of  the  North  are  equally  opposed  to  it,  if  the 
four  millions  of  slaves  were  to  be  transported  to  their 
midst.  The  prohibitory  laws  against  their  coming, 
existing  in  all  the  States  subject  to  such  invasion, 
proves  this.  On  the  other  hand,  the  intense  hostili- 
ty which  is  universally  known  to  be  felt  by  the  non- 
slaveholders  of  the  South  towards  all  negroes  ex- 
presses their  real  hostility  to  slavery,  and  it  is  the 
natural  form  of  expression  under  the  circumstances. 

It  needs,  therefore,  but  the  assurance  which  would 
be  given  by  providing  homes  for  the  blacks  else- 
where, that  they  are  to  be  regarded  as  sojourners 
when  emancipated,  as  in  point  of  fact  they  are,  and 
ever  will  be,  to  insure  the  co-operation  of  non-slave- 
holders in  their  emancipation.  Nor  would  they  re- 
quire immediate,  universal,  or  involuntary  trans- 
portation, or  that  any  injustice  whatever  be'done  to 
the  blacks.  The  more  enterprising  would  soon  em- 
igrate, and  multitudes  of  less  energy  would  follow, 
if  such  success  attended  the  pioneers,  as  the  care 
with  which  the  government  should  foster  so  impor- 
tant an  object  would  doubtless  insure  :  and  with 
such  facilities,  it  would  require  but  few  generations 
to  put  the  temperate  regions  of  America  in  the  ex- 
clusive occupation  of  the  white  race,  and  remove 
the  only  obstacle  to  a  perpetual  Union  of  the  States. 
With  great  respect,  I  am 
Your  obd't  servant,  M.  BLAIR. 

To  the  Committee  of  Invitation,  &c. 


$t\ttiiin&% 


Restoration  of  the  Union.  We  have  looked 
confidently  to  a  restoration  of  the  Union,  of  the 
whole  Union,  and  of  nothing  less  than  the  Union; 
but  because  the  sentiments  of  the  Northern  dis- 
organizes were  flatly  repudiated  by  the  sterling 
patriotism  and  good  sense  of  the  people,  and  by  the 
Government.  When  the  President  rebuked  Fre- 
mont and  dismissed  Cameron;  when  the  Cabinet 
and  the  Congress  vowed  that  the  sole  object  of  the 
war  was  to  maintain  the  national  authority ;  when 
the  glorious  Generals,  Burnside,  Buell,  llalleck  and 
McClellan,  carried  out  this  on  the  field  ;  when  re- 
bellion's crest  fell  in  Missouri  and  in  Kentucky,  then 
the  work  on  civil  and  military  fields  seemed  to  go 
grandly  on.  Let  honest  men  renew  their  purpose 
to  keep  faith  with  each  other.  On  this  ground, 
that  of  the  continued  Union  of  all  loyal  men"  on  the 
basis  of  the  Constitution,  may  we  still  look  confi- 
dently to  see  our  great  Republic  shine  in  more  than 
pristine  glory;  but  the  man  does  not  live  who  will 
see  it  come  back  on  the  basis  of  Sumner's  central 
despotism. — Boston  Post. 


HOW  AN  INTELLIGENT  ENGLISHMAN  EE- 
GAEDS  THE  WAR  IN  AMERICA. 
Extract  from  an  able  and  eloquent  speech,  delivered 
in  Leicester,  (England,)  On  the  evening  of  tbe  13th 
ultimo,  "  to  the  Entire  Liberal  Constituency,"  by  P. 
A.  Taylor,  Esq.,  M.P.  :— 

The  press  of  their  town  was  good  enough  to  in: 
a  very  intelligent  letter  he  received  a  fortnight  ago 
from  a  friend  of  his  in  New  York,  in  which  he  asked 
him  to  use  his  little  influence  here,  as  he  would  do 
there,  in  removing  the  misunderstanding  of  the  peo- 
ple of  this  country  and  America.  It  was  to  be  feared 
that,  though  the  war  had  for  the  present  been 'es- 
caped, yet  the  bitterness  which  would  be  left  would 
in  some  future  time  bear  its  evil  fruit.  In  regard  to 
the  English  nation,  he  felt  the  utmost  confidence  in 
asserting,  from  observation  and  experience,  that  its 
hatred  of  slavery  was  as  intense  as  ever.  There 
were  times,  of  course,  when  particular  sides  of  ques- 
tions were  more  talked  of  than  at  others,  and  when 
long  outworn  notions  were  dug  up  in  the  form  of 
fossil  remains.  He  thought  it  was  not  impossible 
that  in  Leicester  there  might  be  Tories  who  still  re- 
gretted the  passing  of  the  Reform  Bill,  or  who 
still  adhered  to  the  fallacies  of  protection — if  not 
amongst  the  town,  yet  amongst  the  country  Tories. 
He' drew  this  distinction,  for  he  had  observed  with 
considerable  amusement  the  striking  differences  in 
the  tone  between  the  mild  Conservatism  of  the  town 
Tories,  and  the  rabid  Toryism  of  their  country 
cousins.  In  like  manner,  there  might  doubtless  be 
discovered  fossilized  supporters  of  slavery;  but  he 
believed  that  before  any  constituency  of  any  meet- 
ing of  importance  in  any  part  of  the  country,  the 
response  in  abhorrence  of  slavery  would  be  as  strong 
at  that  moment  as  when  they  spent  twenty  millions 
to  emancipate  their  slaves  in  the  West  Indies.  To 
clear  the  ground,  let  him  assert  emphatically,  that 
the  cause  of  the  strife  in  America  was  slavery,  and 
nothing  else.  (Loud  cheers.)  There  was  no  other 
cause  which  by  any  posssibility  could  have  split  up 
the  Union  as  slavery  had  done.  Some  people  would 
strive  to  make  them  believe  that  the  question  of 
tariffs  was  the  cause,  but  there  was  no  foundation 
for  the  allegation  whatever.  He  did  not  believe 
that  the  South  had  been  opposed  to  the  protective 
policy  of  the  Northern  States,  for  in  many  eases  tbe 
various  tariff's  had  been  supported  by  a  majority  of 
the  Southern  votes.  The  South  was  amply  strong 
enough  to  maintain  in  Congress  its  rights  and  inter- 
ests. .Pie  repeated  that  it  was  slavery,  and  slavery 
alone,  which  had  inevitably  caused  the  severance  of 
the  Union;  and  in  the  natural  course  of  events  it 
might  have  been  recognized  from  tbe  beginning  that 
there  was  no  other  alternative  than  the  abolition  of 
slavery  or  the  rupture  of  the  Union,  for  this  reason  : 
there  was  no  other  question  upon  which  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  South  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the 
individual  States  to  legislate  in  regard  to  their  own 
domestic  affairs,  without  infringing  upon  the  equally 
sacred  rights  of  the  Northern  States.  The  South- 
ern States  had,  under  the  Constitution,  the  right  to 
maintain  slavery  within  their  own  limits.  The 
Northern  had  an  equal  right  to  render  slavery  illegal 
within  their  boundaries,  and  they  had  done  so.  But 
as  impossible  for  the  South  to  maintain  their  do- 
mestic institution  without  trampling  upon  the  State 
rights  of  the  North,  by  compelling  them,  under 
threat  and  pressure,  to  pass  even  stronger  laws  for 
the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves.  They  could  not 
maintain  slavery  within  their  own  boundaries  with- 
out compelling  the  citizens  of  the  Northern  States  to 
act  as  their  man-hunters.  Two  things  were  essen- 
tia! for  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  South — first, 
the  maintenance  of  those  Fugitive  Slave  Laws  to 
which  he  had  alluded  ;  and,  secondly,  there  was  this 
other  condition.  Slavery  was  not  more  wicked  than 
it  was  wasteful  as  an  application  of  labor.  Slavery 
could  only  exist  profitably  upon  the  virgin  soils,  upon 
new  lands,  where  the  idle  scratching  of  the  surface 
by  the  slave  was  sufficient  to  return  an  abundant 
harvest.  These  soils  were  speedily  exhausted,  and 
it  then  became  essential  to  find  southward  and  west- 
ward new  soils  for  the  introduction  of  the  domestic 
institution.  It  was  essential,  therefore,  he  repeated, 
for  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States, 
that  the  North  should  consent  to  become  slave-hun- 
ters for  the  South,  and  that  thoy  should  likewise  con- 
sent to  extend  the  pollution  of  the  institution  on  to 
the  free  soil  of  new  territories.  Whatever  doubt 
might  exist  in  this  country  as  to  the  fact  of  slavery 
being  the  cause  and  origin  of  the  war,  there  was  no 
such  doubt  in  America,  North  or  South.  Everybody 
there  knew  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  strug- 

fles  which  had  gone  on  between  the  North  and 
outh  ever  since,  indeed,  the  founding  of  the  Union, 
but  with  ever  increasing  bitterness  and  force. 
Everybody  there  knew  that  it  was  slavery  that  gave 
birth  to  the  filibustering  propensity  under  the  nat- 
ural interest  of  seeking  new  soils  for  the  institution. 
Everybody  there  knew  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of 
the  deep  and  malignant  hatred  that  had  animated 
the  South  against  English  institutions  and  English 
travellers.  Everybody  there  knew  that  it  was  sla- 
very that  had  caused  bloody  etvil  war  in  Kansas ; 
and  everybody  knew  that  it  was  for  slavery  that 
honest  John  Brown  was  hanged  at  Harper's  Ferry 
three  years  ago.  fLoud  cheers.)  He  believed  that 
had  John  Brown  lived,  he  was  destined  to  be  the 
Garibaldi  of  the  negro  race. 

And  now,  to  do  the  North  some  justice,  in  relation 
to  its  present  struggle.  The  North  had  been  sub- 
servient and  truckling  to  the  South  for  year  after 
year.  It  had  submitted  to  compromise  after  com- 
promise, degrading  to  its  principles  and  to  its  inde- 
pendence. But  there  came  at  last  a  time  when 
Northern  statesmen  resolved  to  make  a  stand  against 
the  future  encroachments  of  the  South,  not  so  much, 
it  must  be  allowed,  in  favor  of  the  negro  race,  as 
through  the  necessity  of  maintaining  the  liberties  of 
the  white  citizens  themselves,  threatened,  as  he  had 
shown,  by  the  necessarily  aggressive  policy  of  the 
South.  This  was  manifested  a  few  years  ago  when 
the  gallant  attempt  was  made  to  elect  Fremont.  It 
was  manifested  again,  and  successfully  last  year,  by 
the  election  of  the  President  whom  they  loved  to 
speak  of  as  honest  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  must  be 
clearly  admitted  that  the  struggle  at  present  was  not 
one  for  emancipation,  but  it  was  one  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  free  soil  rights.  If  the  North  had  not  yet 
risen  to  a  true  sense  of  the  greatness  of  their  posi- 
tion, this  justice,  at  any  rate,  must  be  done  them— 
that  they  resolved  most  manfully  to  submit  no  longer 
to  the  encroachments  of  tho  South — to  defend  and 
preserve,  at  any  rate,  the  Union ;  and  signs  were 
not  wanting  that  his  correspondent  was  justified  in 
saying  that  "  be  the  actual  result  of  the  struggle 
what  it,  may,  slavery,  at  any  rate,  has  received  its 
death  wound."  It'  they  were  in  any  doubt,  in  this 
country  as  to  slavery  being  the  cause  of  the  war,  the 

Sooth  onderetood  it  clearly' enough?  or  why  did  they 

receive  the  notification  of  the,  election  of  President 
Lincoln  as  the  understood  signal  that,  no  alternative- 
was  left  them  but  secession  and  war?      It'  there 


■  lid  1"-  .aiy  question  as  to  the  North  being  against 
slavery,  there  could  be  none  as  to  the  South  being 
intensely  pro-slavery.  They  had  already,  doubtless, 
all  seen  the  quoted  letter  of  Mr.  Yancey,  in  which 
he  frankly  demanded  the  recognition  of  the  entire 
equality  between  the  nutmeg  and  the  negro  trade. 
(Cheers.)  He  (the  speaker)  would  read  them  an 
extract  from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Stephens,  Vice  Presi- 
dent of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  delivered  in 
March,  1861  : — 

"  Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the 
opposite  ideas  ;  its  foundations  are  laid,  its  corner  stone 
rests,  upon  the  great  truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal 
to  tbe  white  man  ;  that  slavery — subordination  to  the 
-superior  race — is  his  natural  and  normal  condition. 
This,  our  new  Government,  is  the  first  in  the  history 
of  the  world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philo- 
sophical, and  moral  truth.  I»  is  upon  this,  as  I  have 
stated,  our  social  fabric  is  firmly  planted;  and  I  can- 
not permit  myself  to  doubt  the  ultimate  success  of  a 
full  recognition  of  this  principle  throughout  the  civil- 
ized and  enlightened  world.  It  is  the  first  Govern- 
ment ever  instituted  upon  principles  in  strict  conform- 
ity to  nature  and  the  ordination  of  Providence." 

This  was  pretty  well ;  but  there  were  outspoken 
spirits  that  spoke  more  boldly  still.  The  Richmond 
Examiner  says : — 

"Until  recently,  the  defence  of  slavery  has  labored 
under  great  difficulties  because  its  apologists — for  they 
were  mere  apologists — took  half-way  grounds.  They 
confined  the  defence  of  slavery  to  mere  negro  slavery, 
thereby  giving  up  tbe  slavery  principle,  admitting 
other  forms  of  slavery  to  be  wrong.  The  line  of  de1 
fence,  however,  is  now  changed.  The  South  now 
maintains  that  slavery  is  right,  natural  and  necessary, 
and  does  not  depend  upon  difference  of  complexion. 
The  laws  of  the  Slave  States  justify  the 
holding  op  white  men  in  bondage." 

There  was  a  practical  bearing  in  this  question  ;  as 
at  any  time  discussion  might  come  on  in  Parliament 
in  regard  to  the  recognition  of  the  Southern  States. 
There  could  be  no  doubt  that  when  the  South  had 
proved  beyond  all  question  their  power  of  maintain- 
ing their  independence,  they  must  be  recognized  by 
England — so  long  at  least  as  they  retained  their  law 
against  the  slave  trade,  however  much  we  might  de- 
test their  institutions.  But,  as  Mr.  Disraeli  had  well 
observed,  the  decision  as  to  the  time  was  not  a  mere 
question  of  law  or  precedent:  it  might  be  termed 
"  an  instinct  of  the  heart."  There  was  a  difference 
between  the  alacrity  with  which  England  would  re- 
cognize the  birth  of  a  new  free  State,  and  the  reluct- 
ance she  would  feel  to  ante-date  by  a  single  day  the 
necessity  for  the  recognition  of  a  State,  which,  after 
the  extracts  he  had  read,  the  meeting  would  feel  he 
was  justified  in  branding  as  men-stealers,  women- 
beaters,  and  child-branders.  (Loud  cheerB.)  The 
present  strife  might  be  likened  to  a  fearful  storm  in 
which  many  a  bark  of  domestic  happiness  would  go 
down,  and  the  labor  of  unborn  millions  would  be 
mortgaged ;  but  they  might  remember  that  the  dark- 
est hour  went  before  the  dawn,  and  that  when  the 
bright  sky  of  to-morrow  dawned,  it  would  not  be  felt 
that  that  storm  had  been  useless,  for  the  accursed 
black  bark  of  slavery  had  gone .  down  below. 
(Cheers.)  ^ 


LET  THERE  BE  NO  DECEPTION. 

Let  us  deal  truly  and  kindly  with  ourselves  and 
our  foes  in  the  settlement  of  our  difficulties.  To  de- 
ceive either  is  useless  and  .cruel.  What,  then,  is 
involved  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  States  upou 
the  same  basis  and  with  the  status  as  originally  con- 
structed? Evidently,  it  means  that  we  simply  put 
things  back  two  years  or  more,  so  that  South  Caro- 
lina and  the  other  Confederates  would  be  again  rep- 
resented in  Congress,  and  her  traitors  be  eligible  to 
the  Presidency,  as  they  were  two  years  ago.  Of 
course,  her  slaves  are  all  to  be  restored  as  fugitives, 
and  her  slave  code  go  again  into  full  operation. 
Then  what?  We  begin  afresh  our  political  discus- 
sions :  Shall  slavery  go  into  the  Territories  ?  Shall 
new  slave  States  be  admitted,  and  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  be  executed  ?  Again  the  South  begins  to  beat 
Northern  Representatives  with  their  canes.  No; 
that  game  is  ended.  That  never  could  be  done 
again.  We  have  now  learned  to  fight,  and  cannot 
put  off  that  spirit  so  easily.  They  threaten  to  se- 
cede. No;  the  first  word  of  that  kind  would  bring 
the  reckless  offender  to  the  gibbet  as  a  traitor.  That 
could  never  be  tolerated  more.  What  then  must 
the  South  do  ?  Sit  still,  and  bear  what  they  cannot 
answer  ?  For  clubs  and  threats  are  all  they  have  to 
meet  the  arguments  of  freedom  with.  But  if  they 
are  thus  forced  to  yield,  they  might  as  well  now 
give  up  slavery,  for  soon  it  would  be  girdled  by 
this  course.  "  No,"  says  the  wiseacre,  who  knows 
nothing  but  the  Union  as  it  was,  "  we  will  not  allow 
the  subject  of  slavery  to  be  touched.  That  hateful 
and  accursed  firebrand  must  be  buried  with  rebel- 
lion." Ay,  but  that  involves  some  difficulties.  Then 
the  South  must  be  allowed  to  carry  their  slaves  into 
new  territory  and  all  through  the  free  States,  and 
anti-slavery  men  say  nothing  to  prevent  it.  But 
this  subjugates  the  North  as  much  as  the  other 
does  the  South,  and  we  had  as  well  adopt  the  Jeff*. 
Davis  government  at  once.  It  involves  the  necessity 
of  silencing  the  Abolitionists,  or,  in  other  words,  it 
destroys  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  utterly. 
Ah  1  this  is  what  all  the  advocates  of  reconstruc- 
tion mean.  The  South  are  to  be  allowed  to  carry 
their  slaves  where  they  please,  and  the  Abolitionists 
shall  not  be  allowed  to  say  aught  on  the  subject. 
This  was  always  their  cry ;  it  is  now  the  cry  of1  the 
Herald,  and  every  supporter  of  the  reconstruction 
doctrine.  But  this  point  itself  cannot  be  gained 
without  discussion.  And  shall  we  divide  the  North 
on  this,  with  angry  debate  involving  the  whole  ques- 
tion ?  What  should  we  gain,  save  to  do  what  Ben- 
nett has  tried  so  hard  to  do,  viz.,  get  all  the  pro- 
slavery  men  of  the  North  to  unite  with  the  South, 
and  destroy  freedom  of  speech  and  the  Abolitionists 
■together?  Mr.  Carlisle,  Davis,  and  other  Union 
Senators  from  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  say  that  they 
regard  it  just  as  disloyal  and  unconstitutional  to 
speak  against  slavery,  or  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  or  the  reduction  of  the  rebel  States  to 
territorial  condition,  as  to  speak  in  favor  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  And  of  the  actors  in  that 
farce,  they  say  they  should  be  hung.  They  should 
be  hung  in  pairs,  Abolitionists  and  Rebels  together. 
In  their  estimation,  it  is  as  wrong  to  attempt  to  do 
constitutionally  what  the  Constitution  provides  may 
be  done,  as  to  do  unconstitutionally  what  it  forbids 
in  any  form.  Freedom  of  speech  is  as  vile  in  these 
men's  eyes  as  outright  rebellion.  Will  the  lieu  and 
intelligent  North  ever  become  so  iuibruted  as  to  ac- 
cent these  diabolical  sentiments  ? 

But  suppose  the  attempt  should  bo  made  to  sup- 
press the  Abolitionists,  could  it  succeed  ?  It  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  the  murder,  as  these  men 
propose,  of  every  Abolitionist  in  the  land.  The 
friends  of  the  slave  are  not  such  from  their  per- 
sonal admiration  of  tho  race'  or  the  color.  They 
have  no  respect  of  persons.  It  matters  not  who  the 
oppressed  are.  Their  action  is  based  upon  their 
natural  and  religious  sense  of  justice,  i  in  mutable  jus- 
tice, and  their  duty  to  God  and  man.  They  will 
never  ecaso  to  proclaim  aud  defend  it,  be  the  cost 


what  it  may.  This  war  must  turn  its  armies  against 
them,  and  exterminate  them,  if  they  are  to  be  si- 
lenced. Will  the  North  stand  by,  and  see  as  pure 
patriots  and  virtuous  men  as  ever  trod  American 
soil,  who  have  taught  its  schools,  plowed  its  fields, 
preached  its  Gospel,  and  fought  its  battles,  coolly 
slaughtered  to  please  the  besotted  rebels  and  their 
heartless  coadjutors,  who  have  murdered  our  sons  to 
acquire  power  to  enslave  the  sons  of  Africa  ?  We 
think  not.  Yet  all  this  is  involved  in  reconstruction. 
Reconstruction  can  mean  nothing  else  than  either 
the  surrender  of  the  rebels  and  the  destruction  of 
slavery,  or  the  surrender  of  the  North  and  the  slaugh- 
ter of  the  Abolitionists.  Let  all  who  advocate  it 
know  that  nothing  else  do  they  plead  for.  It  is  this 
that  nerves  the  arm  of  the  South.  They  know  well 
that  they  or  Abolitionists  must  submit,  if  they  come 
back.  Let  honest  Americans  decide  which  it  shall 
be;  who  are  the  best  friends  of  this  country,  who 
will  be  most  easily  conquered,  rebels,  or  the  lovers  of 
universal  liberty.  Martyrs  are  fruitful  vines.  Let 
us  decide  this  wisely  and  at  once.  Either  slavery  or 
Abolitionism  must  die.  They  never  did,  they  never 
can,  they  never  will  live  in  peace  together.  God 
forbid  they  ever  should  !  Our  advice,  therefore,  is, 
let  it  be  at  once  declared  that  slavery  having  well 
nigh  proved  the  ruin  of  this  nation,  and  being  utter- 
ly incompatible  with  its  safety,  we  hail  with  grati- 
tude the  fact  that  the  rebellion  has  destroyed  the 
States  it  has  infected,  and  slavery  with  them.  Sla- 
very has  pulled  down  the  pillar  of  state,  and  is  itself 
crushed  in  the  common  ruin.  On  the  site  we  shall 
build  the  temple  of  Liberty.— American  Baptist. 


"RABID  ABOLITIONISM." 

The  future  antiquarian,  who  shall  be  driven  by 
his  passion  for  mouldiness  to  read  over  the  Demo- 
cratic journals  of  the  present  day,  wilt  wonder  what 
complication  of  crimes  was  embodied  in  the  ever- 
recurring  words,  "Rabid  Abolitionism." 

In  New  York  Heralds  and  Boston  Posts,  in  St. 
Louis  Republicans  and  Detroit  Free  Presses,  he  will 
find  ten  denunciations  of  Abolitionism  to  one  ear- 
nest censure  of  Treason,  of  Theft,  or  of  Murder. 
He  will  find  fifty  columns  of  anathema  piled  upon 
Wendell  Phillips,  but  hardly  a  word  derogatory  to 
fhe  character  of  Gordon,  the  pirate,  Jeff.  Davis,  the 
traitor,  or  Monroe  Edwards,  the  forger. 

Men  who  live  blameless  lives,  who  obey  the  laws  of 
God  and  of  man,  are  met  with  sharper  abuse  than 
pimps  and  cut-throats! 

And  the  antiquary  will  want  to  know  what  is 
this  greatest  of  crimes?  Abolitionism!  And  who 
are  these  greatest  of  criminals?  Abolitionists!  He 
will  find  that,  in  Rebeldom,  all  men  born  in  Free 
States  are  Abolitionists.  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
Lewis  Cass,  Millard  Fillmore — all  these  are  in  the 
category.  As  he  continues  his  investigations,  he 
will  learn  that  every  man  who  has  ever  declared  for 
human  freedom,  and  against  human  slavery,  has  at 
some  time  had  to  bear  the  stigma  of  Abolitionism — 
Washington,  who  hoped  the  States  would  one  dav 
all  be  free,  and  who  emancipated  his  own  slaves — 
Jefferson,  who  said  that  all  men  have  an  inherent 
and  unalienable  right  to  liberty — and  Franklin, 
who  was  the  first  to  petition  Congress  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  slaves;  and  he  will  find  that  contempo- 
rary abuse  was  in  exact  ratio  to  the  earnestness  of 
its  object  in  his  love  for  freedom. 

Since  the  present  war  broke  out,  this  invective 
has  been  more  bitter  than  ever  before.  Abolition- 
ism, it  is  constantly  urged,  is  the  cause  of  the  war. 
Hang  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and  Jeff.  Davis,  by 
some  strange  logic,  becomes  the  most  obedient  of 
law-abiding  men!  If  Ellsworth  is  stabbed,  a  picket 
murdered,  or  anything  peculiarly  barbarous  done  by 
the  rebels,  these  Democrats  howl—"  Why,  in  God's 
name,  is  Owen  Lovejoy  allowed  to  speak  in  Con- 
gress ?  " 

We  pity  the  antiquarian,  and  do  not  know  how 
he  can  ever  solve  the  riddle. 

But  here  are  the  articles  before  us.  The  New 
York  Express  says : — 

"Southern  secession  must  be  overcome  first,  and 
then  Northern  secession  must  be  taken  in  hand.  Our 
national  difficulties  will  never  cease  until  rabid  Aboli- 
tion is  completely  put  down  by  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States." 

It  must  be  put  down !  Men  who  prefer  freedom 
to  slavery  must  be  put  down,  no  matter  how  good 
citizens  they  are!  They  must  be  put  down,  be- 
cause they  think  it.  Massachusetts,  an  "  Abolition  " 
State,  which  sent  the  first  men  to  the  field,  must  be 
put  down  1  Kansas,  an  Abolition  State,  although 
contributing  more  largely  in  proportion  to  her  pop- 
ulation than  any  of  her  sisters,  must  be  put  down  1 

Such  is  the  logic  of  slavery. 

Alas,  poor  antiquary  ! — Kansas  Conservative. 


OrERRIT  SMITH  AT  WASHINGTON. 

Gerrit  Smith  delivered  a  cogent  and  impressive 
speech  at  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  in  the  city  of 
Washington,  on  the  evening  of  the  1st  inst.  Below 
we- give  the  corfcluding  portion  of  it: — 

Having  shown  that  your  war  is  against  the  Con- 
stitution, the  negroes,  tbe  country,  and  freedom,  it 
needs  no  argument  to  show  that  it  is  against  God 
also.  To  fight  against  Freedom  is  to  fight  against 
God,  for  Freedom  is  an  emanation  from  His  own 
heart.  God  is  free,  and  hence  all  whom  He  makes 
in.  His  own  image  He  makes  free.  In  giving  them 
His  own  nature,  He  gives  them  freedom  to  use  it. 
This  is  as'  true  of  all  the  races  of  his  children  as  it  is 
that  all  of  them  are  equally  dear  to  Him.  Hence,  to 
deprive  any  one  of  these  races  of  freedom  is  to  rob  it 
of  what  God  gave,and  to  enter  into  a  controversy  with 
God. 

Again,  you  war  against  God  by  refusing  to  listen 
to  Him.  He  has  word*  of  warning  for  all  people. 
The  never-ceasing  and  the  loudest  of  them  to  us  are  : 
"  Let  my  people  go  I  Let  my  people  go ! "  You 
have  fought,  and  you  still  fight,  against  Him  by 
refusing  to^llsten  to  these  words.  They  have  the 
emphasis  of  peals  of  thunder  in  the  present  Provi- 
dential dealings  with  this  natiou.  Nevertheless,  vou 
continue  to  close  your  ears,  and  to  harden  your 
hearts  against  them;  and  thus  do  you  fight  against 
Him  more  guiltily  than  ever  before.  In  these  Prov- 
idential dealings,  slavery  has  been  put  entirelv  at 
the  disposal  of  our  Government.  Its  own  infatuated 
friends — its  own  blind  worshippers — have  put  it 
there.  Hence  there  can  be  no  longer  constitutional 
excuses  tor  sparing  it.  There-  are  now  the  highest 
constitutional  obligations  to  abolish  it,  because  There 
are  now  in  this  terrible  rebellion  the  highest  '.in- 
stitutional obligations  to  do  whatever  can  be  done 
to  save  the  country. 

I  need  say  no  more  to  show  that  your  war  is 
against  many  parties,  and  that  because  it  is  so,  it  is 
like  to  prove  unsuccessful.  Do  yon  ask  how  the 
country  can  be  saved  ?  The  answer  is  at  hand  : 
Slop  all  your  other  fighting,  and  tight  hut.  against 
I  he  rebels.      Another  answer  is  also  ;il   le.md  :   "  Slop 

taking  counsel  of  Kentucky,  and  take  counsel  ol  the 

nation.     I  am  not  prejudiced  against  Kentucky-     1 


love  her.  I  have  gazed  with  delight  upon  her  sur- 
passingly rich  blue  grass  fields,  and  the  fine  breeds 
of  cattle  grazing  upon  them.  I  have  enjoyed  her 
unstinted  hospitality.  I  have  conversed  with  her 
fascinating  Henry  Clay,  and  with  others  of  her 
great  men.  I  acknowledge  the  eminent  bravery  of 
her  people.  Nevertheless,  I  cannot  admit  that  the 
advice  of  Kentucky  should  be  taken  in  this  war. 
It  can  but  lead  to  destruction.  For  this  is  a  war 
which  slavery  has  brought  upon  us.  Hence  a  slave 
State — a  State  which  is  still  under  the  infatuating 
power  of  slavery — is  not  fit  to  give  advice  in  it. 
Anti-Slavery  men,  and  Anti-Slavery  men  only,  are 
fit  to 'shape  your  policy  against  a  Pro-Slavery  war. 
Indeed,  the  very  best  counsellors  we  could  have  at 
this  juncture  are  such  men  as  Garrison  and  Phillips, 
and  Bryant  and  Jay,  and  Tyng  and  Cheever,  and 
Frederick  Douglass.  You  need  men  in  your  na- 
tional councils  at  this  time  who  know  all  about  sla- 
very— men  who  have  made  the  monster  their  life- 
study.  Drunkards  know  little  of  drunkenness. 
Their  very  drunkenness  disables  them  from  knowing 
much  of  it.  It  is  the  clear-eyed  Temperance  men 
who  know  all  about  it.  Slaveholders  know  little  of 
slavery.  Their  very  slaveholding  disables  them 
from  knowing  much  of  it.  They  are  its  blinded 
victims — scarcely  less  blinded  than  their  fellow-vic- 
tims, the  slaves.  It  is  the  clear-eyed  Abolitionists 
who  know  all  about  slavery.  Had  this  been  a  re- 
bellion of  the  whiskey-makers  and  whiskey-drinkers, 
you  would  not  have  gone  to  distillers  and  drunkards 
for  counsel  how  to  resist  and  conquer  it.  But,  as 
well  might  you,  as  to  make  slaveholders  your  advis- 
ers against  this  Pro-Slavery  rebellion.  So  far  from 
our  needing  the  advice  of  Kentucky  how  to  save 
the  nation,  most  emphatically  does  she  need  our  ad- 
vice how  to  save  herself.  What  is  the  one  thing 
which  has  set  her  people  to  cutting  one  another's 
throats  ?  Slavery  !  But  she  does  not  see  it.  What 
is  the  one  thing  which  would  have  kept  the  war 
without  her  borders  ?  Just  that  which  has  kept  it 
out  of  the  contiguous  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and 
Illinois — Anti-Slavery!  But  she  does  not  see  it. 
Had  not  slavery  made  them  stone-blind,  the  states- 
men of  Kentucky  would  instantly  see  that,  in  pro- 
tecting and  cherishing  slavery,  they  are  protecting 
and  cherishing  the  viper  which  is  stinging  her  to 
death.  Were  we  involved  in  any  other  than  a  Pro- 
Slavery  war,  such  able  and  admired  men  as  Critten- 
den and  Davis,  Guthrie  and  Holt,  would  be  competent 
to  give  us  valuable  counsel.  But  as  a  proof  how  un- 
fit even  such  a  high-minded  gentleman  as  Garrett 
Davis  is  to  counsel  us  in  this  war,  he  proposes  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate  to  have  some  of  the  best  and 
noblest  men  in  the  land  put  to  death,  simply  because 
they  are  opposed  to  slavery.  To  say  the  least,  he 
betrays  great  weakness  in  this.  As  he  is  my  name- 
sake, and  is  perhaps  partial  to  me,  I  will  call  it  noth- 
ing worse  than  weakness.  The  general  principle, 
which  forbids  the  trusting  of  Kentuckv  wisdom  in 
this  crisis,  is :  "  Never  trust  a  person  in  a  matter 
where  his  interest  is  against  you,  and  especially  if 
he  is  manifestly  blinded  or  seduced  by  that  interest" 
For  illustration — should  Polygamy  get  up  a  rebellion 
against  our  Government,  do  not  rely  largely  on  the 
help  of  Brigham  Young  to  put  it  down.  He  would 
be  like  to  prove  as  weak  and  unwise  against  a  Poly- 
gamy rebellion  as  does  Garrett  Davis  against  a  Pro- 
Slavery  one. 

Nevertheless,  I  say,  God  be  good  to  Kentucky  1 
We  will  save  her  if  she  will  let  us.  We  will  save 
her  if  she  will  not  interpose  slavery  in  the  way  of 
our  saving  her.  At  great  cost  of  Northern  life  and 
treasure  are  we  now  clearing  her  of  traitors.  What 
could  she  do  in  her  present  distresses  without  the 
help  of  the  free  States  against  the  slave  States  ? 
The  slave  States  are  her  foes.  The  free  States  are 
her  friends.  A  very  ungrateful  return  does  she  make 
to  the  free  States  in  refusing  to  surrender  the  guilty 
and  sole  cause  of  the  war — a  very  cruel  return  in 
clinging  to  slavery,  and  in  thus  keeping  open  the 
way  for  repetitions  of  the  war,  and  for  repetitions  of 
Northern  sacrifices  on  her  account. 

But  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  Maryland  and  Dela- 
ware say :  "  Our  slavery  has  constitutional  rights." 
They  should  not  be  saying  so  at  this  time.  Nothing 
has  rights  now  but  our  distressed  and  beloved  coun- 
try. This  is  no  time  to  be  mousing  through  the  Con- 
stitution in  quest  of  personal  or  any  other  rights. 
But  this  is  the  very  time  for  us  all  to  exclaim,  out 
of  the  fullness  of  our  hearts:  "Our  property  is 
nothing,  our  life  is  nothing,  only  as  they  can  be  used, 
constitutionally  or  unconstitutionally,  toward  put- 
ting down  this  piratical  and  diabolical  rebellion." 

But  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  Maryland  and  Dela- 
ware go  on  to  say  that  if  they  give  up  their  slaves, 
they  should  be  paid  for  them.  From  early  manhood 
I  have  steadily  and  earnestly  held  that  the  North, 
inasmuch  as  she  is,  to  say  the  least,  an  equally  guilty 
partner  with  the  South  in  the  stupendous  robbery  of 
slavery,  should  be  willing  to  share  with  her  in  "the 
present  or  temporary  loss  of  emancipation.  This  I 
have  held,  notwithstanding  no  one  abominates  more 
than  I  do  the  idea  of  property  in  man.  Let  the 
States  I  have  named  hasten  to  abolish  slavery,  and 
iu  this  wise  to  make  sure  and  speedy  the  defeat  of 
the  rebellion,  and  1  am  sure  that  the  heart  of  tho 
North  will  go  out  not  only  in  justice,  but  in  wide 
generosity  toward  all  their  loyal  slaveholders  who 
have  suffered  loss  by  such  abolition.  Liberally  will 
she  expend  money  toward  repairing  the  loss;  and 
her  gratitude  and  love  will  go  along  with  her  monev. 

I  said,  stop  taking  advice  of  Kentucky.  If  our 
nation  is  lost,  it  will  be  because  of  the  large  influ- 
ence of  the  border  States  in  her  counsels.  A  simple- 
ton, seeing  that  the  squirrels  in  attacking  corn-fields 
began  upon  the  bonier  rows,  declared  he  would  in- 
vent and  get  a  patent  for  a  corn-field  without  bor- 
der rows.  I  am  not  so  simple  as  to  propose  that  a 
nation  shall  dispense  with  bonier  States.  But  I  am 
wise  enough  to  wish  that  there  were  no  pro-slavery 
border  States.  Far  more  dangerous  to  our  nation 
arc  the  pro-slavery  bonier  States  than  are  the  bor- 
der rows  to  the  corn-field.  Far  more  daugerous  are 
the  slaveholders  in  the  one  than  the  squirrels  in  the 
other, 

I  advised  taking  counsel  of  the  nation  instead  of 
Kentucky.  All  the  States  north  of  the  border 
States  would  to-day  vote  the  abolition  of  slaverv. 
They  would  do  so,  not  for  the  sake  of  abolishing 
slaverv,  but  for  the  sake  of  abolishing  the  rebellion. 
They  do  not  claim  that  the  abolition  of  slaverv  is 
l  lie  object  of  the  war.  That  any  do,  is  a  gross  slan- 
der. Put  they  do  claim  that  it  is  right  and  obli:\i 
tory  to  put  down  anything  and  everything  which 
stands  in  the  way  of  putting  down  I  he  "rebellion. 

Had  the  President  of  the  United  Stales,  who  is  a 
man  not  of  strong  mind  only,  but  of  Strong  inten- 
tions to  do  justice,  been  born  in  New  England,  in- 
stead of  Kentucky,  tbe  rebellion  would  have  been 
overcome  long  ago.  With  his  New  England  educa- 
tion, be  would  have  lei  Cameron's  anti-shverv  have 
its  mighty  way,  and  the  pnvlumation  of  the  intrepid. 
and  manly  Pathfinder  have  its  mightier  wav.  lie 
Would,  at  the  very  beginning  of  tiie  WW,  have  de- 
cided that,  slavery  could  not  be  taken  care  of  bv  the 

Government,  but  must  be  left  to  take  oare  of  it.-elf; 

or,  in  Other  words,  lh.it  the  slaveholder  must,  as  well 

as  the  farmer, merchant,  and  manufacturer,  take  tho. 

ohttOtt  of  war.     Nay,  with  a  truu  New  England 


46 


education,  Ira  would,  at  the  very  first,  have  given 
ft  dvaib-mow  to  the  rebellion  by  allowing  colored 
Wn  to  *»  a  part  o('  the  seventy-five  thousand  troops 
be  Vailed  for.  One  black  regiment  would  have  been 
sullicieiit  to  secure  a  speedy  end  to  thy  war,  and  to 
Save  us  from  the  loss  of  a  hundred  thousand  lives 
and  a  thousand  million  of  dollars.  For  it  would 
have  been  sufficient  to  advertise  the  lour  millions 
and  a  half  of  enslaved  and  free  blacks  which  was 
the  side  of  their  friends — which  was  the  side  for 
them  to  sympathise  with  and  serve.  I,  of  course, 
assume  thai  had  there  been  such  a  regiment,  other 
things  would  have  been  in  harmony.  There  would 
then  have  been  no  repelling  and  outraging  of  the 
neuroes.  and  no  alienation  of  them  from  our  good 
cause  to  help  the  South  win  them  to  her  bad  one. 

Ever  since  the  President  modified  Fremont's  Pro- 
clamation, and  indicated  so  strongly  that  hatred 
and  oppression  were  still  to  be  the  policy  of  the 
Government  towards  the  negroes,  I  have  strongly 
feared  that  our  country  was  lost*.  For,  believing 
that  the  South  would  be  pressed  by  our  victories 
and  by  the  persuasive  counsels  and  tempting  offers 
of  Europe  to  proclaim  Emancipation,  1  have  strong- 
ly feared  that  her  negroes,  bond  and  free,  would  be 
drawn  by  the  Proclamation,  and  driven  by  our  hos- 
tile attitude  toward  them,  to  identify  themselves 
with  the  cause  of  the  South.  The  time  for  the  South 
to  take  this  step  with  umioubting  certainty  that  it 
would  crown  her  cause  with  triumph  was  when  she 
found  herself  disappointed  in  her  expectations  of 
both  Northern  and  European  aid.  But  it  is  proba- 
bly not  yet  too  late.  If  taken  now,  she  will  hardly 
fail  to  gain  her  independence.  Sad  result  this  of 
our  persevering  crimes  against  our  dark-skinned 
brother!  And  yet,  if  it  be  the  Divine  decree  that 
the  innocent  slave  shall  be  freed  and  the  guilty  na- 
tion destroyed,  who  shall  arraign  its  wisdom  ?  The 
nation  on.  our  South  will  be  an  exceedingly  base 
one — for  the  great  mass  of  its  whites  will  be  scarce- 
ly less  ignorant  and  servile  than  the  great  mass  of 
its  blacks.  It  will,  of  course,  have  no  other  than  an 
intensely  despotic  government.  Our  own  long  and 
narrow  remnant  of  a  nation  will  soon  be  broken  up 
into  two  or  three  nations.  Such  will  be  the  end  of 
the  grand  Republic  that  loved  slavery  more,  than 
liberty !  Strongly  do  I  fear  that  you  stand  to-day 
•on  the  very  brink  of  national  ruin.  Strongly  do  I 
fear  that,  if  Government  shall  persist  a  few  weeks 
longer  in  the  insane  policy  of  driving  the  negroes 
am!  Europe  along  with  them  (for  Europe  will  go 
with  the  negroes)  into  a  cordial  union  with  the 
Southern  cause,  you  cannot  escape  from  falling  into 
this  ruin. 

But  nothing  of  what  I  have  said  of  Emancipation 
by  the.  South  do  you  believe  will  come  to  pass,  1 
own  it  will  not,  if  you  shall  hasten  to  deal  justly 
and  wisely  with  the  negroes.  And  I  own  it  will 
not,  if  you  shall  anticipate  Emancipation  by  your 
surrender  to  the  South.  Your  acceptance  from  hei 
of  anything  short  of.an  unconditional  surrender  wil 
be  your  base  and  guilty  surrender  to  her.  No  Gov- 
ernment can  come  into  a  compromise  with  the 
Rebels  against  it,  without  perishing  in  the  compro- 
mise. But  all  that  I  have  said  of  Emancipation  by 
the  South  will  probably  come  to  pass,  if,  whilst  con- 
tinuing the  war  against  the  Rebels,  you  shall  alsc 
continue  the  war  against  the  negroes. 

Why  will  not  the  South  emancipate  ?  Other  peo- 
ple have  done  so  in  the  straits  of  war.  It  has  been 
repeatedly  done  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and 
within  the  life-time  of  our  aged  men.  To  repel  the 
English  invaders  of  Hayti,  the  French  planters 
armed  and  emancipated  their  slaves.  To  defeat 
Spain,  her  American  colonists  did  likewise.  Wil' 
the  South,  because  she  loves  slavery,  refuse  to  eman- 
cipate? It  is  true  that  she  loves  it,  but  she  hates 
the  North  more.  Will  she  refuse  to  emancipate  be- 
cause it  was  in  the  interest  of  slavery  that  she  began 
the  war  ?  The  blows  which  she  is  exchanging  with 
the  North  have  become  her  ruling  interest,  and  sla- 
very is  comparatively  forgotten  by  her.  The  origin- 
al cause  of  a  quarrel  is  quite  apt  to  sink  in  impor- 
tance, if  not  indeed  to  be  entirely  lost  sight  of.  To 
achieve  her  independence  of  the  despised  Yankees, 
the  South  would  sacrifice  everything  else.  "  All 
that  a  man  hath  will  he  give  for  his  life."  That  in- 
dependence is  dearer  to  the  South  than  life,  and  to 
die  achieving  it  would  be  far  more  welcome  to  her 
than  to  live  without  it. 

But  could  the  Soath,  even  with  the  earnest  help 
of  all  her  blacks,  bond  and  free,  successfully  defend 
herself  against  the  North  ?  Our  nation  was  busied 
several  years,  and  at  the  cost  of  forty  millions  of 
dollars  and  many  lives,  in  conquering  the  handful  of 
Indians  and  negroes  in  Florida.  A  terrible  element 
in  war,  especially  a  guerilla  war,  would  be  the  mil- 
lions of  Southern  negroes,  with  their  intimate  know- 
ledge of  all  retreats  in  marsh  and  mountain,  with 
their  habits  of  coarse  and  scanty  fare,  and  with 
their  powers  of  well  nigh  inexhaustible  endurance. 
But  need  we  study  in  this  connection  the  capaci- 
ty of  the  negroes  in  war?  Would  it  not  be  morally 
impossible  to  prolong  the  war  with  the  Rebels,  after 
their  resort  to  emancipation,  and  their  abolition  of 
the  cause  of  the  war?  Would  not  the  moral  sense 
of  the  world,  including  even  that  of  the  North  itself, 
forbid  it?  Emancipation  by  the  South  would  but 
too  probably  be  the  division  of  the  nation.  Not  a 
day,  then,  should  be  lost  in  anticipating,  by  our  jus- 
tice and  benevolence  to  the  negroes,  this  apprehend- 
ed measure  of  the  South. 

Admitting  it  to  be  not  certain  that  the  negroes 
will  in  any  event  become  our  enemies,  our  armed 
and  deadly  enemies — nevertheless,  can  we  afford  to 
incur  the  risk  of  their  becoming  such  by  persever- 
ing in  our  unrighteous  and  cruel  treatment  of  them  ? 
We  cannot,  as  it  respects  our  war  with  the  rebels; 
we  cannot  as  it  respects  our  relations  with  Europe. 
The  impatient  and  harsh  spirit  manifested  by  En- 

fland  in  the  matter  of  the  Trent,  and  the  purpose  of 
Ingland,  France  and  Spain,  to  establish  a  monarchy, 
and  that  too  of  the  Austrian  type,  in  Mexico,  are 
among  the  indications  that  Europe's  jealousy  of  De- 
mocracy is  on  the  increase,  and  that  at  no  distant 
day  she  will  break  out  in  fearful  war  upon  it.  Sure- 
ly, surely,  the  present  is  no  time  for  us  to  be  making 
enemies,  and  making  them  so  gratuitously,  too.  But 
this  is  our  time  to  be  making  friends— friends  of  all 
men — of  black  as  well  as  white  men.  Now  is  em- 
phatically our  time  to  make  our  institutions  sound 
and  strong,  and  to  eliminate  from  them  every  ele- 
ment of  weakness  and  corruption. 

I  advised  you  to  take  counsel  of  the  nation,  in- 
stead of  Kentucky.  I  close  with  beseeching  you  to 
take  counsel  of  God.  Take  it  of  Him,  and  you  will 
be  safe.  "  The  name  of  the  Lord  is  a  strong  tower : 
the  righteous  runneth  into  it,  and  is  safe."  "  Thou 
hast  a  mighty  arm  :  strong  is  thy  hand  and  high  is 
thy  right  hand," 

Take  counsel  of  Ilim,  and  you  will  quickly  drop 
your  policy  of  "  Reconstruction."  A  guiltier  policy 
there  is  no  where  under  the  sun.  For  what  can  be 
guiltier  than  to  repeat  the  preeminent  crime  and 
reestablish  the  blood-drenched  system  of  our  nation- 
al slaveholding  ?  Nor  can  there  be  a  madder  policy 
than  to  put  back  the  nation  into  the  hands  of  that 
matchless  Barbarism,  that  Infernal  Power,  which 
has  broken  it  up — and  at  the  cost  of  so  much  life 
and  treasure.  But,  thank  God,  "Reconstruction" 
is  impossible!  You  might  as  well  undertake  to  set 
back  into  their  former  position,  shape,  and  appear- 
ance, the  tossed  and  tumbled  buildings  of  the  city 
which  an  eartliquake  has  plowed  up,  as  undertake 
to  restore  slavery  after  the  tossings  and  tumblings 
it  is  getting  in  this  war.  Moreover,  ere  they  get 
through  this  war,  the  people  of  the  Free  States  will 
have  had  enough  of  slavery— quite  enough  of  it  to 
cure  them  of  any  remaining  disposition  to  reestablish 
it.  I  cannot  hope  that  the  Border  Slave  States  will 
also  become  so  sick  of  slavery  as  to  be  willing  to 
give  it  up  ;  for  I  have  had  too  much  proof  that  a 
people  rarely  give  up  slavery  until  they  are  obliged 
to.  A  community,  in  which  though  not  more  than 
one  in  fifty  is  a  slaveholder,  will  nevertheless  be 
under  the  sway  of  slavery.  It  will  be  ignorant  and 
poor.  The  intelligence  and  wealth  in  it,  and  there- 
fore the  power,  will  be  concentrated  in  the  handful 
of  slaveholders.  How  strikingly  is  this  clinging  to 
slavery  exemplified  in  the  case  of  Western  Virginia! 
Northern  troops  hurried  to  deliver  her  out  of  the 
hands  of  traitors.  Nevertheless,  she  is  to-day,  like 
Kentucky,  a  more  dangerous  enemy  to  the  North 
and  to  the  Union  than  is  a  Gulf  State.  In  going 
for.  the  Union,  she  gets  the  confidence  of  the  friends 
of  the  Union.  In  going  at  the  same  time  for  slavery, 
and  making  far  more  account  of  it  than  of  the  Union, 
she  -betrays  the  friends  and  vitally  stabs  the  cause 
of  the  Union-  Even  Delaware,  although  she  has 
but  one  or  two  thousand  slaves,  is  still,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  course  of  both  her  State  and  national 
legislators,  in  the  hands  of  the  Slave  Power.  Nev- 
ertheless, I  repeat  it,  that  "  Reconstruction"  is  im- 
possible. Slavery  has  received  its  mortal  wound. 
The  Rebels  meant  to  give  it  an  endless  life.  But 
their  own  hands  are  bringing  it  to  a  speedy  death. 
Devotees  of  "  Reconstruction  ! "  be  you  in  Congress, 
the  Cabinet,  or  the  army,  you  will  very  likely  kill 
your  country,  and  kill  yourselves,  by  persevering  in 
your  folly.     But  be  assured  that  you  cannot  save 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


M-A.HCTI  21. 


slavery  from  being  also  killed.  The  question  is  no 
longer  whether  slavery  shall  die.  The  sole  question 
now  is  whether  our  slavery-bewildered  nation  shall 
live.  It  will  live,  if  the  Government  resolve  uncon- 
ditionally^ that  it  shall.  But  it  will  not  live,  if  the 
(ioveniuiont  persist  in  the  purpose  that  slavery 
shall  also  live. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  MARCH  21,  1862. 


THE  POWER  OF  FREE  DISCUSSION. 

The  Boston  Traveller,  of  Saturday  evening,  publish- 
es a  discourse  of  Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  warmly 
commendatory  of  President  Lincoln's  message  to  Con- 
gress, in  the  course  of  which  is  the  following  refer- 
ence to  the  Anti-Slavery  struggle: — 

It  is  a  memorable  epoch  that  is  marked  by  this 
State  ]  apcr,  as  illustrating  a  complete  trial  and  tri- 
umph of  the  power  of  free  discussion  and  moral  in- 
fluences applied  to  the  removal  of  national  evils. 
The  men  are  yet  alive,  anil  many  of  them  are  scarce- 
ly old  yet,  who  saw  the  beginning  of  that  agitation 
which,  having  trone  through  the  most  remarkable 
phases,  has  resulted  at  last  in  this  substantial  change 
of  the  public  mind  and  feeling.  I  remember  the 
first  outbreaks.  1  remember  well  when  William 
Lloyd  Garrison  lay  in  a  jail  in  the  South  on  the 
charge  of  using  inflammatory  language.  I  remem- 
ber the  great  stir  that  there  was  in  the  churches 
when  he  came  North,  and  began  in  unmeasured,  and 
I  cannot  say  to-be-justified  language,  to  denounce 
the  mischiefs  of  slavery.  That  man  had  a  heart 
true  for  liberty — I  shall  never  cease  to  revere  him 
for  that;  he  had  an  invincible  will  for  that  which  he 
thought  to  be  right  and  just — I  shall  never  cease  to 
revere  him  for  that;  and  he  disdained  and  despised 
all  personal  considerations,  and  laid  himself  upon 
the  altar  of  sacrifice  for  his  country's  good — I  never 
shall  enough  praise  him  for  that ;  but  I  would  to  God 
that  it  had  been  permitted  him  to  be  one  that  loved 
liberty,  as  well  as  one  that  hated  slavery.  (1)  It 
seems  as  though  it  was  hatred  of  slavery,  abhorrence 
of  the  system,  that  characterized  the  earlier  move- 
ments in  behalf  of  emancipation  ;  and  it  seems  as 
though  this  stirred  up  the  worst  elements  of  the  sys- 
tem. (2)  It  would  have  been  bad  enough,  under 
any  circumstances.  You  cannot  attack  slavery 
without  arousing  its  opposition,  any  more  than  you 
can  take  a  lamb  from  a  lion's  jaw  without  infuriating 
that  savage  beast;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  make 
it  worse  than  the  end  to  be  accomplished  requires. 
It  was  desirable  that  there  should  be  more  Christian 
love;  more  Christian  temperance;  more  Christian 
forbearance.  (3)  It  is  proper  to  say  these  things 
now,  because  Mr.  Garrison  is  becoming  popular.  1 
have  never  said  them  before.  He  has  always,  till 
of  late,  been  in  the  minority,  and  to  have  made 
these  criticisms  would  have  been  to  join  his  enemies ; 
to  take  sides  against  him,  and  in  favor  of  slavery. 
But  now,  when  men  in  high  places  invite  Mr.  Gar- 
rison to  lecture,  and  publish  his  letters,  and  accept 
his  ideas  as  no  more  inflammatory  than  any  other 
man's,  I  take  the  liberty  of  saying  what  I  think 
about  him.  But  I  tell  yon,  it  is  a  great  day  that  we 
have  lived  to  see,  when  Mr.  Garrison  is  petted,  and 
patted,  and  invited,  and  praised  by  Governor;--,  and 
judges,  and  expectants  of  political  prefermei  t.  (4) 
What  is  the  world  coming  to  ?  I  wish  we  had  more 
men  like  him    and  better. 

The  men  are  yet  alive  who  were  mobbed  for  the 
assertion  of  those  truths  that  are  now  uttered  by  the 
President  of  these  United  States,  when  he  declares 
that  slavery  is  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  this 
government.     I  must  read  that  sentence  ag'ain 

"  The  Federal  Government  would  find  its  highest 
interest  in  such  a  measure  as  one  of  the  most  effi- 
cient means  of  self-preservation." 

What  measure  ?  The  abolition  of  slavery.  The 
President  of  these  United  States  is  not  mobbed  for 
that  assertion.  Mr.  Lewis  Tappan  was,  in  his  day; 
and  Mr.  Arthur  Tappan  ;  and  Dr.  Cox ;  and  Mr. 
Garrison  ;  and  Mr.  Phillips ;  and  Mr.  Alvan  Stewart, 
of  blessed  memory.  All  these  men,  and  many  more, 
a  large  proportion  of  whom  are  yet  with  the  harness 
on,  and  working,  lost  place,  lost  caste,  lost  prefer- 
ment, lost  influence  with  bad  men,  and  only  gained 
it  with  good,  for  the  declaration  of  principles  not  so 
offensive  as  that  which  is  made  the  very  axis  of  the 
Message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States; 
namely,  that  this  government  cannot  exist  without 
the  abolishment  of  slavery. 

Consider  how  this  change  has  been  brought  about. 
It  has  been  brought  about  by  the  simple  force  of 
free  discussion.  The  right  of  free  speech  was  first 
attacked.  You  recollect  it,  and  I  recollect  it.  The 
battles  of  the  Presbyteries  of  the  West  were  under 
my  notice.  Every  device  was  employed  to  prevent 
the  going  forth  from  those  bodies  of  the  declaration 
that  slavery  was  sinful.  In  about  every  Presbytery 
and  ecclesiastical  convention  or  assembly  in  the 
North,  the  determination  was  that  there  should  not 
be  the  utterance  of  the  religious  community  against 
slavery.  The  first  great  controversy  was  as  to 
whether  they  ought  to  call  it  an  evil.  They  did  not 
think  that  they  ought  to  call  it  anything.  They 
thought  they  ought  to  let  it  alone.  'They  deemed 
it  to  be  none  of  their  business.  But  when  they 
were  pressed  to  call  it,  not  only  an  evil,  but  a  sin  to 
be  repented  of  and  renounced,  they  would  call  it  an 
evil  but  they  would  not  call  it  a  sin.  When,  further, 
they  were  pressed,  not  only  to  eall  it  a  sin,  but  to 
discipline  and  cut  off  from  communion  those  that  in- 
dulged in  it,  they  would  call  it  a  sin,  but  they  would 
not  make  it  a  matter  of  discipline.  And  so,  step  by 
step,  the  controversy  went  on  till  it  divided  those 
churches  that  would  not  let  it  come  in.  It  has  torn 
asunder  church  after  church ;  and  the  rupture  has 
not  hurt  them,  either :  it  has  been  the  best  thing 
that  could  happen  to  them — for  to  rend  a  church 
like  tearing  a  miser's  treasures  from  him.  He 
hoarded  them,  and  made  them  instruments  of  hL 
own_  selfishness ;  and  when  they  are  scattered  and 
put  into  circulation,  they  subserve  a  far  better  pur- 
pose than  they  did  while  stowed  away  in  coffers 
How  poor  men  laugh  when  a  miser  dies!  His  mon- 
ey is  unlocked  then.  And  when  a  church  is  sun- 
dered, and  the  fastenings  of  its  temporal  power  are 
broken,  the  Gospel  flows  out,  and  has  circulation, 
and  exerts  an  influence  that  it  could  not  exert  when 
it  was  simply  ministering  to  those  whose  supreme 
desire  was  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

Though  men  were  despised  for  holding  and  advo- 
cating the  doctrines  of  liberty,  yet  there  was  a  large 
calendar  that  gave  themselves  willingly  to  contempt 
for  the  sake  of  justice  and  truth.  They  were  the 
instruments  that  God  employed.  And  what  had 
they?  They  had  their  faith  in  God.  They  had 
their  love  of  Christ.  They  had  their  unwavering 
conviction  that  the  right  was  with  them.  They 
had  no  power  in  the  church,  and  no  power  in 
the  State.  They  had  no  power  anywhere.  They 
had  nothing  but  the  invincible  power  of  weak- 
ness. They  had  nothing  but  the  righteousness  of 
their  cause.  And  this  inspired  them  with  intense 
enthusiasm.  And  continuing  on,  they  have  wrought 
out  results  the  importance  of  which  cannot  be  esti- 
mated. They  have  been  the  piofleers  in  this  great 
revolution.  They  are  men  whose  shoes'  latchctsawe 
are  not  worthy  to  unloose.  1  revere  them  as  the 
prophets  of  the  American  people. 

And  the  young  should  take  heed.  You  recollect 
a  great  deal  of  this  battle.  You  recollect  how  un- 
popular these  things  have  been.  You  have  seen,  in 
your  time,  a  complete  revolution.  You  have  seen 
men  that  were  looked  upon  as  the  ofrscouring  of 
the  earth  come  to  be  honored  and  revered.  Who 
does  not  remember  the  storm  that  raged  about  that 
noble  and  venerable  old  patriot,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
when,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  he  in- 
troduced a  petition  made  by  somebody  for  the  abol- 
ishment of  slavery.  It  was  meant  to  devour  him, 
but  it  did  not.  He  was  Daniel  in  a  den  of  lions 
again;  and  the  Lord  held  their  mouths  so  that  they 
should  not  bite  him.  They  did  all  but  that,  though. 
Now  look  back,  and  consider  how  he  then  stood  in 
the  focal  point  of  contempt  and  abuse;  and  then 
consider  how  his  name  now  stands  in  the  focal  point 
of  honor  and  respect.  The  last  shall  be  first,  and 
the  lowest  shall  be  highest.  It  is  an  illustration  of 
what  is  the  majesty  and  might  of  principle  and 
truth  adhered  to." 

(1)  This  strikes  us  as  paradoxical,  to  say  nothing  of 
its  invidiousness.  It  is  like  regretting  that  a  person 
docs  not  love  holiness,  because  lie  hates  sin  so  intense- 
ly ;  nor  God,  because  he  detests  all  Mammon-worship; 
nor  Christ,  because  he  sedulously  resists  the  devil ! 

(2)  Of  course — a  necessary  and  natural  result. 

(3)  Tins  charge  calls  for  no  defence,  on  account  of 
its  generalization  ;   but  no  doubt  we  have  often  erred. 

(4)  This  is  the  latest  intelligence  received  in  Bos- 
ton !  We  protest  that  we  know  nothing  of  it  ae  an 
actual  fact.  Mr.  Beecher  is  too  generous  and  too  im- 
aginative !  We  really  believe  that  "the  offence  of 
the  cross,"  in  our  particular  case,  has  not  yet  wholly 
ceased;  though  we  gladly  admit  that  the  burden  in 
greatly  lessened,  and  that  we  are  somewhat  gaining  in 
reputation.     But  as  for  popularity — —  I 


A  WORD  OP  THE  PEESIDENT'S  MESSAGE. 

Mit.  Garrison  : 

Rhak  Sir,— In  the  Liberator  of  March  14th,  I  read 
with  the  closest  attention  your  criticisms  upon  "the 
President's  Message."  It  simply  occurs  to  me  to  in- 
quire, whether  you  ought  not  to  have  noticed,  and 
given  some  credit  for  the  following  portion  :— 

"  If,  however,  resistance  continues,  the  war  must  also 
continue,  and  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the  incidents 
winch  may  attend,  and  all  the  ruin  which  may  follow  it. 
Such  as  may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  obviously 
promise  great  efficiency  toward  ending  the,  stntgyk,  must 
and  tout  come. 

The  proposition  now  made,  though  an  offer  only,  I 
hope  it  may  be  esteemed  no  offence  to  ask  whether  the 
pecuniary  consideration  tendered  would  not  be  of 
more  value  to  the  States  and  private  persons  con- 
cerned, than  are  the  institution  and  property  in  it,  in 
the  present  aspect  of  affairs." 

I  have  italicised  certain  words,  to  show  their  point 
more  distinctly.  Is  it  not  stated  that  there  is  to  be  no 
yielding  to  the  rebels  ?  Is  it  not  more  than  intimated 
that,  if  they  persist  in  their  rebellion,  the  most  effi- 
cient course — Emancipation — may  be  resorted  to? 

I  know  you  love  to  do  exact  justice,  and  ao  I  have 
ventured  to  call  your  attention  more  fully  to  the  para- 
graphs quoted.  Truly  yours, 

LUCIUS  HOLMES. 

Charlton,  (Mass.,)  March  18,  1862. 

Remarks.  Our  object,  in  simply  criticising  the 
resolution  which  the  President  recommends  to  the 
adoption  of  Congress,  was  specific— to  show  that  it 
was  uncalled  for,  unreliable,  an  avoidance  of  the  true 
issue,  and  therefore  to  be  rejected.  It  is  of  very 
slight  importance,  we  conceive,  that  the  President  in- 
timates that  the  rebellion  must  be  put  down ;  for,  of 
course,  he  is  pledged  to  that  extent,  by  virtue  of  his 
office.  Nor  does  his  enigmatical  language  about  what 
may  possibly  follow,  in  case  the  Slave  States  reject 
the  proffered  overture,  affect  the  character  of  the  res- 
olution, or  indicate  what  course  it  will  then  be  advisa- 
ble to  pursue.  His  message  is  wholly  destitute  of 
sympathy  for  the  enslaved,  of  any  recognition  of  the 
injustice  or  wrongfulness  of  slavery,  of  all  moral  prin- 
ciple; it  is  based  upon  selfish  considerations  alone; 
and  in  proffering  pecuniary  aid  to  the  rebels  in  arms 
as  well.as  to  those  who  are  loyal  (upon  compulsion), 
it  gingerly  hopes  it  will  "be  esteemed  no  offence "! 
Let  it  be  remembered  that  there  are  several  proposi- 
tions before  Congress  for  the  entire  abolition  of  sla- 
very, under  the  war  power;  that  multitudes  of  peti- 
tions, in  support  of  that  measure,  have  been  sent  to 
that  body  ;  and  that  either  Congress  or  the  President 
has  now  the  constitutional  right  to  decree  universal 
emancipation  as  a  war  measure.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, what  is  the  resolution  recommended  by  the 
President,  and  since  adopted  without  alteration  or.ad. 
dition  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  offering  a 
stone  when  bread  is  asked,  and  a  serpent  for  a  fish 
What  is  it  but  "a  decoy  duck,"  "a  red  herring," 
cowardly  and  criminal  avoidance  of  the  one  great 
saving  issue,  namely,  the  immediate  suppression  of 
the  slave  system?  Instead  of  its  being  "an  entering 
wedge,"  is  it  not  far  more  likely  to  prove  an  ignis 
fatuus  which  lures  but  to  mislead'?  When  the  Gov- 
ernment has  slavery  within  its  grasp,  and  may  strangle 
it  at  any  moment,  is  a  proposition  on  the  part  of  the 
President  to  waive  the  exercise  of  this  power,  and 
to  leave  that  foul  system  to  be  disposed  of  as  the 
traitors  themselves  shall  see  fit,  to  be  received  with 
thanksgiving?  No — let  us  rather  hold  the  Government 
to  its  solemn  responsibilities,  and  tolerate  no  delay  in  the 
discharge  of  its  imperative  duty.  Evasion  and  shuffling 
now  are  blood-red  crimes.  Moreover,  in  proposing 
gradual  abolishment  of  slavery,"  and  in  saying,  ' 
my  judgment,  gradual  and  not  sudden  emancipation  is 
better  for  all,"  the  President  strikes  at  the  doctrine, 
that  liberty  is  the  gift  of  God  and  man's  inalienable 
birthright,  and  nullifies  all  the  holy  commandments. 
No  dogma  more  pernicious  or  more  sinful  was  ever 
promulgated,  than  that  slavery  ought  not  to  be  im. 
mediately  abolished;  for  it  is  an  admission  of  the 
present  rightful  or  necessary  existence  of  that  "sum 
of  all  villanies,"  and  relieves  of  moral  turpitude  all 
who  are  upholding  it.  This  dogma  has  always  been 
a  subterfuge  for  the  dealers  in  human  flesh,  and  for 
all  the  enemies  of  the  Anti-Slavery  movement ;  againsi 
it,  as  against  one  of  the  deadly  sins,  Abolitionists  have 
strenuously  contended  from  the  beginning;  and  now 
that  it  is  approved  and  recommended  for  approval  of 
Congress,  bythe  President  in  his  official  character,  it 
is  all  the  more  to  be  reprobated. 

The  Government  is  either  acting  under  the  war 
power,  constitutionally  entrusted  to  it,  or  it  is  not. 
If  it  is,  then  for  it  to  propose  to  enter  into  any  pe- 
cuniary arrangements  with  the  rebel  Slave  States,  in 
order  to  quell  the  rebellion,  is  a  sign  of  weakness,  a 
lack  of  self-respect,  and  an  act  unwarranted  by  any  of 
the  powers  granted  to  it.  If  it  is  not,  then  Congress 
has  no  constitutional  right  to  "  resolve  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  cooperate  with  any  State  which  may 
adopt  a  gj-adual  abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such 
State  pecuniary  aid  to  be  used  by  such  State  in  its 
discretion  to  compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  pub- 
lic and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of  system." 
It  is  an  act  of  impertinence — meddling  with  what  does 
not  concern  that  body.  But,  if  it  were  otherwise, 
then,  as  no  inducement  is  held  out  to  any  State  to  ex- 
tinguish its  slave  system  without  delay,  and  no  aid  is 
proffered  except  where  a  gradual  policy  shall  be  ini- 
tiated,— continuing  we  know  not  how  long,  and  termi- 
nating only  at  the  pleasure  of  an  all-controlling  and 
mercenary  slave  oligarchy  in  each  State,— the  measure 
is  fraught  with  mischief,  and  ought  to  be  rejected  by 
an  emphatic  vote.  Though  it  has  passed  the  House, 
we  hope  it  will  be  vigorously  and  successfully  re- 
sisted in  the  Senate. 

We  confess  that  we  shudder  at  the  thought  that, 
possibly,  through  timidity  or  lack  of  principle,  the 
present  glorious  opportunity  to  put  an  end  to  slavery 
may  be  allowed  to  pass  unimproved  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  there  may  be  a  renewal  or  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  old  "covenant  with  death  and  agreement 
with  hell,"  to  the  further  demoralization  of  the  na- 
tion, the  longer  supremacy  of  the  Slave  Power,  and  the 
ultimate  outbreak  of  another  civil  war,  with  heavier 
judgments  and. under  more  appalling  circumstances. 
"  Wo  to  the  rebellious  children,  saith  the  Lord, 
that  take  counsel,  but  not  of  me;  and  that  cover  with 
a  covering,  but  not  of  my  Spirit,  that  they  may  add 
sin  to  sin  :  that  walk  to  go  down  into  Egypt,  and  have 
not  asked  at  my  mouth;  to  strengthen  themselves  in 
the  strength  of  Pharaoh,  and  to  trust  in  the  shadow 
of  Egypt!  Therefore  shall  the  strength  of  Pharaoh 
be  your  shame,  and  the  trust  in  the  shadow  of  Egypt 
your  confusion." 


Nkw  Music.  Oliver  Ditson  &  Co.,  277  Washing- 
ton Street,  Boston,  have  just  issued  the  following  new 
pieces  for  the  piano  : — 

The  Forest  Rose  (Waldroschen).  Nocturne,  by  Theo- 
dore Oesten. 

'The  Warrior's  Triumphal  March.  As  played  by  Gil- 
lore's  Band.     Music  by  Thos.  II.  Howe. 

(•'en.  liurnside's  Victory  March, 

The  Vacant  Chair.  Words  by  Henry  S.  Washburn. 
Music  by  Ilarley  Ncwcomb. 

Somebody  is  Waiting  for  Me.  Song,  by  S.  Janette 
St.  Leger. 

Josiah's  Courtship.  As  sung  by  Mrs.  Lottie  Hough 
for  300  consecutive  nights  at  Laura  Keene's  Theatre, 
N.  Y.     Composed  by  S.  Markstein. 

Ole  Masm  on  his  Trabbe/s  Cone.  Quartette.  Words 
by  J.  G.  Whittier,  from  the  Atlantic  Monthly  by  per- 
mission.    Music  by  S.  K.  Whiting. 

The  Sunny  Side  the  Way.  Song.  Words  by  C.  S. 
Music  by  J.  II.  Thomas. 

Spindler's  Favorites,  A  collection  of  pieces  for  the 
piano  by  Fritz  Spindler. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS   IS  WASHINGTON. 

The  delivery  of  a  radical  Anti-Slavery  lecture  in 
the  Capital,  by  Wende'll  Phillips,  to  a  densely  crowded 
and  a  warmly  applauding  audience,  is  certainly  an  in- 
cident deserving  to  be  specially  chronicled  in  these. 
eventful  times.  For  thirty  years  this  has  not  been 
permissible,  under  the  brutal  sway  of  slavery ;  and  it 
is  so  now,  only  because  of  the  great  Northern  army 
near  the  seat  of  Government,  and  the  consequent  tem- 
porary preponderance  of  Northern  sentiment  within 
its  limits.  Let  peace  return,  and  with  it  the  old  con- 
dition of  things,  and  neither  Mr.  Phillips  nor  Dr. 
Cheever  could  speak  in  Washington,  except  at  immi- 
nent personal  peril.  I3ut  we  trust  that  "old  things 
are  passed  away,"  never  more  to  return.  To  make 
this  certain,  slavery  must  he  abolished  throughout  the 
land ;  otherwise,  there  will  be  no  chance  for  safe  free 
utterance  in  the  Capital  of  the  nation,  except  for  the 
wielders  of  bowie-knives,  the  scourgers  of  women, 
and  the  traffickers  "in  slaves  and  the  souls  of  men." 
These  have  always  enjoyed  unbounded  liberty  of 
speech,  in  every  part  of  the  land,  and  in  utter  con- 
tempt of  Northern  ideas,  feelings,  habits  and  institu- 
tions— but  no  other  class  of  citizens. 

The  marked  respect  and  high  consideration  paid  to 
Mr.  Phillips,  by  distinguished  members  of  Congress 
and  others,  he  has  honorably  won  by  a  quarter  of  a 
century  of  manly,  disinterested,  self-sacrificing  labors 
in  the  cause  of  justice,  freedom  and  humanity,  and  for 
the  salvation  of  our  common  country.  Ho  has  laid 
upon  the  altar  of  duty  the  best  culture,  the  richest 
promise,  the  highest  accomplishments,  and  the  most 
persuasive  eloquence,  in  the  face  of  universal  proscrip- 
tion, and  with  the  certainty  of  losing  all  chance  of  po- 
litical success  and  popular  favor.  In  the  patriotic  his- 
tory of  the  republic,  he  has  no  peer,  and  there  is  no 
parallel  to  his  case  on  the  part  of  any  one  so  gifted, 
and  so  capable  of  self-advancement.  His  advocacy  of 
the  cause  of  universal  liberty,  as  incarnated  in  the  per- 
son of  the  despised  bondman,  has  not  only  been  char- 
acterised by  rare  vigor  of  intellect  and  unrivalled  elo- 
quence, but  has  proved  him  to  be  lifted  far  above  "  that 
fear  of  man  which  bringeth  a  snare,"  and  to  be  "no 
respecter  of  persons."  All  sects  and  parties  have  been 
compelled  to  admit  his  absolute  personal  independence 
and  high  moral  courage ;  for  his  dealings  with  them 
have  been  equally  impartial  and  faithful. 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Commercial  Advertiser  notices  Mr.  P's  visit  as  follows  : 

"Mr.  Wendell  Phillips  has,  by  his  rare  oratorical 
powers,  created  quite  a  sensation  here.  The  "Vice 
President  left  the  chair  of  the  Senate  to  greet  him 
when  he  was  introduced  on  the  floor  to  the  ultra- 
Republican  members  of  that  body,  and  took  a  seat  by 
his  side  on  the  platform  when  he  lectured.  Mr. 
Speaker  Grow  entertained  him  last  evening  at  a  din- 
ner-party, and  this  evening  he  is  to  be  the  leo-major  at 
a  'reception1  where  certain  notables  will  congregate, 
as  is  their  custom  every  Sabbath  night." 

of  the  18th 


The   Washington  National  Bepublicc 
inst.  says : — 

"  On  Saturday,  Mr.  Speaker  Grow  gave  one  of  his 
elegant  dinner  parties  in  honor  of  Wendell  Phillips. 
Several  distinguished  guests  were  present,  among 
them,  Vice  President  Hamlin  and  lady,  Mrs.  Fremont 
and  Senator  Sumner.  On  Sunday,  Mr.  Phillips  went 
to  Alexandria,  upon  the  invitation  of  several  officers, 
and  addressed  the  soldiers," 

The  same  paper  contains  the  following  notice: — 
"  Wendell  Phillips  To-Night.  This  noble  pa- 
triot and  incomparable  orator  will  lecture  to-night  at 
the  Smithsonian.  Those  who  wish  to  hear  him  must 
go  early,  or  it  will  be  impossible  to  gain  admittance- 
Subject — Touissant  L'Ouverture,  the  Statesman  and 
Patriot  of  San  Domingo." 

The  Tribune's  Washington  correspondent  says: — 

"  It  was  the  14th  Massachusetts  Regiment  to  which 
Wendell  Phillips  preached  the  Gospel  of  emancipation 
yesterday.  He  told  the  soldiers  that  if  they  were  not 
all  Abolitionists  like  himself,  they  were  all  Yankees, 
and  would  give  him  a  hearing.  Later  in  the  day,  Mr. 
Phillips  had  the  temerity  to  visit  General  McClellan's 
headquarters.      The    General    commanding   was   ab- 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Her- 
ald says: — . 

"  Wendell  Phillips  has  delivered  a  couple  of  aboli- 
tion lectures  here,  but  in  such  a  moderate  style  (!) 
compared  with  some  of  his  previous  efforts,  that  he 
did  not  come  up  to  public  anticipation.  (!)  He  warm- 
ly applauded  the  President's  emnncipation  message, 
although  it  meant  to  the  Border  Slave  States,  "Now 
is  your  time  to  sell!"  On  Sunday  Phillips  delivered  a 
lecture  before  the  14th  Massachusetts  regiment,  during 
which  he  said  that  the  weapons  with  which  they  could 
wipe  out  rebellion  most  effectually  were  their  own 
mouths.    By  this  he  doubtless  intimated  insurrection." 

Doubtless,  and  certainly,  he  meant  no  such  thing  ! 

"  Perley,"  the  Washington  correspondent  of  the 
Boston  Journal,  writes: — 

"The  matchless  oratory  of  Wendell  Phillips  has 
taken  the  town  by  storm.  His  reception  has  been  a 
triumph,  and  on  the  floors  of  the  Houses  of  Congress, 
in  the  lecture  room  of  the  Smithsonian,  and  at  the  so- 
cial entertainments  given  to  honor  him,  he  has  been 
the  subject  of  marked  attention.  Even  the  "  Border 
State  men,"  who  regard  him  as  proclaiming  a  doc- 
trine which  they  think  will  prevent  their  cherished 
dream  of  reconstructing  the  Union,  and  the  few  fossil 
remains  of  political  hunkerism  who  clog  the  wheels 
of  progress,  speak  of  Mr.  Phillips  with  respectful  awe. 
A  year  ago,  I  doubt  if  his  friends  would  have  been 
able  to  have  obtained  a  hall  for  him  to  lecture  in, 
whereas  now  the  portals  of  the  Smithsonian  swing 
invitingly  open,  and  even  such  politicians  as  Sen- 
ator Powell  of  Kentucky  go  through  a  rain-storm  to 
hear   him.     Ca  Ira." 


THE    MODEKN    JONAH. 

And  it  came  to  pass,  in  the  latter  days,  that  the  Lord 
spake  unto  Abraham,  whose  surname  was  Lincoln — 
(Now  this  Abraham  was  of  the  seed  of  Jonah,  him 
who  aforetime  was  sent  of  the  Lord  to  cry  against 
Nineveh;  howbeit,  he  feared,  and  fled  toward  Tar- 
shish.) 

And  the  Lord  said  unto  Abraham,  Arise,  and  make 
Proclamation  against  the  sin  of  them  of  the  South, 
and  cry  against  it:  for  their  wickedness  is  come  up 
before  me. 

They  have  refused  to  hear  what  I  said  by  my  ser- 
vant Isaiah— Loose  the  bands  of  wickedness,  undo 
the.  heavy  burdens,  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  break 
every  yoke  ! 

Moreover,  they  have  refused  also  to  hear  that  which 
I  said  by  my  well-beloved  son  Jesus,  crying  against 
them  who  lade  men  with  burdens  grievous  to  be 
borne,  and  who  take  away  from  these  laborers  the 
key  of  knowledge. 

Arise,  therefore,  and  make  Proclamation  unto  them 
(hast  thou  not  been  called  to  be  ruler  over  this  whole 
people  ?) — and  say  unto  them — Turn  away,  every  man 
of  you,  from  his  oppressions!  Render  unto  your  ser- 
vants that  which  is  just  and  equal !  Defraud  not  the 
hireling  of  his  wages  !  Execute  judgment  in  the 
morning  ! 

(Now  Abraham  had  aforetime  dwelt  in  Egypt,  and 
his  soul  clave  unto"  the  ways  of  that  land.  He  sat  at 
meat  with  the  oppressors,  and  he  stopped  his  ears 
against  the  cry  of  the  oppressed.) 

So  Abraham  said  within  himself — Are  not  these  of 
the  South  my  kinsfolk,  and  the  kinsfolk  of  Sarah  my 
wife,  and  have  we  not  always  winked  at  these  oppres- 
sions 1  Lo!  this  thing  is  too  hard  for  me!  And  he 
refrained,  and  held  his  peace,  as  Jonah  his  father  had 
done  aforetime. 

And  the  oppressions  of  that  land  went  on,  and  the 
sound  of  them  continually  came  up  before  the  Lord. 

And  the  children  of  the  oppressed  died,  day  by 
day.  Some  sank  under  their  heavy  burdens,  some 
perished  miserably  by  the  scourge,  and  some  were 
cast  alive  into  a  burning,  fiery  furnace. 

And  it  came  to  pass  that  a  son  of  Abraham,  even 
his  son  also,  died. 

And  the  cry  of  the  oppressed  continually  went  up, 
saying,  How  long,  O  Lord,  how  long  ? 

And  many  of  the  people  of  the  land  said  unto 
Abraham,  their  ruler — How  long  halt  we  between 
two  opinions?  If  the  Lord  be  God,  follow  him,  and 
make  Proclamation,  as  he  hath  commanded  1 
But  Abraham  refrained  still,  and  held  his  peace. 
Howbeit,  after  many  days,  Abraham  said  unto  the 
elders  and  councillors,  even  the  grand  Sanhedrim — 
Go  to  now,  speak  ye  for  me  unto  them  of  the  South, 
(if  it  shall  seem  good  in  your  eyes,)  and  say  unto 
them — 

If  it  shall  seem  good  in  your  eyes  to  do  some  small 
part  of  that  which  the  Lord  hath  said,  (for  we  would 
not  that  ye  should  be  rash  enough  to  do  the  whole  of 
it,) — if  any  of  you  will  begin,  very  slowly  and  mode- 
rately, to  do  this  work,  Lo  !  we  will  stand  by  you  and 
help  you. 

And  when  Abraham  had  spoken  thus  to  the  San- 
hedrim, he  took  water  and  washed  his  hands  before 
them,  saying — If  they  will  not  hear  your  voice,  and 
if  RUIN  follow,  I  am  innocent.     See  ye  to  it. 

Even  thus  spake  Pilate  aforetime,  when  he  left  the 
innocent  in  the  hands  of  the  oppressor. 

The  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  in  every  place,  beholding 
the  evil  and  the  good. 
Whatsoever  a  man  soweth,  that  shall  he  also  reap. 
Verily,  the  end  is  not  yet. — c.  K.  w. 


Tracts   for  Priests   and   People.      By   Various 
Writers.    Boston  :    Walker,  Wise  &  Co.    pp.  372. 

Last  year,  a  volume  was  published  in  England, 
characterised  by  remarkable  critical  ability  and  theo- 
logical independence  and  liberality  of  opinion,  entitled 
"Essays  and  Reviews,"  and  written  by  several  schol- 
arly clergymen  and  laymen,  all  connected  with  the 
Established  Church.  Its  appearance  threw  the  whole 
bench  of  Bishops,  with  all  their  train  of  formalists  and 
narrow-minded  bigots,  into  pious  convulsions,  from 
which  they  have  not  yet  recovered,  and  which,  there- 
fore, made  a  profound  sensation  throughout  the  king- 
dom. The  writers  were  denounced  as  pestilent  her- 
etics and  profane  infidels, — epithets  which  constitute 
the  stock-in-trade  of  priestcraft  in  every  land ;  and 
lucky  was  it  for  them  that  the  martyr-fires  of  Smith- 
field  could  not  again  be  safely  kindled !  Otherwise, 
they  would  have  been  sent  to  the  stake  as  their  merit- 
ed doom. 

The  present  volume  is  composed  of  a  series  of  Tracts, 
written  also  by  clergymen  and  laymen  of  the  Estab- 
lished Church,  who  are  not  disposed  either  wholly  to 
endorse  the  aforesaid  "Essays  and  Reviews,"  or  to 
join  in  the  popular  denunciation  of  them,  or  in  appeals 
to  ecclesiastical  authorities  against  them.  Hence,  the 
spirit  they  evince  is  truly  catholic,  and  their  discus- 
sion marked  by  admirable  ability. 

ft^=  A  new  edition  of  that  truly  original  and  ad- 
mirable book,  Tin;  Rejected  Stone,  by  Rev.  Mon- 
cure  D.  Conway,  of  Cincinnati — himself  a  native  Vir- 
ginian— is,  we  are  glad  to  learn,  immediately  to  be 
pub'ished  by  Ticknor  &  Fields  of  this  city.  The  me- 
chanical execution  of  this  edition  is  to  he  in  every 
way  equal  to  that  of  the  former  one,  the  retail  price  of 
which  in  cloth,  was  seventy-jive  cents  per  copy.  This 
new  edition  will  be  sold  at  not  more  than  fifty  cento 
per  copy ;  and  those  who  know  the  great  value  of  the 
book  will  be  pleased  to  hear  that  an  arrangement  has 
been  made  by  which  copies  may  be  obtained  for  gra- 
tuitous distribution  as  low  a.s  twenty  cents  a  copy,  in 
cloth,  provided  ten  or  more  copies  are  taken  at  once. 
Those  who  wish  the  book,  for  this  purpose,  should  ap- 
ply, in  person  or  by  letter,  to  IIimuiy  G.  Denny,  Esq., 
42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

We  add  one  brief  word  to  all  our  readers  and  friends, 
exhorting  them  to  aid  the  widest  possible  distribution 
of  this  book.  To  say  that  it  is  the  moat  remarkable 
hook  to  which  the  present  contest  with  the  power  of 
slavery  1ms  given  rise  is  saying  no  more,  we  think, 
than  will  be  generally  admitted  true  by  those  beet 
qualified  to  judge.  It  is  in  every  sense  a  lire  book,  a 
true  book,  a  wise  book;  it  contains  the  counsels,  the 
warnings,  the  truths,  which  this  nation  now  needs  to 
heed,  to  save  it  from  destruction,  and  make  it  free 
indeed. — m. 


SLAVES  -  METAYEES  -FEEEMEN, 

Mr.  Garrison  :  Your  correspondent  C,  on  the 
fourth  page  of  last  week's  Liberator,  recommends  a 
change  of  the  slave  system  of  the  South  to  the  old 
"Metayer"  system.  The  characteristic  feature  of 
the  latter  was,  that  the  proprietor  of  the  land  furnish- 
ed the  farming  laborers  with  seed,  cattle,  and  instru- 
ments of  husbandry,  the  whole  stock,  in  short,  neces- 
sary for  cultivating  the  farm  ;  and  the  produce  was  di- 
vided equally  between  the  proprietor  and  the  farming 
laborers,  after  setting  aside  what  was  necessary  for 
keeping  up  the  stock,  which  was  restored  to  the  pro- 
prietor when  the  laborers  either  quitted  the  farm  or 
were  turned  out  of  it. 

Your  correspondent  proceeds  to  say — 

"  The  Metayer  culture  does  not  differ  essentially 
from  the  custom  of  taking  a  farm  upon  shares  in  this 
country.  The  chief  distinction  appears  to  be,  that 
custom  governs  wholly  in  the  Metayer  system,  while  the 
joint  account  system  with  us  is  governed  by  special 
contract." 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  distinction  here  mentioned 
is  a  very  important  one  ;  and  that  the  difference  be- 
tween having  and  not  having  "  a  special  contract,"  for 
the  security  of  the  laborer  against  oppression  by  the 
proprietor,  is  a  difference  by  no  means  trivial,  but  of 
very  great  importance,  especially  in  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  our  Southern  laboring  population. 

That  your  correspondent  also  recognizes  a  material 
difference  between  the  Metayer  tenure  and  the  condi- 
tion of  freedom  for  the  laborer,  appears  from  the  fol- 
lowing subsequent  paragraph  in  his  article  : — 

"  Obviously,  these  laborers  must  work  with  or  upon 
somebody's  capital  beside  their  own,  for  they  have 
none.  To  turn  them  adrift  in  freedom,  with  uncer- 
tainty of  employment,  and  dependent  upon  wages, 
without  any  organization  of  capital  or  labor  to  provide 
them;  with  no  self-reliance,  and  no  power  of  self-seek- 
ing or  self-assertion,  would  be,  it  appears  to  me,  rather 
cruel  than  kind.  Freedom  upon  such  terms  would  be 
a  doubtful  boon." 

To  me,  the  Metayer  system  seems  unsatisfactory 
and  objectionable  for  the  very  reason  that  recommends 
it  to  your  correspondent;  namely,  that  it  is  something 
different  from  freedom.  Moreover,  I  wish  to  pro- 
test in  the  strongest  manner  against  the  position  tnken 
by  "  C.,"  in  the  paragraph  last  quoted,  that  freedom 
for  the  slaves  would  be  either  dangerous  or  "doubt- 
ful." He  has  availed  himself  of  that  delusive  phrase, 
invented  by  the  apologists  for  slavery,  which  repre- 
sents the  negro  as  one  absolutely  needing  a  master, 
because  incapable  of  taking  care  of  himself;  and 
which  represents  the  emancipated  slave  as  one  turn- 
ed adr(ft,  in  the  same  position  as  a  ship  floating  with- 
out a  human  being  on  board.  To  such  an  extent 
have  this  phrase,  and  the  many  kindred  ones  used  by 
slaveholders,  misled  the  Northern  mind,  that  it  is 
necessary  constantly  to  repeat  that  the  slave  is  a  man 
and  a  brother ;  that  God  has  given  to  him,  as  really 
as  to  us,  the  powers  needed  for  self-government ;  and 
that  emancipation,  instead  of  inflicting  upon  him  an 
injury,  (as  the  expression  "  turned  adrift"  implies,) 
at  once  restores  the  right  which  had  always  been  his 
due,  and  confers  upon  him  an  inestimable  advan- 
tage. 

I  would  by  no  means  attribute  to  "  C."  any  inten- 
tional unfairness  of  statement.  Nevertheless,  it  must 
be  plainly  said,  that  his  representation  of  the  entire 
class  of  slaves  as  persons  "with  no  self-reliance,  anil 
power  of  self-seeking  or  self-assertion,"  is  a  repre- 
sentation absolutely  unjust,  and  absolutely  at  variance 
with  facts. 

Consider  what  a  high  degree  of  the  qualities  thus 
sweepingly  denied  is  implied  in  the  fact  of  successful 
escape  from  the  slave-region  to  Canada,  or  to  the 
Northern  States.  Fifty  thousand  of  this  class  have 
safely  accomplished  this  perilous  transit,  nnd  probably 
twice  that  number  have  attempted  it,  without  success, 
n  the  face  of  dangers  and  liabilities  suited  to  appal 
the  stoutest  heart.  How  many  of  us  would  attempt 
the  recovery  of  an  infringed  right,  when  success  wflfl 
highly  improbable,  and  when  failure  would  put  us 
ompletcly  in  the  power  of  our  worst  enemy,  who 
night,  if  he  pleased,  deliberately  flog  us  to  death,  to 
deter  bis  other  victim*  from  the  like  attempt.  ?  The 
very  alt,  nipt  at  esenpe  from  slavery,  under  the  eircuin- 
n  Unices  in  which  our  slaves  have  lived,  indicates  a  high 
degree  of  those  qualities  of  which  "  0."  represents  the 
sluves  as  entirely  destitute. 

Take  another  example  of  their  ability  to  "take 
care  of  themselves. "    In  those   numerous  oases  hi 

which   individual   slaveholders  are  not   so  bad  as  the 


slave  laws  authorize  them  to  be,  and  where  part  of  the 
slave's  time  is  allowed  him  for  bis  own  advantage, 
what  diligence  does  be  frequently  show  in  labor,  what 
keenness  in  bargaining,  what  thrift  in  laying  up  re- 
demption-money  I  Betting  aside  the  kighaU  types  of 
human  excellence  under  the  disabilities  of  shivery, 
(the  classes  represented,  respectively,  by  Nat.  Tur- 
ner and  by  Uncle  Tom,)  the  slave  does  as  well  in 
caring  for  himself  as  you  can  reasonably  expect  any 
man  to  do  under  like  eircuuaWnces. 

Freedom,  then,  would  by  no'means  be  that  "doubt- 
ful boon"  to  the  slaves  which  "  C."  represents  it. 
They  know  very  well  how  to  "'take  can:  of  them- 
selves." Alt  they  need  is  the  opportunity.  Let  ua 
give  it  them. 

But  here  another  of  the  misleading  phrases  propa- 
gated bythe  slaveholderscomt-s  up,  to  frighten  us 
from  the  course  required  hy  justice  and  humanity. 
Will  you  "  turn  the  slaves  loose  vpon  the  community  ■/  " 
ask  many  of  the  same  people  who  raise  the  former 
objection.  Even  if  they  can  take  care  of  themselves, 
will  they  not  violate  the  rights  of  others  in  doing  so? 
To  dispose  of  this  objection,  it  needs  only  to  be  re- 
membered that  what  we  ask  for  the  slave  is  merely 
what  we  insist  upon  as  our  own  right  and  advantage. 
Freedom  under  Law.  Freedom  to  secure  his  own  hap- 
piness and  welfare,  as  far  as  he  can  accomplish  this 
without  interference  with  his  neighbor's  similar  rights. 
As  soon  as  the  emancipated  slave  interferes  with 
these,  the  law  takes  hold  of  him,  just  as  it  would  take 
hold  of  you  or  me;  just  as  it  does  take  hold,  every 
day,  of  white  people  who  never  were  slaves,  an,d  who 
e  not  theft  good  excuse  for  lawlessness.  All  we 
ask  is  that  the  freed  men  be  placed,  like  ourselves, 
under  the  government  and  protection  of  laws  made 
by  all  and  for  the  good  of  all,  not,  like  the  slave  laws, 
made  by  a  class,  for  their  own  benefit.  There  is 
then,  no  such  thing  proposed  or  contemplated  hy  any- 
body, as  "letting  the  slaves  loose  on  the  community." 
This  phrase  is  merely  a  cheat,  practised  by  slave- 
holders and  their  apologists  for  the  deception  of  the 
rest  of  the  world.  What  the  abolitionists  want  is,  to 
stop  the  slaveholders  from  being  "let  loose"  on  the 
slaves. 

To  return  to  "  C,"  from  whom  I  have  for  a  mo- 
ment wandered — No  doubt  "uncertainty  of  employ- 
ment and  dependence  upon  wages  "  are  evils  ;  admit- 
ting them  to  be  such,  what  I  say  is,  they  are  evils  un- 
speakably less  than  slavery.  To  continue  slavery,  or 
anything  akin  to  it,  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  uncer- 
tainty and  dependence,  would  be  extreme  folly  as  well 
as  wickedness. 

Abundance  of  men  and  women  at  the  North,  com- 
mon laborers  and  others,  natives  and  foreigners,  sutler 
from  uncertainty  of  employment  and  insufficiency  of 
wages.  Would  "  C."  recommend  their  enslavement 
as  a  remedial  measure  1 

The  right  thing  to  be  done  for  all  these  classes,  but 
most  especially  for  the  slaves-,  on  their  emancipation, 
is  to  assist  in  providing  employment  for  them,  to  the 
extent  of  our  power,  both  as  a  nation  and  as  indi- 
viduals. Of  course  there  will  be  some  deficiency  of 
employment  among  them.  There  always  is  among  us 
in  Boston.  Of  course  there  will  be  some  privation 
and  distress  among  them.  There  always  is  among  us 
in  Boston.  Of  course  there  will  be  some  violations 
of  law  and  justice  among  them.  There  always  are 
such  among  us  in  Boston,  every  week  in  the  year, 
and  every  day  in  the  week.  Let  the  remedy  be 
suited  to  removal  of  the  disease.  Do  not  enslave  for 
theft  in  Georgia,  any  more  than  for  theft  in  Massa- 
chusetts. There,  as  well  as  here,  trust,  for  the  pre- 
vention or  diminution  of  theft,  to  good  laws,  naturally 
tending  to  discourage  it,  and  bearing  equally  upon  all, 
black  and  white.  In  the  same  manner,  do  what  you 
can  to  provide  employment,  and  to  encourage  indus- 
try, by  insuring  the  attainment  of  all  the  fruits  of  in- 
dustry. But,  in  God's  name,  begin  by  making  the 
slave  a  freeman!  We  want  no  Serfs,  we  want  no 
Metayers.  We  want  no  system  in  which  the  "cus- 
toms" of  wealthy  proprietors  shall  "govern"  the 
laboring  class,  instead  of  law,  uniform  in  its  operation 
over  the  whole  community.  Our  one  thing  neVdful  is 
a  securing  to  men  and  women  of  the  rights  of  men 
and  women.  After  that,  as  much  help  to  the  needy  as 
you  please ;  but  let  freedom,  assured,  legalized  free- . 
dom,  equal  freedom  for  all,  under  law,  come  first. — 

C.  K.  W. 


THE  N,  Y.  OBSERVER  ON  THE  PEESIDENT'S 
MESSAGE, 

The  opinions  of  different  portions  of  the  public  re- 
specting the  President's  late  Message  to  Congress 
are  exceedingly  various.  Its  motive,  its  purport,  its 
tendency,  its  fitness,  its  moral  significance,  and  the 
probable  amount  of  its  practical  interference  with  sla- 
very, all  are  differently  understood,  not  only  by  dif- 
ferent classes  of  men,  but  by  different  members  of  the 
same  class.  Some  abolitionists  like  it,  and  others 
dislike  it.  Some  pro-slavery  people  praise,  and  others 
condemn  it. 

It  is  natural  that  the  more  sagacious  of  the  uphold- 
ers of  slavery  should  bestow  enthusiastic  approval 
upon  a  document  like  this,  which  interposes  a  plan  for 
the  very  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  coupled  with  a 
plan  for  great  pecuniary  profit  to  the  slaveholders, 
just  at  the  moment  when  the  existing  war  promised  a 
speedy  emancipation,  with  no  bonus  to  the  robbers  for 
relinquishing  their  system  of  robbery.  Although  the 
Species  South  Carolina,  of  the  Genus  slaveholder,  seem 
to  be  positively  and  thoroughly  mad,  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  slaveholders  have  some  method  in  their 
madness.  They  know  a  hawk  from  a  handsaw.  They 
know,  moreover,  that  half  a  loaf  is  better  than  no 
bread.  They  know  that  an  excellent  bargain  is  better 
than  an  enforced  loss.  And  they  know  that,  next  to 
no  emancipation  at  all,  the  thing  which  will  best  an- 
swer their  purpose  is  an  emancipation  cunningly  de- 
layed, so  that  slavery  will  last  through  their  time, 
through  the  lifetime  of  the  present  generation.  They 
know,  besides,  how  to  raise  the  price  of  their  goods 
when  a  customer  shows  himself  exceedinglv  eatier  to 
buy.  And  they  know,  further,  the  advantage  of  let- 
ting some  of  their  number  vehemently  protest  against 
making  any  bargain  at  all,  while  the  remainder  use 
this  circumstance  to  enforce  their  own  pretended 
doubtfulness,  and  to  draw  a  higher  bid  from  their  im- 
patient customer.  The  President's  move  has  now 
invited  the  slaveholders  to  this  line  of  policy,  while  it 
opens  to  Uncle  Sam  the  agreeable  prospect  of  expend- 
ing, in  hush-money  to  the  rebels,  a  sum  equal,  nnd 
additional,  to  that  which  he  will  have  expended  in 
fighting  them. 

This  Message,  however,  is  by  no  means  so  bad  as 
t  might  be.  It  would  he  easy  to  have  made  it  play 
much  more  effectively  into  the  hands  of  the  slave- 
holders. And  that  organ  of  Presbyterian  piety,  the 
New  York  Observer,  pursuing  its  accustomed  evil  ends 
by  its  accustomed  evil  means,  bringing  mendacity  to 
the  aid  of  slavery,  in  a  column  of  unqualified  eulogy 
of  the  President,  and  of  his  Message,  impudently 
twists  the  meaning  of  that  document  in  the  direction 
of  its  own  wishes,  and  puts  its  own  words  in  the  Pres- 
ident's mouth,  as  follows; — 

"  The  points  of  special  interest  and  of  commanding 
force  in  ihe  manifesto  are  ibe  following; — 

1.  The  exclusive  right  of  the  several  States  M 
regulate  the  subject  at  their  own  discretion.  All 
power  on   the  part   ot   Congress  to   meddle   with   the 

latter  is  thus  expressly  repudiated. 

2.  In  proposing  to  otl'er  Compensation  to  the  States, 
to  be  used  at  their  discretion,  and  in  showing  bow 
very  soon  the  current  expenditures  of  the  war  would 
purchase  at  :i  fidr  valuation  all  the  slaves  in  any  named 
State,  the  President  reeognitee  the  idea  tit'  property, 

and  the  consequent  obligations,  SJ   plainly  as  the  Con- 
stitution does. 

St.  The  President  says '  in  my  judgment,  gradual 

and  not  sudden  emancipation    is   heller  (or  all.'      Title 

'      the    plan   hy  which    New  York.    New  .lersev.  Pcnn- 

tvanlaand  other  States  delivered   themselves  from 

e  incubus  o(  shivery,  and  the  Louisville  (Ky.) 
Herald  last  week  wry  truly  remarked  that  some  of  the 
border  States,  now  sUvi  ahoHing,  would  long  ago  hate 
abolished  slavery  had  it  not  been  tor  '  abolitionism.' 

Conservative  men,  who,  for  thirty  years,  have  re- 
sisted the  revolutionary  and  disunion  measure*  of 
radical  abolitionists,  hall  with  profound  Mtisfltotfon  the 
constitutional,  statesmanlike,  national  ami  patriotic 
propositions  of  the  President  of  the  United  States." 

Of  the  three  specifications   here   represented  us  ex- 


MARCH  21. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


47 


prossly  included  in  the  President's  Message,  two  are 
absolutely  false,  and  tlie  third  (true,  because  quoted 
in  tlic  very  words  of  tlie  Message)  lias  a  stale  fiction 
Of  the  slaveholders  tacked  to  it  by  the  Observer.  Any 
one  who  reads  the  President's  language  can  see  that 
it  does  iMt  repudiate  all  power  on  the  part  of  Congress 
to  meddle  with  slavery ;  all  that  it  does  is  to  make  no 
claim  to  such  a  right  in  the  present  case-  Any  per- 
son accustomed  to  think  can  see  that  the  proposal  to 
offer  compensation  to  slaveholders  does  ml  necessarily 
recognize  the  idea  of  property  in  man.  It  would  be 
absurd  to  say  that  all  who  gave  ransoms  tor  the  re- 
lease of  captives  in  Tunis  and  Algiers  thereby  ac- 
knowledged the  right  of  the  enslavers  to  require  them, 
Lastly,  every  intelligent  person  knows  that  the  pre- 
tence that  voluntary  emancipation  would  have  taken 
place  in  the  Border  States,  but  for  anti-slavery  efforts 
in  the  North,  is  mere  cant  and  humbug.  A  small  mi- 
nority, in  some  of  those  States,  proposed  and  urged 
such  action.  There  was  never  the  least  probability 
that  the  majority  would  adopt  it. — c.  k.  w. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S   MESSAGE. 

Translated  for  Tue  Li  be  ha  tor  from  the  Boston  Pionier  of 
March  12th. 

It  is  natural  to  ask:  What  has  induced  Mr.  Lin- 
coln to  make  a  proposal  which  appears  to  he  in  direct 
contradiction  to  his  policy  hitherto  1  Neither  hu- 
manity, nor  a  horror  of  slavery,  nor  a  conviction  of  its 
ruinous  consequences.  No,  only  the  accidental  cir- 
cumstance that  slavery  is  a  hindrance  to  the  termina- 
tion of  the  rebellion,  as  he  regards  it,  and  so  a  momen- 
tary source  of  embarrassment.  He  speaks  of  the 
"means  of  self-preservation,"  and  immediately  after 
declares,  that  "a  practical  reacknowledgment  of  the 
National  authority  would  render  the  war  unnecessary, 
and  it  would  at  once  cease."  Therefore  if  to-morrow 
Jeff.  Davis  lays  down  his  weapons,  Mr.  Lincoln  ts  con- 
tent that  the  Union  should  be  restored  as  it  was,  un- 
concerned by  the  tact  that  the  cause  of  the  rebellion, 
slavery,  continues,  and  will  in  time  give  birth  to  a  new 
one.  Mr.  Lincoln  admits  in  the  motive  which  he  as- 
signs for  his  proposal  to  Congress,  that  slavery  is  the 
cause  of  the  rebellion,  when  he  expresses  his  confi- 
dence that  the  Border  States,  by  initiating  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  will  lose  the  incentive  and  interest  to  unite 
themselves  with  the  rebellious  States.  He  thus  identi- 
fies slaveholding  with  rebellion  and  secession,  as  every 
sensible  man  has  long  since  done.  Nevertheless,  he  is 
ready  to  allow  slaveholding  to  continue,  provided  the 
rebels  now  lay  down  their  arms.  Yes,  he  even  has 
the  weakness  to  call  his  proposition  an  indispensable 
means  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union  and  to  self- 
preservation,  or,  in  other  words,  to  announce  that  he 
cannot  overcome  the  rebellion  with  his  army  of  600,000 
men  without  the  impression  which  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  Border  States  is  expected  to  produce  ;  and 
yet  he  does  not  dare  to  attack  slavery,  but  thinks  he 
can  reach  it  by  roundabout  methods  whose  proposal 
only  betrays  his  weakness  to  the  enemy. 

What !  has  Mr.  Lincoln  no  simpler,  more  straight- 
forward means  of  wresting  their  "  hope  "  from  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  than  his  indirect  abolition 
scheme  1  Is  not  his  proposition  rather  an  encourage- 
ment to  the  rebels,  since  they  gather  from  it  that  he 
laeks  the  confidence  or  the  will  to  destroy  their  hope 
with  cannon  and  bayonets?  Nay,  is  there  not  just 
here  an  inducement  for  the  Border  States  to  reject  the 
offer  of  the  President,  since,  according  to  his  own  ad- 
mission, the  maintenance  of  the  Southern  hopes  de- 
pends on  them  t  What  is  plainer  than  the  calculation, 
that  they  have  merely  passively  to  oppose  the  proposi- 
tion made  from  sheer  despair  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  order 
to  disgust  the  North,  paralyzed  by  the  necessities  of 
finance  and  the  approaching  warm  season,  with  the 
cunning  plan  of  the  President,  and  at  last  to  preserve 
their  own  slavery,  together  with  the  rebellious  States  1 
We  deem  it  very  doubtful  whether  the  Border 
States, — insignificant  Delaware  excepted, — will  give 
heed  to  a  resolution  from  Congress  in  the  sense  of  the 
President's  proposition.  But  were  they  so  to  do,  nay, 
if  to-morrow  all  the  Northern  Slave  States  should  pro- 
fess themselves  ready  to  abolish  slavery  in  a  month, 
still  the  end  of  the  war  would  not  thereby  be  decided. 
It  is  not  the  hope  of  the  future  addition  of  the  Border 
States  that'  sustains  the  rebellion,  but  the  hope  of  be- 
ing able  to  resist  the  army  of  Lincoln.  If  Mr.  Lin- 
coln would  take  pains  to  destroy  the  hope  that  he  will 
be  forced  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  a  part 
of  the  South,  he  need  give  himself  very  little  trouble 
about  the  farther  hope  that  the  Border  States  will  fol- 
low that  part.  What  logic,  to  wish  to  annihilate  a 
premise  by  an  attack  on  its  consequences  ! 

Had  Mr.  Lincoln  conducted  a  genuine  war,  or  would 
even  now  conduct  it,  it  would  be  forever  all  up  with 
every  hope  of  the  rebels.  Their  hopes  are  in  Mr.  Lin- 
coln and  his  Generals,  not  in  States  which,  for  the  mo- 
ment, are  of  no  value  to  them,  but  which  they  expect 
again  to  acquire,  if  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  throttle  them 
in  their  own  States.  Mr.  Seward,  in  his  note  on  the 
Trent  affair,  ascribed  the  prolongation  of  the  rebellion 
to  the  hope  of  foreign  recognition  ;  Mr.  Lincoln  now 
finds  the  cause  of  this  prolongation  in  the  hope  of  the 
Border  States.  The  more  these  gentlemen  ought  to 
seek  the  blame  among  themselves,  the  more  they 
exert  themselves  to  find  it  elsewhere,  and  the  conse- 
quence is,  that  they  are  all  the  time  endeavoring  by 
half-measures  and  preposterous  expedients  to  avoid  the 
employment  of  the  only  efficacious  ones. 

These  effective  means  have  been  so  often  discussed 
as  no  longer  to  need  any  additional  confirmation. 
They  consist  simply  in  this,  that  Mr.  Lincoln, — if 
necessary,  on  the  authorization  of  Congress, — should 
make  use  of  the  war  power,  and  either  abolish  slavery 
entirely  in  every  district  gained  by  the  Union  troops, 
or  at  least,  without  more  ado,  emancipate  the  slaves  of 
the  rebels,  and  guarantee  a  financial  subsidy  (no  "in- 
demnification ")  to  the  loyal  slaveholders.  The  Con- 
stitution is  abolished  in  the  rebellious  States.  But  al- 
lowing that  Government  does  not  recognize  such  an 
abrogation  through  rebellion  as  binding,  still,  in  the 
very  intent  of  carrying  out  the  Constitution,  it  is  com 
pellvd  to  suspend  it  by  the  condition  of  war  and  the 
war  power.  It  is  therefore  absurd  in  the  extreme,  in 
reference  to  slavery,  to  lend  weight  to  Constitutional 
considerations,  while,  in  reference  to  all  other  condi- 
tions and  arrangements,  the  Constitutional  "State 
Rights  "  have  been  adjusted  by  the  sword  alone.  Mr. 
Lincoln  knows  this  as  well  as  anybody ;  but  he  has  not 
the  "  honesty  "  to  confess  it,  nor  the  courage  to  pro- 
ceed on  this  principle,  nor  the  will  to  attack  slavery  in 
earnest.  He  still  indulges  the  expensive  hope  of  in- 
ducing the  rebellion  to  surrender  the  game  by  indirect 
means;  he  would  even  like,  in  his  doubt  as  to  the  re- 
sult of  his  previous  method,  to  spare  himself  the  no- 
cessity  of  the  only  efficient  course  ;  and  after  having 
lavished  the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  nation  in  an  un- 
precedented style,  and  sacrificed  them  to  her  deadly 
enemies,  the  slaveholders,  he  now  demands  that  she 
buy  him  off,  by  fresh  magnificent  outlays,  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  single  true  means  of  preservation.  And 
such  a  demand  is  to  be  hailed  as  the  message  of  re- 
demption, the  prophecy  of  preservation  ! 

After  the  free  States  have  squandered  a  thousand 
millions,  and  brought  themselves  to  the  brink  of  bank- 
ruptcy, in  order,  under  the  leadership  of  Lincoln,  to 
protect  an  enemy  who  has  sworn  their  destruction, 
'  they  are  now  asked  to  involve  also  their  future  indefi- 
nitely in  debt,  for  the  same  disgraceful  end.  Whence 
will  the  North  obtain  the  money  to  buy  off  its  slaves 
from  tlie  South,  according  to  the  Lincoln  proposal  1 
If  a  single  Slave  State  accedes  to  it,  all  can  at  last;  for 
Mr.  Lincoln  will  exclude  none  from  the  rewards  which 
he  offers  for  the  crime  of  slaveholding.  He  asks, 
therefore,  the  North,  besides  the  frightful  sacrifices 
which  it  has  already  borne,  and  must  yet  bear,  in  the 
shape  of  an  enormous  taxation,  to  pay  an  Extra-  Douceur 
of  at  least  a  thousand  millions  to  the  slaveholders  for 
their  patriotic  attempt  to  rend  the  Union,  to  destroy 
the  Republic,  and  to  betray  the  whole  nation  to  the 
foreigner!  That  is  to  cultivate  Christianity  to  such 
a  degree  as  to  shake  religious  endurance  even  in 
America. 

We  must  wait,  and  see  if  Congress  and  the  people 
have  reached  this  stage  of  Christianity,  or  whether 
they  understand  that  the  rebels  have  not  merely  to  pay 


the  costs  of  war,  hut  that  the  extermination  of  slavery 
also  at  their  cost  is  the  only  just  punishment  and  the 
only  means  of  preservation.  If,  however,  they  shall 
not  arrive  at  this  understanding  of  themselves,  the 
rebels  will  take  care  to  open  the  eyes  of  [|te  blindest. 
After  their  recent  defeats,  they  are  preparing,  in  the 
mountainous  regions  of  the  South,  where  they  are  con- 
centrating their  troops,  a  resistance  which,  if  it  is  not 
soon  broken  with  the  utmost  energy,  will  allow  them 
to  keep  alive,  beyond  the  summer  season,  the  hope 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  has  regarded.  In  this  season,  the 
operation  of  the  Northern  troops  in  the  chief  rebel 
Slates  will  cease,  while  the  frightful  expenses  of  war 
preparations  will  go  on.  Whence  to  obtain  them  ?  If 
we  merely  look  at  the  financial  question,  we  must  fore- 
see that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  soon  be  obliged  to  amend  his 
proposition — by  which  even  now  he  seeks  to  avoid  an  earn- 
est, energetic,  radical  prosecution  of  the.  war.  The  coun- 
try has  had  to  pay  for  the  instruction  which  its  slow- 
learning  President  has  received  from  the  "logic  of 
events,"  more  dearly  than  ever  tuition  in  history  was 
paid  for ;  and  if  the  bill  of  school  expenses  for  the  new 
lesson  which  tlie  scholar  of  the  White  House  must 
now  expect,  is  presented,  the  pocket  of  Uncle  Sam 
will  be  pretty  thoroughly  emptied. 

The  only  good  which,  in  our  judgment,  will  result 
from  the  message  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  consists  in  this,  that 
by  it  he  is  enlisted  against  slavery,  which  he  has  hith- 
erto so  zealously  protected,  and  the  emancipation  ques- 
tion comes  up  for  agitation  throughout  the  country. 


LETTEE  FltOM  G.  B.  STEBBINS. 

Rochester,  Oakland  Co.,  Mich.,  ) 
March  10,  1862.  j 

W.  L.  Garrison  : 

My  Friend — I  have  been  in  this  State  some  six 
weeks,  speaking  on  "  The  Rebellion — its  Cause  and 
Cure,"  almost  always  to  good  audiences,  and  meet  an 
earnest  response  from  the  best  men  and  women,  of 
whatever  party  or  sect,  to  the  most  thorough  ground 
in  favor  of  freedom  for  all,  as  the  cure  of  rebellion, 
the  harbinger  of  peace,  the  pathway  to  safety. 

Evidently  a  marked  change  is  going  on.  The  dire 
events  of  this  civil  war  are  waking  many  to  the  utter 
folly  and  wickedness  of  any  effort  to  make  truce  with 
slavery. 

Those  who  have  thought  or  felt  little  are  aroused 
to  our  danger,  and  thus  begin  to  see  that  Justice  and 
Peace  cannot  be  separated.  Whether  this  change  shall 
be  deep  and  sure  enough  to  reach  up — or  down — to 
those  in  place,  and  bring  wise  action  in  time  for  our 
speedy  salvation,  is  yet  to  be  seen.  Be  that  as  it  may, 
it  cannot  go  backward.  These  new  thoughts  and 
sympathies  cannot  die.  All  must  help  to  the  triumph 
of  freedom. 

The  old  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  are  ma- 
king desperate  efforts  to  keep  up  pro-slavery  prejudice, 
and  play  the  game  of  fighting  Rebellion  and  Abolition 
at  the  same  time.  The  Free  Press  in  Detroit  has  its 
influence  in  this  way,  and  is  most  bitter,  reckless  and 
unscrupulous.  A  clique  can  be  found  in  many  places 
who  endorse  its  prejudiced  falsehoods,  but  its  power 
is  on  the  wane,  and  therefore  its  groans  the  deeper. 

At  Ann  Arbor,  I  found  the  matter  of  the  mob  a 
year  ago  not  wholly  died  away.  Sunday  evening, 
there  were  some  rumors  of  riot,  but  all  was  peaceful, 
and  a  fair  audience  came  together. 

At  Farmington,  Livonia  and  other  places  near,  I 
had  good  meetings. 

Three  weeks  ago,  I  went  to  Grand  Rapids,  160 
miles  from  Detroit,  on  the  Milwaukee  railroad.  It 
is  the  largest  place,  except  Detroit,  in  the  State. 
Bonfires  were  blazing  and  cannon  firing  in  the  streets, 
yet  some  150  persons  met  in  a  pleasant  hall  the  two 
evenings  I  was  there,  my  friend  J.  T.  Elliott  gene- 
rously paying  the  expenses  of  both  evenings.  At  a 
school-house  and  a  town-house,  north  a  few  miles,  I 
spoke  twice.  I  have  since  visited  Ionia,  Corunna,  and 
Flint,  all  county  seats,  and  also  Lowell,  Owasso,  Ly- 
ons, North  Plains,  &c.  At  some  of  these  places  I 
was  reminded  of  the  tour  of  my  friend,  A.  M.  Powell, 
in  the  same  region,  years  ago.  He  would  now  find 
more  ease  in  travel,  less  rudeness  in  pioneer  life,  and 
a  larger  population.  The  opening  of  the  railroad 
through  the  Grand  River  valley  has  developed  the 
wealth  of  a  rich  region,  and  the  towns  are  fast  increas- 
ing in  im]>ortance. 

At  Corunna,  I  rested  in  the  evening,  and  had  the 
pleasure  of  listening  to  a  lecture  on  Geology — one  of 
a  course  by  William  Denton,  an  eloquent  and  able 
man,  a  master  of  his  noble  science,  who  goes  thorough- 
ly on  with  his  subject,  spending  no  time  in  poor  efforts 
to  take  care  of  Moses,  lest  Genesis  and  Geology  should 
fall  out.  He  thinks  of  visiting  New  England,  and 
therefore  I  wish  him  known,  as  be  well  deserves  to  be. 

At  Flint,  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday  the  2d,  I 
spoke  to  a  court-house  full  of  soldiers,  from  a  camp 
near  the  town,  and  had  excellent  hearing  from  men 
little  used  to  such  views.  Many  of  them  were  from 
the  Saginaw  lumber  regions,  and  I  noticed  several  In- 
dians among  them.  This  seemed  to  me  a  sad  mis- 
take ;  for  such  is  their  complexion,  that  if  they  go 
South,  and  engage  in  the  war,  they  wight  be  mistaken 
by  the. rebels  for  negroes,  and  thus  the  feelings  of  our 
"  misguided  Southern  brethren "  might  be  badly 
hurt  1 

The  active  efforts  and  generous  aid  of  my  friend 
W.  W.  Hartshorne  were  of  much  value  at  Flint,  as 
has  been  the  case  in  former  visits  to  that  place. 

I  came  here  last  week,  and  have  had  my  feeblest 
meetings  at  two  points  near  by.  A  Congregational 
church  in  the  village  was  engaged  for  Saturday  night 
and  Sunday,  with  a  popular  demand  for  the  lectures, 
which  promised  well;  but  Saturday  night  we  found 
the  house  closed.  A  revival  is  in  full  progress  in  the 
Baptist  church,  and  those  in  control  of  the  house 
promised  to  us  broke  their  word  without  apology  or 
warning,  lest  the  revival  might  be  injured  I  Doubt- 
less you  have  heard  something  about  knowing  men 
by  their  fruits. 

Sunday  morning,  we  obtained  a  Universalist  church, 
posted  notices  on  the  hotels,  and  it  was  read  by  the 
minister  of  the  Congregational  church,  with  a  warning 
not  to  go  near. 

Amidst  a  rain-storm,  we  had  some  seventy  persons, 
mostly  Democrats,  who  gave  good  attention,  and  re- 
ceived with  much  gusto  my  suggestion  that  Jeff.  Da- 
vis would  be  gratified  to  hear  of  the  action  of  the  re- 
vivalists across  the  road.  One  of  the  trustees  was 
present,  and  promptly  stated  that  he  was  ignorant  of 
the  whole  matter,  and  did  not  at  all  approve  it. 

To-morrow  I  go  to  Pontiac,  and  thence  by  stage  to 
Milford,  thence  to  Farmington,  &c. 

I  should  have  mentioned  that  the  Grand  Rapids 
Eagle,  a  daily  paper,  gave  most  hearty  notices  of  my 
lectures  there — uotatall  troubled  at  the  idea  of  eman- 
cipation. I  hope  to  reach  as  far  west  as  Colchester 
and  Angola  in  the  coming  month. 

Milford,  (Mich.,)  March  14,  1862. 
W.  L.  Garrison, — I  sent  a  line  from  Rochester,  and 

this  may  reach  you  in  time  to  follow  it  on  the  same 
page.  I  meant  to  have  said  a  word  of  the  temper  of 
the  people  now  and  last  autumn. 

Then  there  was  a  strong  wish,  an  earnest  hope,  that 
Congress  would  take  the  slavery  question  in  hand, 
and  act  boldly.  Had  it  done  so,  or  had  any  branch  of 
the  Government,  a  hearty  support  would  have  fol- 
lowed, in  which  many  opponents  would  have  joined — 
swept  on  by  a  tide  which  would  have  submerged  their 
prejudices,  and  which  they  had  no  moral  courage  to 
stem.  There  was  high  enthusiasm  for  Fremont,  and 
indignation  at  his  removal — a  feeling,  shared  by  many 
Democrats,  that  he  had  done  best  of  all. 

Then  was  the  golden  hour  for  positive  and  decided 
action.  Now  there  is  a  feeling  that  Government  has 
not  been  decided  and  true,  as  the  crisis  demanded  ;  on 
the  part  of  politicians,  a  hesitancy  of  speech,  lest  op- 
position divide  and  weaken  ;  and  from  that  opposition, 
new  eflbrts  to  intimidate,  made  bolder,  of  course,  by 
this  timidity. 

The  popular  feeling  is  less  demonstrative  and  en- 
thusiastic, but  the  conviction  grows  that  peace  with 
slavery  is  impossible;  that  reconstruction  on  the  old 
basis  is  absurd ;  and  that  no  lasting  Union  can  come 
without  freedom. 


Fremont  is  still  the  man.  Action,  decided  and  bold, 
would  gain  support  and  give  strength,  now  as  ever. 
A  man,  with  faith,  insight  and  decision,  who  should 
lead  as  a  living  force,  instead  of  dragging  as  dead  weigh!., 
is  the  great  want.  Without  such  qualities,  years  of 
bitter  strife  in  battles  anil  in  polities  may  be  ours, 
ere  the  inevitable  end  of  slavery  comes. 

A  sad  element  of  weakness  is  apparent.  "Is  it 
safe  to  free  the  slaves?"  "What  will  you  do  with 
the  negroes?"  arc  the  questions.  Such  weakness 
and  blindness,  such  want  of  faith  in  Divine  Laws! 

But,  slowly,  this  is  passing  away.  Those  who 
never  would  hear,  can  now  lend  a  listening  ear. 

The  habit  of  apologizing  for  being  half-way  decent  is 
the  chronic  complaint  of  politicians  and  people. 

Who  has  said,  "There  is  hope  for  the  man  who 
dares  to  he  a  rascal  "  ?  I  think  of  it  when  I  see  those 
who  have  been  bold  defenders  of  slavery  speak  bold 
words  for  freedom,  and  shame  timid  souls  who  have 
half-way  spoken  truth  with  hesitant  fear. 

As  the  tide  of  battle  turns  against  the  rebels,  there 
is  much  thoughtless  enthusiasm  which  bodes  no  good  ; 
yet  the  under-current  of  unrest  comes  up  in  the  fre- 
quent saying,  that  conquest  of  the  rebels  without 
ending  slavery  is  a  fruitless  task. 

Startled  and  awakened  by  the  revelations  of  its  fell 
purpose  and  reckless  character,  which  the  Slave 
Power  is  making  in  this  bloody  war,  people,  in  their 
transition  state,  "see  men  as  trees  walking."  The 
conquering  earnestness'  of  purpose  which  comes  from 
clearness  of  vision,  and  confidence  in  Justice  and 
Freedom  as  ruling  and  lasting  laws,  is  coming.  Work 
and  wait,  "  without  haste  and  without  rest." 

I  have  spoken  here  twice  in  a  Baptist  church  to 
good  audiences.  What  I  have  said  refers  to  the  peo- 
ple in  Western  New  York  and  Michigan  more  espe- 
Sially.  G.  B.  STEBBINS. 


EDUCATIONAL  COMMISSION, 

The  Committee  on  Teachers  and  on  Finance  would 
call  the  attention  of  the  friends  of  the  Commission  to 
the  importance  of  additional  subscription  to  its  funds. 

There  are  at  Port  Royal  and  other  places,  many 
thousands  of  colored  persons,  lately  slaves,  who  are 
now  under  the  protection  of  the  U.  S.  Government. 
They  are  a  well-disposed  people,  ready  to  work,  and 
eager  to  learn.  With  a  moderate  amount  of  well- 
directed,  systematic  labor,  they  would  very  soon  be 
able  to  raise  crops  more  than  sufficient  for  their  own 
support.  But  they  need  aid  and  "guidance  in  their 
first  steps  towards  the  condition  of  self-supporting, 
independent  laborers. 

It  is  the  object  of  the  Commission  to  give  them 
this  aid,  by  sending  out,  as  agents,  intelligent  and  be- 
nevolent persons,  who  shall  instruct  and  care  for  them. 
These  agents  are  called  teachers,  but  their  teaching 
will  by  no  means  be  confined  to  intellectual  instruc- 
tion. It  will  include  all  the  more  important  and  fun- 
damental lessons  of  civilization, — voluntary  industry, 
self-reliance,  frugality,  forethought,  honesty  and  truth- 
fulness, cleanliness  and  order.  With  these  will  be 
combined  intellectual,  moral  and  religious  instruction. 

The  plan  is  approved  by  the  U.  S.  Government, 
and  Mr.  Edward  L.  Pierce,  the  Special  Agent  of 
the  Treasury  Department,  is  authorized  to  accept  the 
services  of  the  agents  of  this  Commission,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  them  transportation,  quarters  and  subsistence. 
Their  salaries  are  paid  by  the  Commission. 

More  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  applications  have 
been  received  by  the  Committee  on  Teachers,  and 
thirty-five  able  and  efficient  persons  have  been  se- 
lected. Twenty-nine  of  these  sailed  for  Port  Royal 
in  the  Atlantic,  on  the  3d  instant.  Three  were  already 
actively  employed  at  that  place,  and  the  others  are  to 
follow  by  the  next  steamer.  Some  of  these  are  vol- 
unteers, who  gratuitously  devote  their  time  and  labor 
to  this  cause.  Others  receive  a  monthly  salary  from 
the  Commission. 

The  funds  in  the  treasury,  derived  from  voluntary 
and  almost  unsolicited  contributions,  are  sufficient  to 
support  those  now  in  service  for  two  or  three  months. 
But  the  Commission  is  as  yet  only  on  the  threshold  of 
its  undertaking.  It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Pierce  that  at 
least  one  hundred  and  fifty  teachers  could  be  ad- 
vantageously employed  in  the  vicinity  of  Port  Royal 
done.  There  are  other  places  where  there  is  now 
urgent  need  of  their  services,  and  new  localities  will 
be  added  as  our  armies  advance.  The  present  ex- 
penditure is  from  twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  dollars  a 
month. 

It  must  be  evident,  therefore,  that,  notwithstanding 
the  liberal  subscriptions  already  received,  a  large  and 
immediate  addition  to  the  funds  of  the  Commission  is 
needed,  to  enable  it  to  meet  the  increasing  demands 
upon  its  resources. 

Since  this  Commission  was  organized,  an  association 
has  been  formed  in  New  York,  with  similar  objects, 
which  has  sent  out  more  than  twenty  teachers.  Other 
societies  are  forming  in  other  cities  and  towns. 

The  Commission  at  Boston  will  cordially  cooperate 
with  all  other  associations,  and  will  faithfully  apply 
all  contributions  from  societies  or  individuals,  to  the 
great  objects  for  which  they  are  intended. 

Subscriptions  may  be  sent  to  Mr.  William  Endi- 
cott,  Jr.,  Treasurer,  No.  33  Summer  street,  or  to 
either  of  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

George  B.  Emerson,     Edward  Atkinson, 

Le  Baron  Russell,        Martin  Brimmer, 

Loring  Lotiirop,  William  Endicott,  Jr., 

Charles  F.  Barnard,    James  T.  Fistier, 

H.  F.  Stevenson,  William  I.  Bowditch,! 

Committee  on  Teachers.  Committee  on  Finance. 

Boston,  March  14,  1862. 


KANSAS  EMANCIPATION  LEAGUE, 

TO    THE    FRIENDS    OF   IMPARTIAL    FREEDOM. 

Our  name  indicates  the  purpose  of  this  organization. 
The  hour  has  past  for  elaborate  argument  in  regard  to 
that  enormous  crime  whose  results  are  visible  in  civil 
strife.  War  teaches,  in  such  startling  language  that 
none  not  wilfully  blind  can  fail  to  read  its  import — that 
Union  is  impossible,  and  Freedom  a  myth,  while  Slavery 
exists.  Liberty  deals  with  Human,  and  not  alone  with 
National  life.  In  it  is  no  geography — no  race — no 
color.  Man  is  more  than  all.  We  seek  results  only  : 
therefore,  and  primarily,  we  work  to  overthrow  Sla- 
very, to  remove  its  evil  effects  from  the  nation,  and 
especially  to  elevate  its  victims  into  self-respecting 
men  and  women.  This,  then,  is  our  special  work.  It 
lies  at  our  door,  and  waits  for  our  hands. 

Kansas  was  honored  in  being  the  instrument  where- 
by this  continental  tide  of  despotism  was  first  stayed. 
Here  we  learnt  that  Slavery  must,  by  its  own  laws, 
culminate  in  force.  A  territory  large  as  a  continent 
was  saved,  and  a  people  educated  into  the  conviction 
that  there  can  be  no  peace  without  justice.  Out  of 
Kansas  came  Harper's  Ferry — the  sacrificial  culmina- 
tion of  the  century,  in  whose  especial  grandeur  our 
common  humanity  is  glorified.  It  is  the  glory  and 
triumph  of  our  State  that  her  citizens  have  met  the 
death  of  those  who  die  for  man.  The  Nation  sees  how 
tlie  key-note — Freedom — which  our  grand  prelude 
struck  so  gloriously,  runs  with  ever-increasing  sublim- 
ity through  the  varying  chords  of  that  magnificent 
symplmny  of  sorrow  and  gladness,  sacrifice  and 
triumph,  the  centuries  have  prepared  for  these  hours. 
This  strife  is  but  the  drift  of  the  ages.  It  can  only 
cease  when,  recognizing  the  Fatherhood  of  God  and 
the  Brotherhood  of  Man,  the  Union  shall  arise,  dis- 
enthralled—redeemed— triumphant — embodying  in  its 
national  life  the  equal  rights  of  Man. 

But  honor  brings  dulies.  One  there  is  about  us 
now.  It  was  true  for  Missouri  in  '51,  that,  Kansas  a 
Free  State,  Missouri  could  not  remain  Slave.  It  is 
now  true  for  Kansas,  that,  Missouri  a  Slave  State, 
Kansas  cannot  remain  Free.  Events  have  mado  our 
border  the  beacon-light  to  the  oppressed,  and  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  war  have  brought — seeking  liberty, 
and  suppliants  for  protection — thousands  of  unfortu- 
nate victims  from  bondage  itself.  They  are  among  us, 
with  all  tin?  personal  evils  and  misfortunes  of  a  system 
which  has  imbruted  them.  They  are  to  be  lilted  out 
of  the  slough,  made  manly  anil  useful,  and  through  all 
ilic  opportunities  which  this  revolution  brings,  valu- 


able to  the  nation,  to  the  State,  and  to  themselves. 
Common  humanity,  if  nothing  else,  would  forbid  re- 
fusing that  refuge  they  seek  in  Kansas. 

We  have  thus  thrown  among  us  nearly  four  thou- 
sand "  contrabands."  They  throng  our  towns,  they 
are  found  throughout  our  border  counties.  Fortunate- 
ly for  them,  they  come  at  a  time  when  our  farms  and 
workshops  are  denuded  of  labor.  Our  young  men  are 
fighting  for  the  Union.  Farmer,  mechanic,  laborer, 
and  professional  man,  alike  are  serving  liberty  in  the 
armed  ranks.  Hence  it  is  that  this  influx  of  a  popula- 
tion, ordinarily  no  wise  desirable,  has  been  productive 
of  benefit  to  the  State.  Our  next  harvest  will  be 
larger  through  their  labor.  This  would  have  been 
more  generally  true  had  there  been,  at  the  outset,  an 
intelligent  supervision  by  an  organization  such  as  we 
propose. 

Friends  : — This  is  the  special  work  we  find  to  do. 
It  is  a  practical  question.  We  may  differ  as  to  means 
and  methods  of  attacking  Slavery  ;  as  to  measures  to 
be  used  in  preventing  evils  which  some  perceive  like- 
ly to  grow  from  sudden  changes  in  institutions.  The 
vexed  question  of  "What  shall  we  do  with  the  ne- 
gro ?  "  may  be,  to  some  of  us,  no  question  at  all,  while 
to  others  it  may  be  of  primary  importance;  we  may 
have  been  colonizationist  or  anti  colonizationist ;  for  or 
against  emigration  and  separation  of  the  races.  On 
these  and  a  score  of  kindred  topics  we  may  differ;  but 
here  is  a  practical  question,  requiring  to  be  dealt  with 
in  a  practical  manner,  day  by  day,  as  events  progress. 
These  people  are  in  our  midst.  Being  here,  they  can- 
not be  removed.  Colonization  or  emigration  for  them 
is  a  myth — for  us  it  is  not  an  issue:  it  may  be  here- 
after. Then  it  will  be  met  and  decided.  What  we 
have  to  do  is  to  endeavor  to  lift  up,  elevate,  educate 
this  class — to  make  them  a  useful  element,  while  they  form 
a  constituent  part  of  our  population.  Democracy  rests 
upon  education.  It  can  only  flourish  among  an  intelli- 
gent people.  No  State,  with  safety  to  itself,  can  allow 
any  portion  of  its  population  to  be  kept  in  ignorance. 
We  know  the  prejudices  that  exist  in  relation  to  this 
subject,  but  we  ask  all  to  look  at  it  candidly.  It  is  for 
the  benefit  of  the  white  man  as  well  as  the  black,  that 
the  latter  should  be  induced  to  be  courageous,  temper- 
ate, moral,  prudent  and  industrious.  For  many  faults 
attributed  to  them,  the  system  is  responsible.  Ask 
yourselves  how  many  of  those  in  our  State  are  to-day 
dependent  upon  either  public  or  private  charity.  You 
will  be  surprised  at  the  answer.  The  major  portion 
are  eager  to  work,  eager  to  earn,  eager  to  become  use- 
ful. We  propose  to  encourage  these  laudable  desires 
by  aiding  them  to  maintain  their  freedom ;  to  obtain 
employment,  to  acquire  education,  and  achieve  useful- 
ness. Our  plans*are  simple.  For  the  present,  we  pro- 
pose to  organize  branch  Leagues  throughout  the  State 
— to  establish  at  the  principal  points  to  which  they 
flock,  some  reliable  person  to  receive  and  provide  for 
their  temporary  wants,  and  advise  them  as  to  their  fu- 
ture course.  In  connection  with  this,  we  will  establish 
Labor  Exchange  and  Intelligence  Offices,  where  infor- 
mation shall  be  given  and  work  found  for  them.  This 
will  be  our  first  care.  As  our  sphere  enlarges  and  our 
means  increase,  other  results  will  be  attained.  It  may 
be  that  avenues  for  practically  aiding  the  great  strug- 
gle will  open.  We  will  organize  schools,  encourage 
prudence,  establish  saving  funds  and  land  associations, 
and  in  every  way  help  them  to  help  themselves.  The 
many  channels  through  which  we  can  profitably  work 
will  be  patent  to  all.  Our  object,  our  work,  our  plan 
is  before  you.  We  need  your  aid,  your  cooperation  ; 
organize  your  county  Leagues,  and  communicate  with 
this  centre.  We  ask  employers  to  notify  us  of  the  la- 
bor wanted.  Each  community  owes  to  itself  to  see 
that  every  incentive  to  industry,  and  opportunities  for 
education,  be  afforded  them.  It  is  an  arduous,  and, 
perhaps,  unthankful  task  we  undertake,  but  results 
will  commend  it  to  our  fellow-citizens.  We  need 
funds  as  well  as  sympathy.  Day  by  day,  scores  of 
half-naked,  penniless  people  arrive.  They  require  aid 
and  counsel.     Will  you  not  give  them  ? 

Friends  in  other  States  : — You  have  before  lib- 
erally aided  Kansas  to  bear  the  burdens  this  contest 
has  brought  upon  her.  We  have  never  had  to  appeal 
to  you  in  vain.  You  have  read  our  address.  Shall 
we  alone  have  to  support  this  additional  burden  ?  At 
Fortress  Monroe,  at  Port  Royal  and  elsewhere,  the 
Government  aids  the  contraband  to  subsist;  but  here 
he  is  thrown  out  minus  that  aid,  and,  consequently, 
what  is  needed  has  to  come  from  private  sources.  Our 
labor  will  benefit  you  as  well  as  us.  In  making  Missouri 
free,  we  win  blessings  from  the  Future,  In  aiding  her 
former  slaves  to  become  useful  citizens,  we  add  wealth 
in  industry  and  intelligence  to  the  nation.  Hence  it  is 
we  ask  your  aid.  We  need  money,  clothing,  provis- 
ions,—  all  things  necessary  to  attain  our  objects. 
Clothing  will  be  especially  valuable.  Friends  who 
wish  to  correspond  with  the  League  can  do  so  by  ad- 
dressing the  Resident  Corresponding  Secretary,  at 
Leavenworth.  Contributions  should  be  addressed  to 
Hon.  G.  W.  Gardner,  care  of  Lewis  Overton, 
Secretary  of  Executive  Committee. 

[S^p3"  We  trust  this  stirring  appeal  from  Kansas  for 
aid  to  the  fugitives  will  be  promptly  and  generously 
responded  to  throughout  the  Free  States, — Ed.  Lib.] 

Kansas  Emancipation  League  —  Officers  for 
1862 :— 

President — D.  R.  Anthony. 

Vice  Presidents — John  C.  Douglass,  John  H.  Morris, 
John  C.  Vaughan. 

Secretaries— Richard  J.  Hinton,  G.  G.  Walker,  W.  L. 
Freeman. 

Executive  Committee — G.  W.  Gardner,  Chairman; 
Lewis  Overton,  Secretary ;  J;  E.  Gould,  Robert  Cald- 
well. 

General  Agent — Asa  Reynard. 

Treasure)- — R.  C.  Anderson. 

Superintendent  of  Contrabands — Wm.  D.  Matthews. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  AT  WASHINGTON. 

A  year  ago,  Wendell  Phillips  would  have  been  sac- 
rificed to  the  Devil  of  Slavery  anywhere  on  Penn- 
sylvania avenue.  To-day  he  was  introduced  by  Mr. 
Sumner  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  The  Vice  Presi- 
dent left  his  seat,  and  greeted  him  with  marked  re- 
spect. The  attentions  of  Senators  to  the  apostle  of 
Abolition  were  of  the  most  flattering  character.  Mar- 
velous conquest  of  prejudices,  and  marvelous  move- 
ment of  Northern  ideas! 

Listening  to  Wendell  Phillips's  lecture  this  evening, 
in  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  were  Senator  Powell  of 
Kentucky,  and  many  other  Southern  men  of  note, 
and  the  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
Congressmen  of  both  Houses  thickly  sat  about  the 
orator  on  the  platform.  During  bis  lecture,  he  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  applause,  which  was  at  no 
time  so  hearty  as  when  he  spoke  of  Gen.  Fremont, 
who,  on  the  eve  of  victory,  a  thousand  miles  from  the 
Capitol,  at  a  word  from  the  President,  sheathed  his 
sword.  "Then,"  said  Mr.  Phillips,  "America  said  to 
Europe,  'I  breed  heroes;  sit  down  at  my  feet.'  John 
Brown,  first  of  all  men,  deserved  the  Mountain  De- 
partment, next  Fremont."  Of  the  President's  eman- 
cipation message,  he  said  it  was  a  voice  from  the  holy 
of  the  holies.  It  meant  just  this:  Gentlemen  of  the 
Border  States,  now  is  your  time  to  Bell.  The  exi- 
gency may  arise  that  will  call  me  to  take  your  slaves, 
if  you  refuse  to  sell  now. 

The  old  negro  preacher  said  that,  if  there  were  a 
text  in  the  Bible  bidding  him  to  go  through  a  stone 
wall,  lie  would  jump  at  it,  and  trust  to  the  Lord  for 
getting  him  through.  The  President  had  gone  at  sla- 
very. It  was  for  the  nation  to  get  him  through.  The 
message  was  a  very  little  wedge,  but  it  was  a  wedge 
when,  in  1828,  Emancipation  was  initiated  in  the  West 
Indies  by  a  suggestion  that  the  Colonial  Legislatures 
should  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  slave.  It  was 
a  very  little  wedge,  but  it  "was  driven  home.  Tli 
President  had  not  entered  Canaan,  hut  he  had  turned 
his  face  toward  it,  saying,  if  I  can't  conquer  with  i 

non,  I  will  with  emancipation. 

We  must  help  the  President  to  make  this  a  war  of 
ideas.  The  South  had  marched  up  to  the  Potomac 
with  neither  men,  munitions,  nor  money — an  idea. 
We  had  men,  munitions,  money,  and  Major-Generals, 
but  not  yet  an  idea.  Quaker  guns  on  one  side,  a 
Quaker  General  on  the  other — [un  allusion  which  ■ 
received  with  tumultuous  applause | — still,  Mr.  Phillips 
said,  fight.  Every  cannon  lired  by  Haileok  or  heard 
by  McClellan  {he  never  fired  one)  is  a  belter  Ami 
Slavery  lecturer  than  a  thousand  such  as  1.  The 
end  is  sure. 

If  Abraham  Lincoln  does  not  have  the  negro 
his  side,  Jefferson  Davis  will  have  him  on  his.     Two 
paths  lead  to  ihe  end,  one  a  true  path,  one  a  false  QrJt 
which  shall  make  (he  acute  disease  chronic. —  H'cisi 
inglon  Corr.  of  N.  Y,  Tribune. 


PROCLAMATION  OF  GEN.  McCLELLAN   TO 
THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC. 

Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac,         \ 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Va.,  March  14.  ( 

Soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, — For  a  long 
time  I  have  kept  you  'inactive,  but  not  without  a  pur- 
pose. You  were  to  be  disciplined,  armed  and  in- 
structed. The  formidable  artillery  you  now  have,  bad 
to  be  created.  Other  armies  were  to  move  and  ac- 
complish certain  results.  I  have  held  you  back  that 
you  might  give  the  death-blow  to  the  rebellion  that 
has  distracted  our  once  happy  country.  The  patience 
you  have  sliown  and  your  confidence  in  your  General 
are  worthy  of  a  dozen  victories.  These  preliminary 
results  are  now  accomplished.  I  feel  that  the  patient 
labors  of  many  months  have  produced  their  fruit.  The 
army  of  the  Potomac  is  now  a  real  army,  magnificent 
in  material,  admirable  in  discipline  and  instruction, 
and  excellently  equipped  and  armed.  Your  com- 
manders are  all  that  I  could  wish.  The  moment  for 
action  has  arrived,  and  I  know  that  I  can  trust  in  you 
to  6ave  our  country. 

As  I  ride  through  your  ranks,  I  see  in  your  faces 
the  sure  prestige  of  victory.  I  feel  that  you  will  do 
whatever  I  ask  of  you.  The  period  of  inaction  has 
passed.  I  will  bring  you  now  face  to  face  with  the 
rebels,  and  only  pray  that  God  may  defend  the  right. 
In  whatever  direction  you  may  move,  however  strange 
my  actions  may  appear  to  you,  ever  bear  in  mind 
that  my  fate  is  linked  with  yours,  and  that  all  I  do  is 
to  bring  you  where  I  know  you  wish  to  be,  on  the 
decisive  battle-field.  It  iB  my  business  to  place  you 
there.  I  am  to  watch  over  you  as  a  parent  over  his 
children,  and  you  know  that  your  General  loves  you 
from  the  depths  of  hisWeart.  It  shall  be  my  care,  it 
has  ever  been,  to  gain  success  with  the  least  possible 
loss;  but  I  know  that  if  it  is  necessary,  you  will  fol- 
low me  to  your  graves  for  our  righteous  cause.  God 
smiles  upon  us.  Victory  attends  us.  Yet  I  would 
not  have  you  think  that  our  aim  is  to  be  obtained 
without  a  manly  struggle.  I  will  not  disguise  it  from 
you  that  you  have  brave  foes  to  encounter — foemen 
well  worthy  of  the  steel  that  you  will  use  so  well.  I 
shall  demand  of  you  great  heroic  exertions,  rapid  and 
long  marches,  desperate  combats  and  privations  per- 
haps. We  will  share  all  these  together ;  and  when 
this  sad  war  is  over,  we  will  all  return  to  our  homes, 
and  feel  that  we  can  ask  no  higher  honor  than  the 
proud  consciousness  that  we  belonged  to  the  army  of 
the  Potomac. 

(Signed)  GEO.  B.  McCLELLAN, 

Major-General  Commanding, 


The  New  Article  of  War  Approved  by  the 
President.  President  Lincoln  on  Thursday  ap- 
proved of  the  additional  article  of  war,  which  goes 
into  immediate  operation,  namely  : — 

"All  officers  or  persons  in  the  military  or  naval  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States  are  prohibited  from  employ- 
ing any  of  the  forces  under  their  commands  for  the 
purpose  of  returning  fugitives  from  service  or  labor 
who  may  have  escaped  from  any  person  of  whom  such 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due,  and  any  officer 
who  shall  be  found  guilty  by  a  court  martial  of  this 
article  of  war,  shall  be  dismissed  from  the  service." 


GREAT  VICTORY— CAPTURE  OF  NEW  MA- 
DRID. 

Cairo,  III.,  March  14.  The  rebels  evacuated  New 
Madrid  last  night,  leaving  a  large  quantity  of  guns 
and  stores  they  were  unable  to  carry  away.  Some 
fighting  took  place  yesterday  between  their  gunboats 
and  our  siege  batteries,  in  which  we  lost  20  killed  and 

ounded.  A  shot  from  one  of  their  guns  dismounted 
one  of  our  24-pounders,  killing  4  or  5. 

Capt.  Carr,  of  the  10th  Illinois  regiment,  was  killed 
on  Wednesday  night  while  placing  the  pickets. 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  not  known,  they  carrying 
off  their  dead  and  wounded.  Their  force  is  supposed 
to  have  numbered  6,000. 

|T"  Gen.  Pope,  in  hi3  despach  to  Gen.  Halleek, 

says  our  success  at  New  Madrid  has  been  even  greater 
than  reported.  Twenty-five  pieces  of  rifled  heavy 
artillery,  thirty-two  batteries  of  field  artillery,  thou- 
sands of  small  arms,  quantities  of  fixed  ammunition, 
tents  for  an  army  of  12,000  men,  and  an  immense 
quantity  of  other  property,  of  not  less  value  than  a 
million  of  dollars,  have  fallen  into  our  hands.  The 
men  only  escaped,  thoroughly  demoralized,  during  a 
furious  thunder  storm.  Many  prisoners  have  been 
taken,  and  the  colors  of  several  Arkansas  regiments. 
Hollins  was  in  command  of  the  rebel  fleet,  and  es- 
caped with  his  gunboats  down  the  river. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEWBERN,   N.  C. 

Baltimore,  March  18.— [Special  dispatch  to  the 
New  York  Times.}  The  enemy's  works  six  miles  be- 
low Newbern,  North  Carolina,  were  attacked  on  Fri- 
day last.  They  were  defended  by  a  force  10,000 
strong,  and  having  21  guns  posted  behind  formidable 
batteries  over  two  miles  long. 

The  fight  was  one  of  the  most  desperate  of  the  war. 
Our  troops  behaved  with  the  steadiness  and  courage 
of  veterans,  and  after  nearly  four  hours  hard  righting 
drove  the  rebels  out  of  all  their  positions,  capturing 
three  light  batteries  of  field  artillery,  46  heavy  siege 
guns,  large  stores  of  fixed  ammunition,  3000  stand  of 
small  arms,  and  200  prisoners,  including  one  Colonel, 
three  Captains  and  four  Lieutenants.  The  enemy  left 
a  large  number  of  dead  on  tlie  field.  The  enemy  es- 
caped by  cars  to  Goldsboro' ;  burning  the  bridges  over 
the  Trent  and  Claremont,  and  firing  the  city  of  New- 
bern. No  extensive  damage  was  done  to  the  place. 
We  lost  about  100  killed  and  400  wounded,  mostly  of 
the  New  England  regiments.  Rev.  O.  N.  Benton  was 
among  the  killed.  Major  Legendoe  of  the  New  York 
51st  was  mortally  wounded.  Lieut.  Col.  Merritt  of  the 
23d  Massachusetts  Regiment,  and  Adjutant  F.  A. 
Stearns  of  the  21st  Massachusetts,  of  Amherst,  were 
killed,  and  their  bodies  are  on  the  way  home. 


Occupation  of  Bird's  Point.  A  correspondent 
who  dates  his  letter  from  Camp  Hooker,  at  Budd's 
Ferry,  on  the  Lower  Potomac,  on  the  12th  instant, 
says  that  the  batteries  at  Bird's  Point  were  evacuated 
by  the  rebels  on  the  previous  Sunday,  and  occupied 
by  the  First  Massachusetts  Regiment  on  the  following 
day.  He  says,  referring  to  the  appearance  of  the 
place  :  "  What  a  sight  I  Everything  left  as  if  a  plague 
had  carried  off  the  occupants.  Guns  standing,  all 
loaded,  just  as  they  were  left;  the  tents  intact;  the 
tables  spread  for  the  meal  there  was  no  time  to  eat — 
everything  looked  as  if  the  evacuators  had  been  com- 
pletely panic-stricken.  Shot  and  shell  to  the  value  of 
$300,000,  besides  ten  heavy  guns,  all  of  which  have 
been  destroyed  but  two — one  a  125-pound  rifled  Eng- 
lish gun,  made  in  1858  at  the  Low  Moor  works,  which 
will  be  taken  to  Washington.  The  mortality  among 
the  Confederates  has  been  truly  awful." 


Ef^"  After  the  battle  of  Pea  Ridge,  Gen.  Van  Dorn 
of  the  rebel  army  sent  a  request  to  Gen.  Curtis,  com- 
manding the  Federal  troops,  that  he  would  permit  a 
burial  party  to  collect  and  inter  the  bodies  of  the  Con- 
federates who  fell  in  the  engagements  on  the  7th  and 
8th  instants.  Gen.  Curtis  granted  the  request,  con- 
cluding his  acknowledgment  of  its  receipt  as  follows  : 
"  The  General  regrets  that  we  find  on  the  battle-field, 
contrary  to  civilized  warfare,  many  of  the  federal  dead 
who  were  tomahawked,  scalped,  and  their  bodies  shame- 
fully mangled,  And  expresses  a  hope  that  this  important 
struggle  may  not  degenerate  to  a  savage  warfare." 


No  rebel  flag  is  now  flying  in  Missouri. 

The  work  of  repairing  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
road is  progressing  rapidly.  The  whole  road  will  be 
in  complete  working  order  in  ten  days. 

At  Manassas,  the  secret  agents  of  the  Government 
have  succeeded  in  securing  at  the  late  headquarters  of 
Generals  Beauregard  and  Johnson,  a  number  of  docu- 
ments in  reference  to  the  numerical  force  and  condi- 
tion of  the  rebel  army. 

The  body  of  Col.  Cameron  has  been  recovered  from 
the  field  of  Bull  Hun,  and  forwarded  to  Harrisburg. 

Parson  Brownlow  has  arrived  at  Nashville,  Tenn., 
in  ill  health,  and  will  proceed  North. 

In  the  battle  of  Pea  Ridge,  Arkansas,  our  loss  was 
about  COO  killed,  and  800  to  1,000  wounded.  The 
rebels  acknowledge  a  loss  of  1,100  killed,  and  from 
2,500  to  3,000  wounded.  We  took  1,000  prisoners  and 
thirteen  pieces  of  cannon. 

^^  The  steamboat  Cambridge,  with  a  regiment  of 
rebel  soldiers  on  board,  sunk  in  White  river,  Arkansas, 
on  the  23d  ult.  A  man  and  his  three  children,  five 
deck  hands  and  forty-three  soldiers  were  drowned. 
All  the  soldiers'  equipments  were  lost,  and  the  boat 
can  never  be  recovered. 

Seventy-Five  Reiiel  Soldiers  Drowned.  A 
letter  from  Cairo,  III.,  states  that  the  rebel  steamer 
Prince,  employed  in  conveying  the  soldiers  down  the 
Mississippi,  after  the  evacuation  of  Columbus,  was 
snagged  and  sunk  in  the  chute  four  miles  above  Hick- 
man, Ky.  Seventy -live  of  the  rebel  soldiers  are  known 
to  have  perished.  She  had  on  board  one  hundred  and 
ninety-six  kegs  of  powder,  which  were  lost. 

E^="  An  accident  occurred  on  the  New  Orleans  and 
Jackson  Railroad,  by  the  collision  of  two  trains,  on  the 
27th  ult.,  by  which  twenty-eight  rebel  soldiers  were 
killed,  and  twenty-four  wounded.  They  belonged  to 
the  7th  Mississippi  regiment. 


Arrest  ami  Return  OS  a  Fihsitive  Slave.  At 
Spring  lie  Id,  III.,  a  tew  days  .since,  a  fugitive  slave  be- 
longing to  Jesse  H.  Rector,  of  Pike  county,  Missouri, 
was  arrested  by  the  U.  S.  Marshal,  he  having  escaped 
in  November,  1861.  lie  was  restored  to  his  master  by 
the  U.  S.  Commissioner,  and  left  for  bis  old  home  in 
Missouri.  The  Springfield  fugist.r  expresses  the  hope 
that  he  "will  learn  to  he  contented  with  the  lot  which 
Providence  bus  assigned  him."  The  Rffl'star  is  one 
of  toe  satanic  Democratic  journals,  which  arc  a,  dis- 
grace to  the  country  and  the  opprobrium  of  modern 
civilization.     Shame  upon  Illinois  ! 


J2T  NOTICE.— The  Uuion  Progressive  Association  will 
give  their  fir*t  exhibition  at  the  Joy  Street  Church,  on 
Monday  Evening,  Miiruh  24.  The  exercises,  consisting  of 
Declamations,  select  and  original  l'renen till ions,  embracing 
a  Colloquy  prepared  0Xpf6M)y  for  this  occasion  by  a  mem- 
ber, entitled  "  Ways  and  Means  of  Elevation." 

By  this  appeal  to  the  public,  the  Association  hope  to 
receive  a  surplus  sufficient  to  create  a.  nucleus  for  their  pro- 
posed Library. 

Doors  open  at  7  o'clock  ;  exercises  to  commence  at  half- 
past  7  o'clock.     Tickets  15  cents  each,  to  be  had  of 

RICHARD  T.    GREENER, 
ALBERT  JACKSON, 
CHARLES  P.  TAYLOR, 
GEO.  W.  POTTER, 
J.  II.  SHAW, 
Boston,  March  21.  Committee  of  Arrangement*. 


(Ef  E.  H.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  on  "  What  shall  be 
done  with  the  Slaveholders?"  in 

Fall  River,  Monday  evening,    March  24. 

Newport,      R.  I.,    Tuesday,        "  "     25. 

Providence,     "        Wednesday  "  "     26. 


B^"  AARON  M.  POWELL,  Agent    of  the    American 
A.  S.  Society,  will  speak  at 

Bedford,  N.  Y.,  Wednesday,  March  26. 

"  "  Thursday,  "       27. 

Newcastle,  "  Friday,  "       28. 


Croton  Lake,           " 

Sunday,             " 

n 

"                    " 

Monday,             " 

31. 

West  Chapaqua,     " 

Tuesday,        April 

1. 

Mamaroneck,          " 

Thursday,          " 

3. 

New  Rochelle,        " 

Friday,              " 

i. 

Boonton,    N.  J., 

Tuesday,            " 

8. 

"         " 

Wednesday,       " 

9. 

Milburn,       " 

Friday,               *' 

11. 

Newark,       " 

Sunday,              " 

13. 

1ST  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in 
West  Gloucester,  Sunday,     March  23. 

Hopedale  and  Milford,  **  "      30. 

Essex,  "  9       6. 


IF" CHARLES  SPEAR  and  MRS.  SPEAR  will  deliver 
addresses,  at  the  Congregational  Church  at  East  Cam- 
bridge, on  Sunday  evening  next,  23d  inst.,  at  half-past  7 
o'clock.    Subject — Prisons,  North  and  South. 


EF"  CRISPUS    ATTUCKS    CELEBRATION There 

will  be  a  repetition  of  this  celebration  at  the  Mercantile 
Httll,  Summer  Street,  Boston,  on  Wednesday  evening, 
April  2,  with  Tableaux,  Vocal  and  Instrumental  Music, 
Ac.  Ac. 


DIED — At  his  residence  in  Philmont,  N.  Y.,  on  Friday, 
March  14,  of  congestion  of  the  lungs,  Solomon  C.  Bar- 
tor,  in  tbe  71st  year  of  his  age. 

Another  of  our  tried  and  faithful  friends,  the  earnest, 
conscientious  and  warm-hearted  friend  of  the  slave  as  of 
the  colored  man,  the  champion  of  universal  justice  and  of  a 
world-wide  humanity,  has  passed  on  to  the  next  sphere  of 
life.  His  life  has  been  for  many  years  a  patient,  emphat- 
ic testimony  in  favor  of  impartial  freedom,  without  respect 
to  complexion  or  Bex  ;  also  a  vigorous  and  most  effective 
protest  against  bigotry  in  thought,  and  its  accompanying 
narrow,  sectarian,  proscriptive  prejudices.  He  lived  large- 
ly for  his  fellow-men.  His  last  labor  was  that  of  securing 
from  his  fellow-citizens  an  expression,  by  petition,  for  the 

.mediate,  unconditional  abolition  of  slavery.  He  leaves 
an  affectionate  family,  and  a  large  circle  of  warmly  at- 
tached friends,  who  feel  keenly  his  removal.       A.  M.  P. 


INDUCEMENTS    TO    SUBSCRIBE. 

TO  New  Subscribers  the  present  year,  the  CHRIS- 
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REVIEW,  and  ATLANTIC  MONTHLY,  will  be 
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Payment  in  advance  to  accompany  the  order  in  all 

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A  few  subscriptions  can  be  received  on  the  above 
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162,  the  first  number  of  the  current  volutheT" 

March  1,  1862. 


pr  tt  5  The  Oldest  House  in  Boston.  7  f>T  tt 

"■"  *  '  \  BTJ1LT  IN  1656.  J  V"L'  V  ' 

PRICES    REDUCED 

OF    THE    FOLLOWING-    VALUABLE    BOOKS: 

Echoes  of  Harper's  Ferry. 

THIS  volume  is  a  collection  of  the  greatest  Speeches, 
Sermons,  Lectures,  Letters,  Poems,  and  other  Utter- 
ances of  the  leading  minds  of  America  and  Europe,  called 
forth  by  John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  They  are 
all  given — mostly  for  the  first  time — unabridged  ;  and  they 
have  all  been  corrected  by  their  authors  for  this  edition, 
or  re-printed  with  their  permission  from  duly  authorized 
copies.  That  this  volume  is  justly  entitled  to  the  claim  of 
being  the  fir- at  collection  of  worthy  specimens  of  American 
Eloquence,  the  following  brief  summary  of  its  contents  will 
show: — It  contains  Speeches  and  Sermons — bv  Wendell* 
Phillips,  (two,)  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  (two,)  Edward  Ev- 
erett, Henry  D.  Thoreau,  Dr.  Cheever,  (two,)  Hon.  Chas. 
O'Conor,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  Theodore  Tilton,  Colonel 
Phillips,  Kev.  Gilbert  Haven,  James  Freeman  Clarke, 
Fales  Henry  Newball,  M.  D.  Conway,  (of  Cincinnati,)  and 
Edwin  M.  Wheelock  ;  Letters — by  Theodore  Parker,  (two,) 
Victor  Hugo,  (two,)  Mrs.  Mason  of  Virginia  and  Lydia 
Maria  Child  ;  Poems  and  other  Contributions — by  William 
Allinghame,  John  O.  Whittier,  William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
Judge  Tilden.  F.  B.  Sanborn,  Hon.  A.  G.  Riddle,  Riohard 
Realf,  C.  K.  Whipple,  Rev.  Mr.  Belcher,  Rev.  Dr.  Furness, 
Rev.  Mr.  Sears,  Edna  Dean  Proctor,  L.  M.  Alcott,  Wm.  D. 
Howells,  Elizur  Wright,  Ac.  Ac.  Ac.  Also,  all  the  Letters 
sent  to  John  Brown  when  in  prison  at  Charlestown  by 
Northern  men  and  women,  and  his  own  relatives  ;  "  one 
of  the  most  tenderly-pathetic  and  remarkable  collections 
of  letters  in  all  Literature."  Also,  the  Services  at  Con- 
cord, or  "Liturgy  for  a  Martyr"  ;  composed  by  Emerson, 
Thoreau,  Alcott,  Sanborn,  Ac.  ;  "  unsurpassed  in  beauty 
even  by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer."  With  an  Appen- 
dix, containing  the  widely-celebrated  Essays  of  Henry  C. 
Carey  on  the  Value  of  the  Union  to  the  North. 

Appended  to  the  various  contributions  are  the  Auto- 
graphs of  tbe  authors. 

EDITED  BY  JAMES  REDPATH. 

1  volume,  514  pages,  handsomely  bound  in  muslin,  Prica 
50c— former  price  $1.25. 

THE  PUBLIC  LIFE  OF 

CAPTAIN     JOHN    BROWN. 

BY  JAMES  REDPATH. 

"With  an  Autobiography    of  his  Childhood  and 

Youth; 

With  a    Steel  Portrait   and  Illustrations,    pp.  408. 

This  volume  has  been  the  most  successful  of  the  season, 
having  already  reached  its  Fortieth  TnocsAsn,  and  the 
demand  still  continues  very  large.  It  has  also  been  re- 
published in  Eugland,  and  widely  noticed  by  the  British 
press.  The  Autobiography  (of  which  no  reprint  will  bo 
permitted)  has  been  universally  pronounced  to  be  one  of 
tiie  most  remarkable  compositions  of  the  kind  in  the  Eng- 
lish language.  In  addition  to  being  the  authentic  biogra- 
phy of  John  Brown,  and  containing  a  complete  collection 
of  his  celebrated  prison  letters—  which  can  nowhere  elso 
be  found — this  volumo  has  also  the  only  correct  and  con- 
nected history  of  Kansas, — from  its  opening  for  settlement 
to  the  close  of  the  struggle  for  freedom  there, — to  be  found 
in  American  literature,  whether  periodical  or  standard.  It 
treats,  therefore,  of  topics  which  must  be  largely  discussed 
in  political  life-  for  many  years.  A  handsome  percentage, 
on  every  co]>y  sold,  is  seoured  by  contract  to  tbo  family  of 
Capt.  Brown.  Copies  mailed  to  any  address,  post  paid,  on 
the  receipt  of  tho  retail  price.  Price  5t)o.  Former 
prioo  $1.00 

SOUTHERN    NOTES 

FOR    NATIONAL     CIRCl'r.ATIOX. 

This  is  a  volume  of  facts  of  reocnt  Southern  life,  as  re- 
lated by  tbe  Southern  and  Metropolitan  press.  It  is  mt 
too  much  to  pay  that,  next  to  Charles  Sumner's  speech, 
it  is  the  most,  unanswerable  and  exhaustive  impeachment 
of  tho  Slave  Power  that  has  hitherto  been  published.  Al- 
though  treating  of  different  topics,  it  extends.  M 
and  strengthens  tho  argument  of  the  Senator.  It  is  a  his- 
tory of  the  Southern  States  for  six  months  subsequent  to 
John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.     No  one  who  has  rend 

Sumner's  mwoh  should  fail  to  Drown  this  pamphlet.  Tho 

diversity  M  its  contents  may  bo  judged  from  the  titles 
of  itB  UMfon  :-  Key  NOtM,  1'Vee  Speech  Soulli,  1'reo 
Press  South,  Uiw  of  I- lie  Suspected.  Southern  Gospel  1'ree- 
dom,  Southern,  Hospitality,  lVst-Oil'ioo  Soulli,  Our  Adopted 

Fellovi-i'iti.'.oiis  South,  PenMutlone  of  Sftumro  OttUeoa, 

The  Shivering  Chivalry,  Sports  of  nentboiiGenllcmen,  Ac, 
Ac..  Ao.  As  it .manual  for  Anti-Slavery  and  Republican 
orators  and  editors,  it  is  invaluable. 

A  handsome  pamphlet  tif  128  pages.  Price    12c.     Former 

Hy  Copies  mailed  to  any  address  on  receipt  of  price. 
LKJB  t  BHEPARD, 
15S  Washington  Sxmm^  Uosiox. 
Maroli  21.  2w 


48 


THE     LIBERATOR 


MA.ECH  21. 


0  t  1 1  IK 


From  the  Oswego  Cmumerohil  Times. 

WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

BY  MISS    A.    srHAGUE, 

Ho  spoaka  beneath  liis  country's  flng  to-night — 
Lover  of  Freedom,  champion  of  right ! 
For  years  he  stood  outside  that  country's  laws, 
Yet  struggled  bravely  in  a  noble  oauso  ; 
feut  now  he Y  seen  whore'er  that  banner  waves, 
Ere  long  to  lose  its  stain — the  blood  of  slaves. 
Ilia  heart  of  fire  and  tongue  of  living  flame 
Have  burned  the  veil  from  off  the  nation's  shame  ; 
Those  scorching  words  have  lit  a  tiro  for  thco, 
A  beacon  flro,  oh  Goddess,  Liberty  ! 
Beneath  them  has  old  Tyranny  awoke, 
And  shook  and  trembled  at  the  truths  ho  spoke, 
Until  she  rose  in  wrath,  and  stands  to-day 
To  block  the  car  of  Freedom  on  its  way. 
It  shall  not  be  ;  true  hearts  like  bis  stand  strong, 
And  send  their  sbalts  to  pierce  tbo  heart  of  wrong. 
His  was  the  heart  unflinching  in  the  storm — 
His  was  the  noble,  almost  godlike  form 
That  walked  the  streets  of  Boston  in  the  day 
"When  Freedom's  sceptre  half  bad  lost  its  sway. 
Then  "Liberty's  proud  cradlo"  rocked  her  child 
But  roughly — Tyranny  looked  on,  afid  smiled, 
From  his  broad  platform,  where  he  sent  bis  word, 
Like  bursting  shells,  to  hearts  till  then  unstirred. 
His  was  tho  escort  that  the  great  man  wins, 
Who  dares  to  speak  against  time-worshipped  sins  ! 
Tho  mob  by  thousands  followed  in  bis  train, 
And,  but  for  law,  that  fearless  form  had  slain  ; 
Yet  calm,  erect,  with  Jove-like  front  he  met 
Those  waves  of  men  till  backward  they  were  sot. 
Like  some  firm  rock  that  still  defies  the  sea, 
Though  years  the  waves  have  dashed  most  angrily, 
Abovo  the  strife,  its  proud,  defiant  form 
Stands  all  the  same,  alike  in  calm  or  storm. 
But  when  our  Northern  blood  had  stained  the  street 
Of  Baltimore — foul  Treason's  work  complete  ; 
"When  Massachusetts  sprang  to  avenge  the  stain, 
Then  Wendell  Phillips  could  bo  heard  again  ! 
They  pressed  to  hear — the  mob  of  weeks  ago — 
Their  hearts  with  patriot  fire  at  last  aglow  ; 
At  Freedom's  shrine  they  gathering  bowed  with  thee, 
Brave  heart  and  strong  t— then  came  thy  victory  ! 
Wo  give  thee  welcome  to  our  midst  to-day  ! 
Pour  forth  thy  words  till  Freedom  bears  tiie  sway 
O'er  all  our  land  ;  until  no  slave  shall  be, 
But  all  shall  bear  the  seal  of  Liberty  ! 
Launch  thy  "Phillipics"  through  the  hearts  of  those 
Who  dare  not  meet  tho  cause  of  all  our  woes ! 
Hold  up  tbo  flag  until  all  hearts  shall  say 
Its  stars  shall  chase  old  Frror's  night  away  * 
Let  still  the  cry  bo,  "Woe,  forever  woe 
To  all,  until  thoy  let  my  peotle  go  !" 
Oswego,  March  6,  1862. 


Resurrection  awaits  not  for  theo  ; 

Thy  glory  fbrovor  has  fled  ; 
And  this  shall  thy  epitaph  be  : 

"  She  sleeps  with  the  unhonored  dead  t  " 


THEK    AND    NOW. 


From  tho  Christian  Inquirer. 

POET    EOYAL. 

r    O.    EVAF.TS,    M.  D,,    BURGEON  1WENT1ETH   1ND.  VOLS. 

On  the  shores  of  Carolina, 

Where  an  ancient  Evil  broods —  . 

Over  cities,  over  hamlets, 

Over  fields,  and  over  woods — 
Came  a  whisper  to  the  bondmen, 

Came  a  promise  from  the  skies, 
Of  deliverance  from  bondage — 

From  the  tyranny  of  lies  ! 

Came  a  whisper  on  the  Worth  wind, 

Saying  :  "  Ships  are  drawing  near  ; 
Northern  ships,  with  shot  and  cannon-— 

Lo  !  the  banner  ! — they  are  hero  !** 
On  the  shore  then  gathered  quiekly 

Dusky  sons  of  other  lands — 
Slaves  no  longer — standing  "  wailing 

With  their  bundles  in  their  hands" — 
Waiting,  watching  for  the  shipping 

Drawing  nearer  to  the  shore. 
Whilst  their  hitman  hearts  were  beating 

As  they  never  beat  before. 
Then  the  iron  months  of  despots 

Hurled  their  hissing  corses  forth — 
Burled  their  heated  iron  curses 

At  those  brave  ships  from  the  Sertrj. 
But  the  brave  ships  beetled  nothing, 

Sending  bade  the  tyrants*  threats  ; 
Sending  back  from  decks  and  porlala 

Answers- o'er  their  parapets — 
Till  the  sea  and  air  were  shaken  ; 

Till  th«  islands,  far  and  near. 
Trembled  en  their  thrones  of  corn), 

Like  a  sinful  king,  with  fear  ; 
Till  the  crowned  Cbt&on  shmldcied  ; 

Till  the  orange  groves  were  bare  ; 
Till  the  minions  of  that  Evil 

Flad  their  stro»g  holds  in  despair. 
Then  a  show*  rang  out,  of  triumph, 

From  those  forts  beside  the  sea, 
As  their  barren  flag-staffs  blossomed 

With  the  banners  of  the  free! 
Then  the  ships  sailed  on  in  silence, 

Bearing  hopes  toward  that  shore — 
Hopes  deferred,  yet  ever  coming  ; 

Hopes,  at  last,  deferred  no  more. 
Shall  they  wait  there,  hnmaa-bearted, 

"  With  their  bundles  in  their  hands" — 
Wait  there,  tiams,  until  the  shipping 

Comes  from  far  off,  silent  lands  ? 
Human-hearted!  over-joyed! 

Craving,  waiting  for  the  hour  : 
Oh  !  tho  brazen-lipped  old  liar, 

Who  denied  them  human  dower  ! 

Oh,  the  Age  !    Thank  God  !  no  longer 

Antique  sin  is  sanctified  ; 
Nor  is  Lust,  though  hoary-headed, 

Shielded  by  an  ancient  Pride. 

Love,  outliving  all  the  Ages, 

Wedding  Wisdom,  brings  forth  Us«, 

And  demands  of  Justice  Freedom, 
Purified  from  long  abuse. 

Let  tho  desert  rock  be  smitten  ; 
Living  water  shall  gush  forth, 
And  God's  Providence  be  written 
On  the  free  Sag  of  tho  North  ! 
Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  1862. 

THE    DOOMED    CITY. 

fly  j.  c.  bages. 
0  Charleston  !  thou  city  so  fair, 

That  sat'st  like  a  queen  by  tho  sea  ; 
While  Commerce  would  smilingly  bear 

Tho  choice  of  her  treasures  to  thee: 

Where  now  is  thy  traffic  so  wide  ? 

Thy  haughtiness  vainly  assumed? 
They've  stricken  thee  down  in  thy  pride  ! 

Proud  queen,  thou  art  doomed  !  thou  art  doomed  ! 

And  fearfully  dark  is  that  doom  ! 

Not  Sodom's  is  deeper  than  thine  ; 
No  virtue  relieving  the  gloom, 

Through  the  night  that  enshrouds  thee,  shall  shine. 

0  thou  who  couldst  Froedom  defy, 

And  trample  her  flag  in  the  dust, 
And  place,  without  wavering  or  sigh, 

In  falsehood  and  treason  thy  trust  ! 

The  hosts  of  the  traitors  by  thee 

To  the  contest  unholy  were  led  ; 
And  well  may  the  foot  of  tho  free 

Thy  ashes  relentlessly  tread. 

Thy  law  was  tho  law  they  would  urge, 
Who  power  unrighteous  would  seek  ; 

Thy  arms  wero  the  fetter  and  scourge  ; 
Thy  motto,  "  No  hope  for  the  weak  !  " 

The  avenger  that  slumbers  not,  camo  ; 

And  who  would  his  sentence  recall '/ 
Oh  !  Pity  may  sigh  for  thy  shame, 

But  Justice  weeps  not  at  thy  fall. 


mighty  epoch,  there  will*  stand  in  full  relief  in  their 
inevitable  relations  and  necessities,  slavery  with  des- 
potism, and  secession  with  rebellion,  crushed  and  an- 
nihilated in  the  effort  of  the  government  and  people 
to  save  our  glorious  country  to  freedom.  W. 


It  is  a  source  of  intense  gratification  to  every  lover 
of  impartial  liberty  that  the  political  year  now  closed 
should  present,  among  so  many  mighty  changes, 
the  rapidly  growing  perception  throughout  the 
North,  that  slavery  is  the  author  of  our  present 
woes.  Permeating  with  its  pernicious  spirit,  as  this 
institution  has,  every  fibre  of  both  our  social  and 
political  fabrics  throughout  the  whole  period  of  our 
national  existence  ;  the  cause  alike  of  untold  misery 
and  injustice  to  unoffending  millions,  and  of  the  dete- 
rioration of  our  national  character;  it  is  gratifying 
indeed  to  witness  the  unmistakable  contrast  between 
the  public  opinion,  of  a  year  ago,  and  that  of  to-day, 
as  touching  the  system  of  American  slavery. 

Then  we  beheld  the  conclusion  of  the  miserable 
era  of  cowardly  and  truckling  compromise.  The 
North  had  been  beaten  into  submission  by  the  all- 
grasping  despotism  of  the  Skruth.  Hand  and  glove, 
this  principal  in  treason,  with  its  associate  and  tool 
in  the  North,  by  votes,  by  patronage,  by  fraud  and 
every  species  of  sophistry,  by  the  degradation  of  com- 
mon sense  and  decency,  by  unscrupulous  and  wicked 
strife  for  mere  power  and  the  spoils  of  office,  had  well 
nigh  completed  the  destruction  of  the  Government. 

This  is  the  character  of  our  past  political  life  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  grounded  in  slavery,  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  the  despot  and  the  sneak,  till  it  cul- 
minated in  its  wickedness  and  expired  in  its  weakness 
in  the  ever  inglorious  attempt  at  compromise  with 
treason  in  the  capital  of  the  nation,  and  in  the  fall  of 
Sumter.  Then  treason  might  boast  its  triumphs  in 
many  a  great  city  and  in  many  a  quiet  valley  through- 
out the  North.  The  slaveholding  politician  of  the 
South  had  not  only  succeeded  in  corrupting  to  his  ty- 
rannous purposes  the  masses  of  his  own  section,  but, 
by  systematic  effort,  through  press  and  pulpit  and 
rostrum,  he  had  infused  his  polluting  spirit — in  meas- 
ure to  subserve  his  base  purposes — into  the  thinking 
and  reading  North.  He  had  threatened  to  tear  down 
the  fair  structure  of  our  government,  and  break  the 
nation  in  twain;  and  he  had  reckoned  not  without  rea- 
son, for  all  necessary  co-operation  by  arms,  as  former- 
ly by  the  arts  of  chicanery.  So  ripe  had  become  the 
cause  of  secession,  both  in  the  Nortii  and  in  the  South, 
so  completely  were  the  ignorant  masses  of  the  South 
disciplined  into  its  fatal  doctrines,  and  so  subservi- 
ent and  bereft  of  all  nobility  or  courage  or  manhood, 
so  steeped  in  attachment  to  the  mighty  dollar,  so  com- 
pletely had  every  Northern  man  his  price  in  this 
slaveholder's  estimation — that  it  was  deemed  by  him 
a  favorable  moment  to  carry  his  oft-repeated  threats 
into  easy  execution.  And  while  in  his  phrenzy  he 
was  to  erect  slavery  and  its  Concomitants,  despot- 
ism and  ignorant  masses  of  white  men,  upon  a  footing 
never  to  be  disturbed,  he  was  to  enjoy  the  high  sat- 
isfaction of  seeing  in  the  North  only  a  second  rate 
power,  while  the  South  should  present  to  the  world 
a  model  of  the  most  exquisite  political  and  social 
order  ever  dreamed  of  in  the  tide  of  time — a  magni- 
ficent triumph  of  despotic  rule  over  the  hallucina- 
tions of  democracy. 

I  Jut  how  mighty  a  change  in  one  short  year !  What 
a  glorious  leap  from  the  ridiculous  to  the  sublime  ! 
How  impressive  the  lesson  that,  under  the  surface,  as 
seen  through  the  medium  of  politics,  in  a  country  so 
grand  and  among  a  people  so  brave,  there,  in  the  great 
heaving  breast  of  the  nation,  burns  calmly  and  in- 
tensely an  undying  love  of  this  beautiful  country,  and 
a  determination  to  preserve  it  now  and  forever  in  all 
its  excellence  and  wholeness  to  the  remotest  genera- 
tion !  What  a  lesson  to  the  selfish  politician,  in  all 
sections  of  the  country,  that  it  is  dangerous  to  pre- 
sume too  much  to  trifle  with  the  holy  instincts  of 
twenty  millions  of  freemen  1 

To  discuss  the  question,  whether  slavery  is  right 
or  wrong,  and  to  propose  methods  for  its  extinction — 
however  irritating  to  those  most  interested  among  a 
people  who  believe  or  do  not  believe  in  the  full  tole- 
ration of  opinion  in  a  young,  inquiring,  experiment- 
ing and  progressive  people — is  one  thing.  To  over- 
turn and  crush  under  foot  the  great  principles  of  hu- 
man liberty  and  good  government — and,  as  in  our  own 
case,  and  in  our  own  estimation,  the  best  government 
God  ever  vouchsafed  to  man — is  quite  another  and  a 
different  thing.  The  most  ardent  advocates  of  un- 
conditional emancipation  of  the  slave  could  well  afford 
to  suspend  their  labors  for  a  season,  and  unite  their 
noble  energies  in  helping  to  sustain  that  government 
and  nation  from  overthrow,  whatever  the  pretext,  or 
by  whomsoever.  Great  as  is  the  cry  of  bleeding 
humanity  at  the  throne  of  all  loyal  hearts,  greater 
still  is  the  duty  of  sacrificing  all  to  save,  if  it  "be  pos- 
sible, the  Union  as  it  now  is,  and  ought  always  to  ex- 
ist, under  all  ills  and  all  applications  of  remedies  in 
time  to  come.  First  destroy,  both  in  letter  and  spirit, 
the  principle  of  disunion  and  secession  by  first  destroy- 
ing treason,  whatever  its  origin,  and  then  we  have  a 
fulcrum  on  which  the  lever  of  public  opinion — which 
the  war  has  created— shall  rest  to  lift  slavery  and 
every  other  abuse  into  the  sea  of  oblivion.  A  coun- 
try unbroken,  under  one  government,  issuing  from  an 
educated  and  free  people,  all  good  institutions  and  in- 
fluences as  free  as  sunlight,  witli  the  highways  and 
byways  of  honorable  competition,  open  to  all  orders  of 
talent  throughout  alt  human  interests  in  all  the  States, 
embracing  all  sections  and  climes  over  our  broad 
domain;  with  laws  sufficient  and  stringent  enough  to 
punish  all  who  shall  be  base  enough  to  abuse  privileges 
so  precious.  Let  this  creed  he  established  in  every 
heart,  and  be  written  with  ineffacable  characters  on 
the  frontlet  of  every  American  citizen,  and  we  have  a 
country  deserving  our  highest  efforts  to  preserve. 

This  great  contest  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  has 
wrought  out  these  thoughts  to  us  all,  and  shaped  our 
course  in  the  loyal  States  into  a  mighty  determi- 
nation, by  force  of  arms,  or,  if  need  be,  by  the  reso- 
lution of  what  are  called  seceded  States,  into  original 
territory,  and  the  reinitiation  of  society,  to  subjugate 
and  destroy  rebellion  at  any  cost.  This  determina- 
tion is  the  result  of  a  year  of  national  labor  and  conflict, 
of  sacrifice  and  suffering,  of  skill  and  energy,  never 
before  surpassed,  and  of  observation  of  the  workings 
of  slavery  in  rebellion,  and  of  increasing  appreciation 
of  the  untold  blessings  of  free  institutions. 

Whatever  of  dulness  to  perceive  the  cause  of  our 
national  distresses  in  times  past,  Sumter  removed  the 
scales  from  off  every  eye.  The  intensest  lovers  of 
"peace"  and  "  no  coercion  "  are  now  on  the  side  of 
the  country,  and  believe  that  slavery — the  cause  of  all 
our  disasters — is  doomed  to  speedy  extinction. 

The  next  stage  in  the  great  abolition  movement  is 
now  inaugurated  by  this  war.  Port  Royal,  protected 
by  our  bayonets,  is  soon  to  be  the  scene  of  an  experi- 
ment which  will  test  the  great  question  of  free  labor, 
negro  capacity,  and  the  productiveness  of  Southern 
soil  under  the  application  of  science.  Northern  men 
with  noble  hearts  and  full  heads  are  about  to  take  the 
place  of  slave-drivers  in  the  seat  of  despotic  eaBe,  se- 
cession and  injustice.  Contiguous  to  a  magnificent 
harbor,  cities  and  beautiful  villages  will  rise  as  by 
magic  over  numerous  islands ;  Northern  capital  anil 
enterprise  will  find  here  a  sure  investment  ;  and  tho 
world  will  behold  here  another  gateway  to  the  South, 
through  which  Northern  art,  science  and  institutions 
will  hereafter  flow.  Enlivened  and  sustained  by  free- 
dom, this  great  commercial  centro  shall  yet  bo  the 
pride  of  the  North  to  pervade  with  its  free  spirit  the 
industrial  and  social  interests  of  that  charming  section 
of  our  united  and  happy  country.  Let  the  spirit  of 
patience  and  patriotism  animate  us  to  stand  by  our 
government,  while  it  wields  faithfully  its  power  to 
suppress  this  wicked  rebellion,  and  it  will  soon  he  ev- 
ident to  us  all  that  in  no  other  way  could  the  great 
question  of  slavery  be  logically  reached  and  settled, 
but  through  the  blood  and  fire  of  revolution ;  and  in 
after  years,  when  posterity  shall  look  back  upon  this 


TEE  MASSACHUSETTS  HOMEOPATHIC 
MEDIOAL  SOCIETY. 

At  a  meeting  of  this  Society,  recently  held  in  Bos- 
ton, the  following  statement  and  resolution  were  unan- 
imously adopted : — 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled : 
The  Massachusetts  Homoeopathic  Medical  Socie- 
ty beg  leave  to  state,  that  from  New  England  alone 
petitions  for  the  admission  of  homoeopathic  sur- 
geons into  the  army  and  navy  have  recently  been 
presented  to  Congress,  signed  by  more  than  thirty 
thousand  legal  voters,  embracing  a  large  number  of 
persons  in  high  official  position,  persons  eminent  for 
intelligence,  respectability  and  wealth,  and  repre- 
senting all  classes  and  interests  of  society.  Nume- 
rously signed  petitions  of  a  similar  character  have 
been  presented  from  other  sections  of  the  loyal  States, 
and  also  from  various  regiments  now  in  the  service  of 
Government. 

This  Society  would  further  represent,  that  homoeo- 
pathy is  a  well-tried  and  demonstrated  system  of 
medical  practice,  based  upon  an  established  law  of  na- 
ture, and  has  stood  the  test  of  rigid  and  accurate  ob- 
servation in  Europe  and  in  this  country,  in  public  in- 
stitutions and  in  private  practice,  among  the  most 
discriminating  and  conservative  classes,  and  is  now 
fully  established  in  the  confidence  of  every  intelligent 
community: — That  in  Europe  it  has  no  less  than 
twelve  hospitals,  and  numerous  dispensaries,  and  in 
this  country  is  practised  by  more  than  three  thousand 
five  hundred  educated  physicians,  has  five  legally  au- 
thorized medical  colleges,  and  supports  several  hos- 
pitals and  dispensaries  : — That  homoeopathy  is,  by  the 
action  of  various  medical  boards,  virtually  excluded 
from  the  army.  The  Medical  Commission  of  Mas- 
sachusetts has  by  vote  declared,  that  it  cannot 
recommend  any  surgeons  believing  in  it;  the  Medi- 
cal Commissions  of  other  States  have  in  a  discourte- 
ous manner  refused  to  examine  homoeopathic  sur- 
geons ;  and  the  Army  Medical  Board  at  Washington 
sedulously  endeavored  to  exclude  from  the  army 
all  homoeopathic  surgeons,  and  from  the  army  hos- 
pitals all  homoeopathic  practice. 

And  as,  in  many  of  the  regiments  now  in  the 
service,  a  large  number  have  been  accustomed  to, 
and  prefer  homoeopathic  treatment,  therefore,  this  So- 
ciety respectfully  and  earnestly  request  Congress  to 
make  such  provision  as  shall  meet  the  wants  of  this 
class,  and  would  recommend  the  following  proposi- 
tions : — 

1st.  Whenever  any  considerable  portion  of  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  any  brigade  desire  to  have  a 
homoeopathic  surgeon  attached  to  the  brigade,  such  ad- 
ditional surgeon  shall  be  appointed. 

2d.  Whenever  a  majority  in  any  regiment  desire  a 
homoeopathic  surgeon  and  assistant  surgeon,  such  ap- 
pointments shall  be  made. 

3d.  Wherever  army  hospitals  are  established,  a  fair 
proportion  of  them  shall  be  devoted  to  homoeopathic 
treatment. 

4th.  As  allopathic  surgeons  are  by  their  education 
and  position  necessarily  disqualified  for  intelligently 
examining  candidates  in  homoeopathic  medicine,  an 
additional  Examining  Board  shall  be  appointed  for 
this  purpose,  composed  of  surgeons  skilled  in  homoeo- 
pathic medicine. 

As  in  this  emergency  of  our  country  the  utmost 
catholicity  is  very  justly  and  properly  allowed  in  all 
the  religious  and  political  appointments  of  the  army, 
this  Society  deem  it  in  the  highest  degree  intolerant  to 
exclude  thoroughly  educated  and  competent,  homoeo- 
pathic surgeons,  whose  appointment  would,  by  excit- 
ing emulation,  naturally  serve  to  elevate  the  standard 
of  medical  skill,  and  secure  for  the  soldiers  increased 
care  and  attention. 

Ived,  That  a  copy  of  the  above  statement  be 
sent  to  Hon.  Henry  Wilson  of  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, and  Hon.  B.  P.  Thomas  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, with  the  request  that  it  be  presented  to  both 
Houses  of  Congress. 


this,  though  a  slight  examination  shows  that  this 
structure  is  a  contrivance  lor  hiding  in  four  lines  of 
a  bare  reference  tho  history  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Board  in  relation  to  slavery.  The.  meeting  in 
1848  is  mentioned  as  one  in  which  "this  matter" 
came  up.  Of  the  next  meeting  Dr.  Anderson  says: 
"The  meeting  at  Pittslietd,  in  184!),  is  known  to 
have  been  preceded  by  an  extraordinary  amount  of 
prayer,  owing  to  a  prevalent  anxiety  lest  alienating 
discussions  should  arise;  and  it  will  be  remembered 
by  those  who  were  present  as  a  season  of  the  most 
elevated  Christian  enjoyment."  The  subject  of  sla- 
very was  kept  out  by  this  "  extraordinary  amount  of 
prayer,"  and  the' pious  record  of  the  fact  is  a  signifi- 
cant illustration  of  the  way  in  which  the  support  of 
conservative  piety  has  been  secured.  Dv.  Ander- 
son mentions,  that  the  meeting  at  Hartford  in  1854, 
when  a  vote  on  the  subject  of  slavery  was  taken  by 
yea  and  nay,  "was  perhaps' the  largest  ever  held, 
save  the  fiftieth,"  the  Jubilee  meeting  ;  but  he  does 
not  tell  us  that  a  desire  to  put  the  Board  right  on 
the  subject  of  slavery  gathered  this  unusual  num- 
ber of  members.  He  might  be  excused  from  in- 
forming us  whether  he  was  the  timid  official  who 
proposed  "  a  season  of  prayer"  to  avert  that  vote 
by  yea  and  nay,  interesting  as  it  would  be  to  bear 
of  that  brave  and  eloquent  divine  who  successfully 
resisted  the  "extraordinary  amount  of  prayer"  pol- 
icy, and  compelled  decided  action,  at  the  risk  of 
seeming  to  prefer  the  convictions  of  an  honest  con- 
science to  the  suggestions  of  the  Board's  Holy  Ghost. 
#  *  *      -       *  *  * 

A  chief  reason  for  the  unquestioned  ill-success  of 
the  Board  is  in  the  fact  that  it  does  not  present  evi- 
dence that  it  can  make  a  good  use  of  means,  as  such 
a  use  is  estimated,  not  by  sentimental  piety,  but  by 
sober  common  sense,  wisely  judging  of  the  duty 
which  is  first.  It  is  an  error  to  say  that  missions  as 
such  are  made  obligatory  by  the  law  of  the  Gospel 
and  the  words  of  Christ.  They  were  in  the  time  of 
the  Apostles,  and  we  are  bound  to  fulfil  the  whole 
whole  spirit  of  that  command.  And  when  a  work 
is  within  our  reach — in  India,  in  Hayti,  in  Liberia — 
then  we  must  do  it.  But  to  assume  that  money 
must  be  raised,  and  a  mission  undertaken  at  ran- 
dom, or  beyond  the  sphere  of  clearly-defined  good 
opportunity,  simply  that  we  may  think  that  we  have 
done  our  duty  in  the  matter  of  missions,  is  the  seri- 
ous error  of  many  good  men.  Place  a  given  church. 
in  the  midst  of  a  heathen  community,  and  it  must 
become,  like  the  early  Church,  a  missionary  organi- 
zation. Not  so  placed,  it  cannot  as  readily  under- 
take the  work  of  missions;  and  by  the  lav/  of  what 
it  can  well  do,  or  do  best,  it  must  choose  or  decline 
this  work.  The  Board  assumes  that  a  certain  at- 
tempt at  missions  is  in  itself  a  Christian  duty,  and 
it  thus  stands  on  a  false  basis  in  its  appeal  to  the  be- 
nevolent, to  a  great  degree  failing  of  good  work, 
and  almost  wholly  failing  to  engage  the  means  and 
men  of  the  Orthodox  churches  to  an  extent  at  all 
consistent  with  their  professions  of  faith  and  duty. 

We  will  add  here  but  a  single  remark, — that  be- 
nevolent organizations  like  that  of  the  American 
Board  should  confine  their  operations  to  gathering 
and  administering  funds  in  aid  of  those  enterprises 
which  can  support  their  appeal  by  clear  evidence  of 
a  good  work  already  begun,  and  sure  to  be  done  to 
'some  extent,  even  if  no  aid  is  rendered.  We  do 
not  believe  in  throwing  away  help  on  a  work  that 
has  taken  no  hold.  It  may  display  the  benevolent, 
but  it  does  not  help  the  needy.  It  would  be  a  no- 
ble enterprise  to  goad  this  eminently  pious  Board 
into  a  vigorous  application  of  common  sense  to  their 
operations,  though  we  fear  that  it  will  not  be  un- 
dertaken soon  enough  to  save  the  institution  from  a 
forced  contraction  which  will  be  fatal  to  its  support. 
Properly  done,  it  would  give,  for  the  first  time,  a 
genuine  vitality  to  its  existence,  a  life  deeper  than 
sentiment.  We  do  not  forget  that  this  basis  for 
organized  benevolence  implies  many  new  modes  of 
Christian  labor  and  enterprise,  especially  in  the  ini- 
tiation of  missions;  but  we  think  the  growing  sense 
of  the  Christian  world  will  demand,  and  the  course 
of  events  under  Providence  provide  these.  Al- 
though we  may  seem  to  deny  the  duty  of  seeking 
the  lost,  it  would  appear,  upon  fuller  consideration, 
that  we  would  rather  improve  the  method  of  this 
search, — that  we  would  especially  conduct  it  in  the 
channels  really  opened  by  Providence.  This  may 
be  truly  called  the  Missionary  Age  upon  which  we 
are  now  entering.  The  wave  of  sentiment  baa 
rolled  by,  and  its  record  is  before  us.  The  time  to 
apply  principle,  to  direct  the  forces  of  civilization 
to  the  work  of  redeeming  peoples  and  lands,  is  now 
at  hand.  The  laws  and  prospects  of  that  work  will 
engage  the  Christian  and  the  statesman,  the  scholar 
and  the  saint,  and  prove  by  their  hold  upon  govern- 
ments and  peoples  with  how  great  a  joy  in  all  hearts 
the  day  of  redemption  draweth  nigh. 

[Christian  Examiner  for  April. 


THE  AMERICAN   BOARD. 


Volume  of  the  First  fifty  Yr.-ars  of  the  Ameri- 
can Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreinn  Missions. 
Boston:  1801. 

It  is  not  without  a  tender  reverence  that  we 
could  wish  to  turn  to  the  history  of  half  a  century 
of  missions, — to  a  fit  record  of  those  hearts  of  fire 
and  faith  which  have  lived  and  died  "for  the  con- 
version of  the  world."  To  nurture  upon  the  sim- 
ple and  sincere  conceits  of  a  child's  heart,  through 
many  years  of  patient  silence,  an  enthusiastic  dream 
of  a  dying  life  on  the  darkest  Afric  shore,  will  make 
the  whole  heart  forever  kind  to  the  true  enthusiast 
of  redemption.  That  meeting  of  the  American 
Board  in  which  it  became  a  cruel  certainty  to  us, 
that  hardly  any  even  seemed  to  believe  the  world's 
peril  from  God's  wrath,  we  could  not  indeed  forget, 
but  we  hoped  to  find  in  this  "  Memorial  "  such  a 
history  of  the  fervent  few  as  would  amply  justify 
the  intense  sympathy  which  we  felt  impelled  to 
offer.-  We  are  utterly  disappointed.  Rev.  llufus 
Anderson  has  produced  a  cold  and  calculating  offi- 
cial report, — a  painful  blue-book.  The  spirit  of  the 
official  stifles  the  heart  of  the  historian.  We  were 
instantly  reminded  of  the  proposal,  at  a  meeting  of 
the  Board,  to  have  "  a  season  of  prayer,"  when  the 
discussion  of  the  slavery  question  seemed  tending  to 
a  decision  perilous  to  conservative  support.  Dr. 
Anderson  avoids  his  subject  under  the  cover  of  a 
vigilant  effort  to  be  pious.  He  seems  half  conscious 
that  a  thorough  and  candid  history  of  the  half-cen- 
tury of  the  Board  and  its  missions  would  put  in 
peril  a  considerable  portion  of  "  the  funds  of  the 
Board."  In  the  first  vigor  of  his  effort  to  edify 
"the  patrons  of  the  Board,"  in  his  report  of  the 
Jubilee  meeting,  there  is  an  absurd  subjection  of 
the  Christian  to  the  official.  Speaking  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  the  payment  of  the  debt,  he  says:  "  This 
auspicious  result  was  owing  to  the  spirit  of  uncom- 
mon liberality  which  God  was  pleased  to  give  to 
the  friends  of  the,  enterprise  generally,  but  more 
especially  to  a  well-planned  effort  for  the  removal 
of  the  debt,  suggested  by  a  mercantile  friend  in 
Boston."  That  contrast  between  the  suggestions  of 
God's  Spirit  and  those  of  a  mercantile  friend  in 
Boston  clearly  indicates  an  official  expectation  of 
falling  back  upon  the  mercantile  friend  again,  when- 
ever the  result  of  the  movement  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
upon  the  friends  of  the  enterprise  generally  shall 
be  not  wholly  satisfactory.  It  is  one  indication  of 
a  fact  which  we  first  saw  with  unaffected  horror, 
that  the  Board's  Holy  Ghost  is  guaranteed  by  cer- 
tain rich  and  blameless  Pharisees  of  benevolence, 
who  like  to  be  hinted  at  in  reports  and  memorials. 

The  labored  effort  to  avoid  the  vital  topics  of  this 
history  is  seen  in  the  references  to  the  subject  of 
slavery.  This  subject  has  been  much  discussed  in 
the  meetings  of  the  Board,  awakening  at  times  an 
absorbing  interest;  and  in  1846,  as  Dr.  Hopkins's 
Historical  Discourse  mentions,  "  a  difference  of  views 
in  regard  to  the  best  method  of  dealing  with  sla- 
very" led  to  the  formation  of  the  "American  Mis- 
sionary Association,"  on  a  pronounced  anti-slavery 
basis.  The  reader  of  the  "Memorial"  will  in  vain 
consult  the  Index  for  any  record  of  the  matter.  Let 
him  look,  however,  for  "  votes  by  yea  ami  nay,"  and 
he  will  find  the  following  specimen  of  the  red  tape 
of  the  missionary  circumlocution  office:  "The  first 
time  in  which  the  Board  is  known  to  have  decided 
a  disputed  question  by  a  call  of  the  roll  of  mem- 
bers, and  the  formal  response  of 'Yea'  or  'Nay,' 
was  at  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  in  the  year  1845.  It  was 
upon  the  adoption  of  a  report  on  the  subject  of 
slaveholding  in  churches  under  the  care  of  mission- 
aries of  the  Board,  made  by  a  committee  appointed 
the  previous  year.  There  have  been  only  two  other 
occasions  on  which  this  method  was  resorted  to,  and 
those  were  in  connection  with  tho  samo  subject,  at 
Hartford  in  1854,  and  Philadelphia  in  1859.  The 
reader  is  referred,  for  the  more  important  proceed- 
ings of  the  Board  in  relation  to  this  matter,  to  tho 
minutes  of  the  annual  meetings  at  Brooklyn  in  1845, 
Boston  in  1848,  Hartford  in  1H.VI,  TJliea  in  1855, 
and  Philadelphia  in  185!)."  What  is  "  this  matter  " 
here  spoken  of?  Is  iL  "  votes  by  yea  and  nay"? 
The  grammatical  structure  of  the  passage  implies 


LETTER  PROM  RET.  STARR  KING. 

THE    FLOOD   IN    CALIFORNIA. 


San  Francisco,  Jan.  20,  1862. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Boston  Transcript: 

Let  me  see  if  I  can  find  any  paper  in  the  house 
that  is  not  soaked  or  mildewed.  If  I  can,  I  will 
write  you  once  more  about  our  terrible  flood,  which 
has  become  a  far  more  extensive  and  sad  calamity 
than  we  supposed  it  would  be  when  I  sent  word  to 
you  of  its  first  wrath,  three  weeks  ago. 

In  the  interior  of  the  State  there  has  been  scarcely 
any  sunshine  since  the.  tenth  of  November ;  and  the 
rain  that  has  fallen  since  the  first  of  January  I  shall 
hardly  dare  report,  as  I  may  wish,  one  of  these 
days,  to  resume  in  Boston  some  vestiges  of  charac- 
ter for  veracity.  Our  average  of  rain  in  San  Fran- 
cisco, for  the  year,  is  about  twenty  inches.  Already, 
in  a  little  more  than  two  months,  we  have  had 
thirty-four  inches,  and  the  clouds  to-day  are  dark  as 
ever,  while  more  than  two  months  of  the  rainy  sea- 
son are  still  before  us — the  months,  too,  in  which 
the  freshets  usually  come.  Seventy-one  days  ago, 
the  rainy  season  set  in,  and  fifty-five  of  them  have 
belonged  to  the  Baptist  persuasion.  The  interior, 
near  the  base  of  the  mountains,  receives  much  more 
rain  than  we  do  on  the  coast;  but  never  has  any- 
thing been  known  there  like  the  outpouring  of  the 
hist  month.  At  several  points  in  the  foot-hills,  where 
measures  have  been  kept,  seventy-two  inches  of 
water  have  fallen  since  the  first  week  of  November. 
I  believe  that  your  supply  in  Massachusetts  is  about 
forty  inches  in  twelve  months.  You  can  judge,  then, 
of  the  freedom  of  utterance  of  clouds  over  the 
Sierra,  and  their  copious  delivery,  if  they  furnish 
nearly  twice  the  amount  in  two  months  which  your 
storms  supply  in  twelve.. 

And  in  a  State  configured  as  ours  is,  you  can  cal- 
culate the.  effect.  We  have  an  immense  central 
prairie,  between  two  mountain  ranges.  The  Sacra- 
mento flows  from  the  north  southward,  and  the  San 
Joaquin  from  the  south  northward,  and  pour  their 
burden  of  waters  together  in  the  centre  of  the 
State,  to  rush  out  through  tho  Straits  of  Casqninez 
into  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  and  thence  through 
tho  Golden  Gate  into  the  Pacific.  Jn  the  spring, 
when  the  snows  melt  on  the  great  mountains,  these 
rivers  find  as  much  as  they  can  do  to  run  off  the 
torrents  that  plunge  into  them;  but  this  winter  the 
clouds  among  the  Sierra  have  been  "  on  the  ramp- 
age," and  the  State  presents  a  spectacle  to-day 
equally  wonderful  and  pitiful.  All  the  forks  and 
feeders  of  tho  two  great  central  streams  have  filled 
the  gorges  of  the  Sierra  with  the  roar  of  their  fury, 
and  converted  the  rich  plains  of  the  State  into  an 
inland  sea 

You  can  have  no  conception  in  New  England  of 
what  a  flood  is.  Your  ideas  of  mountain  wrath  and 
river  ravage  have  been  formed  by  the  freshets  of 
the  Saco,  the  Connecticut,  the  Mcrrimac,  and  now 
and  then  the  accounts  that  reach  you  of  the  agger 
of  the  Mohawk  and  the  Hudson.  Those  give  only 
little  ribbands  of  disaster.  But  here  one  mountain 
bulwark,  from  seven  to  twelve  thousand  feet  high, 
along  a  line  of  five  hundred  miles,  has  boor!  hurling 
cataracts,  for  six  weeks,  through  the  wildest  gorges, 
down  towards  one  river-system,  through  an  im- 
mense plain  that  has  no  levee  upon  its  banks.  The 
result  is  an  imperial  devastation.  The  two  great 
interests  of  the  State,  mining  and  agriculture,  are 
already  frightfully  scourged,  and  as  wo  are  only 
midway  in  the  wet  season,  we  know  not  when  or 
what  tho  cud  may  be.  So  far  as  we  get  word  from 
the  interior,  it  is  a  monotonous  account  of  wild 
spoliation.  The  branches  and  sources  of  the  Yuba, 
(lie  Feather,  the  American,  tho  Mokclumne,  the 
Stanislaus,  the  Merced,  have  risen  to  incredible 
heights,  and  nearly  cleaned  the  chief  mining  dis- 
tricts of  the  bridges,  sluices,  tunnels,  dykes,  ditches, 
mills,  and  implements  which  represent  the  toil  and 
capital  of  years. 

Nature  has  taken  tho  hydraulic  washing  for  this 
season  into  her  own  hands,  and  given  a  specimen  of 
hrr  power  of  moving  the  hills,  gold  and  ;ill,  down 
into  the  Sacramento.  And  with  the  remorseless 
torrents   have    been   burno  splintered    houses,   ma- 


chinery, cattle,  the  wrecks  of  gardens  and  orchards, 
the  supports  and  ruins  of  aqueducts,  the  embank- 
ments of  skillful  roads,  and  we  know  not  yet  how 
many  human  bodies,  to  lie  whelmed  in  the  turbid 
tides  of  the  vast  trunk  rivers  below.  The  rise  and 
fury  of  some  of  these  streams  in  the  wild  ravines 
cannot  be  conceived,  even  when  the  audacious 
figures  are  reported.  Sixty  and  eighty  feet  may  lie 
stated,  with  a  Bible  near  at  hand  on  which  the  pen 
is  ready  to  vouch  its  veracity.  In  one  canon  of  the 
Klamattee  river,  in  the  north  part  of  the  State, 
which  Mt.  Shasta  looks  down  upon,  a  suspension 
bridge,  ninety  feet  above  the  usual  current,  was 
swept  away,  and  the  water  rose  fifty  feet  above 
that,  making  a  tide,  a  hundred  and  forty  feet  above 
low  water-mark.  The  story  looks  large — does  n't  it  ? 
But  you  can't  know  what  truth  is  till  you  visit  Cali- 
fornia; and  my  pen  is  as  ready  to  make  oath  to  it, 
as  ii  secessionist  in  jail  is  to  swear  allegiance  to 
Abraham.  Don't  send  out  here,  however,  to  test 
my  veracity.  As  soon  as  the  sun  comes  out,  the 
river  goes  down  as  fast  as  the  secessionist's  loyalty. 

Each  one  of  the  subordinate  streams  on  the  slopes 
and  in  the  passes  of  the  mountains  has  wrought  as 
much  damage  as  one  of  the  New  England  freshets 
on  a  whole  river.  In  some  counties  every  bridge  is 
swept  away,  and  the  roads  are  about  ruined.  But 
after  all  the  destruction  in  the  gorges  and  among 
the  hills  is  summed  up,  we  have  the  desolation  on 
the  plains  to  take  into  account.  The  interior  is  a 
lake.  A  week  ago,  every  street  of  Sacramento,  the 
capital,  was  under  water,  some  of  them  ten  to  fif- 
teen feet,  and  from  the  Coast  Kange  to  the  Sierra 
there  seemed  to  be  an  unbroken  sea.  The  steam- 
boat from  Marysvillc  to  Sacramento  sailed  over  the 
stage-road,  which  is  nearly  a  bee-line  between  the 
two  cities.  It  is  thought  that,  in  some  directions, 
diagonal  lines  might  have  been  chosen  in  which  one 
could  have  rowed  for  two  hundred  miles,  sometimes 
passing  over  the  roofs  of  houses  and  the  tops  of  tele- 
graph poles.  We  have  had  a  conception,  I  assure 
you,  of  what  the  earth  looked  like  in  pre-Adamite 
ages,  and  no  sceptics  need  hereafter  attempt  any 
criticism  on  the  account  of  tho  flood  in  Genesis. 
Our  minister  read  it  in  church  yesterday,  and  I 
noticed  that  the  congregation  listened,  not  only  with 
evident  and  undoubting  faith,  but  with  symptoms  of 
grim  joy,  that  California  can  beat  the  "  fifteen  cubits 
upward"  which  the  waters  are  said  to  have  "pre- 
vailed." Already  we  boast  that  no  country  can  get 
up  a  freshet  and  a  desolation  on  such  a  mighty  scale. 
But  it  is  pitiful  to  think  of  the  ruin.  An  area 
probably  as  large  as  the  whole  State  of  Massachu- 
setts has  been,  if  it  is  not  now,  under  water.  And 
it  is  the  rich  agricultural  region  of  the  State.  The 
land  should  now  be  ploughed  and  sown  for  the 
harvest,  which  is  due  in  May  and  June.  But  over 
tens  of  thousands  of  acres  and  fences  are  wiped  off; 
barns  and  stacks  of  grain  are  annihilated  ;  cattle 
have  been  drowned,  or  chilled,  or  starved ;  farming 
implements  are  floated  away  or  ruined ;  houses  are 
soaked  if  not  destroyed  ;  orchards  are  buried  under 
debris,  or  killed  by  the  cold  tides  and  sleet;  sand  is 
washed  upon  the  fruitful  soil,  waiting  to  burst  into 
the  green  of  wheat,  or  the  beauty  of  vineyards ; 
confidence  in  the  valley  as  a  fit  home  for  human 
beings  is  broken  down  in  many  of  the  energetic 
colonists;  and  hundreds  of  them,  after  they  have 
seen  their  cattle  killed  and  their  homesteads  ravaged, 
have  been  saved  from  the  upper  rooms  of  their 
houses,  and  sometimes  from  the  tops  of  trees,  by 
boats'  and  little  steamers  that  have  cruised  on 
Samaritan  errands  of  rescue,  and  brought  away 
paupers  that  two  months  ago  were  independent. 

I  visited  Sacramento  last  week,  and  sailed  in  the 
rain  through  streets  alive  with  boats,  and  lined  with 
houses  half-buried  in  the  slimy  tide.  But  the  aspect 
of  the  city,  partly  drowned  as  it  is,  was  cheerful, 
compared  with  the  vast  lagoons  over  which  we 
steamed,  that  should  now  be  green  with  the  peep- 
ing grain.  A  cold  north  wind  blew  the  sleety  storm 
over  the  muddy  waste  that  was  relieved  only  by 
trees  here  and  there,  or  the  roofs  of  a  few  houses,  or 
now  and  then  a  mound  just  swelling  above  the  yel- 
low expanse,  on  which  huddled  and  starving  cattle 
were  shivering  in  the  wet  blasts.  We  overtook  one 
relief  steamer,  and  took  from  her  over  a  hundred 
people,  some  of  them  children  with  naked  legs  and 
feet,  who  had  beeri-'rescued  from  homes  in  which 
they  had  suffered  for  days  -from  lack  of  fire  and 
scanty  food.     Most  of  them  had  lost  everything. 

The  charity  of  San  Francisco  and  the  cities  of 
the  interior  has  been  unstinted  and  glorious.  In 
Sacramento  the  largest  hall  in  the  city  is  a  hospital, 
under  the  control  of  an  admirable  Benevolent  So- 
ciety, to  furnish  beds,  clothing  and  food  for  all  who 
are  homeless.  Thirty  thousand  dollars  were  con- 
tributed from  San  Francisco  in  money  and  supplies 
to  the  treasury  of  that  Sacramento  organization.  A 
week  ago,  on  Sunday  morning,  word  came  to  us  of 
the.  higher  rise  of  the  water  in  Sacramento,  and  the 
difficulty  of  getting  any  provision  there.  Collec- 
tions were  taken  at  once  in  many  of  the  churches 
before  service ;  a  committee  was  in  session  in  our 
great  Music  Hall;  wagons  were  sent  through  the 
city  to  'collect  cooked  food ;  bakeries  were  set  at 
work ;  the  cooking  apparatus  of  halls  and  hotels 
put  in  requisition ;  and  in  the  afternoon  tons  of 
food,  ready  to  be  eaten,  were  sent  by  steam  to  the 
capital,  and  distributed  early  Monday  morning. 
Strong  men  in  Sacramento  cried  like  children  when 
they  saw  the  unloaded  bounty  so  speedily  and 
thoughtfully  supplied.  Now  our  Music  Hall  is 
turned  into  a  Receiving  Home  for  the  destitute  that 
come  to  the  city;  the  steamers  bring  them  down 
free,  and  feed  them  too  on  the  passage;  and  homes 
are  provided  for  them  by  the  bounty  of  our  citi- 
zens, who  open  their  houses  to  the  sufferers. 

But  what  will  the  result  be  to  the  State  ?  It  still 
storms  furiously  as  I  write.  The  Bay  from  my  win- 
dow is  yellow  with  soil  from  the  Sierra.  Through 
the  Straits  of  Carquinez  the  downward  rush  of 
water  is  an  enormous  tide.  It  overspreads  the  Bay 
with  a  fresh  lake,  and  pours  out  at  the  Golden  Gate 
at  the  rate  of  eleven  knots  continually.  For  there 
is  no  flood-tide  on  the  surface  coming  in  from  the 
ocean.  The  downward  stream  beats  it  back,  and 
the  swell  of  the  sea  must  come  in  underneath  the 
fresh  water  that  pours  out.  I  do  not  know  that  the 
State  can  be  injured  much  more,  if  the  rain  and 
flood  continue.  But  the  loss  and  damage  already 
are  fearful.  In  the  mines  an  immense  deal  of  capi- 
tal is  ruined.  In  the  great  agricultural  districts  the 
hopes  of  the  next  harvest  are  dim.  You  suffer 
from  the  war;  we  are  ravaged  by  water  almost  as 
badly  as  Virginia  by  the  rebellion. 

It  is  estimated  that  a  third  of  our  permanent  cap- 
ital, or  rather  of  the.  taxable  property  in  the  State, 
is  cancelled.  The  effect  on  business  in  this  city 
must  soon  be  very  severe.  More  sad  is  the  effect  it 
will  have  on  the.  progress  of  the  State  in  educa- 
tional and  moral  enterprises  and  prosperity.  The 
future  was  never  so  bright  for  California  as  two 
months  ago.  But  now  we  must  begin  anew,  over 
immense  areas,  to  subdue  nature.     I  hope  that  per- 


sons who  propose  to  leave  the  East,  expecting  to 
do  better  in  California,  will  consider  very  seriously 
the  question  of  coming  for  a  few  months.  Let  them 
wait  till  the  books  are  posted,  after  this  disaster. 
Two  months  will  enable  us  to  report  what  our  needs 
of  emigration  are,  and  what  our  welcome  can  be. 

And  yet  our  people  are  wondrously  cheerful. 
There  is  no  whiniug,  no  despair.  They  have  seen 
cities  spring  up  anew  from  charcoal  in  a  year,  and 
they  do  not  mean  to  let  the  flood  drive  them  from 
the  State  of  which  they  are  so  proud.  Many  are 
calculating  already  the' advantage  of  the  flood  in 
drowning  out  grophers  and  squirrels  and  locusts. 
Others  sympathize  with  the  farmers  who  have  saved 
stock,  and  have  fellowship  in  their  joy  over  the 
good  prices  that  will  reward  them  for  the  pains  of 
bringing  them  to  market.  They  insist,  that  cattle 
were  too  plenty,  and  that  we  needed  a  flood.  Others 
rejoice  that  the  land  will  get  a  drenching,  which 
was  necessary  to  prevent  it  from  baking,  and  they 
foretell  a  gracing  paradise.  Others  still  have  visions 
of  diggings  such  as  '49  offered,  and  Insist  that  the 
flood  is  a  mercy,  since  it  carries  off  the  "  tailings  " 
of  years,  brings  down  nuggets,  and  ROt/s,  even  at 
the  cost  of  our  bridges  and  roads.  Yet,  all  this 
while,  we  are  under  water,  anil  are  but.  half  through 
our  season  of  deluge.     And  it  still  storms. 

But  whatever  may  come,  thousands  would  rather 
drown  here  than  walk  on  driest  land  east  of  the 
AUeghaniOB*  They  are  jubilant,  hundreds  of  them, 
that  Nile  inundations  and  Mississippi  freshets  are 
trifles  to  the  sweep  of  the  watery  ravage  which  the 
Sierra  can  inflict;  and  "sink  or  swim,  live  or  die, 
survive  or  perish,"  they  are  for  California.  Whether 
or  not  I  go  all  lengths  with  this  party,  I  will  not 
now  intimate;  but  I  am  proud  of  the  spirit  with 
which  this  people,  bears  misfortune,  and  the  energy 
that  is  eager  for  the  opportunity  to  begin  to  repair 
the  devastation  of  the  elements.  May  the  hills  of 
Boston  and  S;iu  Francisco  ever  keep  their  heads 
above  water!  K. 


JSJ^— Tho  Free  States  arc  all  loyal.  All  of  the 
BlftVe  St:itcs  arc  rebellions,  cither  wholly  or  in  part. 
Hull  the  States  were  free,  all  would  be  loyal.— Tribune. 


TEE  NAVAL  TIGHT  IN  HAMPTON  ROADS. 

From  Ono  who  was  on  Board  tbo  Ericsson  "  Monitor." 

Friday,  March  7th,  8  A.  M. — We  are  steaming 
slowly  down   the  coast,  making  about  five  knots  an 
hour,  with  the  wind  blowing  freshly  from  the  North- 
West.     The  sea  is  rising  quite  rapidly,  and  at  10 
A-  M.  makes  a  clean  sweep  over  our  main  deck.     On 
account  of  improper   caulking  of  the   eiiyim ■-room 
arid  forward   hatches,  the   water   penetrates   to  the 
berth-deck  and  into  tin;  fire-room,  rendering  the  po- 
sitions of  engineers  anything  but  agreeable.      12  M. 
The  Monitor  is  making,  according  to  sailor  dialect, 
bad  weather.     The   blower-hatches,   from   defective 
arrangement  of  pipes,  allowed  a  good  deal  of  water 
to  penetrate  to  the  engine-room,  where  coming  in 
contact  with  the  straps   which  revolve   the   blowers, 
on  either  side  of  the  engine,  snapped  them  asunder, 
and  left  the  furnaces  without  a  draft.   In  consequence 
of  this,  the  engine-room  soon  became  filled  with  coal- 
gas  from  the  furnaces,  which  in  a  short  time  prostra- 
ted   Mr.  Newton,  the   senior   engineer.      He   was 
brought  up   and   placed   on  the  deck  of  the  turret, 
where  he  remained  in  an  unconscious  condition  for 
fifteen  minutes.     Mr.  Stimers,  chief  engineer,  who 
superintended  the  construction  of  the  Monitor  for 
the  Government,  and  who  was  a  passenger  in  her  to 
Fortress  Monroe,  repaired  to  the  engine-room  at  this 
juncture,    where    he   found    2d  Assistant-Engineer 
Campbell  ami  3d  Asssistant  Hands,   with   four  fire- 
men, in  a  state  of  total  unconsciousness  on  the  floor 
of  the  fire-room.     They  were  immediately  removed 
to  the  turret  deck  where  restoratives  were  applied 
iuccessfully.      About    2    P.   M-,    we    passed    Cape 
Charles  Lighthouse,  making  about  five  knots,  with 
steady  breeze  from  the  North- West.     The  sea  has 
moderated  slightly,  and  the  vessel  has  as  little  mo- 
tion as  when  running  down  New  York  harbor.     At 
this  time  Cape  Henry  Light  comes  in  view.     The 
atmosphere  is  remarkably  clear,  and  every  eye'ia  di- 
rected with  curious  interest  to  the  low  line  of  sandy 
coast  that  forms  the  southern  border  of  Chesapeake 
Bay.     We  are  approaching  our  destination  rapidly, 
,  if  we  have  a  continuance  of  our  present  weath- 
er, three  hours  from  this  time  will  find   us  anchored 
safely  in  Hampton  Roads.     5  P.  M. — Mr.  Stodder, 
1st  Master,  from  the  tower,  reports  heavy  firing  in 
the  distance.     At  first,  Capt.  Worden  attributes  the 
reports  to  artillery  practice  at  Fort  Monroe,  but  an 
hour  later,  the  flash  of  bursting  shell  is  plainly  visi- 
ble.    We  are  now  certain  that  an  engagement  is  in 
progress,  and  our  interest  becomes  intense,  fearing 
that  the  Rebel  steamer  Merrimac  may  be  raining 
her  iron  hail  on  the  comparatively  defenceless  vessels 
at  anchor  in  the  roads.     But  one  desire  animates  our 
crew,  officers  and  men,  and  is  plainly  visible  in  their 
compressed  lips  and  anxious  faces,  and  that  is  to  play 
their  part  in   the  fray.     6  P.  M. — The  report  of 
heavy  artillery  is  becoming  more  and  more  distinct, 
and  in  range  of  the  bursting  shells,  in  the  direction 
of  Fortress  Monroe  the  vivid  light  of  a  burning  ves- 
sel  is   plainly  seen."    8  P.  M. — The  Monitor  has 
dropped   her  anchor  in  the  roads,  a  short  distance 
abeam  of  the  frigate  Roanoke,  the  flag-ship  of  ihe 
squadron  at  this  station.     A  small  steamer  has  just 
hauled  along-side,  dispatched  by  the  military  authori- 
ties at  the  fortress  to  acquaint  Capt.  Worden  with 
the  particulars  of  the  afternoon's  action.     The  cap- 
tain of  the  steamer  was  greatly  excited,  and  in  a 
hurried  and  almost  incoherent  manner  related  the 
story  of  the  afternoon's  disaster.       *         *         * 

After  casting  anchor,  Capt.  Worden  reported  to 
the  flag-ship  Roanoke  for  orders.  He  returned  in  a 
short  time,  being  ordered  to  lay  alongside  the  Min- 
nesota to  defend  her  against  the  Merrimac,  who,  it 
was  feared,  would  renew  the  attack  during  the  night. 
In  a  short  time  we  were  snugly  anchored  alongside ; 
but  no  boatswain  piped  "all  hands  to  hammocks  " 
that  night.  Exciting  thoughts  of  the  long  wished-for 
fight  with  her  proper  enemy  drove  slumber  from  the 
eyelids  of  each  hardy  "Monitor."  But  the  night 
passed,  and  the  Merrimac  did  not  come. 

Sunday,  March  9th. — The  sun  rose  in  a  clear,  un- 
clouded sky,  and  revealed  to  the  anxious  watchers 
on  the  tower  three  vessels  apparently  at  anchor  off 
Sewall's  Point;  but  the  distance  was  too  great  to  dis- 
tinctly observe  their  outlines.  No  doubt,  however,  is 
felt  but  that  one  of  them  is  the  Merrimac,  and  from 
some  movements  a  little  later  observed,  Capt.  Wor- 
den believes  she  is  preparing  for  an  engagement. 

The  Monitor  is  to  be  immediately  put  in  fighting 
trim.  The  iron  hatches  are  closed,  the  covers  are 
placed  over  the  deadlights,  and  in  fifteen  minutes 
from  the  time  the  orders  are  given,  the  -main  deck 
presents  a  clear  sweep,  unbroken  except  by  the  tur- 
ret and  pilot-house.  8.20  A.  M. — The  crew  are  sent 
to  stations  on  the  berth  deck  from  magazine  to  tur- 
ret ladder,  and  at  the  guns.  Capt.  AVorden,  Lieut. 
Green,  and  several  of  the  other  officers  are  standing 
on  the  turret  deck,  looking  anxiously  at  the  myste- 
rious movements  of  the  vessels  in  the  distance.  At 
this  moment,  the  larger  of  the  three,  which  presents 
the  singular  appearance  of  a  floating  house  sub- 
merged to  the  eaves,  is  seen  under  way,  beading 
directly  for  us.  The  officers  arc  ordered  immediate- 
ly to  their  stations.  Lieut.  Green  to  command  the 
gunners ;  Chief  Engineer  Stimers  to  control  the 
movements  of  the.  turret  during  the  action,  and  to 
witness  the  behavior  of  the  Monitor,  which  is  to  form 
a  part  of  his  report  to  the  Government.  Just  as  we 
are  approaching  the  turret-hatch  to  retire  below,  the 
Merrimac  opened  the  action  with  a  shot  that  struck 
the  water  between  the  Minnesota  and  Monitor,  and 
gjanced  far  astern.  Capt.  AVorden  immediately  took 
his  position  in  the  pilot-house,  where,  ably  seconded 
by  Mr.  Howard,  from  one  of  the  U.  S.  steamers, 
who  volunteered  as  Pilot,  assisted  by  Quartermaster 
Williams,  he  directed  the  movements  of  the  Monitor, 
and  gave  his  orders  during  the  entire  action.  All 
hands,  officers  and  crew,  are  now  at  stations  waiting 
in  breathless  suspense  for  further  orders.  Capt.  W. 
placed  the  Monitor  in  position,  forwarded  the  bear- 
ing of  the  Merrimac  to  Lieut.  Green  in  the  turret, 
and  gave  the  order  to  fire.  The  port  apron  swings 
aside,  the  gunners,  too,  spring  to  the  gun-ropes,  a 
creaking  of  pullies  for  a  moment,  and  then  a  thun- 
dering report  broke  the  death-like  stillness  that 
reigned  along  the  dusty  ranks  of  powder-passers  on 
the  magazine  deck  —  the  Monitor  has  made  her 
maiden  speech.  From  this  time  the  Merrimac,  com- 
ing down  to  attack  the  Minnesota,  turned  her  guns 
on  the  Monitor,  and  we  were  the  recipients  of  her 
compliments  thenceforth.  She  gave  us  a  few  more 
shots,  and  then,  as  if  frenzied  at  her  failure  to  de- 
molish us,  ran  head  on  at  full  tilt,  as  in  her  action 
with  the  Cumberland  ;  but  in  this  instance  with  a 
far  different  result.  Capt.  W.  judged  that,  failing 
to  run  us  down,  her  intention  was  to  board  us,  but, 
if  so,  she  changed  her  programme,  probably  not 
pleased  with  the  expression  of  the  grim  eye  of  our  eo- 
lumbiad,  which  at  this  moment,  at  a  hint  from  Lieut. 
Green,  shot  her  iron  glance  (weight.  1  70  lbs.)  direct- 
ly through  the  Merrimac's  hull  at  water  line.  Now 
comes  the  order  from  Capt.  W.  to  the  Lieutenant, 
"  Reserve  your  fire ;  I  will  lay  you  alongside  the 
Merrimac;  then  aim  deliberately,  and  do  not  lose  a 
shot."  In  a  few  minutes  this  movement  was  accom- 
plished, and  then  from  both  combatants  the  firing 
was  very  rapidly  executed  for  some  time,  until  the 
Merrimac,  not  liking  her  position,  retreated  to  a 
longer  range.  To  Mr.  Green's  occasional  inquiry  as 
to  the  effect  of  our  shots,  Capt.  Worden  answered 
in  a  cool,  deliberate  manner,  that  excited  the  admira- 
tion and  enthusiasm  of  all  within  hearing.  At  one 
time,  while  the  vessels  were  lying  side  by  side.  Mr. 
Green  accurately  trained  his  gun  on  the  Merrimac's 
water  line,  and.  after  delivering  the  shot,  inquired  of 
Capt.  Worden  the  effect,  'flic  answer  came  loud 
and  clear,  "  Splendid,  Sir;  you  made  the  iron  fly. 
You  cannot  do  better,  hut  fire  as  rapidly  as  you  can." 
The  Merrimac  retreated  still  further  in  the  direction 
of  Sewall's  Point.  Capt,  W.,  judging  the  range  too 
great  I'er  ellective  tiring,  directed  the  Lieutenant  to 
wait  lor  his  order  before  giving  her  another  shot.  A 
I'ew  minutes  passed,  and  the  order  came;  it  was 
scarcely  executed  when  a  percussion  shell  struck  the 
corner  of  the  pilot-bouse,  and  exploding,  injured  the 

Captain's  eye.    A  few  seconds  and  another  exploded 

in  the  same  neighborhood,  and  adding  to  the  pre- 
vious injury  rendered  for  a  time  our  noble  command- 
er completely  blind;  this  occurred  at  19  M.,  and 
was,  1  believe,  the  last  shot  the  Merrimac  tired  in  the 
engagement.  The  command  now  devolved  on  Lieut. 
Green,  who  took  the  Captain's  position  in  the  pilot- 
house, and  directed  the  closing  movements  of  the  ac- 
tion. The  Merrimac,  proud  and  defiant  in  the  be- 
ginning v\'  the  action,  now  presented  an  entirely 
different  spectacle.  She  had  no  doubt  received  a 
vital   injury,  and  it   is  the  opinion  of  the   licet  that. 

were  anxious  spectators  of  the  engagement,  that  she 

retired  in  a  sinking  condition.  The  Monitor  would 
have  vigorously  followed  tip  her  overwhelming  ad- 
vantage, but  her  orders  were  to  acl  entirely  on  the 
defensive,  and  not  by  any  means  to  leave  the  imme- 
diate Vicinity  of  the  fleet  in  the  loads.  This  imper- 
fect sketch  must  suffice  \W  the  present  writer;  the 
story  will  be  better  told  by  tl.ose  WHOM  pri\i]e:;c  it 
was  lo  witness  the  iron  monster  toiled,  and  driven 
back  to  his  lair.— u.  l..  0.  [A.   V.   "i'n/'un,:. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS   TDBLISIIED  — 

EYEET  FRIDAY  MORKING, 

—  AT  — 

221    "WASHINGTON   STKEET,    BOOM   No. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


|^"  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  por  annum, 
in  advance. 

J^"  Five  copies  will  be  sent  to  one-  address  for  tex  DOL- 
LARS; if  payment  is  made  in  advimoo. 

E2P"  All  remittances  aro  to  bo  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  tlio  pecuniary  concerns  of  tlio  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (POST  PAID)  to  tlio  Ucncrul  Agent. 

1£^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  tbe  rate  of  fivo  ocnta 
per  lino. 

t£^~  Tho  Agents  of  tlio  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania,. Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  aro 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  Tuf.  Liberator. 

pgy*  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  tho  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  Tor  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  viz  : — "Wendell  Phillips,  Edvuhd  Quincy,  Ed- 
mund Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garuison,  Jk. 


WM.  LLOYD  GAREISON,  Editor. 


''Proclaim:  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof!" 

"  I  Jay  thia  down  as  tho  law  of  nationa.  I  Bay  that  mil* 
Itary  authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tho  Slates  where  slavery  exists  have  tbe  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  or 
the  Uhitej>  States,  but  the  Commander  of  the  Abut, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES,  f,  .  .  From  tho  instant 
that  tho  ulavobolding  States  bceomo  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  CoNaitEsa  extend  to  interference  with  tho  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  hi:  ikteiifered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  ■  .  It  ia  a  war  power.  I  Bay  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether" 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tbe  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  toe  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  poweb  takes  thb 
place  op  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate  all  the  slaves  ia  the  invaded  territory  ."-J .  Q.  Adahs. 


©ur  $MMfry  U  i\tt  WoxM,  mv  i&tmttitmfy  »w  »H  SrtanfciwT. 


J.  B.  YEBBIHIW  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    13. 


BOSTON,     FRIEDA.  Y,     MARCH    28,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1631. 


Of  ®ppMlSjSi01U 


GEORGE  THOMPSON,  OF  ENGLAND. 

In  the  year  1835  there  came  to  this  country  an 
Englishman  well  fitted  by  nature  and  education  to 
inaugurate  the  policy  of  irritation.  This  man  was 
George  Thompson.  He  was  an  adept  in  the  popu- 
lar phrases  of  our  own  demagogues,  possessed  of  that 
sort  of  eloquence  which  charms  a  certain  class  of 
shallow  but  excitable  minds,  well  versed  in  the  vo- 
cabulary of  denunciation,  personally  prescriptive,  he 
could  talk  glibly  of  freedom  of  discussion  and  equal 
rights,  anil  fulminate  blood-thirsty  curses  against 
slaveholders.  He  came  under  cover  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Societies  of  Great  Britain,  recommended  to 
the  Garrison  breed  of  Abolitionists.  The  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society  had  only  two  years  before  his 
advent  to  this  country  laid  down  the  new,  unserip- 
tural,  and  disastrous  dogma  that  ''all  slavery  is  sin," 
thus  giving  a  lever  of  great  power  for  just  such  an 
emissary  as  had  been  sent  to  take  advantage  of  the 
dreadful  mistake.  So  recently  had  the  untenable 
dogma  been  in  operation  when  Thompson  arrived, 
that  the  Anti-Slavery  Societies  of  New  England 
■were  not  yet  wrought  up  to  the  degree  of  fanatic 
zeal,  which  in  this  sad  hour  has  culminated  in  our 
times  in  bloodshed  and  crime  ;  the  mass  of  the  mem- 
bers were  yet  unprepared  for  fully  carrying  out 
their  new  and  fatal  programme.  The  false  Christian 
and  moral  philosophy  of  the  day  had  not  yet  suf- 
ficiently imbued  their  minds,  or  the  minds  of  the 
community  at  large,  with  the  principles  of  a  plausible 
but  really  shallow  humanitarianism,  and  so  the  bold 
doctrines  of  this  foreign  emissary  grated  harshly 
even  on  their  ears.  When  he  addressed  them  in 
Boston,  such  was  his  impudent  and  intemperate  lan- 
guage that  there  were  cries  of  "  we  want  to  hear  no 
foreigners  lecture  us,"  "  he  has  issued  nothing  but 
one  tissue  of  falsehoods  against  the  South,"  and  even 
one  of  the  delegates  to  the  meeting  from  the  Bap- 
tists of  England  was  so  disgusted  with  Thompson's 
denunciations,  that  "  he  rose  to  express  his  regret  at 
the  course  of  remark  in  which  he  had  indulged." 
The  meeting  was  excited,  and  for  the  most  part  in- 
dignant. Wherever  Thompson  went  throughout  the 
country,  the  same  scenes  followed;  the  staple  of  his 
public  speeches  was  denunciation  of  the  South  and 
slaveholders ;  he  adhered  strictly  to  the  programme  of 
"irritating  'he  Southern people" ;  and  this  end  was  at- 
tained by  the  intentional  notoriety  which  his  ultraism 
f  lined  for  all  that  he  said.  He  visited  Theological 
eminaries,  conversed  with  their  students  to  indoc- 
trinate Am}  in  his  programme  of  irritation.  The 
more  ulurfflie  doctrine,  the  more  excitement.  And 
so  to  a  student  at  Andover  he  distinctly  declares 
that  the  kind  of  moral  instruetion-wbich  ought  to  be 
enjoyed  by  the  slaves  was,  "  that  every  slave 

SHOULD     BE      TAUGHT      TO     CUT     HIS     MASTER'S 

throat."  When  this  was  published,  the  excite- 
ment was  so  great  as  to  endanger  his  safety,  and  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  deny  that  he  had  said  it.  The 
issue  of  that  denial  was  the  production  of  irrefragi- 
ble  proof  of  his  having  said  it,  and  also  of  his  pre- 
varication. Ho  became  so  obnoxious  to  the  conser- 
vative part  of  the  community,  that  it  was  feared  that 
violence  would  be  committed  upon  him.  The  Bos- 
ton Atlas  in  October,  1835,  says  of  Thompson : — 

"We  deprecate  nil  attempts  at  violence  against  this 
individual,  but  we  think  that,  he  has  severely  tried  the 
patience  of  our  fellow-citizens,  and  done  full  enough 
to  disturb  the  peace  and  good  order  of  the  community. 
How  much  longer  can  we  bear  and  forbear  1  A  moun- 
tebank who  in  the  exercise  of  his  vocation  should  pro- 
duce similar  infractions  of  the  peace  would  be  taken 
up  as  a  vagrant,  or  abated  as  a  nuisance." 

About  the  same  time,  a  riot  in  Boston  "was  at- 
tempted in  consequence  of  Thompson's  proceeding:-:, 
and  was  not  dispersed,  although  the  Mayor  assured 
the  mob  that  Thompson  was  not  in  the  city.  He 
had  fled  into  the  country  and  concealed  himself, 
■while  his  friend  Garrison  was  seized  and  led  about 
the  streets  with  a  halter  around  his  neck. 

All  tin's  was  making  capital  for  Mr.  Thompson's 
principals  on  the  other  side  of  tho  water;  the  irrilq- 
iing  part  of  the  process  was  in  successful  operation. 
We  need  not  follow  the  course  of  this  emissary  in 
the  United  States  further  than  to  add  a  convincing 
proof  of  his  success,  in  conjunction  with  his  abolition 
associates,  in  "  irritating  the  Southern  people"  by  cir- 
culating tracts  of  an  irritating  and  incendiary  char- 
acter at  the  South- 
President  Jackson,  in  his  message  to  Congress,  of 
December  7,  1835,  says: — 

"I  must  also  invite  your  attention  to  the  painful 
excitements  in  the  South,  by  attempts  to  circulate 
through  the  mails  inflammatory  appeals  addressed  to 
the  passions  of  the  slaves,  in  prints  and  in  various  sorts 
of  publications,  calculated  to  stimulate  them  to  insur- 
rection, and  to  produce  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile 
war."       *        *        *        * 

"  It  is  fortunate  for  the  country  that  the  good  sense, 
the  generous  feeling  and  the  deep-rooted  attachment 
of  the  people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  to  the 
Union,  and  to  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  same  blood 
in  the  South,  have  given  so  strong  and  impressive  a 
tone  to  the  sentiments  entertained  against  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  misguided  persons  who  have,  engaged  in  these 
unconstitutional  and  wicked  attempts,  and  especially  against 

THE  EMISSARIES  FROM  FOREIGN  PARTS  who  haw '  darril 

to  interfere  in  this  matter,  as  to  authorize  the  hope  that 
those  attempts  will  no  longer  be  persisted  in."  *  *  *  "I 
■would,  therefore,  call  the  special  attention  of  Congress 
to  the  subject,  and  respectfully  suggest  the  propriety 
of  passing  such  a  law  as  will  prohibit,  under  severe 
penalties,  the  circulation  in  the  Southern  States, 
through  the  mail,  of  incendiary  publications  intended 
to  instigate  the  slaves  to  insurrection." 

The  reward  given  to  Mr.  George  Thompson  for 
his  efforts  to  irritate  the  Southern  people  are  not 
among  the  items  recorded  in  the  expenses  of  the 
British  Government,  but  the  reward  was  neverthe- 
less soon  manifest. 

In  November,  1835,  Thompson  had  returned  to 
England.  Let  us  glance  a  moment  at  his  reception 
there.  Tho  President's  Message,  in  which,  though 
not  named,  Thompson  was  as  clearly  designated  ; 
if  he  had  been,  must  have  reached  England  about 
month  after  Thompson's  return.  If  Thompson's 
conduct  in  the  United  States  was  so  repulsive,  and 
so  notorious  as  to  be  made  the  subject  of  a  paragraph 
in  the  President's  Message,  it  could  scarcely  have 
escaped  tho  notice  of  the  political  community  of 
Great  Britain,  and  some  explanation  ought  to  have 
been  given  to  the  United  States.  Mr.  Thompson, 
on  the  contrary,  at  onec  steps  into  the  political  arena, 
and  wc  find  him  a  contestant  for  a  seat  m  Parlia- 
ment from  the  Tower  Hamlets.  We  know  the  in- 
fluence that  secures  a  seat  in  the  Commons.  Had 
Mr.  Thompson's  notorious  course  of  outrage  on  the 
feelings  of  at  least  one  whole  section  of  this  country 
and  nine-tenths  of  the  other  section,  been  distasteful 
or  obnoxious  to  the  Aristocracy  of  Great  Britain,  it 
■would  have  been  next  to  impossible  that  he  could 
have  been  elected.  Nevertheless,  he  was  elected. 
It  amounts  quite  to  demonstration  that  Thompson's 
price  was  a  seat  in  Parliament;  he  performed  his 
foreign  service  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  principals; 
for  the  Southern  people  were  roused  to  intense  in- 


dignation ;  and  he  returned  home  to  receive  his  re- 
ward, an  M.  P.  affixed  to  bis  otherwise  obscure  name. 
Whether  the  demonstration  we  have  given,  that 
we  arc  the  dupes  of  a  long  concocted  and  skilfully 
planned  intrigue  of  the  British  Aristocracy,  will  have 
any  effect  to  allay  our  irritated  sectional  feeling,  and 
thus  dissolve  the  diabolical  spell  which  keeps  us  from 
Union,  is  more  than  can  now  be  predicted.  There 
is  food  here,  for  reflection,  deep,  dispassionate,  se- 
rious reflection.  B. 
— New  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 


MALIGNITY  OF  TEE  ABOLITIONISTS  TO- 
WARDS THE  BOEDEE  STATES. 

The  abolitionists  hate  the  Border  States  as  good 
people  hate  the  Devil.  This  is  manifest  enough. 
As  an  amusing  illustration  of  the  fact,  a  very  dis- 
tinguished member  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature, 
who  visited  Washington  several  weeks  ago,  tells  us 
that  the  abolitionist  Cheever,  in  his  Abolition  dis- 
course at  the  Capital,  reserved  his  "  particular  thun- 
der" for  the  communities  which,  with  a  strong  re- 
miniscence of  his  native  Down-East,  he  styled  the 
"  B-a-r-d-e-r  States,"  and  which  he  served  lip  for 
the  delectation  of  his  mainly  abolition  audience  with 
a  reckless  pungency  not  surpassed  even  by  that 
which,  in  the  days  of  "  Deacon  Giles's  Distillery." 
won  for  this  reverend  libeller  a  cell  in  the  jail  of 
Salem.  Mr.  Cheever,  herein  at  least,  is  a  fair  rep- 
resentative of  his  class.  They  all  hate  the  "  B-a-r- 
d-e-r  States"  with  a  rancor  unchecked  by  honesty 
or  truth. 

And  the  reason  is  plain.  We  have  already  stat- 
ed it.  The  abolitionists  hate  the  Constitution,  and 
would  gladly  let  the  Union  slide  rather  than  have 
its  preservation  attended  by  the  preservation  of  the 
Constitution  likewise.  They  want  to  abolish  the 
Constitution,  regardless  of  consequences,  under  the 
pretext  of  saving  the  Union.  The  Border  States, 
on  the  contrary,  want  to  save  the  Union  by  saving 
the  Constitution,  which  they  believe  the  only  effect- 
ual method  possible.  The  Border  States,  being  a 
unit  in  favor  of  this  policy,  naturally  form  the  head 
of  the  great  body  of  patriots  who  rally  around  the 
Administration  that  declares  and  carries  out  the 
policy  in  defiance  of  abolitionism  everywhere.  Such 
is  the  offence  of  the  Border  States  in  the  estimation 
of  abolitionists. 

Tho  very  head  and  front  of  their  offending 
Hath  this  extent,  no  more. 
It  is  for  this,  and  nothing  else,  that  they  are  de- 
nounced, decried,  derided,  and  defamed,  by  every 
abolition  spouter  and  scribbler  in  the  country. 

In  a  word,  the  abolitionists  and  secessionists  hate 
the  Border  States  for  the  same  reason  in  different 
aspects.  The  abolitionists  hate  the  Border  States, 
because  they  stand  by  the  Constitution,  just  as  tbe 
secessionists  hate  the  Border  States,  because  they 
stand  by  tho  Union.  The  Border  States,  as  the 
steadfast  upholders  of  both  the  Union  and  the  Con- 
stitution, are  the  equal  and  common  enemies  of  both, 
the  abolitionists  and  the  secessionists.  And  in  this 
two-fold  enmity,  every  true  patriot  must  share.  Let 
the  true  patriots  of  the  North  bear  in  mind  this  expla- 
nation, and  the  venomous  railing  of  the  abolitionists 
against  the  Border  States  in  general  and  Kentucky 
in  particular,  if  it  should  be  kept  up,  will  do  good 
rather  than  hurt.  We  hope  it  is  doing  no  great 
hurt  a"s  the  case  is. — Louisville  Journal 


gtltttitw*. 


THE  LEGAL  FICTION. 

The  bill  for  organizing  Territorial  governments  in 
the  seceded  States  has  been  defeated.  This  is  con- 
sidered a  great  triumph  over  the  Abolitionists.  All 
sorts  of  arguments  have  been  used  to  sustain  the  ab- 
surd doctrine,  that  a  State  can  maintain  its  existence 
within  this  Republic  when  the  tie  of  allegiance  which 
binds  it  to  the  Republic  is  repudiated.  Those  who 
would  reduce  the  States  to  the  condition  of  Terri- 
tories are  stigmatized  as  destroyers  of  the  Union, 
whose  aim  is  to  blot  out  a  portion  of  the  thirty-four 
stars  that  adorn  our  national  flag,  to  trample  down 
the  Constitution,  and  to  do  just  what  the  Secession- 
ists are  endeavoring  to  accomplish.  Abolitionists 
and  Secessionists  ought  to  hang  upon  the  same  tree, 
is  the  impudent  language  which  obtains  currency 
even  in  the  halls  of  Congress. 

The  legal  fiction  of  State  existence  without  State 
allegiance  is  merely  a  pin  upon  which  to  hang  objec- 
tions against  emancipation.  It  is  used  for  no  other 
purpose.  This  fiction  derives  plausibility  from  the 
loose  way  in  which  it  suits  our  conservative  orators 
to  use  the  term  State.  The  legal,  appropriate  mean- 
ing of  this  term,  as  employed  in  the  Constitution,  is 
not  a  superficial  area  of  so  many  acres,  nor  is  it  the 
people  who  dwell  on  that  portion  of  the  national  do- 
main. By  the  term  State,  the  Constitution  means  a 
State  government,  the  civil  power,  the  legal  organiza- 
tion through  which  justice  is  administered.  In  this 
sense,  there  can  be  no  State  within  the  territory  now 
occupied  by  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  army,  the  con- 
servatives themselves  being  judges.  If  there  be 
such  governments,  why  does  not  our  President  and 
Congress  respect  their  acts  ?  Why  are  their  Gov- 
ernors and  Legislatures  ignored  ?  Why  so  careful 
to  avoid  the  slightest  appearance  of  recognition  ? 
The  answer  is,  that  no  State  officers  are  qualified  to 
act,  except  by  taking  the  oath  of  supreme  allegiance 
to  the  Federal  government.  This  cuts  off  every 
pretence  of  any  legal  State  government  existing  at 
the  South.  True,  answers  our  conservative,  there 
are  no  State  governments,  but  there  are  States. 
Some  shadowy,  undefined,  visionary,  rudimentary 
form  of  something  that  has  been  or  may  be,  is  digni- 
fied with  the  appellation  of  State ;  and  this  fictitious, 
unsubstantial  image  of  a  lost  power  is  made  to  do 
service  for  the  protection  of  slavery,  until  that  power 
shall  be  again  restored.  But  what  is  tho  legal  con- 
dition of  a  province,  district  or  country,  during  this 
embryonic  form  of  existence  ?  It  is  plainly-  that  of 
a  Territory;  of  a  community  having,  as  yet,  no  or- 
ganized governmental  existence ;  and  to  regard  it  as 
a  State  of  the  Union  is  simply  a  legal  fiction. 

The  absurdities  that  have  grown  and  arc  constant- 
ly growing  out  of  this  false  theory  arc  innumerable. 
To  support  it,  wc  are  obliged  to  take  the  ground 
that  there  is,  in  these  United  States,  no  war  I  With- 
in the  past  week,  we  have  seen  members  of  Congress 
rising  in  their  seats,  and  gravely  denying  that  th" 
a  war.  A  million  of  men  engaged  in  fighting,  and 
yet  there  is  no  war  I  Thousands  upon  thousands 
slaughtered,  and  yet  no  war  I  Ports  blockaded,  the 
haheas  corpus  suspended,  the  whole  country  virtually 
put  under  military  law,  and  yet  no  war  1  No  won- 
der the  nations  of  the  world  laugh  at  us  for  seizing 
Confederate  Commissioners,  confiscating  merchant 
vessels  as  contraband,  ami  yet  pretending  that  wo 
have  no  war.  And  all  for  the  sake  of  preserving 
Unimpaired  our  former  relations  to  the  slavo  States 
and  slavery  I  All  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  our 
favorite  hypothesis,  that  secession  and  rebellion,  be- 
ing illegalities,  are  therefore  nullities,  and  create  no 
forfeiture  on  the  part  of  the  States  !     We  must  not 


conquer,  it  is  said;  we  must  not  subdue  our  sister 
States;  we  may  only  relieve  them  of  their  tyranni- 
cal masters,  and  give  the  Union  sentiment  opportu- 
nity to  develop  itself.  And  what  is  this  but  con- 
quest ?  For  what  does  any  nation  make  war,  but  to 
take  power  from  the  hands  of  its  enemies,  and  place 
it  in  the  hands  of  its  friends  ?  Candor  requires  us 
to  acknowledge  that  we  are  at  war  with  the  States 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy  ;  and  unless  we  are 
willing  to  recognize  their  government,  we  must  con- 
quer them,  subjugate  them,  and  hold  them  as  pro- 
vinces, in  a  Territorial  condition,  until  Congress  is 
convinced  that  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants  are  suf- 
ficiently loyal  to  be  entrusted  with  the  selection  of 
their  own  officers. 

Suppose  the  war  should  end  to-morrow,  a  general 
amnesty  be  declared,  and  the  old  State  governments 
instantly  resume  their  functions  as  members  of  the 
Union,  what  would  be  the  result  ?  Simply  to  give 
the  old  serpent  of  slavery  the  power  to  sting  us 
again.  Is  it  pretended  that  the  Union  sentiment 
would  overpower  and  control  the  disloyal  element  ? 
No  sane  person  will  believe  this.  In  every  one  of 
the  cotton  States,  leaving  the  border  as  an  open 
question,  the  Slave  Power  would  be  utterly  over- 
whelming. There  are  no  loyal  citizens  there,  un- 
less it  be  the  blacks,  whom  we  refuse  to  recognize 
a  portion  of  the  voting  population. _  We  talk  of  the 
Confederacy  as  a  usurpation ;  but  it  is  a  usurpation 
chosen  by  an  unquestioned  majority  of  the  citizen 
voters.  Non-slaveholdcfs,  by  constant  misrepresen- 
tation and  appeals  to  prejudice,  are  just  as  hearty  in 
this  contest  as  the  slaveholders  themselves.  Tho 
Southern  people  have  said,  by  their  Legislatures  and 
Conventions,  "  We  dissolve  our  connection  with  the 
Union;  we  renounce  all  its  privileges;  we  cast  off 
its  allegiance;  its  Constitution  we  repudiate,  and 
will  resist,  to  the  death,  its  enforcement  upon  us." 
This  is  the  formal,  deliberate,  unequivocal  decision 
of  the  Carolinas,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Missis- 
sippi and  Louisiana,  and  by  this  act  these  States 
have  placed  themselves  in  the  category  of  treason, 
involving  the  forfeiture  of  all  rights  under  the  Con- 
stitution. Why,  then,  should  their  vacant  seats  in 
Congress  be  reserved  until  they  choose  to  come  back 
and  occupy  them  ?  What  is  likely  to  be  the  practi- 
cal result  of  this  fictitious  State  representation  on 
our  national  legislation  ?  Thirty-four  members  are 
necessary  to  constitute  a  quorum  of  the  Senate ; 
with  twenty  vacant  seats,  the  border  State  Senators 
have  only  to  absent  themselves,  and  persuade  five 
Northern  sympathizers  to  do  the  same,  and  legisla- 
tion is  completely  locked.  The  disaffected  have  the 
power  of  doing  this  any  day  they  choose ;  and  should 
vigorous  legislation  be  attempted,  there  is  little  doubt 
the  power  would  be  used.  The  House  of  Represen- 
tatives might  be  brought  to  a  stand  in  the  same  way  ; 
in  fact,  it  is  only  the  present  imminent  danger  of  the 
country  that  so  far  silences  the  discords  of  party,  ~~ 
to  preserve  the  machinery  of  Congress  in  worki 
order.  With  the  diminution  of  the  war  peril,  the 
tendency  to  division  will  increase.  Such  an  anom- 
aly as  the  retaining  of  seats  for  treacherous  States 
should  not  be  tolerated  for  a  moment.  When,  by  a 
formal  vote,  any  State  places  itself  in  an  attitude  of 
revolt,  the  plain  duty  of  Congress  is  to  disallow  its 
representatives.  To  that  body  is  expressly  assigned 
the  responsibility  of  securing  for  every  State  a  re- 
publican government;  and  when  a  State  seeks  to 
subvert  republican  forms,  then  its  prerogative  of  self- 
government  ceases.    . 

Another  absurd  consequence  of  the  theory  we  are 
controverting,  is  the  admission  to  Congress  of  per- 
sons who  are  not  the  real  representatives  of  the  dis- 
tricts where  they  dwell.  According  to  the  new  Vir- 
ginia precedent,  a  few  loyal  people  may  act  in  be- 
half of  a  whole  State  ;  twenty  votes  are  sufficient  to 
elect  the  representative  of  a  district,  choose  a  Gov- 
ernor, and  organize  a  Legislature.  This  is  surely  a 
much  greater  departure  from  the  principles  of  re- 
publicanism than  the  establishment  of  a  Territorial 
government.  Western  Virginia  desires  to  form  a 
new  State  of  her  own;  but  the  President  wishes  her 
to  assume  the  functions  of  the  old  State.  If  Vir- 
ginia is  out  of  the  Union  by  the  revolt,  then  it  is 
right  that  the  people  of  Kanahwa  should  form  a  gov- 
ernment for  themselves ;  but  if  Virginia  has  not  for- 
feited her  position,  then  it  is  unconstitutional  to  es- 
tablish another  government  within  her  limits.  Allow 
that  the  State  government  has  lapsed,  and  all  is  clear 
for  organizing  government  anew,  over  either  a  part 
or  the  whole  of  what  was  known  as  Virginia. 

The  difficulties  will  increase  as  we  go  on.  For 
Tennessee,  we  already  have  the  anomaly  of  a  Mili- 
tary Governor,  an  officer  unknown  to  the  Constitu 
tion.  When  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  shall  have 
been  conquered,  they  must  be  treated  in  the  same 
way.  The*Govemors  will  call  Conventions  for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  new  Slate  governments. 
What  is  this  but  treating  them  as  Territories  ?  Un- 
til the  new  government  is  recognized  by  Congress, 
in  what  respect  do  they  differ  from  any  of  the  Ter- 
ritories in  the  West  ?  And  when  State  governments 
are  once  more  inaugurated,  slavery  still  remaining, 
is  it  probable  that  the  new  Legislatures  will  be  any 
more  loyal  than  were  the  old  ?  By  reinstating  them 
on  the  old  basis,  we  only  raise  a  fallen  enemy,  and 
place  him  in  a  position  to  fight  us  the  more  adroitly 
a  second  time.  Is  it,  possible  that  a  free  North,  after 
pouring  out  its  best  blood  and  its  millions  of  trea- 
sure, in  this  war  with  slavery,  will  quietly  submit  to 
the  ree'nthronement  of  its  enemy  in  all  its  ancient 
power  ?  It  is  preposterous.  War  knows  but  one 
law,  "  To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils."  Our  hard- 
handed  laborers  and  mechanics  have  fought  with 
slavery,  and  won  ;  and  it  will  take  stronger  Generals 
than  McClellan  and  Hallcck  to  filch  from  our  army 
its  lawful  prey.  They  are  dreamers  who  suppose 
that  the  half  million  of  trained  soldiers  now  .in  the 
field,  and  the  other  millions  who  remain  at  home, 
will  submit  to  pro-slavery  dictation  in  tho  future  as 
they  have  done  in  the  past.  Abolitionism  is  a  thing 
of  life;  it  is  daily  waxing  to  the  proportions  of  a 
giant.  Wo  to  the  puny  tyrants  that  stand  in  its 
path  1 

If  the  slave  States  arc  recognized  as  still  existing, 
at  the  close  of  this  war,  then  back  go  the  frecdmen 
at  Port  Royal  and  the  sea  islands  into  the  clutches 
of  their  old  masters.  Will  the  nation  submit  ?  Will 
peace  be  purchased  at  that  price  ?  The  sixty-five 
members  of  Congress  who  voted  for  tabling  Mr. 
Ashley's  Territorial  bill  have  mistaken  the  temper  of 
the  North.  Their  heads  arc  turned  with  the  poison- 
ous pro-slavery  atmosphere  of  Washington.  Let 
them  take  a  vacation,  and  return  to  their  constitu- 
ents for  a  fresh  inspiration  of  Freedom's  air. 

Under  present  influences,  we  can  hardly  expect 
of  Congress  any  legislation  looking  towards  general 
emancipation.  The  President's  resolution,  and  abo- 
lition in  the  District,  are  the  only  measures  that 
have  now  a  chance. — American  Baptist. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  PROPOSITION. 

We  trust  no  Republican  will  move  or  vote  to  add  to 
or  subtract  from  this  proposition  even  so  much  as  a 
comma.  We  have  heard  quite  enough  of  the  "radi- 
cals" and  "ultras"  opposing  and  thwarting  the  mod- 
erate and  conservative  counsels  of  our  patriot  Presi- 
dent. Now,  let  us  see  who  stands  firmly  and  square- 
ly by  his  side  in  the  most  important  step  yet  taken  to 
crush  out  the  rebellion,  and  restore  the  Union  as  our 
fathers  made  it! — N.  Y.  Tribune,  March  11. 

And,  pray,  where  would  bo  the  great  crime  if 
some  "ultra"  Republican  should  propose  to  amend 
the  President's  resolution  by  striking  out  the  word 
"gradual,"  leaving  to  the  States  themselves  the  re- 
sponsibility of  saying  whether  the  "abolishment" 
shall  be  gradual  or  immediate  V  Perhaps  some  of  the 
States  would  prefer,  if  emancipation  is  to  take  place, 
to  do  the  work  at  once,  as  dkl  some  of  the  West  In- 
dia islands ;  at  any  rate,  we  do  not  see  why  Con- 
gress should  insist  on  making  the  measure  a  gradual 
one.  The  President  says  he  prefers  that  it  should 
be  gradual,  but  he  does  not  intimate  that  he  would 
interpose  his  veto  in  case  that  condition  should  be 
withdrawn.  We  cannot,  therefore,  see  the  proprie- 
ty of  the  Tribune's  threats  against  any  "  radical " 
or  "ultra"  member  of  Congress  who  may  be  so 
thoughtless  or  unfortunate  as  to  suggest  a  reference 
of  the  time  for  doing  this  good  deed  to  the  decision 
of  the  States  themselves.  It  certainly  seems  rather 
severe  to  denounce  a  refractory  Congressman,  per- 
haps read  him  out  of  the  Republican  party,  as  one 
"  who  would  oppose  and  thwart  our  patriot  Presi- 
dent," merely  for  want  of  such  implicit  faith  in  the 
infallibility  of  a  Presidential  message,  as  would  de- 
ter him  from  altering  "  even  so  much  as  a  com- 
ma." 

The  Tribune  regards  the  President  and  the  Czar 
of  Russia  as  the  two  greatest  historical  personages 
of  the  age.  This  we  will  not  dispute  ;  but  when  it 
tells  us  that  this  message  is  the  most  important  docu- 
ment that  has  appeared  since  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, we  begin  to  feel  some  suspicions  that 
there  may  be  a  little  mistake  in  the  matter.  The 
Declaration  of  Independence  affirms  that  all  men 
have  an  absolute  Right  to  liberty,  but  the  Presi- 
dent denies,  in  effect,  that  they  have  any  such  right, 
by  proposing  that  liberty  shall  be  witlihcld,  for  a 
certain  season,  from  millions  of  our  fellow-country- 
men ;  and  finally  given  to  them,  not  as  their  un- 
qualified, inalienable  birthright,  but  gradually,  as 
their  lords  and  masters  may  deem  prudent  and  de- 
sirable. Perhaps  we  are  wrong  in  thinking  the 
Presidential  message  and  the  declaration  of  the 
fathers  irreconcilable,  but  so  they  seem  to  us.  This 
plan  for  tho  "gradual"  or  "initiative"  abandon- 
ment of  wrong  ;  this  carefulness  to  do  right  only  by 
degrees;  this  offer  of  help  to  a  State  seeking  to  es- 
tablish justice,  only  on  condition  that  this  justice 
shall  be  dealt  out  homceopathically,  one  or  two  gen- 
erations hence,  may  have  in  it  all  the  elements  of 
moral  grandeur  which  the  Tribune  professes  to  dis- 
cover ;  but  we  must  confess  that  we  are  unable,  per- 
haps from  dullness  of  perception,  to  participate  in 
the  enthusiasm  of  our  contemporary.  We  deem  the 
message  of  the  President,  instead  of  being  bold,  mag- 
nanimous, outspoken,  soul-inspiring,  like  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence,  to  be  exceedingly  tame  and 
weak,  unworthy  of  such  a  noble  subject  as  the  giving 
of  Liberty  to  men  enslaved.  So  far  from  being 
in  advance  of  public  opinion,  the  President,  is  far  be- 
hind it ;  and  we  predict  that  the  future  historian,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  whole  country  has  been  de- 
manding emancipation  for  months,  will  have  some 
hesitancy  in  awarding  to  him  the  credit  of  inaugura- 
ting the  movement. 

But  it  will  be  said  that  it  was  necessary  for  the 
President,  before  attempting  to  introduce  the  wedge, 
to  give  it  a  very  thin  edge.  For  this  we  are  ready 
to  make  all  due  allowance;  but  where  was  the  ne- 
cessity of  accompanying  it  with  a  message  giving  ut- 
terance to  pro-slavery  admissions  such  as  would 
suit  the  latitude  of  Richmond  or  Montgomery  ?  The 
President  distinctly  affirms  the  right  of  the  States  to 
introduce,  abolish,  or  perpetuate  slavery,  just  as  they 
please.  The  right  of  a  State  to  enslave  its  inhabi- 
tants !  When  did  Polk,  Pierce  or  Buchanan  ever 
claim  more  ?  He  declares  that  "  the  absolute  con- 
trol of  the  subject"  is  referred,  "  in  each  case,  to  the 
Slate,  and  its  people  immediate!!/  interested."  The 
parties  interested — the  thief  and  the  robbqr — are 
the  appointed  authorities  to  sit  in  judgment  on  the 
chattels  they  have  stolen,  and  say  whether  they  will 
relinquish  them  or  not  I  "  It  is  proposed,"  says  the 
President,  "  as  a  matter  of  perfectly  free  choice  with 
them."  If  you  choose  to  hold  in  bondage  four  mil- 
lions of  human  beings,  now  and  forever,  you  are 
perfectly  free  to  do  so!  This  government  was  in- 
stituted, it  is  true,  for  the  purpose  of  "establishing 
justice,"  but  neither  President  nor  Congress  has  the 
slightest  power  to  cause  justice  to  be  executed  !  Op- 
press and  injure  as  you  may,  within  your  State  limits, 
we  will  not  interfere,  unless  your  conduct  endangers 
the  Union  ;  then,  indeed,  it  is  impossible  to  say  what 
may  happen.  Such  cold-blooded  toleration  and 
even  protection  of  a  gigantic  crime  are  unworthy  the 
official  head  of  a  great  and  free  people.  If  the 
President  and  the  Tribune  are  right  in  their  repre- 
sentations of  republicanism,  wc  can  only  hope  that 
the  besom  of  destruction  may  remove  it  hence.  If 
our  national  government  is  only  a  partnership  with 
pirates  and  man-stcalers,  and  its  officers  are  obliged 
to  look  on  in  silence,  or  act  as  allies,  while  the  most 
diabolical  crimes  are  being  perpetrated,  then  let  the 
curses  of  Heaven  rest  upon  it !  But  it  is  not  so  ;  U 
is  a  libel  on  the  government  and  Constitution  under 
which  we  live,  dor  national  charter's  were  framed 
in  the  interest  of  justice,  and  not  of  oppression. 
Slavery  has  reiterated  her  accursed  dogmas,  until 
they  are  taken  up  and  re-echoed  by  men  calling 
themselves  Republicans.  As  Carl  Sehurz  remark- 
ed the  other  evening,  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  it  will 
not  answer  to  say  anything  that  "  smacks  of  princi- 
ple." We  may  arguo  for  emancipation  as  a  mili- 
tary necessity,  but  we  must  bewaro  of  pleading  for 
it  as  a  measure  of  justice.  Why?  Because  ther 
is  power  in  that  plea;  it  comes  in  the  name  and  au- 
thority of  God  ;  it  is  tho  avenging  sword  that  goes 
direct  to  the  conscience.  Wc  will  yet  have  it  as  our 
war-cry.  "By  this  conquer,"  in  the  lips  of  some 
heaven-ordained  Constantino,  shall  one  day  lead  our 
hosts  to  victory. — American  Baptist. 


GENERAL  McCLELLAN'S   DEEAM. 

The  following  is  from  the  pen  of  Wesley  Bradshaw, 
Esq.,  and  makes  a  fitting  companion  to  "Washing- 
ton's Vision,"  which  sketch,  written  by  the  same 
author,  at  the  commencement  of  our  National  difficul- 
ties, was  widely  copied  by  the  press,  and  commended 
by  Hon.  Edward  Everett  as  "teaching  a  highly  im- 
portant lesson  to  every  true  lover  of  his  country." — 
Exchange. 

Two  o'clock,  of  the  third  night  after  General 
McClellan's  arrival  in  Washington  to  take  com- 
and  of  the  United  States  army,  found  that  justly 
celebrated  soldier,  poring  over  several  maps,  and  re- 
ports of  scouts.  '  As  the  hour  came  tolling  through 
the  night,  together  with  the  dull  rumbling  of  army 
wagons  and  artillery  wheels,  the  wearied  hero,  push- 
ing from  him  the  maps,  leaned  his  forehead  on  his 
folded  arms  upon  the  table  before  him,  and  fell  into 
a  sleep  so  deep  that  even  the  occasional  booming  of 
the  heavy  guns,  being  placed  in  position  on  the  en-y 
trenchments,  was  insufficient  to  disturb  it.  "  I  could 
not  have  been  slumbering  thus  more  than  ten  min- 
utes," said  the  General  to  an  intimate  friend,  to 
whom  he  related  the  strange  narrative,  "when  I 
thought  the  door  of  m)'  room,  which  1  had  carefully 
locked,  was  thrown  suddenly  open,  and  some  one 
strode  up  to  me,  and  laying  a  hand  on  my  shoulder 
said,  in  a  slow,  solemn  voice, — 

1  General  McClellan,  do  you  sleep  on  your  post  ? 
Rouse  you,  or  ere  it  can  be  prevented,  the  foe  will 
be  in  Washington.' 

Never  before,  in  my  life,  have  I  heard  a  voice 
possessing  the  commanding,  and  even  terrible  tone 
of  the  one  that  addressed  me  these  fearful  words, 
and  the  sensation  that  passed  through  me,  as  it  fell 
upon  my  ears;  and  I  coweringly  shrunk  into  my- 
self at  the  thought  of  my  own  negligence,  I  can 
only  compare  it  to  the  whistling,  shrieking  sweep  of 
a  storm  of  grape  shot  discharged  directly  through 
my  brain.  I  could  not  move,  however,  although  I 
tried  hard  to  raise  my  head  from  the  table.  As  a 
sense  of  my  willingness,  and  yet  helplessness,  to 
make  answer  to  the,  unknown  intruder  oppressed  me, 
I  once  more  heard  the  same  slow,  solemn  voice 
repeat, — 

1  General  McClellan,  do  you  sleep  on  your  post  ? ' 
There  was  a  peculiarity  about  it  this  time.  It 
seemed  as  though  I  was  a  mere  atom  of  matter, 
suspended  in  the  centre  of  an  infinite  space,  and 
that  tbe  voice  came  from  a  hollow  distance  all 
around  me.  As  the  last  word  was  uttered,  I  re- 
gained, by  some  felt  and  unknown  power,  my  voli- 
tion;  and  with  the  change,  the  grape-shot  discharge 
sensation  in  my  brain  ceased,  and  a  strange  but  new 
one  seized  my  heart,  as  if  a  huge,  rough  icicle  was 
being  sawed  back  and  forth  through  and  through  me. 
I  started  up,  or  rather  imagined  I  did,  for  whether 
I  was  awake  or  asleep,  I  am  utterly  unable  to 
decide.  My  first  thought  was  about  my  maps,  and 
before  my  eyelids  had  half  opened,  my  hand  clutched 
them.  But  this  was  all.  The  tabic  was  still  before 
me,  and  the  maps,  all  crumpled  in  my  tightened 
clutch,  were  still  before  me,-but  everything  else  had 
disappeared.  The  furniture  was  gone,  the  walls  of 
the  apartment  were  gone,  the  ceiling  was  not  to  be 
seen.  All  I  saw  was  the  tableau  I  am  about  to  de- 
scribe to  you. 

My  gaze  was  turned  southward,  and  there,  spread 
out  before  me,  was  a  living  map — yes,  a  living  map. 
That  is  the  only  expression  I  can  think  of  as  befit- 
ting the  scene.  In  one  grand  coup  d'  ceil,  my  eye 
took  in  the  whole  expanse  of  country,  as  far  South 
as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  from  the  Atlantic  ocean 
on  the  east,  to  the  Mississippi  river  westwardly. 

Before  fully  fixing  my  attention  upon  the  im- 
mense scene,  however,  I  thought  of  the  mysterious 
visitant,  whose  voice  1  had  heard  but  a  moment  pre- 
vious, and  I  looked  toward  him.  An  apparition 
stood  on  my  left,  somewhat  in  front,  at  a  distance  of 
about  six  feet  from  me.  I  sought  for  his  features, 
hoping  to  recognize  him.  But  I  was  disappointed; 
for  the  statue-like  figure  was  naught  but  a  vapor,  a 
cloud,  having  only  the  general  outlines  of  a  man. 
This  troubled  me;  and  I  was  turning  the  matter 
aver  in  my  mind,  when  the  shadowy  visitor,  in  tbe 
same  slow,  solemn  tone  as  before,  said : — 

'General  McClellan,  your  time"  is  short!  Look 
to  the  southward  !  * 

I  felt  unable  to  resist  the  command,  even  had  I 
wished  to  do  so,  and  again,  therefore,  my  eyes  were 
cast  on  the  living  map. 


A  Black  "  Union  Man." — Allen,  slave  of  Rich- 
ard Whitfield,  was  yesterday  arrested  by  officer 
Chalkley,  of  the  city  police,  on  the  charge  of  having 
proclaimed  that  "Jeff  Davis  was  a  rebel,  and  that 
he  (Allen)  acknowledged  no  man  as  his  master." 
This  fellow  should  be  whipped  every  day  until  ho 
confesses  what  while  man  put  these  notions  in  his 
head. — Richmond  Examiner. 


Is  it  Decknt  ?  —  The  Albany  Argus,  which 
claims  to  be  the  leading  journal  in  the  State,  publish- 
es a  poetic  effusion  in  which  a  negro  is  made  to  10< 
Struct  a  white  child  in  the  divinity  and  blessings  of 
slavery,  and  in  which  tho  President  of  the  United 
States  is  thus  alluded  to: 

"  Como,  little  Missus,  tfay  your  prayers, 

Lot  olo  Maa'r  Linkiim  'lone, 
De  Debit  knows  who  b'lowjs  to  him, 
And  he'll  take  care  of  his  own," 

That  may  be  decent  according  to  modern  partisan 
Democracy.     What  baser  or  more  malignant  publi- 
cation, concerning  Mr.  Lincoln,  can   be   matte  al 
Richmond  or  Charleston,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  know. 
1  —Utica  Herald. 


Out  on  the  Atlantic  I  saw  the  various  vessels  of 
the  blockading  squadron,  looming  up  with  the  most 
perfect  distinctness  m  the  bright  moonshine  that 
illuminated  everything  with  a  strong  but  mellow 
light.  I  saw  Charleston  harbor  and  its  forts,  with 
their  pacing  sentinels,  and  their  sullen-looking  bar- 
bette guns.  My  eyes  followed  the  ocean  line  all  the 
ay  round  into  the  Gulf,  to  New  Orleans,  and 
thence  up  the  Mississippi.  Fort  Pickens,  and  in 
fact  every  fortification  along  this  water  boundary, 
I  beheld  with  as  much  distinctness  as  you,  sir,  see 
that  corporal's  guard  passing  there. 

This  sight  filled  me  with  delightful  surprise;  but 
it  would  be  utterly  impossible  for  me  to  describe  the 
ecstatic  amazement  that  followed,  as  within  the 
limits  1  mention  my  eyes  took  in,  in  minute  but 
lightning-like  detail*  every  forest,  every  meadow, 
every  river,  every  city,  every  camp,  every  tent, 
every  body  of  men,  every  sentinel,  every  earth- 
work, every  cannon,  and,  I  may  say,  dispensing 
with  further  detail,  every  living  and  every  dead 
thing,  no  matter  what  its  bulk  or  height. 

My  blood  seemed  to  stop  in  its  channels  with  joy, 
as  I  thought  that  the  knowledge,  and  thereby  ad- 
vantage, thus  given  to  me,  would  insure  a  speedy 
and  happy  termination  of  the  war.  And  this  one 
idea  was  engrossing  my  mind,  when,  once  more, 
that  slow,  solemn  voice  said : — 

'  General  McClellan,  take  your  map,  and  note 
what  you  behold.     Tarry  not;  your  time  is  short.' 

I  started,  and  glancing  at  the  unearthly  speaker, 
saw  him  extend  his  arm,  and  point  southwardly. 

Still  I  saw  no  features.  Smoothing  out  the  largest 
and  most  accurate  one  of  my  maps,  I  seized  a  pen- 
cil, and  once  more  bent  my  gaze  out  over  the  living 
map.  As  I  looked  this  time,  a  cold  chill  ran  over 
me,  and  the  huge  rough  icicle  again  began  its  saw- 
ing motion  through  my  heart.  For  as,  pencil  in 
hand,  I  compared  the  map,  I  saw  masses  of  the 
enemy's  forces  being  hurried  to  certain  points,  so  a? 
to  thwart  movements  that,  within  a  day  or  two,  I  in- 
tended to  make  at  those  identical  points;  wl.'le  ■ 
two  particular  approaches  to  Washington,  I  beheld 
heavy  columns  of  the  foe  posted  for  a  concentrated 
attack,  that  I  instantly  saw  must  succeed  in  its 
object,  unless  speedily  prevented. 

L  Treachery  !  treachery  ! '  cried  T,  in  despair.  And 
as  before  my  blond  seemed  to  stop  in  its  channels 
for  joy,  it  now  did  so  from  fear.  Ruin  and  defeat 
Beelned  to  stare  me  in  the  face.  At  this  dreadful 
moment,  that  same  slow  and  solemn  voice  struck 
once  more  upon  my  cars,  saying: — ■ 

'General  McClellan,  you  have  been  betrayed! 
and,  had  not.  God  willed  otherwise,  ore  the  sun  ol 
to-morrow  had  set,  the  Confederate  Hag  would  have 
Boated  Miovo  the  Capitol  and  your  own  grave. 
But  note  what  you  see.  Your  time  is  short.  Tarry 
not  I 


Ere  tbe  words  had  left  the  lips  of  my  shadowy 
mentor,  my  pencil  was  flying,  with  the  speed  of 
thought,  transferring  to  the  map  before  me  all  that 
I  saw  upon  the  living  map.  Some  mysterious  and 
unearthly  influence  was  upon  mc,  and  noted  and  re- 
corded the  mTnutest  point  I  beheld,  without  the 
slightest  effort,  delay  or  mistake.  At  last  the  task 
was  done,  and  my  pencil  dropped  from  my  fingers. 

For  a  while,  previous  to  this,  however,  I  had  be- 
come conscious  that  there  was  a  shining  light  on  mv 
left,  that  steadily  increased  until  the  moment  I 
ceased  my  task,  when  it  became  in  an  Instant  more 
intense  than  the  noonday  sun.  Quickly  I  raised  my 
eyes,  and  never,  wore  I  to  live  forever,  will  I  forget 
what  I  saw.  The  dim  shadowy  figure  was  no  longer 
a  dim  shadowy  figure,  but  the  glorified  and  reful- 
gent spirit  of  Washington,  the  Father  of  his  court- 
try,  and  now  a  second  time  its  savior.  My  friend, 
it  would  be  utterly  useless  for  me  to  attempt  to  de- 
scribe the  mighty  returned  spirit.  1  can  only  say 
that  Washington,  as  I  beheld  him  in  my  dream,  or 
trance,  as  you  may  choose  to  term  it,  was  the  most 
God-like  being  I  could  have  conceived  of.  Like  a 
weak  dazzled  bird,  I  sat  gazing  at  the  heavenly 
vision.  From  the  sweet  and  silent  repose  of  Mount 
Vernon  our  Washington  had  risen,  to  once  morO 
encircle  and  raise  up,  with  his  saving  arm,  our  fallen, 
bleeding  country.  As  I  continued  looking,  an  ex- 
pression of  sublime  dignity  came  gently  upon  his 
visage,  and  for  the  last  time  I  heard  that  slow  and 
solemn  voice,  saying  to  me  something  like  this : — 

'  General  McClellan,  while  yet  in  the  flesh,  I  be- 
held the  birth  of  the  American  Republic.  It  was, 
indeed,  a  hard  and  bloody  one ;  but  God's  blessing 
was  upon  the  nation,  and,  therefore,  through  this 
her  first  great  struggle  for  existence,  He  sustained 
her,  and  with  His  mighty  hand  brought  her  out  tri- 
umphantly. A  century  has  now  passed  since  then, 
and  yet  the  child  Republic  has  taken  her  position  a 
peer  with  nations  whose  page  of  history  extends  for 
ages  into  the  past.  She  has,  since  those  dark  days, 
by  the  favor  of  God,  greatly  prospered.  And  now, 
by  very  reason  of  this  prosperity,  has  she  been 
brought  to  her  second  great  struggle.  This  is  by 
far  the  most  perilous  ordeal  she  has  to  endure. 
Passing,  as  she  is,  from  childhood  to  opening  matu- 
rity, she  is  called  on  to  accomplish  that  vast  result, 
self-conquest;  to  learn  that  important  lesson,  self- 
control,  self-rule,  that  in  the  future  will  place  her  in 
the  van  of  power  and  civilization.  It  is  here  that 
all  nations  have  hitherto  failed ;  and  she,  too,  the 
Republic  of  the  earth,  had  not  God  willed  other- 
wise, would  by  to-morrow's  sunset  have  been  a 
broken  heap  of  stones,  cast  up  over  the  final  grave 
of  human  liberty. 

But  her  cries  have  come  up  out  of  her  borders 
like  sweet  incense  unto  heaven,  and  she  will  be 
saved.  Thus  shall  peace,  once  more,  come  upon 
her,  and  prosperity  fill  her  with  joy.  But  her  mis- 
sion will  not  then  be  finished;  for,  ere  another  cen- 
tury shall  have  gone  by,  the  oppressors  of  the  whole 
earth,  hating  and  envying  her  exaltation,  shall  join 
themselves  together,  and  raise  up  their  hands  against 
her.  But  if  she  still  be  found  worthy  of  her  high 
calling,  they  shall  surely  be  discomfited,  and  then 
will  be  ended  her  third  and  last  great  struggle  for 
existence  ? 

Thenceforth  shall  the  Republic  go  on,  increasing 
in  goodness  and  power,  until  her  borders  shall  end 
only  in  the  remotest  corners  of  the  earth,  and  tho 
whole  earth  shall,  beneath  her  shadowing  wing,  be- 
come a  Universal  Republic.  Let  her  in  her  pros- 
perity, however,  remember  the  Lord  her  God ;  her 
trust  be  always  in  Him,  and  she  shall  never  be  con- 
founded.' 

The  heavenly  visitant  ceased  speaking  ;  and  as  I 
still  continued  gazing  upon  him,  drew  near  to  me, 
and  raising,  spread  out  his  hands  above  me.  No 
sound  now  passed  his  lips,  but  I  felt  a  strange  influ- 
ence coming  over  mc.  I  reclined  my  head  forward 
to  receive  the  blessing,  the  baptism  of  AVashington. 
The  following  instant,  a  peal  of  thunder  rolled  in 
upon  my  ears,  and  I  awoke.  The  vision  had  de- 
parted, and  I  was  sitting  in  my  apartment,  with 
everything  exactly  as  it  was  before  I  fell  asleep, 
with  one  exception.  The  map,  on  which  I  had 
dreamed  I  had  been  marking,  was  literally  covered 
with  a  net-work  of  pencil  marks,  signs  and  figures. 

I  rose  to  my  feet  and  rubbed  my  eyes,  and  took  a 
turn  or  two  about  the  room  to  convince  myself  that 
I  was  really  awake.  I  again  seated  myself;  but  the 
pencilings  were  as  plain  as  ever,  and  I  had  before 
me  as  complete  a  map  and  repository  of  informa- 
tion as  though  I  had  spent  years  in  gathering  and 
recording  its  details.  My  mind  now  became  con- 
fused with  the  strange  and  numberless  ideas  and 
thoughts  that  crowded  themselves  into  it,  and  I  in- 
voluntarily sank  down  on  my  knees  to  seek  wisdom 
and  guidance  from  on  high.  As  3  arose,  refreshed 
in  spirit,  that  same  solemn  voice  seemed  to  say  to 
me  from  an  infinite  distance: — 
'  Your  time  is  short !  Tarry  not !  * 
In  an  instant,  thought  became  clear  and  active. 
Hastening  oiit  couriers,  with  orders  to  have  exe- 
cuted certain  manoeuvres  at  certain  points,  (guiding 
myself  by  that  now,  in  my  eyes,  unearthly  map.)  I 
threw  myself  into  the  saddle,  and,  long  ere  daylight, 
galloping  like  the  tempest  from  post  to  post  and 
camp  to  camp,  had  the  happiness  to  divert  tho 
enemv  from  lus  object,  which,  my  friend,  1  assure 
you  would  have  proved  entirely  successful,  by  rea- 
son of  the  last  piece  of  treachery,  had  not  Heaven 
interposed. 

That  map  is  looked  upon  by  no  human  eye,  save 
my  own,  and  therefore  treachery  can  do  us  no  harm. 
I  nave  on  it  every  whit  of  information  that  I  need — 
information  that  the  enemy  would  give  millions  to 
keep  from  us.     The  fate  of  the  war  is  settled. 

The  rebellion  truly  seems  very  formidable,  but  it 
is  only  struggling  in  the  path  of  an  avalanche.  Tho 
mighty,  toppling  mass  of  national  power  and  retri- 
bution will,  until  the  proper  moment  comes,  now 
and  then  let  slip  down  upon  its  victim  forerunners 
of  its  approach.  And  when  the  proper  moment  does 
come,  it  will  sweep  down  upon  and  forever  annihilate 
disunion,  with  a  thunderbolt  that  shall  reverberate 
throughout  the  world  for  ages  upon  ages  to  come. 
Sir^  there  will  be  no  more  Bull  Run  affairs! 
God  has  stretched  forth  his  arms,  and  the  Ameri- 
can Union  is  saved!  And  our  beloved,  glorious 
Washington  shall  again  rest  quietly,  sweetly  in  his 
toi'-'-i.  until  perhaps  the  end  of  the  prophetic  CQb- 
t  try  approaches  that  is  to  bring  the  Republic  to  her 
third  and  final  struggle,  when  he  may  once  more, 
laying  aside  the  cerements  of  Mount  Vernon,  come 
a  messenger  of  succor  and  peace  fiom  the  Great 
Ruler,  who  has  all  the  nations  of  tho  earth  in  his 
keeping. 

But  the  future  is  too  vast  for  our  comprehension ; 
we  are  the  children  of  the  present. 

When  peace  shall  again  have  folded  her  bright 
wings  and  settled  upon  our  land,  that  strange,  un- 
earthly, wonderful  map,  marked  while  the  spirit 
eyes  ol'  Washington  looked  on.  shall  be  preserved 
among  American  archives  as  a  precious  reminder  to 
the  American  nation  of  what,  in  their  second  great 
struggle  for  existence,  they  owed  to  God  and  the 
Glorified  Spirit  of  Washington. 

Verily,  the  works  of  Cod  arc  above  the  under- 
standing of  man  !" 


50 


THE     LIB  ER  A_  T  O  R 


&EN.  McOLELLAN  "TAKEN  DOWN." 

Our  army,  events  and  the  cause  are  all  moving; 
pari  passu,  and  "  double  quick  "  at  that.  It  requires 
the  chronicler  to  be  as  busy  as  the  commissary  to 
keep  up  with  their  march.  Fremont  lias  been  re- 
instated in  command,  and  his  new  division  gives  him 
the  "  coigne.  of  vantage."  On  the  mountains  of  Ken- 
tucky and  Tennessee,  with  a  comparatively  free 
population  around  him,  he  has  direct  access  to  the 
very  heart  of  slavery.  ,  .    ,  .  , 

Gen.  McClellan  has  been  razeed  in  his  command  ; 
the  check-reins  have  been  taken  out  of  Ins  hand, 
and  he  himself  has  been  put  under  the  whip  of  pub- 
lic opinion,  artd  the  spur  of  Presidential  command. 
The  decision  of  the  council  of  Generals,  at  which  he 
Was  represented  by  his  fogy  father-in-law,  has  been 
made  of  no  account,  and,  like  "Joe"  111  the  story, 
he  is  ordered  to  "  move  on."  He  has  moved  on ; 
and,  marching  toward  Manassas,  has  found— what? 
The  game  sprung,  and,  to  his  fancy,  an  apparition 
in  its  place,  with  its  thumb  on  its  nose,  its  fingers 
making  mocking  gyrations  1 

It  is  now  evident  that  for  the  last  threo  or  four 
months,  Gen.  McClclIan  has  been  occupying  a  post 
which,  by  right  of  fitness,  has  not  belonged  to  hnn. 
He  is  an  organizationist,  not  a  strategist ;  a  drill- 
master-Gcneral,  not  a  General-in-Chief.  The  ser- 
vice he  has  rendered  to  the  country,  in  forming, 
equipping  and  systematizing  our  vast  army,  has 
doubtless0 been  great;  and  had  he  been  content 
when  that  was  done,  to  take  a  secondary  position, 
his  laurels  would  now  be  green,  and  he  would  be 
one  of  the  most  popular  men  in  the  army.  As  it  is, 
he  has  lost  the  reputation  with  which  he  began,  and 
the  task  of  recovering  it  will  not  be  easy.  It  is  said 
that  he  has  lent  his  ear  to  political  intriguers,  and 
allowed  himself  to  be  managed  with  a  view  to  the 
next  Presidential  election.  This  belief  derives  some 
confirmation  from  the  fact  that  the  slavery-conserv- 
ing politicians  seem  to  have  taken  charge  of  his  rep- 
utation, and  that  whatever  he  does  or  omits  meets 
their  heartiest  approbation, 

The  first  duty  of  a  good  General  is  understood  to 
be  the  establishment  of  a  good  system  of  espionage. 
He  can  do  nothing  till  he  acquaints  himself,  to  the 
fullest  extent  possible,  with  the  situation  of  the  en- 
emy, his  numbers,  his  resources,  the  lay  of  the  ground 
he  occupies,  its  capacity  for  defence,  etc.,  etc.  To 
do  this  lie  must  encourage  desertion  from  the  oppos- 
ing ranks,  and  welcome  all  comers.  This  latter,  Gen- 
eral McCletlan  has  not  done ;  but  just  the  reverse. 
As  a  consequence— as  developments  now  prove— 
he  was  in  utter  ignorance,  not  only  of  the  numbers 
and  resources  of  the  enemy,  but  of  important  tope 
graphical  facts  and  strategical  disadvantages  in  hi 
location. 

Our  papers,  to-day,  praise  the  General  s  proclam- 
ation. Well,  let  them  praise  it  who  can.  It  if 
strange  that  a  document  which  to  one  seems  a  weak. 
egotistical,  self-defensive,  unmanly  production  should 
be  lauded  by  another  as  a  brilliant  and  high-toned 
specimen  of  military  literature.  What  business  has 
a  General  on  the  eve  of  an  anticipated  engagement, 
to  be  talking  to  his  soldiers  about  "  this  sad  war  "  ? 
The  policy  of  excluding  fugitive  slaves  from  our 
lines  was  about  the  best  "aid  and  comfort"  our 
Generals  could,  by  any  negative  action  of  theirs 
have  given  to  the  enemy.  In  the  present  case,  it  put 
a  Chinese  wall  between  us  and  the  rebel  army. 
They  knew  all  that  transpired  within  our  lines,  but 
we  knew  nothing  of  what  was  going  on  in  theirs. 
As  the  result,  our  huge  army  has  been  waiting  for 
six  months  in  inaction  ;  decimated  and  demoralized 
by  disease  and  vice;  while  the  nation  has  been 
footing  the  bills  at  the  rate  of  a  million  and  a  half  a 
day!  Partisan  spirit  may  render  some  insensible, 
for  the  time,  to  the  shame  of  our  defeat  (for  defeat  it 
is),  and  to  the  burden  of  this  debt;  but  in  future  both 
will  be  remembered  with  mortification  and  bitter- 
ness. When  we  shall  be  sipping  hereafter  our  tax 
tasting  tea,  sweetened  with  our  slavery-suggesting 
suo-ar,  we  shall  acknowledge  the  justness  of  the  pen- 
alty of  our  blind  attachment  to  the  system.  Thanks 
be  to  God  for  his  righteous  retributions!  We  kiss 
in  reverence  the  hand  that  smites  us  ! 

But  McClclIan  is  taken  down,  and  those  Generals 
who  refused  to  lead  are  now  compelled  to  follow. 
Heintzelman,  Sumner,  McDowell  and  Keyes,  the 
members  of  the  council  who  were  not  afraid  of"  mud,' 
but  who  were  overruled,  are  now  placed  in  command 
each  of  a  corps  d'armee,  and  "  On  to  Richmond,"  or 
to  the  Rappahannock,  or  the  Rapidan,  or  wherever 
tho  enemy  is  to  be  found,  is  now  the  word.  Our 
army,  extending  along  a  line  of  near  3,000  miles,  is 
like  the  soul  of  John  Brown,  "marching  on."  By 
land  and  sea  our.forces  encompass  the  enemy.  Se- 
cessia  is  surrounded,  and  Upas  is  being  girdled.  Its 
withered  leaves  are  falling  and  its  sap  is  turned  back- 
ward. The  fiat  that  doomed  the  system  has  been 
pronounced,  and— the  clerk  of  the  House  has  made 
the  record.— Philad.  corr.  of  A.  S.  Standard. 


G-EN.  McOLELLAN'S  PROCLAMATION. 

General  McClellan's  proclamation  to  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  has  the  merit  of  American  originality, 
which  is  a  very  rare  kind  of  merit,  and  which  in 
this  instance  could  have  been  dispensed  with.  It  is 
the  first  paper  in  which  an  American  General  has 
appealed  from  the  opinion  of  the  people  to  the  opin- 
ion of  the  soldiers,  and  therefore  is  the  beginning  of 
what  some  suppose  is  to  be  the  end  of  our  civil  war, 
namely,  the  conversion  of  our  policy  into  a  strato- 
cracy, in  which  constitutional  forms  shall  be  observ- 
ed, while  the  spirit  of  freedom  shall  be  unknown. 

Gen.  McClellan  is  not  the  sort  of  man  to  rule  us 
militarily,  nor  are  our  soldiers  the  kind  of  men  to 
help  establish  a  dictatorship.  We  do  not  suppose 
that  he  had  any  idea  of  appealing  from  the  public 
to  the  army,  but  such  is,  nevertheless,  the  amount 
of  what  he  has  done— in  words.  He  feels  hurt,  it 
may  be  supposed,  because  some  Americans  do  not 
think  he  has  much  spirit,  and  that  he  is  too  slow  for 
his  place;  but  his  action,  or  want  of  it,  is  as  much 
open  to  remark  as  that  of  other  commanders.  Gen. 
Fremont  has  been  most  horribly  assailed  because  he 
did  not  march  to  the  aid  of  Gen.  Lyon,  and,  later, 
to  the  relief  of  Col.  Mulligan.  Now,  if  Gen.  Fre- 
mont is  condemned  for  not  marching  to  join  Gen. 
X.yon,  only  a  few  days — we  might  say  only  a  few 
;hourg — after  he  had  assumed  his  command,  and  when 
he  had  few  meu,  and  fewer  arms,  why  should  every 
body  be  silent  when  Gen.  McClellan  opposes  an  ad 
vance  seven  months  after  he  had  been  placed  ir 
command,  and  when  his  force  was  three  times  ai 
large  as  that  of  the  enemy,  and  amply  supplied  with 
every  thing  necessary  to  render  it  an  effective  a«ny 
from  fifes  and  flags  to  drums  and  cannon  ?  If  it  i 
proper  to  censure  General  Fremont  for  not  destroy- 
m«»  Price's  army,  how  can  it  be  improper  to  say 
that  Gen.  McClellan  was  wrong  when  he  allowed 
the  rebel  army  at  Manassas  to  escape,  with  all  its 
artillery,  baggage,  and  so  forth?  Gen.  Fremont 
had  no  more  men  than  were  necessary  to  place  his 
army  on  an  equality  with  that  of  Gen.  Price,  if  he 
had  so  many,  and  he  was  hastening  forward  to  fight 
the  enemy,  when  his  army  was  brought  to  a  halt, 
and  the  whole  plan  of  the  campaign  changed,  by 
the  arrival  of  an  order  from  the  President,  removing 
the  head  of  the  advancing  army,  and  placing  that 
body  under  the  charge  of  one  who  either  could  not 
or  would  not  fight.  Gen.  McClellan,  with  an  army 
vastly  outnumbering  that  of  the  enemy,  would  not 
advance  until  the  President  peremptorily  ordered 
him  so  to  do,  and  so  forced  him  to  place  the  nation- 
al capital  out  of  a  state  of  siege,  in  which  it  had  been 
for  half  a  year,  aud  to  compel  the  flight  of  the  ghosts, 
skeletons,  and  shadows  that  had  been  so  shamefully 
beleaguering  it.  If  Gen.  Fremont  was  wrong  in  not 
abandoning  St.  Louis  to  the  attacks  of  a  powerful 
enemy,  in  order  to  proceed  to  a  distant  part  of  Mis- 
souri that  was  threatened  by  Price's  force,  what 
ahall  be  said  of  (Jen.  McClellan's  sticking  to  Wash 
in<*ton,  when  that  place  was  threatened  by  no  ene- 
my, and  when  our  forces  were  to  those  of  the  rebels, 
at  the  very  least,  as  five  to  two?  We  do  not  mean 
to  say  that  Gen.  McClellan  has  ever  acted  otherwise 
than  properly,  but  we  do  say  that  we  have  as  good 
a  right  to  express  an  opinion  of  h\s  conduct,  as  the 
secessionists  and  slavcoerats  of  the  North  have  to  ex- 
press their  opinions  of  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Fremont. 
They  say  they  judge  of  General  Fremont  by  the 
facts  that  have  appeared  ;  and  why  should  not  oth- 
ers judge  of  Gen.  McClellan  by  the  facts  that  have 
appeared  ?  All  manner  of  blunders  and  crimes 
have  been  attributed  to  Gen.  Fremont,  but  the  most 
that  has  been  said  of  Gen.  McClellan  is,  that  he  is 
tho  slowest  leader  that  ever  was  known  outside  of 
the  Austrian  service.  The  event  may  prove  that 
he  was  right  in  remaining  quiet  so  long,  but  we  do 
not  believe  that  it  will.  lie  eouhl  have  advanced 
as  well  last  November  as  now,  and  brought  the  war 
to  a  close  by  a  thunder-stroke,  if  he  has  the  supply 
Hff  bolts  that  belong  to  all  true  commanders.  The 
soldiers  were  as  fit  to  take  the  field  in  November 
as  they  arc  in  March.  Men  do  not  acquire  know- 
ledge of  war  in  camps,  and  when  an  army  enters  the 
field,  the  soldiers  hayo  to  shake  off'  many  of  the  liah- 


V 


MARCH  28. 


its  of  camp  life,  that  only  embarrass  men  actively  en- 
gaged. War's  work  is  learned  only  in  the  field. 
Kven  if  camp  life  were  necessary  to  the  soldier's  per- 
fection, a  large  portion  of  the  army  had  been  enlist- 
ed for  five  or  six  months,  time  enough,  one  would 
think,  to  train  men  to  the  business  of  fighting  other 
men  who  had  no  better  claim  to  bo  considered  vet- 
erans than  themselves,  the  latter  being  supplied 
with  a  magnificent  artillery  park,  composed  in  part 
of  stove  pipes  and  pine  logs,  neither  rilled.  It  has 
been  sought,  by  some  persons,  to  have  it  appear 
that  Gen.  McClellan  is  obnoxious  to  others  because 
he  is  not  an  emancipationist.  There  is  nothing  in 
this.  The  country  cares  not  a  fig  what  General  Mc- 
Clellan's opinions  are  on  the  slavery  question.  It 
wishes  him  to  employ  the  fine  army  it  has  given  him 
the  credit  of  having  created,  in  beating  the,  enemy, 
and  troubles  not  itself  about  his  opinions  on  a  sub- 
ject that  is  taking  care  of  itself,  and  which  will  be 
settled  without  reference  to  the  ideas  of  any  General. 
If  Gen.  McClellan  is  a  friend  of  slavery,  he  has  pur- 
sued a  strange  course  in  showing  his  friendship  for 
it,  for  every  week  that  the  war  lasts  drives  a  whole 
keg  of  nails  into  slavery's  coffin.  It  is  in  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan's power  to  settle  all  doubts  as  to  his  capaci- 
ty by  winning  a  victory,  which,  with  his  army,  it 
ought  to  be  as  easy  a  thing  for  him  to  do  as  it  is  for 
General  Burnside,  whose  force  equals  not  one  of  the 
divisions  of  the  enormous  army  that  has  entered  Vir- 
ginia. The  country  wishes  for  a  victory  at  Gene- 
ral McClellan's  hands,  and  victory  would  be  the 
making  of  him.  No  one  is  hostile  to  him,  and  all 
wish  him  to  go  forward,  conquering  and  to  conquer. 
— Boston  Traveller. 


GENERAL  McOLELLAN. 

"  Occasional,"  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  has  the 
following  remarks  on  the  friends  and  enemies  of 
General  McClellan,  which  contain  a  great  many 
truths  plainly  spoken.    Here  is  what  he  says  :*— 

"  It  is  a  fact  abundantly  proved,  that  General 
McClellan  is  the  object  of  the  especial  idolatry  of 
the  men  in  the  free  States  who  hate  equally  the  ad- 
ministration and  the  war.  That  he  has  many  friends 
among  the  Republicans  is  frequently  proved:  but 
that  his  most  public  and  most  noisy  advocates  are  in 
the  Breckinridge  faction  is  notorious.  Gen.  McClel- 
lan cannot  complain  that  his  plans  should  be  criti- 
cised. This  has  been  the  lot  of  every  military  lead- 
er from  the  old  times  to  the  new.  He  was  placed 
upon  a  dazzling  and  a  dizzy  eminence  when  he  was 
called  to  the  head  of  the  American  army.  He  suc- 
ceeded the  oldest,  and  the  ablest,  and  the  bravest 
of  American  soldiers,  who  was  himself  the  subject  of 
captious  complaint  and  exacting  inquiry  ;  and  when 
the  young  superseded  the  ancient  chief,  it  was  be- 
cause the  former  was  supposed  to  be  the  embodiment 
=ef  that  progress  in  which  the  latter  is  alleged  to  have 
failed.  The  long  delay  and  inaction  of  General  Mc- 
Clellan on  this  line  have  revived  this  spirit  among 
many  who  hailed  him  as  the  representative  of  their 
own  wishes;  and  this  class  is  not  confined  to  one 
political  party.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  when 
General  McClellan  was  summoned  from  Western 
Virginia  to  Washington  by  a  Republican  President, 
sustained  by  the  acclamations  of  a  Republican  peo- 
ple, the  Breckinridge  partisans,  who  now  hold  him 
forth  as  a  persecuted  man,  treated  him  as  coldly  as 
they  have  always  treated  the  cause  he  was  appoint- 
ed to  espouse  and  rescue.  They  looked  upon  the 
war  as  a  war  of  injustice  and  subjugation,  as  they 
look  upon  it  now;  and  upon  the  Administration 
having  it  immediately  in  charge  as  unworthy  of  con- 
fidence. Then,  it  was  Winfield  Scott  whom  they 
regarded  as  wronged,  because  he  was,  they  contend- 
ed, forced  to  retire  upon  a  partisan  clamor.  Now, 
without  abating  their  hostility  to  the  great  cause  of 
the  country,  or  withholding  any  one  of  their  unjust 
judgments  of  the  Administration  (even  while  trying 
to  separate  Mr.  Lincoln  from  his  party  friends  by 
alleging  that  he  is  not  responsible  for  their  acts), 
they  cover  Gen.  McClellan  with  false  commendation, 
and  vaunt  his  high  deservings,  because  they  believe  a 
new  opportunity  is  here  presented  to  diride  the  people, 
and  to  embarrass  the  President  and  his  Cabinet.  It 
is  no  uncommon  thing  to  hear  his  praises  sounded  in 
Congress  by  men  notorious for  their  opposition  equal- 
ly to  the  war  and  the  Administration.  Among  the 
volunteer  defenders  of  the  young  Major  General, 
arc  newspapers  which  hint  at  the  contingency  of 
making  him  the  Democratic  (Breckinridge)  candi- 
date for  President  in  18t>4,  and  intimate  that  the 
apprehension  of  this  alone  awakens  the  alarm  of 
certain  Republican  politicians.  The  compliments 
of  such  partizans  are  always  to  be  distrusted,  espe- 
cially in  such  times  as  these. 

I  have  said  that  General  McClellan  has  been  com' 
plained  of;  but  so  have  many  of  the  bravest  and 
best  of  our  chief  officers.  A  people  who  feel  so  pro- 
foundly for  their  government,  and  who  pay  so  dear- 
ly in  life  and  treasure  that  it  may  be  maintained, 
have  a  right  to  utter  their  feelings  in  regard  to  their 
agents,  civil  and  military  ;  and  whether  they  have 
it  or  not,  they  will  exercise  it.  This  people  gave 
to  their  General  their  full  confidence  at  the  first; 
and,  if  it  has  been  somewhat  weakened,  they  will 
give  it  again  the  moment  they  feel  that,  even  in  im- 
pulse, they  asked  or  expected  too  much  of  him.  He 
has  been  most  discreet  and  reticent.  I  grant  that 
he  has  much  to  do  and  to  undo — much  to  bear  and 
forbear.  Possibly  under  such  a  stress,  he  has  al- 
lowed flatterers  of  the  bad  school  to  which  we  may 
trace  so  many  of  our  national  troubles,  to  exagger- 
ate the  suspicions  and  the  censures  of  some  public 
men ;  and  if  he  has,  this  is  only  natural.  But  he 
should  keep  in  mind  that  no  man  who  has  done  his 
part  in  this  mighty  struggle  for  freedom  can  ever 
gain  by  listening  to,  or  being  affected  by  the  parti- 
zans whose  only  interest  lies  in  a  disgraceful  com- 
promise or  a  humiliating  peace  with  traitors." 


THE  KEPUBLIOAN  AND  ME.  SUMNER. 

The  editor  of_the  Springfield  Republican,  in  his 
issue  of  last  Wednesday,  has  a  labored  and  ungener- 
ous article  under  the  caption  of  "  the  rebuke  of  Sen- 
ator Sumner."  Mr.  Sumner  opposed  the  admission 
of  Mr.  Starke  of  Oregon  to  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  be- 
cause Starke  had  expressed  sympathy  with  the 
South :  whereupon  a  friendly  debate  ensued  be- 
tween Mr.  Sumner,  and  Mr.  Fessenden,  and  Mr. 
Browning.  Nobody  but  the  Republican  can  see 
that  Mr.  Sumner  was  worsted  in  the  debate,  or  that 
either  party  flattered  himself  or  themselves  that  an 
overwhelming  lesson  and  rebuke  had  been  given 
the  other  party.  The  Republican  is  ungenerous  in 
calling  Mr.  Sumner  a  "  semi-martyr,"  evidently  al- 
luding to  his  assault  by  Brooks  in  the  Senate.  But 
what  the  Republican  sags  to-dag  it  will  unsay  to-n 
row.  So  we  shall  soon  expect  to  see  Mr.  Sumner 
lauded  to  the  skies  in  the  editorials  of  our  neighbor. 
To  corroborate  this  statement,  read  leaders  of  April 
2Gth,  and  July  2Cth,  1861,  on  "  The  War  and  Slav- 
ery," and  "The  Slaveholders'  Rebellion." 

The  Republican  would  have  us  believe  that 
Charles  Sumner,  Massachusetts  favorite  Senator, 
and  a  model  gentleman,  is  arrogant,  and  is  given  to 
making  insolent  attacks  on  members  of  the  Senate 
who  do  not  look  through  his  spectacles.  The  fact 
is,  the  Republican  commenced  sometime  since  a  sys- 
tematic crusade  against  Mr.  Sumner,  and  it  has 
never  let  an  opportunity  pass  without  saying  some- 
thing disrespectful  of  him.  There  is  not  a  more 
thorough  scholar,  courteous  gentleman,  and  greater 
statesman  in  the  halls  of  Congress,  than  Charles 
Sumner.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  not  a  more 
politically  unscrupulous  and  changeable  paper  in 
Massachusetts  than  the  Springfield  Republican;  and 
when  such  men  as  Senator  Sumner  are  falsified  by 
such  a  paper,  then  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  the  edi- 
tor is  actuated  by  purely  selfish  motives. 

It  is  not  forgotten  how  the  Republican  labored 
with  great  industry  a  few  years  since  to  defeat  Sen- 
ator Wilson ;  how  he  was  held  up  as  a  base  politi- 
cal trickster,  totally  unfit  to  receive  the  suffrages  of 
intelligent  men;  but  when  a  change  in  political 
sentiment  made  it  necessary  for  the  Re/  ublican  to 
hobble  to  the  platform  occupied  by  Senator  Wilson, 
then  he  was  praised  and  made  to  appear  to  be  one 
of  the  best  statesmen  in  the  country.  Two  years 
ago,  Gov.  Andrew  was  condemned  because  the  Re- 
publican had  conceived  the  idea  that  H.  L.  Dawes 
should  be  the  next  Governor.  It  failed  in  its  plans, 
but  less  than  six  months  after  Governor  Andrew 
was  placed  in  the  gubernatorial  chair,  he  was  held 
up  as  a  model  governor  and  a  sagacious  man. 

If  the  Republican  is  not  more  successful  in  traduc- 
ing Mr.  Sumner  than  it  has  been  in  its  attempts  to 
break  down  and  crush  out  Senator  Wilson  and  Gov. 
Andrew,  he  will  probably  grow  gray  in  tho  service 
of  his  country.  But  how  much  respect  can  be  en- 
tertained for  a  public  journal  that  exhibits  so  little 
honesty  ?  Its  readers  have  lost  confidence  in  its  in- 
tegrity, and  when  so  many  shifts  are  made  in 
so  short  a  time,  the  opinions  expressed  are  regarded 
as  mere  ban  tab  In  commodities, — utterances  that  arc 
bought  and  sold  in  the  market-place  for  specific  pur- 
poses.— Northampton  Pree  Press. 


ifejctJittjoor. 


No  Union  'with.  Slaveholders  I 


KOSTW,  TODAY,  MARCH  28,  18G2. 


GENERAL  McOLELLAN. 

While  the  country  held  in  high  and  grateful  esti- 
mation the  admirable  fidelity  exhibited  by  Gen.  Scott, 
in  his  unfaltering  support  of  the  Government  at  the 
most  critical  period  of  its  existence,  yet,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  advanced  ago  and  declining  health,  which 
operated  against  vigorous  and  decisive  military  action 
for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  it  experienced 
immense  relief  when  he  retired  from  his  post,  and 
Gen.  McClellan  was  appointed  to  fill  it.  Then  the 
most  sanguine  expectations  were  universally  raised  as 
to  the  organizing  ability  and  executive  energy  of  the 
comparatively  youthful  military  chieftain,  and  it  was 
confidently  believed  that  he  would  quickly  give  a 
staggering  blow  to  tho  enemy— not  merely  standing 
on  the  defensive,  but  making  those  aggressive  move- 
ments which  indicate  earnestness  of  purpose,  indom- 
itable courage,  strategic  genius,  and  masterly  power 
of  execution.  But  these  expectations  have  not  been 
realized;  nay,  Gen.  McC's  whole  course  has  been  so 
inactive  and  enigmatical,  as  at  last  almost  to  create  a 
suspicion  of  his  loyalty.  He  took  the  command  of 
the  army  as  long  ago  as  Inst  November.  Day  after  day, 
week  after  week,  month  after  month,  were  allowed  to 
pass  away  ;  and  yet  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
soldiers  at  his  beck,  eager  to  be  led  to  the  conflict,  all 
that  time  he  never  fired  a  gun,  nor  advanced  one  inch 
from  the  vicinage  of  the  Capital,  which,  to  the  oppro- 
brium of  the  army,  was  virtually  kept  'in  a  state  of 
siege — the  Potomac  being  blockaded  by  the  rebel  bat- 
teries, so  as  to  make  navigation  extremely  perilous 
along  its  entire  extent.  At  last  "endurance  passed 
its  bounds" — an  endurance  which,  for  hopefulness 
and  magnanimity,  has  no  parallel  in  national  extremi- 
ty— and  complaints  of  such  inexplicable  inactivity  be- 
gan to  be  heard  in  every  quarter.  Making  due  allow 
ance  for  bad  roads  and  inclement  wintry  weatiier,  and 
the  necessity  of  preliminary  discipline  and  skilful  or- 
ganization of  forces,  still  it  was  felt  that  there  had  been 
a  criminal  waste  of  time  and  treasure,  and  an  aston- 
ishing lack  of  military  enterprise.  To  one  party  this 
do-nothing,  on-the-def'ensive,  hold-back  policy  was  par- 
ticularly gratifying— the  party  represented  by  such 
treacherous  and  malignant  journals  as  Bennett's  Satan- 
ic Herald,  the  New  York  Express,  Journal  of  Commerce 
Boston  Courier,  and  Post — for  that  is  the  policy  they 
admire;  and  the  less  that  is  done,  the  more  they  are 
disposed  to  puff  it  as  an  evidence  of"  military  strategy,'1 
not  to  be  questioned  in  any  quarter,  except  on  peril 
of  being  covered  with  their  ever  exuding  filth  and 
venom.  There  is  not  one  of  these  Northern  secession 
papers  that  is  not  rilled  witli  nauseous  flattery  of  Ge: 
McClellan,  and  insolent  abuse  of  every  one  who  dares 
to  ask  why,  with  such  an  immense  and  well-furnished 
army,  he  has  done  so  little  in  so  long  a  time.  They 
want  the  Government  to  be  defeated,  and  the  rebel- 
lious South  to  succeed,  so  far  at  least  as  the  preserva- 
tion of  slavery  is  concerned  ;  for,  with  all  their  pre- 
tended regard  for  the  Union,  with  them  it  is  as  dust 
in  the  balance  when  weighed  against  that  "sum  of  all 
villanies."  The  Charleston  Mercury,  Memphis  Ava- 
lanche, New  Orleans  Delta,  Kichmond  Enquirer,  and 
Norfolk  Day  Book  are  not  more  foul  and  malignant,  or 
more  systematic  and  untiring,  in  their  abuse  of  the 
Northern  advocates  of  emancipation,  (no  matter  when 
or  by  what  process  the  measure  is  to  be  consummated,) 
than  these  journals.  They  exist  seemingly  for 
other  purpose  than  to  cater  to  the  lowest,  basest,  and 
most  brutal  pro-slavery  elements  in  the  land,  to  the 
upturning  of  the  foundations  of  morality,  and  the  sub- 
version of  all  the  principles  of  liberty  and  justice, 
Thoroughly  unscrupulous,  they  stick  at  nothing  to  de- 
ceive, mislead  and  inflame  their  credulous  readers. 
For  the  blood-thirsty  traitors  of  the  South,  whose 
atrocities  are  putting  savage  barbarity  to  the  blush. 
and  who  avow  the  deadliest  hostility  to  the  people  of 
the  North  as  well  RS  to  the  Government,  they  have 
never  a  word  of  censure  !  No  matter  that  our  living 
soldiers  are  poisoned,  and  our  dead  ones  are  beheaded, 
and  their  skulls  and  bones  are  exultingly  exhibited  as 
trophies  of  victory,  and  shaped  to  various  uses  in  the 
spirit  of  diabolical  contempt  and  hatred,  these  journals 
deem  such  incidents  as  too  trifling  for  notice  !  But 
let  a  gifted  Northern  man  like  George  Bancroft,  or 
Carl  Shurz,  or  Charles  Sumner,  or  JSeorge  S.  Bout- 
well,  or  Wendell  Phillips,  speak  but  a  single  word  in 
favor  of  liberating  those  in  bonds,  in  accordance  with 
the  commands  of  God  and  the  rights  of  human  nature, 
and  they  are  swift  to  devote  whole  columns  to  the 
dirty  work  of  denouncing  him  as  a  fellow  quite  unfit 
to  live  I  Now,  that  such  journals  are  jubilant  at  the 
sluggish  policy  hitherto  adopted  by  Gen.  McClellan, 
and  assume  to  be  his  special  trumpeters  and  champions, 
is  a  fact  most  damaging  to  his  reputation,  and  neces- 
sarily lays  him  open  to  suspicion  that  all  is  not  right 
with  him. 

One  thing  is  certain — Gen.  McClellan  made  no  ad 
vance  movement  of  his  own  volition.  It  became  ne- 
cessary for  the  President,  on  the  27th  of  January,  con. 
fidentially  to  issue  a  War  Order,  fixing  February  22 
as  the  date  for  a  general  advance  upon  the  rebel  lines. 
It  is  also  certain  that  Gen.  McClellan  began  his  ad- 
vance upon  Manassas  on. the  9th  instant;  and  a  letter 
picked  up  within  the  intrenchments,  dated  Camp 
Pickens,  Manassas,  Va.,  Gth  inst,  states  that  the  ei 
uatioif  had  been  going  on  for  a  week ! 


A  VIKMHIAH  EEBUKING  A  BOSTOUIAN. 

On  Wednesday  evening,  last  week,  a  large  and 
highly  intelligent  audience  was  drawn  together  in  the 
Tremont  Temple,  to  hear  the  closing  lecture  of  the 
course  instituted  by  the  Emancipation  League,  deliv- 
ered by  a  native  Virginian,  Rev.  Monctjre  D.  Con- 
way, on  "  Common  Errors  concerning  National  Af- 
fairs." Mr.  Conway  prefaced  his  lecture  by  the  fol- 
lowing keen  rebuke  ; — 

When  I  last  had  the  opportunity  of  addressing  an 
audience  in  this  city,  the  Boston  Courier  said  that  it 
mpposed  this  Virginian  had  come  here  to  remind  you 
of  the  proverb  concerning  the  ill  bird  and  its  nest. 
In  coming  again,  I  may  remark  to  the  Courier,  that  I 
seem  to  myself  to  be  in  direct  conflict  with  that  which 
befouls  my  otherwise  fair  nest.  The  only  thing  the 
Courier  likes  about  Virginia  is  its  slavery  ;  which  is 
the  only  thing  I  dislike  about  it,  seeing  that  out  of 
that   fairest   land,   slavery   has   managed  to  make  a 

ilderness ;  out  of  the  best  brains, — freedom-loving 
brains, — has  developed  pigmies ;  from  Washingtons, 
Henrys,  JefFersons,  has  produced  Wises,  Pryors  and 
Masons.  The  Courier,  born  in  the  eyrie  of  Liberty, 
befouls  its  own  nest,  and  strives  to  keep  me  from  puri- 
fying mine.  I  love  Virginia,  but  love  not  her  faults. 
She  has  had  great  men  in  the  past,  and  I  will  remind 
the  Courier  that  the  last  great  man  whom  Virginia 
produced,*  said  to  a  Boston  defender  of  slavery  in 
Congress,  "  Sir,  I  envy  not  the  head  or  the  heart  of 
a  man,  who,  trained  amidst  free  institutions,  comes 
down  to  defend  human  slavery." 

Among  the  common  errors  relating  to  the  present 
struggle,  he  instanced  the  following; — 1.  "  This  is  a 
var  fur  the  support  of  tho  Constitution,  and  therefore 
ilavery  cannot  be  touched."  2.  "This  is  a  war  for 
the  Union,  and  not  for  the  abolition  of  slavery." 
It  would  be  inhuman  to  cover  the  South  with 
servile  insurrections."  4.  "An  edict  of  emancipation 
Id  not  reach  the  slaves;  and  if  it  did,  it  would 
avail  nothing. 

Mr.  Conwny  mentioned  several  other  objections 
that  are  urged  against  making  the  war  one  of  emanci- 
pation, combating  them  in  a  very  felicitous  and  telling 
manner,  and  closed  his  interesting  lecture  by  a  strong 
ppeal  for  a  more  general  movement  in  favor  of  im- 
mediate emancipation.  0  that  his  generous,  liberty 
loving  spirit  might  inspire  the  bosoms  of  all  tho  peo- 
ple of  Virginia,  and  of  the  entire  South  ! 

*  John  Rimuplpli  to  Edward  Everett. 


HOMEOPATHY  IN  THE  AEMY. 

It  appears  by  a  memorial  recently  forwarded  to  Con- 
gress by  the  Massachusetts  Medical  Ilomccopathic  So- 
ciety, that,  under  the  present  medical  rules,  homojo- 
pathic  surgeons  and  physicians  are  not  allowed  to 
practice  in  the  army  and  navy,  no  matter  what  may 
be  their  education,  experience  or  proficiency  ;  and  that 
any  application  on  their  part  to  be  employed  is  sure  to 
be  contemptuously,  or  at  least  summarily  rejected  by 
the  various  medical  boards  which  have  the  power  to 
decide  in  such  cases.  A  proscription  like  this  is  not 
to  be  justified  on  any  tenable  ground,  and,  therefore, 
ought  to  be  rescinded  forthwith.  Surely,  as  a  matter 
of  fair  play  and  common  equity,  it  does  not  follow  that, 
because  the  "old  school'.'  or  allopathic  practitioners 
have  hitherto  had  the  entire  management  of  the  medi- 
cal and  surgical  treatment  in  the  army  and  navy,  there- 
fore they  ought  to  have  this  monopoly  continued  in 
their  hands.  It  is  quite  too  late  in  the  day  for  them 
to  think  of  successfully  decrying'5  homoeopathy  as 
"quackery";  for  its  disciples  are  now  to  be  counted 
by  millions,  and  its  practitioners,  as  a  body,  are  second 
to  no  others  of  the  medical  profession  in  scientific 
knowledge,  sound  experience,  large  observation,  ana- 
lytical skill,  conscientious  conviction,  and  successful 
practice.  A  very  considerable  portion  of  them  have 
had  to  struggle  with  their  educational  prejudices,  and 
felt  constrained,  as  a  matter  of  imperative  duty,  to 
abandon  their  allopathic  practice, — therehy  subjecting 
themselves  to  ridicule,  ostracism,  and  a  liberal  patron- 
age; and  they  have  exhibited  rare  moral  courage  and 
integrity  in  making  the  change.  But — without  at- 
tempting to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  two  great  rival 
systems,  and  conceding  to  their  supporters  equal  abil- 
ity and  sincerity — it  is  sufficient  to  know  that,  in  the 
army,  there  are  hundreds  of  officers  and  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  soldiers,  who,  when  at  home,  habitually  em- 
ploy homoeopathic  physicians,  in  preference  to  all 
others,  and  who  still  desire  to  do  so,  but  who  are  com- 
pelled to  submit  to  treatment  which  they  regard  with 
aversion,  because  freedom  of  choice  is  tyrannously 
precluded.  Why  should  such  injustice  longer  con- 
tinue f  What  constitutional  right  has  allopathy  over 
homoeopathy  1  Its  practitioners  are  more  numerous, 
it  is  true ;  but  numbers  cannot  warrant  invidious  pro- 
scription or  selfish  monopoly.  J$y  and  by,  the  tables 
may  be  turned,  and  the  last  may  be  first,  and  the  first 
last,  in  popular  estimation.  Indeed,  this  is  very  cer- 
tain to  be  the  case  ultimately,  if  the  amazing  growth 
of  the  homoeopathic  practice,  on  both  sides  of  the  At- 
lantic, within  a  few  years  past,  is  any  indication  of  vi- 
tal stamina.  It  has  flourishing  hospitals  in  St.  Peters- 
burg and  Moscow  in  Russia ;  five  in  Austria — of  which 
three  are  in  Vienna;  three  in  Hungary  ;  two  in  Italy; 
four  in  Sicily;  three  in  Germany;  one  in  Bavaria; 
and  many  others  in  Prussia,  France,  Spain  and  Eng- 
land. In  Russia,  Prussia  and  England  it  has  been  pa- 
tronized by  the  royal  families.  In  this  country  it  is 
practised  by  more  than  three  thousand  five  hundred 
educated  physicians,  has  five- legally  authorized  medi- 
cal colleges,  and  supports  several  hospitals  and  dis- 
pensaries. But  not  One  of  this  large  array  of  phy- 
sicians is  allowed  to  administer  to  the  sufferings  of  the 
sick  and  dying  either  in  the  army  or  navy  !  Against 
this  unjust  exclusion,  multitudes  of  petitions  have  been 
sent  to  Congress  from  various  parts  of  the  country- 
those  from  New  England  being  signed  by  more  than 
thirty  thousand  legal  voters,  "  embracing  a  large  num- 
ber of  persons  in  high  official  position,  persons  emi- 
nent for  intelligence,  respectability  and  wealth,  and 
representing  all  classes  and  interests  of  society."  All 
that  is  asked  is  so  reasonable  that  Congress  ought  at 
once  to  accede  to  the  request.  It  is  summed  up  in  the 
memorial  of  the  Massachusetts  Ilomccopathic  Medical 
Society  as  follows  : — 

1st.  Whenever  any  considerable  portion  of  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  any  brigade  desire  to  have  a 
homoeopathic  surgeon  attached  to  the  brigade,  sue" 
additional  surgeon  shall  be  appointed. 

2d.  Whenever  a  majority  in  any  regiment  desire  _. 
homoeopathic  surgeon  and  assistant  surgeon,  such  ap- 
pointments shall  be  made. 

3d.  Wherever  army  hospitals  are  established,  a  fai: 
proportion  of  them  shall  be  devoted  to  homoeopathic 
treatment. 

4th.  As  allopathic  surgeons  are  by  their  education 
and  position  necessarily  disqualified  for  intelligently 
examining  candidates  in  homoeopathic  medicine,  an 
additional  Examining  Board  shall  be  appointed  for 
this  purpose,  composed  of  surgeons  skilled  in  homoeo- 
pathic medicine. 

In  seconding  this  appeal,  we  do  so  not  as  partisans, 
but  on  the  ground  of  equal  justice  to  citizens  ;  just  as 
we  should  protest  against  a  rule  admitting  only  Pres- 
byterian, Baptist,  Methodist,  Swedenborgian,  Uni- 
tarian, Universalis!,  or  Catholic  clergymen  to  officiate 
as  chaplains,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others. 


MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON, 

At  the  last  annual  meeting  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  held  at  West  Chester  in  Octo- 
ber last,we  had  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  two  or  three 
highly  effective  speeches  from  Miss  Anna  E.  Dickin- 
son, of  Philadelphia;  and  were  convinced  that  the 
lecturing  field,  in  the  service  of  her  own  sex,  and  in 
the  cause  of  freedom  and  humanity,  would  be  emi- 
nently her  "appropriate  sphere."  She  is  of  Quaker 
parentage,  only  nineteen  years  of  age,  and  to  a  great 
extent  self-educated;  and  possesses  great  fluency  of 
language  and  power  of  persuasion.  We  think  her 
future  is  full  of  promise.  In  the  Philadelphia  Lcdgei 
of  the  8th  inst.,  we  find  the  following  invitation  : — 
"Philadelphia,  March  4,  1862. 
Miss  Anna  E.  Dickinson, — On  behalf  of  your 
numerous  friends,  the  undersigned  desire  you  to  de- 
liver at  Concert  Hall,  in  this  city,  the  lecture  on  '  The 
Present  War,'  which  you  have  given  with  so  much 
effect  in  other  places. 

Wm.  S.  Pierce,  T.  B.  Pcgh, 

George  H.  Karle,  Wm.  B.  Thomas, 

Geo.  A.  Coffee,  Alfred  H.  Love, 

B.  Rush  Plijmly,  Owen  Jones, 

J.  Stewart  Dkpoy,  Wm.  Wainwright, 

Makmaduke  Moore,       D.  Crowell. 

Philadelphia  March  5,  1862. 
Messrs.  Pierce,  Eakle,  Coffee,  &.C. : 

Gentlemen, — I  accept  your  kind  invitation  to  speak 
on  '  The  National  Crisis,'  and  would  designate  Tues- 
day evening,  March  11,  as  (he  time. 

Anna.  E.  Dickinson," 

The  lecture  was  accordingly  delivered  at  the  time 
and  place  designated.  An  esteemed  friend  in  that 
city  (Dr.  Thomas  K.  Longshore)  informs  us  in  a 
private  note,  that  "there  were  about  one  thousand 
persons  in  attendance — politicians,  professional  men, 
spiritualists,  and  some  of  the  old  abolitionists — among 
them  Lucretia  Mott.  Anna  spoke  just  an  hour  with 
great  force  and  clearness,  and  with  telling  effect.  It 
was  a  grand  success,  of  which  the  enclosed  reports 
give  but  a  meagre  and  imperfect  idea:  they  do  not 
represent  the  intense  interest  and  enthusiasm  which 
burst  out  so  often  in  rounds  of  applause."  The 
Inquirer  contains  a  brief  sketch  of  the  lecture.  The 
Press  introduces  its  report  as  follows  : — 

"Last  evening,  Concert  Hall  was  crowded  with  a 
highly  intelligent  audience,  to  listen  to  a  lecture  from 
Miss  Anna  E,  Dickinson  on  the  '  Crisis  of  the  Nation,' 
in  aid  of  the  Port  Royal  contrabands.  The  speaker 
appeared  upon  the  occasion  neatly  attired,  ami  was 
greeted  with  loud  applause.  She  spoke  in  a,  loud, 
clear  and  distinct  tone,  anil  her  remarks  elicited  the 
most  profound  attention.  The  speaker,  after  alluding 
to  our  national  troubles,  continued  by  ascribing  the 
cause  of  all  to  slavery.  *  *  *  Eor  more  than  ten 
mouths  the  South  has  held  the  North  at  bay,  and  until 
a  decisive  blow  is  struck  by  our  commander-in-chief, 
McClclIan,  the  speaker  sarcastically  remarked  that 
she  would  withhold  all  praises.  (This  sentence  was 
received  with  loud  applause,  intermingled  with  hisses. | 
She  alluded  in  brilliant  terms  to  the  removal  of 
Gen.  Fremont,  who  she  contended  had  accomplished 
more  than  all,  and  was  on  the  eve  of  fighting  a  battle 
which  was  fought  by  his  successor,  three  months 
after.  She  thought  it  time  to  recognize  the  only  true 
leader  the  people  hail  in  this  cause — one  who  was  not 
afraid  to  inscribe  on  his  banner  freedom  and  liberty. 
(Applause,) 

The  speaker  concluded  her  remarks  amidst  the  most 
uproarious  applause,  and  the  large  audience  slowly 
retired." 

It  gives  ub  pleasure  to  announce  that  the  Co ii 

tee  of  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congregational  Society  in 
this  city  have  invited  Miss  Dickinson  to  deliver  this 


discourse  in  Music  Hall,  Sunday  forenoon,  April  6th; 
and  we  doubt  not  this  announcement  will  secure  a 
large  attendance. 

An  invitation  has  been  extended  to  Miss  Dickinson 
to  lecture  in  various  towns  in  this  Commonwealth 
during  the  next  four  weeks.  Those  who  would  like 
to  hear  her,  and  are  disposed  to  sec  that  the  necessary 
arrangements  are  made,  can  address  their  letters  to 
Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  General  Agent  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery  Society,  Boston,  MagB, 


LECTURES  IN  THE  WEST. 

Though  the  following  letter  was  written  for  our  pri- 
vate perusal  rather  than  for  the  public  eye,  still  as  it  is 
thffdesire  and  purpose  of  its  promising  author  to  lecture 
for  a  few  weeks  to  come  in  Massachusetts,  his  native 
State,  as  far  as  the  way  may  open,  we  deem  it  proper 
to  lay  it  before  our  readers  ;  expressing  the  hope  that 
;  may  meet  with  a  hospitable  reception,  and  find 
any  opportunities  to  plead  "  the  cause  of  such  as  are 
appointed  to  destruction  "  in  our  guilty  land,  believ- 
ng  he  will  give  very  general  satisfaction  : — 

Norwich,  (Ct.,)  March  10th,  18C2. 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison: 

My  Dear  Sir, — I  have  just  returned  from  an  ex- 
tended trip  through  Western  New  York,  the  Canadas, 
and  a  portion  of  Michigan,  having  spent  most  of  the 
time  between  September  and  January  in  speaking  on 
the  war.  My  audiences  were  generally  very  large 
and  enthusiastic,  and  cars  all  unused  to  listening  pa- 
tiently to  our  ideas  were  lent  courteously,  and  even 
eagerly  and  approvingly.  The  progress  we  have 
made  in  generous  willingness  to  hear,  and  openness 
to  conviction,  is  one  of  the  encouraging  phases  of  our 
life  in  this  transition  hour.  Men,  I  think,  have  very 
generally  sunk  party  and  the  narrow  bigotry  of  our 
former  politics,  and  we  live  already  a  broader  life. 
Our  ideas  move  not  so  much  in  routine  as  we  allowed 
them  to  do  a  little  back,  and  we  mutter  fewer  shib- 
boleths than  ever  before. 

Since  my  return  from  the  West,  I  have  done  little 
else  than  recruit  my  strength,  which  having  some- 
what regained,  I  am  desirous  to  again  get  me  to  work, 
feeling  keenly  that,  while  the  harvest  stands  ripe  and 
ready,  and  the  laborers  are  so  few,  even  so  humble  a 
workman  as  myself  can  ill  be  spared. 

You  will  pardon  me  for  saying  that  my  lectures 
have  been  received  by  friends  of  "the  cause"  with 
apparent  interest  and  satisfaction. 

As  my  sight  continues  poor,  I  have  given  up  all 
idea  of  completing  my  college  course,  preferring  to  de- 
vote my  little  strength  of  eyes  to  the  study  of  my 
chosen  profession — the  law.  But  I  do  not  enter  on 
my  law  duties  until  fall,  and  therefore  am  desirous  to 
continue  my  lecturing  until  that  time. 
Very  truly  yours, 

WM.  CARLOS  MARTYN. 

^^="  We  copy  the  following  complimentary  notice 
from  the  Rochester  Express,  as  sent  to  that  paper  by 
a  correspondent  in  Byron  : — 

"Editors  Express, — A  war  meeting  was  held  in 
this  town  last  Sunday  evening,  at  the  Baptist  Church. 
A  large  audience  was  present,  and  the  exercises  were 
of  unusual  interest.  George  W.  Clark,  of  your  city, 
was  present,  and  sang  several  appropriate  and  stirring 
songs.  He  was  followed  by  Mr.  Wm.  Carlos  Martyn, 
of  New  Haven,  Ct.,  in  one  of  the  most  eloquent  ad- 
dresses to  which  we  ever  listened.  He  proved  sla- 
very the  cause  of  this  rebellion,  and  demonstrated  by 
varied  and  exhaustive  arguments  that  the  only  ave- 
nue to  peace  is  emancipation.  Mr.  M.  is  one  of  the 
finest  speakers  of  the  day,  clear,  calm,  and  argumenta- 
tive— full  of  wit  and  logic.  His  closing  appeal  was 
exceedingly  eloquent,  raising  his  audience  to  the  high- 
est pitch  of  enthusiasm.  We  understand  he  intends, 
in  company  with  Mr.  Clark,  speaking  in  various  towns 
in  this  section.  All  who  are  interested  in  the  war, 
and  admire  oratory  and  fine  singing,  should  turn  out 
and  hear  them.  Yours,  &c,  k.  w.  m," 


ATEOCITIES  OP  THE  INDIANS. 

Iii  the  battle  at  Sugar  Creek,  Arkansas,  which 
lasted  three  days,  about  3000  of  the  Cherokee,  Choc- 
taw, Creek  and  Seminole  Indians  fought  on  the  side 
of  the  rebels,  under  the  command  of  the  renegadi 
New  Englander,  Albert  Pike.  The  Tribune  says  of 
these  Indians,  in  its  elaborate  report  of  the  great  bat- 
tle above-mentioned — 

"  Scalping  and  robbing  were,  as  of  yore,  their 
favorite  pastimes.  They  plundered  every  wounded, 
dying  and  dead  Unionist  they  could  find,  and  very 
frequently  murdered  those  they  discovered  so  badly 
hurt  as  to  be  incapable  of  offering  resistance. 

#  *  *  *  *  * 

The  Indians  in  many  instances  could  not  refr; 
from  scalping  their  enemies,  and  it  is  said  that  as 
many  as  a  hundred  of  our  brave  men  were  thus  bar- 
barously treated.  They  frequently  scalped  the  dead 
they  found  on  the  field,  and  in  ten  or  twelve  cases  so 
served  soldiers  who  were  merely  wounded." 

We  cannot  at  all  wonder  at  conduct  like  this  on  the 
part  of  the  less  than  half-civilized  people  in  question. 
These  Indian  tribes  have  been  surrounded  by,  and 
under  the  influence  of,  the  very  worst  people  in  the 
world,  the  slaveholding,  whiskey-drinking,  gambling, 
lynching,  swearing  population  of  Arkansas  and  Texas. 
They  have  been  living  with  this  class  of  men  for 
many  years,  and  have  readily  imbibed  all  the  vices 
above  mentioned,  and  the  vicious  customs  naturally 
flowing  from  these.  The  Legrees  of  the  Red  River 
are  the  sort  of  white  men  who  have  been  most  familiar 
with  them,  and  have  had  most  influence  upon  them. 
They  have  seen  these  people  wearing  bowie-knife 
and  revolver  as  constantly,  and  using  them  as  freely, 
as  they  themselves  ever  wore  and  used  tomahawk 
and  scalping-knifo.  Moreover,  having  been  slave- 
holders for  more  than  half  a  century,  they  have  not 
only  suffered  the  depravation  of  manners  and  morals 
necessarily  belonging  to  that  relation,  but  they  have 
imbibed  the  bitter  hatred  of  abolitionists  which  pre- 
vails in  that  region.  Their  slave-laws  are  not  only  as 
inhuman  towards  negroes,  bond  or  free,  as  those  of 
ny  of  the  slave  States,  but  they  have  made  laws 
spitefully  severe  against  abolitionists,  and  feel  towards 
them  precisely  as  Legrcc  might  be  expected  to  feel. 
But  their  infamous  white  leaders  have  assured  them 
that  the  present  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  Northern  people  generally,  are  abolitionists. 
Our  indignation,  therefore,  against  the  cruelties  above 
mentioned,  belongs  to  the  white  slaveholders  who 
have  led  them  astray,  rather  than  to  the  deluded 
Indians. 

But  the  special  peculiarity  of  the  case  is,  that  these 
Choctaws  and  Cherokees  have  not  only  been  for  forty 
years  under  the  tuition  of  the  American  Board  of 
Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions,  but  have  been 
formally  certified  by  them  to  be  Christian  nations ! 

The  testimony  of  the  Board's  Prudential  Com- 
mittee, and  of  their  senior  Secretary,  is  so  decided 
and  so  unequivocal  upon  this  point,  that  it  is  worth 
while  to  quote  it  accurately,  and  to  call  special  atten- 
tion to  it. 

In  the  year  18C0,  they  dismissed  the  Cherokee  na- 
tion from  their  missionary  watch  and  care,  after  hav- 
ing sustnined  a  missionary  force  among  them  forty- 
three  years,  at  an  expense  of  more  than  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  dollars.     [$350,421. J 

Their  reason,  their  chief  aud  first-mentioned  reason 
for  this  dismissal,  recorded  in  italics,  p.  138  of  their 
Annual  Report  for  1860,  is  as  follows:  —  "1,  The 
Chcrokt'cs  are  a  Christian  People." 

And  again,  p.  145  of  the  same  Report,  they  say  : — 

"The  Cherokee  people  have  been  Christianized, 
through  the  divine  favor,  and  what  remains  for  builil- 
ng  up  and  sustaining  the  Institutions  of  the  gospel — 
vhich  is  everywhere  a  work  never  brought  t<>  a  close 
—must  be  left  to  others  ;  for  the  reason,  that  our  ap- 
propriate work  is  no  longer  there." 

That  is  to  say,  having  already  been  made  Christians, 
these  people  must  now  take  upon  themselves  the 
charge  of  preserving  and  perpetuating  the  Christian 
character.  Our  missionary  work  is  with  nations  not 
Christianized. 

Such  is  the  statement  of  the  Prudential  Committee, 
in  lsijo,  respecting  the  Cherokee  nation.  The  senior 
Secretary,  in  Ills  deceptive  "  Memorial  Volume," 
published  in  1861,  echoea  tbe  above  statement,  and 

adds    to  it  the   representation   that  the   slaveholding 
Choctaws  also  are  a  Christian  jwtpttl 


If  any  of  the  friends  of  our  brave  soldiers  who 
have  been  scalped  by  these  Indians  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  give  money  to  sustain  the  operations, of  tho 
"American  Board,"  they  may  profitably  inquire 
whether  the  conversions  which  bear  such  fruits  are 
really  conversions  to  Christianity?  Whether  the  sys- 
tem preached  by  the  Board  really  tends  to  make  Chris- 
tians? And  whether  the  representations  of  the  Pru- 
dential Committee  in  regard  to  other  missions  also  are 
to  be  received  with  confidence  as  just  and  true,  or 
whether  they  need  careful  scrutiny,  and  comparison 
of  the  items  with  the  sum-total,  before  such  recep- 
tion?— C  K.  W. 


LETTER  FROM  ANDREW  PAT0N,  ESQ. 

Glasgow,  (Scotland,)  Feb.  28,  1862. 
Mr.  William  I.  Bowditch  : 

Bear  Sir, — I  inclose  City  of  Glasgow  Bank  draft 
of  this  date  in  your  favor  on  Richard  Irvine  &  Co., 
New  York,  for  .£25  6s.  sterling,  being  the  amount  of 
subscriptions  from  Glasgow  to  the  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  for  list  prefixed,  which  I  hope  will 
reach  you  safely. 

The  amount  is  not  so  large  as  in  former  years. 
This  is  not  surprising  when  we  consider  that  trade 
here,  this  year,  is  very  bad,  and  many  more  or  less 
out  of  employment;  this  district  being  largely  en- 
gaged in  the  cotton  manufacture. 

We  deeply  regret,  on  your  account,  the  state  of  war 
in  America,  and  the  great  sacrifices  of  means  and 
human  life  that  are  taking  place.  As  a  nation,  we 
deem  it  our  duty  to  remain  entirely  neutral.  Our 
feelings,  you  may  rely  upon  it,  are  entirely  with  the 
Nortk,  so  far  as  it  seeks  the  abolition  of  slavery  ;  but 
we  are  deeply  grieved  to  see  that  your  Government, 
by  repeated  manifestations,  holds  out  almost  no  pros- 
pect, but  rather  the  reverse,  of  giving  freedom  to  any 
of  the  slaveB,  even  of  rebel  masters.  We  have  not, 
and  never  will  have,  the  least  sympathy  with  the  South. 
Britain  never  will  bid  God  speed  to  a  nation  founded 
on  the  perpetuation  of  slavery. 

I  regret  to  have  read  lately  in  the  National  Anti- 
Slavery  Standard  several  leading  articles,  penned  in  a 
very  unfriendly  spirit  to  Britain.  The  writer  is  en- 
tirely ignorant  of  the  spirit  of  our  people,  and  at- 
tributes to  them  ideas  and  intentions  that  never 
entered  their  minds,  or  even  that  of  our  Government. 
I  am  sorry  to  see  that  some  other  Anti-Slavery  writ- 
ers and  speakers,  even  Wendell  Phillips,  commit  'the 
same  errors,  and  seem  really  to  believe  that  some  sud- 
den and  unaccountable  change  in  British  opinion  hos- 
tile to  America  has  taken  place.  This  is  an  entire 
mistake.  We  stand  in  this  respect  where  we  have 
always  stood,  friendly  with  you,  if  you  will  be  so, 
and  which  we  believe  the  great  part  of  you  wish  to 
be.  Richard  D.  Webb's  last  letter  in  tbe  Liberator 
just  come  to  hand,  defines  exactly  our  position  in  this 
matter,  and  how  we  feel  about  the  National  Anti- 
Slavery  Standard  writings,  &c. 

Enough  of  this;  though  it  is  certainly  sad  when 
old  friends  turn  round,  and  speak  evil  of  us,  without 
any  cause  given. 

I  remain,  dear  sir,  yours  sincerely, 

ANDREW  BATON. 


on    Thursday  evening,  in  his   usual  : 


ining  and 


ANTI-SLAVERY  MEETINGS  ON  THE  0APE. 

Harwich  Port,  March  22,  1862. 
Friend  Garrison  : 

Ere  this  time,  you  have  probably  received  an  offi- 
cial report  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Convention  held  at 
Hyannis  on  the  15th  and  16th  inst.(l)  I  understand 
those  meetings  were  well  attended,  notwithstanding 
the  inclemency  of  the- weather — the  rain  continuing 
without  intermission  during  the  two  days  they  were 
in  session.  The  impression  received  from  those  who 
were  present  is,  that  they  were  exceedingly  interest- 
ing, and  lugh-toned  in  character  and  purpose. 

Mr.  Parker  Pillsbury,  who  was  one  of  the  speakers 
on  that  occasion,  addressed  alarge  audience  in  Ex- 
change Hall,  at  Harwich  Centre,  on  Tuesday  evening 
last,  and  spoke  again  in  Union  Hall,  at  Harwich  Port, 
on  Thursda; 
logical  style. 

In  tracing  the  present  sanguinary  conflict  between 
the  North  and  fhe  South  to  its  more  hidden  and  ul- 
terior causes  in  the  North,  through  the  manifold  ram- 
ifications of  social,  educational,  commercial,  political 
and  ecclesiastical  life,  Mr.  Pillsbury  remarked  that,  so 
far  as  he  knew,  Dr.  Cheever  was  the  only  ecclesiasti- 
cal teacher  who  appeared  to  comprehend  the  Anti- 
Slavery  movement  in  its  length  and  breadth.  In  this 
remark  he  was  misapprehended — some  of  the  audi- 
ence not  giving  him  credit  for  the  mental  reser- 
vation which  of  course  he  makes  in  exceptional  cases 
of  individual  faithfulness  on  the  part  of  the  pulpit, 
while  speaking  of  Dr.  Cheever  as  a  representative,  man, 
and  the  only  one,  so  far  as  he  knew,  of  ivorld-wide 
reputation,  whose  uncompromising  anti-slavery  posi- 
tion is  compatible  with  a  comprehensive  view  of  tho 
whole  subject. 

There  was  present,  on  that  occasion,  a  minister  of 
the  Congregational  Church,  Rev.  J.  R.  Munscll,  of 
whom  honorable  mention  might  be  made  as  having 
borne  a  faithful  testimony  against  slavery.  He  has 
not  only  sustained  anti-slavery  meetings  with  earnest- 
ness and  zeal  which  have  been  repeatedly  holden  in 
his  church,  but  has  always  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
John  Brown  meetings  that  have  been  continued  at 
Harwich  Centre  ever  since  the  martyrdom  of  that 
great  hero  of  Harper's  Ferry—"  the  sacrificial  culmi- 
nation of  the  century,  in  whose  especial  grandeur  our 
common  humanity  is  glorified." 

While  men  are  being  seduced  by  the  prestige  of  our 
victorious  arms  into  fallacious  hopes  that  peace  and 
prosperity  will  follow  the  cessation  of  warlike  hostili- 
ties, though  the  virus  of  slavery  still  remain  in  the 
body  politic,  and  are  therefore  suffering  themselves  to 
be  thoughtlessly  swept  into  the  vortex  of  martial  ex- 
citement, Mr.  Pilisbury's  lectures  are  of  inestimablo 
value  to  the  cause  of  Freedom  in  its  broad  significa- 
tion, by  directing  attention  to  the  great  principles  un- 
derlying the  present  struggle,  and  its  tremendous  is- 
sues, and  by  inspiring  a  solemn  conviction  that  Peace 
and   Slavery  cannot  coexist  under  one  government. 

(1)  Not  yet  received.— [Ed.  Lib.}  A.  G. 


TEE   GENEEAL  IDEA. 

Mn.  Garrison: 

Dkab  Sir, — I  wished  you  to  give  the  President's 
Message,  or  Proclamation,  all  tbe  credit  you  could  in 
truth  ;  but  1  most  cheerfully  testify,  yea,  /  desire  to  say, 
that  I  regard  your  positions  in  the  premises  as  just, 
high,  and  alone  fully  defensible.  O,  if  since  the  attack 
on  Sumter,  even,  the  Executive  and  the  people  of  the 
North  would  have  allowed  themselves  to  see  the  whole  " 
truth,  and  done  what  justice  they  might  for  the  black 
man.  how  much  precious  blood  might  have  been 
brvciI,  and  how  much  nearer  the  end  of  our  troubles 
we  might  have  reached  !  How  slowly  and  reluctantly 
the  nation  wheels  toward  the  right.  How  much  labor 
has  to  be  expended  to  beat  down  prejudice,  overcome 
selfishness,  and  get  the  simplest  view  of  righteous- 
ness and  true  policy, — one  that  a  child  can  under- 
stand,— to  spread  through  the  different  ranks  of  so- 
ciety, and  become  a  power  !  If  God  was  not  with  tho 
truth,  that  also  would  fail. 

Charlton.  LUCIUS  HOLMES, 


The  Atlantic  Monthly,  for  April,  contains  the 
following  choice  table  of  contents: — 

i.  Letter  to  a  Young  Contributor.    2.  John  Lamar. 

3.  Mountain  Pictures.  4.  Individuality,  &,  The  Her- 
man Burns.  6.  The  Forester.  T.  Method*  ot  Nnulv 
in  Natural   History.      S.    The    Strasburg   Clock.      9, 

Arthur  Hugh  Cloogh.    10.  What  shall  We  do  wiih 

Them.  11.  Agnes  of  Sorrento.  12.  Exodus.  18, 
Then  mid  No*  in  the  Old  Dominion.  14.  American 
Civilization.  16,  Compensation.  16.  A  Meaatga  Of 
Jeff.  Davis  in  JSeeret  Session.  17.  Ki'wt-ws  and  Lite- 
rary NoU«8.     l.S.-Keeenl  American  Publications. 

It  is  gratifying  to  learn  that,  notwithstanding  the 
unfavorable  Influence  which  the  war  has  bad  upon  lit- 
erature generally,  since  the  beginning  of  tbe  year  more 
than  100,000  eeiues  liave  been  added  to  its  circulation, 


MAEOH  28. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


LETTER  TO  HON.  WILLIAM  H.  SEWAED. 

Boston,  March  15,  1862. 
Hon.  W.  IT.  Skwakd  : 

The  assertion  has  been  so  often  repeated,  that  I  am 
justified  in  believing  you  to  have  declared,  that  the 
"status  of  every  slave  in  the  seceded  States  is  to  re- 
main the  same,  after  the  rebellion,  vhcther-it  shall  or 
shall  not  succeed."  This  assertion  is  certainly  extra- 
ordinary, for  it  supposes  a  knowledge  of  the  intentions 
of  the  rebels  hardly  consistent  with  loyalty,  or  a  pre- 
science seldom  possessed  by  men  in  modern  times. 
I  will  agree  to  venerate  him  as,  by  no  means,  the  least 
of  the  prophets,  who  will  tell  me  what  shall  be  the 
status  of  white  men,  even,  after  the  rebellion,  whether 
it  shall,  or  shall  not,  be  suppressed.  15 tit  your  decla- 
ration is  to  be  regarded  simply  as  evidence  of  your 
desire  and  determination  in  the  matter, — as  proof  that 
you  still  favor  some  compromise,  or  that,  while  pro- 
tected by  a  rampart  of  Northern  breasts  from  South- 
ern bullets,  you  yet  tremble  before  Southern  opinion. 
lam  not  a  lawyer — am  no  politician — hut  I  have  ex- 
amined somewhat  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  have  yet  to  find  the  article  in  it  which,  by 
any,  the  most  forced  interpretation,  authorizes  you.  as 
Secretary  of  State,  to  know  such  a  thing  as  a  slave, 
in  any  State,  seceded  or  loyal.  As  Clerk  or  Secreta- 
ry of  the  President,  you  cannot  transcend  the  powers 
which  the  Constitution  confers  upon  him  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple, who  make  such  things  as  Presidents  and  Consti- 
tutions, expect  you  to  adhere  to  it  as  the  rule  and 
guide  of  your  official  life.  You  may  inquire  whether 
a  man  is  loyal  or  disloyal,  but  not  whether  he  is  a  slave. 
You  are  to  interpret  the  Constitution,  not  according  to 
the  readings  of  pro-slavery  politicians,  not  as  you 
may  imagine  any  class  or  interest  may  prefer,  but 
according  to  that  condensed  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  its 
Preamble. 

It  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  American  citizen,  that  he  is 
no  sooner  elected  to  any,  the  most  insignificant  office, 
no  matter  if  it  be  only  that  of  field-driver  in  a  third 
rate  country  village,  than  he  begins  to  discourse, 
with  all  the  profound  theological  learning  of  the  Fa- 
thers, concerning  the  posterity  of  Shem  and  Ham — 
to  cite,  with  the  solemnity  of  a  judge,  the  precedent  of 
Paul,  Onesimus  and  Philemon, — with  the  accuracy  of 
an  anatomist,  to  measure  the  cranium  and  os  caleis  of 
every  man  he  meets, — with  the  nicety  of  the  artist, 
to  discriminate  between  colors,  and  to  discuss  the 
quality  of  the  hair,  with  the  imposing  gravity  of  a 
professional  wig-maker.  It  is  a  vulgar  habit;  be- 
neath the  dignity  of  a  gentleman  recently  occupying, 
what  many  consider,  the  most  honorable  position  in 
the  Union,  that  of  Senator  from  the  Empire  State; 
beneath  the  dignity  of  your  present  respectable,  but 
not  very  responsible,  office.  Besides,  the  signs  of  the 
times  indicate  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant,  nay,  even 
now  is,  when  those  who  go  out  for  wool  may  come  home 
shorn. 

I  quote,  for  your  instruction,  an  extract  from  your 
campaign  speech,  delivered  at  Detroit : — 

."It  is  unavailing  now  fo  say  that  this  government 
was  made  by  and  for  white  men  only,  since  even 
slaves  owed  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  before  the 
Revolution,  equally  with  white  men,  and  were  equal- 
ly absolved  from  it  by  the  Revolution,  and  are  not 
only  held  to  allegiance  now  under  our  laws,  but  are 
also  subjected  to  taxation  and  actual  representation  in 
every  department  of  the  Federal  Government.  No 
government  can  excuse  itself  from  the  duty  of  pro- 
tecting the  extreme  right  of  every  human  being,  whether 
foreign  or  native-born,  bond  or  free,  whom  it  compul- 
sively holds  within  its  jurisdiction.  It  can  never,  under 
any  circumstances,  be  wise  to  persevere  voluntarily  in 
extending  or  fortifying  an  institution  that  is  intrinsi- 
cally wrong  or  cruel." 

This  is  your  own  doctrine.  And  now  I  ask,  by 
what  authority  the  Government  transfers  to  rebels 
the  allegiance  of  four  millions  inhabitants  who  are 
taxed,  represented,  and  owe  allegiance  to  our  laws  ? 
how  can  it  excuse  itself  "from  protecting  theextreme 
right  of  every  man  whom  it  holds  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion" ?  and  whether  that  is  a  wise  statesmanship  which 
perseveres  in  fortifying  an  institution  that  is  not  only 
intrinsically  wrong  and  cruel,  but  is  seeking,  hy  most 
formidable  means,  the  destruction  of  the  Government? 
The  traitorous  Cabinet  of  Buchanan  transferred  to  reb- 
els the  money  and  arms  of  the  United  States  ;  but  Mr. 
Lincoln's  Cabinet  bestows  upon  them,  forces  upon  them, 
men  to  build  the  fortifications,  to  supply  the  commis- 
sariat, to  make  the  cotton,  which  is  the  life  of  the  re- 
bellion, and  the  only  temptation  to  foreign  interven- 
tion. 

In  your  campaign  speeches,  you  spoke  brave  words 
for  freedom,  and  language  could  not  utter  your  detes- 
tation of  slavery,  which  cursed  the  earth  with  sterili- 
ty and  man  with  ignorance.  Garrison  was  not  more 
radical  in  principle,  nor  Phillips  more  volcanic  in  elo- 
quence, than  you.  Oh  !  what  madness  it  was  for  man 
to  endeavor  to  roll  back  that  tide  of  great  events 
which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  was  bearing  the 
race  onward  to  a  glorious  future  !  And  how  bright 
was  the  sun,  how  bracing  the  air  where  freedom  pre- 
vailed !  Industry,  intelligence,  art,  science,  religion, 
made  the  earth  teem  with  fruitfulnessj  and  men  ap- 
proach the  gods  in  wisdom  and  virtue.  For  then,  the 
great  Republican  Ship,  under  your  guidance,  with  that 
favoring  Northern  breeze,  held  proudly  on  her  course, 
not  a  cloud  upon  the  sky,  her  foes  vanquished 
or  disheartened,  and  no  shoal  or  dangerous  reef  be- 
tween her  and  her  destined  haven.  But  when  the 
turbid  waters  of  treason  and  rebellion  hurled  them- 
selves in  mad  waves  threatening  to  engulf  you,  the 
helm  trembled  in  your  feeble  hand,  and  your  wonder- 
ful instinct  of  self-preservation  cried  out  for  some  lit- 
tle cock-boat  of  concession  in  which  you  might  paddle 
yourself  out  of  danger.  Eagerly  you  scanned  the 
heavens  for  some  omen  of  deliverance.  And  when 
that  foul  exhalation  of  treason,  Border  State  Union- 
ism, arose  on  the  Kentucky  sky,  a  cloud  no  larger 
than  Joseph  Holt's  hand,  up  went  your  political  kite, 
with  the  wire  of  compromise  to  draw  the  lightning  for 
your  private  use.  Should  God,  in  bis  wrath,  permit 
the  triumph  of  that  association  of  the  enemies  of  free- 
dom, composed  of  Border  State  Unionists,  pro-slavery 
Democrats,  Constitutional  Union  men,  and  weak- 
backed  Republicans,  which,  with  the  plausible  cry  of 
"  No  party  when  the  Constitution  is  in  danger !  " 
seeks  the  destruction  of  those  principles  without 
which  the  Constitution  is  of  no  value;  which  seeks 
to  destroy  the  Republican  party  because  it  is  the  party 
of  freedom  ;  should  he  permit  the  North,  disgraced,  im- 
poverished, betrayed,  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  tender 
mercies  of  rebels;  do  you  imagine  that  by  any,  the 
most  infamous  treachery  to  your  professed  principles 
and  your  party,  you  will  commend  yourself  to  that 
office  to  which  you  have  so  long  aspired  7  If  so,  you 
but  poorly  understand  the  temper  of  the  men  you 
would  conciliate,  and  have  failed  to  profit  by  the  sad 
history  of  compromisers  and  traitors.  Hns  the  fate  of 
Webster,  who  betrayed  his  principles  and  the  North, 
no  terrors  for  you  7  or  of  Douglas,  who,  having  no 
principles,  could  only  betray  the  North  7  But  why 
mention  individuals  7  Your  pathway  stumbles  with 
the  graves  of  ruined  politicians.  Do  you  mistake 
for  the  free  men  of  the  North  the  "  sheeted  political 
dead  "  who  squeak  and  gibber  in  the  columns  of  the 
New  York  Herald  and  the  Boston  Courier;  or  believe 
that  you  are  gaining  popularity  because  those  who 
once  cursed  you  as  the  author  of  the  "  irrepressible 
conflict"  now  commend  your  conservatism  7 — a  word 
which  the  courtesy  of  the  age  has  substituted  for 
cowardice ! 

The  Trent  affair  has  forever  destroyed  your  hopes 
of  the  Presidency.  The  demand  of  England  was  an 
insult,  intended  to  humiliate  the  North,  to  encourage 
the  South,  to  disgrace  us  abroad.  Every  despot  and 
every  lover  of  depolism  approves  it.  The  surrender 
was  made  to  the  power  of  England,  not  to  the  de- 
mands of  international  law.  You  would  not  have 
delivered  them  up  to  Hayti ;  hardly  to  Spain.  Inter- 
national law,  at  the  best,  is  but  the  measure  of  inso- 
lence and  injustice  to  an  inferior,  in  which  one  first 
class  power  will  sustain  another.  In  our  circum- 
stances, the  surrender  may  have  been  a  necessity. 
But  your  conduct,  more  than  that  of  any  other  man, 
created  that  necessity.  Had  you,  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  rebellion,  adhered  to  your  principles, — had 
you,  when  the  appeal  waa  made  to  arms,  urged  th> 


Government  to  use  all  its  powers  for  its  suppression, 
had  not  the  Government  transferred  to  rebels  the  ser- 
vices of  five  hundred  thousand  able-bodied  men,  who 
"  owe  allegiance  to  our  laws,"  it  would  have  been  nip- 
ped in  the  hud.  But  your  timidity,  your  twaddle 
about  the  status  of  slaves,  demoralized  the  Republi- 
can party,  divided  the  North,  and  confirmed  the  wa- 
vering treason  of  the  Border  States  ;  and  we  have,  in 
consequence,  a  protracted  and  ruinous  war,  with 
such  episodes  as  two  hundred  million  dollars'  worth 
of  negro-catching  on  the  Potomac,  the  Trent  affair, 
and  the  establishment  of  monarchy  in  Mexico. 

Thousands  in  the  free  States,  who  knew  your  con- 
stitutional timidity,  predicted  nothing  hut  disaster 
from  your  appointment  to  your  present  position. 
Times  like  these  demand  statesmen,  not  politicians  ; 
men  of  courage,  principle  and  action,  not  hesitating 
waiters  on  Providence.  The  country  has  waited  too 
long  already.  For  thirty  years,  every  political  turn' 
coat  on  the  rostrum,  every' snuffling  hypocrite  in  a 
pulpit  has  whined  to  us  to  leave  the  question  of  slave- 
ry to  be  worked  out  in  God's  own  time,  and  in  God'B 
own  way — to  trust  to  the  mysterious  operations  of  Di- 
vine Providence.  Well,  we  have  waited,  and  trusted, 
and  are  now  having  experience  of  the  way  in  which 
God  works.  But  we  are  not  the  hypocrites  or  fools  to 
pray  that  the  cup  may  pass  from  us  ;  for  we  know 
that  we  have  violated  the  laws  of  God  and  nature — 
know  the  cause  of  our  calamities — that  nothing 
hut  its  removal  can  save  us;  and  we  ask  the  Govern- 
ment as  our  agent,  we  ask  you  as  the  controlling  mind 
of  the  Government,  to  remove  the  cause.  Now,  when 
the  "irrepressible  conflict"  rages,  see  that  Freedom, 
not  Slavery,  receives  no  detriment !  Make  the  Con- 
stitution the  supreme  law  of  the  conquered  territory. 
Confiscate  the  property  of  the  rebels,  that  the  people 
of  the  free  States  may  be  saved  from  the  oppression 
and  injustice  of  paying  the  expenses  of  the  war.  Do 
not  galvanize  into  life  slavery,  now  dead,  solely  that  you 
may  purchase  for  it  a  second  death  with  another  thousand 
million  dollars  added  to  the  taxation  of  an  already  over- 
burdened people.  Remember  that  there  is  a  limit  to  the 
patience  of  the  people. 

The  times  demand  a  man.  The  man  who  is  equal 
to  the  times  will  find  that  the  way  to  the  hearts  of 
the  people  leads  not  through  the  pleasant  scenes  of 
an  irresponsible  foreign  appointment,  nor  the  quiet 
shades  of  private  life,  but  through  the  rugged  path  of 
constitutional  duty, 

A  REPUBLICAN. 


AN  INCIDENT  POE  HISTOKY, 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Liberator : 

Here  in  Vermont,  not  a  regiment  has  been  organ- 
ized, and  sent  to  the  war,  but  would  have  welcomed 
to  their  ranks,  with  honest  pride  and  respect,  the  son 
of  John  Brown.  But  our  neighbors  over  the  Lake,  in 
the  Empire  State,  do  not  seem  to  share  that  feeling, 
as  will  be  seen  from  the  enclosed  slip  taken  from  the 
Essex  County  Republican  -of  March  13th,  published  at 
Plattsburgh.  I  have  had  the  privilege  of  knowing 
this  young  man,  now  about  25  years  of  age — a  manly 
specimen  of  bodily  strength  and  vigor.  It  is  of  this 
rejected  volunteer  that  Mr.  Higginson,  in  his  interest- 
ing narration  of  his  visit  to  the  farm  at  North  Elba  in 
November,  1859,  writes — 

"  Just  before  we  went,  I  remember  I  said  something 
or  other  to  Salmon  Brown  about  the  sacrifices  of  their 
family;  and  he  looked  up  in  a  quiet,  manly  way, 
which  I  shall  never  forget,  and  said  briefly,  '  I  some- 
times think  that  is  what  we  came  into  the  world  for — 
to  make  sacrifices.*  And  I  know  that  the  murmuring 
echo  of  those  words  went  with  me  all  that  day,  as 
we  came  down  from  the  mountains  and  out  through 
the  iron  gorge;  and  it  seemed  to  me  that  any  one 
must  be  very  unworthy  the  society  which  I  had  been 
permitted  to  enter,  who  did  not  come  forth  from  it  a 
wiser  and  a  better  man." 

The  96th  Regiment  New  York  "Volunteers  left  the 
Plattsburgh  Barracks  on  11th  inst.  for  the  seat  of  war, 
under  command  of  Col.  James  Fairman  of  the  city  of 
New  York.  With  him  are,  no  doubt,  many  brave 
men ;'  but  I  venture  to  say  that  not  one  among  them 
is  the  peer  of  the  rejeeted-with-scorn  son  of  John 
Brown,  if  judged  by  the  true  standard  of  manhood. 

Let  the  names  of  the  officers  of  the  96th  Regiment 
of  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  who  petitioned  their  Colonel  to 
"relieve  us  of  his  presence,"  be  handed  down  in 
history!  L.  G.  B. 

Burlington,  (Vt.,}  March  16,  1862. 

SALMON  BROWN  AND  THE  96th. 
Some  days  since,  Salmon  Brown  of  North  Elba,  son 
of  John  Brown,  of  Harper's  Ferry  notoriety,  went  to 
Plattsburgh  with  ten  or  a  dozen  volunteers  for  the 
96th  Regiment,  who  were  induced  to  enlist,  with  the 
understanding  that  Brown  should  be  appointed  Lieut, 
of  the  company.  We  understand  that  he  was  so  ap- 
pointed ;  but,  after  his  recruits  were  all  sworn  in,  he 
was  removed.  The  reasons'  for  such  removal  will 
appear  in  the  following  document,  handed  to  Brown 
by  the  Colonel,  and  afterwards  procured  by  some  of 
our  citizens,  for  publication  in  this  paper.  They  tell 
us  that  so  important  a  document  should  have  a  wide 
circulation,  that  the  people  in  general  may  more  fully 
ppreciate  the  lofty  motives  and  noble  sentiments  of 
those  officers !  We  make  no  comments  upon  the  sub- 
ject, but  deem  it  no  more  than  just  to  say  that,  as  far 
as  we  can  learn,  Salmon  Brown  has  always  behaved 
himself  like  a  gentleman,  and  has  never  been  guilty 
of  any  treasonable  at;t,  or  done  violence  to  any  of  the 
laws  of  our  government.  From  his  appearance,  we 
should  judge  that  be  would  make  a  highly  competent 
and  a  brave  officer : — 

PLATTsnujir.il  Barracks. 
25th  February  1862. 
Colonel  Fairman, 

Sir  : — We  the  undersigned  Officers 
of  the  line  96th  Regiment  do  petition  you  in  view  of 
our  feelings  and  wishes,  believing  as  we  do  that  the 
appointment  of  Salmon  Brown  as  a  Lieutenant  in  this 
Regiment;  and  we  as  officers  not  wishing  to  associate 
with  a  man  having  the  notoriety  that  said  Brown  has 
in  our  country,^pt  that  we  have  aught  against  said 
Brown  as  a  man  or  citizen,  but  viewing  it  as  we  do  as 
a  matter  of  policy,  having  in  view  the  best  interests 
of  the  regiment;  we  do  therefore  petition  you  as  our 
manding  Officer  to  relieve  us  of  his  presence  as  a 
member  of  this  regiment  and  greatly  oblige 
Yours  &c. 

Jas.  L.  Cray  Lieut  Co.  E.  ) 

E  M  Lyon,  >  Committee, 

Alfred  Weed,  ) 

Stephen  Moffitt  Lieut.  Co.  B. 

Oscar  B.  Morrison,  2nd  Lieut.  Co.  B. 

C.  H.  Benhans  Capt.  Co.  I. 
T,  M.  Newman  Lieut.  Co.  G. 

D.  M.  Parsons  Capt.  Co.  B. 
A.  E.  Woodhull  Capt  Co  D. 
A.  J.  Russell  1st  Lieut.  Co.  E. 
N.  H,  Gale,  1st.  Lieut  Co  F. 
J.  A.  Heden,  1st  Lieut.  Co  I. 
W.  H.  Benedict  2nd  Lieut.  Co  H. 
William  A.  Bedell  Lieut  Co.  G. 
Levi  Smith  1st  Lieut, 
C.  W.  Breed,  2d  Lieut  Co.  A. 
Gerard  L.  McKenzie  2nd  Lt.  Co.  I. 
P  II  Fitzpatrick,  1st  Lieut  Co.  K. 
John  E  Green,  1st  Lieut  Co.  C. 
George  W.  Hinds  Capt.  Co.  K. 
I.  II.  Nichols  Capt,  G 
Nicholas  W.  Clay.  Capt.  H. 


eventful  day  in  American  history,  on  which  the  color- 
ed man  so  signally  distinguished  himself  for  loyalty 
and  patriotism. 

The  programme  of  this  evening's  exercises  will 
not  admit  of  any  elaborate  presentation  of  the  servi- 
ces of  colored  men  "in  the  times  that  tried  men's 
souls,"  in  the  war  of  1776,  and  also  that  of  1812. 

Massachusetts  legislation,  this  session,  has  been 
active  in  removing  the  restrictions  which  have  borne 
so  heavily  upon  adopted  citizens ;  and  this  is  as 
it  should  be.  I  would  have  the  buii  of  Republican 
Liberty  shine  upon  them  in  all  its  meridian  splendor. 
But,  oh 'the  inconsistency,  hypocrisy  and  injustice 
of  that  legislation,  which,  with  one  hand,  extends  to 
the  foreign-born  equal  rights,  and,  with  the  other, 
dooms  to  proscription  a  race  native  to  the  soil,  and  of 
patriotism  pre-eminent,  because,  unlike  every  other 
class  in  the  land,  their  patriotism  has  ever  been  re- 
splendent with  the  virtue  of  magnanimity. 

The  present  slaveholders'  war,  as  all  know, 
would  never  have  occurred,  had  the  nation  meted 
out  justice  to  the  colored  man.  It  is  this  deviation 
from  right  which  has  brought  a  train  of  woes  innume- 
rable upon  the  land ;  and  no  one  can  now  tell  where 
or  how  the  end  will  be. 

There  is  now  combining  at  the  North  a  party,  which 
in  its  opposition  to  emancipation,  has  already  sounded 
its  key-note  of  readiness  either  to  perpetually  enslave, 
expatriate  or  annihilate  us,  the  victim  race,  if  it  be 
demanded  as  the  condition  of  a  truce  with  the  rebel 
slaveholders.  Nevertheless,  I  do  not  despair  :  the 
Lord  is  mightier  than  Satan,  and  will  overrule  their 
machinations. 

I  regard  the  times  as  signally  auspicious.  Soon, 
very  soon,  in  accordance  with  prophecy,  and  as  the  re- 
sult of  the  deeds  of  the  noble  and  true,  will  be  real- 
ized the  poet's  fondest  dream,  when,  throughout 
this  wide  domain  of  earth,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific  sea,  there  shall  not  be  found  the  footprints 
of  a  tyrant  or  a  slave. 

The  exercises  consisted  of  twelve  Tableaux — illus- 
trative of  the  State  Street  scene,  March  5,  1770— Col- 
ored Americans  on  Bunker  Hill — Presentation  of  Gov- 
ernor Hancock's  Flag  to  the  "  Bucks  of  America  " — 
Tillman  destroying  Secession  Pirates  on  board  the 
Waring — Fairy  groupings  by  little  children — togeth- 
er with  classical,  mythological  and  humorous  scenes, 
embracing  Old  Ladies'  Tea  Party, '"Execution  of  Lady 
Jane  Gray,  The  Nine  Muses,  and  an  allegorical  Tab- 
leaux, in  which  the  Muse  of  History,  Genius  of  Liber- 
ty, and  Justice,  invoke  a  nation's  recognition  of  the 
colored  American's  patriotism,  and  herald  forth  the 
slave's  emancipation. 

The  young  ladies  and  gentlemen  deserve  great  credit 
for  their  successful  efforts,  and  the  singing  of  the  Quar- 
tette Club  and  of  Mr.  Simpson  was  much  admired. 

The  defective  lights  proved  a  drawback  to  the  ef- 
fects of  the  Tableaux;  but  this,  with  whatever  else 
affected  the  arrangements,  will  be  remedied  on  its  rep- 
etition, which  is  to  take  place  on  Wednesday  evening, 
April  2d,  at  the  Mercantile  Hall,  Summer  Street. 


The  Successes  of  the  Campaign.  The  following 
named  cities  and  towns  have  been  taken  from  the  ene- 
my since  the  commencement  of  the  present  year : — 


Elizabeth  Cily,  N.  C 
Edenton,  N.  C 
Winton,  N.  C. 
Bowling  Green,  Ky. 
Paintsvillc,  Ky. 
Nashville,  Tenn. 
Clarksville,  Tenn. 
Dover,  Tenn. 
Fayetteville,  Ark. 
Bentonville,  Ark. 
Martinsburg,  Va. 
Leetown,  Va. 
Lovettsville,  Va. 
Smithfield,  Va. 
Bolivar,  Va. 
Charlestown,  Va. 
Harper's  Ferry,  Va. 
Winchester,  Va. 
Big  Bethel,  Va. 
Paris,  Tenn. 
Beaufort,  N.  C. 
Murfreesboro',  Tenn. 


Iluttonsville,  Va. 
Romney,  Va. 
Florence,  Ala. 
Cedar  Keys,  Fin, 
Springfield,  Mo. 
Eastport,  Miss. 
Columbus,  Ky, 
Lee8burg,  Va. 
Hickman,  Ky. 
Brunswick,  Ga. 
Fernandina,  Fla. 
Manassas,  Va. 
Centreville,  Va. 
St.  Marys,  Ga. 
Berrysvillo. 
Occoquan,  Va. 
Windsor,  Va. 
New  Madrid,  Mo. 
Newbern,  N.  C. 
Savannah, Tenn. 
Washington,  N,  C. 


The  following  rebel  forts  and  fortifications  have  been 
captured  since  the  1st  of  January  : — 

Fort  Johnson,  Va.  Columbus  Fortificat's,  Ky. 

Fort  Beauregard,  Va.  Bowling  Green  do.,      Ky. 

Fort  Evans,  Va.  Mill  Spring         do.,     Ky. 

Pig's  Point  Battery,  Va.  Roanoke  Island  Batteries. 
Shipping  Point  Bat'ry,  Va,  Elizabeth  City  do.,  N.  C. 
Cockpit  Point  Battery,  Va.  Fortifications  at  Saint  Si- 
Fort  Clinch,  Fla.  mons,  Ga. 
Fort  Henry,  Tenn.  Fortifications  at  Manassas. 
Fort  Donelson,  Tenn.         Bat'ries  at  Aquia  Cr'k,  Va. 


MRS. 


LINCOLN'S  GRAND  BALL. 

March  17, 1862. 


)   BL, 


ORISFUS    ATTUCKS    COMMEMORATION.! 

As  announced,  the  Crisptis  Attuoks  Commemora- 
tion took  place  at  Allston  Hull,  Wednesday  evening, 
March  5th,  and  was  introduced  by  the  following  re- 
marks (in  substance)  from  William  C.  Nell  : — 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen; — Ninety-two  years  ago 
this  day,  Crispus  Attucks,  a  colored  man,  resident  in 
this  State,  of  his  intelligent  free  will,  bore  that  fore- 
most part  in  the  scene  on  State  (then  King)  Street, 
which  we  have  assembled  here  to  commemorate,  and 
which  should  never  be  forgotten  by  any  American  pa- 
triot; especially  by  those  identified  with  him  by  com- 
plexion and  condition. 

When  the  authorities  of  the  town  of  Boston  voted 
to  merge  the  5th  of  March  celebration  into  the  4th  of 
July,  it  would  have  been  very  well,  and  no  need  for 
its  revival  as  a  special  commemoration,  had  the  peo- 
ple not  so  entirely,  from  that  day  to  this,  forgotten 
that  the  colored  man  was  one  of  the  "all  men  created 
free  and  equal,"  and  that  he  had  with  them  shared 
the  dangers  of  that  struggle  which  resulted  in  the  sev- 
erance of  the'  American  colonics  from  the  domination 
of  monarchical  England. 

Hence  was  suggested  the  propriety  of  "a  recur- 
rence to  first  principles,"  by  annually  observing  this 


Starfield,  (Peoria  Co. 
Wm.  L.  Garrison  : 

Dear  Sir — My  friend,  O.  S.  Murray,  sent  me  the 
Liberator  of  Feb.  28,  in  which  I  find  his  strictures  (as 
well  as  those  of  others)  on  "Mrs.  Lincoln's  Grand 
Ball,"  with  all  of  which  I  am  much  pleased.  The 
Ball  waB  very  much  like  "Nero's  fiddling."  When 
I  first  read  the  newspaper  notice  of  it,  I  uttered  the 
following  ejaculation: — "Bones  of  the  dead  Philis- 
tines, come  up  from  your  long  slumber  of  3300  years 
in  the  depths  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  present  yourselves 
at  the  White  House  at  Washington,  as  a  monument 
of  God's  displeasure  at  human  sin!"  'Tis  true  that 
the  nation  (what  there  is  left  of  it  worthy  to  be 
called  a  nation)  was  profoundly  shocked  at  the  an- 
nouncement; and  the  fact  that  he  of  the  "satanic 
sheet"  and  some  of  his  hangers  on  were  prominent 
among  the  "invited  guests"  adds  nothing  to  Mrs. 
Lincoln's  fast  waning  popularity  as  a  Union  woman. 
It  is  said,  somewhere,  that  "  the  house  of  feasting  often 
becomes  the  house  of  mourning."  This  seems  to  be 
just  as  true  now  as  ever.  That  such  festivities  could 
be  held  at  such  a  time  and  place,  by  such  a  company, 
is  past  the  comprehension  of  our  backwoods  humanity 
and  patriotism  in  the  western  wilds  (?)  of  Illinois. 

I  have  seen  some  of  the  returned  volunteers  who 
took  their  lives  in  their  hands,  and  went  forth  to  face 
the  cannon's  mouth  in  defence  of  liberty;  yet  I  find 
none  among  them  desire  to  have  the  Union  restored 
or  saved,  in  such  a  manner  that  they  or  their  chil- 
dren may,  next  year,  or  in  ten  or  twenty  years,  he 
called  upon  to  "  fight  all  our  battles  o'er  again."  No — 
their  universal  cry  is,  "  Wipe  out  the  'peculiar  insti- 
tution'!" Dear  sir,  is  not  this  honeyed  name,  self- 
imposed  by  slaveholders,  extremely  appropriate  1 
Why,  there  is  no  other  institution  so  "peculiar"  in 
heaven,  earth  or  hell!  Its  peculiarities  are  thus 
truthfully  and  eloquently  described  by  our  lamented 
brother,  the  late  Alvan  Stewart,  in  his  brilliant  and 
matchless  argument  before  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  State  of  New  Jersey,  some  twelve  or  fifteen  years 
ago,  for  the  freedom  of  the  slaves  in  that  State  under 
their  new  Constitution.  The  Court  had  alluded  to  it 
as  the  "peculiar  institution,"  when  Mr.  S-  said, — 
"Truly,  it  is  a  'peculiar  institution,' whose  mouth  is 
filled  with  iron  spikes,  whose  eyes  are  glaring  balls  of 
fire,  whose  face  is  covered  with  iron  wrinkles,  whose 
breath  would  kill  the  Bohon  Upas,  whose  wealth  is 
the  whip-extracted  toil  of  unpaid  labor,  whose  music 
is  the  groans  of  ruined  hopes  and  blasted  expecta- 
tions." Verily,  there  is  nothing  so  peculiar! 
Truly  yours  for  universal  freedom  everywhere, 

THOMAS  J.  MOORE. 
f3^=  For  a  scathing  metrical  effusion,  in  reference 
to  Mrs.  Lincoln's  Grand  Ball,   entitled  "  The  Queen 
Must  Dance,"  see  poetical  department.] — Ed.  Lib. 


The  Battle  of  Pea  Ridge,  Arkansas.  The  full 
accounts  of  this  battle  establish  it  as  by  far  the  hard- 
est fought  battle  of  the  war.  Our  forces  numbered 
about  12,000  all  told,  with  49  pieces  of  cannon.  The 
rebels,  on  the  other  hand,  were  at  least  25,000  strong, 
and  were  probably  two  or  three  thousand  above  that 
number.  They  had  82  pieces  of  cannon,  many  of 
them  rifled — though  as  a  whole,  of  course,  not  equal 
to  ours.  The  rebel  troops  were  mostly  Missourians, 
Arkansans  and  Texans.  Albert  Pike's  miserable  In- 
dians were  of  little  or  no  assistance.  It  appears  that 
the  fight  was  brought  on  by  the  rebel's  discovery  of 
our  exact  force,  which  they  had  formerly  supposed  to 
be  in  the  neighborhood  of  50,000, 

When  they  learned  that  it  was  not  a  quarter  of  that, 
they  determined  to  annihilate  the  Federals.  But  as 
soon  as  Gen.  Curtis  perceived  the  change  in  the  rebel 
camp,  he  drew  back  to  better  fighting  ground,  which 
movement,  being  construed  into  a  flight,  brought  on 
the  enemy  with  greater  fierceness.  But  they  only 
rushed  upon  a  most  humiliating  fate.  The  fighting 
continued  three  days.  The  rebel  officers  fought  with 
great  bravery,  but  the  superiority  of  our  rank  and  file, 
and  the  skill  of  our  commanders,  gave  us  a  splendid 
victory.  AH  accounts  agree  in  ascribing  the  most  he- 
roic exploits  to  Gen.  Sigel.  He  seems  to  have  carried 
the  day,  although  all  our  officers  did  admirably. 

Great  Battle  near  Winchester,  Va.  On  Sat- 
urday afternoon  the  enemy  showed  themselves  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  Winchester,  driving  in  our  pickets, 
skirmishing  with  the  Michigan  cavalry  and  a  part  of 
the  Maryland  First  Regiment.  Gen.  Shields  brought 
up  his  forces,  fired  a  round  of  shell,  and  drove  them 
back,  taking  several  prisoners.  He  received  a  wound 
in  the  hand. 

Gen.  Shields's  forces  slept  on  their  arms  Saturday 
night.  Sunday  morning,  Jackson,  being  reinforced, 
attacked  Gen.  Shields  near  Keanestown,  three  miles 
distant.  The  enemy's  force  consisted  of  500  of  Asli- 
by's  cavalry,  5000  infantry,  and  nine  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, with  a  reserve  of  eighteen  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  fight  was  kept  up  until  noon,  when  a  charge 
made  by  the  Ohio  infantry,  1st  Michigan  and  1st  Vir- 
ginia cavalry  on  their  right,  drove  them  back  half  a 
mile,  where  the  enemy  again  got  their  guns  in  posi- 
tion in  a  dense  wood,  flanked  by  infantry,  and  drove 
our  troops  back. 

A  short  artillery  engagement  ensued,  when  Gen. 
Shields,  through  Col.  Kimball,  ordered  Col.  Tyler  to 
turn  their  left  flank,  which  was  executed  by  our 
troops,  but  with  terrible  loss,  the  enemy  being  pro- 
tected by  a  stone  ledge.  The  18th  Pensylvania  and 
13th  Indiana  charged  their  centre,  and  the  fight  be- 
came general  on  both  sides.  Col.  Murray  of  the  18th 
Pennsylvania  regiment  was  killed. 

The  enemy  retired  slowly,  bringing  their  guns  to 
bear  at  every  opportunity.     Our  men  rushed  forward 

i  with  yells,  when  a  panic  ensued  among  the  enemy. 

i  Our  troops  followed  and  drove  them  until  dark,  cap- 

'  turing  three  guns,  three  qaissons,  and  muskets,  equip- 

I  ments,  &c.  innumerable. 

j     Our  troops  bivouacked  on  the  field,  and  the  dead 
and  wounded  were  sent  to  Winchester. 

Jackson's  men  are  perfectly  demoralized  and  be- 
yond control.  In  their  flight,  they  threw  overboard 
the  dead  and  wounded  to  lighten  the  wagons. 

It  is  noticeable  that  nearly  all  the  rebel  wounded 
were  shot  in  the  head  and  breast,  testifying  to  the 
superiority  of  our  marksmen.  The  men  engaged  on 
our  side  were  chiefly  Pennsylvania,  Ohio  and  Indiana 
troops. 

Good  judges  say  the  enemy's  loss  is  over  200  killed, 
500  wounded,  and  300  prisoners,  including  an  aide  to 

,  Jackson.     Our  loss  in  killed  is  65,  and  in  wouuded 

about  125. 

i  Washington,  March  25.  General  Shields  has  re- 
'  ceived  a  dispatch  from  Major  General  Banks,  dated 
"""  miles  beyond  Strasburg."     It  say; 


from  legbones,  rings,  and  from  jawbones  spurs  were  con- 
structed. 

Poisonkh  Liquor  Left  at  Nbwhern,  N.  C.  A 
letter  from  on  board  one  of  our  gunboats  off  Newbern, 
of  date  15th  inst.,  giving  some  incidents  of  the  late  bat- 
tle, says : — 

"It  is  true  that  the  people,  on  leaving  the  town,  set 
jugs  of  poisoned  ruin  and  whiskey  out  on  their  counters, 
so  that  the  troops  could  get  hold  of  the  liquor.  For- 
tunately, some  of  our  officers  visited  the  city  early  in 
the  afternoon,  and  discovered  the  attempt,  but  not  un- 
til two  of  them  had  partaken  of  the  mixture.  One  of 
them  died  last  night  in  fits,  and  the  other  is  not  ex- 
pected to  live.  The  troops  emptied  the  jugs  into  the 
gutters." 

EEJP^  After  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  at  Pea  Ridge, 
Ark.,  some  of  our  dead  soldiers  were  found  scalped. 
This  was  the  work  of  Indians  raised  by  that  prince  of 
scoundrels,  Albert  Pike,  a  Yankee,  and  a  Yankee  of 
Massachusetts.  He  is  a  worse  demon  than  any  of  the 
native-horn  Southern  devils.  Pike  used  to  write  for 
Blackwood's  Magazine,  which  sides  with  the  rebels, 
scalpers  and  ail.  He  then  wrote  "Hymns  to  the 
Gods,"  but  his  hymns  are  now  addressed  to  the  op- 
posite quarter. — Boston  Traveller. 

Chicago,  March  25.  A  special  despatch  from 
Cairo  state  that  an  arrival  from  Memphis  says  the  200 
Federal  prisoners  in  that  eity  are  made  the  victims  of 

uch  abuse  at  the  hands  of  the  guard.  One  of  them 
had  been  shot  for  looking  out  of  the  windows  of  the 
prison. 

CONTRARAND3  COSIING  IN  —  HORRIBLE  FACTS. — 
Contrabands  are  coming  in  to  our  camp  from  the 
main  land.  Two  came  in  last  week  from  Barnwell 
district.  They  had  run  away  several  times,  and  were 
pursued.  One  of  them  is  the  most  frightful  object  I 
ever  saw.  His  arms  are  covered  with  the  marks  of 
the  teeth  and  claws  of  bloodhounds.  His  back  is  fur- 
rowed all  over  with  the  marks  of  the  lash.  He  is 
quite  an  intelligent  negro. 

The  Bodt  of  JonN  Brown's  Son.  The  Win- 
chester, Va.,  correspondent  of  the  New  York  World, 
in  a  letter  dated  March  18th,  says : — 

"I  visited  the  Medical  College  in  this  town  where 
M.  D.'s  are  furnished  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
Prominent  among  the  objects  in  the  museum  was  the 
body  of  John  Brown's  son — the  integument  taken  off, 
and  the  muscles,  veins  and  arteries  all  preserved,  the 
top  of  the  cranium  sawn  off,  and  the  lips  purposely  dis- 
torted in  disrespect." 

The  Massachusetts  Loss  at  Newbern.  Of  the 
Massachusetts  Regiments  engaged  in  the  attack  upon 
Newbern,  N.  C,  the  Twenty-first  had  the  largest  num- 
ber killed,  17,  with  40  wounded  ;  the  Twenty-third,  5 
killed,  39  wounded  ;  the  Twenty-fourth,  8  killed,  41 
wounded;  the  Twenty  fifth,  4  killed,  16  wounded; 
the  Twenty-seventh,  6  killed,  78  wounded.  Total,  42 
killed,  and  214  wounded. 

Capture  of  Bealfort,  North  Carolina.  Beau- 
fort has  been  occupied  by  our  forces.  Shortly  after 
the  capture  of  Newbern,  Gen.  Burnside  dispatched  an 
expedition  to  Beaufort;  but  the  place  was  evacuated 
by  the  rebels  before  the  arrival  of  the  troops;  Fort 
Macon  was  blown  up,  and  the  steamer  Nashville 
burned. 

S^=  Some  one  says  Floyd  left  Fort  Donelson  sing- 
ing, "  I  love  to  steal  awhile  away."  It  is  supposed  to 
be  the  first  time  he  was  ever  guilty  of  telling  the 
truth. 

_  _F=  Recent  despatches  from  New  Mexico  confirm 
previous  accounts  of  the  battle  near  Fort  Craig.  The 
Federal  loss  is  62  killed  and  140  wounded.  The  Tex- 
ans captured  six  of  our  field  pieces. 

New  Hampshire  Election.  Returns  are  received 
from  all  the  towns  except  Cambridge  and  Wentworth's 
Location.  Berry,  Republican,  has  32,234;  Stark, 
Democrat,  28,528  ;  Wheeler,  Union,  1590;  scattering, 
54.  Berry's  majority  over  all  is  2062;  over  Stark 
3,706.  Total  majority  against  Stark  this  year  5350. 
Last  year  it  was  only  4057. 

Fast  Day.  Gov.  Andrew  has  appointed  Thursday, 
April  3d,  for  Fast  Day  in  Massachusetts.  Gov.  Berry, 
of  New  Hampshire,  and  Gov.  Washburn,  of  Maine, 
have  assigned  Thursday,  April  10th,  for  Fast  Day  in 
their  respective  States. 


ty  THE  REJECTED  STONE.— Tho  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Mr.  Cobwat,  of  which  wo  spoko  lust  week, 
may  be  expected  in  about  a  fortnight.  Wo  are  desired  to 
eay  that  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.  will  continue  to  be  the  pub- 
lishers. Messrs.  Ticknor  A  Fields  are  soon  to  bo  the  pub- 
lishers of  another  work  by  the  name  author.  Wo  were  in- 
correctly informed  as  to  the  retail  price  of  the  first  edi- 
tion, which  wo  are  assured  was  sixty  cents,  and  not  serenty- 
five  cents,  as  stated  last  week. 

We  repeat  our  last  week'n  announcement  respecting  the 
"Rejected  Stone,"  viz.,  that  an  arrangement  has  been 
made  by  which  copies  may  be  obtained  for  gratuitous  duttri- 
turn  as  low  as  twenty  cents  a  copy/in  cloth,  provided  twen- 
ty or  more  copies  are  taken  at  onco.  Those  who  wish  the 
hook,  for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  let- 
ter, to  Henry  G.  Dewity,  Esrj.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

The  attention  of  our  friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolition 
of  United  States  slavery. 


iy  TABLEAUX     EXHIBITION     REPEATED— Tn 

compliance  with^the  request  of  many,  and  the  desire  to 
present,  under  better  conditions,  the  Tableaux  exhibited  at 
Allston  Hall,  March  5th,  most  of  the  samo  will  be  repeat- 
ed, together  with  some  additions,  at  Mercantile  Hall, 
Summer  Street,  Wednesday  evening,  April  2d. 

Mrs.  Amanda  Scott  Dutton,  having  recovered  from  her 
severe  indisposition,  will  preside  at  the  piano,  performing 
national  and  patriotic  airs,  appropriate  Tableaux  accompa- 
niment, and  also  execute  some  choice  vocal  music. 

The  Boston  Quartette  Club,  Mrs.  Whitehuret,  and  Messrs. 
Geo.  L.  Ruffin  and  John  A.  Grimes.  Also,  Mr.  Wm.  H. 
Simpson  will  sing  several  favorite  solos  and  concerted 
pieces.     [For  particulars,  see  Programme.] 

Ticket3  for  adults  15  cents,  'and  for  children  10  cents 
each,  may  be  obtained  of  R.  F.  Walleut,  221,  and  Saxton 
&,  Bowen,  223  Washington  Street,  S.  S.  Hanseom,  74  Cam- 
bridge Street,  and  at  the  door. 

Doors  open  at  7  ;  exercises  to  commence  at  half-past  7 
o'clock.  WM.  C.  NELL. 

Boston,  March  25,  1862. 


§y  AARON  M.  POWELL,  Agent    of  the    American 
A.  S.  Society,  will  speak  at 

Newcastle,            N.  Y.,  Friday,  March  28. 

"                          "  Saturday,  "       29. 

Croton  Lake,           "  Sunday,  "       30. 

"                    "  Monday,  "       31. 

West  Chapaqua,      "  Tuesday,  April      1. 


0y  CITY  nALL,  CHARLESTOWN.— Wm.  Wells 
Brown  will  deliver  an  address  at  the  City  Hall,  Charles- 
town,  on  Sunday  evening,  March  30.  To  commence  at 
half-past  7  o'clock.  Subject: — "What  shall  be  done  with 
the  Traitors,  and  what  shall  be  done  with  their  slaves?" 


OT  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in 

Hopedale  and  Milford,  Sunday,     March  30. 

Essex,  "  "        6. 


(^-  E.  H.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  in  Music  HaU,  Sun- 
day morning,  March  30,  ou  "  The  People." 


jp"  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
:gard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
merican  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 
W  Many  of  the  best  and  most  receut  publications  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  be  made  as  above, 
which  should  be  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 


^"  Will  Andrew  T.  Foss  please  make  his  Post-office 
address  known  to  S.  M.,  Jr.  T 


A  LETTEE   OF  INQUIRY. 

Derby,  (Eng.,)  Feb.  8, 18G2. 

Dear  Sir, — May  I,  through  the  medium  of  your 
journal,  the  Liberator,  be  allowed  to  ask  Wendell  Phil- 
lips to  put  the  English  readers  of  your  paper  in  pos- 
session of  the  acts  he  particularly  refers  to,  when  he 

ves  to  the  British  Government  so  bad  a  character 
as  that  contained  in  his  speech  delivered  at  the  Cooper 
Institute,  New  York,  on  Thursday,  the  19th  of  De- 
cember last,  where,  according  to  the  report  of  his 
speech  in  your  number  for  December  27,  he  is  made 
to  say,  on  page  207,  in  the  third  column, — "There 
stands  England,  the  most  selfish  and  treacherous  of 
modern  governments." 

We  who  are  educated  in  England,  no  doubt,  labor 
under  some  disadvantages  in  studying  our  own  char- 
acter and  institutions ;  and  it  would  be  well  for  the 
readers  of  the  Liberator  in  this  country  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  listening  to  the  faithful,  and,  I  may 
presume,  truthful  remarks  of  a  man  so  much  admired 
in  this  country  for  bis  eloquence  and  public  spirit  as 
Wendell  Phillips  is.  I  fear  that,  without  some  expla- 
nation or  illustration  of  his  reasons  for  speaking  as  he 
does,  some  of  your  readers  here  will  be  disappointed, 
and  perhaps  suspect  him  of  improper  motives. 

I  see,  sir,  in  your  speech  at  the  Cooper  Institute  at 
New  York,  on  the  14th  of  January  last,  you  say  tho 
English  wish  well  to  the  cause  of  the  North,  provided 
they  nuTiu  to  liberate  the  slaves.  You  arc  quite 
right ;  anil  I,  for  one,  and  all  the  readers  of  your  pa- 
per, wish  they  may  not  succeed  without. 
I  am  your  well-wisher, 

W.  G.  SPENCEIt. 

To  Wm.  Llojd  Gariuson. 


"The  enemy  are  still  in  retreat,  and  our  forces  in 
hot  pursuit.  The  loss  of  the  rebels  must  have  been 
enormous.  They  have  abandoned  wagons  along  the 
road  filled  with  the  dead  and  dying.  The  houses  on 
the  route  are  found  crowded  with  the  wounded  and 
dead.  The'dwellings  in  the  towns  adjacent  to  the  bat- 
tle-field on  Sunday  are  also  found  filled  with  the 
wounded.  The  inhabitants  aided  the  rebel  soldiers  in 
carrying  off  their  wounded  during  the  day,  and  in 
burying  them  as  soon  as  dead.  Our  artillery  makes 
terrible  havoc  among  the  enemy  in  their  (tight,  and 
the  rout  bids  fair  to  be  one  of  the  most  dreadful  of  the 


A  Civilized  Warfare. 
Orleans  Delta; — 


Bead  this  from  the  New 


New  Music,  just  published  by  Messrs.  Oliver  Dit- 
son  &  Co.,  of  this  city  ; — 

We  wait  beneath  the  Furnace  Blast,"  Song  anil 
Quartette.  Words  by  J.  G.  Whittier.  Music  by  W. 
O.  Perkins.  A  very  pleasing  air,  and  no  doubt  it 
will  be  widely  sung. 

'Battle  Hymn  if  the  Republic,"  adapted  to  tho  fa- 
vorite melody  of  "Glory  Hallelujah";  written  by 
Mrs.  S.  O.  Ilowc  for  tho  Atlantic  Monthly. 


"  Our  Government  and  people  have  thus  far  striven 
to  conduct  this  war  on  the  principles  of  civilized  war- 
fare. Their  treatment  of  prisoners  has  been  humane 
and  considerate.  Even  civilians,  charged  with  infidel- 
ity and  disloyalty,  have  been  merely  sent  out  of  the 
State,  or  permitted  to  remain  under  pledges  of  good 
behavior." 

And  now  the  practical  illustration  of  the  above,  from 
the  Louisville-Nashville  Courier; — 

"  We,  the  undersigned,  will  pay  five  dollars  per  pair 
for  fifty  pairs  of  well-bred  hounds,  and  fifty  dollars  for 
one  pair  of  thorough-bled  bloodhounds  that  will  take 
the  track  of  a  man.  The  purposes  for  which  these 
dogs  are  wanted  is  to  chase  the  infernal,  cowardly 
Lincoln  bush-whackers  of  East  Tennessee  and  Ken- 
tucky (who  have  taken  tho  advantage  of  the  bush  to 
kill  and  cripple  many  good  soldiers)  to  their  dens  and 
capture  them.  The  said  hounds  must  be  delivered  at 
Capt.  Ilanmer's  livery  stable  by  the  10th  of  Decem- 
ber next,  whore  a  mustering  officer  will  be  present  to 
muster  and  inspect  them.  F.  N.  McNairv, 

H.  H.  Harris. 

Camp  Crinfort,  Campbell  Co.,  Tenn.,  Nov.  16. 

P.  S. — Twenty  dollars  per  month  will  also  be  paid 
for  a  man  who  is  competent  to  train  and  take  charge 
of  the  above  dogs." 

On  which  side  is  the  "barbarity"  of  war,  accord- 
ing to  the  London  Times  ? 

The  Rhode  Island  Dead  of  Boll  Run — More 
Rebel  Outrages. — New  York,  March  '2ith.  The 
Tribune's  Washington  despatch  says  Governor  Sprague 
and  a  party  found  the  remains  of  Colonel  Slocum, 
Major  Ballon  and  Captain  Tower. 

The  old  colored  man  who  showed  them  the  spot 
where  they  were  bunded,  said  that  the  Georgia  regi- 
ment had  cut  the  Colonel's  head  off,  and  burned  his 
body.  The  rebels  made  a  mistake,  and  cut  off  the 
head  of  the  Major  instead  of  tho  Colonel.  They  found 
all  the  officers  and  soldiers  buried  with  their  faces 
downward— an  intended  disgrace. 

Barharity  of  the  Rebels.  The  following  is  an 
extract  from  a  letter  just  received  from  an  oilieer  of 
the  22<1  Massachusetts  Hegiment,  dated  at  Alexandria, 
Va.,  March  18.  lt  is  suggestive,  when  taken  in  con- 
nection with  the  accounts  that  the  skulls  of  some  of 
our  soldiers  had  been  cleaned  and  ornamented,  and 
then  sent  home  as  trophies  : — 

"  I  was  at  Hull  Run  and  Centreville  the  other  day. 
I  saw  several  bodies  with  the  remains  of  red  clothes 
hanging  to  them.  They  were  the  Zouaves.  What 
waB  peculiar,  they  had  no  heads;  not  one .'  They  could 
not  have  been  planted  more  than  six  inches  deep." 

The  Rerel  Bariiarities.  Further  confirmations 
of  previous  statements  touching  the  barbarities  by  the 
rebels  upon  the  bodies  of  Union  soldiers,  buried  on 
the  battle-field  of  Hull  Run,  have  been  received.  The 
Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  iid  New  Jersey  Regiment, 
the  first  regiment  of  infantry  to  enter  Manassas,  has 
in  his  possession  a  skull  which  he  found  hanging  over 
a  label  in  a  rebel  hut,  inscribed  with  the  words,  "Sic 
semper  tt/rannis,"  and  the  Virginia  coat  of  arms.  He 
satisfied  himself,  also,  that  the  slave-driving  savages 
used  skulls  for  ladles,  and  made  pipes  of  other  bones  of  our 
slaughtered  heroes. 

Atrocities  op  Mississiimmans.  Members  of  the 
Sanitary  Commission  and  other  visitors  to  Manassas 
assert  positively  that  the  evidence  is  such  as  to  furee 
the  belief  Unit  Mississippi  soldiers  were  in  the  habit  of 
digging  up  the  bodies  of  National  soldiers  buried  at 
Hull  Run,  boiling  off  tho  flesh,  and  making  the  hones 
into  trophies.     Skulk  are  frequent  tent  ornaments,  whih 


Wendell  Phillips.  Many  express  wonder  that 
Wendell  Phillips  is  permitted  to  perambulate,  itinerate 
and  expatiate.  The  reason  is  obvious.  He  and  his 
fellows  have  done  all  the  mischief  they  could,  and 
now,  while  incapable  of  producing  good,  they  are  ut- 
terly unable  to  accomplish  any  more  evii.  In  fact,  the 
head  agitator  is  treated  with  contempt,  the  greatest 
punishment  which  can  be  inflicted  on  the  vain-glorious. 
— Philadelphia  Evening  Journal. 

EE^=  All  that  the  Secessionists  have  accomplished 
is  to  procure  for  Mr.  Wendell  Phillips  an  opportunity 
to  lecture  in  Washington.  Had  they  been  content  to 
remain  loyal,  Mr.  Phillips  would  have  been  as  safe  at 
Washington  as  St.  Bartholomew  was  among  other 
heathen,  when  he  lost  his  skin  without  saving  his  life. 
— Boston  Traveller. 

"Wendell  Phillips,  by  special  invitation,  had  an  in- 
terview with  the  President  to-day.  He  was  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate  during  the  speech  of  Senator  Hale 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
In  the  evening  he  delivered  his  lecture  on  Tous- 
saint  L'Ouverture.  The  effect  of  this  lecture  was  in- 
describable. It  was  a  biography  of  the  warrior  states- 
man as  well  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  equality  of 
the  black  race,  and  its  capacity  for  self-government. 
Many  of  his  episodes  were  of  the  most  eloquent  and 
impressive  character,  and  his  comparison  of  the 
Haytian  patriot  with  Cromwell  and  Napoleon  was 
greeted  with  unbounded  applause.  He  had  a  large 
audience,  and  his  lecture  was  pronounced  one  of  the 
greatest  efforts  of  his  life." — Washington  corr.  N.  Y. 
Tribune. 

"  Wo  had  quite  a  sensation  in  our  local  way  during 
this  week.  Phillips's  Equality  lecture  has  raised  the 
dormant  pro-slavery  feeling,  until  it  vents  itself  in  the 
churches,  on  the  street,  and  in  private  circles.  Peo- 
ple who  are  strongly  Union  are  so  incensed  that  they 
freely  admit  that  they  are  rebels,  if  worshipping  Wen- 
dell Phillips  be  loyalty.  In  this  city  and  Georgetown 
the  old  secession  element  has  minifested  itself.  In 
the  churches  several  ladies,  who  could  not  listen  to  . 
Bishop  W hi tti ogham's  Union  pi  ayer  issued  to  all  the 
Episcopal  churches,  got  up  and  marched  out  of  church 
during  its  delivery,  their  sweet  faces  lookine;  hideous 
with  spite,  and  their  lips  curled  in  a  most  defiant  and 
scornful  way,  alarming  the  colored  sexton,  and  dis- 
gusting all  white  people." — Washington  corr.  Bostan 
Herald. 

"On Friday  afternoon,  AVendell  Phillips  walked  into 
the  Senate  Chamber  upon  the  arm  of  Mr.  Sumner. 
The  Senate  was  in  session,  and  by  the  rules  Mr. 
Phillips  was  excluded,  but.the  doors  opened  politely 
to  receive  him,  as  they  occasionally  do  to  let  in  dis- 
tinguished men.  No  sootier  in,  than  half  the  Senate 
rushed  to  greet  him.  Wendell  Phillips  was  no  longer 
the  despised  Abolitionist,  the  crazy  disunionist,  the 
"nigger-stealer,"  but  the  distinguished  anti-slavery 
orator  from  Massachusetts.  Senators  vied  with  each 
other  to  do  him  honor;  even  Cabinet  members,  dur- 
ing his  stay  here,  have  bestowed  the  most  courteous 
attentions  upon  him,  and  no  fashionable  concert,  opera, 
reading,  or  theatrical  performance  ever  set  Washing- 
ton upon  its  feet  like  the  simple  announcement  of  his 
lectures.  He  had  for  an  audience  on  Friday  night  the 
elite  of  the  capital,  in  intellect  and  position.  He  lec- 
tured the  party  leaders  of  the  nation — Democratic, 
Pro-Slavery,  Southern,  as  well  as  Anti-Slavery  Re- 
publicans. And  it  was  a  splendid  success — the  success 
of  free  speech  in  a  slave  city.  Ho  said  things  that  a 
majority  of  his  audience  would  not  indorse — but  he 
said  them,  here  in  Washington,  where  the  Slave  Power 
for  forty  years  has  crushed  out  even  the  semblance  of 
free  speech.  His  silvery  voice  echoed  as  clearly  and 
distinctly  the  sentiments  of  his  heart  as  if  he  had"  stood 
in  old  Faneuil  Hall  instead  of  in  a  eity  where  Sumner 
was  assaulted,  and  where  to  this  day  the  slave-master 
can  maim  his  stave  for  life  as  a  punishment  for  a  trilling 
offence,  according  to  law." — Washington  corr.  N.  X. 
Independent. 

23^=  Years  are  not  the  only  measures  of  time.  For 
instance,  how  far  is  it  from  tho  day  when  John  Quincy 
Adams  was  about  to  be  expelled  from  Congress  for  free 
speech,  and  that  day  on  which  the  Vice  President  of 
the  United  States  descended  from  his  chair  to  greet 
and  welcome  Wendell  Phillips  to  the  Senate  Chamber? 
There  has  been  a  very  great  change  somewhere. 
But  it  is  not  in  Wendell  Phillips's  views  of  slavery  1 
— New  York  Independent. 

Personal.  The  Pennsylvania  Senate  have  voted 
Wendell  Phillips  the  use  of  their  halt  to  deliver  a  lec- 
ture in.  . 

Cinoinnati,  March  24.  Wendell  Phillips  attempt- 
ed to  lecture  at  the  Opera  House  to-night.  He  com- 
menced by  avowing  himself  an  abolitionist  and  dis- 
unionist. Persons  in  the  galleries  then  hissed,  yelled 
and  threw  eggs  mid  stones  at  him,  some  of  them  hit- 
ting him.  The  hissing  was  kept  up  for  some  time,  but 
finally  tio  made  himself  heard,  and  proceeded  until 
something  objectionable  was  again  said,  and  again  eggs 
were  thrown  at  him.  He  porsevcritl,  and  a  third  time 
was  stoned  and  egged.  The  e.rowd  nOW  moved  down 
fairs,  crying  "  put  him  out!"  "  tar  and  feather  him  !  " 
and  giving  groans  for  the  "nigger  Wendell  Phillips," 
They  proceeded  down  the  aisle  Inwards  the  stage,  and 
were  met  by  Mr.  Phillips's  friends.  A  tight  then  en- 
sued amidst  the  greatest  confusion— ladies  srivaiiiiiiij, 
crying,  jumping  on  chairs,  and  1'alling  in  all  ,liivetions' 
During  the  BgM,  Mr.  Phillips  was  taken  oil'  the  BtMfl 
by  his  friends.     The  audience  then  moved  out. 

It  is  now  10  o'clock,  and  the  streets  in  the  vieinitv 

of  the  Opera  House  an  tilled  with  exbited  people. 

They  are  unable  to  find  Mr.  Phillips.     No  one  was  .se- 
riously hurt  so  far  as  wc  can  learu. 


G^-  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D.,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  & 
o'clock,  P.  M. 

March  28.  3m 


MARRIED— In  this  city,  Feb.    20th,  by  Rev.  J.   N. 
Murdoek,  Mr.   Wm.  T.  Washington  to  Miss  Cecelia  B. 

Thompson. 


r<T  tt   S  The  Oldest  House  in  Boston,  \  nj  \r 

VXl  V  '  I  BUILT  IN  1656.  £  Y1*  V  * 

PRICES    REDUCED 

The    following    VALUABLE    BOOKS : 

Echoes  of  Harper's  Ferry. 

1;IS  volume  is  a  collection  of  the  greatest  Speeches, 
Sermons,  Lectures,  Letters,  Poems,  and  other  Utter- 
ances of  the  leading  minds  of  America  and  Europe,  called 
forth  by  John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  They  aro 
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Eloquence,  the  following  brief  summary  of  its  contcntswitl 
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Apponded-to  the  various  contributions  aro   tho  Auto- 
graphs of  the  authors. 

EDITED  BT  JAMES  EEDPATH. 

1  volume,   514  pages,    handsomely  bound  in  muslin.     Price 
bOc— former  price  $1.2o. 

THE  PUBLIC  LIFE  OF 

CAPTAIN     JOHN    BROWN. 

BT  JAMES  REDPATU. 

■With   an   Autobiography    of   his  Childhood  and 

Youth : 


With  c 


Steel  Portrait  and  Illustrations,     pp.  40S. 


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price  $1.00 

SOUTHERN    NOTES 

FOR     XATJOXA1.     ClRiTLATIOX. 

This  is  a  volume  of  farts  of  recent  Southern  life,  u  re- 
lated by  the  Southern  and  Metropolitan  press.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  say    that,  next  to    Charles  Sumner';-    marjaou, 

it  is  tho  most  uunnsweralilo  and  exhaustive  impeachment 
of  the-  Slave  Power  tiiat,  has  hitliorto  been  published.  Al- 
though treating  of  different  topics,  it  extends,  completes, 
and  strengthens  llio  argument  of  ttie  Senator.  It  is  a  his- 
tory of  tho  Southern  Stut-'s  Cur  six  months  subsequent  to 
Johp  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  No  one  who  has  read 
Sumner*B  speech  should  fail  to  procure  this  pamphlet.  Tho 
diversity  Of  its  contents  may  be  judged  from  tho  titles 
of  its  chapters  i — Key  Notes,  Free  Speech  South,  Free 
Press  South,  l.nw  of  the  Suspected,  Southern  tiospet  Free- 
dom, Southern  Hospitality,  IVst-Olliee  South,  Our  Adopted 
Eellow-Ultiwns  South,  Persecutions  of  Southern  Ciliions, 
The  Shivering  Chivalry,  Spurts  of  lIciithenGentJemen,  .te., 
Ac.  Ac.  As  a  manual  for  Anti-Slavery  and  liepuldicou 
oriilors  iind  editors,  if  is   imohuihlo. 

A  h'ltidsvtyit  pamphlet  nf "  PiS  pages.  Price  12c.  Fortntr 
price  Ht«. 

J3^~  Copies  mailed  to  any  address  ou  receipt  of  price. 

i.ki-:  a 
155  Washington  Btiuuet,  Pom.>.\, 
March  21.  2\t 


62 


THE     LIBERATOR 


M^VUCH  28. 


flfttg. 


For  tho  Liborator. 

NOAH'S   DOVE. 

Peace,  like  tho  gentlo  dovo 

Sent  forth  from  Noah's  ark, 
While  watera  rolled  above 

The  earth,  and  all  was  dark, 
Now  spreads  Its  wings  for  (light 

Over  this  Christian  (?)  land, 
But  finds  no  place  to  light, 

No  spot  on  which  to  stand. 
0  God  !  what  dooB  it  mean? 

lias  peace  forever  fled  T 
My  soul  on  Thee  would  lean, 

And  hear  what  Josus  said  : — 
"The  peace-makers,  who  follow  me, 

The  children  of  tho  Lord  ehall  bo." 
Boston,  1862.  JtiSTim. 

From  the  Philadelphia  Sunday  Dispatch. 

THE    QTJEEK    MUST   DAKOE. 

Oh  !  the  queen  must  danco  ! 
Let  ail  tho  band  of  scarlet-clad  musicians 

To  the  whito  portals  of  the  palace  fair, 
Spread  out  a  feast  amid  tho  nation's  ruins, 

Its  sobs,  its  tears,  its  wants,  and  its  despair  ! 
Summon  tho  fops  and  fashlonists  around  her, 

Tho  light-brow'd  votaries  of  whirling  grace, 
And  the  bare-bosomed  girls,  whose  secret  fancies 

Light  at  the  puhlio  hint  of  an  embraco  ! 
Beseech  the  scowling  envoys  of  false  England, 

Of  cunning  France,  and  of  presuming  Spain, 
To  honor  her!     A  sight  like  this  she  shows  them 

Should  stir  delight  in  every  hostile  vein  t 
And  order  in  the  crowd  of  servile  leeches 

"Who  drain  our  golden  arteries,  right  and  left, 
The  knaves  who  slily  pick  tho  common  pocket, 

The  new  court's  minions  bravo  enough  for  theft,— 
If  the  queen  must  dance  ! 

Oh  !  the  queen  must  dance  ! 
What  though  the  staid  decorum  of  old  customs 

Bo  outraged  for  the  moment !  'Tis  a  day — 
A  day  well  thought  of— and  most  fitly  chosen, 

To  lay  sobriety  and  care  away. 
What  though  the  land  with  patriot  blood  be  running, 

And  orphans'  cries,  and  widows'  homeless  moans, 
Ring  with  the  shriller  anguish  of  tho  wounded, 

And  the  strong  soldier's  lonely  dying  groans? 
What  though  the  siok  man  through  his  narrow  window 

Can  see  the  lights  and  hear  the  joyous  strains, 
And  on  his  loathsome  pillow  gasps  distracted 

At  what  appears  an  insult  to  his  pains? 
I  charge  you,  maids  and  matrons  of  Columbia, 

To  veil  your  faces,  and  this  thing  disown  ; 
Let  her  disport  herself  among  her  fiddlers 

Al0De— yea,  in  the  sight  of  God— alone  - 
If  the  queen  must  dance  ! 

Oh  !  the  queen  must  dance  ! 
Ah  !  woman,  woman,  doff  your  gaudy  velvets, 

Your  foreign  laces,  and  your  flashy  ringa, 
And  clothe  your  vanity  in  decent  raiment, 

And  busy  you  about  more  holy'things  : 
Go  to  the  sufferer— like  English  Florence- 
Call  back  his  life,  or  ease  his  dying  grief ; 
Lot  all  his  pressing  wants  find  ministration  ; 

From  you  supremely  ho  may  claim  relief. 
Or,  let  us  see  you,  flitting  by  the  camp-fire, 

Take  the  rough  soldier  by  his  honest  hand, 
Lift  his  o'erlabored  hopes  with  cheering  spirits, 

And  we  shall  bless  your  name  throughout  the  land  : 
Were  it  not  bettor  than k ^/-leagued  with  traitors, 

And  quite  suspected— to  enact  a  part 
That  glitters  to  the  vulgar  fancy  only, 

And  shows  no  trace  of  either  brain  or  heart, 
If  the  queen  must  dance  ! 

tSh  !  the  queen  must  dance  t 
Like  Hebrew  Miriam  then,  strike  up  the  timbrel, 

Before  the  heroes  of  your  native  West — 
Tho  first  who  used  the  empty  gun  and  bayonet, 

The  foremost  heroes  of  the  war  confessed  ! 
Nor  yet  forget  tho  patient  ranks,  awaiting 

The  tardy  winter  for  the  land  they  love  ; 
There  is  no  hand  uplifted  in  this  struggle 

That  is  not  consecrated  from  above. 
Oh  !  dance  and  sing  before  these  noble  soldiers, 

And  make  their  courage  equal  their  great  caus 
A  cause  on  which  the  nation's  future  glory 

Rests— as  Nature  rests  upon  her  laws. 
On  with  the  starry  banner  to  tho  outposts — 

Where'er  it  waved  of  right,  in  days  of  yore  ; 
And  close  behind  it,  treading  on  to  music, 

Let  the  thick  columns  of  our  warriors  pour, 
If  the  queen  must  dance  ! 


THE  PKESIDENT'S  MESSAGE. 


motives  furnished  are  worthy  of  parties  that  have     brought  upon  us  the  war.     Without  slavery  we  would 


From  the  Worcester  Spy. 

THE    GOMIECr    HOUE. 

BV  RICHARD  HINCHCLIFFE. 

Tyrants  are  trampling  on  us  still,  tho  black  and  whito  are  | 

slaves, 
And  drag  oppression's  fetters  from  their  cradles  to  their 

graves  ; 
And  when  tho  soul  within  would  speak,  and  bid  tho  slavo 

bo  free, 
Then  priests  wonld  preach  submission  to  th'  accursed  pow- 
ers that  be  ; 
Would  say,  "  They  are  ordained  of  God"— that  God  who 

rules  on  high — 
Up,  trampled  slaves  !  believe  it  not !  it  is  a  lie — a  lie  ! 
Down  with  all  tyrants,  priests  and  kings,  who  trample  on 

the  right  I 
Up  with  you,  slaves  !  in  Freedom's  cause  press  on  with  all 

your  might ; 
Arise  !  be  slaves  no  longor  ;  spurn  oppression's  base  con- 
trol- 
Rouse  from  the  sleep  of  ages— burst  the  fetters  of  the  soul, 
And  bid  tho  spirit  walk  abroad  free  as  the  chainl ess  wind  ; 
And  dare  assert  before  the  world  tho  majesty  of  mind  t 
Speak  out  in  trumpet-tones  for  right — keep  Freedom's  flag 

nufurl'd — 
The  eloquence  of  Truth  shall  stir  the  pulses  of  the  world  ! 
And  bid  earth's  tyrants  tremble  :  soon  shall  come  the  hour 

they  dread, 
When  slaves  shall  rise  as  freemen  from  the  dust  beneath 

their  tread  ; 
When  Freedom's  fires,  long  pent  up,  shall,  volcano-like, 

burst  forth, 
Sweeping  thrones,  sceptres,  diadems,   from  off  the  face  of 

earth. 
And  then,  aye,  then  shall  pass  away  oppression's  night  of 

gloom  ; 
And  Freedom's  sun,  with  cheering  ray,  shall  every  land 

illume  : 
And  as  the  world  rolls  on  sublime,  while  ages  wear  away, 
Freedom  shall  reign,  and  every  clime  shall  prosper  in  her 

sway. 
Then  God  shall  smile  in  love  on  men  ;  the  earth  on  which 

we  tread 
Shall  bloom  a  paradise  again,  with  beauty  overspread  ; 
The  world's  proud  drones,  who  labor  not,  no  more  shall 

dare  to  spoil  ; 
The  worker  shall  enjoy  the  fruits  of  all  his  honest  toil. 
Then  down  with  tyrants,  priests,  and  kings,  who  trample 

on  the  right ! 
Up  with  you,  slaves  !  in  Freedom's  cause  press  on  with  all 
your  might ! 
Clappville. 


From  tho  Boston  Pilot. 

LOKD,    KEEP    MY    MEMOEY    GEEEN! 

Lord,  keep  my  memory  green  !  if  loved  ones  perish, 

Pass  from  my  Bight,  and  dwell  on  earth  no  more, 
Let  each  fond  word,  each  look  of  love  1  cherish, 

Be  graven  on  my  heart  for  evermore. 
If  in  my  ear  some  stricken  child  of  sorrow 

Breathe  a  sad  tale  of  mourning,  care  or  woo, 
0  !  keep  my  memory  green  !  for  I  but  borrow 

From  Thee  each  joy  and  comfort  that  I  know. 
If  friends  prove  false,  whom  I  have  loved  and  trusted  ; 

If  hopes  long  cherished  fade  away  and  dio  ; 
Lord,  keep  my  memory  green  !  Earth's  hopes,  when  blasted, 

Teach  me  to  place  rny  hope  and  tiutt  on  high. 
And  when  tho  light  of  earth  from  mo  is  fading, 

And  I  am  waiting  to  be  called  away, 
0  \  lead  me  back— and,  while  life's  path  retracing, 

Lord,  koop  my  memory  green,  I  ever  pray  ! 
Georgetown,  D.  C.  A.  E.  C. 


To  tub  Editor  op  tub  Liberator: 

Slavery  has  created  in  the  nation  a  preponderating 
pro-slavery  sentiment.  The  sentimentalists  who  sym- 
pathize with  this  bloody  institution  feel  so  strong  in 
their  way,  they  have  long  and  persisting!}'  been  in 
the  habit  of  flouting  at  those  who  sympathize  with 
suffering,  bleeding  humanity,  for  expressing  their  sen- 
timents at  all — their  sentiments  are  worthy  to  be  treat- 
ed as  "  sickly  sentlmeiitalism"  by  these  sentimental- 
ists whose  sympathies  are  with  piracy  and  treason — 
at  least  with  an  institution,  the  propagator  of  piracy 
and  treason.  Liberty  has  come  to  be  the  thing  for 
profession — slavery  is  the  thing  for  practice.  Sinceri- 
ty and  earnestness  in  behalf  of  humanity,  and  for  the 
promotion  of  righteousness,  arc  treated  as  impracti- 
cable, contemptible  foily  and  fanaticism — hypocrisy 
and  indifference  as  the  only  genuine  practical  wis- 
dom. This  is  the  governing  power  in  the  nation  to- 
day— so  long  and  so  successfully  has  slavery  propa- 
gated ignorance,  to  the  enthroning  of  itself  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  and  so  long  and  so  successfully 
has  it  thus  enthroned  itself  and  borne  sway,  to  the 
propagation  and  prevalence  of  this  destructive  popu- 
lar ignorance. 

The  President's  recent  special  message,  so  far  as  it 
is  heeded  at  all  by  way  of  being  allowed  to  influence 
governmental  measures,  will  serve   to  neutralize  and 
set  aside  better  measures  agitated  in  Congress,  and 
urged  by  as  many  of  the  people  as  have  not  been 
paralyzed  and  struck  dumb  by  the  terrible  and  terri- 
fying despotism.     This  is  the  tendency,  if  not  the  de- 
sign— the  adaptation,  if  not  the  intention.     The  pur- 
pose is  but  too  manifest.    The  act  is  another  mani- 
festation, in  the  same  direction,  of  the  same  power  that 
"  modified  "  Fremont,  and  that  has  for  ten  months- 
ten  dark,  eventful  months — ten  months  of  amazing.as- 
tounding,  appalling  developments  to  go  upon  the  pa- 
ges of  history — been  exhausting  the  blood  and  treas- 
ure of  this  nation,  to  prevent.harm  to  an  institution 
the  most  deadly  foe  to  human  freedom  on  earth.    If 
the  present  Administration  of  the  Federal  Government 
is  not  to  appear  more  infamous  on  the  pages  of  histo- 
ry than  the  infamous  Confederate  Government  itself, 
something  more  and  better  than  has  yet  appeared  in 
practice  or  plan,  or  than  is  proposed  in  this  message, 
must  be  promptly  inaugurated  and   vigorously  prose- 
cuted.    In  the  name  of  freedom,  all  is  done  for  slave- 
ry.    Why,   the  Confederates   themselves  can  all  but 
beat  the  Federalists,    in   this   abominable,  monstrous 
mouthing    and  mockery.     The  Confederates    them- 
selves are  fighting  for  freedom — freedom  to  take   sla- 
very out  of  the  Union,   and  furnish  it  such  guaran- 
tees as  their- feeble  means  will  allow.     The  Federates 
are  fighting  to  keep  slavery  in  the  Union,  and  furnish 
it  stronger    guarantees  than  are  in    the    power    of 
the  Confederates.     How  long  are  the  friends  of  free- 
dom to  be  duped  and  delayed  by  the  sham  t    It  is  a 
false,  treacherous  flag  of  truce  from  the  kingdom  <o'f 
darkness  and  death,  calling  for  an    armistice,    to   gain 
time  against  the  development  of  light  and  life.     Even 
lie,  who  lately  so  inspired  the  desponding  hearts  and 
nerved  the  trembling  hands  of  deluded,  deceived,  be- 
trayed   freemen,    with    that    utterance  so  worthy  of 
fidelity  to  freedom — "Surrender  im  conditionally,  or  I 
move  upon  your    works" — has  since  been  reported 
as  having  said  what  he  thus  said,  and  done  what  he 
thus  did,  wiih  a  hidden  heart  sympathizing  with  sla- 
very— -with   no  purer  purpose   or  more   exalted   aim 
tlran  to  guarantee  and  defend  slavery.    If  the  Presi- 
dent's message  has  a  purer  purpose,  or  a  more  exalted 
aim,  it  is  to  be  proved  by  what  is  to  come  after — mat 
by  what    has  gone  before,  nor  by  what  it  contains 
in  itself.    It  contains  anything  else,  and  has  been  pre- 
ceded by  everything  else. 

Did  anybody  ever  see  any  evidence,  or  hear  of  any 
evidence,  in  word  or  in  deed,  that  Abraham  Lincoln 
wants  slavery  abolished  3  When  t  Where  ?  Where- 
in 1  It  is  not  in  this  message.  The  mission  of  this  message 
«  to  "  modify  "  the  movements  of  Congress  that  have  some- 
times holed  significant,  of 'soinetlihigserhmlmcardsslavti:y. 
The  " important  results  hoped"  for  at  the  close  of 
the  message  are,  armistice,  and  reconciliation  by 
compromise.  He  would  like  such  an  "initiation" 
of  compromising  proceedings  as  would  secure  "prac- 
tical acknowledgment  of  the  national  -authority.'" 
The  talk  is  that  of  a  pacificator,  mediator  or  umpire, 
between  Congress  and  the  Southern  sovereigns-.  To 
Congress  he  speaks  sternly — to  the  sovereign's,  sub- 
missively. He  tells  Congress  that  if  they  don't  see  fit  to 
open  the  national  treasury,  and  "offer"  the  rapftcious 
rascals  their  "discretion"  between  that  source  and  their 
cherished  institution,  to  furnish  them  gratification  for 
-their  lusts,  "  there  is  the  end  "-^nothing  further  or  bet- 
ter need  be  expected  from  him.  "  TheFedcral  Govern- 
ment would  find  its  highest  interest  in  such  a  measure 
as  one  of  the  most'  efficient  means  of  self-preserva- 
tion." Self -preservation,  right  or  wrong— by  what  *s 
humane  or  by  all  that  is  inhuman — is  the  most  ele- 
vated consideration,  the  purest  motive  he  can  pre* 
sent — the  most  er.nobling  inspiration  he  can  infuse. 
The  doctrine  is,  that  the  interests  of  the  Government 
are  paramount,  the  interests  of  the  governed  'subordi- 
nate—that the  Government  must  preserve  itself, 
though  in  doing  this  it  makes  itself  the  devourer  of 
all  Ihe  governed. 

Addressing  the  other  party  :  "  It  is  proposed  as  a 
matter  of  perfectly  free  choice  with"  the  sovereign 
few  of  the  South,  whether  to  satiate  their  rapacity 
by  robbing  the  multitude  in  the  North,  or  by  scourg- 
ing and  ravishing  the  multitude  in  the  South.  The 
"offer"  is  not  made  wiih  the  expectation  that  it 
will  be  generally  accepted  and  acted  upon,  if  at 
all,  by  those  who  have  been  organized  and  educated 
in  the  gratification  of  the  basest  lusts.  "Hoping  no 
offence"  to  his  sovereigns,  ho  most  respectfully,  ob- 
sequiously asks  them  if  they  don't  think  they  can  get 
more  money  out  of  the  Government  in  connection 
with  his  proposition,  than  out  of  their  institution  oth- 
erwise, "in  the  present  state  of  affairs."  Thus: 
"  The  proposition  now  made,  though  [being  instead  of 
though]  an  offer  only,  I  hope  it  may  he  esteemed  no 
offence  to  ask  whether  the  pecuniary  consideration 
tendered  would  not  he  of  more  value  to  the  States 
and  private  persons  concerned,  than  arc  the  institu- 
tion and  property  in  it,  in  the  present  aspeet  of  af- 
fairs." Still,  it  is  plain  he  expected  them  in  general 
not  even  to  "initiate  emancipation  at  all." 

Previously  to  this,  he  cites  them  to  an  expression  in 
his  December  message,  wherein  he  thought  fit  to  say  : 
"The  Union  must  be  preserved,  and  hence  all  indis- 
pensable means  must  be  employed."  He  then  goes  on 
to  say  :  "  War  has  been  and  continues  to  be  an  indis- 
pensable means  to  this  end.  A  practical  reacknowl- 
edgment  of  the  national  authority  would  render  the 
war  unnecessary,  and  it  would  at  once  cease.  If, 
however,  resistance  continues,  the  war  must  also  con- 
tinue, and  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the  incidents 
which  may  attend,  and  all  the  ruin  which  may  follow 
it.  Such  as  may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  obvious- 
ly promise  great  efficiency  toward  ending  the  strug- 
gle, must  and  will  come."  The  significant  expression 
here  is :  "A  practical  rcachwwledgment  of  the  national 
authority  would  render  the  war  unnecessary,  and  it  would  at 
once  cease."  He  intimates  to  them  that  persistence  in 
the  war  might  "  ruin"  their  "institution,"  a  thing  he 
appears  to  deprecate  more  than  the  ruin  of  all  else. 
There  is  not  in  the  entire  message  so  much  concern 
manifested  for  any  other  interest.  The  one  other 
great  concern  is  the  preservation  of  the  Union — and 
this  plainly  in  subserviency  to  the  preservation  of 
Blavery.  This  conclusion  is  inevitable  when  we  take 
all  his  declarations  and  acts  preceding,  and  put  them 
with  this  message.  His  entire  record  forces  this  pain- 
ful, harrowing,  sickening  conviction.  For  ten  months 
he  has  had  the  power  in  his  hands  to  abolish  slavery, 
and  has  refused  to  use  it,  and  Btill  persists  in  refusing 
to  use  it.  He  bogiiiB  this  message  by  appealing  to  the 
government  for  self  preservation,  and  leaves  oil'  by  ap- 
pealing to  the  slaveholders  for  the  preservation  of  their 
precious  institution.  All  the  talk  between  is  to  fur- 
nish motives  for  compromise  and  reconciliation.     The 


demeaned  themselves  as  these  parties  have  hitherto 
demeaned  themselves,  toward  themselves,  toward 
each  other,  and  toward  human  interests. 

Ho  talks  much  about  "  initiation."  But  then  he 
says:  "The  point  is  not  that  all  tho  States  tolerating 
slavery  would  soon,  if  at  all,  initiate  emancipation,  but 
that,  while  the  offer  is  equally  made  to  all,  the  more 
Northern  bIihII,  by  such  initiation,  make  it  certain 
to  the  more  Southern,  that  in  no  event  will  the  former 
ever  join  the  latter  in  their  proposed  confederacy."  It 
is  only  another  phase  of  the  scheme  for  taking  the 
North  into  that  fatal  vortex,  the  "Border  State  poli- 
cy " — in  other  words,  reconstruction  of  Constitution- 
al compromise,  for  the  benefit  of  slavery  and  its  North- 
ern sympathizers.  The  initiation,  all  there  will  he  of 
it  toward  emancipation,  will  be  sham— the  reality  of 
it  will  be  the  initiation  of  compromise.  Delaware, 
that  is  already  more  free  than  slave,  and  that  has  be- 
forehand initiated  its  "offer"  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, might  avail  itself  of  this  chance  to  use  its 
"discretion!"  The  "discretion"  of  all  the  others 
will  be  the  restoration  of  the  Constitutional  compro- 
mise, and  the  benefits  of  its  guarantees  to  slavery. 
The  "initiation" — to  be — is  the  "initiation"  of  this 
compromise.  Abraham  Lincoln  looks  for  nothing 
else,  has  no  reason  to  look  for  anything  else,  to  result 
from  his  proposition.  The  profession  is  freedom — 
the  practice  is  slavery.  The  pretension  is  emancipa- 
tion— and  hardly  that — the  performance  is  slavery 
perpetuation, 

While  the  language  is  genuinely  the  language  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  the  plotis  worthy  of  Northern  poli- 
ticians and  capitalists,  acting  upon  the  President-ap- 
parent, through  their  appointed  and  paid  regency, 
Thurlow  Weed  and  William  H.  Seward. 

There  is  not  a  word  in  the  message  that  should  be 
in  the  least  unpalatable  to  the  most  wily  Kentuckian 
or  the  most  rapacious  South  Carolinian.  The  Louis- 
ville Democrat,  the  Charleston  Mercury,  the  Boston 
Courier,  the  New  York  Herald,  the  New  York  Jour* 
nal  of  Commerce,  and  New  York  Observer  should  all 
second  the  movement,  and  shout  for  joy  that  the  day 
of  returning  compromise  is  at  hand. 

The  New  York  Daily  Tribune,  which  brings  me  the 
message,  calls  it  good,  great,  glorious — worthy  to  im- 
mortalize Abraham  Lincoln.-  Tiie  Tribune  is  led  by 
it  even  to  second  the  New  York  Herald's  nomination 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  for  our  next  President,  See  if 
this  singular  fraternity  don't  get  the  cordial  co-opera- 
tion of  slavery  supporters.  South  and  North. 

While  I  shall  he  happy,  and  will  rejoice,  if  I  may 
live  to  find  myself  to  have  been  quite  mistaken  in  all 
these  views,  my  present  convictions  are  such  that  I 
cannot  refrain  from  offering  them  for  record. 

ORSON  S.  MURRAY. 


have  been  without  this  war.  And  without  the  com- 
promise, we  would  long  ago  have  been  without  sla- 
very in  any  of  its  present  formidable  proportions — in 
any  power  to  have  produced  any  such  war — if  it  had 
not  been  quite  powerless  and  extinct.  So  that,  while 
slavery  is  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war,  the  remote 
cause  is  the  Constitutional  compromise  that  has  pro- 
longed slavery  and  made  it  potent.  Though  this  com- 
promise did  not  originate  shivery,  it  has  protracted  it 
and  made  it  powerful,  as  it  could  not  otherwise  have 
been,  for  this  destruction.  President  Lincoln  wants 
this  fatal  folly  rccnacted,  which  necessitates  tfj£  going 
on  indefinitely  with  the  barbarism  which  has  so  bru- 
talized the  nation,  North  as  well  as  South,  that  the 
rights  of  robbers  are  upheld  against  the  rights  of  the 
robbed,  by  the  sentiment  that  gives  inspiration  to  the 
Government.  The  natural  rights  of  the  producing 
millions  the  President  utterly  ignores.  The  rights  he 
recognizes  are  the  rights  of  clan,  the  rights  of  caucus, 
the  rights  of  intrigue — the  assumed,  conventional, 
unnatural  right  of  the  rapacious  thousands  qf  con- 
sumers to  ravish  and  devour  the  millions  of  pro- 
ducers. With  the  ravenous  ravishers  he  wants  it  to 
be  "a  matter  of  perfectly  free  choice,"  of  "discre- 
tion." For  their  victims,  he  recognizes  no  rights  but 
the  right  to  be  under  the  rule  of  the  rapacious. 

If  to  want  the  remorseless  enslavers  to  have  their 
"perfectly  free  choice"  and  "discretion"  in  the  mat- 
ter, even  to  the  holding  of  the  North  bound  in  Union 
with  them,  to  assist  them  in  retaining  their  outraged 
victims  in  ignorance  and  helplessness  perpetually — if 
this  be  wanting  slavery  abolished,  make  the  most  of  it. 
The  more  the  matter  is  looked  at,  the  more  it  must 
be  manifest  that  the  work  of  the  Message  is  to  pre- 
vent emancipation,  not  to  promote  it — to  delay  it,  not 
to  hasten  it — to  make  the  interests  of  fre'edom  sub- 
servient to  the  interests  of  slavery — to  sacrifice  the 
producers  to  the  consumers.  0.  S.  M. 


HAEBIAGE. 


Foster's  Crossings,  Warren  Co.,  0.,  1 
March  12,  1862.  J 

P.  S.  Since  the  foregoing  was  ready  to  forward,  I 
have  delayed  mailing  barely  to  notice  an  item  or  two 
■additional  from  the  New  York  Tribune's  abundance  in 
this  connection.  In  connection  with  copying  by  it- 
.-self  the  President's  proposed  resolution  for.  adoption 
by  Congress — "That  the  United  States  ought  to  co- 
operate with  any  State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual 
abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such  State  pecuni- 
ary aid  to  be  used  by  such  State  in  its  discretion  to 
compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  private, 
produced  by  such  change  of  system  " — the  Tribune 
"trusts  no  Republican  will  move  or  vote  to  add  to  or  sub- 
tract from  this  proposition  even  so  much  as  acomma." 
Again,  on  the  same  page,  treating  of  the  same  subject, 
the  'Tribune  says  :  "  The  President's  proposition  leaves 
this  whole  subject  to  the  States  respectively.  If  any 
State  chooses  to  exile  its  negroes,  it  will  do  so}  the 
nation  will  not  meddle  with  the  matter  any  way." 
In  justice,  it  should  be  said  thai  the  Tribune  does  not 
for  itself  advocate  "  exiling  negroes."  But  it  does 
say,  when  the  foregoing  expressions  are  put  together, 
that  Congress  ought  to  open  the  national  treasury, 
and  disburse  its  funds  to  be  used  "  in  the  discretion  " 
of  these  States  which  may  exile  these  native-born 
Americans  who  have  committed  no  crime.  In  the 
nature  of  things,  it  is  impossible  for  the  toleration  of 
such  injustice,  such  immorality,  such  iniquity,  such 
inhumanity,  to  secure  prosperity  or  peace. 

March  16,  1862. 
Already  there  is  much  in  the  papers  justifyiug  my 
views  mailed  to  the  Liberator  two  days  ago.     The 
Boston   Courier  says  : 

"  We  have  no  more  belief  that  any  change  will  be 
made  in  the  relations  of  slavery,  by  this  war,  be  it 
longer  or  shorter,  than  we  have  that  the  whole  South 
will  be  obliterated  from  the  map  of  the  world.  But 
we  make  no  objection  to  the  proffer  in  question,  nor 
to  the  passage  of  such  a  resolution  as  is  proposed  by 
Mr.  Lincoln,  if  kept  precisely  within  the  limitations 
prescribed  by  him.  If  so  passed,  it  would  have  an  ex- 
cellect  effect  at  the  North,  hut  not  at  the  South,  in 
promoting  the  objects  of  emancipation,  either  directly 
or  indirectly,  now.  But  it  would  remove  from  the 
arena  the  source  of  the  quarrel,  which  will  continue 
bile  Anti-Slavery  agitation,  in  whatever  shape,  is 
kept  up,  as  a  political  question." 

Isn't  that  pretty  good  faith  in  the  present  adminis- 
tration of  the  Federal  Government,  in  accordance  with 
the  assurances  to  be  derived  from  instructions  of  Pre- 
mier Seward  to  the  Government's  Foreign  Ministers, 
wherein  he  informs  them  all  and  severally  that  the  re- 
lations between  the  Federal  Government  and  South- 
ern slavery  are  to  remain  in  statu  quo  ante  bellum  ? 

The  Eastern  (Me.)  Argus  says  : 

"If  [Slave]  States  wished  aid,  the  Government 
would  render  it.  If  not,  the  matter  would  rest,  and 
the  country  be  at  peace.  *  *  *  The  propositions  are 
conservative,  sound,  constitutional ;  in  entire  accord- 
ance with  Democratic  principles." 

The  Springfield  Republican: 

"  The  special  and  surprise  message  of  the  President 
on  the  subject  of  slavery  has  cut  the  knot  of  the  vex- 
ed question,  and  reconciled  all  differences,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  universal  satisfaction  with  which  it  is 
welcomed.  It  is  a  peace  measure  in  several  ways — 
peace  between  hostile  parties  among  loyal  men,  and 
a  proffer  of  peace  to  the  insurgent  States.  It  is  a  coup 
d'  etat,  in  fact,  displaying  much  sagacity  in  its  incep- 
tion, significant  in  its  aim  and  purpose,  and  likely  to 
be  most  important  in  its  effects.'" 

The  New  York  Sunday  Times : 

"  It  might  do  no  good,  it  is  true,  in  directly  ad- 
vancing the  work  of  emancipation ;  but  it  could  not 
help  exercising  a  salutary  effect  upon  the  latent  Un; 
ism  of  the  South  in  establishing,  beyond  dispute,  the 
conservatism  of  Congress  and  the  Federal  Execu- 
tive." 

The  New  York  Dispatch  : 

"  We,  for  our  part,  regard  the  President's  proposi- 
tion as  an  earnest  profl'er  of  peace  and  hope  to  those 
who  have  been  led  to  countenance  the  rebellion  " 

The  Rochester  Union  and  Advertiser: 

"  We  hail  this  mepsage  as  a  pledge  that  he  will  be 
found  true  to  the  Constitution  in  every  emergency  ; 
we  acceptit  as  a  proof  that  the  confidence  we  have  re- 
posed and  expressed  in  President  Lincoln's  integrity 
and  quiet  but  immovable  firmness  has  not  been  mis- 
placed. Considerations  of  '  general  welfare '  impera- 
tively demand  that  the  rampant  spirit  of  Abolitionism 
should  be  encountered  with  weapons  which  it  will  in 
vain  endeavor  to  resist ;  and  that  the  power  vested 
in  the  Federal  Government  should  be  vigorously 
erted  to  prevent  its  own  overthrow  and  annihilation,  by 
the  co-operative  action  of  the  Northern  Radicals  and 
the  Southern  RebclB.  We  stand  by  President  Lin- 
coln's message  in  this  hour  of  our  country'a  peril." 

The  Baltimore  Clipper: 

"  We  do  not  think  it  likely  that  any  practical  re- 
sults are  immediately  to  How  from  the  suggestions  of 
the  Executive,  but  it  may  be  the  nieuns'oldireeting  the 
public  to  the  only  mode  by  which  this  important  ques- 
tion can  be  reached  to  meet  his  sanction  ;  and  conse- 
quently the  ultra  Anti-Slavery  men  will  find  thai  they 
will  have  to  come  to  the  standard  of  the  President,  or 
he  obliged  to  go  to  the  wall. 

The  Albany  (N.  Y.)  Times: 

"  At  present,  it  seems  uncalled  for,  unless  the  Pres- 
ident thinks  it  necessary  for  him  to  make  a  point  with 
tho  Abolitionists,  with  whom  he  has  recently  fallen 
in  disfavor.  But,  as  we  have  said  before,  if  this  be 
Ids  object,  it  wi[l  fail.  Upon  tho  whole,  therefore, 
this  message  looks  like  a  weak  alfair,  and  will  ac- 
complish nothing,  North  or  South." 

Doubtless  it  will  appear  monstrous  to  many  that  the 
evidence  should  be  challenged  that  President  Lincoln 
wants  slavery  abolished.  He  wants  tho  old  Constitu- 
tional compromise  returned  to  and  renewed,  that  has 


Marriage,  as  now  established  ami  sustained  by  law 
and  religion,  has  certainly  failed  to  create,  control, 
or  restrain  love,  however  much  it  may  confine  its  ex- 
pression, or  compel  feigned  attempts  to  imitate  it. 
That  our  marriage  laws  restrain  the  sexual  passion 
there  is  no  doubt,  and  but  little  doubt  that  they 
ought  to  do  so  by  proper  regulations;  but  it  is  a  se- 
rious question  whether,  as  now  established,  they  do 
not  add  greatly  to  the  misery  and  depravity  of  so- 
ciety, rather  than  its  refinement  and  elevation,  as 
they  should.  It  is  certain  that,  in  pairing  the  igno- 
rant and  diseased,  especially  those  also  very  poor, 
and,  by  this  pairing,  giving  life  annually  to  thousands 
of  poorly  made,  badly-organized,  and  diseased  chil- 
dren, there  is  a  terrible  result  of  marriage.  If  the 
law  or  church  binds  two  persons  together  as  man 
and  wife,  it  certainly  ought  to  require  them  to  be 
qualified  for  parents,  or  instruct  them  to  avoid  giving 
existence  to  them.  There  should  be  good  evidence 
that  they  possessed  the  knowledge  of  self-govern- 
ment, and  the  laws  of  propagation.  Farmers  regu- 
late the  breeding  of  stock,  and  he  is  a  poor  stock- 
grower  who  does  not  study  the  laws  of  nature,  and 
regulate  his  stock  according  to  them;  but  both 
Church  and  State,  which  have  jointly  and  severally 
controlled  marriage  ever  since  its  introduction  among 
men,  have  totally  neglected  and  refused  to  regulate 
the  laws  of  generation,  and  usually  kept  the  rising 
and  marrying  generation  as  ignorant  as  they  could 
on  the  subject,  often  suppressing  such  books  as  would 
have  given  useful  information  on  that  subject. 

But  the  most  cruel  and  wicked  thing  they  have 
done  with  marriage  is  to  place  by  it  the  body  (and 
soul,  as  far  as  possible)  of  the  wife  in  the  power,  as 
a  possession,  of  the,  husband,  first  absolute,  but  more 
recently,  as  society  advances,  gradually  but  slowly 
slackening  the  bands  of  ownership,  or  tyranny,  but 
still  compelling  her  to  remain  sexually  a  slave  to  his 
passions,  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  happiness,  health, 
and  often  life;  or,  if  she  becomes  a  fugitive,  catch 
and  return  her,  or  cast  her  out  of  all  decent  society, 
and  prevent  her  from  securing  a  living  by  any  hon- 
orable business — sometimes  forcing  her  back  in  this 
way,  or  to  the  grave,  or  to  another  prostitution  as 
bad  or  worse  than  the  one  from  which  she  fled. 

I  am  not  opposed  to  marriage,  or  marriage  laws. 
I  believe,' with  proper  provision  for  separation  and 
divorce,  they  could  be  made  to  contribute  to  our 
happiness,  and  to  regulate  social  life,  and  generation, 
and  the  rearing  of  children.  But,  as  our  laws  now 
are,  the  evils  are  becoming  unbearable,  and,  unless 
soon  modified,  and  adapted  to  the  advanced  age  in 
which  we  live,  there  will  be.  a  terrible  reaction 
against  them,  and  danger  of  their  total  overthrow, 
and  a  general  social  chaos,  and  sexual  distraction 
and  destruction- 
Robert  Owen  says,  in  Italy,  where  divorce  is  not 
aranted  at  all,  the  marriage  tie  is  less  sacred  than  in 
any  country  with  which  he  is  acquainted.  This  is 
natural.  Extremes  meet.  So  it  will  ever  be.  In 
the  States  of  this  Union  where  the  law  is  most  se- 
vere, thousands  become  reckless,  and  do  not  regard 
it  at  all,  while  the  more  honest  and  conscientious 
suffer  often  terribly  under  its  galling  fetters,  or  petty 
tyranny.  Take  the  case  with  which  I  started  this 
subject.  It  would  bo  natural  to  inquire,  when 'a 
person  is  arrested  by  an  officer,  what  crime  he  or  she 
had  been  charged  with.  What  would  be  tho  answer 
in  this  case  '?  Charged  with  tin;  crime  of  leaving 
her  home  because  it  was  so  uncomfortable  that  she 
could  not  live  in  it.  Charged  with  going  off  on  a 
boat  without  the  consent  of  her  master.  Charged 
with  controlling  her  own  actions  in  defence  of  her 
person  and  protection  of  her  health.  But  suppose 
the  husband  had  performed  a  similar  act ;  who  would 
have  arrested  him  and  returned  him  ?  Suppose  he 
had  come  in  company  with  a  female  friend  on  the 
steamboat ;  could  we  even  have  raised  a  gossip  about 
him  ?  Who  cannot  see  the  partiality  and  injustice 
of  the  law  in  these  cases  ?  And  why  should  the  law 
be  made  exclusively  by  man,  and  almost  exclusively 
for  him  ?  It  is  considered  a  crime  for  a  wife  to 
leave  her  husband,  but  not  a  crime  for  a  husband  to 
leave  his  wife.  He  can  go  to  California,  or  New 
York,  or  any  other  place,  and  find  business,  society, 
respectability,  and  seldom  will  he  be  asked  where 
and  how  his  wife  is.  But  let  a  woman  leave  her 
home,  and  every  one  must  know  where  her  husband 
is,  and  why  she  did  not  stay  with  him;  and,  what- 
ever her  excuse,  nearly  all  will  condemn  her.  She 
is  treated  as  an  inferior  being,  both  in  law  and  re- 
ligion. 

It  is  said,  upon  good  authority,  that  more  than 
half  the  patronage  of  houses  of  ill-fame,  in  the  large 
cities,  is  by  married  men  who  live  with  their  wives; 
while  very  little  is  from  wives  who  live  with  their 
husbands;  and  yet  no  one  can  give  a  reason  why  it 
should  be  so,  or  why  it  should  be  worse  for  a  wife 
than  a  husband  to  visit  these  places.  There  is  cer- 
tainly something  wrong  in  our  marriage  system  when 
either  party  visits  such  places  to  any  extent.  It  is 
not  free  love,  nor  love  at  all ;  for  love  never  drew  or 
drove  a  person  to  such  or  any  other  place  for  sexual 
indulgence.  It  is  that  passion  which  has  failed  to 
find  satisfaction  in  lpve,  usually,  because  it  has  not 
been  drawn  out  in  and  through  the  affections.  Our 
whole  system  of  training  for  boys,  and  mostly  for 
girls,  is  defective,  except  in  a  few  families  (mostly 
Spiritualists).  In  society,  in  early  life,  we  cultivate 
exclusively,  in  the  boys,  the  intellect  and  passions, 
and  crush  out  the  affections  as  weaknesses,  and  thus 
almost  entirely  unfit  them  for  social  or  married  life. 
In  females  nature  has  planted  the  affections  deeper 
and  stronger,  and  it  is  not  so  easy  to  root  them  out. 
They  are  therefore  better  prepared  for  marriage,  if 
more  were  prepared  to  meet  them  on  that  plane  of 
life.  But,  alasl  three,  at  least,  out  of  every  four 
marry  to  be  disappointed,  and  soon  find  it  was  pas- 
sion in  the  man  which  before  marriage  they  mistook 
for  love  and  a  response  to  their  affections.  To  some 
it  is  a  terrible  disappointment,  and  soon  sends  their 
souls  to  the  other  world,  and  their  bodies  to  the 
grave,  to  make  room  for  another  wife.  Others  drag 
out  a  miserable  life,  and  start  half  a  dozen  or  a 
dozen  children,  most  of  them  to  drop  eiffly  into  the 
grave.  Others  try  to  run  away,  and  find  that  socie- 
ty has  hedged  up  the  road  to  freedom  for  wives  al- 
most, or  quite,  np  effectually  as  it  has  for  slaves  of  a 
darker  color.  Others,  still,  try  to  kill  out  their  alTec- 
tions,  and  adapt  themselves  to  their  husbands,  and 
make  the  best  of  life,  by  crucifying  the  best  part  of 
their  unloves;  and  the  few  who  are  fortunate  enough 
to  get  affectionate  and  loving  husbands,  and  find  life 
happy  and  satisfactory,  have  little  sympathy  for  the 
others.  They  think  each  one  ought  to  have  been 
fortunate  as  they  have  been,  and  often  think  other 
men  tho  same  as  their  husbands,  and  that  they  could 
get  along  as  well  with  another  as  with  this  one.  Hut. 
those  women  who  have  had  two  husbands,  ouo  gov- 
erned by  his  passions  and  the  other  by  his  affections, 
know  well  the  difference. — Extract  from  "  The  Fu 
gitive  Wife,"  by  Warren  Chastt, 


THE  HOKROES   OF  THE  BATTLE-HELD. 

battle  or  pea  niDUiii,  aukanhas. 

The  full  accounts  of  this  battle  establish  it  as  by 
far  tho  hardest  (ought  battle  of  the  war.  We  give 
below  some  of  the  incidents  connected  with  it : — 

The  appearance  of  the  hili  and  woods  shelled  by 
Gen.  Sigel's  Division  attests  the  terrific  shower  of 
missiles  that  fell  upon  them.  Walking  over  the 
ground  immediately  after  the  flight  of  tho  enemy 
and  the  pursuit  by  our  forces,  I  found  it  tluckly 
strewn  with  dead  and  wounded,  most  of  thein  hav- 
ing fallen  by  the  deadly  artillery  projectiles.  Tree 
after  tree  was  shattered  or  perforated  by  shot  and 
shell,  and  many  were  filled  with  grape  and  canister 
balls.  One  tree  was  pierced  through  and  through 
by  a  solid  shot,  its  top  shivered  by  a  shell,  and  the 
base  of  its  tuink  scarred  by  17  canister  and  rifle  balls. 
In  one  place  lay  the  fragments  of  a  battery-wagon, 
wherein  a  shell  had  exploded,  utterly  destroying  the 
wagon  and  killing  two  mules  which  had  been  its  mo- 
tive power. 

A  ruined  caisson  and  five  cannon  wheels  were  ly- 
ing near  it.  Two  dead  artillery  men  were  stretch- 
ed on  the  earth,  each  killed  by  a  grapeshot,  and  by 
their  side  was  a  third-,  gasping  his  last,  with  his  side 
laid  open  by  a  fragment  of  a  shell.  On  the  hill, 
where  the  cannonade  had  been  severe,  trees,  rocks, 
and  earth  bore  witness  to  its  fierceness.  Fifteen 
wounded  rebels  lay  in  one  group,  and  were  piteous- 
ly  imploring  each  passer  by  for  water  and  relief  for 
their  wounds.  A  l't-w  rods  from  them  was  another, 
whose  arm  had  been  torn  off  by  a  cannon  shot,  leav- 
ing the  severed  member  on  the  ground  a  few  feet 
distant.  Near  him  was  the  dead  body  of  a  rebel, 
whose  legs  and  one  arm  had  been  shattered  by  a 
single  shot. 

Behind  a  tree,  a  few  yards  distant,  was  stretched 
a  corpse,  with  two-thirds  of  its  head  blown  away  by 
the  explosion  of  a  shell,  and  near  it  a  musket,  brok- 
en into  three  pieces.  Still  further  along  was  the 
body  of  a  rebel  soldier,  who  had  been  killed  by  a 
grapeshot  through  the  breast.  A  letter  had  fallen 
from  his  pocket,  which,  on  examination,  proved  to 
be  a  long  and  well-written  love  epistle  from  his  be- 
trothed in  East  Tennessee.  It  was  addressed  to 
Pleasant  J.  Williams,  Churchill's  regiment,  Fayette- 
ville,  Arkansas.  Around  him  in  all  directions  were 
his  dead  and  dying  comrades,  some  stretched  at  full 
length  on  the  turf,  and  others  contorted  as  if  in  ex- 
treme agony.  The  earth  was  thickly  strewn  with 
shot  and  fragments  of  shell. 


THE   WOODS    ON    FIRE. 

The  bursting  of  shells  had  set  fire  to  the  dry 
leaves  on  the  ground,  and  the  woods  were  burning 
in  every  direction.  Efforts  were  made  to  remove 
the  wounded  before  the  flames  should  reach  them, 
and  nearly  all  were  taken  to  places  of  safety.  Sev- 
eral were  afterward  found  in  secluded  spots,  some 
of  them  still  alive,  but  horribly  burned  and  blacken- 
ed by  the  conflagration. 

STRIPPING   THE    DEAD. 

The  rebels,  in  nearly  every  instance,  removed  the 
shoes  from  the  dead  and  mortally  wounded,  both  of 
their  own  army  and  ours.  Of  all  the  corpses  1  saw, 
I  do  not  think  one-twentieth  had  been  left  with 
their  shoes  untouched.  In  some  cases  pantaloons 
were  taken,  and  occasionally  an  overcoat  or  a  blouse 
was  missing.  A  large  number  of  the  killed  among 
the  rebels  were  shot  through  the  head,  while  the 
majority  of  our  dead  were  shot  through  the  breast. 
The  rebels,  wherever  it  was  possible,  fired  from  cover ; 
and  as  often  as  a  head  appeared  from  behind  a  tree 
or  bush,  it  became  a  mark  for  our  men.  The  Union 
troops  generally  stood  in  ranks,  and  except  when 
skirmishing,  made  no  use  of  objects  of  protection. 

ATROCITIES    OP    THE   INDIANS. 

The  Cherokee,  Choctaw,  Creek  and  Seminole 
Indians,  of  whom  some  three  thousand  were  en- 
gaged in  the  battle,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Albert  Pike,  a  Northern  man, — who  deserves,  and 
will  doubtless  receive,  eternal  infamy  for  his  efforts 
to  induce  a  horde  of  savages  to  butcher  brave  men 
ho  had  taken  up  arms  to  prevent  the  subversion  of 
the  Republic, — repeated  the  outrages  upon  civilized 
warfare,  and  the  shockins  barbarities  with  which 
our  early  history  has  made  us  familiar. 

They  fought  as  they  did  in  the  olden  times — in 
the  manner  the  rebels  have  adopted  as  their  own, 
from  behind  logs  and  trees;  anxious  to  destroy,  but 
fearful  of  exposure;  seeking  by  every  device  and 
deception  to  draw  our  men  into  ambush,  and  attack 
and  slay  them  at  disadvantage. 

In  many  instances  they  succeeded,  but  in  others 
our  men  were  as  wily  as  the  aborigines,  and  defeated 
them  at  their  own  game.  Many  a  savage,  while  he 
was  peering  cautiously  around  a  tree,  or  through 
the  bushes,  was  relieved  of  life  by  a  musket  or  rifle 
ball  crushing  through  his  skull. 

The  Indians  often  assumed  to  be  dead,  throwing 
themselves  upon  their  faces  on  the  ground ;  and  as 
soon  as  our  troops  would  pass,  they  would  rise,  take 
deliberate  aim,  fire  and  fly. 

Scalping  and  robbing  were,  as  of  yore,  their 
favorite  pastimes.  They  plundered  every  wounded, 
dying  and  dead  Unionist  they  could  find,  and  very 
frequently  murdered  those  they  discovered  so  badly 
hurt  as  to  be  incapable  of  offering  resistance. 

The  savages  indeed  seemed  demonized,  and  it  is 
said  the  rebels  did  everything  in  their  power  to  ex- 
cite them  to  frenzy,  giving  them  large  quantities  of 
whisky  and  gunpowder  a  few  minutes  previous  to 
the  commencement  of  hostilities. 

The.  appearance  of  some  of  the  besotted  savages 
was  fearful.  They  lost  their  sense  of  caution  and 
fear,  and  ran  with  long  knives  against  large  odds, 
and  fell  pierced  by  dozens  of  bullets.  With  bloody 
hands  and  garments,  with  glittering  eyes  and  hor- 
rid scowls,  they  raged  about  the  field  with  terrible 
yells,  and  so  often  frightened  some  of  our  soldiers 
for  a  few  seconds  as  to  escape  the  fate  that  should 
have  befallen  every  one  of  their  number. 

The  Indians  in  many  instances  could  not  refrain 
from  scalping  their  enemies,  and  it  is  said  that  as 
many  as  a  hundred  of  our  brave  men  were  thus 
barbarously  treated.  They  frequently  scalped  the 
dead  they  found  on  the  field,  and  in  ten  or  twelve 
cases  so  served  soldiers  who  were  merely  wounded. 

THE    REBELS    SLAUGHTERED   BY    THE   INDIANS. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  terrible  e#itement  and  de- 
moniac rage  into  which  the  savages  were  thrown  by 
the  appeals  and  fire-water  of  the  rebels,  who,  it  ap- 
pears, suffered  from  their  aboriginal  associates  nearly 
as  much  as  the  Unionists  themselves,  and  in  a  man- 
ner they  could  have  least  expeeted. 

The  secessionists  overcharged  their  dusky  ma- 
chines, and  when  they  were  fired,  the  truly  guilty 
suffered  from  the  recoil. 

The  Indians,  in  tho  midst  of  the  excitement  and 
under  the  stimulus  of  their  burning  potations,  be- 
came frenzied — lost  to  every  sense  but  that  of 
slaughter. 

Friend  and  foe  were  alike  to  them ;  they  fired  at 
the  nearest  mark,  and  used  their  long  knives  indis- 
criminately upon  all  within  their  reach.  For  more 
than  twelve  hours  they  continued  this  impartial  war- 
fare, killing  and  wounding  more  of  the  Missouri  and 
Arkansas  troops,  it  is  believed,  than  they  did  of  ours. 

On  Saturday  morning,  a  body  of  300  or  400  In- 
dians were  discovered  on  the  north  side  of  Sugar 
Creek,  below  the  curve  of  a  hill,  firing  from  thick 
clusters  of  post-oaks  into  three  or  four  companies  of 
Arkansas  soldiers,  marching  in  MeCulloeh's  Division 
toward  tho  upper  part  of  the  ridge.  The  Major  of 
the  battalion  seeing  this,  hallooed  out  to  them  that 
they  wore  firing  upon  their  own  friends,  and  placed 
his  "white  handkerchief  on  his  sword,  and  waved  it  in 
the  air. 

The  Indians  either  did  not  see  or  did  not  care  for 
the  symbol  of  triioc,  but  poured  two  volleys  into 
the  Arkansans,  killing  among  others  the  Major  him- 
self. The  presumption  then  was  that  the  Chero- 
kees  had  turned  traitors,  and  the.  secession  soldiers 
were  immediately  ordered  to  charge  upon  them. 
Thcv  did  so,  and  for  an  hour  a  terrible  fight  ensued 
anions  the  oaks,  between  them  and  their  late  savage 
allies,  in  which  il  is  stated  some  280  were  billed  and 
wounded  on  both  sides.  The  Indians  Buffered  se- 
verely, as  they  were  driven  from  their  hiding  places, 
and  shot  and  butchered  without  mercy.  A  person 
who  witnessed  this  part  of  the  fight  says  it  was  the 
most  bloody  and  desperate  that  occurred  on  the 
field — being  conducted  with  the  most  reckless  and 
brutal  energy  by  the  two  parties,  of  whom  it  would 
be  difficult  fo  way  which  was  the  more  barbarous. 
On  tho  dead  savages  were  found,  in  some  instances, 
two  or  three  scalps,  fastened  to  their  bells  by  thongs 
of  leather. 

The  fate,  of  the  Arkansans  was  indeed  a  distribu- 
tion of  poetic  justice.  The  seeds  of  rebellion  they 
had  sown  among  Ihe  CherokeeBj  like  the  teeth  that 
Cadmus  planted,  turned  against  them  in  their  grow- 
ing, with  fury  and  with  death. 

Till';  cai'si:   ok  the   FJNECPECTBD    ATTACK. 
The  attack  on  our  forces  by  the  combined  ftrmy  of 
Ihe  rebels  ami  Indians  was  from  the  north,  instead 


of  the  south,  as  was  anticipated — the  intention  of 
the  enemy  being  to  place  themselves  between  our 
army  and  the  .State  line,  so  as  to  prevent  any  re- 
treat. Price  and  Mcintosh  had  at  first  supposed 
our  force  equal  to  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  men,  and 
when  they  learned  its  true  number  they  despised  its 
power,  and  believed  it  an  easy  task  to  crush  and 
even  annihilate  it.  For  this  reason  they  moved  to 
the  north,  and  opened  the  attaek  from  three  dif- 
ferent points,  intending  to  throw  us  into  disorder 
and  dismay  by  so  unexpected  a  movement. 

Our  advance  had  been,  as  it  is  known,  as  far  as 
Bentonville,  and  it  was  at  first  General  Curtis's  in- 
tention to  camp  there.  But  he  soon  discovered  the 
location  was  much  less  favorable  than  along  Sugar 
Creek,  and  accordingly  fell  back,  and  pitched  his 
tents  in  the  vicinity  of  that  stream.  This  movement 
completely  deceived  the  rebels.  They  had  no  doubt 
wo  were  in  full  and  rapid  retreat,  and  fearful  lest 
we  should  escape,  they  made  forced  marches  by 
various  roads  to  drive  us  into  their  toils.  Of  vic- 
tory they  had  not  the  shadow  of  a  doubt.  With 
them  it  was  only  a  question  of  destruction, — speedy, 
complete  and  certain  destruction. 

The  secession  chiefs  arc  said  to  have  congratu- 
lated each  other  upon  (he  trap  into  which  they  had 
drawn  our  little  army,  and  to  have  sworn  that  none 
of  the  brave  soldiers  should  return  to  the  North. 
They  considered  the  thing  accomplished,  and  many 
of  the  rebel  officers  became  intoxicated  over  the 
entire  subversion  of  the  Yankee  invaders  who  had 
set  their  barbarous  feet  upon  the  Arcadian  soil  of 
Arkansas  the  blest. 

How  deep  their  disappointment,  how  great  their 
chagrin,  when  forced  to  flee  before  the  heroic  host 
they  believed  they  could  annihilate,  imagination 
may  paint,  but  pen  cannot  record. 

A    MISSOURI   JIBBENAINOSAY. 

One  of  the  9th  Missouri  was  so  enraged  on  tho 
second  day,  seeing  his  brother,  a  member  of  the  same 
regiment,  horribly  butchered  and  scalped,  that  he 
swore  vengeance  against  the  Indians,  and  for  the  re- 
mainder of  the  day  devoted  his  attention  entirely  to 
them,  concealing  himself  behind  trees  and  fighting 
in  their  fashion.  An  excellent  marksman,  he  would 
often  creep  along  the  ground  to  obtain  a  better 
range,  and  then  woe  to  the  savage  who  exposed  any 
part  of  his  body  I 

When  he  had  shot  an  Indian,  he  would  shout  with 
delirious  joy  :  "  There  goes  another  red  skin  to  h — 1. 
Hurrah  for  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  d — n  all  In- 
dians!" Though  ever  following  the  wily  foe,  and 
though  fired  upon  again  and  again,  he  received  not 
a  scratch  ;  and  on  his  return  to  camp,  after  night-fall, 
bore  with  him  nine  scalps  of  aboriginal  warriors,  slain 
by  his  own  hand  to  avenge  his  brother's  death. 

EAR-BREADTH   ESCAPES. 

A  German  soldier  in  the  35th  Illinois  met  with 
two  very  narrow  escapes  in  fifteen  minutes,  while 
Gen.  Carr's  division  was  contending  so  vigorously 
against  the  enemy  in  Cross- Timber  Hollow.  He 
wore  ear-rings,  for  the  benefit  of  his  eyes,  and  a 
musket-ball  cut  one  of  them  in  two  (the  broken  seg- 
ments still  remaining)  and  passed  into  the  shoulder 
of  the  Second  Lieutenant  of  the  company. 

Ten  minutes  after,  during  a  temporary  lull  in  the 
strife,  while  the  German  was  relating  the  story  of 
his  escape,  a  bullet  whistled  by,  carrying  the  other 
ring  with  it,  and  abrading  the  skin  of  his  ear  with- 
out doing  further  harm. 

Such  are  the  vagaries  of  Fate,  and  the  mysterious 
shiftings  on  the  battle-field  between  Life  and  Death  ! 


ZOUAVE   TACTICS    SUCCESSFUL. 

One  of  the  Texas  soldiers  was  advancing  with  his 
bayonet  upon  a  Lieutenant  of  the  9th  Iowa,  whose 
sword  had  been  broken.  The  officer  saw  his  inten- 
tion, avoided  the  thrust,  fell  down  at  his  foeman's 
feet,  caught  hold  of  his  legs,  threw  him  heavily  to 
the  ground,  and  before  he  could  rise  drew  a  long 
knife  from  his  adversary's  belt,  and  buried  it  in  his 
bosom. 

The  Texan,  with  dying  grasp,  seized  the  Lieuten- 
ant by  the  hair,  and  sank  down  lifeless,  bathing  the 
brown  leaves  with  his  blood.  So  firm  was  the  hold 
of  the  nerveless  hand,  that  it  was  necessary  to  cut 
the  hair  from  the  head  of  the  officer  before  he  could 
be  freed  from  the  corpse  of  his  foe. 

FORESHADOWING   OF   DEATH. 

Presentiments  on  the  battle-field  often  prove  pro- 
phetic. Here  is  an  instance  :  While  Col.  Osterhaus 
was  gallantly  attacking  the  centre  of  the  enemy  on 
the  second  day,  a  Sergeant  of  the  Twelfth  "Missouri 
requested  the  Captain  of  his  company  to  send  his 
wife's  portrait,  which  he  had  taken  from  his  bosom, 
to  her  address  in  St.  Louis,  with  his  dying  declara- 
tion that  he  thought  of  her  in  his  last  moments. 

"  What  is  that  for  ?  "  asked  the  Captain.  "You 
are  not  wounded,  are  you  ?" 

"No,"  answered  the  Sergeant;  "but  I  know  I 
shall  be  killed  to-day.  I  have  been  in  battle  before, 
but  I  never  felt  as  I  do  now.  A  moment  ago,  1  be- 
came convinced  my  time  had  come,  but  how,  I  can- 
not tell.  Will  you  gratify  my  request  V  Remem- 
ber, I  speak  to  you  as  a  dying  man." 

"  Certainly,  my  brave  fellow  ;  but  you  will  live  to 
a  good  old  ago  with  your  wife.  Do  not  grow  melan- 
choly over  a  fancy  or  a  dream." 

"  You  will  see,"  was  the  response. 

The  picture  changed  hands.  The  Sergeant  step- 
ped forward  to  the  front  of  the  column,  and  the  Cap- 
tain perceived  him  no  more. 

At  the  camp-fire  that  evening,  the  officers  inquired 
for  the  Sergeant.  He  was  not  present.  He  had 
been  killed  three  hours  before,  by  a  grape-shot  from 
one  of  the  enemy's  batteries. 

A   BOWIE-KNIFE    CONFLICT. 

While  the  fight  was  raging  about  Miser's  farm- 
house on  the  ridge  on  Friday  morning,  a  soldier  be- 
longing to  the  25th  Missouri  iind  a  member  of  a  Mis- 
sissippi company  became  separated  from  their  com- 
mands, and  found  each  other  climbing  the  same 
fence.  The  Rebel  had  one  of  those  long  knives 
made  of  a  file,  which  the  South  has  so  extensively 
paraded,  but  so  rarely  used,  and  the  Missourian  had 
one  also,  having  picked  it  up  on  the  field. 

The  Rebel  challenged  his  enemy  to  a  fair,  open 
combat  with  the  knife,  intending  to  bully  him,  no 
doubt,  and  the  challenge  was  promptly  accepted. 
The  two  removed  their  coats,  rolled  up  their  sleeves, 
and  began.  The  Mississippian  had  more  skill,  but 
his  opponent  more  strength,  and  consequently  the 
latter  could  not  strike  his  enemy,  while  he  received 
several  cuts  on  the  head  and  breast.  The  blood  be- 
gan trickling  rapidly  down  the  Unionist's  face,  and 
running  into  his  eyes,  almost  blinded  him.  The 
Union  man  became  desperate,  for  he  saw  the  Seces- 
sionist was  unhurt.  He  made  a  feint;  the  Rebel 
leaned  forward  to  arrest  the  blow,  but  employing  too 
much  energy,  he  could  not  recover  himself  at  once. 
The  Missourian  perceived  his  advantage,  and  knew 
he  could  not  lose  it.  In  five  seconds  more  it  would 
be  too  late.  His  enemy  glared  at  him  like  a  wild 
beast:  was  on  the  eve  ot  striking  again.  Another 
feint;  another  dodge  on  the  Rebel's  part,  and  then 
the  heavy  blade  of  the  Missourian  hurtled  through 
the  air,  'and  fell  with  tremendous  force  upon  the 
Mississippian's  neck.  The  blood  spurted  from  tho 
t  hroat.  and  Ihe  head  fell  over,  almost  entirely  severed 
from  the  body.  Ghastly  sight,  too  ghastly  even  for 
the  doer  of  the  deed  !  He  fainted  at  the  spectacle, 
weakened  by  the  loss  of  his  own  blood,  and  was 
soon  afler  butchered  by  a  Seminole  who  saw  him 
sink  to  the  earth. 

THE  MANNER  OF  m'cUI.I.OCH'S  DEATH. 
Concerning  the  death  of  McCulloch  and  Mcintosh, 
there  seems  to  bo  but  one  opinion,  linth  of  them 
were  mortally  wounded  on  Friday,  during  the  heavy 
fighting  by  Gen.  Jell'.  C.  Davis  against  the  centre 
column  of  the  enemy.  It  will  be  remembered  the 
rebels  gave  way,  and  the  two  Southern  chieftains 
made  the  most  determined  efforts  to  rally  them  in 
vain. 

McCulloch  was  struck  with  aminie  rifle  ball  in  the 
left  breast—as  1  am  assured  by  one  who  says  he  saw 
him  fall,  and  after  he  was  taken  from  the  ground- 
while  waving  his  sword  and  encouraging  his  men  to 
stand  firm,  lie  died  of  his  wound  about  11  O'clock 
the  same  night,  though  he  insisted  that  he  would  re- 
cover; repeatedly  saying  with  meat  oaths  that  he 
was  not  born  to  be  killed  by  a  Yankee. 

A  few  minutes  before  he  expired,  his  physician  as- 
sured him  he  had  but  a  very  brief  time  to  live.  At 
this  lien,  looked  up  iiiercdultmsk,  and  saying,  "  (th. 
hell  1 "  turned  away  his  head,  and  never  spoke  after. 

now  m'ixtosI!  DEED. 
Il  is  reported  that  Mcintosh  ivas  slruek  near  the, 
right  hip  with  a  grapeshot,  while  giving  nn  order  to 
one  of  his  aides,  and  hurled  from  his  horse.  The 
wound  was  a  ghastly  one,  and  though  it  must  have 
been  very  painful,  Melnlosh  uttered  no  groan,  but 
calmly  gave  directions  for  his  treatment.  A  few 
minutes  after,  he  fell  into  a  comatose  state,  from 
which  he  never  recovered  passing  through  Death's 
dark  portal  while  his  attendants  supposed  lie  still  lay 
beside  the  golden  gates  el'  Sleep. 


THE     LIBEKATOE 

—  IS   PUBLISHED — 

EVERY  EEIDAY  MOENINO, 

—  AT  — 
221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    ROOM   No.  6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Gbsebax  Agent. 


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§2T  The  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Libebator. 

ISP"  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz: —  'Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
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"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  laud,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereo£" 

"Hay  tbiff  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  eo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exist*  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  the  President  or 
the  United  States,  but  the  Commander  of  the  Armt, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  .*.  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slavehokling  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  tho  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  wav  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
■with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  tde  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  tho  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adams. 


WM.  LLOYD  GAKRISOtt,  Editor. 


mx  ©mmtni  \%  \\u  w*rM,  jam*  immtvptw  aw  alt  fitomltina. 


J.  B.  YERRDTCON  &  SON.  Printers. 


VOL.    N3LNU.    NO.    14. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     APEIL    4,    1863. 


WHOLE    NO.   1632. 


Ufap  uf  Wfftmim. 


THE  OBJECTS  OE  THE  "WAR. 

Those  who  have  deceived  the  people  of  Southern 
Kentucky  into  rebellion  by  asserting  that  the  war 
■was  waged  against  slavery  will  find  many  convinc- 
ing proofs  of  the  falsity  of  the  allegation.  When 
the  rebels  left  Hopkinsville,  one  of  their  army 
officers  carried  off,- or  rather  stole,  a  slave. belonging 
to  Dr.  Webber,  a  well-known  citizen  of  Christian 
county.  The  negro  was  taken  by  his  Confederate 
abductor  to  Fort  Donelson,  where  they  both  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Federal  forces  at  the  capitula- 
tion. From  thence  they"  were  taken  with  the  other 
prisoners  to  Indianapolis.  When  Or.  Webber  was 
informed  of  their  whereabouts,  he  went  immediately 
to  Indianapolis,  and  stating  the  case  to  the  com- 
manding officer,  requested  the  surrender  of  his  slave. 
"  Certainly,  sir,"  was  the  short  and  efficient  answer; 
and  the  Doctor  returned  home  with  his  property, 
stolen  from  him  by  the  secessionists  and  returned  to 
him  by  "  one  of  the  Lincoln  Hessians."    . 

We  narrate  the  circumstances  as  prefatory  to  the 
publication  of  the  following  correspondence  between 
the  venerable  Judge  Underwood,  of  Warren  county, 
and  General  Buell,  on  the  subject  of  fugitive  slaves 
in  the  Federal  camps.  Since  the  forces  of  the 
United  States  were  organized  in  our  State  to  repel 
the  invasion  attempted  by  the  renegade  Buekncr 
and  his  Confederate  allies,  there  has  been  no  single 
instance  of  any  violation  of  the  rights  of  any  citizen 
in  his  slave  property,  committed  by  them,  while  on 
the  other  hand  there  is  not  a  county  south  of  Green 
river  in  which  the  rebels  held  their  temporary  as- 
cendancy that  has  not  suffered  severely  from  the 
loss  of  its  negroes.  Careful  estimates  show  that 
Christian,  and  other  large  tobacco  producing  coun- 
ties, have  each  lost  slave  property  of  much  greater 
value  than  all  the  fugitives  who  have  heretofore  es- 
caped from  service,  despite  the  operations  of  the  Fed- 
eral law  for  their  reclamation.  With  these  undeni- 
able facts  staring  us  in  the  face,  it  is  monstrous  im- 
pertinence and  mendacity  on  the  part  of  the  rebel 
leaders  to  keep  alive  the  embers  of  their  subjugated 
rebellion  by  asserting  that  the  purpose  of  the  Fed- 
eral arms  is  not  the  re-assertion  of  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  maintenance  of  the  laws, 
but  that  the  sole  aim  is  either  directly  or  indirectly 
to  subvert  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  South. 

As  the  Federal  army  advances  the  sway  of  the 
national  authority  into  the  very  heart  of  the  seced- 
ed States,  the  people  will  be  able  to  know  the  truth, 
and  then  the  scales  of  delusion  will  fall  from  their 
eyes.  The  letter  of  General  Buell,  we  venture  to 
say,  will  go  very  far  toward  bringing  about  tins  most 
desirable  result,  and  we  ask  the  attention  of  our 
Southern  friends  to  tho  correspondence  as  a  con- 
vincing evidence  of  the  base  arts  by  which  they, 
have  been  betrayed  into  rebellion. 
To  the  Editors  of  the  Louisville  Journal. 

Louisville,  March  17,  18G2. 

Gentlemen: — Be  pleased  to  publish  the  enclosed 
letter  received  to-day  from  Gen.  Buell.  I  am  sure  it 
will  meet  the  hearty  approval  of  every  Kentuckian. 

The  rebellion  is  now  kept  alive  by  the  apprehen- 
sion that  the  National  Government  and  its  armies  in- 
tend to  destroy  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  South- 
ern States ;  and  for  that  purpose  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  is  to  be  utterly  disregarded.  In  my 
judgment,  the  people  of  the  South  engaged  in  the  re- 
bellion will  readily  lay  down  their  arms  and  submit  to 
the  re-establishment  of  our  National  Constitution  over 
the  whole  country  whenever  they  are  convinced  that 
the  General  Government  and  the  non-slaveholding 
States  will  in  good  faith  adhere  to  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  in  relation  to  slavery.  I  hail  Gen.  Buell's 
letler  as  a  manifestation  of  the  right  spirit.  Respect- 
fully, yours,  J.  R.  UNDERWOOD. 

Headquarters,  Department  of'tiie  Ohio.  ) 
Nashville,  March  6,  1862.         ) 
Dear  Sir: — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your 
communication  of  the  1st  inst.,  on  the  subject  of  fugi- 
tive slaves  in  the  camps  of  the  army. 

It  has  come  to  my  knowledge  that  slaves  sometimes 
make  their  way  improperly  into  our  lines,  and  in  some 
instances  they  may  be  enticed  there,  but  I  think  the 
number  has  been  magnified  by  report.  Several  ap- 
plications have  been  made  to  me  by  persons  whose 
servants  have  been  found  in  our  camps,  and  in  every 
instance  that  I  know  of  the  master  has  recovered  his 
servant,  and  taken  him  away. 

I  need  hardly  remind  you  that  there  will  always  be 
found  some  lawless  and  mischievous  persons  in  every 
army  ;  but  I  assure  you  that  the  mass  of  this  army  is 
law-abiding,  and  that  it  is  neither  its  disposition  nor 
,its  policy  to  violate  law  or  the  rights  of  individuals  in 
any  particular.  With  great  respect,  your  obedient 
servant,  D.  C.  BUELL, 

Brig-Gen.  Commanding  Department. 
Hon.  J.  R.  Underwood,  Chairman  of  Military  Com 
mittee,  Frankfort,  Ky. 

RADICAL  ABOLITION  VIEW  OF  THE  PRES- 
IDENT'S EMANCIPATION  MESSAGE. 
We  were  right.  The  radical  abolitionists  can 
find  nothing  to  admire,  but  everything  to  denounce, 
in  President  Lincoln's  late  emancipation  message. 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  through  his  Boston  Liberator, 
very  flatly  speaks  out  his  mind  upon  the  subject,  in 
behalf  of  the  whole  abolition  fraternity.  Upon  half 
a  dozen  specifications  in  this  matter  he  arraigns  the 
President,  examines  him,  and  condemns  him  in  very 
short  metre. 

First,  the  style  of  the  message  grates  harshly  upon 
the  dainty  ear  of  Garrison,  and  he  calls  upon  the 
Cabinet  to  "  help  the  President  to  mend  his  phraseol- 
ogy." Let  the  Cabinet  take  heed.  Secondly,  we 
are  told  that  the  resolution  proposed  by  the  Presi- 
dent "gives  no  reason  for  such  an  anomalous  over- 
ture to  the  slave  States;"  says  nothing  about  any 
special  exigency  "  rendering  the  measure  necessary 
or  expedient,"  and  that  "  upon  the  face  of  it  it  has 
no  relation  to  the  war,"  is  "  without  limitation,"  and 
in  all  these  particulars  "is  radically  defective." 
"  No  relation  to  the  war"!  Garrison  is  very  wide 
of  the  mark.  The  whole  argument  of  the  Message 
is  directed  to  this  scheme  of  voluntary  and  compen- 
sated emancipation  in  the  border  slave  States,  as  a 
measure  for  the  speedy  suffocation  of  the  rebellion 
in  the  cotton  States;  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  upon 
the  subject  arc  so  very  consistent  and  convincing 
that  we  cannot  avoid  the  suspicion  of  a  deliberate 
perversion  of  them  by  Garrison. 

Third,  "  it  (the  Message)  oilers  a  bounty  to  all  the 
States  that  arc  in  Confederate  rebellion  against  the 
government;"  but  "treason  is  not  a  purchasable 
or  negotiable  article,  and  traitors  are  not  to  be  al- 
lowed to  make  terms,  with  a  profit  to  themselves,  by 
the  Government  they  are  seeking  to  overturn." 
So  says  Garrison.  But  the  experience  of  every  na- 
tion, past  or  present,  is  against  him  in  its  concessions 
for  the  sake  of  domestic  peace  and  harmony. 
Doubtless  he  would  prefer  the  bloody  extermination 
of  all  persons  in  the  South  committed  in  any  way  to 
this  rebellion,  except  the  slaves,  and  would  have 
them  elevated  to  the  exclusive  possession  and  po- 
litical  control  of  our  Southern  Stales  upon  the  abo- 
lition basis  of  "  human  equality." 


In  the  fourth  place  and  in  the  fifth,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
"  gradual  abolishment "  does  not  suit  our  Boston 
high  priest  of  abolition.  He  will  be  satisfied  with 
nothing  short  of  "  immediate  emancipation,"  be  the 
consequences  what  they  may.  St.  Domingo  is  all 
the  answer  that  is  needed  upon  this  point.  Garrison 
may  prate  from  morning  till  night  that  "the  Presi- 
dent is  at  war  with  common  sense,  sound  reason,  the 
teachings  of  history,  the  instincts  and  aspirations  of 
human  nature,  the  laws  of  political  economy,  and 
the  uniform  results  of  emancipation  ;"  but  still  the 
tree  will  be  judged  by  its  fruit.  Of  the  fruits  of 
Boston  abolitionism  we  have  had  enough,  in  the  fe- 
rocious and  blood-thirsty  disunion  demagogues  and 
fanatics,  and  in  the  silly  and  disgusting  long-haired 
men  in  petticoats  and  strong-minded  women  in 
breeches,  with  which  the.  country  is  infested. 

Lastly,  the  outspoken  Garrison  decrees  that  "  the 
President,  as  well  as  Congress,  in  consequence  of 
this  slaveholder's  rebellion,  and  the  dire  extremity 
into  which  it  has  brought  the  nation,  has  now  the 
constitutional  right,  power  and  opportunity  to  '  pro- 
claim liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  and  to  all  the 
inhabitants  thereof,"  and  that  "  neither  the  President 
nor  Congress  must  be  allowed  to  evade  this  solemn 
duty  by  any  dodge  of  this  kind  " — (meaning  this 
Emancipation  Message). '  Here  we  have  the  whole 
case  in  a  nutshell.  In  the  outset  of  this  rebellion, 
the  abolition  war-cry  was  "  emancipation  or  separa- 
tion," and  the  radicals  of  the  republican  party,  head- 
ed by  the  New  York  Tribune,  advocated  "  separa- 
tion," and  simply  because  they  believed  it  to  be  the 
cheapest  and  shortest  way  to  emancipation.  "  No 
union  with  slaveholders,"  is  still  the  motto  flaunted 
at  the  head  of  the  Boston  Liberator's  editorial  mat- 
ter; but  now,  with  the  backbone  of  this  rebellion 
broken,  the  abolition  alternative  of  separation  is 
abandoned,  in  view  of  the  opportunity  and  the  pow- 
er to  enforce  emancipation  by  converting  this  war 
into  an  armed  crusade  for  the  extirpation  of  slavery. 

Of  course,  then,  the  President's  emancipation  mes- 
sage is  scouted  and  "execrated  and  spit  upon"  by 
our  abolition  disorganizes,  and  they  command  him 
and  Congress  to  "  proclaim  liberty  throughout  all 
the  land,  and  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof,"  or  to 
take  the  consequences.  This  is  the  issue  between 
our  disunion  abolition  faction  and  the  administration. 
We  stand  by  the  President,  we  are  in  for  the  war, 
and  we  expect  that  the  end  of  it  will  be  the  burial 
of  secession  and  radical  abolitionism  in  the  same 
grave. — New  York  Herald. 


JOHN  BROWN-ISM. 

Since  the  occupation  of  Charlestown,  in  Virginia, 
by  the  Union  forces,  we  hear  much  in  the  papers 
about  the  fearful  tragedy  which  resulted  in  the  trial 
and  execution  of  certain  men  at  that  place.  The 
tone  of  some  papers  is  such  that  they  speak  of  our 
army  as  the  vindicators  of  John  Brown's  memory. 
They  openly  exult  over  the  fact  that  our  soldiers 
occupy  the  Court  House  where  he  was  tried  and 
convicted,  and  record  it  as  a  triumph  over  "tho  ene- 
mies "  of  a  martyr  ! 

We  notice  that  some  papers,  n^t  specially  radical, 
speak  with  a  show  of  indignation  of  the  discovery, 
in  a  medical  college  at  Winchester,  of  portions  of 
the  remains  of  criminals  who  were  executed  for  par- 
ticipation in  the  murders  at  Harper's  Ferry.  How- 
ever unpleasant  such  "preparations"  arc  to  the 
sensibilities  of  the  public,  it  is  nevertheless  true  that 
medical  colleges  throughout  the  country  possess 
very  many  specimens  of  the  bodies  of  pirates  and 
murderers,  which  it  was  formerly  customary  to  hand 
over  to  the  surgeons  for  the  benefit  of  science  ;  and 
the  fact  that  a  Virginia  medical  college  contains 
some  such  relics  of  a  criminal  of  the  same  kind  need 
not  excite  remark  as  anything  either  unusual,  or 
any  more  horrible  than  our  own  city  contains. 

It  has  "been  one  of  the  efforts  of  the  abolitionists, 
during  the  excitement  of  the  past  year,  to  elevate 
the  crime  of  John  Brown-ism  to  the  level  of  pure 
morality,  and  to  exalt  his  memory  from  its  position 
as  that  of  a  murderer,  to  esteem  and  respect  as  that 
of  a  saint.  The  effort  has  been  to  a  certain  extent 
successful,  because  we  are  now  at  war  with  a  part 
of  the  Virginians  who  were  then  the  object  of 
Brown's  infamous  raid ;  and  thoughtless  persons, 
whose  animosity  against  the  rebels  extends  back- 
wards to  periods  when  we  were  friends,  and  forward 
to  a  future  of  undying  enmity,  are  apt  to  fall  into 
the  trap  set  by  men  who  would  gladly  see  blazing 
homes,  outraged  women,  and  murdered  children,  of 
the  South,  in  preference  to  the  restoration  of  that 
Union  of  hearts  which  once  blessed,  and  which  may 
again  bless  the  land.  Songs  have  been  sung  m  the 
streets  by  Massachusetts  soldiers,  praising  the  name 
of  the  criminal,  and  not  a  few  newspapers  have 
adopted  the  plan  of  referring  to  "  John  Brown's  soul " 
as  the  guiding  spirit  of  the  war. 

It  is  well  to  speak  plainly  of  these  matters  once 
in  a  while,  that  men  may  reflect  on  the  past  with 
true  light,  and  not  by  the  false  glare  of  exciting  times 
like  the  present.  How  far  the  John  Brown  raid, 
and  its  approval  by  Northern  papers  of  large  circu- 
lation, like  the  Tribune  of  this  city,  contributed  to 
the  present  civil  war,  it  is  perhaps  impossible  to 
measure.  It  was  one  of  the  alienating  causes,  and 
a  great  one,  and  no  one  can  doubt  that  that  great 
crime  against  law,  humanity  and  religion  has  been 
rendered  greater,  in  correct  human  estimation,  from 
day  to  day,  by  all  the  horrors  resulting  from  the  civil 
war.  For  every  victim,  Northern  or  Southern,  sent 
from  battle-fields  to  the  bar  of  God,  John  Brown-ism 
at  the  North  must  render  part  at  least  of  the  fearful 
account,  in  the  person  of  those  who  shall  hereafter 
follow  him  to  receive-  the  judgment  which  has  been 
passed  on  his  deeds  done  in  the  body. 

"  John  Brown's  soul  is  marching  on,"  says  a  rad- 
ical paper,  once  in  a  while.  In  what  direction  that 
soul  is  pursuing  its  course  is  known  only  beyond  the 
veil  which  human  eyes  cannot  penetrate.  But 
shall  Christian  mothers,  teaching  their  children  the 
names  of  saints  and  martyrs,  add  to  the  list  the  name 
of  the  Virginian  murderer,  and  tell  the  story  of  Ins 
attempt  to  destroy  peaceful  homes,  and  massacre 
women  and  children?  English  women,  who  had 
that  terrible  experience  of  the  rebellion  in  India, 
shrink  with  horror  from  the  name  of  Nena  Sahib, 
and  the  same  shudder  passes  over  the  Virginian 
mother  when  she  remembers  John  Brown.  Nor  is 
the  latter  one  grade  above  the  former  in  the  scale 
of  civilization  or  Christianity,  if  measured  by  his 
deeds.  The  one,  to  overthrow  what  he  regarded  at 
a  tyrannous  oppression  of  his  race  by  foreign  invad- 
ers, perpetrated  horrors  from  which  humanity  shrinks 
appalled.  The  other,  to  carry  out  a  fan  v  i  il  idea 
of  his  ow.n  with  reference  to  a  race  that  had  no  con- 
nection with  him,  proposed  to  enact  in  Virginia  the 
same  horrors,  in  all  their  details,  which  make  the 
memory  of  Delhi  and  Lucknow  so  terrible. 

John  Brown  was  condemned  and  hung,  with  the 
approval  of  the  civilized  world,  and  his  memory  will 
rot  in  spite  of  the  attempt  to  save  it  now.  John 
Brown's  soul  went  to  God,  and  unless  it  went  peni- 
tent for  the  sins  of  Harper's  Ferry,  it  was  condemn- 
ned  there,  and  its  marching  on  must  bo  forever  in 
the  blackness  of  outer  darkness  i  else  is  all  preach- 
ing vain  and  all  faith  vain.  The  decrees  of  God  are 
no  respecters  of  persons,  and  a  marching  song  of  a 


Massachusetts  regiment,  or  a  strolling  band  of  abo- 
lition songsters,  will  not  reverse  those  decrees,  nor 
restore  to  salvation  the  condemned.  Let  us  hope 
that  he  went  penitent  to  the  throne  of  Mercy,  but 
every  man  who  would  preserve  in  America  the  hon- 
or and  the  supremacy  of  law  must  with  the  voice 
and  pen  condemn  his  life  and  its  fruit. 

We  speak  plainly.  There  are  men  who  for  years, 
professing  Christianity,  have  adopted  as  their  treed 
one  solitary  dogma,  a nti  slavery.  To  these  men  re- 
ligion is  abolitionism,  abolitionism  is  a  passport  to 
heaven,  even  through  murder,  and  all  horrible 
shames  and  crimes.  Is  the  man  an  abolitionist?  It 
is  enough  though  he  be  otherwise  a  wretch  worthy 
the  gallows.  Is  he  a  falsc-swearor  ?  It  is  nothing 
so  he  is  right  on  the  slave  question.  Is  he  a  thief 
of  the  public  money,  or  a  robber  of  the  private  citi- 
zen ?  It  is  a  trifle,  so  he  goes  for  freeing  the  slave. 
Is  he  an  infidel,  a  fool  who  saith  there  is  no  God,  it 
is  of  no  account,  and  Congregational,  Episcopal, 
Presbyterian,  Methodist  clergymen  can  be  found  to 
give  him  the  right  hand  of  fellowship,  call  him  "  my 
brother,"  and  promise  him  the  reward  of  his  works 
in  heaven,  so  he  only  favors  man-stealing  from 
Southerners,  and  advocates  equality  and  fraternity 
with  the  negro  race.  Let  no  one  say  that  this  is  an 
exaggerated  statement  of  the  effect  of  negro-philism 
on  the  moral  senses  of  some  nominally  Christian  men. 
Every  word  that  we  have  written  can  be  establish- 
ed with  too  fatal  evidence.  Nay,  more.  Radical 
abolitionism  always  blunts  the  moral  susceptibilities 
of  its  devotee.  The  very  foundation  of  the  creed  is, 
that  no  possible  circumstance  can  justify  slavehold- 
ing,  and  the  next  and  necessary  argument  is,  that 
the  freedom  of  the  slave  may,  and  must  be  accom- 
plished at  any  sacrifice  of  life  and  property.  Hence 
follows  the  dogma  that,  the  right  to  freedom  being 
a  superior  right,  all  that  stands  in  its  way  is  to  be 
regarded  as  inferior,  and  must  succumb.  Therefore 
if,  to  free  slaves,  it  is  necessary  to  rob  and  murder, 
all  this  is  justified.  If  it  be  necessary  to  threaten 
the  nameless  horrors  of  servile  insurrection,  to 
frighten  slaveholders,  the  threat  must  be  used,  and 
the  use  of  the  threat  implies  a  moral  willingness  to 
permit  and  encourage  everything  in  the  treatment 
of  a  whole  population  including  women  and  children, 
which  such  an  insurrection  would  produce. 

If  we  are  wrong  in  our  estimate  of  abolition  mo- 
rality, we  will  correct  the  error  whenever  the  radi- 
cal abolitionists  will  say  that  the  life  of  a  man,  or  the 
honor  of  a  woman,  is  sufficient  bar  to  the  freedom 
of  a  slave,  and  that  if  it  cannot  be  accomplished 
without  sacrificing  these,  then  he  should  remain  a 
slave.  Where  is  the  abolitionist  that  will  say  this? 
It  is  easy  to  discuss  the  question  of  slavery  in  gener- 
alities, and  to  talk  of  human  "freedom"  as  above 
all  other  "rights  of  man,"  but  true  morality,  true 
religion,  and  above  all,  true  Christianity,  teach  that 
the  "  freedom  "  of  every  man  is  and  must  be  limited 
by  the  good  of  his  fellow-men ;  and  the  right  of  a 
slave  or  even  of  a  prisoner  of  war  to  his  liberty,  is  a 
right  that  he  may  not  claim  at  too  great  a  cost  to 
others. 

It  is,  therefore,  with  profound  regret  that  we  no- 
tice a  tendency  in  some  directions  to  lead  the  pub- 
lic into  a  mild  view  of  the  character  and  offences  of 
John  Brown  and  his  aiders  and  abettors.  That 
they  were  murderers,  the  law  of  old,  and  the  gospel 
of  love  and  peace,  alike  teach,  and  to  speak  with  ap- 
proval of  their  acts,  or  to  attempt  the  whitening  of 
their  black  crimes  can  only  result  in  a  blot  on  our 
character  as  a  Christian  and  civilized  nation. — Ncm 
York  Journal  of  Commerce. 

I  iE^"  As  an  offset  to  this  dastardly,  malignant  and  char- 
acteristic attack  of  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  read  the  arti- 
cle on  our  last  page  from  the  Congrcgationulist,  by  "Gail 
Hamilton."] 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  AT   CINCINNATI. 

It  is  but  a  few  days  since  the  announcement  was 
largely  bruited  through  the  sympathizing  journals, 
that  tins  man,  known  throughout  the  country  as  a 
pestilent  disseminator  of  treason,  was  to  begin  a 
grand  tour  of  public  discourse  through  the  Western 
States.  The  people  of  the  chief  cities  were  to  be 
entertained  by  his  graphic  denunciations  of  the 
Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  regularly  consti- 
tuted authorities.  Nothing  could  surely  be  more 
innocent,  more  "patriotic,"  more  beneficial  to  the 
public  welfare  than  this — especially  in  the  very- 
height  and  fever  of  a  rebellion  against  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution.  In  this  plain  and  practical 
way  Mr.  Phillips  was  to  serve  his  country  ;  or  serve 
— some  other  influential  agency  in  the  affairs  of  this 
world.  In  pursuance  of  the  plan  for  the  proposed 
expedition,  the  orator  in  question  proceeded  to  the 
capital  of  the  country — a  most  appropriate  sphere, 
Indeed,  for  one  who  had  devoted  all  his  life  to  active 
efforts  for  the  overthrow  of  its  government,  by  mak- 
ing such  as  saw  fit  to  listen  to  him  dissatisfied  with 
its  institutions.  The  result  of  all  this  had  been, 
through  his  instrumentality,  in  concert  with  that  of 
others  either  directly  or  indirectly  acting  witli  him, 
to  plunge  the  country  into  a  deadly  civil  conflict, 
demanding  all  the  best  faculties  and  energies  of 
every  loyal  citizen  in  it,  and  the  blood  of  its  true  and 
brave  men,  to  restore  its  harmony  and  prosperity. 

Thus  recommended,  Mr.  Phillips  actually  did  ap- 
pear in  Washington,  and  deliver  a  lecture  at  the 
Smithsonian  Institute.  We  thought  his  discourse 
was  that  upon  the  character  and  fortunes  of  Tous- 
satnt  L  Ouverture,  tho  insurrectionary  negro  chief 
of  St.  Domingo,  a  subject  affording  a  fair  opportu- 
nity for  all  those  allusions  so  appropriate  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  our  own  country,  which  Mr.  Phillips 
knows  so  well  how  to  throw  in.  But  we  see  it 
stated  to  have  had  the  more  pointed  text, — "  Seize 
your  opportunity."  In  either  case,  there  was  no 
offence  in  the  world,- — only  murder  in  jest.  The 
lecture  appears  to  have  been  "  a  success."  The 
noodles  who  listened  at  the  Smithsonian,  we  sup- 
pose, were  gratified,  for  we  have  heard  of  no  com- 
plaint. Mr.  Phillips  took  occasion  to  compliment 
those  present  and  in  his  immediate  vicinity,  by  tell- 
ing them  that  "  Old  John  Brown's  labors  were  of 
more  value  to  the  country  than  those  of  any  other 
living  man,  except  William  Lloyd  Garrison."  He 
told  them  he  "  had  labored  for  nineteen  years  to 
take  nineteen  States  out  of  the  Union," — and  that 
"  he  eared  very  little  about  the  technicalities  of  the 
Constitution," — and,  finally,  as  a  regular  coup  d'etat 
to  slavery, — "  he  would  send  a  hundred  thousand 
men  into  South  Carolina,  and  force  the  Government 
into  a  policy;  and  when  the  yellow  fever  of  the 
South  broke  out.  among  our  men,  he  would  garrison 
the  forts  with  acclimated  negroes  under  white  offi- 
cers, and  hold  them  against  the  world." 

After  all  this  avowal  of  devotion  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Union,  and  of  contempt  for  tho  Consti- 
tution, and  of  generous  sacrifice,  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand lives  of  other  men,  in  order  to  hold  forts  in 
South  Carolina,  by  means  of  acclimated  negroes. 
"againBt  the  world,"  Mr.  Phillips  naturally  found 
himself  a  welcome  guest  almost  anywhere  within 
the  precincts  of  the  Capital  of  tho  country.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  is  dined  and  fig  ted,  as  we  observe,  "  by 
the  Vice-President,  by  Fremont,  Sumner  &  Co."— 
and  making  his  gracious  presence   known  at  the 


place  of  legislative  deliberation,  be  is  received  upon 
the  floor  of  the  Senate,  from  which  merely  loyal 
citizens  are  scrupulously  excluded;  is  welcomed  by 
Senators  of  a  kindred  spirit;  and  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent aforesaid  descends  from  his  dignified  seat,  at 
the  veyy  fountain-head  of  constitutional  legislation 
itself,  in  order  to  do  honor  to  this  eminent  derider 
of  the  laws,  the  Constitution,  and  whatever  else 
does  not  jump  with  his  notions  of  human  rights, 
duties  and  liabilities. 

Thus  so  deservedly  feted  and  petted,  and  filled 
with  praises  and  patriotism,  Mr.  Phillips  started 
upon  his  Western  tour.  The  journals  above  refer- 
red to  all  seemed  to  exult  in  the  idea  of  a  perfect 
harvest  of  abolition  triumphs— to  culminate  at  last 
in  the  crashing  downfall  of  the  "  Old  Union,"  as 
the  Tribune  styled  it,  and  in  the  utter  discomfiture 
of  the  "  traitorous"  beings  in  it,  who  had  been  so 
ridiculously  priding  themselves  upon  the  part  they 
thought  they  had  in 

"  The  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave." 
On  his  way,  Mr.  Phillips  lectured  at  Philadelphia, 
in  which  city  hisses  assailed  him — whereupon,  it  is 
said,  he  changed  his  tone  so  as  to  escape  any  more 
decisive  demonstration  —  and  the  next  thing  we 
hear  of  him  is  at  Cincinnati,  under  not  very  en- 
couraging circumstances  for  the  further  prosecution 
of  his  Western  tour.  We  forbear  from  all  com- 
ments upon  the  scene  in  the  Opera  House  at  Cin- 
cinnati ;  they  are  unnecessary.  We  will  only  say 
that,  in  all  reasonable  probability,  hundreds  of  those 
present  were  suffering,  deeply  suffering,  from  the 
consequences  of  the  strife  engendered  by  just  such 
discourses  as  those  delivered  by  Mr.  Phillips;  and 
if  such  a  class  of  citizens  of  Cincinnati  were  to  be 
supposed  likely  to  be  present  on  the  occasion,  there 
would  be  thousands  of  others  wanting  bread  for  the 
same  precise  cause.  Is  it  unnatural  that  they*shouId 
feel  and  manifest  a  little  indignation  at  the  shame- 
less repetition  of  such  sentiments  ? 

Leaving  this  point,  let  us  say,  that  the  civil  au- 
thorities of  the  country  have  a  clear  and  plain  duty 
to  perform  in  this  matter,  with  which  they  ought 
not  any  longer  to  dally.  Why  should  Wendell 
Phillips  or  any  kindred  spirit  be  permitted  to  roam 
the,  country,  a  "  chartered  libertine "  of  treason  ? 
Is  it  not  as  much  treason  for  an  abolitionist  to  pro- 
claim his  purpose  to  break  up  the  Union  and  to 
destroy  the  Constitution,  as  for  a  man  who  is  not  an 
abolitionist  ?  Does  it  make  any  difference  with  what 
motive  he  tries  to  pull  down  the  pillars  of  the  Gov- 
ernment? No  man  in  the  North,  wlio  actually  ab- 
hors the  doctrines  of  Phillips,  could  use  his  means 
to  propagate  opinions  calculated  to  produce  the 
same  effects — though  not  prompted  by  a  mad  fanati- 
cism for  the  liberation  of  negroes — could  deliver 
such  a  speech  once,  without  justly  finding  his  sphere 
of  action  circumscribed  by  the  intervention  of  prison 
walls. 

We  should  scorn  to  recommend  the  imprisonment 
of  any  mai  for  mere  difference  of  political  opinion, 
for  mere  disapproval  of  the  policy  or  acts  of  the 
Government,  for  mere  dislike  either  of  the  public  or 
private  conduct  of  the  Administration  or  its  mem- 
bers. All  these  things,  in  a  free  country,  are,  or 
ought  to  be,  free  ;  and  where  free  discussion,  within 
the  bounds  of  reason  and  decency  ends,  there  ty- 
ranny begins,  and  freedom  is  lost.  But  Wendell 
Phillips  and  men  of  the  same  stamp  aim  their  blows 
at  the  very  foundation  of  our  civil  structure.  If 
they  succeed,  that  structure  falls.  They  "do  give 
open  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  They  embit- 
ter him  against  the  Government,  against  the  Union, 
against  every  hope  of  reviving  fraternity.  They 
strengthen  his  hands,  they  weaken  our  own.  If 
they  kept  quiet,  we  would  not  meddle  with  them  in 
their  madness  and  folly ;  but  the  tour  of  Phillips, 
with  his  object  in  view,  is  a  crime  against  the  coun- 
try, which  if  not  punished,  at  least  should  be  checked 
— and  Fort  Lafayette,  or  any  fort,  where  there  is  no 
manful  fighting  to  do,  is  tho  fitting  "obstacle "to 
the  efforts  of  such  a  seditious  incendiary. — Boston 
Courier. 

WENDELL  PHILLIPS  TREATED  TO  ROTTEN 
EGGS  IN  CINCINNATI. 

By  a  telegraphic  despatch  from  Cincinnati,  which 
we  published  yesterday,  our  readers  have  seen  that 
Wendell  Phillips,  in  attempting  to  deliver  one  of 
his  revolutionary  lectures  in  that  city,  created  a 
riot  which  resulted  in  his  being  pelted  with  rotten 
eggs,  driven  from  the  hall  where  he  would  not  be 
permitted  to  speak,  and  finally  escaped  narrowly 
from  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers,  if  not  from,  loss  of 
life  at  the  hands  of  the  excited  audience.  It  is  wor- 
thy of  remark  that  the  people  in  the  Eastern  and 
Western  States  deal  with  the  abolition  demagogues 
in  a  very  different  manner.  Here  where  they  are 
best  known,  they  are  regarded  as  no  longer  danger- 
ous, and  arc  accordingly  treated  with  contempt,  and 
arc  allowed  to  lecture  to  thin  houses.  This  is  the 
case  at  Washington,  Albany  and  New  York.  The 
abolition  lectures  in  this  city  were  not  attended  bv 
the  people.  Cheever,  Garrison  and  the  rest  have 
been  only  beating  the  air.  They  could  make  no 
impression  whatever,  and  were  regarded  as  of  little 
consequence.  In  the  Western  States,  which  have 
sent  so  many  men  to  our  war,  and  whose  troops  have 
accomplished  such  brilliant  results  on  the  Cumber- 
land and  the  Tennessee,  the  disunion  agitators  are 
viewed  in  a  different  light,  and  particularly  Phillips, 
who  has  been  more  talked  of  in  the  newspapers  than 
the  rest,  and  is  the  chieftain  of  the  disloyal  faction. 
In  the  West  they  arc  regarded  as  dangerous  lunatics, 
who  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  be  at  large.  Here, 
for  the  most  part,  they  are  regarded  as  harmless 
monomaniacs,  whose  tom-foolery  is  only  laughed  at 
by  the  bulk  of  the  community.  One  thing  is  very 
clear,  and  that  is  that  neither  in  the  East  nor  the 
West  is  revolutionary  abolitionism  regarded  with 
favor;  nor  can  its  destructive,  bloody  purposes  ever 
be  carried  out  while  the  conservative  common  sense 
of  the  whole  country  is  so  decidedly  opposed  to  it. 
— New  York  Herald. 


#  *  1  *  *  H  *  tt  0  ♦ 


^=  Wendell  Phillips,  like  Meddle,  has  enjoyed 
the  luxury  of  being  kicked.  We  are  sorry  that 
Phillips's  insolent  and  treasonable  sentiments  should 
have  excited  public  indignation  to  a  degree  which 
led  to  a  violation  of  law ;  for  he  appears  to  us  to  be 
a  monomaniac,  and;  if  allowed  to  remain  outside  of 
a  lunatic  asylum,  entitled  to  pity  and  compassion. 
The  poor  man  must  have  felt  very  bad,  for  he  i; 
always  extremely  pale  when  he  apprehends  danger 
— Boston  Post. 


iHr"  We  do  not,  cannot  approve  of  mob  law,  at 
any  time  or  any  where — but  is  it  not  "  reaping  as 
he  sowed,"  for  Wendell  Phillips  to  be  mobbed  ?  No 
man  in  the  country  has  done  or  tried  to  do  more  to 
corrupt  the  minds  of  the  people  towards  our  rulers, 
to  lessen  the  esteem  felt  for  "  the  powers  that  be," 
ami  the  regard  fur  our  flag,  our  Union  ami  our  Con- 
stitution, Ihan  1'hillips.  We  also  go  in  fcr  free 
speech;  but  when  [he  press  is  muzzled,  and  Forts 
Warren  and  Lafayette  arc  filled  with  men  who  cer- 
tainly talk  no  ranker  treason  than  Garrison  and  1'hil- 
lips, why  should  not  they  be  hushed  up  too  V — Vorts- 


pe,  wny  should  not  they  I 

•.oath  (N.  II.)  Chronicle. 


THE  MOBBING  OP  WENDELL  PHILLIPS  IN 
CINCINNATI. 

We  take  the  following  account  of  this  disturbance 
(says  the  New  York  Tribune)  from  the  Cincinnati 
Enquirer,  that/being  the  paper  least  likely  to  sympa- 
thize with  Mr.  Phillips.  The  accounts  in  the  Gazette 
and  the  Commercial  are  substantially  the  same.  The 
reader  will  observe  that  the  telegraphic  dispatch  in 
Tuesday's  New  York  papers  was  wide  of  the  truth. 
Mr.  Phillips  did  not  say  that  he  was  a  Disunionist, 
but  that  he  had  been  one,  yet  was  now  for  the  Union, 
and  in  favor  of  the  efforts  now  being  made  to  re- 
store and  preserve  it.  There  is  but  one  opinion  in 
the  Cincinnati  papers,*  and  that  is  that  the  city  has 
been  deeply  disgraced  by  an  unpardonable  outrage, 
and  that  the  Mayor  and  police  shamefully  neglected 
their  duty,  if  they  did  not  actually  instigate  the  mob. 
From  ilie  Cincinnati  Enquirer,  March  25. 

The  announcement  that  Wendell  Phillips  would 
speak  at  the  Opera-House  caused  much  speculation 
upon  the  streets.  Threats  of  disturbance  were  com- 
mon, and  the  prediction  that  he  would  not  be  per- 
mitted to  address  his  audience  was  in  the  mouth  of 
everybody.  Yet  it  is  apparent  that  no  one  believed 
that  any  serious  attempt  to  molest  him  would  be 
made,  for  a  large  audience  of  ladies  and  gentlemen, 
representing  all  shades  of  political  faith,  were  gath- 
ered soon  after  the  doors  were  opened.  How  soon 
these  hopes  were  crushed,  and  how  outrageous  the 
disturbance,  will  soon  be  seen. 

Mr.  Phillips  was  accompanied  by  the  following 
gentlemen,  who  occupied  seats  upon  the  stage : 
Messrs.  Samuel  Reed,  editor  of  the  Gazette;  John 
P.  Foote,  Wm.  Goodman,  Judge  Stallo,  Orson  Mur- 
ray and  William  Green. 

When  Mr.  Phillips  stepped  upon  the  stage,  he  was 
greeted  with  a  tumult  of  mingled  groans,  hisses  and 
cheers,  the  latter  greatly  predominating,  and  subdu- 
ing the  former. 

When  they  had  subsided,  Judge  Stallo  walked  to 
the  stand,  and  began  to  introduce  the  speaker  to  his 
audience.  The  remarks  of  the  Judge  were  facetious 
and  full  of  pleasantry,  comparing  Mr.  Phillips  to  a 
piece  of  artillery,  the  report  of  which  had  disturbed 
the  quiet  of  the  Potomac. 

When  Mr.  Phillips  arose  to  speak,  he  walked  to 
the  foot  amid  a  volley  of  hisses,  which,  like  the  first, 
was  drowned  in  the  cheers  of  his  friends.     He  said: 

"  I  have  been  invited,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  speak 
to  you  on  the  war — the  convulsion  which  has  divided 
tho  Union  for  a  year,  and  threatens,  in  the  opinion  of 
some,  to  divide  it  forever.  No  more  serious  subject 
can  engage  the  attention  of  the  American  people,  for 
I  believe  that  within  six  months,  perhaps  within  the 
coming  hundred  days,  we,  the  people,  are  to  decide 
what  the  future  of  these  thirty-four  States  is  to  be. 
Certainly  no  question  of  deeper  import  can  be  pre- 
sented to  an  American  audience.  It  is  easy  to  say 
that  the  war  came  no  man  knows  how,  and  that  it  was 
the  fault  of  this  man  or  of  that  party,  or  that  it  will  end 
in  ninety  days  or  a  year.  But  I  believe  that  the  war 
is  no  man's  fault,  that  it  is  the  work  of  neither  section. 
It  will  not  end  in  our  day,  and  it  will  be  a  fortunate 
Providence  if  our  children  can  look  around  upon  a 
clear  sky  and  a  united  country. 

"I  believe  the  war  to  be  the  result  of  a  seventy 
years'  struggle  with  one  idea.  It  comes  to  us  as  a 
duty  which  God  lays  upon  this  generation.  Two  or 
three  questions  spring  out  of  the  present  state  of  things. 
How  long  will  the  war  last?  What  will  become  of 
slavery  ?  What  will  become  of  the  Union  ?  In  re- 
gard to  the  first  question,  none  can  answer.  We  are 
entering  upon  the  great  struggle  which  no  people  have 
ever  avoided — a  struggle  between  the  few  and  the 
many — a  struggle  between  aristocracy  and  democracy. 
The  North  represents  a  democracy,  founded  on  indus- 
try, brains,  and  money;  the  South  an  aristocracy, 
founded  on  slave  labor — an  aristocracy  whose  right 
hand  is  negro  slavery,  and  whose  left  is  the  ignorant 
white  roan." 

At  tins  point  a  heavy  boulder  was  thrown  from 
the  third  tier  of  boxes.  It  struck  a  few  feet  from 
the  speaker.  It  came  crashing  among  the  foot-lights 
like  a  cannon  shot.  Simultaneously  with  the  boul- 
der came  a  couple  of  eggs,  that  burst  like  bombs, 
dispensing  a  perfume  more  potent  than  fragrant. 
One  of  these  odorous  missiles  struck  the  speaker. 
The  eggs  were  thrown  from  the  left  of  the  second 
tier,  and  were  accompanied  by  a  series  of  yells,  like 
nothing  unless  it  be  the  war-whoop  of  a  score  of  in- 
furiated Indians :  "  Down  with  the  traitor ! "  "  Egg 
the  nigger  Phillips  ! "  and  a  dozen  other  opprobrious 
epithets.  It  is  due  to  Mr.  Phillips  to  say  that  he 
stood  calm  and  collected,  without  moving  a  muscle 
or  flinching  an  inch. 

When  the  tumult  had  somewhat  subsided,  the 
speaker  resumed  his  discourse  : — 

"Allow  me  one  word  more.  I  do  not  know  what 
the  person  meant  who  sent  that  stone,  but  I  meant 
no  insult  to  the  non-slaveholding  white  men  of  the 
South.  I  sympathize  with  them,  for  they  suffer  from 
a  despotism  whose  right  hand  is  power,  and  whose  left 
band  is  ignorance.  If  South  Carolina  ever  sees  the 
utmost  exaltation  of  her  masses,  it  will  be  when  the 
stars  and  stripes  guarantee  freedom  to  every  member 
of  the  thirty-four  States.  There  are  many  things 
which  American  citizens  cannot  do,  and  one  thing 
which  I  know  they  cannot  do,  and  that  is  to  prevent 
tho  belt  of  the  American  continent  from  being,  in  sev- 
enty years  or  less  time,  one  country,  governed  by  one 
sceptre,  indissoluble  as  granite.  For  thirty  years  I 
have  been  an  Abolitionist,  and  nothing  else." 

The  hisses,  which  had  been  intermittent,  here  be- 
came like  a  perfect  hurricane. 

As  soon  as  his  voice  became  audible,  Mr.  Phillips 
retorted : — 

"Before  we  Yankees  went  to  the  Roanoke  and  Po- 
tomac, we  tutored  ourselves  to  respect  free  speech,  and 
I  know  that  you  will  grant  it  to  me.  For  sixteen  years 
I  have  been  a  Disunionist." 

At.  this  word  the  row  became  general ;  eggs  were 
thrown  ad  libitum,  and  the  stage  was  odorous  with 
their  disgusting  fragrance.  Sulphuretted  hydrogen 
was  the  popular  perfume,  and  it  was  long  before  Mr. 
Phillips  could  gain  a  hearing.  When  he  attempted 
to  explain  the  obnoxious  phrase,  he  was  so  inaudible 
amid  the  general  tumult  that  we  could  not  report  his 
words.     He  resumed  : — 

"  To-day,  the  contest  takes  the  form  of  battle.  The 
war  is  nothing  to  mo  ns  an  Abolitionist.  It  has  no 
more  interest  to  me  ns  such  than  a  novel  1ms  to  you 
after  you  have  found  the  hero  and  heroine  happily 
married  on  the  last  page.  Whatever  your  opinion 
mny  be,  mine  is  that  slavery  has  received  its  death- 
blow in  the  house  of  its  friends.  The  American  peo- 
ple have  opened  that  page  of  their  history  which  will 
record  the  death  of  slavery.  In  due  time,  and  afler  n 
reasonable  interval,  slavery  will  die.  The  cry  baa 
been  '  Cotton  is  King.'  South  Carolina  dragged  Lvons 
and  Lancashire  to  her  feet,  and  said,  'Babies,  keep 
quiet.'  She  has  starved  them  for  eleven  months,  but 
at  last  accounts  they  were  iloimr  quite  well. 

"  Another  idea  was  that  the  North  would  not  fight. 
South  Carolina  tried  that  on  in  miniature,  when  the 
pitted  Missouri  against  Kansas.  When  their  orchards 
were  grabbed    up.    the    Yankees  went  home  to   New 

England  and  begged  rifles.     Let  the  war  continue 

twenty-lour    months,    and    Meridian    will    hfl    a     lav 
hawker.     The  third  idea  of  the  death  of  slavery  is  de- 


rived from  the  message  of  the  President.  I  believe 
the  President  is  an  honest  man,  but  a  very  elow  one. 
Ho  desires  to  stand  between  the  parties,  and  finding 
whi^b  way  the  tide  was  seuriey,  he-  warned  the  Border 
States  that  now  was  their  time  to  sell." 

Mr.  Phillips  continued  to  speak  for  over  an  hour, 
but  the  melee  in  the  second  tier  created  so  much  con- 
fusion that  we  should  not  be  able  to  do  him  justice 
did  we  attempt  to  report  him  further. 

Cries  and  execrations  resounded  from  all  parts  of 
the  house.  Eggs  were  occasionally  hurled  at  the 
stage,  one  of  which  struck  Mr.  Murray. 

The  cries  were  "  Lynch  the  Traitor,"  "  Hang  the 
Nigger,"  "  Tar  and  feather  the  Abolitionist."  (We 
omit  the.  profanity.)  Ladies  and  timorous  gentle- 
men made  their  escape. 

The  stage  was  in  confusion,  and  gentlemen  from 
the  audience  mounted  it  as  a  favorable  stand-point 
from  which  to  witness  the  row.  The  speaker  vainly 
continued  to  speak,  but  could  not  be  heard. 

The  rowdies  came  down  stairs  with  cries  of  "  Let 
us  take  the  stage,"  "  Lynch  him,"  "  Put  out  the  gas." 
When  they  reached  the  middle  aisle,  the  melee  be- 
came general,  stools  and  umbrellas  were  freely  used. 
Some  ladies  fainted,  and  others  scrambled  ungrace- 
fully over  bench-tops.  Mr.  Pike  and  other  gentle- 
men were  struck  while  endeavoring  to  keep  the 
peace.  It  being  probable  that  some  of  the  evil- 
disposed  would  find  the  "gas  stop"  and  put  out  the 
lights,  in  which  case  the  loss  of  life  would  have  been 
frightful,  Mr.  Phillips  was  induced  to  cease  speaking, 
and  the  meeting  was  dispersed. 

Both  exits  from  the  Opera  House  were  beset  by 
gangs  determined  to  lynch  the  obnoxious  speaker. 
After  some  delay  he  was  disguised,  and  passed  out 
through  the  crowd  undetected  ;  but  it  was  well  on  to 
midnight  before  the  rowdies  left  the  vicinity  of  the 
Opera  House. 

Thus  ended  the  attempt  of  Wendell  Phillips  to 
speak  in  Cincinnati.  About  eighteen  or  twenty  eggs 
were  thrown,  and  a  bottle  of  vitriol  was  found  in  the 
vestibule;  it  was  not  used. 

From  the  Cincinnati  Times. 

Such  is  a  plain  statement  of  the  whole  proceed- 
ing. There  was  a  premeditated  design  to  prevent 
Mr.  Phillips  from  lecturing.  It  was  participated  in 
by  many  respectable  citizens,  but  the  task  was  com- 
mitted to  such  degraded  hands,  that  many  who  were 
anxious  to  have  the  lecture  interfered  with,  became 
ashamed  of  the  affair  before  the  lecture  was  half  over. 

The  indecency  of  the  mob  destroyed  the  intended 
purpose.  The  lecture  was  delivered,  and  nobody 
hurt. 

We  make  no  report  of  Mr.  Phillips's  speech,  and 
shall  only  add  that  his  calmness  of  manner  and  mod- 
erate opinions  surprised  a  great  many,  who  expect- 
ed to  hear  a  raving  fanatic.     He  avowed  himself  no 

fonj^m  a  Jlis.unjon'st.---Satistioct-.  tKat-_al  n^ery  }xas  al- 
ready received  its  death-blow,  and  has  only  to  "  turn 
over  and  die."  His  efforts  now,  he  said,  are  directs 
ed  to  the  prevention  of  compromises,  which,  in  his 
opinion,  would  only  tend  to  prolong  the  contest  be- 
tween the  intellectual  democracy  of  the  North  and 
the  aristocracy  of  the  South.  That  is  his  lecture  in 
a  nutshell. 

From  the  Cincinnati  Press. 
Every  good  citizen  of  Cincinnati  regrets  the  oc- 
currence of  last  night,  and  those  persons  who  check- 
ed the  utterance  of  free  thoughts  by  a  display  of  boul- 
ders and  rotton  eggs  have  cast  a  stain  upon  the  good 
reputation  of  our  city,  which  it  will  be  difficult  to 
efface,  however  low  the  authors  may  be  in  the  scale 
of  society. 

In  their  comments  on  the  mobbing  of  Wendell 
Phillips,  furnished  by  the  journals  of  Cincinnati, 
are  some  important  facts  which  were  omitted  in  the 
telegraphic  report  of  the  Associated  Press.  The 
Gazette  says  :—•- 

"  A  gang  of  the  baser  sort  of  humanity,  small 
compared  with  the  large  audience,  determined  that 
they  were  to  be  the  censors  of  the  sentiments  which. 
the  respectable  people  of  Cincinnati  should  be  per-, 
mitted  to  hear,  and  going  there  with  a  conspiracy 
already  arranged,  and  with  missiles  and  weapons 
provided,  they  succeeded  in  creating  a  row.  Yarn 
ous  missiles  were  hurled  upon  the  stage.  One/ 
boulder,  large  enough  to  kill  a  man  had  it  hit  him,  ~ 
was  thrown  from  the  gallery,  narrowly  missing  the 
speaker. 

Probably  no  public  performance  at  the  Opera 
House,  or  anywhere  else,  has  been  so  destitute  of 
policemen  as  this  meeting  was.  The  people  are 
given  to  understand  by  this  that  the  police,  is  for  the 
purpose  of  drawing  pay,  levying  black  mail  on  grog- 
shops, and  arresting  harmless  men,  but  to  be  care- 
fully absent  whenever  the  rowdies  see  fit  to  take 
possession  of  the  city." 

The  Commercial,  speaks  still  more  decidedly  : — 

"  The  Mayor  was  warned  during  the  day  that 
there  was  a  pnrposa  on  the  part  of  a  gang  of  ruf- 
fians to  commit  a  breach  of  public  order  at  the 
Opera  House  in  the  evening,  but  he  entirelv  disre- 
garded the  warning,  and  when  the  mob  was  doing 
its  work,  not  a  policeman  was  at.  hand,  as  the  whole 
force  had  been  carefully  ordered  elsewhere. 

A  policeman  was  hunted  up  by  a  gentleman,  and 
requested  to  go  to  the  house  and  attempt  to  preserve 
order,  lie  replied  that  he  had  been  told  by  Mayor 
Hatch  to  keep  away,  and  not  go  near  thesceuo  of 
the  riot  during  the  evening. 

The  mob  was  composed  of  the  vilest  class  of  our 
population.  The  lowest  of  the  gamblers,  the  pimps, 
the  thieves — those  whose  trade  it  is  to  rob  the  pub- 
lic, as  well  as  private  pilferers — the  whisky-bloats — 
the  bullies  in  ward  elections— the  foulest-mouthed 
of  the  sccesh  sympathizers — were  out  in  full  force, 
tickets  having  been  procured  for  them  by  the  whole- 
sale, and  distributed  through  all  the  sink-holes  of 
the  city.  We  never  saw  a  baser  cut-throats.  [A 
portion  of  them  gave  cheers  fur  Jeff.  Davis.] 

It.  is  well  known  to  our  readers  that  we  do  not 
sympathize  with  the  extreme  views  wilh  which  the 
name  of  Wendell  Phillips  is  associated,  and  of 
which  he  is  the  ablest  exponent.  It  is  due  to  him 
to  say,  however,  that  his  speech  last  night  was  in- 
offensive in  terms,  and  was  dispassionate,  argu- 
mentative and  patriotic. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  most  violent  and  long- 
continued  outbreak  that  took  place  last  nigbt  was 
Commenced  when  the  speaker  was  stating  the  propo- 
sition which  no  loyal  and  intelligent  man.  noi  blinded 
by  old  prejudices,  can  question,  that  the  war  now 
desolating  the  land  is  between  the  real  democracy 
of  the  country  and  the  sectional  aristocracy  that 
wields  the  power  of  African  Slavery  in  one  hand, 
ami  that  of  the  ignorance  of  whites  in  the  other. 
Nothing  seemed  so  to  stir  the  passions  of  the  infu- 
riate mob  as  the  presentation  of  the  fact  which  is 
clear  as  the  sun,  that  the  secession  aristocracy  who 
have  hazarded  their  all  in  the  revolutionary  effort. 
to  rule  or  ruin  the  count  n,  not  only  hold  the  negro 
n\ri<  in  shivery,  but.  degrade  and  oppress  the  poor 
white  men  of  their  section,  and  use  them  to  sustain 
the  despotism  by  which  they  are  debased." 

The  Enquirer  concludes  its  condemnation  of  tho 
mob  as  follows: — 
"  Democrats]  especially,  have  no  right,  ami  they 


THE     LIBERATOR 


APEIL  4=. 


sin  against  their  political  iriends  when  they  ha 
their  hands  to  strike  down  the  liberty  *&£■ 
We  repudiate,  with  the  strongest  feeling  ol  dwwft 
and  detestation,  all  mob  violence,  no  matter  against 
whom  it  is  directed,  or  upon  what  pretext  it  is  made. 

The  Commercial  also  declares  that  the  same  par- 
ties who  instigated  this  disgraceful  not  not  long  ago 
Byaipathized  with  Mr.  Yancey  when  he  addressed 
the  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  advocating  the  kindred 
principles  of  slavery  and  secession.— N.  1 .  Irttmne. 

Tnic  Cincinnati  OUTRAGE.  We  give  in  another 
column  copious  extracts  from  our  Cincinnati  ex- 
changes, showing  the  nature  and  source  of  the  dis- 
graceful outrage  upon  free  speech,  at  Cincinnati  on 
Monday  night.  We  looked  through  these  papers 
carefully  to  learn  if  any  support  could  be  given  to 
the  statement  in  the  dispatch  of  the  associated  press 
that  the  indignation  of  the  community  was  called 
out  by  Mr.  Phillips's  avowal  that  he  stood  before 
his  audience  "  a  disunionist."  We  are  forced  to  be- 
lieve that  the  Cincinnati  reporter  for  the  associated 
press  sympathized  more  with  the  mob  than  he  would 
now  care  to  confess.  It  seems  that  the  outrage  was 
tho  result  of  a  deliberate  plan,  and  that  a  subscnp- 
tion  was  raised  of  $125*  which  passed  into  the 
Opera  House  some  scores  of  shoulder-hitters  at  ball 
a  dollar  per  admittance.  A  poor  tool  of  a  Mayor, 
one  Hatch,  held  the  police  aloof,  and  Cincinnati 
was  disgraced.  In  Chicago  it  will  not  be  thus.  Not 
because  there  are  not  those  here  who  are  laboring 
to  gather  the  materials  for  a  similar  disturbance, 
but  because  the  city  authorities  will  make  any  such 
attempt  perilous  and  futile.— Chicago  Tribune. 

J£f=  A  correspondent  of  the  Cincinnati  Commercial 
furnishes  the  following  graphic  sketch  :— 

"Where  are  you  going,  Chance?"  said  a  hard- 
looking  specimen,  stauding  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Opera  House  on  Monday  evening.  "  Going  on  a 
flirt."  "  Hooray ! "  responded  the  big  gambhng-housc 

keeper,  recently  KbcratedJlmuJail ___^— ^_ 

"Come  on  boys,  fun  ahead,"  shouted  a  big  mouth- 
ed fellow,  fuming  with  whiskey,  when  twenty  _m 
thirty  more  whiskey  sweats  followed  him  up  stairs, 
whooping  as  they  went. 

They  made  no  secret  of  their  purpose  ;  a  lew  re- 
mained on  the  first  floor,  but  the  most  of  them  went 
up  stairs ;  a  dozen,  perhaps,  went  up  to  the  third 
tier  ;  the  larger  number,  however,  remained  in  the 
second  tier  at  the  head  of  the  stairway,  and  to  the 
right  of  the  speaker.  This  crowd  seemed  to  be  un- 
der the  control  of  Bart.  Smith. 

Anion"  those  who  remained  on  the  first  floor  was 
a  half-drunken  fellow  with  a  big  dog;  he  succeeded 
once  or  twice  in  making  his  canine  companion  aid 
him  in  the  uproar,  but  could  howl  and  yell  himself 
far  louder  than  the  dog. 

At  the  time  the  eggs  were  thrown,  the  most  ot 
them  came  from  the  upper  tier,  but  a  boulder  and 
one  or  two  eggs  were  thrown  from  that  part  of  the 
house  where  the  Bart.  Smith  gang  were  gathered 
together. 

After  Mr.  Phillips  had  spoken  about  an  hour,  this 
assemblage  of  ruffians,  headed  by  Bart.  Smith,  be- 
came the  most  uproarious,  and  were  soon  joined  by 
those  from  both  the  upper  and  lower  part  of  the 
house  who  were  bent  upon  a  row.  They  had  now 
got  to  the  head  of  the  stairway.  "  Go  it,  boys, 
shouted  their  ruffianly  Captain,  and  go  it  they  did. 

»  Three  groans  for  Wendell  Phillips,"  shouted  a 
whiskey-nosed  man.  "  Three  groans,"  shouted  Bart. 
Smith.  Bo-oo-oo!  "  Three  groans  for  Judge  Stallo," 
shouted  out  the  whiskey-nosed  fellow  again.  "  Go 
it,  boys,"  shouted  the  leader.  "  Three  cheers  for 
Mayor  Hatch,"  shouted  the  whiskey  nosed  man  once 
more.  "  Three  cheers  with  a  will,"  shouted  their 
leader.  "  Three  groans  for  Old  Abe  and  the  Black 
Republicans,"  howled  out  a  big  fellow  at  the  top_  of 
his  voice.  "  Into  them,  boys,"  shouted  Smith. 
«  Boo-oo-oo-oo-oo-oo."  "  Don't  shoot  him,  Bart.," 
.  shouted  out  a  fellow  with  one  eye.  "Don't  shoot,? 
echoed  the  whiskey  nosed  man.  "  Don't  shoot," 
bawled  out  the  big  fellow  with  the  long  hair  and 
dirty  face.  "  Don't  shoot,  boys,"  echoed  Bart.  Smith. 
"  On  to  the  stage,"  shouted  a  big  bellied  gambler. 
"  On  to  the  stage,"  echoed  a  bandy  legged  pimp. 
"  On  to  the  stage,"  shouted  their  ruffianly  leader. 
"  Put  out  the  ga-as,"  howled  out  a  blear-eyed  fellow 
with  a  hairy  cap.  "  Put  out  the  ga-as,"  echoed  a 
long-legged  toper  in  a  slouched  hat.  "  Begar,  we'll 
clane  them  out.  Hooray  for  Jeff  Davis,"  howled 
out  half  a  dozen  drunken  voices  together. 

"  You  clean  us  out !  "  said  a  young  soldier  who 
was  standing  quietly  by,  "there  are  but  five  of  my 
company  here,  but  we'll  put  you  through  in  short 

ardor,  H'±ho--eitiiona  here  will   only    sav    tlift   worfl." 

This  had  rather  a  cooling  effect  upon  secesh.  The 
people  were  fast  leaving  the  house,  and  the  drunk- 
en rowdies,  headed  by  Bart.  Smith,  and  a  couple  of 
big  gamblers,  suddenly  made  their  exit  for  the  street. 
W.  Greene,  66  Milton  street. 


"  $3Jf=Mr.  Phillips  next  went  to  Chicago,  where  he 
lectured  twice — the  first  time  on  Touissant  L'Ouver- 
ture.  Some  rowdy  threats  of  disturbance  were  made, 
but  the  Chicago  Tribune  says  : — 

Both  the  matter  and  manner  of  his  lecture  fully 
sustained  the  exalted  reputation  of  the  orator,  and 
often  elicited  the  most  gratifying  expressions  of  ad- 
miration from  his  appreciative  listeners.  The  ad- 
dress was  replete  with  historical  knowledge,  freely 
spiced  with  anecdotes  and  vollies  of  original  wit. 
Some  of  the  speaker's  telling  hits,  aimed  at  the  igno- 
rance and  follies  of  the  present  day,  were  inimitable. 
The  closing  sentences  of  the  lecture  were  sublime- 
ly eloquent  and  soul-stirring  and  were  received  with 
a  round  of  hearty  applause. 

During  the  delivery  of  the  lecture,  no  attempt  at 
a  disturbance  was  made,  and  not  the  slightest  inci- 
dent occurred  to  mar  the  harmony  and  perfect  de- 
corum which  prevailed  throughout  the  hall. 

The  subject  of  Mr.  Phillips's  lecture  this  evening 

will  be  that  of  the  war  as  viewed  from  his  peculiar 

',  stand-point.     The  speaker  is  at  all  times  interesting 

'  at  all  times  classical  and  scholarly,  and  whatever 

'  may  be  the  general  ground  taken  by  him  as  a  man, 

the  matter  of  his  discourse  upon  this  absorbing  topic 

will  do  no  harm  to  any  sane  person,  and  it  is  very 

likely  will  prove  of  deep  interest  to  all  who  may  be 

so  fortunate  as  to  listen  to  it. 

The  fact  that  AVendell  Phillips  was  mobbed  the 
other  day  in  Cincinnati  while  delivering  this  identi- 
cal lecture,  speaks  badly  for  the  moral  character  of 
that  city,  and  worse  for  its  police  regulations.  That 
city  is  either  full  and  overflowing  with  rank  seccs- 
sionism  and  men  without  a  vestige  of  moral  princi- 
ple, and  who  are  intent  upon  having  only  their  own 
selfish  principles  promulgated,  or  its  municipal  guar- 
dians are  never  present  when  needed,  or  if  present, 
good  for  nothing  and  powerless  for  efficient  action. 
The  prompt  manner  in  which  our  Police  Com- 
missioners, under  the  supervision  of  C.  P.  Bradley, 
turned  out  last  night,  gives  a  foretaste  of  what  may 
be  expected  this  evening.  We  understand  that,  in 
addition  to  the  members  of  the  regular  force  of  po- 
lice, the  Superintendent  will  have  several  hundred 
especial  men  sworn  in  to-day,  and  seated  at  night  in 
different  portions  of  the  hall,  ready  at  the  first  out- 
break of  any  disorderly  person  to  quietly  and  noise- 
lessly take  that  person  out  of  the  audience  into  the 
cool  air,  where  a  chance  for  deliberation  and  a 
breath  of  pure  atmosphere  may  have  the  effect  of 
calming  the  ruffled  and  turbulent  spirit.  In  fact,  it 
is  the  determination  of  all  good  citizens,  as  well  as 
the  protectors  of  the  public  peace,  to  see  that  the 
ri"ht  of  free  speech — so  long  as  that  speech  is  not 
treason — be  protected  in  Chicago;  and  in  spite  of 
the  bad  precedent  set  us  by  Cincinnati,  and  in 
spite  of  the  goadings-on,  and  the  huge  efforts  of  cer- 
tain parties,  aided  by  a  sheet  whose  own  record  is 
none  of  the  fairest,  if  Wendell  Phillips  has  a  word 
to  say  on  the  war,  and  there  are  sensible  people 
enough  here  to  form  an  assemblage  desirous  of  lis- 
tening to  him,  both  the  speaker  and  the  would-be 
hearers  shall  have  a  chance.  Public  opinion,  public 
decency,  must  inevitably  frown  down  any  and  all  at- 
tempts to  fetter  free  speech. 

Wendell  Phillips  is  to  speak  upon  the  war  to-night 
at  Bryan  Hall.  Wendell  Phillips  is  to  be  heard 
through  his  entire  address,  by  the  people  of  Chicago, 
to-night  at  Bryan  Hall.  Blackguardism  and  ruffian- 
ism are  to  have  no  place  to-night  at  Bryan  Hall. 


ME.  00X  AND  THE  SLAVE  WHO  WAS 
WHIPPED   TO  DEATH. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir, — The  case  of  "Negro  Jack"  was  in  part 
published  in  the  Christian  Advocate  and  Journal  of 
this  city  in  December  last,  from  a  letter  from  Chap- 
lain Boole  of  tho  Oth  Excelsior.  This  gentleman 
informed  me  that  the  vJiole  truth  was  not  written,  in 
order  that  certain  persons  of  the  regiment  might  es- 
cape censure;  but  that  now,  inasmuch  as  the  flat 
denial  is  made  by  the  friends  of  Cox  to  the  &CtS  of 
tho  case,  there  is  no  longer  consistency  in  nor  cause 

cr  concealment. 


Now  for  the  facts :  "  Negro  Jack  "  did  inform  the 
officers  of  the  Oth  Regiment  Excelsior  of  the  Seces- 
sion sympathies  of  his  cruel  master,  and  through  his 
information  the  discoveries  were  made — already  no- 
ticed in  this  letter.  He  did  not  live  with  the  regi- 
ment, as  the  jury  represent,  neither  was  he  a  con- 
stant guide  to  them.  If  he  did  drink  whisky  to  excess, 
it  was  no  more  than  members  Of  that  jury  do  (my 
eyes  being  witness)  ;  and,  in  one  point,  he  was  more 
respectable  than  they  ;  the  soldiers  never  saw  Jack 
drunk  publicly.  Cox  and  Davis  were  generally  so. 
For  his  patriotic  and  valuable,  services,  Jack  was 
promised,  on  the  honor  of  an  officer,  by  the  Lieuten- 
ant under  whose  command  the  scout  was  made,  that 
he  should  not  be  given  up  to  his  master  to  be  pun- 
ished, nor  should  he  (Cox)  be  permitted  to  injure 
him. 

This  was  necessary,  inasmuch  as  Cox  had  become 
terribly  enraged  at  the  negro  for  discovering  the 
movements  of  Secessionists  to  the  military.  A  de- 
tachment of  the  Oth  regiment  had  left  for  Budd's 
Ferry  some  days  before  the  remaining  companies 
wore  ordered  to  join  them.  It  was  while  this  second 
detachment  was  on  the  march,  that  the  capture  of 
Jack  took  place.  The  detachment  was  under  com- 
mand of  Acting  Major  Glass.  "  Ben  Franklin  "  says 
that  when  the  regiment  (2d  detachment)  left  Port 
Tobacco,  they  were  "followed  by  Mr.  Cox  in  com- 
pany with  about  10  or  20  other  citizens  of  the  coun- 
ty, lohose  slaves  had  left  with  the  said  regiment" 

Now,  this  latter  assertion  I  pronounce  an  inexcu- 
sable falsehood— a  plain,  barefaced  lie.  Not  a  slave 
went  with  the  regiment ;  and  in  proof  of  this,  I  as- 
sert that  those  "  10  or  20  "  gentlemen  took  position 
in  the  square  of  the  town,  and  closely  inspected  the 
companies  as  they  filed  past  them  on  the  march,  on 
the  look-out  for  their  slaves,  and  failed  to  discover  a 
single  "  chattel." 

That  their  slaves  did  very  ungratefully  leave  their 
kind-hearted  masters,  and  come  into  camp  expecting 
to  find  freedom  under  the  Union  flag,  is  true,  but 
whose  was  the  blame  ?  Why  did  they  leave  ?  _  Is 
t.he,  army  to  bo  cftaenrad  for  the  outgushing  inspira- 
tion of  freedom  in  the  heart  of  the  oppressed  blacks 
when  they  vainly  imagine  the  stars  of  our  glory  and 
our  shame  are  floating  in  their  sight  as  the  beacon 
of  freedom?  These  slave  vultures  seeking  their 
prey,  had  obtained  an  order  from  Gen.  Hooker,  re- 
quiring the  commandant  of  the  5th  Regiment  to 
drive  out  from  the  camp  all  the  Maryland  negroes, 
fugitives.  The  order  was  presented  to  Major  Glass 
by  some  of  the  same  "  fifteen  or  twenty  citizens," 
who  also  asked  of  Major  Glass  that  he  drive  them 
to  a  certain  point  where  they  could  be  surrounded 
by  the  drivers,  and  captured.  This,  to  the  honor  of 
Major  Glass  be  it  said,  he  refused  to  do  "for  Gen. 
Hooker  or  any  other  General,"  but  would  only  issue 
a  command  for  them  to  leave  the  camp,  for  the 
woods  or  anywhere  else. 

When  the  second  detachment  had  marched  about 
three  or  more  miles  from  Port  Tobacco,  Cox,  in  com- 
pany with  others  on  horseback,  drove  furiously  up 
to  the  centre  of  the  battalion,  and  without  a  word 
of  warning,  he,  Cox,  rushed  upon  the  ranks  where 
he  saw  his  negro.  Jack  had  joined  the  regiment  on 
the  march.  "  Ben  Franklin"  says  that  Cox  "was 
set  upon  by  the  soldiery."  The  fact  is  that  Cox 
broke  into  the  ranks,  and  with  the  butt-end  of  a 
heavy  whip  began  to  "  set  upon  "  Jack's  head,  and 
in  doing  this,  being  drunk,  he  struck  several  of  the 
soldiers.  It  was  for  this  that  they  "  set  upon  "  him, 
and  when  they  saw  the  insolent  slave  vultures  on 
horse  heading  for  the  ranks,  some  fixed  bayonets  and 
swore  that  if  they  drew  a  step  nearer,  they  would 
run  them  through.  Cox  continued  to  use  his  heavy 
whip,  striking  indiscriminately  soldiers  and  the  ne- 

fro,  and  in  his  drunken  madness,  his  stout,  closely 
nit,  powerful  frame,  his  eyes  glaring  all  on  fire  with 
rage  and  whisky,  he  seemed  more  like  an  incarnate 
devil  than  a  representative  of  human' kind. 

The  officer  in  command  at  length  quelled  the  dis- 
turbance, and  brought  the  men  to  quiet;  and  it  is 
true,  as  asserted  by  "  Franklin,"  that  had  it  not  been 
for  his  interference,  Cox  would  have  been  killed. 
But  why  ?  Not  because  the  soldiers  thirsted  for  his 
blood,  but  in  his  insanity  of  passion  he  continued  to 
strike  at  them  with  his  fists  and  whip  to  obtain  his 
negro,  as  though  they,  too — Americans  all — were 
chattels,  "  mudsills."  Major  Glass  did,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  those  soldiers,  rebuke  Cox  in  the  strongest 
terms  for  his  unwarranted  and  mad  assault,  and  said, 
"  You  have  insulted  these  men  ;  they  understand  law 
as  well  as  you,  and  they  know  that  your  attack  is 
criminal.  You  should  be  thankful,  sir,  that  you  es- 
caped with  your  life.  I  am  commander  of  this  bat- 
talion, and  you  and  these  gentlemen  should  have  ap- 
plied to  me,  and  not  have  committed  such  an  out- 
rn~o."  Now,  it  tatty  quiet  tho  consciences  of  some 
objectors  to  be  informed  that  neither  the  officer  in 
command  nor  one  of  the  soldiers  engaged  in  the  fight 
teas  an  Abolitionist  nor  Republican.  This  is  asserted 
upon  a  personal  knowledge  of  their  politics  and  sen- 
timents. 

After  order  was  restored,  the  regiment  resumed 
its  march.  And  now  began  the  most  shameful  part 
of  this  odious  transaction.  Cox  and  his  minions 
were  accompanied  by  Capt.  Morey  of  the  Oth  Regi- 
ment, Excelsior  Brigade,  who  had  been  appointed 
Provost-Marshal  of  the  town  of  Port  Tobacco,  and 
who  in  that  capacity  had  enjoyed  free  intercourse 
with  the  inhabitants.  The  result  was  an  intimacy 
with  Cox  and  some  others  whose  names  appear 
among  the  jury  in  this  case.  He  accompanied  Cox 
from  Port  Tobacco,  and  stood  by  his  side  when  he 
rushed  upon  the  ranks  and  struck  the  soldiers. 
Capt.  Morey  rode  in  the  same  carriage  with  Cox, 
and  although  he  doubtless  did  not  anticipate  the  re- 
sult, he  encouraged  Cox  in  attempting  to  drag  out 
his  negro.  Moray's  sympathies  were  with  the  slave- 
vultures  before  Cox  was  beaten ;  before  the  fight  he 
had  offered  to  obtain  his  slave  for  Cox.  The  bat- 
talion marched  on  till  nightfall.  Meanwhile,  Morey 
had  counseled  the  defeated  chivalry  to  retire,  and 
wait  for  him  at  a  certain  point  some  distance  in  the 
rear.  Under  cover  of  the  darkness,  and  by  a  false 
pretext  made  to  allay  the  suspicion  of  his  Lieuten- 
ant, who  had  promised  protection  to  the  negro  for 
his  services,  Morey  took  Jack  to  the  rear  between  a 
file  of  men,  marched  him  to  the  place  designated, 
where  Cox  and  his  comrades  were  in  waiting,  and 
delivered  him  to  his  master. 

How  many  miles  he  was  compelled  to  walk_after 
Cox,  I  will  not  presume  to  say,  nor  is  it  of  conse- 
quence. One  thing  is  certain  :  Cox  and  his  overseer 
beat  the  negro  after  getting  him  home,  and  he  died 
immediately  after  the  beating.  The  story  of  the  Jury 
and  doctor,  that  he  was  drunk  the  day  he  was  cap- 
tured, is  a  lie.  I  saw  him  upon  the  march — saw  the 
poor  old  man,  when  the  regiment  came  to  a  halt, 
crawl  away  under  a  tree  off'  the  roadside,  and  with 
anxious  face  watch  to  see  whether  he  was  pursued. 
What  do  the  Jury  mean  by  saying  that  he  lived  on 
less  food,  and  poorer,  than  he  had  been  accustomed 
to,  and  died  from  "  exposure  and  excitement"?  Do 
they  insinuate  that  he  fared  poorly  while  with  the 
regiment,  and  was  hard  worked  while  acting  as 
guide  ?  Why  then  did  he  not  leave,  and  go  back  to 
his  "  indulgent  "  master  ?  Where  did  Jack  get  the 
whisky  which  created  the  "  excitement,"  which,  as 
the  Jury  say,  helped  him  on  to  his  death  ?  I  chal- 
lenge that  Jury  to  repeat  their  libel  in  the  presence 
of  any  of  the  Oth  Regiment:  an  excitement  would 
be  raised  without  whisky. 

■  The  Jury  were  evidently  reduced  to  straits,  and 
"Ben.  Franklin,"  the  justice!  "hard  up"  for  testi- 
mony, when  they  admitted  the  evidence  of  slaves  to 
make  out  their  case,  and  relied  upon  it  for  substan- 
tiating their  story.  Slave  testimony  is  not  admissible 
in  law — why  did  they  take  it  in  this  case  ?  Was  it 
taken  at  all  ? 

All  the  truth  told  by  that  Jury  composed  of 
"  twelve  of  the  most  upright  citizens  of  Charles 
Connty,"  is  contained  In  one  single  clause  of  their 
report :  "  negro  Jack  died  of  exposure  and  excite- 
ment." The  conclusion  is  correct,  the  premises  false, 
all  false  !  It  was  Ihe  "  excitement "  of  an  unmerci- 
ful whipping,  and  the  "  exposure  "  for  hours  tied  by 
the  hands  to  the  c/erz/A-post. 

So  true  is  it,  and  so  well  known,  that  Jack  came 
to  his  death  by  ill  treatment,  that  a  movement  was 
began  at  the  time  by  several  officers  which  contem- 
plated the  arrest  of  Cox,  and  an  appeal  to  the  law, 
and  to  test  the  question  whether  the  Maryland  Slave 
Code  would  shield  such  a  villain,  and  refuse  to  pun- 
ish such  an  outrage  against  common  humanity,  be- 
cause the  victim  happened  to  be  only  a  "chattel." 
And  this  was  only  prevented  by  circumstances  of 
duty  placing  them  at  too  remote  distance  to  prose- 
cute tiieir  purpose. 

The  empannclingof  the  Jury  was  a  screen  behind 
which  Cox  hoped  to  hide  the  evidence  of  his  barbari- 
ty. Why,  if  Jack  died  a  natural  death,  and  Cox  was 
not  frightened,  was  a  Jury  called  to  sit  on  the  death 
of  a  slave?  If  "Ben.  Franklin,"  tho  "upright" 
jurymen,  or  any  other  supporters  of  slave-murderers 


®  It  t  %  \  \  t  X  IX  t  0  * . 


Ho  Un*un  with  Slaveholders! 


"BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  APRIL  4, 18G2. 


GEN.  McCLELLAH'S  ADDEESS. 

This  "Address  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac"  was 
issued  on  the  14th  ultimo.  It  commenced  with  the 
frank  admission — "  Soldiers,  for  a  long  time  I  have 
kept  you  inactive" — a  fact  too  humiliating  and  too  pal- 
pable to  the  country  to  need  special  proclamation, 
but  which  has  caused  unbounded  satisfaction  among 
those  who  desire  to  see  the  slave  oligarchy  and  a 
satanic  democracy  in  power  again  at  Washington. 
The  reason  assigned  by  Gen  McC.  for  this  protracted 
inactivity  was,  that  his  troops  might  he  "disciplined. 
armed  and  instructed."  As  if,  at  any  time,  they  were 
not  as  competent  to  take  the  field  as  the  degraded 
and  miserable  rank  and  file  in  the  army  opposed  to 
them  !  As  if  half  a  year,  and  more,  were  necessary 
to  make  it  safe  to  move,  with  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men,  half  a  dozen  miles  in  the  direction  of 
the  enemy!  But  an  additional  reason  was  assigned: 
"  I  have  held  you  back  [they  were  eager  to  go  forward 
long  ago]  that  you  might  give  the  death-blow  to  the 
rebellion."  How  such  a  blow  could  be  given  by  hold- 
ing back  until  compelled  by  the  President  to  move  for- 
ward, and  then  finding  nothing  to  strike,  is  one  of  the 
mysteries  belonging  to  what  is  funnily  described  by 
the  Post  and  Courier  as  "masterly  military  strategy." 
It  amounts  to  the  same  thing  as  "a  tremendous  let- 
ting alone."     There  is  something  very  like  this  in 

Mtihumhur-Xight's  Dreamt— 

"Lion — (Gen.  McC.) — You,  ladies,  you  whoso  gentle 
hearts  do  fear 
The  smallest  monstrous  mouse  that  creeps  on  floor, 

May  now,  perchance,  both  quake  and  tremble  hero, 
When  lion  rough  in  wildest  rage  doth  roar. 
Then  know  that  I,  one  Snug  the  joiner,  am 
A  lion  fell,  nor  else  no  lion's  dam  : 
For  if  I  should  as  lion  coine  in  strife 
Into  this  place,  [Manassas,]  'twere  pity  on  my  life. 

7'heseus — [the  Democratic  journals  passim] — A  very  gen- 
tle beast,  and  of  a  good  conscience. 

Demetrius — Tho  very  best  at  a  beast,  my  lord,  that  e'er 
I  saw. 

Lysandtr — This  lion  is  a  very  fox  for  his  valor. 

Theseus — True  ;   and  a  goose  for  his  discretion. 

Demetrius — Not  so,  my  lord  :  for  his  valor  cannot  carry 
his  discretion  ;   and  the  fox  carries  the  goose. 

Theseus — His  discretion,  I  am  sure,  cannot  carry  his 
valor  ;  for  the  goose  carries  not  tho  fox.  It  is  well :  lcavo 
it  to  his  discretion." 

And  the  pro-slavery  democratic  journals  are  still 
voluble  in  praise  of  Gen.  McCIcllan's  "discretion," 
which  is  again  illustrated  in  the  following  scene  in 
Much  Ado  About  Nothing : — 

"  Dogberry — This  is  your  charge  :  You  shall  comprehend 
all  vagrom  men  ;    you  are  to  bid  any  man  stand 
Princo's  name. 

Watchman — IIow,  if  he  will  not  stand? 

Dogb. — Why  then,  take  no  note  of  him,  but  let  him  go  ; 
and  presently  call  the  rest  of  the  watch  together,  and 
thank  God  you  are  rid  of  a  knave. 

Verg. — If  he  will  not  stand  when  he  is  bidden,  he  is  none 
of  tho  Prince's  subjects. 

Dogb. — True,  and  they  aro  to  meddle  with  none  but  th 
Prince's  subjects. 

Watch.— Well,  Sir. 

Dogb.— If  you  meet  a  thief,  you  may  suspect  him,  by 
virtue  of  your  office,  to  be  no  true  man  ;  and  for  such  kind 
of  men,  the  less  you  meddle  or  make  with  them,  why,  the 
more  Js*for  your  honesty. 

Watch. — If  we  know  him  to  ho  a  thief,  shall  wo  not 
lay  hands  on  him'? 

Dogb. — Truly,  by  your  offico,  you  may  ;  but,  I  think, 
they  that  touch  pitch  will  bo  defiled  :  the  most  peaceable 
way  for  you,  if  you  do  take  a  thief,  is,  to  let  him  show 
himself  what  he  is,  and  Heal  out  of  your  company." 


._.  Charles  County  desire  the  public  to  have  knowl- 
edge of  further  revelations  in  that  line,  they  are  at 
hand,  and  can  be  given,  for  the  "  half  has  not  been 
told."  Ex 

New  York,  March  22,  1862. 


That  is,  or  has  been  up  to  this  present  time  of  writ- 
ing, the  "masterly  strategy"  of  Gen.  McClellan,  in 
dealing  with  the  rebels  in  Virginia;  and  that,  at  their 
own  leisure  and  to  accomplish  their  own  plans,  they 
have  at  last  adroitly  stolen  away  from  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac,  is  pronounced  by  bis  Northern  secession 
eulogists  full  proof  of  wonderful  genius  on  his  part! 

Well, — by  the  admission  of  the  General, — "the 
army  of  the  Potomac  is  now  a  real  army,  magnificent 
in  material,  admirable  in  discipline  and  instruction, 
and  excellently  equipped  and  armed."  It  was  so  on 
the  14th  of  March,  and  his  language  then  wap,  "The 
moment  for  action  has  arrived.  .  .  .  The  period  for 
inaction  [what  a  confession  !|  has  passed.  ...  I  will 
bring  you  face  to  face  with  the  rebels.  ...  I  shall  de. 
mand  of  you  great  and  heroic  exertions,  rapid  and 
long  marches,  desperate  combats  and  privations." 
Spasmodic  rhetoric  this,  and  followed  by — what?  A 
repetition  of  one  or  two  holiday  reviews — no  facing 
the  enemy — no  rapid  or  slow,  no  long  or  short  marches 
— and  three  weeks  have  elapsed  since  these  "brave 
words  "  were  uttered !  What  a  mockery !  It  is  no 
fault  of  his  army— O  no!  "I  know,"  he  says,  "you 
wish  to  be  on  the  decisive  battle-field.  It  is  my  busi 
ness  to  place  you  there."  Why  doesn't  he  do  it, 
then?  Nobody  knows  what  he  is  about,  or  finds  him 
confronting  the  enemy  at  any  point.  Every  other 
department  of  the  army,  excepting  that  under  his  im- 
mediate control,  is  achieving  victory,  and  driving  the 
rebels  before  it.  Why  does  he  hold  back?  Is  it  be- 
cause he  really  regards  the  brave  men  under  him  as 
mere  children  1  "I  am  to  watch  over  you,"  he  tells 
them,  "as  a  parent  over  his  children"  !  This  is  not 
very  complimentary  to  them,  and  it  is  very  egotistical 
in  him.  In  view  of  what  he  has  done,  or  rather 
failed  to  do,  since  he  took  command  of  the  army  of 
the  Potomac,  a  more  ridiculous  address  than  his  own 
never  made  by  a  military  leader.  The  dastardly 
traitors  of  the  South  he  describes  as  "brave  foes" — 
"foemen  well  worthy  of  the  steel  you  will  use  so 
well" — and  sentimentally  talks  of  "this  sad  war,"  as 
though  he  were  a  looker-on,  and  more  than  half  con- 
verted to  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance! 

No  matter  what  Gen.  McClellan  may  do'in  the  way 
of  successful  effort  hereafter :  for  the  past  he  can 
make  no  atonement. 

Mr.  Bowles,  of  the  Springfield  Republican,  who  has 
recently  visited  Washington,  hitherto  a  warm  sup- 
porter of  McClellan,  publishes  in  his  paper  a  more 
damaging  criticism  of  him  than  has  yet  appeared, 
even  in  the  New  York  Tribune.     He  sa,-s  : — 

"There  is  no  doubt  of  a  great  abatement  of  confi- 
dence in  Gen.  McClellan,  on  the  part  of  the  Cabinet 
and  Congress.  The  President,  too,  measures  what  he 
before  gave  him  without  stint.  It  is  not  easy  to  see 
why,  with  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  the  oldest 
and  best  troops  of  the  Union  at  his  command,  General 
McClellan  permitted  the  rebels  to  press  their  lines  in 
upon  him  at  all  points,  and  to  bold  the  Potomac,  both 
above  and  helow  Washington,  all  winter, — why  he  re- 
fused to  seize  fine  opportunities  to  cut  off  large  detach- 
ments of  their  armies, — why  he  denied  the  navy  de- 
partment the  cooperation  it  has  for  months  asked  to 
take  Norfolk,  and  seize  the  Mcrrimac  before  she  could 
execute  the  mischief  that  has  since  startled  the  coun- 
try ;  or  why  he  could  not  join  the  naval  forces  in  clear- 
ing the  Potomac  of  the  rebel  batteries,  for  which  they 
were  long  ago  ready, — why,  in  the  only  "  stirring  up  " 
that  he  gave  the  enemy,  the  preparations  for  an  ad- 
vance and  retreat  were  so  feeble  as  to  result  in  the 
Ball's  Bluff  tragedy, — why  he  kept  Gen.  Halleck  in 
check  for  weeks  after  that  officer  was  ready  to  move 
onward, — why  he  opposed  Gen.  Butler's  southern  ex- 
pedition until  overruled  by  the  War  Department,— why 
lie  kept  promising  to  move  onward,  and  never  did  until 
tlie  President  had  repeated  twice  or  thrice  positive  orders  to 
do  so, — and  why,  when  he  did  so,  he  permitted  himself 
to  repeat  the  farce  of  the  king  of  Prance  in  march- 
up  the  hill,  and  then  marching  down  again  ?  That  all 
these  and  many  more  similar  things  are  true  of  his 
course  as  commander-in-chief,  I  have  the  most  abun- 
dant reason  to  believe.  That  lie  lias  almost  sinned 
away,  by  postponement  and  inaction,  his  day  of  grace 
with  President  and  Cabinet,  those  most  cognizant  of 
the  opinions  of  tho  hitter  sufficiently  know.  The  new 
Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Stanton,  has  been  growing  in 
Impatience  with  the  estrangement  from  him  over  since 
he  assumed  that  office;  and  but  for  the  President's 
cautious  policy,  it  is  quite  likely  Gen.  McClellan  would 
before  to-day  have  been  dethroned  even  from  the  head- 
ship of  the  army  of  the  Potomac.  There  was  a  tre- 
mendous pressure  from  the  Senate  and  a  portion  of  the 
Cabinet  for  a  change;  but  the  President  was  firm,  and 
said  that  though  be  had  relieved  him  from  the  general 
command,  in  part  because  he  was  not  satisfied  with  his 
course,  ho  had  confidence  that  now  he  had  taken  the 
field  at  the  head  of  his  especial  division  of  the  army, 
he  would  push  forward  the  campaign  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  and  prove  worthy  of  the  position." 

The  Traveller  wittily  says, — Gen.  McClellan  is  get- 
ting on.  He  has  reviewed  Gen.  McDowell's  corps  d'- 
armce.  When  docs  he  mean  to  view  the  enemy's  army  ? 


THE  MOBBING  OP  WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

The  Ncwburyport  Herald  comments  upon  the  das- 
tardly assault  upon  freedom  of  speech  at  Cincinnati, 
in  the  person  of  the  noble  and  gifted  Wendell  Phillips, 
in  the  following  characteristic  manner : — 

"  Wendell  Phillips  has  been  mobbed  at  Cincinnati 
for  declaring  himself  a  disunionist.  There  was  no  de- 
mand for  a  mob  in  Cincinnati;  there  never  is  any- 
where ;  but  for  the  life  of  us,  wc  can't  see  why  the  Govern- 
ment, that  Jills  the  prisons  with  political  oj/hitle.rs,  should  al- 
low this  man  to  be  at  large,  advocating  treason  over  the  land. 
He  makes  no  secret  of  his  views,  lie  declares  them  in 
Boston  and  New  York,  and  in  Washington  under  the 
very  nose  of  the  President.  If  it  can't  take  care  of  such 
a  man,  it  should  open  the  doors  of  Port  Warren  to 
Buckner  and  Barron,  and  all  the  rebels  great  or  small." 

The  Herald  is  as  despicable  a  sheet,  habitually,  as 
comes  under  our  examination.  Its  editor  is  George 
J.  L.  Colby,  an  apostate  Abolitionist,  once  an  Anti- 
Slavery  lecturer,  and  editor  of  an  Anti-Slavery  paper 
published  at  Amesbury,  we  believe.  In  the  Herald 
he  has  never  missed  an  opportunity  to  stab  the  sacred 
cause  which  he  formerly  supported,  or  to  spit  out  his 
venom  at  the  negro,  whose  presence  throws  him  into 
spasms,  and  for  whose  expatriation  he  lustily  calls, 
colorphobia  oozing  out  at  every  pore  of  his  skin.  It  is 
not  true,  as  this  slanderer  asserts,  that  Mr.  Phillips 
was  "  mobbed  for  declaring  himself  a  disunionist"; 
for  he  made  no  such  declaration,  but  just  the  reverse, 
and  gave  his  reasons  for  it — and  the  mob  was  insti- 
gated and  organized  before  he  uttered  a  word. 

The  New  York  Independent  makes  the  following 
comments  with  reference  to  Mr.  Phillips  at  Cincinnati : 

"He  went  to  Cincinnati  from  Washington,  where 
his  adhesion  to  the  Union,  his  praise  of  President 
Lincoln,  his  earnest  zeal  for  the  success  of  this  right- 
eously retributive  war,  are  yet  fresh  in  the  admiring 
memory  of  thousands.  No,  he  did  not  recant  in  Cin- 
cinnati !  It  was  his  hatred  of  slavery  that  brought 
disfavor.  Cincinnati  is  filled  with  a  horde  of  secret 
sympathizers  with  the  South.  They  are  too  mean 
and  too  selfish  to  dare  an  open  avowal  of  their  treason. 
But  to  egg  Phillips  was  quite  safe,  and  fed  their  se- 
cret hatred  of  every  thing  that  favors  liberty  unclogged 
by  slavery, 

"  We  say  it  was  safe.  Cincinnati  is  almost  the  nest 
in  which  anti-slavery  doctrines  were  hatched  in  the 
"West.  It  was  in  the  days  of  that  noble  but  unfortu- 
nate man,  Charles  Hammond,  that  Birney's  press  was 
mobbed  and  dragged  into  the  Ohio  river ;  that  for 
days  the  city  was  under  terror  of  rioters;  that  the  la- 
mented Dr.  Bailey,  since  so  long  the  pride  of  the 
editorial  profession,  was  hated  and  hooted.  There 
has  always  been  there  a  noble  band  of  witnesses 
standing  between  the  rioters  and  the  timid  respecta- 
ble classes.  There  is  a  rotten  Southern  bottom,  a 
conservative  Northern  top,  aud  a  Christian  middle 
class  in  Cincinnati,  that  restrain  the  lower  and  stimu- 
late the  upper." 

The  New  Hampshire  Independent  Democrat  sensibly 
remarks  : — ■ 

"The  pretence  that  the  disgraceful  assault  on  Mr. 
Phillips  was  occasioned  by  anything  he  said  is  a  most 
paltry  one.  Men  do  not  go  to  public  meetings  already 
provided  with  stones  and  rotten  eggs,  unless  with  the 
previous  determination  to  find  something  to  be  dis- 
pleased at  and  made  an  excuse  for  a  row.  The  assault 
on  Mr.  Phillips  in  Cincinnati  was  no  doubt  concocted 
by  some  of  the  pro-slavery  men  of  'respectability 
and  standing,'  who  put  the  mob  up  to  their  work  there 
as  they  did  last  spring  in  Boston. 

The  affair  can  only  reflect  disgrace  on  those  who 
continued  it,  and  none  on  the  object  of  it.  Mr.  Phil- 
lips stands  far  to  high  too  be  injured  by  such  attacks. 
He  has  witnessed  too  many  of  them  in  his  long  expe- 
rience to  be  deterred  from  his  labors  ;  and  although  he 
is  sometimes  too  bitter,  unjust  and  mistaken,  yet  he 
speaks  too  convincingly  in  behalf  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity— ideas  that  are  sure  to  find  their  way  to  the 
popular  heart  sooner  or  later — to  render  it  possible  for 
the  friends  of  slavery  and  oppression  to  prevent  his 
gaining  an  audience  at  last." 

The  Boston  Traveller  revives  a  certain  Paneuil  Hall 
reminiscence  for  general  edification  as  follows  : — 

"The  good  old  times"  would  seem  to  be  return- 
ing. Wendell  Phillips  has  been  mobbed  and  rotten- 
egged  at  Cincinnati,  for  attempting  to  speak  against 
slavery.  It  lias  been  sought  to  show  that  he  was  obnox- 
ious to  Hogopolis  because  of  his  anti-Union  sentiments, 
but  fie  is  not  opposed  to  the  Union,  as  such,  and  declares 
that  he  is  for  the  Union  without  slavery.  Besides, 
whatever  his  opinions,  freedom  of  speech  ought  to  be 
maintained.  Who  thought  of  interfering  with  Mr. 
Yancey,  when  he  spoke  in  Paneuil  Hall,  though  he 
was  notoriously  a  disunionist  of  the  dirliest  water  ? 
He  was  left  to  inoculate  his  democratic  friends,  at 
whose  invitation  he  visited  Boston;  and  those  who 
liked  not  his  opinions  had  the  privilege  of  staying 
away  from  the  meeting  he  addressed,  and  they  exer- 
cised it." 


Mr.  Phillips  has  also  given  a  lecture  in  West  Ches- 
ter, (Pa._)     The  Times  of  that  place  says  : — 

"  Some  of  the  'Democrats  '  who  attended  Wendell 
Phillips's  lecture,  last  week,  may  be  likened  to  some 
other  people  who  "  went  to  scoff,  and  remained  to 
pray,"  for  they  were  immensely  surprised  at  the 
ability,  mildness  and  reasonableness  of  Mr.  Phillips's 
discourse.  They  expected  to  hear  a  ranting,  denun- 
ciatory appeal  in  behalf  of  unconditional  emancipa- 
tion; but  they  were  disappointed,  and  their  party  or- 
gans proved  to  be  great  liars.  We  have  heard  'Dem- 
ocrats '  of  the  Breckinridge  stock  declare,  that  they 
could  endorse  nine-tenths  of  the  sentiments.  This  is 
getting  along  'right  well,'  and  if  such  men  were  not 
bound  to  a  corrupt  party,  they  would  soon  be  uphold- 
ing the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  maintaining 
it  to  be  something  more  than  '  a  rhetorical  flourish.'  " 

Proceeding  from  Cincinnati  to  Chicago,  to  fulfil  an 
engagement  there,  the  Dally  Times  (satanic  democra- 
cy, of  course)  anticipated  the  delivery  of  his  lecture 
by  the  following  paragraphs,  all  designed  to  draw  out 
the  mobocratic  element:' — 

"When  Wendell  Phillips  shall,  in  his  treasonable 
harangue  to-night,  argue  in  favor  of  the  superiority  of 
the  black  over  the  white  race,  it  is  expected  that  the 
Young  Men's  Association  will,  as  some  of  their  brother 
fanatics  did  in  Washington,  applaud  their  own  degrada- 
tion. It  is  expected  that  they  will  applaud  rapturous- 
ly when  Phillips  shall  'curse  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union.' " 

"Only  a  few  days  ago,  Abolitionists  in  Chicago  de- 
manded that  certain  women,  whom  they  denounced  as 
'  Secessionists,'  should  be  driven  from  the  city  by  vio- 
lence. '  We  have  never  heard  that  any  of  these  wo- 
men had  in  public  'cursed  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union.'  " 

"  It  is  announced  that  the  police  authorities  of  Chi- 
cago, instead  of  closing  all  the  halls  in  the  city  against 
Wendell  Phillips,  as  they  should  have  done,  have  de- 
termined to  stand  guard  around  him  while  he  shall 
'curse  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.'  " 

"  Who  are  responsible  for  tho  war  and  all  its  count- 
less miseries  but  tiiey,  North  and  South,  who  'for 
nineteen  years'  have  'cursed  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union '?  " 

This  villanous  attempt  to  excite  a  riot  utterly  failed, 
and  Mr.  Phillips  was  received  by  a  brilliant  and 
crowded  audience  with  the  most  flattering  demon- 
strations of  applause.  It  is  thus  that  the  God  of  the 
oppressed  ever  causes  "the  wrath  of  man  to  praise 
him,"  and  "  the  remainder  of  wrath  he  restrains." 


0K0SS-EXAMIKATI0N. 

The  Baltimore  American  of  Feb.  19th  publishes  a  let- 
ter from  "Ben.  Franklin,"  who  represents  himself  as 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  denies  the  statements 
recently  made  in  various  papers  respecting  the  delibe- 
rate killing  of  the  slave  Jack  by  his  master,  Samuel 
Cox. 

Now — setting  aside  for  a  moment  the  well-known 
fact  that  slavery  cultivates  a  habit  of  falsehood  alike  in 
the  master  and  the  slave,  so  that  the  exculpatory  state- 
ment of  a  slaveholder  in  a  matter  of  this  sort  is  not  for 
a  moment  to  be  trusted — let  us  see  what  portions  of 
this  terrible  narrative  remain  undented,  even  by  the 
apologist,  and  what  portions  are  expressly  admitted. 

It  is  not  denied  that  the  slave  accused  his  master 
of  the  concealment  of  arms  in  aid  of  the  rebellion, 
nor  that  these  anus  were  found  and  seized  in  conse- 
quence of  Jack's  testimony. 

It  is  expressly  admitted  that  Jack  acted  as  "  guide" 
to  the  Federal  soldiers,  when  he  first  went  among 
them  ;  that  the  soldiers  protected  the  loyal  slave, 
when  his  master  was  impudent  enough  to  demand  his 
surrender  ;  and  that  a  Captain  of  the  regiment  volun- 
teered to  kidnap  the  loyalist,  and  to  deliver  him  up  to 
the  rebel,  "  dead  or  alive  "  ! 

It  is  not  denied  that  the  negro,  kidnapped  and 
bound,  was  "caused,"  by  means  of  a  rope,  to  follow 
a  man  on  horseback  about  eleven  miles,  reaching 
Cox's  home  about  11  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The 
apologist  represents  that  Cox  "caused"  only  the  lat- 
ter part  of  this  journey,  aud  "  caused  "  the  slave  only 
to  walk,  not  to  run.  Suppose  we  admit  that  the  bru- 
tal kidnapper  dragged  the  pinioned  man  behind  his 
horse  the  first  six  miles,  and  then  delivered  him  to 
his  rebel  master  so  far  exhausted  that  he  could  go  no 
faster  than  a  walk.  Does  that  help  the  matter  very 
much  ? 

It  is  expressly  admitted  that  the  negro  was  flogged 
"  with  a  leather  strap  "  that  same  Friday  night ;  that 
on  Saturday  night  a  Justice  of  the  peace  was  called 
to  hold  an  inquest  on  his  dead  body ;  that  the  marks 
of  the  flogging  were  found  upon  him  ;  and  that  one 
of  the  negroes  (it  is  to  be  remembered  that  no  negro 
there  is  allowed  to  testify  against  a  white  man)  de- 
clared, in  evidence  of  the  general  kindness  and  modera- 
tion of  his  master,  that  he  had  never  known  him  to 
hip  one  "  thus."  This  bit  of  incidental  evidence 
does  not  tally  exactly  with  the  testimony  of  the 
"physician  in  attendance,"  that  not  a  mark,  scratch 
or  bruise  was  to  be  found  upon  his  body,  "save  a  few 
impressions  of  the  leather  strap  across  the  glutia 
muscles."  This  doctor  does  not  tell  us  whether  these 
impressions  were  in  flesh  color  or  blood  color  ;  but  he 
volunteers  the  sapient  opinion  that  "he  would  have 
died  about  the  same  time  if  he  had  not  received  a 
single  stripe." 

The  language  of  the  verdict  is  noteworthy  and  re- 
markable. Its  terms  agree  precisely  with  the  facts  al- 
leged in  the  original  accusation,  yet  are  cautiously  so 
framed  as  to  admit  and  suggest  a  different  meaning  ; 
and  this  selection  of  terms  is  precisely  what  would  be 
made  by  slaveholders  of  the  class  called  "  respecta- 
ble," on  being  compelled  to  take  open  and  public  ac- 
tion on  an  outrage  of  this  sort,  disgraceful  to  their 
whole  class,  as  well  as  to  the  particular  person  ac- 
cused. 

This  is  the  verdict:  "Negro  Jack  came  to  his 
death  from  long-continued  exposure,  fatigue  aud  ex- 
citement." 
This  is  just  what  the  original  accuser  said.  The 
exposure,  fatigue  and  excitement"  of  being  beaten 
three  hours  with  a  leather  strap,  by  the  alternate  ef- 
forts of  three  men,  is  certainly  enough  to  cause  death, 
when  avowedly  intended  to  accomplish  that  purpose. 

When  we  consider  what  sorts  of  men  are  called  re- 
spectable and  worthy  in  a  slaveholding  region,  the  in- 
genious selection  of  terms  in  this  verdict,  the  pre- 
ference of  evasion  to  direct  falsehood  displayed  in  it, 
corroborates  the  testimony  of  "  Ben. ^Franklin"  that 
tthejury  of  inquest  were  "twelve  as  upright  men  as 
the  county  affords." 

That  Cox,  the  accused,  should  be  declared  "one 
of  our  best  citizens  "  by  the  apologist,  is  quite  accord- 
ing to  custom.  Such  certificates  are  readily  giv- 
en to  any  Southerner  who  is  rich  euough  to  own 
slaves.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  lynching  of 
abolitionists  and  the  burnings  alive  of  slaves,  at  the 
South,  are  generally  performed  by  "  our  first  aud 
most  respectable  citizens." 

The  allegations  that  all  the  rest  of  Cox's  negroes, 
when  inepnred  ofmby  his  pro-slavery  neighbor,  declare 
themselves  to  be  "  happy  and  contented,"  and  their 
master  to  be  "  one  of  the  most  indulgent  and  kind," 
are  too  much  matters  of  course  to  be  worth  comment- 
ing on.  Of  course,  they  didn't  wish  another  such 
inquest  to  be  held  upon  them.  In  such  circum- 
stances, the  precise  testimony  desired  is  given  with 
great  promptness.  Slaves  know  very  well  how  to 
take  care  of  themselves  in  cases  of  that  kind. 

There  seems  but  little  chance  of  justice  being  done 
upon  the  murderer,  in  this  world.  But  will  not  some 
of  those  humane  soldiers  who  rescued  Jack'from  the 
open  attempt  at  capture  now  give  us  the  name  of  the 
kidnapping  "  Captain,"  and  the  particulars  of  his  base- 
ness ?  Ought  not  Hooker's  division  to  be  purged  of 
at  least  one  of  its  Colonels  and  one  of  its  Cap- 
tains ? — c.  k.  w. 


WILLIAM   G'AKLOS  MARTYN. 

Yale  College,  March  29th,  1862. 
Mn.  Garrison  : 

My  Dear  Sir, — The  Liberator  came  to  me  yester- 
day, containing  a  letter  from  Wm.  Cahi.os  Martyx, 
with  your  endorsement  of  that  gentleman  as  a  person 
worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  public.  Now,  Sir,  I 
deem  it  my  duty  to  tell  you  my  reasons  for  regarding 
him  as  entirely  unworthy  of  confidence. 

Mr.  Martyn  is  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine,  with 
whose  character  and  abilities  I  have  been  familiar  for 
some  five  or  six  years. 

During  my  Freshman  year,  I  met  a  gentleman,  one 
day,  on  the  College  grounds,  who  inquired  for  the 
room  of  Wm.  C.  Martyn,  of  the  Freshman  Class.  I 
informed  him  that  there  was  no  such  person  in  Col- 
lege. He  then  told  me  that  he  had  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Martyn  sometime  previous  in  Boston  ; 
that  Martyn  told  him  be  was  a  member  of  my  class  at 
Yale,  and  gave  him  the  number  of  his  room,  and  in- 
vited him  to  call  on  him.  The  gentleman  was  pass- 
ing through  New  Haven,  and  had  called  to  see  Mar- 
tyn, and  showed  me  the  address  which  Martyn  gave 
him,  viz.,  "  W.  C.  Martyn,  No.  5,  South  Centre,  Yale 
College."  Now,  Martyn  has  never  been  at  Yale  at 
all,  and  there  is  no  such  building  here  as  South  Cen- 
tre. The  gentleman  was  a  man  of  intelligence,  and 
seemed  much  grieved  and  chagrined  at  the  faithless- 
ness of  Martyn. 

A  few  months  ago,  Martyn  made  his  appearance  at 
Leroy,  in  Genesee  County,  N.  Y.,  as  an  anti-slavery 
lecturer.  He  then  stated  that  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Senior  Class  in  Yale,  and  that  his  scholarship 
was  so  high  that  the  Faculty  had  allowed  him  to  be 
absent  for  an  indefinite  period,  which  he  was  anxious 
to  improve  in  the  cause  of  the  slave.  The  friends  of 
a  classmate  of  mind,  whose  home  is  at  Leroy,  asked 
him  if  he  knew  that  gentleman.  Fearing  to  involve 
himself,  Martyn  answered  that  he  did  not  know  him, 
because  he  was  in  another  division,  and  the  different 
divisions  had  nothing  in  common.  This  excited  sus- 
picion, and  a*  letter  was  written  to  my  classmate  here, 
making  inquiries  about  Martyn.  They  were  informed 
that  he  was  not  a  member  of  College,  and  that,  con- 
sequently, he  had  been  guilty  of  deception. 

Now,  what  are  we  to  think  of  such  conduct  and 
such  evidence  ?  I  knew  you  must  be  ignorant  of  the 
true  character  of  Martyn,  or  you  would  never  have 
endorsed  him  thus  to  the  public.  I  have  taken  the 
pains  to  tell  you  some  of  the  facts  known  to  me,  lest 
you  should  doubt  the  sufficiency  of  the  grounds  for 
my  opinion. 

You  are  at  liberty  to  make  any  use  of  this  letter,  or 
to  call  upon  me  for  any  further  information  in  my 
possession. 

With  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Remarks.  The  writer  of  the  above  letter  (whose 
name  is  at  the  service  of  the  accused)  is  a  responsible 
member  of  Yale  College,  and  we  deem  it  due  to  all 
parties  concerned  to  publish  it,  trusting  that  Mr.  Mar- 
tyn will  be  able  fully  to  exonerate  himself  from  the 
imputation  thus  cast  upon  his  integrity.  What  mo- 
tive he  could  have — anti-slavery  wise — in  falsely  as- 
suming to  be  a  student  at  Yale,  we  are  utterly  at  a  loss 
to  conceive,  as  such  a  connection  would  be  no  special 
recommendation  among  Abolitionists.  Ivnowing  noth- 
ing to  his  discredit, — that  be  had  repeatedly  lectured 
very  acceptably  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed, — that  he 
was  a  young  man  of  unusual  intellectual  promise, — 
and  being  informed  that  it  was  his  wish  and  intention 
to  lecture  in  a  few  places  in  this  State,  during  the 
present  month,  in  furtherance  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
cause, — we  gave  him  the  brief  but  friendly  introduc- 
tion contained  in  our  last  number.  It  will  be  obvious 
to  him,  however,  that,  before  going  into  the  field,  it 
will  be  his  first  duty  to  reply  to  the  damaging  charges 
brought  against  him  by  our  New  Haven  correspon- 
dent; and,  of  course,  we  shall  promptly  publish  what- 
ever defence  or  explanation  he  may  wish  to  make. 


PosTroNEMEXT,  It  was  announced,  in  our  last 
number,  that  Miss  Anna  R.  Dickinson,  of  Philadel- 
phia, would  address  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congrega- 
tional Society,  in  Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  next,  April 
6th.  To  enable  Itev.  Mr.  Conwav,  of  Cincinnati, 
before  his  return  home,  to  deliver  a  discourse  on  tho 
Death  and  Resurrection  of  John  Brown,  at  that  time, 
the  address  by  Miss  Dickinson  is  postponed  to  tho 
fourth  Sunday  in  April.  Mr.  Conway  and  his  theme, 
no  doubt,  will  attract  a  largo  audience.  A  native  of 
Virginia,  surrounded  by  all  the  perverting  influences 
of  slavery  from  childhood  to  adult  age,  for  several 
years  past  he  has  been  faithful  and  fearless,  as  well 
as  able  and  eloquent,  in  his  advocacy  of  the  Anti-Sla- 
very cause;  and,  dead  to  all  geographical  prejudices 
and  influences,  he  is  nobly  contending  for  universal 
freedom  and  a  truly  democratic  government,  and 
against  slavery  and  secession  "  to  the  death." 


Governors  op  New  England   States.    B.  B. 

Russell,  51G  Washington  street,  has  published  a  fine 
steel  engraving  containing  excellent  likenesses  of  the 
present  Governors  of  the  New  England  States.  The 
picture  consists  of  an  oval  centre,  representing  Bun- 
ker Hill  Monument,  with  the  likenesses  in  oval  form 
around  it. 

Ineeunalism.  For  as  infernally  malignant  and 
murderous  an  article  as  could  bo  concocted  by  the 
most  depraved  fiend  in  the  bottomless  pit,  read  (lie 
article  from  the  New  York  Journal  of  Commerce-,  in 
tho  "Refuge  of  Oppression,"  headed  "John  Brown- 
ism."     Where  can  it  he  matched? 


TOTJE,  OF  WILLIAM  WELLS  BE0WN. 

"William  Wells  Brown  returned  last  week  from  a 
highly  successful  tour  through  the  State  of  New  York. 
Besides  his  lyceum  engagements,  he  gave  free  lectures 
in  a  number  of  the  places  he  visited,  on  "The  War 
and  its  collection  with  Slavery."  He  has  done  a  good 
work  in  some  towns  hitherto  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
anti-slavery  lecturer.  Poughkeepsie,  for  instance,  has 
always  been  considered  a  place  where  little  or  no  im- 
pression could  be  made  in  favor  of  our  cause.  Mr. 
Brown's  first  lecture  there  was  given  in  the  colored  peo- 
ple's church.  At  the  conclusion  of  it,  he  was  invited 
to  repeat  the  lecture  in  the  large  Universalist  Church, 
on  the  12th  ult.  The  house  was  filled  in  every  part 
on  the  occasion,  and  of  his  effort  the  Evening  Express 
speaks  in  terms  of  unqualified  and  hearty  praise. 

After  delivering  a  second  lecture  to  the  citizens  gen- 
erally, Mr.  Brown  was  requested  to  give  a  reading  of 
his  now  Drama  on  "  Life  at  the  South."  With  this 
request  he  complied,  and  the  (Poughkeepsie)  Daily 
Eagle,  in  allusion  to  it,  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  William  Wells  Brown  is  a  competent  witness  to 
the  evils  of  slavery,  having  been  many  years  under 
the  lash,  and  he  has  redeemed  himself  therefrom  to 
speak  in  eloquent  and  effective  words  against  the  sum 
of  all  villanles.  His  lectures  are  among  the  best  ever 
delivered  on  that  subject  here,  as  all  who  heard  them 
testify,  and  his  drama  interested  and  amused  his  audi- 
ence, bringing  tile  subject  before  them  more  vividly 
than  any  amount  of  argument  could  have  done.  It 
seemed  to  have  been  highly  relished  by  the  audi- 
ence." 

At  the  close  of  the  rending,  a  motion  was  made,  and 
unanimously  adopted,  inviting  Mr.  Brown  to  address 
the  people  of  Poughkeepsie  on  the  present  crisis. 
The  Daily  Eagle  of  the  18th  ult.  says  of  the  lecture  : 

"  The  lecture  by  Wm.  Wells  Brown,  last  evening, 
was  attended  by  a  very  large  audience,  lie  thought 
the  difficulty  in  settling  our  national  difficulties  was 
not  so  much  what  to  do  with  the  slaves  as  what  to  do 
with  the  masters.  He  argued  that  the  rebellion  could 
never  be  suppressed  (ill  slavery  was  abolished.  His 
remarks  were  received  with  applause." 

We  rejoice  to  see  that  the  people  in  a  place  like 
Poughkeepsie  are  beginning  to  wake  up  to  their  duty 
in  regard  to  the  oppressed  of  our  land.  Mr.  Brown's 
lecture  on  "  What  shall  wc  do  with  the  Traitors,  and 
What  shall  be  douo  with  their  slaves?"  is  highly 
spoken  of  where  it  has  been  delivered.  He  has  al- 
ready been  invited  to  give  it  in  several  places  in  this 
vicinity,  and  we  trust  he  will  have  as  many  more  in- 
vitations as  he  can  possibly  comply  with.  M. 


2^=  It  will  be  seen   by  her  letter  on  our   fourth 
page,  that  Mrs.  HARRIET  M.vit riNi;  \v.  bus  withdrawn 

as  the  foreign  correspondent  of  the  Anti+Slavtrjf  Stand- 
ard, for  the  reasons  therein  set  forth.  Some  i-om- 
nionts  upon  it,  intended  for  our  present  number,  must 

be  deferred  (ill  next  week, 


LITERARY  TASTE  OP  TEE  COLORED  PEO- 
PLE, 

Besides  contributing  liberally  to  the  support  of  the 
various  lectures  and  other  literary  entertainments 
which  have  taken  place  in  Boston  during  the  past 
winter,  the  colored  citizens  have  kept  up  a  series  ot 
literary  and  historical  lectures  and  entertainments  for 
their  moral,  social  and  mental  elevation.  On  Monday 
evening  of  last  week,  the  "  Union  Progressive  Asso- 
ciation "  gave  their  first  exhibition  at  the  Joy  Street 
Church,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  means  to  make  ad- 
ditions to  their  library.  The  exhibition  consisted  of 
speeches,  readings  and  recitations,  original  and  se- 
lected, which  reflected  great  credit  upon  the  associa- 
tion. During  the  evening,  Mr.  George  W.  Potter 
read  a  very  able  and  interesting  essay  on  Crispus 
Attucks  and  John  Brown,  which  was  finely  delivered, 
and  received  with  marked  applause.  Seldom  have 
we  heard  a  better  display  of  truly  genuine  eloquence 
than  occurred  in  some  of  its  passages.  The  essay 
was  Mr.  Potter's  own  production.  The  declamation 
by  Mr.  John  A.  Newby,  on  "Eloquence,"  was  taste- 
fully rendered;  Mr.  Wm.  G.  Butler  did  ample  justico 
to  "  Hotspur's  Account  of  the  Fop."  The  dialogue 
between  "Edward  and  Warwick"  was  well  represent- 
ed by  Richard  T.  Greener  and  Albert  Jackson.  Wil- 
liam H.  Simpson,  the  distinguished  young  artist,  had 
a  most  difficult  piece  in  the  recitation  of  "  The  Ma- 
niac," but  he  did  himself  great  credit,  and  showed 
that  he  possessed  genius  of  a  high  order  in  the  art  of 
declaiming,  as  well  as  in  the  use  of  the  brush  and 
pallet.  Their  performance  was  concluded  with  a  col- 
loquy, written  by  Wm.  C.  Nell,  which  had  in  it  con- 
siderable merit,  and  gave  general  satisfaction.  The 
"Jonathan  Gamut"  of  Mr.  J.  H.  Shaw  was  very 
good.  He  looked,  walked,  talked  and  acted  the  green 
down-easter,  in  genuine  Yankee  style,  and  his  "  story  " 
could  not  welt  be  beat.  Success  to  the  "  Progressive 
Union  " ! 

On  the  following  evening,  (Tuesday,)  at  the  same 
place,  an  entertainment  was  given  for  the  benefit  of 
the  fugitives  in  Kansas.  This  consisted  of  dramatic 
and  poetical  readings  by  Mrs.  Louisa  PeMortie  and 
Miss  Susa  Clucr.  The  first  piece,  a  dialogue  between 
'■  Old  Fickle  and  Son,"  was  finely  read  by  both  la- 
dies, and  received  with  applause.  Mrs.  Caudle's  lec- 
ture on  the  "  Shirt  Button  "  gave  Miss  Cluer  an  excel- 
lent opportunity  to  show  her  comic  powers.  Whit- 
tier's  "Maud  Mailer"  was  given  in  a  superior  man- 
ner by  Mrs.  DeMortie'.  The  same  lady  also  read 
"  The  Leap  from  the  Long  Bridge,"  by  Grace  Green- 
wood, Whitticr's  Toussaint  L'Ouverture,  and  his  cel- 
ebrated "Stanzas  for  the  Times,"  to  the  entire  sat- 
isfaction of  the  large  audience,  who  testified  their  ap- 
probation by  frequent  rounds  of  applause.  Of  Miss 
Cluer's  ability  as  a  reader  we  need  say  nothing,  for 
her  reputation  in  that  line  has  long  been  established. 
Of  Mrs.  DeMortie's  capabilities  we  must  oiler  a  few- 
words.  Tins  was  her  first  appearance  in  public,  and 
her  friends  felt  no  little  interest  in  her  success. 
However,  she  soon  dispelled  all  doubts,  and  convinced 
every  one  that  she  possessed  rare  genius,  that  needed 
only  an  opportunity  for  development.  Mrs.  DeMorlie 
has  a  voice  of  great  richness  and  expression,  which 
tells  effectively  on  an  audience.     She  evinces  talent 

for  tragic  and  comic  representations  seldom  combined. 

But  her  great  powers  lie  in  tragedy.  Wc  should  like 
to  hear  her  read  "Hamlet,"  "  The  Tempest,"  "The 
Maniac,"  or  "The  Gambler's  Wife."  In  reading 
"  The  Leap  from  the  Long  Bridge,"  she  exhibited,  in 
some  of  its  passages,  traits  thai  called  to  mind  tho 
finest  displays  ot  Fanny  Keinhle.  Miss  Glinn,  or  Mrs. 
Harrow.  Should  Mrs.  DeMortie  make  reading  a  pro- 
fession, she  will  attain  a  high  position.  Thus  one 
after  another  of  the  oppressed  race  vises  up,  and  testi- 
fies that 

"Fleecy  hx'lis  anil  ilitrk  oomptaxlon 
Cannot  toriVit  Nature's  otaun."  B, 


ft^rx"For  a  sketch  of  an  eloquent  and  stirring 
Speech  "On  the  American  Crisis,"  by  lhxuv  Vin- 
ii-NT,  of  England,  (he  popular  orator  in  the  cause  of 

Reform,  see  next  page. 


^PRIL  4. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


55 


HEBTEY    VIHOEHT    ON    THE    AMEKIOAN 
CEISIS. 

On  Monday  evening,  March  16th,  an  immense  con- 
course of  influential  Indies  mnl  gentlemen  overflowed 
the  Assembly  Rooms,  Bedford,  (England,)  to  listen  to 
an  oration  from  Henry  Vincent  on  the  present  Ameri- 
can Crisis.  Tickets  for  the  meeting  were  eagerly 
purchased,  and  crowds  began  to  assemble  as  early  as 
seven  o'clock,  although  the  chair  was  not  to  be  tnken 
until  eight.  Mr.  Rowland  Hill  presided.  It  was  re- 
markable to  witness  the  deep  interest  manifested  in 
the  great  theme  of  the  orator,  and  heart-stirring  to 
listen  to  the  enthusiastic  and  repeated  cheers  with 
winch  he  was  greeted.  A  more  important  meeting 
could  not  have  been  held.  We  regret  wc  have  only 
power  to  give  the  faintest  outline  of  Mr.  Vincent's 
remarkable  oration.     He  spoke  fully  two  hours. 

Mr.  Vincent  commenced  by  warning  his  hearers  of 
the  impossibility  of  understanding  the  American  sub- 
ject in  the  light  of  Lincoln's  election  to  the  presi- 
dency, or  of  the  question  of  a  tariff,  or  of  our  own 
griefs,  or  of  the  scandalous  falsehoods  of  the  limes 
newspaper.  It  was  necessary  to  know  something  of 
American  history,  of  the  structure  of  the  American 
people,  and  of  the  formation,  development,  and  char- 
acter of  their  social  and  political  institutions.  Mr. 
Vincent  then  described  the  populations  of  America, 
their  character  and  origin,  the  slave  institution,  the 
boundless  territory  of  the  Union,  with  its  vast  rivers, 
stupendous  lakes,  extensive  forests,  &c.  The  war  of 
independence  was  described,  and  the  union  of  the 
States  under  the  Constitution  of  a  Federal  Republic. 
At  the  convention  which  formed  the  Union,  no  diffi- 
culty was  feit  on  the  questions  which  convulse  the 
Old  World.  Driven  by  the  force  of  events  upon  the 
elective  principle,  the  Republic  was  the  only  possi- 
ble Government;  the  Republic  sustained  by  an  elec- 
tive House  and  Senate,  reflecting  in  its  laws  and 
usages  the  common  and  statute  laws  of  the  mother 
country.  All  parties  had  fought  for  independence; 
the  colored  man  and  the  white  man  shoulder  to  shoul- 
der; and  there  was  an  implied  agreement  as  they 
marched  under  a  common  motto — "  All  men  are  born 
free  and  equal " — that  white  and  black  alike,  freed 
from  the  rule  of  the  mother  country,  should  partici- 
pate in  the  blessings  of  freedom.  (Loud  applause.) 
Free  churches  and  free  schools  sprung  like  poetry 
from  the  fabled  head  of  the  Greeks,  "  mature  at  once," 
almost  without  debate.  (Applause.)  But  the  ques- 
tion that  confronted  the  fathers  of  this  Republic  was 
the  one  question  of  slavery.  "How  can  we  found  a 
Republic  that  gives  legal  guarantees  for  this  horrid 
system  of  slavery  ? "  Washington  and  Jefferson, 
though  implicated  in  slavery,  lifted  up  their  voices 
against  it;  and  the  difficulty  was  only  tided  over  by 
a  "  compromise."  It  was,  after  stormy  debates, 
agreed  that  slavery  should  never  become  a  political 
institution,  should  never  form  part  of  the  political 
pact,  should  never  be  elevated  to  the  position  of  a 
Federal  or  Constitutional  power.  It  was  agreed  that 
slavery  should  be  local,  exceptional,  municipal ;  should 
depend  for  its  life  or  death,  not  upon  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, but  upon  the  separate  States,  as  they  chose 
to  uphold  or  destroy  it.  Each  State  should  come  into 
the  Union  as  it  existed,  "  witli  all  its  social  peculiari- 
ties" ;  with  the  full  right  to  all  freedom  of  action  not 
incompatible  with  the  safety  of  the  Federal  Union 
and  Republic.  (Cheers.)  Not  a  few  of  the  founders 
of  the  Union  expressed  their  belief  that  this  compro- 
mise was  a  high  proof  of  wisdom,  that  slavery  would 
he  gradually  abolished  by  State  action  ;  and  to  make 
plain  to  the  world  that  slavery  had  no  political  status 
in  the  Union,  the  first  clause  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  affirmed  that  "all  men  are  born  free 
and  equal."  (Renewed  applause.)  The  slaveholders, 
with  their  700,000  slaves,  acquiesced  in  this  arrange- 
ment, fearing  to  challenge  in  the  then  revolutionary 
state  of  the  public  mind  a  debate  on  their  infernal  in- 
stitution; and  amid  the  roaring  of  artillery  and  shouts 
of  the  populace,  and  in  the  face  of  European  abso- 
lutism, the  American  Republic  arose,  a  light  to  the 
oppressed  nations,  a  new  and  eloquent  chapter  in  the 
history  of  humanity.    (Loud  cheers.) 

Mr.  Vincent  then  explained  how,  after  the  excite- 
ment of  the  Revolutionary  AVar,  several  of  the  States 
abolished  slavery — how  the  application  of  steam  to 
manufacturing  industry  gave  a  sudden  and  almost  in- 
definite expansion  to  the  cotton  trade — how  the  South, 
witli  its  growth  of  indigo,  rice,  tobacco,  and  especially 
cotton,  rose  with  rapidity  into  the  most  important 
exporting  part  of  the  Union.  He  traced  the  growth 
of  trade  influences  from  South  to  North — showed  how 
the  desire  for  peace  and  trade  led  mercantile  men  in 
the  North  to  deprecate  any  agitation  on  the  slave 
question,  until  slavery  was  strongly  upheld  in  the 
South  as  a  social  necessity,  and  winked  at  in  the 
North  as  a  commercial  advantage.  He  gave  a  vigorous 
sketch  of  the  slave  institution,  and  of  the  slavehold- 
ers. He  described  how  this  Slave  Power  was  neces- 
sarily supreme  in  the  slave  States,  and  how  it  was 
able  to  make  Presidents,  and  fill  the  Senate  and  Rep- 
resentative Assembly  with  slaveholders  and  their 
friends.  He  showed  that  the  slaveocracy,  acting  in 
the  presence  of  the  farmers  of  the  West  and  the  trad- 
ers and  workers  of  the  North,  overwhelmed  all  oppo- 
sition, and  became  (in  spite  of  the  Constitution)  the 
one  prevailing  political  power  of  the  Union.  He 
then  traced  its  corrupting  tendency  upon  the  Northern 
mind — how  it  debauched  the  public  conscience,  in- 
vaded the  pulpit  and  school,  mastered  the  ballot-box, 
coiling  itself  like  a  serpent  around  the  whole  body 
politic,  spitting  its  poison  into  the  heart  and  brain  of 
the  Republic. 

The  rise  of  the  Abolitionists  was  sketched,  and 
their  long  heroic  struggle  to  awaken  the  public  con- 
science, and  how  they  were  brutally  confronted  by 
Southern   demagogues  and  Northern  rowdies.      The 
steady  growth  of  the  North,  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
and  the  expansion  of  the  South,  the  rapid  exhaustion 
of  the  soil  by  slave  labor,  the  necessity  for  the  South 
to  find  new  territories,  and  the  rise  of  the  desire  to 
encroach  upon  the  free  soil  of  the  North,  were  all 
explained.     The  scandalous  schemes  of  the  South  to 
take  Cuba  and  to  invade  Mexico,  how  slavery  was  al- 
ways bringing  America  into  conflict  with  England  on 
the  right  of  search  and  other  questions  incidental  to 
the  slave  trade,  were  all  set  forth.     "  From  the  first," 
said  the  orator,  emphatically,    "  slavery  and  slave- 
holders have  been  the  curse  of  the  nation,  the  root  of 
all  American  difficulties — the  dishonor  of  the  Repub- 
lic— the  opprobrium  of  the  world."     (Loud  cheering.) 
Mr.  Vincent  next  explained  the  rise  of  the  "com- 
promise parties,"  North  and  South,  "  who  endeavored 
to  trim  the  balances  between  freedom  and  slavery," 
until  the  rise  of  the  Free  Soil  parly — the  party  that 
first  felt  that  slaverj'  was  killing  the  Republic,  and 
that  it  must  be  resisted.     Standing  upon  the  Consti- 
tution, the  Free  Soil  party  resolved  to  defend  the  free 
soil  of  America,  and  to  limit  slavery  to  its  existing 
area.     This  led  to  new  battles;   but  the  growth  of 
numbers  and  wealth  in  the  North  increased  steadily 
the  power  of  the  Free  Soilers,     The  influence  of  time 
and  education  upon  the  staves  was  explained — how 
the  slaves,  "when  they  found  out  they  had  heads,  be- 
gan to  run  away  from  the  flag  of  a  republic  to  the 
flag  of  a   glorious   old   English   monarchy."     "  The 
blacks,"   said  Mr.  Vincent,   "ran,  but  the  whitcy- 
browns  galloped  ;  for  it  is  a  fact  that  a  single  drop  of 
Anglo-Saxon  blood  infects  a  colored  man  with  a  ting- 
ling in  his  toes  and  knees,  and  he  gallops  away." 
(Laughter  and  cheers.)     Mr.  Vincent  then  described 
the  agitation  for  a  "Fugitive  Slave  Bill" — a  hill  that 
Bought  to  violate  the  constitutional  pact  by  compellin, 
the  Federal  Power  to  undertake  the  defence  of  slu 
very  by  arresting  runaway  slaves.     This,  though  a 
blow  at  liberty,  stuck  a  pin  in  the  very  vitality  of  the 
Slave  Power.     The  North  roused  itself;  and,  though 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill  was  passed,  the  conviction 
was  deepened,  in  all  the  Northern  States,  that  the 
hour  of  an  American  crisis  was  at  hand.    Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe's  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin "  deepened 
this  conviction,  (immense  applause,)  and  the  whole 
Union  moved  under  the  influence  of  a  new  conscien- 
tious and  mental  life. 
Mr.  Vincent  then  advanced  to  Buchanan's  election 


to  the  Presidency  against  Col.  Fremont,  the  Free 
Soil  enndidute,  the  numbers  voting  for  Col.  Fremont 
giving  an  ominous  warning  to  the  slaveholders  and 
their  minions  that  their  long  lease  of  power  was  draw- 
ing to  a  close.  The  conspiracies  of  the  Southern 
leaders,  who  were  in  office  under  Buchanan,  all  proved 
that  the  South,  feeling  the  ground  of  its  supremacy 
slipping  away,  prepared  for  any  crime,  fur  any  trea- 
son or  rebellion  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic,  for 
the  preservation  of  their  ascendancy  in  the  Union,  or 
for  the  defence  of  their  slave  institutions  under  a  sep- 
arate government.  The  plunder  of  the  arsenals— the 
scattering  of  the  fleet— the  pilfering  of  the  treasury— 
the  villany  of  Floyd  and  other  vile  men— was  de- 
nounced. Floyd,  Buchanan's  late  Secretary,  was  one 
of  the  greatest  scamps  in  the  Union — excepting,  per- 
haps, Bennett,  of  New  York,  a  fellow  whose  paper 
was  so  often  quoted  by  the  Times,  when  the  Times  (so 
long  anxious  for  a  war  with  France,  and  the  bitter 
opponent  of  the  French  treaty  of  Commerce)  wanted, 
in  its  diabolical  fury,  to  promote  a  war  with  America. 
(Prolonged  applause.) 

Mr.  Vincent  next  described  the  union  of  Northern 
parties  for  the  choice  of  the  next  President,  and  the 
choice  feel  upon  tougli  Abe  Lincoln,  as  fine  a  piece 
of  oak  as  you  will  find  in  the  whole  Union.  "I 
perceive,"  said  Mr.  Vincent,  "that  a  learned  orator 
in  Kent,  Mr.  Beresford  Hope,  in  addressing  an  audi- 
ence sometime  ago,  called  him,  amid  the  laughter  of 
a  stupid  assembly,  'a  wood-splitter.'  Yes;  he  began 
life  at  the  foot  of  the  tree,  working  his  way  upwards, 
carving  A.  L.  upon  the  rind,  ns  boys  are  apt  to  do, 
until  by  a  marvellous  growth,  Hie  carving  has  swelled 
into  A.  Lincoln,  President  of  the  American  Republic. 
(Loud  cheers.)  I  caution  you  against  accepting  the 
Times'  portraiture  of  Lincoln — at  h^a&t,  until  the 
Times  puts  io  the  "finishing  toueh."^Loud  laugh- 
ter.) The  2Hmes  will  yet  turn  gracefully  round, 
without  a  single  word  of  apology  for  all  its  falsehoods. 
(Cheers.)  I  could  write  the  article  in  which  the 
"turn"  will  be  performed,  only  I  should  not  like  to 
take  the  fee  out  of  the  pocket  of  the  gentleman  who 
will  have  to  write  it.  (Laughter.)  I  seethe  arlicle 
before  me  in  my  mind's  eye.  I  see  the  small  capitals 
in  the  first  line :  "  Ameeica  has  passed  tiirodgii 

A  TRYING  CRISIS  IN  HER  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTO- 
RY— like  England  in  her  Civil  Wars,  she  has 

PASSED  .THIS  CRISIS  VICTORIOUSLY  AND  WITH  HON- 
OR,    Our  readers  will  remember,  that  during 

THE  DARKEST  PHASES  OF  THE  LATE  UNHAPPY  STRUG- 
GLE,    WE     NEVER     DESPAIRED      OF     THE      REPUBLIC. 

(Great  and  prolonged  cheering.)  To  have  despaired 
of  America  would  have' been  to  despair  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race.  But  while  we  do  honor  to  the  greatness 
of  the  American  people,  we  must  never  forget  that 
remarkable  man,  who,  called  to  the  Presidency  at  so 
critical  a  period,  has,  by  his  good  sense,  rare  modesty, 
firm  will,  incorruptible  integrity,  and  lofty  sagacity, 
carried  the  Union  over  all  difficulties;  entitling  him- 
self to  receive  the  hearty  homage  of  the  friends  of 
self-government  throughout  the  world."  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  Vincent  then  described  Lincoln's  election,  and 
the  immediate  revolt  of  South  Carolina  and  the  other 
slave  States,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  Slave  Con- 
federacy "upon  the  basis  of  slavery."  Buchanan's 
timidity  or  treachery  was  explained,  and  Lincoln's 
quiet  "  walk  "  to  the  Presidential  chair  to  face  a  great 
rebellion,  without  army  or  navy,  and  with  an  empty 
purse.  Lincoln  took  the  oath  to  the  Union,  stood 
upon  the  conservative  ground  of  the  Constitution,  ex- 
pressed his  sorrow  at  the  strife  raging,  and  stated 
that  he  was  ready  to  cover  the  property  of  the  Union 
with  the  flag  of  the  Government,  but  equally  ready 
to  listen  to  any  proposition  for  the  peaceful  adjust- 
ment of  existing  difficulties.  The  South  was  quick 
in  her  movements.  The  dregs  of  her  buccaneering 
expeditions  were  in  motion,  an  army  quickly  impro- 
vised, pushed  upon  Washington,  and  the  Southern 
leaders  were  speculating  upon  division  in  the  North, 
and  upon  the  certainty  that  England  and  France 
would,  for  the  sake  of  Cotton,  enter  into  a  compact 
with  the  Devil,  and  acknowledge  their  criminal  slave 
confederacy,  or  break  any  blockade  the  North  might 
be  able  to  establish.  They  forgot  one  thing,  that  Earl 
Russell  was  at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Office  in  Eng- 
land. (Great  applause.)  "I  consider,"  said  Mr.  Vin- 
cent, "  without  wishing  to  be  irreverent,  that  the  fact 
of  Earl  Russell  being  at  the  Foreign  Office  is  quite 
Providential  in  the  present  crisis  of  European  and 
American  affairs.  I  have  never  flattered  great  men, 
and  if  his  Lordship  condescended  to  notice  my  poor 
opinion,  he  would  never  deem  me  sycophantic  when 
I  declare  that  I  know  of  no  man  who  could  have 
acted  with  more  honor  towards  Italy,  (cheers,)  with 
more  wisdom  and  moderation  and  firmness  towards 
America,  than  he  has  done.  (Prolonged  ajmlause.) 
His  lordship  has  been  true  to  the  traditions  of  his  no- 
ble house.  (Cheers.)  He  has  vindicated  in  Italy,  by 
references  to  our  illustrious  example  in  1G88,  the  right 
of  an  oppressed  people  to  defend  their  honor  and 
freedom,  and  to  expel  from  their  thrones  their  cor- 
rupt and  oppressive  rulers  (great  applause);  and  in 
the  unhappy  mistake  made  by  the  American  captain 
in  the  Trent  affair,  he  has  with  equal  consistency 
upheld  that  right  of  asylum  which  never  must  be 
abandoned  under  the  glorious  English  flag."  (Enthu- 
siastic cheers.) 

Mr.  Vincent  explained  the  haste  of  the   South  in 
attacking  Fort  Sumter,  how  that  event  pricked   the 
honor  of  the  North,  causing  the  entire  population  to 
rise  behind  Lincoln,  shouting  "  The  Union  for  ever !  " 
The  attempt  to  raise  an  army,  the  arrival  of  the  three 
months'  soldiers  at  Washington,  the  Bull's  Run  de- 
feat, were  vividly  sketched.     "  Bull's  Run,"  said  Mr. 
Vincent,  "  saved  the  Republic — it  taught  the  North  it 
had  its  work  to  do,  and  from  that  moment  commenced 
those  vast  preparations   that  are   now  coiling  them- 
selves round  this  criminal  rebellion,  and  which  must 
ultimately  destroy  it.     The  struggle  at  first  is  neces- 
sarily for  the  Border  States.     In  a  little  time,  the  re- 
bellion will  be  driven  out  of  the  Border  States.     The 
slaves  of  rebels  will  be  confiscated  by  military  law. 
The  slaves  of  loyal  masters  in  the  Border  States  will 
he  freed  by  compensation,  and  the  insurrection  will  be 
cooped  into  the  slave  States  proper.     You  will  read 
in  the  Times  rigmarole  articles  about  the  difficulties 
before  the  North.     Wait  and  see!    (Loud  applause,) 
God's  curse   must   rest   upon   the   slaveholders — not 
upon  the  slaves.  (Renewed  applause.)     In  the  nature 
of   tilings,   the   South   must  be    beaten — no    human 
power  can  save  it.    It  contains  alt  the  elements  of 
ruin  and  demoralization  in  its  own  bosom.     Vices 
that  may  not  be  named  overwhelm  its  white  people, 
partly  introduced  into  families  by  the  black  servants 
who  have  been  first  degraded  by  slavery.     Perjury, 
lust,  murder,   outraged  humanity,  destruction  to  all 
holy  family  ties,  cry  aloud  to  Heaven  from  the  very 
heart  of  its  social  life.     The  Nortli  is  not  all  that  we 
could  wish  it  to  be,  but  the   Nortli  contains  a  fine 
population,    hardy,    enterprising,    heroic,    virtuous ! 
(Cheers.)     In  tho  midst  of  all  its  shortcomings,  the 
North  is  instinct  with  real  life.     I  have  heard  shallow 
men  speak  of  the  failure   of  American  institutions! 
Gentlemen,  the  failure  begins  with  slavery,  audit  will 
end  there.   (Great  applause.)     All  tuitions   have  their 
peculiar  difficulties.     England  has  been  severely  tried 
by  many  combats.    From  the  conflicts  of  the  Hep- 
tarchy, through  the  era  of  the  Norman  kings,  in  the 
revolt  under  John,   through  the  storms  of  the  Refor- 
mation—through the  wars  of  the  Roses— through  the 
stupendous  struggle  between  the  Parliament  and  Ring 
Charles,  in  the  days  of  gigantic  Cromwell— through 
the  vile  reigns  of  the  second  Charles  and  James — to 
the  glorious  Revolution  of  1088,  she  has  marched  in 
the  upward  career  of  freedom  and  glory,   shaking  all 
her  difficulties,  by  God's  great  mercy,  like  dust  from 
her  feet.  (Loud  applause.)     Who  will  dare   to  ta.k  til' 
the   failure   of  English   institutions  ?   (Loud  cheers.) 
America  is  a  part  of  ourselves.  (Cheers.)     We  can 
bear  to  hear  Austria,  or  the  Pope,  drivel  about  the 
failure  of  liberty  in  America;  but  that  Englishmen 
should  speak  this  political  blasphemy  is  a  treason 
against  the  law  of  progress  and  the  dearest  interests 
of  the  human  race.  (Prolonged  applause.)     It  is  the 
weakest  drivel  to  suppose  that  America  will  not  sur- 
vive her  constitutional  crisis.     She  will  do  it — she 


must  do  it.  (Renewed  applause.)  Out  of  this  con- 
flict she  will  come  stronger  in  her  moral  and  intellec- 
tual life — more  worthy  of  her  Anglo-Saxon  origin — 
more  worthy  of  her  industrial  power  and  of  her  po- 
litical liberty.  (Loud  applause.)  I  lift  my  prophecy, 
arrogant  though  it  may  seem,  against  all  comers — 
against  dilldante  politicians,  slaveholders,  nnd  conspi- 
rators against  human  freedom — against  time-servers, 
dandies,  and  weak-minded  believers  in  "reaction" 
against  the  progress  of  the  world.  (Great  applause.) 
1  believe  in  God;  therefore  I  believe  that  slavery 
must  fall!  I  believe  in  Christianity ;  therefore  J  know 
that  the  Southern  rebellion  must  fall.  (Renewed  ap- 
plause.) Failure  of  American  institutions!  Yes, 
they  who  have  thus  drivelled  have  a  hard  file  to  bite. 
I  go  further!  The  whole  earth  is  filled  with  com- 
motion— a  clashing  of  opinions,  a  movement  of  mind, 
indicating  the  steady  decline  of  supersition  and  des- 
potism, and  the  rapid  growth  of  intelligence  and  lib- 
erty ;  and  in  America  it  shall  be  seen  that  a  Repub- 
lic can  not  only  he  founded  and  upheld,  but  that  that 
Republic  can  triumph  over  the  foulest  treason,  and 
vindicate  by  its  successes  the  cause  of  justice  and  the 
rights  of  men. 

Mr.  Vincent  resumed  his  seat  amidst  the  loudest 
demonstrations  of  "applause,  which  rung  again  and 
again  throughout  the  vast  assembly. 

Mr.  Vincent  again  rose,  with  the  whole  meeting, 
which  joined  in  singing  "God  Save  the  Queen." 

Three  times  three  cheers  were  given  "for  the  tri- 
umph of  liberty  all  the  world  over." 

Three  cheers  were  also  heartily  given  for  Henry 
Vincent,  and  the  meeting  quietly  dispersed. 


stop  ofl*  a  little  of  their  abuse,  now  that  "  the  Path- 
finder" stands  entirely  exonerated  from  their  lhlsc 
charges,  and  has  been  assigned  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant commands  in  the  army  1 — Concord,  (N.  II.) 
Independent  Democrat. 


LITE    PI0TUKES    AT    WASHINGTON. 

A  few  weeks  since,  the  Fraternity  enjoyed  a  men- 
tal feast  in  listening  to  the  lecture  of  Charles  II. 
Brainard,  Esq.,  on  "Life  Pictures  at  Washington." 
His  graphic  delineation  of  men  and  manners,  as  ob- 
served during  his  several  years'  sojournings  at  the 
capital,  should  be  heard  on  every  Iyceum  platform  in 
New  England — possessing  as  it  does  a  varied  interest 
for  those  who  have,  as  well  as  those  who  have  not, 
been  residents  at  Washington. 

His  chapter  on  the  distinguished  men  of  the  na- 
tion, with  reminiscences  of  their  sayings  and  doings, 
both  within  and  outside  the  Senate  Chamber  and 
House  of  Representatives,  is,  alone,  abundant  in  the 
materials  which  always  amuse  as  well  as  instruct  an 
audience. 

The  "peculiar  institution  "  receives  from  him  such 
rebukes,  en  passant,  as  give  assurance  of  a  heart  beat- 
ing active  for  its  immediate  removal;  and  by  the 
way,  the  progress  of  events  indicates  that  at  least  as 
far  as  the  National  Capital  is  concerned,  slavery  is 
fast  becoming  a  dissolving  view. 

Mr.  Brainard  has  kindly  consented  to  repeat  this 
lecture  at  the  Joy  Street  Church  on  Tuesday  evening, 
April  8th,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Fugitive  Aid  Society. 
Their  course,  thus  far,  has  been  quite  successful,  con- 
sisting of  a  lecture  by  Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin,  select 
readings  by  Miss  Susa  Cluer  and  Mrs.  Louisa  DeMor- 
and  a  lecture  from  Rev.  Wm,  R.  Alger.  The 
Boston  Quartette  Club  will  also  sing  in  connection 

Lfh  the  lecture  of  Mr.  Brainard.  The  ladies,,  under 
whose  auspices  this  benevolent  mission  is  being  pro- 
moted, deserve  warm  commendation. 

Boston,  March  31st,  1862.  W.  C.  N. 


GENERAL  McCLELLAN. 
Some  of  those  persons  who  have  assumed  that  no 
remarks  should  be  made  concerning  General  McClel- 
lan's  military  conduct  have,  with  equal  ignorance  and 
complacency,  pointed  to  the  censures  that  were  passed 
upon  Washington,  adding,  that  as  those  who  criticised 
Washington's  conduct  are  now  remembered  only  to  be 
laughed  at,  so  will  the  men  who  have  questioned  Gen- 
eral McClellan's  wisdom  in  some  respects  be  embalmed 
only  in  contempt.  General  McClellan  is  said  to  be  a 
gentleman  of  very  extensive  knowledge,  and  he  must 
have  read  these  observations  of  his  friends  with  a 
smile  of  derision  on  his  face.  There  can  be  no  com- 
parison made  between  his  case  and  that  of  Washing- 
ton, for  he  stands,  so  far  as  military  matters  go,  in  a 
position  the  reverse  of  Washington's,  and  much  re- 
sembling that  which  was  held,  first  by  Sir  William 
Howe,  and  then  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  Those  Eng- 
lish Generals  had  at  their  command  the  resources  of  a 
great  empire,  and  it  was  expected  of  them  that  they 
should  conquer  the  Americans,  who  occupied,  techni- 
cally, the  position  of  rebels.  Washington  was  the 
commander  of  an  army  that  was  contending  for  free- 
dom, and  that  army  was  but  ill  supplied  with  every- 
thing that  is  necessary  to  render  an  army  strong.  It 
was  badly  armed,  badly  clothed,  badly  fed,  and  badly 
paid.  It  was  almost  always  inferior  to  that  of  the  ene- 
my in  numbers,  when  the  scene  of  action  was  near  to 
the  enemy's  headquarters  at  Philadelphia  and  New 
York.  The  men,  therefore,  who  censured  Washing- 
ton for  not  attacking  the  English  were  exceeding  fool- 
ish men,  and  they  are  now  estimated  at  their  proper 
.due,  as  probably  they  were  then,  by  all  reflecting 
people.  General  McClellan  never  has  labored  under 
any  of  those  disadvantages,  the  existence  of  which 
prevented  Washington  from  acting,  and  forced  him  to 
remain  upon  a  watchful  defensive  throughout  the 
greater  part,  of  his  career  as  American  commander. 
He  has  always  been  superior  in  numbers  to  the  seces- 
sionists, and  for  most  of  his  time  he  has  had  three  sol- 
diers for  every  one  possessed  by  the  Generals  opposed 
to  him.  He  has  had  the  most  and  the  best  artillery, 
the  best  infantry  weapons,  and  as  good  cavalry  as  the 
enemy  have  had.  The  sea  has  been  at  his  command. 
His  army  has  never  suffered  from  the  want  of  money, 
of  arms,  of  clothing,  of  food,  or  of  shelter.  The  en- 
tire resources  of  a  nation  at  once  patriotic  and  rich 
have  been  lavishly  poured  out  at  his  feet,  and  for 
months  no  man  so  much  as  dared  to  question  his  su- 
perhuman ability,  the  criticism  to  which  objection  is 
made  being  of  recent  exhibition,  and  when  the  coun- 
try had  become  tired  of  nothing  being  done  with  means 
so  enormous,  and  with  abilities  said  to  be  so  gigantic. 
There  can  be  no  comparison  made  between  his  posi- 
tion and  that  of  Washington,  though  of  contrast  be- 
tween the  two  there  might  everything  be  said.  Wash- 
ington did  strike  effective  blows  at  the  enemy  at  times 
when  his  means  were  very  limited,  as  witness  Trenton 
and  Princeton,  gained  over  a  victorious,  advancing 
foe,  while  General  McClellan  gains  no  victories  over  a 
retreating  foe.  Washington  was  always  ready  to  take 
the  offensive  when  he  had  the  mean3  of  delivering 
battle  effectively.  He  did  so  at  Gcrmantown,  and 
though  he  lost  the  field,  his  vigor  had  a  beneficial 
effect.  He  did  so  when  the  enemy  left  Philadelphia, 
harassing  their  retreat,  and  fighting  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth. When  he  was  enabled  to  get  a  strong  army 
together,  and  to  acquire  temporary  command  of  the 
sea,  he  marched  several  hundred  miles  to  meet  the 
best  General  and  the  best  army  the  English  had  in 
America,  and  defeated  and  captured  them.  That  is 
the  way  Washington,  having  an  army,  answered  the 
men  who  condemned  his  inaction  when  he  had  no 
army  that  could  face  the  enemy.  Let  General  Mc- 
Clellan do  half  as  much,  ho  having  forty  times  Wash- 
ington's means,  and  his  contemporaries  and  history 
will  do  him  ample  justice. — Boston  Traveller. 

General  McClellan  has  so  much  to  do  in  tho  busi- 
of  reviewing  troops,  that  he  can't  get  them  into 
the  field.  It  is  a  most  extraordinary  circumstance  that, 
though  it  is  now  eight  months  since  he  began  his 
labors  at  Washington,  and  he  has  been  supported  and 
supplied  as  never  before  was  a  commander,  he  has 
done  nothing  to  damage  the  enemy,  and  that  the  seces- 
sion soldiery  seem  to  have  the  same  control  over  his 
mind  that  they  used  to  have,  as  civilians,  over  the 
minds  of  our  political  leaders.  He  is  afraid  of  some- 
thing, but  of  what,  it  is  not  in  human  power  to  say. 
We  can  but  guess,  and  our  guess  is  that,  while  he  is 
personally  brave,  lie  is  deficient  in  that  moral  courage 
which  enables  men  to  "  take  the  responsibility,  '  and 
to  attempt  great  actions.  He  thinks  much  of  the  con- 
sequences of  defeat,  and  but  little  of  the  eli'ects  of  vic- 
tory, A  bold  and  skilful  commander  would  have  had 
possession  of  Norfolk  weeks  ago,  and,  instead  of  pass- 
ing his  time  in  the  foppery  of  reviews,  he  would  have 
employed  his  troops  in  the  real  work  of  war.  It  is  not 
by  inviting  the  English  Minister  and  distinguished 
Canadians  to  look  at  a  parade  that  foreign  respect 
is  to  be  gained  for  the  Union,  but  by  beating  the  ene- 
my,— and  the  enemy  are  not  to  be  beaten  by  armies 
that  arc  kept  busy  doing  nothing  at  the  capiud.— Ibid. 

The  Pro-Slavery,  Secession-sympathizing  Demo- 
cratic press  is  much  exercised  lest  somebody  will  do 
injustice  to  Gen.  McClellan.  We  guess  he  won't  be 
wronged.  People  have  a  right  to  Inquire  why  he  let 
tho  enemy  slip  awny  so  sleek  from  Manassas,  after 
threatening  so  audaciously  the  capital  of  the  nation 
for  ten  months.  Gen.  McClellan  has  his  true  and  fast- 
ing fame  to  make  as  &  great,  commander  yet;  he  has 
not  made  it.  Who  is  to  blame  for  that'?'  He  has  a 
chance  to  make  it,  for  he  has  tho  best  army  in  the 
world,  with  Borne  of  the  best  officers  in  the  country  as 
his  subordinates.  We  hope  he  will  prove  himself  a 
great  commander,  for  such  a  one  the  country  wants 
in  the  place  he  occupies.  Why  don't  some  of  these 
newspapers  that  so  take  Gen.  MeCIelbin  under  their 
patronage,  and  that  have  been  abusing  Fremont,  just 


RIOT  IN  BURLINGTON,  NEW  JERSEY. 

ANOTHER    ATTACK    ON    FREE    SPEKCH. 

Burlington,  March  28,  1862. 

A  riot  of  magnitude  was  expected  here  last  night, 
but  the  timely  precautions  of  Mayor  Allen  prevented 
serious  disturbance.  The  origin  of  the  difficulty  and 
its  results  will  be  ascertained  by  the  perusal  of  the  fol- 
lowing facts,  gleaned  from  official  sources  : 

On  the  22d  of  February,  Col.  James  W.  Wall  was 
invited  by  the  Common  Council  of  Burlington  to  de- 
liver an  address  on  the  "Compromises  of  the  Con- 
stitution." Col.  Wall,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  ar- 
rested here  as  a  Rebel  sympathizer,  incarcerated  in 
Fort  Lafayette,  and  subsequently  released  without  pa- 
role. In  his  address  he  took  the  ground  that  the  Con- 
stitution was  a  compromise.  The  hall  was  crowded, 
many  Republicans  who  opposed  his  views  being  pres- 
ent.    There  was  no  disturbance. 

To  answer  the  address  of  Col.  Wall,  the  Rev.  Sam- 
uel Aaron,  a  clergyman  of  Mount  HoIIey,  was  invited. 
The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  notice  published  in  the 
Burlington  papers : — 

"The  Eev.  Samuel  Aaron  is  to  give  a  lecture,  admit- 
tance free,  at  the  City  Hull,  next  Thursday  evening,  tho 
27th  inst.,  at  1  1-2  o'clock.  Subject :  '  Our  Constitution.' 
Ho  means  to  elaborate  tho  idea  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  not  a  compromise,  between  right  and  wrong, 
but  a  covenant  between  the  wholo  nation  and  all  its  parts 
to  establish  justico  and  secure  and  cherish  liberty,  to  pro- 
tect patriotism  and  punish  traitors." 

The  invitation  was  extended  by  the  Mayor  of  Bur- 
lington and  other  prominent  citizens  of  the  place,  and 
it  was  understood  to  be  a  reply  to  the  arguments  of 
Col.  Wall. 

Last  night,  when  the  lecturer  commenced  his  dis- 
course, the  hall  was  crowded,  two-thirds  of  the  con- 
gregation being  ladies.  There  were  no  indications  of 
disturbance.  Mr.  Aaron  proceeded,  and  among  his 
first  declamatory  remarks  was  an  assault  upon  Gen. 
McClellan,  who,  he  said,  had  been  frightened  by  wood- 
en guns. 

A  voice  demanded,  "What  have  you  to  say  against 
McClellan?"  The  speaker  said  he  was  only  com- 
menting upon  facts.  "Yes,"  replied  his  interrogator, 
"if  McClellan  had  a  black  stripe  down,  his  back,  he 
would  suit  you  better."  Mr.  Aaron  proceeded  again 
for  some  ten  minutes.  He  spoke  of  John  Brown  as 
being  a  martyr  to  principle — as  a  meek,  heavenly- 
minded  man,  who  went  down  South  with  peaceful  in- 
tentions; whose  sole  object  was  to  free  the  bondman 
from  his  shackles,  and  the  bloody  assassins  murdered 
him. 

Ho  went  on  to  say  Colonel  Wall  had  recently  de- 
livered a  lecture  in  this  hall,  in  which  he  had  charged 
the  Abolitionists  with  denouncing  the  Constitution  as 
a  "league  with  hell,  and  a  covenant  with  death."  He 
did  not  believe  this,  unless  the  declaration  of  Judge 
Taney  was  correct — that  the  negro  was  not  a  citizen. 
If  that  decision  was  true,  then  he  (the  Rev.  Mr.  Aaron) 
did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  the  Constitution  was  a 

league  with  hell,  and  a  covenant  with  death,"  and 
the  sooner  it  was  abolished  the  better. 

Here  there  was  a  blast  of  eggs  aimed  at  the  speaker, 
but  none  of  which  touched  him.  The  confusion  which 
followed  was  almost  indescribable.  Ladies  became 
frantic  with  alarm,  and  some  jumped  from  the  hall 
windows,  about  eight  feet  from  the  ground.  None 
were,  however,  seriously  injured,  a  sprained  ankle  be- 
'ng  about  the  most  serious  damage.  The  lecturer 
stopped  during  the  occurrence,  but  subsequently  re- 
sumed his  remarks. 

He  dwelt  with  severity  upon  the  last  Administration, 
denouncing  with  particular  vehemence  President  Bu- 
chanan. He  spoke  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison  as  a 
very  much  abused  man,  and  described  him  as  a  great 
defender  of  liberty.  He  declared  that  the  men  who 
abused  Wendell  Phillips  were  unworthy  to  tie  his 
shoe-latches,  and  said  that  he  (Mr.  Aaron)  had  been 
for  years  laboring  to  bring  the  public  mind  to  a  right 
way  of  thinking  on  this  subject,  and  that  the  people  of 
the  North,  he  was  proud  to  say,  were  now  flocking  to 
the  platform  he  had  stood  upon  for  so  many  years. 

Here  there  was  another  volley  of  eggs,  and  intense 
excitement.  The  Mayor,  who  was  on  the  platform 
with  the  speaker,  left  it  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing 
the  disturbance.  As  he  proceeded  to  the  entrance  of 
the  hall,  he  found  it  blocked  up  by  exasperated  people. 
A  city  constable  was  discovered  in  the  condition  of 
being  throttled  by  one  of  the  rioters.  Constables 
Charles  Williams  and  Thomas  Richardson  were  in  the 
melee. 

The  Mayor  interfered  with  energy,  separating  the 
combatants,  and  succeeded  in  arresting  and  securing 
of  the  offender,  a  shoemaker  named  John  Firing,  in 
the  employ  of  William  Bunting. 

In  the  meantime,  the  rioters  attempted  to  reach  the 
gas  meter,  and  turn  off  the  gas.  In  this  effort  they 
failed.  The  audience  was  then  dispersing,  and  had 
the  rioters  succeeded  in  their  intentions,  loss  of  life 

:>uld  undoubtedly  have  been  the  consequence. 

It  is  proper  to  state  that  extreme  violence  was  pre- 
vented by  the  attendance  of  a  special  police,  detailed 
for  the  service  by  Mayor  Allen,  the  city  constabulary 
not  being  under  his  orders  or  control. 

Firing  ha3  given  recognizance  to  answer  the  charge 
of  disturbing  the  peace. 

STATEMENT    OP    MAYOR    ALLEN. 

On  Thursday  evening  there  was  a  call  for  a  meeting 
at  the  City  Hall,  issued  by  the  friends  of  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Aaron,  of  Mount  Holley,  to  hear  a  lecture  from 
that  gentleman  in  explanation  of  the  proper  construc- 
tion of  the  Constitution.  The  attendance  was  large, 
ladies  and  gentlemen.  Mr.  Alien  opened  his  discourse 
by  laying  down  the  proposition  that  the  Constitution 
was  a  plain,  simple  instrument,  designed  by  its  fratucrs 
to  be  as  plain  as  the  New  Testament;  that  it  did  not 
require  lawyers  or  doctors  of  divinity  to  expound  it. 

There  were  only  three  parts  of  the  Constitution  not 
easily  comprehended  by  men  of  ordinary  attainments, 
viz  :  First,  The  ex  post  facto  law  ;  second,  Letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal ;  third,  That  Congress  should  not 
pass  bills  of  attainder.  There  were  only  120  sentences 
in  the  Constitution.  They  were  short  and  concise. 
Every  part  of  it  was  expressed  with  clearness,  al- 
though at  the  present  day  many  might  he  at  a  loss  to 
know  what  some  of  its  provisions  meant.  The  fra- 
mers  of  the  Constitution  had  designedly  omitted  to 
use  the  word  "slave." 

Mr.  Aaron  had  probably  spoken  half  an  hour,  when 
he  said  :  "  What  I  state  is  true — does  any  one  deny 
it  %  "  Some  person  near  the  door  replied,  "  I  deny  it." 
Confusion  followed.  The  speaker  continued,  and  re- 
peated his  inquiry,  "Does  any  one  deny  it?  "  Here 
there  was  another  interruption,  garnished  with  eggs. 
The  Mayor,  sitting  on  the  platform,  observed  the  per- 
son who  made  it.  lie  proceeded  at  once  toward  the 
offender,  and  said  there  should  be  free  speech,  and  no 
person  should  be  interrupted.  If  anybody  was  op- 
posed to  him,  they  .should  leave  the  hall.  As  the  lec- 
turer was  about  closing,  some  person  from  the  back  of 
the  gallery  threw  an  egg  toward  the  speaker.  It  did 
not  hit  him,  but  fell  within  a  few  feet  of  the  Mayor. 
The  gallery  was  filled  with  men.  The  Mayor  made 
his  way  thither,,  and  demanded  to  know  who  commit- 
ted the  disturbance — in  his  own  words,  "  Who  threw 
that  egg?"  Hearing  seurHing  below,  he  went  down, 
and  found  the  constables  and  people  fighting,  as  before 
mentioned. — Burlington  coir,  of  the  N.  I".  Tribune. 


Confiscation  and  Emancipation  of  Contra- 
bands. St.  Louis,  March  31.  Gen.  Curtis  has  issued 
the  following  special  order: — 

Headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  ) 
South- West,  March  26,  1862.  J 
Charles  Morton,  Hamilton  Kennedy,  Alexander 
Lewis,  colored  men,  formerly  slaves,  employed  in  the 
rebel  service  and  taken  as  contraband  of  war,  are  here- 
by confiscated,  and  not  being  needed  for  the  public 
service,  are  permitted  to  pass  the  pickets  of  the  com- 
mand northward  without  let  or  hindrance,  and  are 
forever  emancipated  from  the  service  of  their  masters, 
who  allowed  them  to  aid  in  the  efforts  to  break  up  the 
Government  and  the  laws  of  our  country. 


Messrs.  Ewing  and  Bell,  of  Tennessee.  The 
Memphis  Avalanche  has  a  letter  from  Huntsville,  Ala- 
bama, written  on  the  5th  ult.,  which  says  that  lions. 
Andrew  Ewiug  and  John  Bell  made  speeches  there 
on  that  day.  The  former  declared  that  Middle  Ten- 
nessee would  not  submit  to  the  North,  and  recom- 
mended the  massing  of  the  Southern  troops  in  three 
grand  divisions,  which  should  invade  the  free  States. 
Mr.  Bell  is  represented  to  have  spoken  as  follows  : — 

"  The  people  of  Middle  Tennessee  are  not  submis- 
sionists,  and  although  they  be  compelled  to  keep  quiet 
for  a  while,  yet  the  flame  of  Southern  independence  is 
steadily  burning,  and  so  soon  as  an  opportunity  pre- 
sents itself,  it  will  increase  to  such  a  fury  that  every 
fee  upon  Tennessee  soil  will  bo  consumed  before  he 
can  make  his  escape." 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  IN  HARRISBURG. 

On  Wednesday  of  last  week,  Wendell  Phillip*,  Esq., 
delivered  a  lecture  to  an  immense  audience  in  Harris- 
hurg.  The  State  organ  of  the  semi-rebels  made  a 
most  infamous  attack  on  him  as  well  as  the  Hutchin- 
son family,  who  were  there  at  the  same  time,  and  a 
day  or  two  before  his  lecture.  It  was  embellished  by 
the  usual  number  of  "Democratic"  falsehoods,  and 
the  usual  appeals  to  grog-shop  and  bar-room  prejudice, 
ail  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  a  candid  and  unpreju- 
diced hearing.  So  far  as  an  audience  was  concerned, 
the  ravings- of  the  Patriot  and  Union  had  no  effect, 
other  than  to  advertise  the  lecture.  It  was  a  complete 
success  in  every  way.  What  the  effect  was,  is  set 
forth  in  the  following  article  from  the  Uarrisburg  'Tele- 
graph : — 

Wendell  Phillips  at  Brant's  Hall.  The  an- 
nouncement that  Wendell  Phillips  would  lecture  in 
Brant's  Hall  last  evening,  drew  together  a  very  large 
audience.  Before  the  lecturer  appeared  on  the  stage, 
the  audience  were  entertained  by  the  Hutchinson  Fam- 
ily, with  several  of  their  most  patriotic  songs.  Mr. 
Phillips  was  then  introduced  by  Senator  Irish,  when 
he  at  once  proceeded  to  the  discussion  of  his  subject, 
The  War.  This  was  done  in  a  masterly  and  unequiv- 
ocal manner,  and  in  a  style  of  sentiment  and  language, 
to  which  no  man,  (unless  it  be  a  notorious  pro-slavery 
adherent,)  who  heard  him,  could  take  exception.  He 
traced  effects  to  causes,  leaving  his  audience  to  judge 
their  merits  for  themselves.  While  he,  with  an  argu- 
ment at  once  overwhelming  and  irrefutable,  held  up 
the  cause  of  that  freedom  which  is  inimical  to  truth, 
and  which  no  man  can  disregard  without  proving  him- 
self in  ruder  bondage  to  error  than  even  that  in  which 
the  slave  of  the  South  has  been  degenerating  in  body 
and  soul  for  many  years.  Whatever  Mr.  Phillips  may 
have  uttered  in  other  localities,  and  however  radical 
he  may  have  been  heretofore  in  his  opposition  to  slav- 
ery and  his  denunciation  of  the  Constitution,  his  lec- 
ture last  evening  proved  at  least  that  he  now  regards 
our  difficulties  with  the  mind  and  estimation  of  a  states- 
man, and  proposes  to  meet  them,  with  a  practical  good 
sense  and  influence,  and  not  with  theories  and  party 
platforms.  So  far  as  the  subject  of  slavery  was  con- 
cerned, that,  in  his  opinion,  needed  no  agitation.  Its 
doom  was  proclaimed  in  its  own  position  ;  and  its  end, 
with  the  fearful  enormities  of  which  it  had  been  the 
author,  would  go  down  into  darkness  and  disgrace. 
How  soon  the  end  would  come,  was  not  for  htm  to  es- 
timate. It  might  be  five  years,  ten  years,  or  even 
twenty  years.  The  time  was  immaterial.  The  fact 
was  sufficient  that  it  could  not  be  perpetuated  ;  hence 
the  object  of  the  rebellion  had  failed,  and  hence,  too, 
the  advocates  of  freedom  were  satisfied.  The  lecturer 
endorsed  the  policy  of  the  administration  on  the  sub- 
ject of  emancipation — he  endorsed  its  military  opera- 
tions, and  drew  a  vivid  picture  as  a  comparison  be- 
tween the  military  resources  and  business  interests  of 
the  free  and  slave  States.  By  these  arguments  he 
disappointed  more  than  one  who  had  gone  to  hear  his 
lecture  for  the  purpose  of  being  dissatisfied,  and  de- 
lighted others  who  feared  that  his  burning  zeal,  so 
often  aroused  to  furious  assaults  by  the  vindictive  per- 
secution of  the  doughfaces  of  the  North,  would  lead 
him  into  expressions  which  might  wound  the  delicate 
feelings  of  some  of  the  fastidious  sticklers  for  those 
constructions  and  compromises  of  the  Constitution, 
which  the  slave  power  heretofore  wrung  from  the  in- 
timidated legislators  of  the  nation. 

We  repeat  that  the  lecture  of  Mr.  Phillips  last  even- 
ing was  in  all  respects  an  argument  such  as  could  and 
did  not  fail  to  have  the  happiest  effects,  and  wherever 
't  is  repeated  in  the  same  strain  and  spirit,  Mr.  Phillips 
will  not  only  contribute  to  the  success  of  justice  and 
order,  but  he  will  cleanse  himself  of  much  of  that 
odium  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  deny  now  attaches 
to  his  name. 


The  Gloucester  Calamity.  A  carefully  com- 
piled list  of  the  crews  on  hoard  the  portion  of  the 
Gloucester  fishing  fleet  lost  off  the  Georges  in  the  late 
January  and  February  gales,  published  in  the  Cape 
Ann  Advertiser  of  the  18th  instant,  shows  that  138 
ien  have  been  drowned,  leaving  70  widows  and  140 
children  fatherless.  The  value  of  the  vessels  lost  is 
estimated  at  §09,700,  and  the  insurance  on  all  but  one 
(the  schooner  Life  Boat)  is  §57,225. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  March  31.  The  display  at  the 
military  funeral  of  Colonel  Slocum,  Major  Ballou  and 
Captain  Tower,  was  very  imposing.  Business  was 
generally  suspended;  buildings  were  hung  in  mourn- 
ing and  flags  draped.  The  chartered  companies  and 
the  National  Guards  of  this  city,  and  companies  from 
several  towns  in  the  State,  Gov.  Sprague  and  Staff 
and  Lieut.-Gov.  Andrew  formed  the  escort.  The 
bodies  of  the  deceased  officers  were  borne  to  Grace 
Church  Cemetery,  where  Bishop  Clark  read  the  burial 
service,  and  vollies  were  fired  over  the  graves. 

EC^"  Gen.  Burnside  captured  the  newspaper'ofnee 
of  the  Newbern  Progress,  a  pestilent  secession  sheet, 
and  a  new  Union  newspaper  may  be  expected  there- 
from. At  Port  Royal  our  soldiers  have  started  a  well 
filled  newspaper  entitled  the  New  South.  Wherever 
our  armies' go,  the  rebels  will  have  a  chance  to  get 
Northern  light. — Salem  Observer. 

j^=  William  Hadwin,  a  wealthy  and  influential 
citizen  of  Nantucket,  formerly  an  oil  manufacturer, 
died  on  Saturday  at  the  age  of  71  years. 

The  New  York  Evening  Post  says  Prince  Napoleon, 
writing  to  an  eminent  person  in  this  country,  recently, 
on  American  affairs  in  which  he  takes  great  interest, 
concluded  his  letter  with  the  expression  :  "  Mais  Jim's- 
scz  avec  'Esclavage" — make  an  end  of  slavery.  He 
and  other  foreigners  friendly  to  America  see  very 
clearly  that  we  can  have  no  permanent  peace  while 
slavery  exists  on  this  continent. 

g^^  A  dispatch  to  the  New  York  Herald,  says  the 
relatives  of  Capt.  Franklin  Buchanan,  who  command- 
ed the  Merrimac,  have  written  to  his  relatives  in  that 
city  from  Baltimore  that  he  is  dead,  and  that  his  body 
is  to  be  brought  to  the  old  homestead,  ou  tho  Eastern 
Shore  of  Maryland,  for  interment. 

^^=  The  rebels  have  lost  seventeen  of  their  Gen- 
erals by  wounds,  resignation  and  suicide,  during  the 
war.  The  Union  army  has  lost  but  two — one  was 
killed  in  saddle,  the  other  died  of  sickness  produced 
by  wounds. 


OBITUARY. 

DIED— At  Byberry,  (Pa.)  on  Wednesday  e 


The  Schoolmaster  Abroad — Albert  Pike,  who 
commands  the  Indians  in  Hie  rebel  service,  and  who 
used  to  keep  school  in  Massachusetts,  of  which  Stale 
he  is  a  "  native."  He  was  a  hitter  bad  Whig  in  poli- 
tics. He  would  then  have  scalped  all  Democrats  with 
his  own  hands,  as  he  now  has  Union  men  scalped. 
This  ruffian  and  Yankee  Squecrs  was  born  in  Boston 
almost  fifty-three  years  ago,  He  ought  to  be  caught 
and  sent  to  Boston,  that  is,  to  Fort  Warren  and  the 
gallows.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  he  scalped  the 
dead  Unionists  with  his  own  hands,  for  he  is  quite 
base  enough  to  perpetrate  so  vile  a  deed. — Boston 
Traveller. 

jj£g=*  The  silliest  business  of  tho  day  is  Govern- 
ment's interference  with  tho  press,  to  prevent  it  from 
publishing  intelligence  that  is  sold  by  some  of  its  own 
officers  a  fortnight  before  it  is  heard  of  in  the  North. 


■,  19th 
ult.,  Robert  Purvis,   Jr.,   in  the  28th  year  of  his  age. 

It  is  with  no  ordinary  feelings  of  emotion  that  wo  make 
this  sad  announcement.  Every  way  fitted  to  adorn  life,  he 
has  been  mysteriously  called  away  to  the  "spirit  land." 
To  those  who  knew  him  we  need  not  recall  his  worth. 
Upright,  prompt,  persevering  in  business,  _a  long  career  of 
usefulness  was  apparently  opening  before  him.  Friendship 
pays,  tho  tribute  to  bis  sincerity  and  truth,  to  his  courte- 
ous manners,  which  rendered  his  society  everywhero  wel- 
come, and  enabled  him  to  overcome  the  obstacles  of  preju- 
dice a cd  caste.  A  heart-stricken  nnd  bereaved  family  cir- 
cle mourn  the  loss  of  their  highest  hopes,  for  he  was  all 
that  his  fond  parents  could  desire — an  affectionate  and  du- 
tiful son,  a  loving,  kind  brother,  a  judicious,  trusty  coun- 
sellor. His  death  adds  to  the  void  which  time  had  scarco- 
ly  healed  for  the  "  loved  ones  gone  before." 

"  Insatiate  archer  !  could  not  one  suffice? 
Thy  dart  sped  thrice, 
And  thrico  our  peace  was  slain."  G. 

The  death  of  Robert  Purvis  has  not  only  caused  a  void, 
never  to  ho  filled,  in  tho  hearts  of  tho  household  to  which 
he  was  all  that  could  ho  desired  as  son  and  brother  ;  it  is 
a  loss  to  the  community,  a  loss  to  the  race  with  which  ho 
was  identified.  His  excellent  principles,  his  high  sense  of 
honor,  his  energy,  porsovcrenco  and  strict  integrity  in  all 
his  business  relations,  caused  him  to  be  admired  and  re- 
spected by  all  who  knew  him  ;  while  tho  healthy,  cheerful 
tone  of  his  mind,  and  the  geniality  of  his  disposition,  which 
never,  ovon  during  a  long  and  painful  illness,  entirely  de- 
serted him,  endeared  him  to  many  hearts.  In  the  position 
to  which  ho  attained,  ho  has  left  to  his  raoo  a  bright  ex- 
ample of  what  a  truly  aspiring  soul,  a  resohito  and  perse- 
vering spirit  may  accomplish,  despite  the  difficulties  and 
discouragements  which  beset  its  path.  To  him,  these  dif- 
ficulties, far  from  causing  him  to  despond,  were  but  an  in- 
centive to  more  earnest  and  energetic  aotion.  Ho  fought 
tho  lifc-biittlo  bravely  and  well,  and  compelled  tho  respect 
which  high  principles  and  a  oourageons  self-assertion  must 
over  compel — even  from  tho  most  prejudiced.  To  tho  be- 
reaved hoarts  which  ho  has  left  hcli ind,  may  it  bo,  if  not 
a  consolation,  at  least  a  pleating  thought,  that  parents  had 
nover  greater  causo  to  bo  proud  of  their  son.  His  mind 
was  oloar  and  vigorous,  and  to  tho  last  he  retained  his  in- 
terest in  tho  all-absorbing  topics  of  tho  day.  Ho  is  gone — 
not  dead — only  gone  for  a  little  while  to  11  im  "  whogiveth 
His  beloved  sleep."  His  end  was  singularly  peaceful  and 
beautiful  ;  he  did  not  fear  to  die. 

Lot  the  hope  that  wo,  by  so  living  and  so  dying,  may 
moot  him  again,  when  wo,  too,  havo  "passed  behind  the 
veil,"  bo  some  consolation  to  us  who  knew  and  loved  him  so 
well  ou  earth.  k. 

[3?"  Tho  funeral  took  place  on  Sunday,  at  1  o'clock  ; — 
tho  gronnd  of  Friends'  meeting-house  hi  Pyberry  being  tho 
place  of  burial.  It  was  largely  attended,  not,  only  by  t  lie 
pooplo  of  tho  neighborhood,  but  by  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances from  a  distance,  especially  from  Philadelphia.  Re- 
marks appropriate  to  the  occasion,  niul  at  considerable 
length,  were  imulo  lit  "the  house,  by  Lueie!i;i  Molt,  .1.  M. 
Jlclvim,  Thomas  MoClhilock,  and  Elizabeth  Pnxson. 


JEF*  THE  REJECTED  STONE— Tho  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Mr.  Co.vwat,  of  Which  wo  recently  spoke, 
may  bo  expected  in  about  a  fortnight.  Wo  are  desired  to 
nay  that  Walker,  Wise  A  Co.  will  continue  to  bo  tho  pub- 
lishers. Meagre.  Tick  nor  &  Fields  are  soon  to  bo  tho  pub- 
lishers of  another  work  by  tho  same  author.  We  were  in- 
correctly informed  as  to  tho  retail  price  of  the  first  edi- 
tion, which  we  are  assured  was  sixty  cents,  and  not  seventy- 
five  cents,  as  stated  last  week. 

Wo  repeat  our  last  week's  announcement  respecting  the 
"Rejected  Stone,"  viz.,  that  an  arrangement  has  been 
made  by  which  copies  may  bo  obtained  fur  gratuitous  dixlri- 
tioa  as  low  as  twenty  cents  a  copy,  in  cloth,  provided  twen- 
ty or  more  copies  are  taken  at  once.  Those  who  wish  the 
book,  for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  lst- 
tor,  to  jEEWntT  (J.  DeNNV,  Esq.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

Tho  attention  of  our  friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolitioa 
of  United  States  slavery. 


Jl^"  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  buri* 
ness  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  tho  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  tho 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samubl  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 

|3T  Many  of  the  best  and  most  recent  publications  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  bo  made  as  above, 
which  should  bo  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 
them. 

fl^T  AARON  M.  POWELL,  Agent  of  tho  American 
A.  S.  Society,  will  speak  at 

New  Itocbelle,  N.  Y.,  Friday,  April    4. 

Boonton,    N.  J.,  Tuesday,  "         8. 

"        *'  Wednesday,       "        9. 

Milburn,        "  Friday,  "      11. 


%£F  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in  Essex, 
ou  Sunday  next,  April  6. 


;p-  REV.  M0NCURE  D.  CONWAY,  a  native  of  Vir- 
ginia, will  give  a  discourse  "  On  the  Death  and  Resurrec- 
tion of  John  Brown,"  before  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congrega- 
tional Society,  at  Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  forenoon  next, 
April  6.  " 

EST  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D.,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D.,  havo  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  bo  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M. 

March  28.  3m 


W  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


DIED — In  this  city,  March  28,  Garrison,  son  of  John 
B.  and  Aau  Eliza  Bailey,  aged  4  years,  8  months  and  il 
days.  Deceased  was  an  uncommonly  bright  child,  and 
we  deeply  sympathize  with  the  bereaved  parents.        B . 


INDUCEMENTS    TO    SUBSCRIBE. 

TO  New  Subscribers  the  present  year,  the  CHRIS- 
TIAN EXAMINE!!  &  ATLANTIC  MONTH- 
LY will  be  furnished  for  @5.00ayear;  the  CHRIS- 
TIAN EXAMINER  AND  NORTH  AMERICAN 
REVIEW  will  be  furnished  for  $7.00  a  year;  the 
CHRISTIAN  EXAMINER,  NORTH  AMERICAN 
REVIEW,  and  ATLANTIC  MONTHLY,  will  bo 
furnished  for  $9.00  a  year. 

Payment  in  advanee  to  accompany  the  order  in  all 
cases. 

A  few  subscriptions  can  be  received  on  the  above 
terms,  beginning  with  The  Examiner  for  January, 
18G2,  the  first  number  of  the  current  volume. 

March  1,  1862. 


CLV. 


5  The  Oldest  House  in  Boston, 

\  BUILT  IN  1656. 


CLV. 


PRICES    REDUCED 

TI3     FO    BLOWING    VALUABLE    BOOBS: 

Echoes  of  Harper's  Ferry. 

ri  IIS  volume  is  a  collection  of  the  greatest  Speeches, 
I  Sermons,  Lectures,  Letters,  Poems,  and  other  Utter- 
ances of  the  leading  minds  of  America  and  Europe,  called 
forth  by  John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  They  are 
all  given — mostly  for  the  first  time — unabridged  ;  and  they 
"--—j  all  been  corrected  by  their  authors  for  this  edition, 
s-printed  with  their  permission  from  duly  authorized 
copies.  That  this  volume  is  justly  entitled  to  the  claim  of 
being  the  first  collection  of  worthy  specimens  of  American 
Eloquence,  the  following  brief  summary  of  its  contents  will 
show  : — It  contains  Speeches  and  Sermons — by  Wendell 
Phillips,  (two,)  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  (two,)  Edward  Ev- 
erett, Henry  D.  Thoreau,  Dr.  Cheever,  (two,)  Hon.  Chas. 
O'Conor,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  Theodore  Tilton,  Colonel 
Phillips,  Rev.  Gilbert  Haven,  James  Freeman  Clarke, 
Fales  Henry  Newball,  M.  D.  Conway,  (of  Cincinnati,)  and 
Edwin  M.  Wheelock  ;  Letters — by  Theodore  Parker,  (two,) 
Victor  Hugo,  (two,)  Mrs.  Mason  of  Virginia  and  Lydia 
Maria  Child  ;  Poems  and  other  Contributions — by  William 
Allinghamc,  John  G.  Whittier,  William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
Judge  Tilden,  F.  B.  Sanborn,  Hon.  A.  G.  Riddle,  Richard 
Rcalf,  C.  K.  Whipple,  Rev.  Mr.  Belcher,  Rev.  Dr.  Furness, 
Rev.  Mr.  Sears,  Edna  Dean  Proctor,  L.  M.  Alcott,  Wm.  D. 
Howells,  Eli/.ur  Wright,  Ac.  Ac.  Ac.  Also,  all  the  Letters 
sent  to  John  Brown  when  in  prison  at  Charlestown  by 
Northern  men  and  women,  aud  his  own  relatives  ;  "one 
of  tho  most  tenderly-pathetic  and  remarkable  collections 
of  letters  in  all  Literature."  Also,  the  Services  at  Con- 
cord, or  "  Liturgy  for  a  Martyr"  ;  composed  by  Emerson, 
Thoreau,  Alcott,  Sanborn,  Ac.  ;  ':  unsurpassed  in  beauty 
even  by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer."  With  an  Appen- 
dix, containing  the  widely-celebrated  Essays  of  Henry  C. 
Carey  on  the  Value  of  the  Union  to  the  North. 

Appended  to  the    various  contributions  are    the   Auto- 
graphs of  the  authors. 

EDITED  BY  JAMES  EEDPATH. 


1  volume,  514  pages,   handsomely  bound  ii 
50c— former  price  $1.25. 


nuslin.     Prict 


THE  PUBLIC  LIFE   OF 

CAPTAIN     JOHN   BROWN. 

BY  JAMES  REDPATH. 

With    an   Autobiography    of   his  Childhood  and 

Youth : 

With  a    Steel  Portrait   and  Illustrations,     pp.  40S. 

This  volume  has  been  the  most  successful  of  the  season 
having  already  reached  its  Fortieth  Thousand,  and  tho 
demand  still  continues  very  large.  It  has  also  been  re- 
published in  England,  and  widely  noticed  by  tho  British 
press.  The  Autobiography  (of  which  no  reprint  will  bo 
permitted)  has  been  universally  pronounced  to  be  one  of 
tho  most  remarkable  compositions  of  the  kind  in  tho  Eng- 
lish language.  In  addition  to  being  the  authentic  biogra- 
phy of  John  Browu,  and  containing  a  complete  collection 
of  his  celebrated  prison  letters— which  can  nowhere  else 
bo  found — this  volume  has  also  the  only  correct  and  con- 
nected history  of  Kansas, — from  its  opening  for  settlement 
to  tho  closo  of  the  struggle  for  freedom  there, — to  be  found 
in  American  literature,  whether  periodical  or  standard-  It 
treats,  therefore,  of  topics  which  must  be  largely  discussed 
in  political  life  for  many  years.  A  handsome  percentage, 
o»  every  copy  sold,  is  secured  by  contract  to  the  family  of 
Capt.  Brown.  Copies  mailed  to  any  address,  post  paid,  on 
the  receipt  of  the  retail  price.  Price  ouc.  Former 
price  $1.00 

SOUTHERN    NOTES 

FOR    NATIONAL    CIRCULATION. 

This  is  a  volume  of  facts  of  recent  Southern  life,  as  re- 
lated by  tho  Southern  and  Metropolitan  press.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that,  next  to  Charles  Sumner's  spoeoh, 
it  is  the  most  unanswerable  and  exhaustive  impeachment 
of  the  Slav.'  Power  that  has  hitherto  been  published.  Al- 
though treating  of  different  topics,  it  extends,  completes, 
and  strengthens  the  argument  of  the  Senator.  It  is  a  his- 
tory of  the  Southern  States  for  six  months  subsequent  to 
John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  No  one  who  has  read 
Sumner's  speech  should  fail  to  procure  this  pamphlet.  The 
diversity  of  it*  contents  may  be  judged  from  tho  titles 
of  its  chapters  : — Key  Notes,  Free  Speech  South.  Free? 
Press  South,  Law  of  the  Suspected,  Southern  Gospel  Free- 
dom, Southern  Hospitality,  Post-Office  Smith.  Our  Adopted 
Fellow-Citizens  South,  Persecutions  of  Southern  Oitftons, 
Tho  Shivering  Chi vahv,  BpOTtS  Of  Heal  hem:  en  lie-men,  Ae., 
Ao..  Ac  Asamaniial  fi>r  Anti-Shueiy  ami  liepubheau 
orators  and  editors,  it  is  invaluable. 

A  kiimisttine  piimphht  u/1'.iN  pages.  Price  lie.  Former 
prist  85o> 

Er™  Copies  mailed  to  any  address  on  receipt  of  price. 

LEE  A  SlIEPAUP, 
155  Washixutos  ST&aXT,  Bostox. 
March  21.  2w 


JOHN    S.    HOCK,    ESQ.. 
ITTORNSll  AM±  COUNSELLOR  AT  LAW* 

Xo.  0,  TkenontStuket,         :  :        j        BOSTON 


56 


THE     L  IB  E  R  A.  T  O  M. 


A-PHIX,  4. 


otitis. 


For  Uio  Liberator. 

TRUE   EELIGIOtt. 

Nor  for  ono  day  In  seven,  but  for  evory  day, 
Was  Religion,  Clod's  minister,  sent  from  His  throne  ; 

Sho  came  to  be  over  directress  and  stay  ; 

In  the  heart  she  must  dwell,  and  must  make  it  ber  own. 

"Well-disciplined  minds,  loving  hearts,  native  hands, 

Must  hail  her  as  queen,  and  obey  with  delight ! 
Not  wayward,  or  harsh,  are  her  gontlo  commands  ; 

Her  control  it  is  mild,  and  her  burden  is  light. 
Let  Religion's  sweet  voico  wake  tho  morning  with  prayer, 

Let  her  still  be  thy  guide  through  the  business  of  day, 
And  in  the  calm  eve  hush  thy  evory  care, 

While  her  glad  praise  ascends  to  thy  Father,  tby  stay. 

Religion's  fair  face  may  bo  wet  by  tho  tear 

Of  pity  for  woe,  or  of  sorrow  for  sin  ; 
But  Religion's  kind  smile  never  turns  to  a  sneer, 

For  brightly  burns  Charity's  fervor  within. 

Stern  Bigotry  sometimes  may  steal  her  white  dress, 
Pride,  cruelty,  malice  may  borrow  ber  name, 

While  her  truest  disciples  and  friends  theyoppress  ; 
But  Truth's  piercing  light  clears  Religion  from  blame. 

For  "  every  tree  shall  be  known  by  its  fruit," 
Was  the  clearly  defined,  simple  test  of  the  Lord  ; 

So  Religion  leaves  dogmas  for  such  to  dispute 
As  forget  that  the  deed  is  preferred  to  tho  word. 

Tentorden,  (Eng.)  Jasb  Ashby. 


For  the  Liberator. 

HEROIC   SOULS. 

I've  seen  them  by  the  highway  side, 

In  threadbare  garb,  and  pennyless, 
Bearing  the  jeers  and  taunts  of  pride, 

Without  a  murmur.    Few  would  guess 
That  they  were  of  heroic  mould, 

God-sent  to  obeer  and  bless  mankind, 
Of  lifty  aim,  unbougbt,  unsold, 

Of  earnest  heart  and  active  mind  ! 

•re  seen  them  in  the  prison's  cell, 

Teaching  the  erring  of  their  race  ; 
Seen  them  where  want  and  misery  dwell, 

While  heaven  seem'd  beaming  in  their  face  ; 
I've  seen  them  spread  the  feast  of  love — 

They  gave  tbo  bread,  they  filled  tho  cup 
They  seem'd  like  angels  from  above, 

Who  came  to  raise  the  lowly  up. 

I've  seen  thcnV Freedom's  flag  unfurl, 

And,  armed  with  truth,  go  forth  alone  ; 
I've  seen  them  rise,  like  gods,  to  hurl 

The  proud  oppressor  from  his  throne  ! 
I've  seen  them  tyrant  hosts  defy — 

lye  seen  them  scorn  the  bigot's  ban — ■ 
I've  seen  them  mount  the  scaffold  high, 

And  bravely,  nobly  die  for  man  ! 
Andorer.  Richard  Hlncholiffe. 


Friend  Garrison — The  following  inimitably  beautiful 
lines  were  kindly  copied  for  me  by  an  esteemed  friend, 
whose  acquaintance  I  made  while  travelling,  some  months 
since,  in  our  sister  State  of  Vermont.  They  are  to  me  like 
"apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  silver."  Were  their  senti- 
ment practically  heeded  by  mankind,  how  much  it  would 
lessen  the  sum  of  evils  which  afflict,  and  prevent  tho  pro- 
gress of  our  race,  and  bring  nearer  tho  "  good  time  com- 
ing," for  which  all  nature  seems  yearning  1 

Will  you  do  mo  tho  favor  to  give  them  a  place  in  yonr 
oolumns,  that  they  may  give  others  as  much  pleasure  as 
they  have  afforded  me,  and  oblige 

Tours,  fraternally,  R.  THAYER. 

Boston,  April  1st,  18G2. 

SPTJEN    NOT    THE    GUILTY. 

BY    CAROLINE   M.    SAWYER. 

Spurn  not  the  man  whose  spirit  feels 

The  curse  of  guilt  upon  it  rest ; 
Upon  whose  brain  the  hideous  seals 

Of  crime  and  infamy  are  prest  ! 
Spurn  not  the  lost  one — nor  in  speech 

More  cold  and  withering  than  despair, 
Of  stern,  relentless  vengeance  preach — 

For  he  thy  lesson  will  not  bear  ! 
Twill  rouse  a  demon  in  bis  heart, 

"Which  thou  too  late  would'st  strive  to  chain, 
And  bid  a  thousand  furies  start 

To  life  which  ne'er  may  sleep  again. 
No  !  better,  from  her  forest  lair, 

Tho  famished  lioness  to  goad, 
Than,  in  his  guilt,  remorse,  despair, 

With  wrathful  threats  the  sinner  load  ! 

But  if  a  soul  thou  would'st  redeem, 

And  lead  a  lost  ono  back  to  God — 
Would'st  thou  a  guardian  angel  seem 

To  one  who  long  in  guilt  hath  trod — 
Go  kindly  to  him — take  his  band, 

With  gentlest  words,  within  thine  own, 
And  by  his  side  a  brother  stand 

Till  thou  the  demon  sin  dethrone. 

Ho  13  a  man,  and  he  will  yield 

Liko  snows  beneath  the  torrid  ray, 
And  his  strong  heart,  though  fiercely  stocl'd, 

Before  the  breath  of  love  give  way  ! 
He  had  a  mother  once,  and  felt 

A  mother's  kiss  upon  his  cheek, 
And  at  her  knee  at  evening  knelt, 

The  prayer  ef  innocence  to  speak  ! 

A  mother  ! — aye  !  and  who  shall  say, 

Though  sunk,  debased,  he  now  may  bo, 
That  spirit  may  not  wake  to-day, 

Which  filled  him  at  that  mother's  knee? 
No  guilt  so  utter  e'er  becamo 

But  'mid  it  we  some  good  might  find, 
And  virtue  through  the  deepest  shame 

Still  feebly  lights  the  darkest  mind. 

Scorn  not  the  guilty,  then,  but  plead 

With  him  in  kindest,  gentlest  mood, 
And  back  the  lost  one  thou  may'st  lead 

To  God,  humanity  and  good  ! 
Thou  art  thyself  but  man,  and  thou 

Art  weak,  perchance,  to  fall  as  he  ; — 
Tben  merey  to  the  fallen  show, 

That  mercy  may  be  shown  to  thee  ! 


From  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  April. 

EXODUS. 

Hear  ye  not  how,  from  all  high  points  of  Time, — 

From  peak  to  peak  adown  the  mighty  chain 
That  links  tho  ages, — echoing  sublime, 
A  Voice  Almighty  leaps  ono  grand  refrain, 
Wakening  the  generations  with  a  shout, 
And  trumpet-call  of  thunder, — Come  ye  out ! 

Out  from  old  forms  and  dead  idolatries  ; 

From  fading  myths  and  superstitious  dreams  ; 
From  Pharisaic  rituals  and  lies, 

And  all  the  bondage  of  the  life  that  seems  ! 
Out, — on  tho  pilgrim  path,  of  heroes  trod, 
Over  earth's  wastes,  to  reach  forth  after  Ood  ! 

The  Lord  hath  bowed  his  heaven,  and  como  down ! 

Now,  in  this  latter  century  of  time, 
Once  more  Ilia  tent  is  pitched  on  Sinai's  crown  ! 
Once  more  in  clouds  must  faith  to  meet  him  climb  ! 
Once  more  His  thunder  crashes  on  our  doubt 
And  fear  and  sin, — "  My  people  t  come  ye  out ! 

"From  false  ambitions  and  baso  luxuries  ; 

From  pnny  aims  and  indolent  self-ends  ; 

From  cant  of  faith,  and  shams  of  liberties, 

And  mist  of  ill  that  Truth's  pure  daybcam  bends  : 
Out,  from  all  darkness  of  tho  Egpyt-land, 
Into  My  sun-blaze  on  tho  desert  sand  ! 

"  Leave  yo  your  flesh-pots  ;  turn  from  filthy  greed 

Of  gain  that  doth  tho  thirsting  spirit  mock  } 

And  heaven  shall  drop  sweet  manna  for  your  need, 

And  rain  clear  rivers  from  the  unhewn  rook  ! 

Thus  saith  tho  Lord  t  "     And  Moses — meek,  unshod — 

Within  tho  cloud  stands  hearkening  to  his  God  t 

Show  us  our  Aaron,  with  his  rod  in  flower  ! 

Our  Miriam,  with  her  timbrel-soul  in  tune  ! 
And  call  some  Joshua,  in  tho  Spirit's  power, 
To  poiso  our  sun  of  strength  at  point  of  noon  ! 
Ood  of  our  fathers  !  over  sand  and  sea, 
Still  keep  our  struggling  footsteps  close  to  Thco  ! 


SLAVEHOLDER'S    SOLILOQUY ; 

[After    reading   the    President's    Message.] 

To  sell,  or  not  to  sell !  that  is  tho  question  ! 

Whether  'tis  best  for  slaveholders  to  suffer 

Yet  inoro  inflictions  from  outrageous  fortune, 

Or  to  take  offered  cash  instead  of  kicks, 

And  grasping  that,  end  them  !    To  sell?     To  gain  ! 

Yet  more  !     And  by  that  gain,  to  say  wo  end 

All  insurrections,  and  the  thousand  fears 

Our  tribe  is  heir  to  !     'Tis  a  consummation 

Devoutly  to  be  wished  !     To  fight  ?  '  To  lose  ! 

Lose  o'en  the  chance  to  sell  !     Ay,  there's  tho  rub. 

For  in  that  fight  what  worse  defeats  may  come, 

When  wo  have  shuffled  off  this  first-rate  offer, 

Must  give  us  pause  !     There's  the  respect 

That  moves  us  to  this  final  compromise  ! 

For  who  would  yield  to  Lincoln  and  his  gang, 

To  Yankees  and  to  Black  Republicans, 

To  Abolitionists  and  mud-siils  base, 

If  ho  himself  could  their  quietus  give  them 

With  sword  and  pistol  ?    Who  would  treaties  make, 

To  bo  mere  equals  where  we  would  bo  masters, 

But  that  the  dread  of  how  this  fight  may  turn, 

How  "  Wide- Awakes"  may  conquer,  from  whoso  pouch 

No  "compensation"  comes,  puzzles  the  will, 

And  make?  us  rather  take  this  chance  we  have, 

Than  fly  to  others  that  wo  know  not  of, 

Thus  chivalry  evaporates  from  us  all  ; 

And  thus  our  native  strain  of  blood  and  thunder 

Is  sicklied  o'er  with  mean  debates  and  bargains  ; 

And  e'en  "  Confederacies"  of  mightiest  bluster 

With  this  regard,  their  currents  turn  awry, 

And  sink,  disgraced,  to  nothing  !  C.  k.  w. 


then  basely  deserted  them — who  threatened  to  malic 
New  York  a  free  city,  and  leave  New  England  out  of 
the  reconstructed  Union,  "still  live."  Cowed  by 
the  uprising  of  the  people  for  freedom — in  our  armies 
they  seek  the  lives  of  their  former  allies — in  our 
legislatures  they  deprecate  emancipation — in  Congress 
they  rail  at  every  man  as  a  traitor  who  does  not  be- 
lieve the  protection  of  slavery  to  be  his  only  constitu- 
tional duly.  But  once  let  them  have  the  power  of 
government  to  back  them,  and  their  instinct  for  blood, 
the  sole  courage  of  cowards,  will  lead  to  atrocities 
such  as  the  world  has  seldom  seen  ;  for  only  by  such 
acts,  by  the  entire  "crushing  out"  of  freedom, 
can  they  conciliate  their  former  allies  and  masters. 

Mr.  Greeley,  who  commends  the  policy,  may  yet 
find  the  mob  of  the  Herald  office  at  his  doors,  and  the 
President  be  compelled  to  leave  Washington  as  lie  en- 
tered it,  secretly  and  at  midnight. 

REPUBLICAN. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE. 

From  a  Letter  to  a   U.  S.  Senator. 

March  11,  1862. 
I  send  for  your  consideration  a  few  objections  to 
the  recent  Resolution  and  Message  of  the  President. 

1st.  The  Resolution  recognizes  slavery  as  an  ex- 
isting institution.  Inasmuch  as  slavery  died  with  the 
dissolution  of  the  loyal  governments  in  the  seceded 
States,  and  exists  there  nowo  nly  because  re-created 
and  maintained  by  rebel  arms  ;  and  as,  wherever  the 
U.  S.  forces  reconquer  and  hold  rebel  territory,  the 
Constitution  becomes  the  supreme  and  sole  law ; 
neither  the  President  nor  Congress  can  establish  any 
law  or  institution  incompatible  with  it,  nor  can  they 
recognize  any  institution  established  by  the  rebel  gov- 
ernment without  a  virtual  recognition  of  said  govern- 
ment. , 

2d.  The  President  makes  no  mention  of  the  pecuni- 
ary sacrifices,  the  suffering  and  bereavements  of  the 
people  of  the  free  States,  but  is  only  concerned  about 
the  losses  and  inconvenience  that  slaveholders  may 
suffer.  - 

3d.  He  makes  no  allusion  to  the  fact  that  all  pro- 
perty of  rebels  is  justly  forfeited,  and  that  the  people 
have  a  right  to  demand  that  it  be  confiscated  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  war. 

4th.  The  proposition  to  purchase  the  loyalty  of  reb- 
els is,  to  some  extent,  an  acknowledgment  of  the  jus- 
tice of  the  rebellion.  The  motto  of  the  President  and 
the  people  should  be — "Millions  for  a  vigorous  sup- 
pression of  the  rebellion,  but  not  a  cent  to  purchase  the 
loyalty  of  traitors." 

5th.  The  President  leaves  it  to  he  inferred,  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  compensate  those  persons 
who  may  emancipate  their  slaves.  No  such  legal  or 
moral  obligation  exists.  The  people  may,  as  an  act  of 
charity,  aid  such  persons  as  may  ultimately  suffer 
from  emancipation,  whether  slave-owners  or  slaves. 
It  is  the  plain  duty  of  the  President,  inasmuch  as  the 
slaves  owe  allegiance  to  the  government  and  are  loyal, 
to  make  their  loyalty  available  to  the  country,  and  to 
protect  them  from  the  traitors  who  compel  them  to 
aid  the  rebellion. 

6th.  The  proposition  to  purchase  the  slaves  as  a 
"most  efficient  means  for  the  preservation  of  the  Gov- 
ernment," is  a  virtual  confession  of  the  weakness  of 
the  North,  "  not  fit  to  be  made"  under  any  circum- 
stances, and  especially  improper  in  view  of  our  re- 
cent successes,  and  while  the  season  is  favorable  for 
action,  and  our  forces  are  in  tho  field.  It  looks  a  lit- 
tle too  much  as  though  Mr.  Lincoln  feared  that 
some  of  his  "misguided  feilow-countrymen"  might 
get  hurt. 

7th.  Estimating  the  cost  of  emancipation  at 
§1,200,000,000,  and  the  increased  value  of  real  estate 
in  the  slave  States  at  an  equal  sum,  (which  is  below 
the  usual  estimate,)  the  slaveholders  pocket  the  sum  of 
§2,400,000,000,  as  the  result  of  the  rebellion— a  very 
pretty  speculation.  (No  one  supposes  they  vill  erer 
redeem  their  shin-plasters.) 

The  cost  of  the  war  to  the  North,  if  ended  now, 
cannot  be  less  (when  all  claims  are  paid)  than 
§1,000,000,000;  so  that  the  North  would  be  out  of 
pocket  §2,200,000,000.  Now,  what  guaranty  could  the 
North  obtain,  disgraced,  impoverished,  bankrupt  as  it 
would  be,  that  slavery  would  not  be  re-established? 
"What,  except  the  good  faith  of  slaveholders  1  "Would 
the  guaranty  be  worth  anything?  The  alternative 
offered  by  slavery  to  the  Government  (according  to 
the  President)  is  that  of  the  highwayman:  "Your 
money  or  your  life  !  " 

But  I  derive  some  encouragement  from  the  mes- 
sage. The  President  at  last  admits  that  there  are  effi- 
cient means  for  suppressing  the  rebellion  which  will 
yet  be  tried,  if  indispensable.  And  the  conviction 
seems  to  be^enetrating  even  his  mind,  that  Border 
State  Unionism  prefers  the  security  of  slavery  to  the 
integrity  of  the  Government.  I  have  never  believed 
that  Border  State  Unionism  was  any  thing  else  than 
a  secret  ally  of  slavery.  Had  we  had  a  government  of 
men  instead  of  compromisers,  when  Kentucky  and 
Maryland  refused  to  answer  the  requisition  of  the 
President,  they  would  have  been  treated  as  rebellious 
States,  and  the  North  would,  at  once,  have  been  a 
unit.  The  plausible  party-cry  of  "the  restoration  of 
the  Constitution,"  which  means  the  restoration  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  Slave  Power,  can  only  be  effectu- 
ally met  by  those  measures  which  possibly  the  Pres- 
ident alluded  to  towards  the  close  of  his  message — 
emancipation  and  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of 
the  rebels   to   pay  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

8th.  The  President  admits  that  but  few,  if  any,  of 
the  slave  States  will  accept  his  proposition.  Why,  then, 
does  he  not  at  once  use  those  means  which  he  thinks 
will  put  an  end  to  the  war?  Every  day  is  important. 
There  is  yet  danger  of  foreign  intervention.  Already 
Mason  and  Slidell  have  appealed  to  the  humanity  of 
foreign  powers  by  offering  the  recognition  of  the  mar- 
riage relation  among  slaves,  with  prospective  emanci- 
pation— thus  acknowledging  the  wrong  of  slavery  ; 
while  the  Message  of  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  'no  allusion 
to  slavery  as  unjust  or  impolitic,  and  is  extorted  from 
him  by  his  fears  for  the  safety  of  the  Government. 
I  should  not  he  surprised  if  the  pure  selfishness  of 
the  proposition  brought  upon  us  the  contempt  of  for- 
eign powers.  But,  if  Mason  and  Slidell  find  them- 
selves check-mated,  what  will  prevent  them — "  taking 
a  hint  from  the  intervention  "  in  Mexico — from  offer- 
ing the  establishment  of  a  monarchy,  with  a  foreign 
prince  as  the  incumbent?  Southern  hatred  of  the 
North  is  equal  to  any  measure  that  will  insure  suc- 
cess. 

But  should  any  of  the  Border  Stales  "initiate 
emancipation,"  and  should  the  more  Southern  return 
to  their  allegiance,  what  may  we  reasonably  antici- 
pate ?  In  three  years,  we  should  have  a  pro-slavery 
government,  which  would  immediately  "  initiate  "  the 
"crushing out"  of  Abolition.  Northern  traitors, who 
told  us  that,  if  there  were  to  be  a  civil  war,  the  fight- 
ing would  be,  not  between  the  Northern  and  Southern 
States,  but  between  Northern  men  in  the  Northern 
States — that  they  would  he  the  first  to  seize  tho  trai- 
tors (Abolitionists)  by  the  throat,  [see  Cushing's 
speech  in  Kane  nil  Hall] — that  the  gutters  of  our 
cities  would  run  blood.  Those  traitors  who  attempt- 
ed the  assassination  of  Phillips  in  Boston,  and  of  the 
President  in  Baltimore — who  by  the  promise  of  aid 
encouraged  the  South  to  tho  point  of  rebollion,  and 


"GL0KY,   HALLELUJAH!" 


HAMILTON. 


EE0EPTI0N  OF  THE  MESSAGE. 

Paterson,  (N.  J.)  March  22, 1862. 
Dear  Mr.  Garrison: 

The  last  message  of  the  President  met  with  such 
a  hearty  reception  from  the  mass  of  our  citizens  who 
wish  well  to  Freedom,  received  such  fulsome  adula- 
tions from  the  New  York  Tribune,  and  elicited  such 
expressions  of  devout  thankfulness  to  God  from 
pulpits  which  usually  lean  to  the  side  of  human  free- 
dom, that  I  really  wondered  what  it  all  meant. 

I  could  not  discover  the  profound  wisdom,  the  em- 
inent statesmanship,  tho  ardent  love  of  liberty,  the 
broad  humanity,  or  the  well-directed  and  successful 
blow  at  slavery,  which  were  said  to  he  the  constitu- 
ent elements  of  the  message. 

To  me,  that  message  seemed  rather  the  timorous 
and  evasive  manifesto  of  one  who  could  not  compre- 
hend the  exigencies  of  the  times,  or  dare  not  propose 
the  radical  measures  which  those  exigencies  demand 
and  I  astonished  my  friends  who  were  glorying  over 
the  "advance  movement,"  (as  they  termed  it,)  by 
declaring  my  opinion  that  it  was  a  message  to  be 
deprecated  rather  than  rejoiced  over;  that  it  looked 
like  a  weak  and  wicked  attempt  to  escape  a  plain  and 
palpable  duty ;  that  nothing  less  than  a  declaration  of 
emancipation  in  all  the  rebel  States  could  meet  the 
imperative  necessities  of  the  nation ;  that,  instead  of 
attempting  to  buy  over  the  Border  States  to  tho  grad- 
ual abolition  of  slavery  at  some  remote  period,  so 
that  the  Gulf  States  might  cease  to  entertain  any  hopes 
of  alliance  with  the  Border,  the  only  true  policy  was 
to  issue  a  proclamation  giving  freedom,  immediate  and 
unconditional,  to  all  the  slaves  in  rebeldom  ;  a  procla- 
mation which  would  be  self-executing;  which  would 
strike  a  decisive  and  effective  blow  at  the  root  of  the 
rebellion;  which  would  inaugurate  Justice  as  our  na- 
tional policy,  compel  the  Border  States  not  merely 
to  "  initiate  emancipation,"  but  to  carry  it  forward 
to  completion,  and  thus  do  more  than  anything  else 
to  hasten  the  reconstruction  of  our  nation  upon  the 
eternal  principles  of  Righteousness,  which  alone  can 
exalt  a  nation,  and  give  permanent  peace  and  security. 

I  found  no  echo  to  these  sentiments  and  opinions 
until  your  Liberator  of  the  14th  reached  me :  and  I 
was  happy  in  finding  the  views  which  you  therein  ex- 
press fully  endorsing  and  sustaining  mine. 

To  Abraham  Lincoln,  God  in  his  providence  has 
given  an  opportunity  to  perform  an  act  of  justice  and 
humanity,  which  the  highest  archangel  who  attends 
the  eternal  throne  might  well  covet;  nay — has  not 
only  given  him  the  opportunity,  but  has  imposed  on 
him  the  duty,  of  striking  off  the  chains  from  millions 
of  our  race,  lifting  them  at  once  from  tho  miry  pit  of 
chattelism,  and  placing  their  feet  upon  the  rock  of 
freedom.  To-day  God  speaks  to  him  with  a  voice 
audible  above  the  clang  of  arms  and  the  din  of  con- 
flict, saying,  "Break  every  yoke,  and  let  the  oppres- 
sed go  free  !  "  But  the  President  shrinks  from  the 
glorious  task,  and  attempts  to  hide  himself  behind  a 
feeble  effort  to  bribe  the  Border  States  into  a  future 
gradual  abolition  of  slavery  ! 

Ah  !  Abraham,  this  subterfuge  will  not  answer ! 
this  hiding-place  is  but  a  refuge  of  lies,  and  will  fur- 
nish you  no  safe  retreat  from  the  consequences  of  a  vi- 
olation of  God's  command  ! 

To-day,  four  millions  of  his  children  lift  up  their 
fettered  hands,  and  cry,  "How  long,  O  Lord!  how 
long  1 "  And  the  Lord  commands  you  to  rise  up  and 
execute  judgment  for  Him,  and  to  avenge  the  op- 
pressed. He  has  given  you  the  undoubted  power, — 
He  has  opened  the  way  before  you, — He  has  made  the 
path  straight, — He  has  urged  it  upon  you, — He  has 
made  it  easier  to  do  it  than  to  leave  it  undone.  And 
why  should  you  shrink  from  this  duty,  which  should 
be  a  delight?  "  To-day,  if  you  will  hear  His  voice, 
harden  not  your  heart!"  "Now  is  tho  accepted 
time,  and  to-day  is  the  day  of  salvation." 

Christ  bleeds  under  the  slave-driver's  lash  to-day, 
and  you  can  deliver  him.  He  is  to-day  sold  on  the 
auction-block,  and  you  can  save  him.  His  flesh  is 
to-day  torn  by  the  cruel  fangs  of  bloodhounds,  and 
you  can  rescue  him.  Again  he  suffers  the  cruel 
scourgings  and  mockings  of  his  enemies,  and  in 
the  person  of  his  suffering  children  he  calls  upon  you 
to  deliver  him.  Beware  how  you  reject  his  entreaties 
and  scorn  his  appeals  for  help !  "  Inasmuch  as  ye 
did  it  not  to  the  least  of  these  my  brethren,  ye  did 
it  not  to  me."         ***** 

Let  us  hope  and  pray,  Mr.  Editor,  that  tho  grand 
march  of  events,  or,  in  other  words,  the  successive  or- 
derings  of  God's  Providence,  may  yet  compel  our 
President  to  adopt  the  only  safe  and  wise  policy — 
that  of  doing  justice  ;  and  that  our  nation  may  be  saved, 
before  salvation  is  impossible,  from  the  righteous 
doom  which  God  appoints  to  nations  which  continue 
incorrigibly  rebellious  against  the  Divine  Govern- 
ment. 

Yours,  truly,  A.  GIBBS  CAMPBELL. 


VAEI0US   INTEKPKETATIWS. 

East  Somerville,  March  25,  1862. 

Mr.  Garrison, — Various  interpretations  have  been 
given  of  the  President's  design  in  offering  his  recent 
emancipation  scheme,  but  none  as  I  think  have  ex- 
actly hit  the  mark.  Allow  me  to  give  my  views  on 
the  subject. 

Prom  intimations  given  in  more  than  ono  of  his 
messages,  I  think,  if  he  is  sincere,  the  President  is 
opposed  to  all  measures  for  immediate  emancipation, 
unless  it  shall  become  indispensable  in  quelling  the 
rebellion.  He  sees,  or  thinks  he  does,  that  such  an  act 
would  cause  greater  trouble  for  the  Government  than 
it  has  to  contend  with  now.  I  do  not  judge  him  on 
that  point,  but  simply  state  his  position.  I  think, 
therefore,  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  he  had  some 
other  object  in  view  than  would  naturally  he  inferred 
from  the  language  of  his  message.  The  President  un- 
questionably shares  with  many  other  statesmen  in  the 
conviction  that  the  leaders  in  the  rebellion,  who  rep- 
resent only  the  political  intcresf'of  slavery,  would  re- 
sort to  the  extreme  measure  of  emancipation  them- 
selves, if  all  other  secession  schemes  fail,  believing 
that  "  who  gets  the  negro  wins."  But  honest  though 
shrewd  Old  Abe  checkmates  them  on  that  move  ;  for 
tho  slaveholders  will  say,  "If  we  must  part  with  our 
slaves,  we  had  rather  sell  to  Lincoln  than  give  to 
Davis";  so  that  whenever  that  plan  is  seriously  en- 
tertained, the  States  will  swing  back  into  the  Union 
as  by  the  law  of  gravitation,  and  "  ihero  will  be  the 
end  "  of  that  scheme. 

I  conclude,  therefore,  that  no  hopes  can  reasonably 
be  indulged  in,  that  the  President  intends  any  thing 
more  towards  the  "abolishment"  of  slavery  than 
what  follows  from  suppressing  the  rebellion. 

TYRO. 


Jp?=  The  following  is  a  correspondent's  account  of 
an  interview  with  a  contraband  : — 

"  We  accosted  one  whose  very  intense  blackness 
commended  him  as  a  genuine,  unadulterated  scion  of 
Africa:  'Where  do  you  hail-  from?'  'Culpepper 
Court-House,  Sah.'  '  What  news  do  you  bring?' 
'  Nothing,  miissii,  'cept  dars  a.  man  lost  a  mighty  good 
nlggjr  dar  <  1  i.-s  mornln',  and  I  guess  he  dun  lose  some 
mora  'fore  night.' " 


I  believe  this  lyric  has  a  mission.  I  should  not  be 
surprised  if  the  National  Hymn  which  the  thirteen 
wise  men  of  Gotham  went  a-fishino;  lor  last  May, 
baiting  their  hooks  with  golden  eagles,  and  getting 
many  nibbles,  but  no  fish,  should  turn  up  gradually 
in  this  rousing  song.  Jt  is  a  wonderful  combination 
of  incongruities,  and  can  scarcely  have  been  marked 
out  for  an  ordinary  career.  There  is  a  high,  relig- 
ions fervor;  a  sense  of  poetic  justice  and  righteous 
retribution ;  a  scorn  of  grammar,  and  rhetoric,  and 
rhyme,  and  reason  ;  an  incoherence,  a  brutality,  a 
diabolism,  a  patriotism,  and  a  heroism  which  must 
make  it  go  down  the  popular  throat  sweetly  as  the 
grapes  of  Beulah.  It  has  something  for  everybody. 
It  appeals  to  all  the  emotions.  It  sounds  the  gamut 
of  humanity.  It  is  like  the  great  image  which 
Nebuchadnezzar  saw  in  his  dream.  Its  head  is  of 
fine  gold,  its  breast  and  its  arms  of  silver,  its  belly 
and  thighs  of  brass,  its  legs  of  iron,  and  its  feet  of 
clay.  All  this  eminently  fits  it  for  a  national  song; 
for  a  national  song  is  not  a  song  of  the  poets,  but  the 
song  of  a  people,  and  a  people  is  heroic,  and  unrea- 
sonable, and  incoherent,  and  brutal,  and  noble. 
Head  of  gold  and  feet  of  clay. 

The  origin  of  this  song,  also,  like  that  of  England's 
National  Hymn,  is  somewhat  foggy — or  will  be  if  it 
is  let  alone  a  little  longer.  "  God  save  the  Queen" 
is  said  to  have  been  a  song  of  the  plotting  Jawobites, 
who,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Hanoverian  dynasty, 
were  continually  scheming  its  downfall,  and  the  res- 
toration of  the  Stuarts ;  and  the  King  who  was  sung 
to  and  prayed  for  was  the  exiled  Stuart,  and  not  the 
"great  George"  actually  on  the  throne.  But  the 
song  somehow  worked  itself  into  the  public  taste^ 
and  by  a  summary,  high-handed  process  was  fur- 
bished up  and  handed  over  to  the  loyal  Georgians 
"  as  good  as  new."  Was  not  this  "  Glory,  Hallelu- 
jah," sung  by  Col.  Ellsworth's  Zouaves  on  their 
march  from  New  York  to  Washington,  and  was  it 
ever  sung  before  ?  It  seems  about  three  hundred 
years  since  then,  and  after  sueh  a  lapse  of  time  one 
cannot,  of  course,  certainly  locate  all  events  in  the 
exact  order  of  their  occurrence,  nor  have  I  any  docu- 
ments at  hand  to  verify  my  conjecture ;  but  the' 
"  March  till  the  battered  gates  of  Sumter  shall  ap- 
pear," savors  of  our  honest  and  patriotic,  but  igno- 
rant "on  to  Richmond"  enthusiasm  in  those  early 
days.  That  line  surely  cannot  have  been  written 
since  Bull  Run,  and  the  "  pet  lambs  "  point  direct- 
ly .to  the  Caliban  Zouaves,  who,  if  I  recollect  right, 
christened  themselves  thus.  Does  any  one  know 
the  author  of  the  song,  or  the  time  of  its  first  ap- 
pearance ? 

Let  us  look  at  its  head  of  gold : — 

"John  Brown's  body  lies  a  mouldering  in  the  grave, 
John  Brown's  body  lies  a  mouldering  in  the  grave, 
John  Brown's  body  Hew  it  mouldering  in  the  grave, 
His  soul  is  marching  on." 

There  is  a  slight  suggestion  of  John  Brown  and 
the  little  Indian  of  the  fossilil'erous  ages  that  preced- 
ed Fort  Sumter,  but  it  fades  away  before  the  real 
grandeur  of  the  idea.  The  rude  genius  which  struck 
out  this  lyric  has  hit  the  bulls-eye  of  a  sublime  and 
stirring  principle.  It  is  Bryant's  royal  thought  clad 
in  peasant  garb : — 

"Truth  crashed  to  earth  shall  rise  again, 
The  eternal  years  of  God  are  hers." 

In  homely  phrase  it  recognizes,  and  seizes,  and 
promulgates  the  immortality  of  right,  the  indestructi- 
bility of  truth ;  and  the  people  recognize  and  re- 
ceive it  with  a  unanimity  and  enthusiasm  which 
reconcile  one  for  a  moment  to  that  most  capricious 
of  all  apothegms,  Vox  Populi  vox  Dei  [the  voice  of 
the  people  is  the  voice  of  God].  On  that  summer 
day  set  in  the  brow  of  winter,  that  June  day  lost 
amid  December  snows,  when  John  Brown  cast  his 
eyes  over  the  pleasant  land  which  he  had  come  to 
redeem,  as  he  rode  to  the  gallows  which  was  to  be 
his  triumphal  car  down  the  centuries — when  he  stood 
guarded  by  twenty-five  hundred  soldiers,  and  sur- 
rounded by  an  innumerable  throng,  himself  the  no- 
blest Roman  of  them  all  —  when  throughout  the 
South  there  were  terror,  and  hatred,  and  exultation, 
and  throughout  the  North  admiration  and  sore  re- 
gret— who  foresaw — to-day  ?  Who  looked  forward 
through  these  two  memorable-  years,  and  beheld  the 
bristling  hosts  of  Freedom  pressing  down  upon  Vir- 
ginian soil,  and  ringing  out  the  "Glory!  Hallelu- 
jah!" on  the  spot  made  forever  sacred  by  that  mar- 
tyrdom? I  kuow  in  history  no  retribution  more 
swift,  no  justice  more  complete.  Whatever  may  be 
the  issue  of  the  war,  Virginia,  mother  of  Presidents, 
mother  of  abominations,  the  cruel  and  cowardly 
State,  that  was  frantic  with  terror  before  a  handful 
of  brave  men,  and  frantic  with  lust  for  their  blood, 
when  other  hands  than  hers  had  given  them  into  her 
power ;  the  traitorous  and  braggart  people,  fit  off- 
spring of  fathers  scummed  from  the  ofi'scouring  of 
English  cities,  and  mothers  bought  for  a  hundred 
pounds  of  tobacco,  has  felt  by  its  own  firesides  the 
bitterness  of  death,  and  the  sharper  bitterness  of 
desolation.  John  Brown  violated  law  in  his  eager- 
ness to  dispense  justice.  Virginia  violated  law  in 
her  eagerness  to  dispense  injustice,  and  "the  curse 
shall  be  on  her  forever  and  ever."  Virginia  slew 
John  Brown  in  the  interests  of  slavery,  and  in  her 
despite  of  freedom.  A  hundred  thousand  men,  im- 
bued with  John  Brown's  spirit,  and  armed  by  the 
law  which  he  broke,  march  past  his  gallows-tree,  and 
freedom  is  avenged.  He  wrought  ill  for  a  noble 
cause.  He  confounded  wrong  with  right.  He  would 
punish  wrong  by  wrong.  But  the  good  that  he  did 
lives  after  him,  and  the  evil  is  interred  with  his  bones. 

The  people  recognized  his  single  eye,  and  his  pure 
heart,  and  when  he  went,  they  felt  that  virtue  was 
grme  out  from  them.  They  forget  now  the  illegality 
of  his  measures,  and  remember  only  the  purity  of 
his  motives.  His  death  atoned  for  his  errors.  He 
was  the  forerunner  of  the  great  uprising.  His  ha- 
tred of  slavery,  his  energy,  and  courage,  ami  forti- 
tude in  attacking  it,  were  the  day-gtar  of  this  year  of 
our  Lord;  and  so,  because  he  wrought  ill,  his  body 
lies  a  mouldering  in  the  grave,  and  because  he  pur- 
posed well,  his  soul  is  marching  ou.  The  idea  for 
which  he  laid  down  his  life,  like  the  stone  which  was 
cut  out  without  hands,  is  becoming  a  great  mountain, 
and  filling  the  whole  land.  It  shall  yet  smite  the 
image  before  which  John  Brown  was  sacrificed,  and 
break  it  to  pieces,  and  grind  it  to  powder.  His  soli- 
tary footstep  in  the  wilds  of  Virginia  heralded  that 
grand  army  whose  tramp  is  the  death-warrant  of 
slavery.  Virginia  has  herself  severed  the  cords  that 
held  back  the  knife  from  her  throat,  and  now  ven- 
geance, and  justice,  and  mercy,  join  hands  to  drive 
it  in  !  Massachusetts  men  stand  to-day  where  two 
years  ago  he  stood — the  vanguard  of  the  hosts  of 
Freedom.  No  longer  covertly,  stealthily,  with  veiled 
designs,  by  crooked  ways,  but  in  open  day,  of  set 
purpose,  with  erect  form  and  defiant  mein,  Freedom 
goes  down  to  give  light  to  them  that  sit  in  darkness 
and  the  shadow  of  death. 

Glory  I  Hallelujah  I    that  we  live  to  see  this  day  ! 

"Oh,  sad  for  him  whose  light  went  out 

Before  this  glory  oame, 
Who  could  not  live  to  feel  his  kin 

To  overy  noble  name  ; 
And  sadder  still  to  miss  the  joy 

That  twenty  millions  know, 
In  Human  Nature's  Holiday, 

from  all  that  umkos  life  low." 

I  have  space  for  only  a  glance  at  the  less  comely 
parts  of  this  song.  Here  are  its  breast  and  arms  of 
silver : — 

"  He's  gone  to  bo  a  soldier  in  tho  army  of  tho  Lord,"  Jtc, 
the  popular  recognition  not  only  of  the  soul's  immor- 
tality, but  of  its  immortal  activity.  The  life  that 
battled  so  bravely,  endured  so  constantly,  and  yield- 
ed so  heroically,  was  not  wasted,  but  is'working  still 
in  another  sphere,  and  working  for  the  Lord : — 

"Wo  mourn  for  the  fallen  ono,  wo  weop  for  tho  bravo, 
Who  to  this  holy  eaiis-e.  hi*  noble  life  he  gave  ; 
Sadly,  yet  proudly,  wo  shout  forth  thy  muno, 
As  we  go  marching  on  !  " 

Pathetic,  and  a  little  pleonastic,  but  the.  profit num 
valgus  is  not  nice  as  to  its  ear,  nor  fastidious  as  to  its 
taste,  and  the  sorrow  is  sincere. 

His  belly  and  thighs  of  brass: — 


with  abstractions,  and  goes  back  to  him  with  a 
"iring.  But  tho  meaning  is  involved  in  doubt, 
here  seems  to  be  a  blending  of  the  literal  and  the 
figurative.  His  knapsack  on  his  back  may  be  but  a 
vivid  way  of  saying  that  he  is  still  in  good  working 
order;  but  "  his  pet  lambs"  are  in  the  flesh.  How 
can  the  actual  Iambs  meet  the  abstract  John  Brown? 
Or  does"  it  mean  that  they  will  fight  to  the  death,  and 
so  meet  him  martyrs  in  the  same  good  cause  ? 
Tho  next: — 
"They  will  bang  Jeff.  Davis  to  a  tree,"  Ac,  &c, 
brings  out  the  small  boys,  the  hard  men,  and  the 
roughs,  generally  in  full  force.  It  is  a  perfect  brutal- 
ity meter.  When  an  assembly  sings  it,  you  shall  sec 
the  civilized  people  look  a  little  startled— as  if  they 
were  getting  rather  more  than  they  bargained  for, 
but  it  is  too  late  to  do  anything  about  it,  so  they  lean 
upon  each  other  for  support,  smile  compromisingly, 
and  conclude  to  "  put  it  through" — but  all  the  wild 
beasts  are  mad  with  delight.  They  find  their  blood- 
thirst  suddenly  legalized.  Their  tumultuousncss  is 
Orthodox,  and  they  carry  it  to  the  extreme  point  of 
which  their  throats  are  susceptible. 
The  last  :— 

"  Now  three  rousing  cheers  for  the  Union  !  " 
is  a  universal  solvent.  Man  and  beast,  rough  and 
smooth,  are  melted  down  into  a  mere  mass  of  sway- 
ing, sonorous  patriotism,  whose  enormous  pressure 
would  certainly  result  in  an  explosion,  were  it  not 
for  the  safety  valve  of  the  final,  deafening  (horresco 
referens)    "  Hip  I  hip!  hip!  Hurrah!" 

If,  now,  a  song  whose  marvelous  adaptation  to  the 
hoi  polloi  is  shown  by  the  universality  of  its  recep- 
tion, and  the  utter  abandonment  of  its  execution — 
if  a  song  as  coarse  as  England's,  and  a  good  deal 
finer — a  song  whose  music  is,  at  least  to  an  unculti- 
vated voice  and  ear,  at  once  simple  and  magnificent 
— a  song  born,  as  it  were,  by  accident,  and  left  lying 
around  loose,  but  working  its  way  by  its  own  inward 
energy  into  wle  public  heart,  so  that  it  is  sung  by 
regiments  marching  through  crowded  New  York, 
and  through  deserted  Charlestown,  and  by  all  the 
girls  they  left  behind  them,  and  boys  too — if  this  is 
not  to  be  the  National  Hymn,  I  should  like  to  know 
the  reason  why  ! — Congregationalisl. 


"  Oird  on  tho  warrior's  armor,  tho  battle  ne'er  give  o'er, 
March  till  the  battered  gates  of  Bum  tor  shall  appear  ; 
Host  not  by  tho  way,  till  .you  plant  tho  Stars  and  Stripes 
Where  tho  traitor's  Hag  uow  waves." 

A  glorious  impulse,  but  praiseworthy  and  practica- 
ble only  as  it  is  consolidated  into  principle,     it  savors 

of  indignation  rather  than  determination;  and  deter- 
mination only,  fixed  and  fortified  by  prudence,  and 
strengthened  by  obstacles,  wins  the  day. 
Legs  of  iron  and  feet  of  clay  : — 
"  John  Brown's  knapsack  is  stropped  upon  his  hack,"  &o. 
"  His  pet  Iambs  will  meet  him  ou.tho  way,"  ito.,  .to.,  Ac. 
A  sudden  and  somewhat,  unaccountable  ivlurn 
to  the  original  subject.  Evidently  the  author  is 
more  thoroughly  at  homo  with  John  Brown  than 


LETTER  EKOM  HA1UUET  MARTINEAU. 

February  7th,  1862, 
To  the  Editor  of  the  National  A.  S.  Standard: 

Sir, — The  communications  which  I  have  lately  seen 
in  the  Standard  on  the  affair  of  the  Trent  show  me 
what  I  ought  now  to  do.  I  have  to  request  space  in 
your  columns  for  a  few  words — not,  certainly,  by  way 
of  reply  to  anything  that  has  been  said,  but  as  a  key 
to  my  own  letters  on  that  and  other  topics.  It  is  a 
subject  of  strong  regret  to.me,  and  to  other  friends  of 
the  Cause,  that  any  key  should  be  needed  at  all. 

For  a  quarter  of  a  century,  the  American  Abolition- 
ists have  appealed  to  the  world,  and  particularly  to 
English  Abolitionists,  against  the  sins  of  their  own 
government  and  people.  By  that  lofty  patriotism  they 
secured  our  sympathy  and  service.  In  this  sympathy 
my  service,  such  as  it  is,  has  been  rendered  for  five 
and  twenty  years;  and  in  that  spirit  and  confidence  I 
have  written  to  you,  up  to  this  hour.  It  now  appears 
that  you  have  descended  from  that  lofty  patriotism,  to 
fall  behind  even  your  own  non-Abolitionist  govern- 
ment, by  defending  or  excusing  an  outrage  condemned 
by  all  Christendom  ;  and  this  leaves  me  no  choice  but 
to  withdraw  from  the  Standard.  It  never  could  have 
entered  the  imagination  of  your  friends  here  that  Abo- 
litionists, who  were  once  so  superior  to  pseudo-patriots 
ism  as  to  take  for  their  motto,  "Our  country  is  the 
world,  our  countrymen  are  all  mankind,"  could,  in 
the  very  crisis  of  their  nation's  virtue  and  hope, 
condescend  to  say,  practically,  "  Our  country,  right  or 
wrong  " ;  but,  as  you  have  so  chosen  your  stand-point, 
and  consequently  misapprehended  my  correspondence, 
that  correspondence  must  cease. 

I  shall  be  careful  not  to  impute  any  such  change  to 
others  than  those  who  have  avowed  it.  1  know  that 
some  hold  the  old  position,  and  are  in  sympathy  with 
English  Abolitionists  accordingly;  and  I  trust  that 
there  are  many.  While,  however,  you,  sir,  and  some 
of  your  contributors,  occupy  a  different  stand-point 
from  them  and  me,  my  letters  would  be,  not  only  use- 
less, but  misleading,  for  they  must  appear  as  untrue  to 
yon  as  your  recent  articles  and  communications  on  the 
Trent  affair  do  to  us. 

Happily,  the  larger  part  of  my  work  for  the  anti- 
slavery  cause  lies  here.  In  that,  I  hope  to  labor  while 
I  live ;  and  I  am  sure  that  that  Cause  and  its  promo- 
ters will  always  have  my  heartfelt  good  wishes,  as 
they  have  had  my  faithful  service.  It  is  in  the  spirit 
of  that  service  that  I  now  bid  yon  farewell. 

HARRIET  MARTLNEAU. 


MORE  DIRTY  WORK. 
Correspondence  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune. 

Washington,  Thursday,  March  20,  1862. 

A  few  days  ago,  some  contrabands  came  into  the 
camp  of  the  20lli  Massachusetts  Regiment,  ajid  were 
taken  by  some  of  the  company  officers  as  servants. 
Upon  reaching ,  the  officers  were  ordered  to  ex- 
clude "those  persons"  from  camp.  The  officers  con- 
cluded not  to  do  so.  The  officer  of  the  guard  was  Or- 
dered not  to  allow  any  persons,  not  officers'  servants, 
to  remain  within  the  lines.  "  Those  persons"  being 
officers'  servants  did  remain.  But  soon  one  of  the 
officers  of  Company  —  was  ordered  to  send  away  his 
man,  but  respectfully  declined;  for  which  he  was  put 
under  arrest  for  "  disobedience  "  of  orders,  and  was 
made  to  march  in  the  rear  of  his  company  without  his 
sword  and  as  a  prisoner. 

The  servant  was  taken  before  the  Lieut-Colonel, 
and  by  him  put  outside  of  the  lines,  and  thus  was  made 
to  fall  into  slavery  once  more  !  The  other  officers  as 
yet  retain  their  servants,  but  say,  if  obliged  to  give 
them  up,  they  will ,  &c. 

The  order  for  the  exclusion  of  the  fugitives  came 
from  Gen.  Dana,  the  new  Brigadier  of  this  Brigade.  It 
is  not  known  that  it  was  enforced  in  any  other  regi- 
inent  in  the  Brigade,  except  the  Twentieth.  In  at 
least  two  other  regiments,  it  was  openly  disregarded, 
and  contrabands  were  encouraged  to  come,  without 
opposition  of  the  officers. 

Why  the  Twentieth  should  be  selected  for  the  dirty 
work  no  one  can  tell,  unless  it  be  for  the  reason  that 
they  fight  (as  at  Ball's  Bluff)  to  hurt  somebody,  and 
too  earnestly  to  suit  Pro-Slavery  officers  whose  feel- 
ings are  shocked  by  the  imprisonment  of  Gen.  Stone 
at  Fort  Lafayette  for  loving  Seeesh  not  wisely  hut  too 
well  1  X.  X. 


PremaTTJbs  I'OASTiNO.  A  few  weeks  ago,  the 
Norfolk  Day  Book,  referring  to  the  Burnside  expedi- 
tion, spoke  in  the  following  con  temp  tusus  and  brag- 
gart strain,  which,  in  view  of  all  that  has  fince  taken 
place,  reads  quite  comically  at  the  present  time : — 

We  are  satisfied,  from  all  the  light  that  we  have 
been  able  to  get  on  this  subject,  that,  through  the  in- 
terposition of  a  kind  Providence,  the  backbone  of  Ibis 
expedition  has  been  broken,  and  that  we  now  have 
nothing  to  dread  from  it.  The  remnant  of  it  may 
make  a  feeble  effort  to  strike,  after  a  little  time  lo  re- 
cuperate ;  but  for  all  effective  purposes  the  thing  is  a 
failure,  and  it  carries  the  war  spirit  down  with  it. 

The  Northern  papers  are  talking  very  hard  to  keep 
the  spirits  of  the  people  up.  They  now  say  that  the 
expedition  was  not  intended  for  operation  in  the  North 
Carolina  Sounds,  and  that  it  may  have  only  put  into 
Hatteras  from  Btress  of  weather.  Gammon — pun- 
mon — gammon.  We  know  all  about  that.  We  advise 
Old  Ahi-  and  his  tribe  of  Kangaroos  that  they  had  better 
he  making  tracks  from  the  wralh  that  is  setting  in 
against  them,  or  he  may  find  that  his  long  cloak  and 
Scotch  cap  will  not  enable  him  to  get  out  of  Washing- 
ton as  easy  as  they  enabled  him  to  get  in  there. 

In  conclusion,  we  repeat  that  the  Burnside  expedi- 
tion is  a  failure,  a  dead  failure,  and  that  almost  the 
next  news  we  receive  from  Europe  will  be  that  the 
Southern  Confederacy  has  been  recognized  by  France 
and  England,  and  that  those  nations  have  determined 
to  disregard  the  inefficient  blockade." 


Contrabands.  A  Port  Royal  correspondent  of  the 
Boston  Journal  relates  the  following  : — 

Quito  an  amusing  story  is  told  in  connection  with 
the  affair  at  Brunswick.  It  seems  that  the  gunboats, 
after  reconnoitering  a  while  in  front  of  the  rebel  forti- 
fications, got  into  "posish,"  and  were  about  to  "let 
slip  the  dogs,"  when  they  discovered  a  boat  push  off 
from  the  shore  at  the  fort,  and  make  directly  for  the 
gunboat,  upon  Hearing  which  it  was  found  to  contain  a 
couple  of  "contrabands,"  who  commenced  yelling, 
"  Hold  on,  Massa  Yankee,  don't  fire,  der  sogers  all 
gone  to  Serwarner,"  "dase  Ieff  me  all  alone."  And, 
sure  enough  they  had  gone,  and  the  anticipated  sport 
was  "  nipped." 

The  contrabands  are  getting  organized  into  gangs, 
in  view  of  the  opening  of  the  Spring's  work,  and  un- 
der the  direction  of  government  agents  will  soon  com- 
mence cultivating  cotton,  corn,  sweet  potatoes,  &c. 
Most  of  them  are  faithful  and  willing,  and  seem  de- 
lighted with  the  free  labor  system  offered  them.  Sev- 
eral philanthropic  gentlemen  have  also  commenced  to 
"  teach  them  the  rudiments  of  civilization  and  Chris- 
tianity— their  amenability  to  the  laws  of  God  and  man 
-*-their  relations  to  each  other  as  social  beings,  and  alt 
that  is  necessary  to  render  them  competent  to  sustain 
themselves  in  social  and  business  pursuits."  The  chil- 
dren are  said  to  be  very  eager  to  learn  to  read,  and 
their  aptness  is  surprising,  considering  all  circum- 
stances. All  these  things  are  of  great  significance  in 
their  bearing  on  the  future  of  the  South.  It  is  a  sort 
of  hand-writing  on  the  wall,  and  the  rebel  leaders  can- 
not fail  lo  see  it. 


How  Abolitionists  are  Made.  At  a  social  en- 
tertainment given  recently  by  the  officers  of  IV  regi- 
ment, one  of  the  regimental  officers,  on  being  called 
on  for  a  speech,  spoke  in  substance  as  follows  : — 

"When  we  organized  this  regiment,  gentlemen, 
coming  us  we  did  from  different  political  organizations, 
we  agreed  to  ignore  politics.  This  evening  1  shall 
violate  the  rule.  I  am  going  to  talk  a  little  aboul  poli- 
tics, You  all  know  that  1  was  a  full-blooded  Douglas 
Democrat,  dyed  in  the  wool;  and  when  DoURlflS  was 
defeated  for  the  Presidency,  1  thought  our  Govern- 
ment had  been  sunk  out  of  sight,  beyond  the  hope  of 
resurrection.  But  when,  after  the  bombardment  of 
Kurt  Sumter,  the  President  called  for  seventy-live 
thousand  volunteers  lo  fight  for  national  existence  and 
for  the  old  Sag,  1  said  to  myself  on  reading  the  procla- 
mation, '  Old  Abe,  you  are  the  man  after  all ;  1  am 
glad  you  are  President.  From  henceforth  I  am  a  sup- 
porter of  your  administration,  and  1  shall  volunteer 
forthwith.  After  that  you  know  we  were  ordered  to 
Missouri,  and  you  know  what  have  been  our  experi- 
ences since.      I '-in  in  the  ^  cry  lirsl  light  whieh  we  had, 

when  I  saw  Capt.  M shot  out  of  his  saddle,  and 

when  I  saw  three  of  our  brave  privates  shot  dead  in 
their  tracks,  by  the  minimis  of  slavery.  1  raised  my- 
self to  my  stirrups  and  said,  dW  bring  mg  luiinr.from 
//tin  dag  forth,  I  am  an  Abolitionist." — Chicago  Tribune. 


Treasonable  Plot  in  Michigan.  The  Detroit 
Tribune  publishes  a  curious  document,  revealing  an 
attempt  in  that  State,  last  fall,  to  organize  a  league  for 
the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  Federal  Government. 
This  object  is  plainly  avowed  in  a  secret  circular, 
Which  declares  the  purpose  of  the  movement  to  be  "  to 

rise  and  unite,  ij'nnccssurg,  with  the  A [A1  )■/«#]  of  the 

S [South],  overrun  the  N [North]  like  a  hurri- 
cane, sweeping  the  A [Administration]  into  eternity, 

or  at  least  driving  them  into  com/ilete  and  -unconditional 
submission."  This  document  is  dated  October  5,  1861, 
and  says  the  league  is  doing  a  noble  work  in  Mary- 
land, and  among  the  soldiers  at  Fortress  Monroe,  and 

that  "Presn'tP [President  Pierce]  in  his  passage 

has  drawn  many  brave  and  influential  men  to  the 
League."  The  Tribune  says  the  original  of  the  docu- 
ment is  now  in  the  State  Department  at  Washington, 
and  that  it  led  to  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  sev- 
eral persons  in  Fort  Lafayette.  It  was  discovered  that 
secret  organizations  existed  in  many  towns  in  Michi- 
gan, and  in  numerous  places  in  Canada  West. 


y*g  'The  greal  question  is,  who  stole  the  Pillow 
upon  which  Buckuer  hoped  to  rest  Ids  weary  head  at 
Port  Donelflon  J     The  inevitable  answer  is— Floyd. 


From  Tennessee.  A  Washington  dispatch  to  the 
New  York  Post  says  advices  received  there  from 
Messrs.  Johnson  and  Etheridge,  in  Nashville,  repre- 
sent that  the  Union  sentiment  is  rapidly  rising  in  Ten- 
nessee. Gov.  Johnson  writes  in  a  hopeful  strain.  A 
Nashville  letter  in  the  same  paper,  however,  presents 
matters  in  a  very  different  light.  According  to  the 
writer,  the  rebels  stalk  boldly  in  the  streets,  and  talk 
loudly  in  public  places  of  what  they  will  do,  and  how 
they  will  yet  subjugate  the"  Yankees.  So  furious  are 
they,  that  a  secret  league  has  been  discovered,  whose 
members  have  sworn  to  buy  no  goods  from  Northern 
men,  or  fraternize  with  Northern  men  under  any  cir- 
cumstances. The  merchants  will  not  open  their  stores, 
and  will  not  take  United  States  treasury  noteg.  A 
captain  of  the  Tenth  Ohio  was  lately  shot  in  the  street, 
and  officers  are  daily  insulted  ! 


A  Peculiar  Institution  Destroted.  A  corre- 
spondent with  the  Burnside  expedition  writes  that  in 
one  of  the  forays  of  our  men  into  North  Carolina,  they 
had  the  temerity  to  make  an  assault  upon  a  peculiar 
institution.     He  says  : — 

"  Our  men  discovered  one  of  the  'peculiar  institu- 
tions '  of  the  South  in  the  shape  of  a  whipping-post, 
the  morning  of  their  departure,  and  instantly  destroyed 
it,  to  the  great  delight  of  a  number  of  negroes,  and  the 
utter  consternation  of  a  few  white  men  present." 


jJj^T3  The  worst  enemies  of  humanity  are  those  who 
prefer  the  perpetuation  of  slavery  to  the  preservation 
of  the  Republic. 


PARKER 


$40 


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construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  ihe  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market, 
jfc^"  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 
Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice. 
Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 

IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"Four  Parker's  Sewing  Machines.  This  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  "Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mecbanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  Tho  apparatus  for  guaging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  tho  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  hut  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  ou  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  uso  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  tho  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. Tho  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston   Traveller. 

U^"  We  would  call  the  attention  of  our  readers  to  tho 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  tho  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  .a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and 
Grover  &  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Bowing  Machine 
Company  :  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed  machine;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma  - 
chiues  ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  ltd  justed  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
l.-o  the  necessity  of  the  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  tbo  various  motions  to  the  machine. 
The  favor  with  whieh  the  Parker  Sowing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  the  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  host  machine  now  iu  market. — 
South  lii-ading  Gasttte,  Nov.  24,  I860. 

Tin;  Parker  Skwini;  Machine  is  taking  the  lead  in  the 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  enn- 
not  ho  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made—  strength 
and  utility  combined — and  is  eiuphaliealiy  the  i-Aoyxwf  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  delighted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parker's  mai'hino  the 
preference  over  all  others.  We  are  pleased  to  learn  that 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  Gboboh  v.  Lxohabd,  188  Wash- 
ington slirit .  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  and  Bells  them  as  fast  as  tbej  md  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  the  dullness  Of  the  limes,  and 
while  other  ninniil'aeturors  have  almost,  wholly  suspended 
operations!.  This  fact,  of  Itself,  speaks  more  strongly  in 
its  favor  than  any  thing  we  can  mention  ;  for  were  it  not 
for  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  suffered  from  the  gen- 
eral depression,  InBtMd  of  flourishing  among  the  wrecks  of 
its  rivals.  What  wo  tell  you  is  no  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
ono  of  them,  and  you  will  say  Hint,  "  halt"  of  its  good  qual- 
ities lisid  never  been  told  von,"  Bv«J  man  who  regards 
the    health    ami    hapoiness  of  his   wife    should    buy  one   of 

these  machines  bo  assist  her  In  lessening   Sftrfetoilsonie 

l-usk.—  M,irt!>otv    SfeSMtta,  July  13,  W62, 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  13    rill! LIS II ED  — 

EVEKY  FRIDAY  MOEUHTG, 

AT 

221    "WASHINGTON   STREET,    EOOM   No.  6. 


ROBERT  F.  WAIXCUT,  Genkbal  Agent 


EST  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  conts  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

E^~  Fivo  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  for  tes  dol- 
lars, if  payment  is  made-  in  advanoe. 

E^"  All  remittances  are  to  be  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  tho  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  RAID)  to  the  General  Agent. 

EE^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  Hue. 

EST  Tho  Agents  of  the  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Socioties  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

EST  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  vis  :  —  AVendell  Phillips,  Edmtjxd  Quincy,  Ed- 
uvsd  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  tho  land,  to.  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  thia  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil*' 
itary  authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  ef  all  munic 
ipal  institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  KE.ST  ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  ffonl  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive) 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  Pbkbiijekt  or 
the  U*mu>  States,  but  the  Commander  or  the  Aitlff, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES.  *  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  the  alaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war,' 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Concress  extend  to  interference  with  tho  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  wav  in  which  it  can  he  jstebfbred 
With,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  caret  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  oe  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  tho  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thb 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."-J.  Q.  Adam. 


WM.  LLOT  D  GAKEISOK,  Editor. 


mix  mmivij  fc  tfte  WjwM,  mv  ®mte$tm  m  alt  $tattfci»d. 


J.  B.  YEEEINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXX CI.    NO.    15. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,:    APEIL    11,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1633. 


Of  ®PpW5lSi0«. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS   IK  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Personal  denunciation  is  the  most  unpleasant  part 
of  a  journalist's  duty:  but  such  is  the  infamous  ca- 
reer of  many  men  that  the  newspaper  press  would 
be  conspiring  against  the  public  virtue  and  safety,  if 
it  did  not  incessantly  pursue  them,  and  exercise"  all 
itsenergies  to  commote  against  them  the  perpetual 
odium  of  the  nation.  There  is  no  man  in  this  coun- 
try who  deserves  a  more  severe  application  of  this 
rule  than  Wendell  Phillips.  He  has  scholarship  and 
eloquence.  But  in  what  honorable  direction  has  he 
employed  his  faculties  for  the  last  nineteen  years? 
In  the  honorable  field  of  his  profession  ?  In  the 
composition  of  useful  works  ?  In  instructing  the 
people  in  their  obligations  to  trie  country  of 
their  birth  ?  In  enlightened  patriotic  statesmanship  ? 
In  generous  assistance  to  make  America  the  most 
happy  of  lands?— is  this  the  line  of  conduct  to  which 
he  has  applied  the  fine  talents  that  nature  generous- 
ly gave  him?  This  line  he  certainly  could  have 
filled  with  eminent  distinction:  but  he  has  not  en- 
tered on  it.  Treason  most  bold,  most  reckless,  most 
unblushing,  and  most  dangerous  has  been  his  career. 
In  a  recent  lecture  in  Washington  this  man  said : 
"  /  have  labored  nineteen  years  to  take  nineteen  States 
out  of  this  Union,  and  if  I  have  spent  any  nineteen  years 
to  the  satisfaction  of  my  Puritan  conscience,  it  was 
those  nineteen  years.  Unless  within  twelve  months  or 
twenty-four,  Maryland  is  a  free  State,  Delaware,  and 
half  Virginia,  would  to  God  that  building  (the  Capi- 
tol) with  this  city  of  Washington,  hud  been  shelled  to 
ashes  last  July." 

Here  is  not  only  a  confession  of  guilt  but  also  a 
boastful  rhetorical  amplification  of  it.  This  too  in 
Washington — within  earshot  of  the  very  President 
and  Administration  who  have  been  eager  to  commit 
men  of  far  less  treason  to  Fort  Warren  and  other 
places !  In  presence  of  this  fact,  we  ask  where  is 
the  honest  consistency  of  the  government?  Was 
the  offence  of  Mr.  MeMaster  anything  in  comparison 
with  that  which  this  fire-brand  loudly  declaimed  of 
himself  in  the  national  Capital  ?  Were  any  of  the 
other  imprisoned  men  equal  to  him  in  public  crimi- 
nality? The  President  is  carrying  on  war  against 
a  most  unjustifiable  rebellion,  and  much  of  the  en- 
ergy of  the  war  is  owing  to  the  truth  that  the  South 
has  been  plotting  separation  for  a  long  time :  but 
Wendell  Phillips  declares  himself  to  have  labored 
for  nineteen  years  to  destroy  the  country.  He  makes 
his  declaration  in  the  ears  of  the  President,  and  he 
says  he  will  not  desist;  yet  the  traitor  is  allowed  to 
remain  at  large!  This  is  not  honest  consistency. 
We  denounce  it.  We  ask  the  people  to  demand  its 
correction.  Let  all  domestic  enemies  to  the  Constitu- 
tion be  punished.  Repressing  the  rebellion  in  thi 
South  is  only  half  the  work.  The  Abolitionists  of  the 
North,  with  Phillips  at  their  head,  are  the  worse  trai- 
tors of  the  two.  Until  that  fanatic  herd  are  extinct, 
the  nation  cannot  be  free  from  internal  discord.  Spar- 
ing such  criminals  is  not  a  national  virtue,  but  a  na- 
tional abandonment  of  duty  that  is  certain  to  produce 
the  worst  public  consequences.  Unfortunately  we 
cannot  hope  that  the  duty  will  be  resumed.  We  sup- 
port the  administration  with  all  our  strength  in  the 
war  against  the  belligerent  rebels:  but  we  cry  out 
against  permitting  the  rebels  of  the  North  to  pro- 
ceed unmolested,  giving  daily  increase  to  the  dis- 
tractions of  the  nation.  Let  Phillips  be  arrested. 
3?he dignity  and  honor  and  safety  of  the  Adminis- 
tration and  the  country  demand  this. 

Such  is  the  man — a  very  brief  note  on  him,  indeed 
— to  whom  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  has  given 
their  Capital  to  lecture  in.  Comment  is  unnecessa- 
ry. It  would  not  be  more  criminal  to  give  this  priv- 
ilege to  Jefferson  Davis  himself  than  to  Wendell 
Phillips.  The  latter  is  the  Yancey  of  the  North. 
Pennsylvania  is  not  represented  by  the  men  that 
have  thus  insulted  the  Constitution.  But  the  Smith- 
sonian Institute  set  them  the  example,  and  another 
month  may  show  that  the  national  Capitol  itself  has 
been  tendered  to  Wendell  Phillips.  We  have  no 
trust  in  the  safety  of  the  Republic  but  in  the  people 
themselves  ;  and  with  them  the  best  remedy  is — the 
remedy  now  in  the  hands  of  their  fathers,  their  sons, 
and  their  friends  against  the  criminal  South. — Bos- 
ton (Catholic J  Pilot. 


HOW  TO   PEEVENT  MOBS. 

Wendell  Phillips  was  mobbed  at  Cincinnati,  as 
we  mentioned  last  week.  It  was  wrong,  mean,  and 
inexpedient.  Mobs  are  often  the  arguments  of  cow- 
ardice, sometimes  of  intolerance,  frequently  of  impa- 
tience, rarely  the  result  of  calm  deliberation,  .very 
rarely  the  expression  of  justice.  Every  man  ought 
to  set  his  face  against  them,  in  public  and  in  private 
speak  and  act  against  them,  and  by  the  stern  power 
of  an  enlightened  public  sentiment  discountenance 
them,  whatever  may  be  the  provocation.  It  is  bet- 
ter to  suffer  wrong  than  to  do  wrong.  It  is  better 
to  let  wrong  go  unpunished  than  to  usurp  unlawful 
power,  and  use  it  in  the  name  of  justice.  Wendell 
Phillips  by  his  treasonable  utterances,  would,  do  lit- 
tle harm,  compared  to  the  injury  done  to  public 
morals,  order,  safety,  and  permanent  social  peace, 
by  a  riot  that  strikes  down  a  citizen  without  the  reg- 
ular process  of  law. 

But  is  there  no  remedy  for  the  wrong  which  such 
an  arch  traitor  commits,  who  goes  into  the  capital 
of  the  nation,  and  into  the  peaceful  cities  of  the  land, 
and  blurts  out  his  treason  in  the  ears  of  the  patriot 
people  ?  Is  the  patience  of  the  country  to  be  tried, 
till  its  passions  can  no  longer  be  restrained,  by  the 
unbounded  licence  accorded  to  this  enemy  of  the 
Constitution,  this  avowed  hater  of  the  Union,  who 
glories  in  having  devoted  nineteen  years  of  his  life 
to  its  destruction  ?  We  have  heard  him  curse  the 
Union  with  an  intensity  of  malignant  bitterness  that 
made  every  honest  patriot's  blood  run  cold.  But 
even  then  we  would  not  have  had  an  unlawful  hand 
laid  on  the  head  of  this  enemy  of  his  country.  And 
again  we  ask,  is  there  no  remedy  ? 

There  is,  and  we  are  now  speaking  words  that  the 
highest  officers  of  government  have  already  embodi- 
ed, we  doubt  not,  and  on  which  they  are  acting,  if 
they  are  wise  as  they  are  patriotic.  The  remedy  is 
the  Impartial  application  of  law  and  power  to 
the  disunion  traitor,  whether  his  proclivities  are. 
Southern  or  Northern.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  the  ability 
to  command,  Mr.  Stanton  has  the  ability  to  direct: 
and  the  country  will  sustain  them  in  the  measures 
they  may  take  to  apply  the  force  of  government 
m  the  work  of  self-preservation.  Their  attention 
we  call  to  the  speech  which  Phillips  made  in  Wash- 
ington, as  published  without  criticism  in  the  New 
York  Tribune.     He  said  ; — 

"Now,  I  love  the  Constitution,  though  my  friend 
(Dr.  Pierpont)  who  sits  beside  me,  has  heard  me  curse 
it  a  hundred  times,  and  I  shall  again  if  it  does  not  mean 
justice.  /  have  labored  nineteen  years  to  take  nineteen 
States  out  of  this  Union,  and  if  I  have  spent  any  nine- 
teen years  to  the  satisfaction  of  my  Puritan  conscience, 
it  was  those  nineteen  years. 

"  Unless  within  twelve  months  or  twenty-four,  Mary- 
land is  a  free  State,  Delaware  and  half  Virginia,  would 


to  God  that  building  (the  Capitol)  with  this  city  of 
Waslington,  had  been  shelled  to  ashes  last  July." 

Speaking  of  the  origin  of  the  rebellion,  Phillips 
declared  that,  "It  was  nobody's  fault,"  but  that  "  it. 
is  the  inevitable  results  of  the  seeds  our  fathers  plant- 
ed seventy  years  ago;"  and  in  another  place,  he 
says  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic,  that  they  "  dared 
not  trust  God." 

Referring  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  the  invet- 
erate disunionist — who  kept  standing,  time  out  of 
mind,  at  the  head  of  his  paper,  the  sentiment  that 
the  men  who  framed  the  Constitution  had  made  "  an 
agreement  with  death,  and  a  covenant  with  hell," 
ho  characterized  him  as  a  "  man  who  had  done  more, 
in  the  Providence  of  God,  to  shape  the  fate  of  this 
generation  than  any  other  one,"  and  that  he  (Phil- 
lips) was  "proud  to  sit  at  his  (Garrison's)  feet." 

Such  a  man  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  stir  up 
dissension  and  sedition  at  such  a  time  as  this.  And 
if  the  Government  at  Washington  that  has  filled 
Fort  Lafayette  and  Fort  Warren  with  secession  trai- 
tors, suffers  such  a  man  to  talk  treason  in  Washing- 
ton, it  loses  the  glory  that  crowns  the  administration 
of  justice  when  its  impartiality  commands  the 
homage  of  an  enlightened  people. 

But  it  is  amusing,  even  in  its  seriousness,  to  read 
the  fierce  denunciations  of  the  Cincinnati  mob  in  the 
columns  of  those  papers  that  have  not  a  word  to  say 
when  traitors  of  another  stripe  are  mobbed  !  If  Dr. 
Hawks  should  say  in  Irving  Hall,  "  I  have  labored 
fifteen  years  to  take  fifteen  States  out  of  this  Union," 
and  if  the  Union  is  not  broken  up  in  two  years, 
"  would  to  God  that  the  city  of  Washington  had 
been  shelled  to  ashes  last  July,"  he  would  have  been 
hooted  down,  and  driven  from  the  city.  Some  of 
the  papers  that  now  condemn  the  mob  that  hunted 
Phillips,  would  praise  the  mob  for  hunting  Hawks. 
May  we  not  go  still  further,  and  say  that  if  a  news- 
paper in  this  city  should  advocate  the  destruction  of 
the  Constitution,  and  the  disruption  of  the  Union, 
to  let  the  South  go,  it  would  be  suppressed  instantly, 
and  its  conductors  justly  held  responsible  for  treason 
to  the  government. 

The  New  York  Tribune  says:  "It  is  wickedly 
false  that  Mr.  Phillips  advocates  treason."  That  de- 
pends altogether  on  what  treason  is.  The  Tribune 
may  not  be  the  best  authority  on  that  delicate  ques- 
tion. We  believe  it  is  treachery  to  the  country  now, 
to  wish  the  city  of  Washington  laid  in  ashes  if  sla- 
very is  not  abolished  in  Maryland.  Phillips  says 
that,  and  the  Tribune  devotes  six  columns  to  spread- 
ing the  infamous  speech  in  which  the  sentiment  is 
uttered.  Wo  regard  it  as  the  quintessence  of  trea- 
son to  speak  or  print  such  sentences  as  we  have 
quoted  from  tho  Tribune,  unless  we  quote  them  to 
protest  against  them  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union.  The  Springfield  Republican  says : 
"  Wendell  Phillips  has  the  right  to  speak  his  opin- 
ions freely,  and  every  friend  of  free  speech  must 
maintain  that  right."  No,  he  has  not.  No  man  has 
a  right  to  do  wrong.  No  man  has  a  right  to  smoke 
a  cigar  in  a  powder  magazine.  No  man  has  a  right 
to  denounce  the  government  of  his  country  in  time 
of  war.  No  disunionist  has  a  right  to  speak  his  sen- 
timents anywhere  now.  We  are  in  a  state  of  war. 
Every  mau  must  stand  by  the  Union  or  keep  quiet. 
We  are  utterly  opposed  to  mobbing  Phillips  or  any 
other  man.  But  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  coun- 
try demand  that  his  seditious  tongue  be  silenced  till 
the  Union  is  reestablished  in  peace.  Let  him  be  in- 
dicted for  his  sedition,  and  held  to  answer  at  the  bar 
of  justice  for  his  offences,  but  let  us  have  no  mobs. 
Justice  is  slow,  but  mighty.  An  abolition-disunion- 
ist  is  as  dangerous  an  enemy  now  as  a  secession- 
disunionist,  and  if  Fort  Warren  is  open  for  the  lat- 
ter, let  Fort  Lafayette  receive  the  former:  or,  still 
better,  put  them  both  together.  They  have  labored 
in  the  same  cause,  let  them  rest  together  in  the  same 
walls. — New  York  Observer. 


J?*l£fit0tt$* 


WIPE  OUT  THE  NATION'S  SHAME. 

A  Speech,  for  tho  Abolishment  of  Slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

Delivered  in  the   United  States  Senate  on  Tuesday, 
March  25,  1862. 

ES"  HENRY  WILSON  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

Wendell  Phillips,  last  evening  deemed  it  expedi- 
ent to  tone  down  and  sugar-coat  his  treasonable  lec- 
ture on  the  War.  -With  this  slight  difference,  the 
discourse  was  substantially  the  same  as  The  New 
York  Tribune's  report  of  it  as  delivered  in  Wash- 
ington. The  labors  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion were  scoffed  at  and  derided,  and  he  frankly  ad- 
mitted that  he  had  been  a  zealous  Disunionist' for 
sixteen  years,  and  until,  through  the  working  of  the 
present  war,  he  discovered  glimmerings  of  universal 
and  immediate  emancipation,  and  of  the  blissful  era  of 
practical  amalgamation.  Comparing  the  relative  ex- 
ports of  the  West  India  Islands  and  of  the  New  Eng- 
land States  as  the  test  of  the  superiority  of  the  races, 
the  lecturer  deduced  the  statement  that  the  negro 
beats  the  Yankee  a  hundred  per  cent.  The  audi- 
ence, crinoline  and  broadcloth  alike,  enthusiastically 
applauded  this  announcement  of  their  own  inferiori- 
ty to  the  greasy  and  half-civilized  negroes  of  Ja- 
maica and  Hayti.  So  much  for  the  audience.  The 
existence  of  any  Union  sentiment  whatever  at  the 
South  Phillips  earnestly  combatted,  and  its  alleged 
non-existence  formed  the  basis  of  an  argument  for 
the  creation  of  a  Union  party  of  emancipated  negroes 
and  the  colonization  of  the  slaveholders.  This  sen- 
tence, in  fact,  is  almost  a  syllabus  of  tho  argument 
of  the  entire  lecture.  The  military  ability  of  Gen.  Me- 
Clellan  was  ridiculed,  and  tins  provoked  the  only 
manifestation  of  disapprobation  indulged  in  by  the  au- 
dience. Rather  strange,  too,  considering  that  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  other  ar- 
chitects of  the  Constitution,  were  stigmatized  as  even 
more  complete  failures  as  statesmen  than  McCIellan 
as  a  soldier.  But  throughout,  the  harangue  abound- 
ed in  as  palpable  treason  as  has  ever  been  uttered 
by  Davis  or  Yancey.  It  was  administered,  too,  in  a 
most  plausible  shape.  False  facts,  figures,  and  logic 
were  resorted  to.  The  dead  statesmen  of  the  Re- 
public were  maligned  and  misrepresented,  and  con- 
temporaneous history  grossly  perverted. 

Wendell  Phillips  can  return  to  Boston  and  con- 
gratulate the  treasonable  coterie  of  which  he  is  a 
shining  light,  on  a  brilliant  achievement:  Chicago, 
which  once  refused  to  hear  Douglas  in  vindication 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  sanctity  of  the  Union, 
and  mobbed  the  great  statesman  from  the  rostrum, 
has  applauded  him  to  the  very  echo  in  his  execra- 
tion of  the  charter  of  our  liberties  and  his  ridicule  of 
our  departed  national  greatness. — Chicago  Times. 


tg§=*  While  we  would  accord  to  Wendell  Phillips, 
as  we  would  accord  to  every  citizen,  the  full  measure 
of  his  constitutional  rights,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  con- 
ceive how  certain  high  functionaries  of  the  Govern- 
ment can  reconcile  it  with  their  sense  of  propriety 
to  bestow  on  this  rabid  and  abusive  radical  the  pub- 
lic marks  of  distinguished  consid  ■  ■  1 1  Ton  with  which 
they  have  honored  him.  The  presiding  officer  of 
each  branch  of  Congress  has  bestowed  on  him  atten- 
tions which,  under  the  circumstances,  were  most  un- 
seemly anil  impolitic.  There  is  no  victorious  gene- 
ral in  the  army,  nor  any  loyal  governor  of  a  iree 
State,  wlio  would  have  been  treated  with  more 
marked  courtesy  than  was  bestowed  on  this  maker 
of  seditious  harangues,  who  has  been  twenty  years 
denouncing  the  Constitution  and  aiming  at  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union, — New  York  World. 


Mb.  President:  The  first  Congress^  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  summoned  to 
the  consideration  of  questions  of  transcendent 
portance,  which  excited  the  profound  interest  of  the 
nation,  and  of  the  statesmen  of  that  age.  Hildreth. 
in  his  history  of  the  United  States,  tells  us  that  "  of 
all  the  questions  discussed  at  this  session,  none  pro- 
duced so  much  excitement  as  one  started  toward  the 
close  of  it,  respecting  tho  permanent  seat  of  the 
Federal  Government."  The  Eastern  States  would 
have  been  content  to  retain  the  seat  of  Government 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  where  the  Continental 
Congress  had  established  it ;  but  Pennsylvania  sought 
to  win  it  back  to  Philadelphia,  and  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  Carolinas  sought  to  fix  it  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac.  The  members  of  the  East,  sup- 
ported by  Pennsylvania,  hoping  to  conciliate  the  dis- 
satisfied members  of  the  South  proposed  to  fix  the 
permanent  seat  of  Government  on  the  Susquehanna, 
but  the  proposition  was  strongly  and  violently  op- 
posed ;  and  tbey_  were  told  by  even  the  moderate 
Madison,  that  "if  that  day's  proceedings  had  been 
foreseen,  Virginia  would  never  have  ratified  the 
Constitution." 

The  House"  bill,  locating  the  capital  on  the  Susque- 
hanna, amended  by  the  Senate  so  as  to  fix  the  seat 
of  Government  in  a  district  ten  miles  square  adjoin- 
ing Philadelphia,  failed  through  the  growing  opposi- 
tion and  manifest  dissatisfaction  of  the  men  of  the 
_South.  Thus  the  Congress  of  1789  was  stirred  to 
its  profoundest  depths  by  the  absorbing  question 
whether  the  national  capital  should  be  located  on 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  the  Susquehanna,  or  the 
Potomac.  These  conflicting  claims  of  sections  and 
of  interests  defeated,  in  1789,  all  propositions  for  the 
location  of  the  seat  of  the  national  capital;  but  at 
the  next  session,  in  1790,  a  bargain,  a  compromise, 
was  consummated  between  the  advocates  of  the  as- 
sumption of  the  State  debts,  under  the  lead  of  Ham- 
ilton and  Morris,  and  a  few  members  of  Virginia,  by 
which  the  House  of  Representatives,  after  taking 
the  yeas  and  nays  thirteen  times,  determined  by  a 
vote  of  thirty-two  to  twenty-nine,  to  locate  the  per- 
manent capital  of  the  Republic  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac.  This  victory  over  the  North,  won  by  the 
skill  and  determination  of  the  statesmen  of  the  South, 
placed  the  permanent  capital  of  the  new  Republic 
on  soil  polluted  by  the  footsteps  of  bondsmen.  This 
early  victory  of  the  leaders  of  Southern  sentiment 
and  opinion  has  cast  its  malign  influence  over  the 
policy  of  the  National  Government.  Here,  for  two 
generations,  the  statesmen  of  republican  and  Chris- 
tian America  have  been  surrounded  by  an  atmos- 
phere tainted  by  the  breath  of  the  slave,  and  by  the 
blinding  and  perverting  influences  of  the  social  life 
of  slaveholding  society. 

The  Constitution  gave  Congress  the  "power  to 
exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever," 
over  this  ceded  ten  miles  square  we  call  the  District 
of  Columbia.  Instead  of  providing  a  code  of  hu- 
mane, equal,  and  uniform  laws,  for  the  government 
of  the  capital  of  a  Christian  nation,  Congress  enact- 
ed, in  1801,  that  the  laws  of  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
as  they  then  stood,  should  be  in  force  on  the  north 
and  south  side  of  the  Potomac.  By  this  act,  the  in- 
human and  barbarous,  the  indecent  and  vulgar  co- 
lonial slave  codes  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  became 
the  laws  of  republican  America  for  the  government 
of  its  chosen  capital.  By  this  act  of  national  legis- 
lation the  people  of  Christian  America  began  the 
first  year  of  the  nineteenth  century,  by  accepting 
reaffirming,  and  reenacting  for  the  government  of 
their  new  capital,  the  colonial  legislation,  enacted 
for  the  government  of  the  wild  hordes  of  Africa, 
which  the  colonial  and  commercial  policy  of  Eng- 
land forced  upon  Maryland  and  Virginia. 

The  National  Government,  by  reenacting  the 
slave  codes  of  the  ceding  States  for  the  government 
of  the  ceded  territory,  accepted  as  its  creed  the 
wicked  dogma  that  color,  in  the  national  capital,  is 
presumptive  evidence  of  slavery.  In  1827  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbiaxin  the  House  of 
Representatives,  reported  that  "  inNthis  District,  as 
in  all  slaveholding  States  in  the  Union,  the  legal 
presumption  is,  that  persons  of  color  going  at  lam-c 
without  any  evidences  of  their  freedom  are  abscond- 
ing slaves,  and  prima  facie  liable  to  all  the  legal  pro- 
visions applicable  to  that  class  of  persons."  The 
Committee  state  that  in  that  part  of  the  District 
ceded  by  Virginia,  "  a  free  negro  may  be  arrested 
and  put  in  jail  for  three  months  on  suspicion  of  be- 
ing a  fugitive ;  he  is  then  to  be  hired  out  to  pay  his 
jail  fees;  and  if  he  does  not  prove  his  freedom  with- 
in twelve  months  he  is  to  be  sold  as  a  slave."  In  the 
territory  ceded  by  Maryland,  the  Committee  say 
that  "if  a  free  man  of  color  should  be  apprehended 
as  a  runaway,  ho  is  subjected  to  tho  payment  of  all 
fines  and  rewards  given  by  law  for  apprehending 
runaways,  and  upon  failure  to  make  such  payment, 
is  liable  to  be  sold  as  a  slave."  The  legal  presump- 
tion that  persons  of  color  are  "  absconding  slaves  " — 
that  if  arrested  as  runaways  they  are  "  subject  to 
the  payment  of  all  fines  and  rewards  given  by  law 
for  apprehending  runaways " — that  failing  to  pay 
such  "fines  and  rewards"  they  are  "liable  to  be 
sold  as  slaves,"  are  the  recognized  doctrines  in  the 
national  capital  of  this  Democratic  Republic.  For 
two  generations  has  Christian  America  recognized  in 
her  capital  the  wicked  and  guilty  dogma  that  color 
is  legal  presumption  that  man,  whom  God  made,  and 
for  whom  Christ  died,  walking  the  earth  in  the  pride 
of  conscious  manhood,  is  an  "  absconding  slave"  to 
be  "  apprehended  as  a  runaway,"  "  subject  to  the 
payment  of  fines  and  rewards,"  or  "  to  be  sold  as  a 
slave  to  pay  jail  fees." 

Clothed  with  the  authority  of  legislation  by  the 
National  Government,  the  corporation  of  Washing- 
ton, not  content  with  this  monstrous  legal  presump- 
tion that  color  is  evidence  of  slavery,  enacted  on  the 
81st  of  May,  1827,  that  every  negro  and  mulatto 
found  in  the  City  of  Washington  who  shall  not  be 
ablo  to  establish  his  or  her  title  to  freedom,  shall  be 
committed  to  the  jail  of  the  County  of  Washington 
as  absconding  slaves.  In  what  age  of  the  world,  in 
what  land  under  the  whole  heavens,  can  you  find  an 
enactment  of  equal  atrocity  to  this  iniquitous  and 
profligate  statute — this  legal  presumption  that  color 
is  evidence  that  man  made  in  the  image  of  God  is 
an  "  absconding  slave  "? 

This  monstrous  doctrine,  abhorrent  to  every  man- 
ly impulse  of  the  heart,  to  every  Christian  sentiment 
Of  the  soul,  to  Gvo.ry  deduction  of  human  reason, 
which  the  refined  and  Christian  people  of  America 
have  upheld  for  two  generations,  which  the  Corpora- 
tion of  Washington  enacted  into  an  imperative  ordi- 
nance, has  borne  its  legitimate  fruits  of  injustice  and 


inhumanity,  of  dishonor  and  shame.     Crimes  against 
man,  in  the  name  of  this  abhorred  doctrine,  have 
been  annually  perpetrated  in  this  National  Capital, 
which  should  make  the  people  of  America  hang  their 
heads  in  abasement  before  the  nations,  and  before 
that  Being  who  keeps  watch  and  ward  over  the  hum- 
blest of  the  children  of  men.     Men  and  women  of 
African  descent,  no  matter  in  what  State  they  were 
born,  no  matter  what  rights  and  privileges  they  pos- 
sessed under  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the  States 
from_ whence  they  came,  have,  annually  been  seized, 
imprisoned,  fined,  and  sometimes  sold  into  perpetual 
servitude.     This  doctrine,  that  color  is  presumptive 
evidence  of  slavery — this  ordinance,  consigning  its 
victims  to  imprisonment — offers  a  tempting  bribe  to 
the  base,  the  selfish,  the  unprincipled,  to  become 
man-stealers  and  kidnappers.     This  bribe  has  con- 
verted Government  officials,  justices  of  the  peace, 
constables,  and  police  officers  into  manufacturers  of 
slaves.  _  This  bribe  has  annually  filled  your  jail  with 
its  victims,  making  it  the  workshop  where  the  selfish, 
the  base,  the  ignoble,  have  plied  their  trade  in  the 
souls  and  bodies  of  men.     Hundreds,  aye  thousands 
of  men  of  African  descent  have  been  seized,  arrest- 
ed, imprisoned,  since  the  District  of  Columbia  be- 
came the  seat  of  the  National  Capital.     In  January, 
1829,  the  United   States  Marshal,  in  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives on  the  District  of  Columbia,  reported  that 
in  the  three  years  from  the  1st  of  January,  1826,  to 
the  first  of  January,  1829,  179  persons  in"  Washing- 
ton and  Georgetown  were  arrested  and  committed 
to  prison  as  absconding  slaves.     Of  this  number,  26 
proved  themselves  to  be  free,  and  being  fortunate 
enough  to  pay  jail  fees,  were  discharged.     Six  of 
these  persons  were  sentenced  by  the  jailor  without 
trial,  and  sold  as  slaves,  and  the  proceeds  pocketed 
by  the  Marshal  of  the  United  States.     Mr  Miner,  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in   1829,  states  that  "  a  black  man  was 
taken  up  in  August,  1821,  and  imprisoned  as  a  run- 
away 405  days.     In  this  time  vermin,  disease,  and 
misery  had  deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his  limbs. 
He  was  rendered  a  cripple  for  life,  and  finally  dis- 
charged, as  no  one  would  buy  him."     More  than 
1,000- of  the  citizens  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  on 
the  24th  of  March,  1828,  in  a  memoral  to  Congress, 
declared,  "  that  it  was  not  alone  from  the  rapacity 
of  slave-traders  that  the  colored  race  in  this  District 
were  doomed  to  suffer;   that  the  laws  sanction  and 
direct  a  procedure  unparalleled  in  glaring  injustice 
by  anything  among  the  Governments  of  Christen- 
dom."    They  state  that  in  the  Summer  of  1827  "  a 
colored  man  who  stated  that  he  was  entitled  to  free- 
dom, was  taken  up  as  a  runaway  slave  and  lodged 
in  the  jail  of  Washington  City.     He  was  advertised, 
but  no  one  appearing  to  claim  him,  he  was  accord- 
ing to  law  put  up  at  public  auction  for  the  payment 
of  his  jail  fees,  and  sold  as  a  slave  for  life  1     He  was 
purchased  by  a  slave-trader,  who  was  not  required 
to  give  security  for  his  remaining  in  the  District,  and 
he  was,  soon  after,  shipped  to  Alexandria  for  one  of 
the  Southern  States.    An  attempt  was  made  by  some 
benevolent  individuals  to  have  the  sale  postponed 
until  his  claim  to  freedom  could  be  investigated,  but 
their  efforts  were  unavailing,  and  thus  was  a  human 
being  sold  into  perpetual  bondage  at  the  Capital  of 
the  freest  Government  on  earth,  without  even  a  pre- 
tence of  trial,  or  an  allegation  of  crime."     The  men 
of  New  England,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  of 
that  generation  were  responsible  before  God  for  such 
deeds  of  inhumanity. 

But  we  of  this  age,  in  America,  are  not  guiltless 
of  like  enormities.  Senators  will  rememb'er  that 
when  Congress  assembed  in  December  last,  we  found 
nearly  sixty  human  beings  immured  in  our  jail,  un- 
der the  authority  of  our  Marshal  and  his  officials,  as 
fugitive  slaves,  and  that  of  this  number  one  man,  ad- 
mitted by  all  to  be  free,  had  been  confined  more 
than  six  months.  Colored  men  of  the  Free  States, 
who  have  come  with  Northern  regiments  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  national  capital,  have  been  seized  and 
imprisoned  in  our  jail  as  runaways  by  constables, 
and  by  that  race  of  man-stealers,  the  legitimate  off- 
spring of  this  doctrine,  that  color  is  presumptive 
evidence  of  slavery.  Men  who  have  escaped  from 
the  camps  of  armed  treason,  who  have  given  our 
military  commanders  important  intelligence  of  the 
movements  of  Rebel  forces,  appearing  in  the  streets 
of  Washington,  are  seized  and  thrust  into  jail  by  the 
creatures  who  see  "  slave  "  written  on  the  forehead 
of  every  man  through  whose  vein  courses  a  drop  of 
African  blood.  In  this  national  capital  lurks  a  race 
of  official  and  unofficial  man-hunters,  greedy,  active, 
vigilant,  dexterous,  ever  ready,  by  falsehood,  trick- 
ery, or  violence,  to  clutch  the  hapless  black  man  who 
carries  not  with  him  a  title  deed  of  freedom.  Only 
a  few  days  ago,  these  harpies  of  the  land,  more  merci- 
less than  the  wreckers  of  the  seas,  pounced  upon  and 
hurried  to  your  jail  two  men  your  officers  in  the  field 
had  sent  to  Washington  to  give  important  intelli- 
gence to  your  Generals.  For  these  deeds  of  inhu- 
manity and  injustice,  the  intelligent,  patriotic,  and 
Christian  freemen  of  America  are  responsible  before 
man  and  before  God  !  And  if  we,  their  representa- 
tives, who  now,  for  the  first  time,  have  the  power,  do 
not  end  these  crimes  against  man  forever,  the  guilt 
and  shame  will  rest  upon  our  souls,  and  we  shall  be 
consigned  to  the  moral  indignation  of  Christendom. 
Justice  to  a  wronged  and  oppressed  race  demands 
that  this  corrupt  and  corrupting  doctrine  that  color 
is  presumptive  evidence  of  slavery  in  the  capital  of 
the  Republic  shall  be  condemned,  disowned,  repudi- 
ated by  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  For 
two  generations  it  has  pressed  with  merciless  force 
upon  a  race  who  mingled  their  blood  with  the  blood 
of  our  fathers  on  the  stricken  fields  of  the  War  of 
Independence.  In  those  days  of  trial,  black  men, 
animated  by  the  same  mighty  impulse,  fought  side 
by  side  with  our  fathers  to  win  for  America  a  place 
among  the  nations.  They  rallied  at  the  tap  of  the 
drum  on  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  to 
meet  the  shock  of  the  first  battle  of  the  Revolution. 
They  poured  their  unerring  shots  into  the  bosom  of 
the  veteran  troops  of  England  as  they  moved  up  the 
slopes  of  Bunker  Hill.     They  met,  and  three  tf— 


by  their  steady  valor,  repulsed  the  charges  of  British 
iterana  on  tho  battle-field  of  Rhode  Island,  which 


Lafayette  pronounced  ' 
Revolution.'" 


the  best  fought  battle  of  the 


They  fought  and  fell  by  the  side  of  Ledyard  at 
Fort  Grlswold.  They  shared  in  tin-  idorious  defence 
and  victory  at  Red  Bank,  which  will  live  in  our  his- 
tory as  long  as  the  Delaware  shall  flow  bv  the  spot 
made  immortal  by  their  valor.  They  endured  with 
our  fathers  uncomplainingly  the  toils  and  privations 
of  the  battle-fields  anil  bivouacs  of  the  seven  years' 
campaigns  of  the  Revolution  from  Lexington  to 
York  town,  to  found  in  a  America  a  Government 
which  should  recognize  the  rights  of  human  nature. 
For  more  than  sixty  years,  unmindful  of  their  rights 
and  ungrateful  for  their  services  in  our  hour  of  weak- 
ness, wo  have  recognized  in  the  capital  of  the  na- 
tion, the  wicked  and  insulting  dogma  which  writes 
"slave  "  on  the  brow  of  all  who  inherit  their  blood. 
Lot  us  of  this  age  hasten  to  atone  for  this  great 
wrong,  by  erasing  that  word  from  tho  brow  of  this 
prescribed  race  here,  and  making  manhood,  here  .if 
least,  forever  hereafter  presumptive  evidence  of  free- 
dom. 


Ry  the  act  of  the  27th  of  February,  1801,  Con- 
gress continued  in  force  in  this  capital  the  statute  of 

Maryland,  enacted  in  1717,  that  "no  free  negro  or 
mulatto  shall  be  admitted  and  received  as  good  and 
valid  evidence  in  law,  in  any  matter  or  thing  what- 
soever, wherein  any  Christian  white  person  is  con- 
cerned."    This  statute  enacted  nearly  one  hundred 
anil  fifty  years  ago,  reenacted  by  Congress  on  the 
27th  of  February,  1801,  is  the  law  in  the  capital  of 
this  nation  that  professes  to  recognize  the  sublime 
creed  of  human    equality.      This  law   places    the 
property,  the  liberties,  the  lives  of  twelve  thousand 
free  persons  of  color  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  at 
the  mercy  of  the  avaricious,  the  violent,  and  the 
abandoned.     It  puts  in  peril  the  rights  of  property 
and  of  person  of  every  free  colored  man  in  America 
whose  feet  shall  press  the  soil  of  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia._    Here  the  oath  of  the  black  man  affords  no 
protection  whatever  to  his  property,  to  the  fruits  of 
his  toil,  to  the  personal  rights  of  himself,  his  wile,  his 
children,  or  his  race.     Greedy  avarice  may  withhold 
from  him  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  or  clutch  from  him  his 
little  acquisitions ;  the  brutal  may  visit  upon  him,  his 
wife,  his  children,  insults,  indignities,  blows;  the  kid- 
napper may  enter  his  dwelling  and  steal  from  his 
hearthstone  his  loved  ones;   the  assassin  may  hover 
on  his  track,  imperiling  the  fives  of  his  household— 
every  outrage  the  depravity  of  man  can  visit  upon 
his  brother  man  may  be  perpetrated  upon  him,  upon 
his  family,  upon  his  race— but  his  oath  upon  the 
Evangelists  of  Almighty  God,  though  his  name  may 
bc  written  in  the  Book  of  Life,  neither  protects  him 
from   wrong   nor   punishes   the   wrongdoer.      This 
Christian  nation  in  solemn  mockery  enacts  that  the 
free  black  men  of  America  shall  not  bear  testimony 
in  the  judicial  tribunals  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Although  the  black  man  is  thus  mute  and  dumb  be- 
fore the  judicial  tribunals  of  the  capital  of  Christian 
America,  his  wrongs,  which  we  will  not  have  righted 
here,  will  go  up  to  a  higher  tribunal,  where  the  oath 
of  the  proscribed  negro  is  heard,  and  his  story  regis- 
tered by  the  pen  of  the  recording  angel.     What 
wrongs,  what  outrages,  may  not  be  perpetrated  upon 
a  race  of  men  where  "  color  is  legal  presumption  of 
slavery,"  where  they  "  may  be  arrested  as  abscond- 
ing slaves,"  where  their  oath  cannot  be  received  as 
"  good  and  valid  evidence  in  law,"  where  "  every 
person  seizing  and  taking  up  runaways  shall  receive 
200  pounds  of  tobacco,  or  the  value  thereof; "  where, 
"  if  any  slave  strikes  a  white  person,  he  may,  upon 
the  oath  of  the  person  so  struck,  have  one  of  his  ears 
cropped."     What  wrongs,  what  outrages,  may  not 
be  perpetrated  upon  a  race  where,  upon  "informa- 
tion to  any  Justice  of  the  Peace  that  any  free  negro 
or  mulatto  is  going  at   large  without  any  visible 
means  of  subsistence,  such  Justice  is  required  to  is- 
sue his  warrant  to  any  constable,  directing  him  to 
apprehend  such  free  negro  or  mulatto;    andifsueL 
free  negro  or  mulatto  shall  fail  to  give  security  for 
his  good  behavior,  or  to  leave  the  State  within  five 
days,  or  if,  after  leaving  the  State,  ho  shall  return 
again  within  six  months,  such  Justice  may  commit 
said  free  negro  or  mulatto  to  the  common  jail ;   and 
if  such  offender  so  committed  shall  not,  within  twen- 
ty days  thereafter,  pay  his  or  her  prison  charges,  the 
Sheriff,  with  the  approbation  of  any  two  Justices  of 
the  Peace,  may  sell  such  free  negro  or  mulatto  to 
serve  six  calendar  months."     The  wrongs,  the  out- 
rages, the  enormities,  which  the  cupidity,  the  dark 
passions  of  the  sordid  and  the  base  have  visited  for 
the  last  sixty  years  upon  the  unoffending,  the  help- 
less, under  these  laws  of  Maryland,  reaffirmed  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  will  never  be 
known  until  the  secrets  of  the  last  day  are  revealed. 
Congress  in    1820  gave   to   the    Corporation   of 
Washington  "  power  and  authority  to  restrain  and 
prohibit  the  nightly  and  other  disorderly  meetings  of 
slaves,  free  negroes  and  mulattoes,  and  to  punish 
such  slaves  by  whipping,  not  exceeding  forty  stripes, 
or  by  imprisonment,  not  exceeding  six  months  for 
any  one  offence ;   and  to  punish  such  free  negroes 
and  mulattoes  by  penalties,  not  exceeding  $20  for 
any  one  offence ;  and  in  case  of  the  inability  of  any 
free  negro  or  mulatto  to  pay  any  such  penalty  and 
cost  thereon,  to  cause  him  or  her  to  be  confined  to 
labor,   for  any   time   not   exceeding    six   calendar 
months;  to  prescribe  the  terms  and  conditions  upon 
which  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  may  reside  in  the 
city;   to  punish  corporally  any  colored  servant  or 
slave  for  a  breach  of  any  of  their  laws  or  ordi- 
nances;"   "and   to  pass   all  laws  which  shall  be 
deemed  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  exe- 
cution the  powers  vested  by  this  act  in  the  said  Cor- 
poration." 

Clothed  by  the  Federal  Government  with  this 
power  of  legislation,  the  Corporation  of  Washington 
has  passed  ordinances  relating  to  persons  of  color, 
bond  and  free,  more  oppressive,  more  inhuman,  more 
degrading,  than  the  Colonial  Black  Code  of  Mary- 
land, which  Congress  reaffirmed  in  1801. 

By  an  ordinance  passed  on  the  31st  of  May,  1827, 
the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Washington  enacted, 
"  if  any  free  colored  person  is  found  going  at  large 
after  10  o'clock  at  night  without  a  pass  from  some 
respectable  citizen,  he  shall  be  fined  not  exceeding 
$10,  and  locked  up  till  morning."  Tins  act,  often 
executed  upon  honest  toiling  men  and  women  whose 
callings  or  duties  require  them  to  enter  the  streets 
afterthat  hour,  is  profligate,  burdensome,  oppressive. 
Officials,  who  too  often  look  upon  the  black  race  as 
the  prey  of  avarice  and  passion,  under  color  of  this 
enactment,  seize  their  victims  going  to  or  returning 
from  their  lawful  callings.  Since  I  have  held  a  seat 
in  the  Senate,  I  have  known  colored  men,  trusted 
and  employed  by  the  Government,  'while  quietly 
hastening  to  their  homes  after  10  o'clock,  from  their 
duties  in  the  public  service,  to  be  arrested  under 
color  of  this  ordinance.  An  ordinance  so  oppres- 
sive, so  barbarous,  should  be  annulled  by  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States. 

On  the  29th  of  October,  1836,  the  Corporation  of 
the  City  of  Washington  enacted  that 


"Every  free  colored  person  must  exhibit  to  the 
Mayor  satisfactory  evidence  of  Ins  or  her  title  to  free- 
dom, and  enter  into  bond  with  five  good  and  sufficient 
sureties,  in  the  penalty  of  $1,000,  for  the  good  and  or- 
derly conduct  of  his  or  her  entire  family,  the  bond  to 
he  renewed  every  year;  and  on  failure  so  to  do,  raav 
be  fined  §20,  and  sent  to  the  workhouse." 

A  statute  like  this,  which  requires  every  free  col- 
ored person  to  furnish  tho  Mayor  of  tho  City  of 
Washington  evidences  of  his  or  her  title  to  freedom, 
and  to  give  bonds  annually  for  his  or  her  orderly 
conduct,  and  failing  so  to  do  to  be  sent  to  the  Work- 
House,  places  ten  thousand  free  persons  of  color  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Corporation  officials  of  this  city, 
who  may  exercise,  under  color  of  this  law,  tho  most 
oppressive  acts  of  petty  tyranny. 

On  the  29th  of  October,  1836,  the  Corporation  of 
the  City  of  Washington,  under  the  authority  con- 
ferred upon  it.  by  the  Government  of  tho  United 
States,  enacted  that 

"All  secret  or  private  meetings  or  assemblages 
whatsoever,  and  all  meetings  for  religious  worship  W- 
yond  the  hour  of  ten  at  night,  of  free  negroes  rnuhtt- 
toes,  or  slaves,  are  declared  to  be  unlawful;  and  any 
colored  person  or  persons  found  at  such  assembles 
or  meetings,  or  who  may  continue  at  any  religious 

meeting  after  ten  o'clock  at  night,  shall  for  cad,  oflW 
pay  the  sum  of  $5;  and  in  the  event  of  anv  such  meet- 


ing or  assemblage,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  any  police 
constable  to  enter  the  house  where  such  assemblage  is 
held,  and  employ  all  lawful  means  immediately  to  dis- 
perse the  same ;  and  in  cane  any  police  constable,  after 
full  notice  and  knowledge  of  such  meeting,  shall 
neglect  or  refuse  to  execute  the  duty  hereby  required, 
he  shall  forfeit  and  pay  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  and 
be  incapable  of  holding  any  office  of  trust  Under  the 
Corporation  for  one  year  thereafter." 

The  Christian  men  of  New  England,  of  the  Cen- 
tral States  arw  of  the  AVest,  must  not  forget  that 
they  are  not  free  from  responsibility  for  the  existence 
in  their  national  capital  of  a  statute  which  imposes 
a  fine  of  five  dollars  upon  Christian  men  and  women, 
who  may  be  found  in  a  religious  meeting  after  the 
hour  of  10  o'clock  at  night.  In  the  Capital  of  this 
Christian  Republic  it  is  made  the  duty  of  police  con- 
stables, under  penalties  of  fine  and  disfranchisement, 
to  enter  a  religious  meeting  after  the  hour  of  10  at 
night,  and  disperse  Christian  men  and  women  listen- 
ing to  the  story  of  salvation  or  offering  up  to  Him 
who  made  the  humblest  of  the  race  in  his  own  ima^e 
the  praises  and  gratitude  of  contrite  hearts. 

On  the  28t_h  of  July,  1841,  the  corporation  of  the 
City  of  Washington  passed  an  ordinance  "  empower- 
ing the  Mayor  to  grant  any  person  a  license  to  trade 
and  traffic  in  slaves  for  the  sum  of  $400."  This  or- 
dinance legalized  in  the  national  capital  the  revolts 
ing  slave-trade,  which  had  dishonored  the  District  of 
Columbia  from  the  day  it  had  been  selected  as  the 
seat  of  the  Federal  Government.  The  Grand  Jury 
of  Alexandria  as  early  as  1802  had  presented  these 
"dealers  in  the  persons  of  our  fellow-men  who  ex- 
posed their  victims  loaded  with  chains  in  the  public 
streets."  In  181 6,  Judge  Morell  of  the  Circuit  Court 
of  the  United  States,  in  his  charge  to  the  Grand 
Jury,  declared  that  "  the  frequency  with  which  the 
streets  of  the  city  had  been  crowded  with  manacled 
captives,  sometimes  on  the  Sabbath,  could  not  fail  to 
shock  the  feelings  of  all  humane  persons."  John 
Randolph,  in  the  same  year,  denounced  this  traffic  in 
slaves  "as  inhuman  and  illegal."  The  Alexandria 
Gazette,  in  1827,  denounced  this  "  traffic  which  filled 
the  streets  not  unfrequently  with  men,  women,  and 
children  handcuffed  and  chained  together. "  In  1828, 
more  than  one  thousand  of  the  citizens  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  implored  Congress  "  to  suppress  a 
traffic  disgraceful  and  demoralizing  in  its  effects," 
and  in  1829  the  Grand  Jury  of  Washington  made  a 
communication  to  Congress,  in  which  tbey  declared 
that_  "  the  whole  community  would  be  gratified  by 
the  interference  of  Congress  for  the  suppression  of 
these  receptacles,  and  the  exclusion  of  this  disgust- 
ing traffic  from  the  District."  In  1830,  the  Wash- 
ington Spectator  indignantly  denounced  these  "pro- 
cessions so  often  seen  in  the  streets  of  Washington, 
of  human  beings  handcuffed  in  pairs,  or  chained  in 
couples,"  wending  their  way  to  the  slave  ships  which 
were  to-  bem-  tU*m  to  ibe  distant  Soutb.  1'es  this 
traffic,  denounced  by  Judges  and  Grand  Juries,  citi- 
zens and  presses,  was  legalized  in  1831  bv  the  Cor- 
poration of  the  City  of  Washington  ;  and*  Williams, 
Birch,  Neal,  Kephart,  Richards,  Franklin,  and  Arm- 
field,  polluted  the  capital  of  the  nation  with  this  bru- 
talizing traffic,  under  the  sanction  of  law,  until  it 
was  made  illegal  by  the  legislation" of  1850. 

The  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Washington,  from 
1829  to  1841,  enacted  cruel  and  brutal  laws  for  the 
punishment  of  slaves  within  the  limits  of  the  city. 
I  quote  from  these  brutal  and  bloody  laws  these 
enactments : — 

"If  a  slave  breaks  a  street  lamp,  he  shall  be  pun- 
ished by  whipping  on  the  bare  back." 

"  If  any  slave  ties  a  horse  to  any  of  the  trees  on  any 
of  the  public  grounds  in  the  City  of  Washington,  he 
shall  be  punished  by  whipping  on  the  bare  back." 

"If  any  slave  willfully  injures  any  dwelling-house 
or  any  of  the  appendages  thereof,  be  or  she  shall  be 
punished  by  whipping  on  his  or  her  bare  back,  not  ex- 
ceeding thirty-nine  stripes." 

"Any  slave  offending  against  any  of  the  laws  regu- 
lating the  public  market  shall  be  punished  with  not 
less  than  five  nor  more  than  twenty  lashes  on  his  or 
her  bare  back." 

"  If  any  slave  sets  on  fire  in  any  open  ground  or  lot 
any  straw  or  shavings,  between  the  setting  and  the 
rising  of  the  sun,  whereby  a  false  alarm  of  fire  may  be 
created,  he  shall  be  whipped  not  exceeding  thirty-nine 
lashes." 

"If  any  slave  sets  off  any  fire-craekers  within  one 
hundred  yards  of  any  dwelling-house,  he  shall  be  pun- 
ished by  whipping  not  exceeding  thirty-nine  stripes." 
Do  Senators  believe  that  there  can  be  found  in 
the  laws  and  ordinances  of  any  Christian  nation  on 
the  globe,  acts  so  brutal,  degrading,  inhuman  V  It 
is  time  these  bloody  statutes  for  lashing  men  and 
women  should  be  obliterated  from  the  laws  and  or- 
dinances of  the  capital  city  of  the  Republic. 

The  acts  of  Congress  of  March  3,  1805.  and  March 
3,  1809,  confirmed  to  the  corporation  of  Georgetown 
all  the  rights,  powers,  and  privileges  theretofore 
granted  to  the  corporation  by  the  General  Assembly 
of  Maryland,  among  which  was  the  power  to  "  pass, 
make,  and  ordain  all  laws  necessary  to  take  up,  fine, 
imprison,  or  punish  any  and  all  vagrants,  loose  and  dis- 
orderly persons,  free  negroes,  and  persons  having  no 
visible  means  of  support."  Under  this  authority  of 
Congress  the  Corporation  of  Georgetown  enacted  that 
every  free  black  or  mulatto  person  who  should  come 
to  Georgetown  to  reside  should  exhibit  to  the  Mavor 
satisfactory  evidence  of  freedom,  and  enter  into  bonds 
for  good  conduct.  On  the  22d  of  August*  1845,  the 
corporation  of  Georgetown  passed  an  ordinance  pro- 
hibiting under  the  penalty  of  thirty-nine  lashes  for 
slaves,  and  thirty  days  imprisonment  for  free  colored 
persons,  all  assemblages  by  day  or  night  of  black  or 
colored  persons,  except  religions  meetings  conducted 
by  white  men  and  terminated  before  half-past  nino 
o'clock  at  night.  From  1827  to  1845,  while  slavery 
was  in  the  zenith  of  its  power,  the  Corporation  of 
the  city  of  Georgetown  passed  main-  ordinances 
hardly  less  brutal,  degrading  and  indecent  than  the 
statutes  of  the  metropolis  of  the  Republic. 

These  colonial  statutes  of  Maryland,  reaffirmed 
by  Congress  in  1801— those  ordinances  of  Washing- 
ton and  Georgetown,  sanctioned  in  advance  bv  the 
authority  of  the  Federal  Government— stand  this 
day  unrepealed.  Such  laws  and  ordinances  should 
not  be  permitted  longer  to  insult  the  reason,  pervert, 
the  moral  sense,  or  offend  the  tftste  oi  the  people  of 
America.  Any  people  mindful  oi'  (he  decencies  of 
life,  would  not.  longer  permit-  such  enactments  (o  lin- 
ger before  the  eye  of  civilized  man.  Slavery  is  tho 
prolific  mother  of  these  monstrous  enactments.  Bid 
slavery  disappear  from  the  District  of  Columbia. 
ami  it  will  lake  along  with  it  this  whole  brood  of 
brutal,  vulgar  and  indecent  statutes.  In  spite  of 
these  oppressive  and  cruel  enactments,  which  have 
pressed  with  merciless  force  upon  the  black  race, 
bond  and  free,  slavery.  Ibr  more  than  half  a  ceuturv 
has  grown  weaker,  and  the  free  colored  stronger,  a't 
every  decade.  Within  the  last  half  ccnlurv,  the 
free  colored  population  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
has  increased  from  -1.000  to  18,000.      In  spile  of  the 

degrading  influences  of  oppressive  statutes,  and  a 

|v.  rwrted  i  ublc.  s.>ntnn.ui  thic  fee  ^.lored  popul 
lation  .is  it  has  increased  in  numbers,  has  increased 
also  in  property,  in  churches,  schools,  and  all  the 
means  of  social,  intellectual,  and  moraj  development. 

Tins  despised  race  upon  which  we  arc  ffonl  to    kMik 

down  wiili  amotions  of  pity,  ifnol  of  con  tempi  or  or 
hate,  are  industrious  and  law-abiding-ioyaf'to  th 


58 


THE     LIBERATOR 


APEIL  11. 


tavern  merit  and  its  institutions.  TSffay  the  free 
Volerod  men  of  the  District  of  Columbia  possess  hun- 
«MdVo1**W»aao^  of  "dollar*  of  properfejS  the  fruits 

of  -year-s  of  honest  toil—  they  have  twelve  churches, 
inteting  some  $75,000,  and  eight  schools  for  the  m- 
isCruetion  of  their  children.  They  arc  even  compel- 
led to  pay  for  the  support  of  public  schools  for  the 
instruction  of  the  white  children,  from  which  their 
own  children  arc  "excluded  by  law,  custom  and  pub- 
lic opinion.  Sonic  of  these  free  colored  men  are 
distinguished  for  intelligence,  business  capacity,  and 
the  virtues  that  grace  and  adorn  men  of  every  race. 
Some  of these  men  have  in  possession  consider  ably 
property,  real  and  personal.  If  Senators  will  go  to 
the  oiKe'e  of  this  city  where  deeds  are  recorded,  they 
will  find  there  a  mortgage  deed,  dated  the  30th  of 
■January,  1858,  in  favor  of  Alfred  Lee,  a  colored  man 
of  this  District,  to  secure  a  debt  of  $12,000,  signed 
by  two  Senators  of  the  United  States  and  their  wives. 
One  of  those  Senators,  signing  a  mortgage  deed  to 
secure  to  a  colored  man  of  this  District  a  loan  of  $12- 
000,  is -a  member  of  the.  Senate  to-day:  the  other 
sleeps  ou  the  shores  of  Lake  Michigan,  in  the  city  of 
his  adoption,  and  the  State  that  honored  him. 

This  bill  proposes  to  strike  the  chains  from  the 
limbs  of  3,000  bondmen  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
tocrase  the  word  "slave"  from  their  foreheads,  to 
convert  them  from  personal  chattels  into  free  men, 
to  lift  them  from  the  degradation  of  personal  servitude 
to  the  dignity  and  responsibilities  of  manhood,  to 
place  them  in  the  ranks  of  free  colored  men,  to  per- 
form" with  them  the  duties  and  bear  with  them  the 
responsibilities  of  lift  Tli:a  bill  if  it  shall  bixour. 
law,  will  simply  take  3,000  men  from  humiliating 
and  degrading  servitude,  and  add  them  to  the  12? 
000  free  colored  men  of  this  District,  to  be  absorbed 
in  that  mass  of  industrious  and  law-abiding  men.  The 
passage  of  t'his  bill  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  will  not,  cannot,  disturb  for  a  moment  the 
peace,  the  order,  the  security  of  society.  Its  pas- 
sage-will  excite  in  the  bosoms  of  the  enfranchised, 
not  wrath,  nor  hatred,  nor  revenge,  but  love,  joy  and 
gratitude.  These  enfranchised  bondmen  will  bo 
welcomed  by  the  ^vee  colored  population  with  bound- 
ing hearts,  throbbing  with  gratitude  to  God  for  in- 
spiring the  nation  with  the  justice  and  the  courage 
to  strike  the  chains  from  the  limbs  of  their  neighbors. 
friends,  relatives,  brothers,  and  lifting  from  their 
own  shoulders  the  burdens  imposed  £pon  them  by 
the  necessities,  the  passions,  aud  the  pride  of  slave- 
holding  society. 

This  bill  to  give  liberty  to  the  bondman  deals 
justly,  aye,  generously,  by  the  master.  The  Ameri- 
can people,  whose  moral  sense  has  been  outraged 
by  slavery  and  the  black  codes  enacted  in  the  in- 
terests of  slavery,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  whose 
fame  has  been  soiled  and  dimmed  by  the  deeds  of 
cruelty  perpetrated  in  their  national  capital,  would 
stand  justified  in  the  forum  of  nations  if  they  should 
smite  the  fetter  from  the  bondman,  regardless  of  the 
desires  or  interests  of  the  master.  With  generous 
magnanimity,  this  bill  tenders  compensation  te  the 
master,  out  of  the  earnings  of  the  toiling  freemen  of 
America.  In  the  present  condition  of  the  country, 
the  proposed  compensation  is  full,  ample,  equitable. 
But  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Davis) 
raises  his  warning  voice  against  the  passage  of  this 
measure  of  justice  and  beneficence.  He  assumes  to 
speak  like  one.  basing  authority.  He  is  positive, 
dogmatic,  emphatic,  and  prophetic.  He  repeatedly 
assures  the  Senate  that  he  gave  utterance  to  what 
he  knew;  that  his  warnings  and  predictions  were 
infallible  prophecies.  The  Senator  predicted  in  ex- 
cited, if  not  angry  tones,  that  the  passage  of  this  bill, 
giving  freedom  to  three  thousand  bondmen,  will 
bring^into  this  District  beggary  and  crime;  that  the 
"liberated  negroes  will  become  a  sore,  a  burden, 
and  a  charge  ;  "  that  they  «  will  be  criminals  ;  "  that 
"they  will  become  paupers;"  that  "they  will  be 
en^a^ed  in  crimes  and  petty  misdemeanors";  that 
"  they  will  become  a  charge,  a  pest,  and  a  blight 
upon  this  society."  The  Senator  emphatically  de- 
clared, "  I  know  what  I  talk  about !  "  "I  speak 
from  what  I  know  I  "  Assured,  confident,  defiant, 
bitter,  the  Senator  asserts  that  "  a  negro's  idea  of 
freedom  is  freedom  from  work,"  that  afterthey  ac- 
quire their  freedom  they  become  "  lazy,"  "  indolent," 
"  thriftless,"  "  worthless,"  "  inefficient,"  "  vicious," 
"  vagabonds."  The  Senator  from  Kentucky,  who 
speaks  with  so  much  assurance,  may  have  the  right 
to  speak  in  these  terras  of  emancipated  slaves  in 
Kentucky,  but  he  has  no  authority  so  to  speak  of  the 
12,000  free  colored  men  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
One-sixth  part  of  the  population  of  this  District  are 
free  persons  of  color.  Under  the  weight  of  oppres- 
sive laws,  and  a  public  opinion  poisoned  by  slavery, 

Efaej  have,  liy  their  rhJaairyj  &«u>  oMicncc  to  law, 

their  kindly  charities  to  each  other,  established  a 
character  above  such  reproaches  as  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  applies  to  emancipated  bondmen.  As  a 
class,  the"  free  colored  people  of  this  District  are  not 
worthless,  vicious,  thriftless,  indolent,  vagabonds, 
criminals,  paupers,  nor  are  they  a  charge  upon  this 
society.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky,  Sir,  has  no 
right  to  apply  to  them  these  disparaging  epithets. 
Do  they  not  support  themselves  by  their  industry 
and  thrift  ?  Do  they  not  support  their  own  churches  ? 
Do  they  not  support  their  own  schools  ?  Do  they 
not  also  support  schools  for  the  education  of  white 
children  from  which  their  own  are  excluded  ?  Do 
they  not  .care  for  their  sick'  and  their  dying?  Do 
they  not  bury  their  dead,  free  of  public  charge? 
What  right,  then,  has  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  to 
come  into  this  chamber  and  attempt  to  deter  us  from 
executing  this  act  of  emancipation,  by  casting  un- 
deserved reproaches  upon  the  free  colored  popula- 
tion of  the  District?  Their  condition  this  day  de- 
monstrates the  utter  absurdity  of  the  doctrines  and 
prophecies  so  oracularly  announced  by  the  Senator 
from  Kentucky. 

But  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  upon  this  simple 
proposition  to  emancipate  in  the  National  capital 
three  thousand  bondmen  with  compensation  to  loyal 
masters,  chooses  to  indulge  in  vague  talk  about  "  ag- 
gressive and  destructive  schemes,"  "  unconstitutional 
policy,"  the  "  horrors  of  the  French  Revolution," 
the  "  heroic  struggle  of  the  peasants  of  La  Vendue," 
and  the  "deadly  resistance"  which  the  "whole 
white  population  of  the  slaveholding  States,  men, 
■women  and  children,  would  make  to  unconstitution- 
al encroachments."  Why,  Sir,  does  the  Senator  in- 
dulge in  such  allusions  ?  Have  not  the  American 
people  the  constitutional  right  to  relieve  themselves 
from  the  guilt  and  shame  of  upholding  slavery  in 
fheir  National  capital  ?  Would  not  the  exercise  of 
that  right  be  sanctioned  by  justice,  humanity  and 
religion  ?  Does  the  Senator  suppose  that  we,  the 
representatives  of  American  freemen,  will  cowardly 
shrink  from  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  the 
■hour,  before  these  dogmatic  avowals  of  what  the 
-men  in  Hie  slaveholding  States  will  do  ?  Sir,  I  tell 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky  that  the  day  has  passed 
by  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  intimida- 
tion, threat  or  menace  from  the  champions  of  slavery. 
I  would  remind  the  Senator  that  the  people  whose 
representatives  we  are,  now  realize  in  the  storms  of 
battle  that  slavery  is  and  must  ever  be  the  relent- 
less and  unappeasable  enemy  of  free  institutions  in 
America, -the  mortal  enemy  of  the  unity  and  per- 
petuity pf  the  Republic.  Slavery  perverting  the 
reason,  blinding  the  conscience,  extinguishing  the 
patriotism  of  vast  masses  of  its  supporters,  plunged 
the  nation  into  the  fire  and  blood  of  rebellion.  The 
loyal  people  of  America  have  seen  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  brave  men  abandon  their  peaceful  avoca- 
tions, leave  their  homes  and  their  loved  ones,  and 
follow  the  flag  of  their  country  to  the  field,  to  do 
soldiers'  duties,  and  fill,  if  need  be,  soldiers'  graves, 
in  defence  of  their  perilled  country;  they  have  seen 
them  fall  on  fields  of  bloody  strife  beneath  the  folds 
of  the  national  flag;  they  have  seen  them  Buffering, 
tortured  by  wounds  or  disease,  in  camps  and  hos- 
pitals; they  have  seen  them  returning  home  maim- 
ed by  shot  or  shell,  or  bowed  with  disease;  they 
have  looked  with  sorrowful  hearts  upon  their  pass- 
ing coffins,  and  gazed  sadly  upon  their  graves  among 
their  kindred  or  in  the  land  of  the  stranger ;  ami  they 
know— ryes,  sir,  they  know— that  slavery  has  caused 
all  this  blqod,  disease,  agony,  and  death.  Realizing 
alj  this— aye,  sir,  knowing  all  this,  they  are  in  no 
tewper  to  listen  to  the  threats  or  menaces  of  apolo- 
gists or  defenders  of  the  wicked  and  guilty  criminal 
that  now  stands  with  uplifted  hand  to  strike  a  death- 
blow to  the  national  life.  While  the  brave  and 
loyal  men  of  the  Republic,  aro  facing  its  shots  and 
abells  on  bloody  'acids,  their  representatives  will 
hardly  quail  before  the  frowns  and  menaces  of  its 
champions  in  these  chambers. 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  proposes  by  his 
amendment  to  remove  from  the  District,  from  the 
United  States,  the  persons  emancipated  under  the 
provisions  of  this  bill.  He  tells  us  that,  '■'  whenever 
any  power,  constitutional  or  unconstitutional  H8- 
-  - ■  SUUJC9- the  .responsibility  of  liberating  ^slaves  where 
slaves  are  numerous,  they  establish  as  inexorably  as 
fate,  a  conflict  between  the  races  that  will  result  in  the 
exile  or  extermination  of  the  one  race  or  the  other." 
*Iknow  itl"  exclaims  the  Senator.  How  doea  t*B 
Senator kno.v  it?  In  what,  age  and  in  what  coun- 
try has  the  eman.-ipation  of  one  race  resulted  in  the 


extermination  of  the  one  race  or  the  other?  In 
what  chapter  of  the  history  of  the  world  is  such  ex- 
terminating warfare  recorded  ?  Nearly  a  quarter  of 
a  century  ago,  England  struck  the  chains  from  eight 
hundred  thousand  of  her  West  India  bondmen. 
There  lias  been  no  conflict  there  between  the  races. 
Other  European  nations  have  emancipated  their 
colonial  bondmen.  No  wars  of  races  have  grown 
out  of  those  deeds  of  emancipation.-  One  sixth 
part  of  the  population  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
are  free  colored  persons — emancipated  slaves,  or  the 
children  of  emancipated  slaves.  The  existence  of 
this  numerous  class  of  liberated  slaves  has  not  here 
established,  "  as  inexorably  as  fate,"  a  conflict  be- 
tween the  races.  More  than  one  sixth  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Delaware  are  t'r^c  colored  persons — eman- 
cipated slaves,  or  the  descendants  of  emancipated 
slaves.  The  existence  in  Delaware  of  this  large 
class  of  emancipated  slaves  has  not  produced  a  war 
of  races.  The  people  of  Delaware  have  never  sought 
to  hunt  them  like  beasts,  and  exterminate  them. 
One  eighth  of  the  population  of  Maryland  are  free 
men  of  African  descent.  No  exterminating  warfare 
of  races  rages  on  the  soil  of  Maryland.  No,  sir ;  no ! 
Emancipation  does  not  inevitably  lead  to  an  exter- 
minating war  of  races.  In  our  country,  the  en- 
franchisement of  the  bondman  has  tended  to  elevate 
both  races,  and  has  been  productive  of  peace,  order, 
and  public  security.     The  doctrines  so  confidently 

Err  claimed  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  have  no 
asis  whatever  to  rest  upon,  eitfffer  in  reason  or  his- 
tory. The  Senate,  I  am  sure,  will  not  close  the 
chapters  of  history  which  record  the  enfranchisement 
of  bondmen,  nor  will  they  ignore  the  results  of  their 
own  experience  and  observation,  under  the  influence 
of  the  positive,  impassioned,  and  emphatic  assertions 
of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 

This  bill,  Mr.  President,  for  the  release  of  persons 
held  to  service  or  labor  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  the  compensation  of  loyal  masters  from  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  was  prepared  after 
much  reflection  and  some  consultation  with  others. 
The  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia  in  both 
Houses,  to  whom  it  was  referred,  have  agreed  to  it, 
with  a  few  amendments  calculated  to  carry  out 
more  completely  its  original  purposes  and  provisions. 
I  trust  that  the  bill,  as  it  now  stands,  after  the  adop- 
tion of  the  amendments  proposed  by  the  Senator 
from  Maine  (Mr.  Morrill)  will  speedily  pass,  with- 
out any  material  modifications.  If  it  shall  become 
the  law  of  the  land,  it  will  blot  out  slavery  forever 
from  the  National  capital,  transform  three  thousand 
personal  chattels  into  freemen,  obliterate  oppressive, 
odious,  and  hateful  laws  and  ordinances,  which  press 
with  merciless  force  upon  persons,  bond  or  free,  of 
African  descent,  and  relieve  the  nation  from  the  re- 
sponsibilities now  pressing  upon  it.  An  act  of  be- 
neficence like  this  will  be  hailed  and  applauded  by 
the  nations,  sanctified  by  justice,  humanity,  and  re- 
ligion, by  the  approving  voice  of  conscience,  and  by 
the  blessing  of  Him  who  bids  us  "break  every  yoke, 
undo  the 'heavy  burden,  and  let  the  oppressed  go 
free."' 


it*t»t  0*. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  APRIL  11, 1862. 


WEHDELL  PHILLIPS  IN  CHICAGO. 

For  the  week  past,  the  columns  of  the  Secession 
Times  have  been  filled  with  appeals  to  mob  violence 
to  break  up  the  lectures  of  Mr.  Phillips  at  Bryan 
Hall,  announced  by  the  Young  Men's  Association. 
Nothing  was  spared  to  bring  about  such  an  end. 
With  a  shamelessness  that  in  a  good  cause  would  be 
bravery,  and  a  persistence  worthy  of  a  better  end 
in  view,  they  have  openly  urged  and  secretly  plot- 
ted to  reproduce  in  Chicago  the  Cincinnati  outrage. 
And  the  .attempt  has  failed  utterly.  .  .  .  The 
tribute  was  a  noble  one  thus  paid  to  free  speech 
and  a  free  discussion  of  the  great  issue  of  the  day, 
Any  one  who  was  present  last  evening  must  have 
been  blind  and  deaf  not  to  have  read  the  augury 
Had  Bryan  Hall  been  two  or  three  times  as  large 
it  would  have  been  a  duplicate  or  triplicate  demon 
stration,  and  proof  that  the  hearts  of  the  people  arc 
ri"ht  on  this  question — that  in  their  view  slavery  is 
dead — and  they  prefer  to  listen  to  those  who  "  come 
to  bury,  not  to  praise."  .  .  .  We  give  enough 
of  his  speech  to  show  what  is  the  mission  of  Wendell 
Phillips,  pleading  and  entreating  his  fellow-citizens 
to  spare  not  the  monster  evil  of  slavery,  and  to  evi- 
dence the  spirit 'in  which  Chicago  has  received  him. 
Here  at  least  there  are  no  mobs.  Never  was  the 
matter  better  tested  than  last  evening,  and  it  now 
stands  emphatically  on  record  that  such  is  the  case. 
Never  were  appeals  to  base  passions  more  shameless, 
and  a  premium  on  mob  violence  more  openly  offer- 
ed, and  yet  the  vast  audience  came  and  went  as 
quietly  as  to  a  Sabbath  service,  and  the  few  minions 
of  The  Times  slunk  away  rebuked.  We  have  no 
elaborate  comments  to  make  upon  Mr.  Phillips's  lec- 
ture. It  was  eminently  patriotic,  as  our  report  will 
convince  all  who  do  not  put  the  salvation  of  slavery 
before  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  It  takes  the 
ground  that  there  can  be  no  peace  without  the  ex- 
tinction of  slavery,  whoso  root  the  war  has  laid  bare. 
Honest-minded  men  are  xcry  much  of  that  opinion. 
—  Chicago  Tribune. 

Simply  as  a  specimen  of  the  sublime  and  solid  ly- 
ing by  which  the  Democratic  organs  hope  to  carry 
this  election,  we  quote  from  the  last  issue  of  by  no 
means  the  most  characterless  among  them—  The 
New  Haven  Register —which  coolly  says  : — 

"  "Wendell  Phillips  everywhere  avows  himself  a  disunion- 
ist,  and  expresses  his  gratification  that  [as  fie  says]  the 
Union  is  broken  and  the  Constitution  destroyed." 

—Probably  fifty  thousand  people  have  heard, 
and  hardly  less  than  five  millions  have  read,  Mr. 
Phillips's  lectures  this  Winter,  wherein  he  has  repeat- 
edly and  explicitly  stated  that  whereas  he  has  been 
a  disunionist,  believing  the  Union  to  be  a  bulwark 
of  slavery,  he  is  now  unequivocally  and  heartily  for 
the  Union,  because  he  is  satisfied  that  the  Union 
cause  is  now  inseparably  bound  up  with  that  of  Im- 
partial Liberty.  "He  has  imposed  no  conditions, 
made  no  qualifications,  but  a  hundred  times  said,  "I 
comprehend  perfectly  that  many  of  you  Unionists 
do  not  mean  Emancipation;  I  realize  that  the  war 
is  not  waged  for  Emancipation :  but  I  sec  further, 
that  you  will  have  to  emancipate  or  be  beaten,  and 
am  with  you  at  all  hazards  and  to  the  last."  Such 
is  the  spirit,  such  the  drift,  of  Mr.  Phillips's  War  lec- 
tures, and  such  are  the  utterances  which  Democratic 
ruffians  do  their  utmost  to  suppress  by  yells,  paving- 
stones,  and  bad  eggs.  He  who  does  not  see  that 
their  hearts  are  with  Jeff  Davis  and  his  crew,  can 
have  nothing  like  a  heart  of  his  own. — New  York 
'Tribune. 

Igaf^  Referring  to  the  late  dastardly  pro-slavery 
mob  in  Cincinnati,  Frederick  Douglass's  Paper 
says : — 

No  doubt  that  the  object  of  the  mob  was  to  hum- 
ble Wendell  Phillips,  and  at  the  same  time  to  cheer 
the  rebels  with  the  hope  that  they  still  have  friends 
and  allies  at  the  North.  Neither  object  is  accom- 
plished. The  proud  slaveholder  feels  only  contempt 
for  such  exhibitions  of  servility  on  the  part  of  North- 
ern mobs.  As  to  humbling  Wendell  Phillips,  or 
shutting  him  out  of  the  popular  heart,  that  cannot 
be  done.  He  shines  all  the  brighter  for  every  as- 
sault made  upon  him,  and  will  be  welcomed  by  the 
people  of  the  North  and  East  with  a  more  glorious 
enthusiasm  for  this  new  manifestation  of  violence  to- 
wards him.  Wendell  Phillips  looked  grand  at  the 
Capital,  with  the  eyes  of  the  nation  upon  him  ;  but 
granil  as  he  looked  at  that  moment,  he  was  incom- 
parably grander  when  he  stood  calm  and  serene  in 
Cincinnati  amid  the  tempest  and  storm  of  a  howling 
pro-slavery  mob  thirsting  for  his  noble  blood. 

Wc  observe  that  it  has  been  basely  asserted  that 
Mr.  Phillips  was  mobbed  for  uttering  treasonable 
and  disunion  sentiments.  The  Satanic  press  know 
better.  When  the  Union  was  perverted  and  pol- 
luted by  slavery — when  it  was  an  engine  for  extin- 
guishing the  freedom  of  the  North,  and  perpetuat- 
ing the  slavery  of  the  black  man  at  the  South — Mr. 
Phillips  repudiated*the  Union,  and  did  all  he  could, 
by  moral  means,  to  induce  his  fellow-citizens  to  fol- 
low his  example ;  but  no  man  has  spoken  with  more 
energy  and  eloquence,  in  behalf  of  the  Union,  as 
warred  upon  by  the  slaveholding  traitors,  than  has 
Mr.  Phillips.  All  this  is  patent  to  the  press  which 
lyingly  chooses  to  misrepresent  him. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  scenes 

witnessed  in  this  country  for  many  years,  unless  we 
may  except  the  attempt  at  a  mob  in  Boston  last 
spring.  The  true  report  .shows  how  the  telegrapli 
perverted  Mr.  Phillips's  remarks,  as  it  always  has, 
and  docs  anything  hostile  to  slavery.  The  people 
of  this  nation  owe  to  Mr.  Phillips  a  deep  debt  of 
gratitude  for  his  unflinching  boldness  in  maintaining 
i!i,  ]  ight  of  free  speech.  Future  generations  will  ;,t 
least,  if  the  present  does  not,  appreciate  the  great- 
EteH  of  the  man,  and  consign  to  deserved  infamy  the 
scoundrels  who  by  such  means  have  sought  to  sup- 
press the  discission  oi'the  most  inomcntoiis  question 
of  the  age— New  Bedford  Rep.  Standard. 


TWENTY-EIGHTH  ANNIVERSARY 

OP    TUB 

AMEKIOAE  ANTI- SLAVERY  SOCIETY, 
The  Twenty-Eighth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavurv  Society  will  be  held  in  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans,  {l)r.  Cheever's,)  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  on  Tuesday,  May  G,  commencing  at  10 
o'clock,  A.  M.  In  the  evening,  another  public  meet- 
ing will  bo  held  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  commencing 
at  half  past  7  o'clock.  The  names  of  speakers  lor 
these  meetings  will  be  seasonably  announced. 

The  Society  will  meet,  for  business  purposes  only, 
in  the  Lecture  Room  of  the  Church  of  the  Puritans, 
at  3£  P.  M.  on  Tuesday,  and  10  A.  M.  on  Wednesday. 
The  object  of  this  Society  is  still — as  at  its  forma- 
tion—the immediate  and  total  abolition  of  slavery 
wherever  existing  on  the  American  soil,  because  ot'its 
inherent  sinfulness,  immorality,  oppression  and  bar- 
barity, and  its  utter  repugnance  to  all  the  precepts  of 
the  Gospel,  and  all  the  principles  of  genuine  Democra- 
cy; its  measures  are  still  the  same — peaceful,  mora!, 
rational,  legal,  constitutional;  its  instrumentalities  are 
still  the  same — the  pen,  the  press,  the  lecturing  field, 
tracts  and  other  publications,  etc.,  etc.,  disseminating 
light  and  knowledge  in  regard  to  the  tyrannical  power 
claimed,  possessed  and  exercised  by  slaveholders,  the 
actual  condition  of  their  miserable  victims,  and  the 
guilty  complicity  of  the  people  of  the  North,  religious- 
ly, politically,  govcrnmentally,  with  those  who  "  trade 
in  slaves  and  the  souls  of  men ;  "  its  spirit  is  still  the 
same — long-suffering,  patient,  hopeful,  impartial,  be- 
volent  alike  to  the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed, 
zealously  intent  on  "promoting  the  general  welfare 
and  securing  the  blessings  of  liberty "  universally, 
knowing  no  East,  no  West,  no  North,  no  South," 
but  embracing  the  whole  country  in  its  charitable  and 
humane  concern,  and  conflicting  with  nothing  just, 
honest,  noble  and  Christian  in  sentiment,  practice  or 
tendency. 

In  regard  to  the  struggle  now  going  on  between  the 
Government  and  the  Rebel  States,  this  Society  is  un- 
equivocally with  the  Government,  because  it  has  done 
no  wrong  to  those  States,  nor  furnished  any  justifica- 
tion for  such  a  treasonable  procedure  on  their  part. 
Yet  the  Society  sees  in  this  awful  conflict  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  prophetic  declaration — "  Ye  have  not  pro- 
claimed liberty  every  man  to  his  brother,  and  every 
man  to  his  neighbor;  therefore,  I  proclaim  a  liberty 
for  you,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence, 
and  to  the  famine  " ;  —  and  it  trusts  that,  in  the  spirit 
of  sincere  repentance  and  deep  humiliation,  acknow- 
ledging the  righteous  retribution  which  has  come  upon 
them,  the  people  will  imperatively  demand  of  the 
Government,  (now  that  it  has  the  constitutional  right 
under  the  war  power,)  that  it  forthwith  decree  the  im- 
mediate and  entire  abolition  of  slavery,  so  that  peace 
may  be  restored  on  an  enduring  basis,  and  the  unity 
of  the  nation  preserved  through  universal  justice. 
In  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee, 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  President. 
Wendell  Phillips,        )  ,,       ,     . 
Cl.AM.liS  C.  BOHLEIOII,  f  &<""'<'""■ 

S^=-  The  New  York  (City)  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety wiU  hold  its  anniversary  in  the  Cooper  Institute 
on   WEDNESDAY  evening,  May  7tll. 


THE    ABOLITION    OP    SLAYEET    IH    THE 
DISTEIOT    Or    COLUMBIA. 

This  act  of  national  justice  and  self-respect  was 
among  the  earliest  that  the  Abolitionists  pressed 
upon  the  attention  of  Congress;  and  for  a  long  scries 
of  years,  through  their  untiring  efforts,  multitudes  of 
petitions,  very  numerously  signed,  were  annually  sent 
to  that  body  from  all  parts  of  the  Free  States, — excit- 
ing the  ire  of  the  "lords  of  the  lash"  in  both  the 
Senate  and  House,  and  eliciting  a  great  deal  of  dis- 
cussion among  the  members  and  throughout  the 
country.  But  these  petitions  proved  unavailing.  So 
long  as  the  South  chose  to  be  represented  in  Coiv 
gress,  she  successfully  resisted  every  effort  made  to 
cleanse  the  District,  over  which  it  held  entire  jurisdic- 
tion, from  the  loathsome  pollutions  of  slavery.  It 
has  required  her  perjured  withdrawal  from  that  body, 
and  a  fierce  and  bloody  civiL  war  which  she  has  trait- 
orously instigated  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Federal 
Government,  to  render  it  morally  possible  for  Con- 
gress favorably  to  entertain  a  proposition  for  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  within  the  limits  of  the  District. 
It  will  be  seen  by  the  following  extract  from  a  letter 
from  the  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Boston 
Journal,  that  special  credit  is  due  to  Hon.  Henry  Wil- 
son, of  Massachusetts,  for  the  passage,  last  week,  by 
a  strong  vote  in  the  Senate,  of  a  bill  for  the  immedi- 
ate liberation  of  every  slave  in  the  District: — 

"The  vote  of  the  Senate,  ransoming  the  slaves  in 
this  District,  is  a  memorable  event.  Slavery,  hitherto 
a  national  institution,  because  sanctioned  at  the  seat  of 
government,  will  now  become  sectional,  and  Columbia, 

'Unloosening  her  bonds, 

By  her  strong  will  shall  be  at  last  the  home 
Of  broadly-based  and  virtuous  liberty.' 

Massachusetts  has  good  reason  to  feel  proud  of  the 
triumphant  result  of  the  labors  of  her  Senators  in 
bringing  about  this  important  movement.  General 
Wilson  first  introduced  the  bill,  almost  exactly  as  it 
has  been  passed,  on  the  10th  of  December,  and  through 
his  persistent  and  earnest  efforts  the  Committee  on  the 
District  were  induced  to  report  it  on  the  13th  of  Feb- 
ruary, since  which  fie  has  steadily  urged  its  passage, 
which  has  only  been  impeded  by  the  fruitless  endeav- 
ors of  others  to  amend  it  in  accordance  with  their  in- 
dividual desires.  But  the  Senate  finally  passed  the 
General's  original  bill,  which  practically  strikes  the 
fetters  from  the  slave,  without  violating  the  rights  of 
the  legal  owner,  thus  carrying  out  the  great  principle 
of  constitutional  government,  by  which  liberty  is 
founded  on  law,  and  progress  is  conservative.  While 
we  rejoice  that  the  metropolis  of  our  free  republic  will 
no  longer  be  profaned  by  the  wrongs  of  slavery,  or  be 
desecrated  by  the  barbarisms  of  slave-owners,  let  us 
not  forget  to  remember,  as  the  chief  working  antago- 
nist of  this  social  curse,  Henky  Wilson,  a  Massachu- 
setts Senator." 

We  print  in  our  present  number,  with  very  great 
pleasure  and  without  abridgment,  Mr.  Wilson's 
straight-forward,  matter-of-fact,  able  and  luminous 
speech  in  favor  of  the  bill  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District,  as  delivered  in  the  Senate  on  the  27th  ulti- 
mo. We  ask  for  it  a  thorough  perusal :  its  humiliat- 
ing and  afflicting  facts,  respecting  the  slave  code  to 
which  Congress  has  given  its  sanction  from  the  be- 
ginning till  now,  will  cause  a  blush  on  every  virtuous 
cheek,  and  excite  a  generous  indignation  that  such  a 
code  could  have  been  tolerated  for  an  hour. 

The  bill  was  also  earnestly  sustained  by  Mr.  Sum- 
ner in  a  speech  characterized  by  rhetorical  excellence 
and  eloquent  expression,  for  which  we  shall  endeavor 
to  make  room  in  another  number. 

Senator  Fessenden,  of  Maine,  gave  to  the  bill  a  de- 
cided support,  in  a  speech  of  marked  ability. 

Wc  shall  record  as  much  of  the  discussion  upon  it, 
in  both  houses,  as  our  limits  will  permit — the  meas- 
ure being  one  of  historic  importance,  and  having  a 
most  pregnant  relation  to  the  future  legislation  of  the 
country. 

Of  course,  the  "loyal"  slaveholding  Senators,  such 
as  Saulsbury  of  Delaware,  and  Davis  of  Kentucky, 
were  ramprfht  in  their  opposition  to  the  passage  of  the 
bill,  and  tried  the  old  game  of  bluster  and  menace, 
but  to  no  purpose.  The  retort  of  Senator  Wilson,  at 
the  close  of  his  speech,  upon  the  latter,  indicates 
that  the  overseer's  lash  has  ceased  to  have  any  terror, 
and  is  a  most  scathing  rebuke,  full  of  manly  spirit, 
and  couched  in  vigorous  terms. 

Senator  Wright,  of  Indiana,  did  what  he  could  to 
defeat  the  measure  in  a  speech  becoming  a  doughface, 
and  one  whoso  contempt  for  the  negro  race  shows  him 
to  he  vulgarly  self-inllated  and  destitute  of  all  Chris- 
tian sympathy.  It  is  to  be  hoped  Unit  such  a  change 
will  yet  be  effected  in  (be  sentiments  of  the  people  of 
Indiana  as  to  make  his  re-election  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. 


THE    AMERICAN    BIBLE    SOCIETY. 

This  Society  has  lately  received  from  the  British 
and  Foreign  Bible  Society  the  offer  of  two  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  as  a  mark  of  Christian  sympathy, 
and  a  help  (supposed  to  be  needed)  in  our  present  na- 
tional troubles. 

To  this  the  Managers  of  the  American  Society  re- 
ply, with  thanks,  first,  that  their  treasury  is  well  pro- 
vided, and  that  they  need  no  money  at  present;  and 
next,  that  "  they  do  not  deem  it  proper,  in  their  pres- 
ent circumstances,  to  receive  directly  this  proffered 
aid." 

This  form  of  expression  seems  to  imply  some  diffi- 
culty, other  than  an  overflowing  treasury,  in  the  way 
of  their  reception  of  the  above  liberal  offer.  And  this 
presumption  is  strengthened  by  an  italicised  note,  ap- 
pended to  so  much  of  the  correspondence  in  question 
as  the  Managers  allow  to  appear  in  the  religious  paperB 
on  this  side  the  water.     The  note  is  as  follows  : — 

"  A  further  explanatory  letter  was  also  sent  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  American  Bible- Society  to  Mr.  Bergne." 

This  letter  no  doubt  contains,  besides  the  explana- 
tions that  are  withheld  from  American  readers,  some 
suggestion  of  a  manner  in  which  the  American  Socie- 
ty may  indirectly  avail  itself  of  the  two  thousand 
pounds.  If  it  is  published  in  England,  I  hope  we 
shall  receive  it  from  some  friend  there. 

The  Managers  of  the  American  Bible  Society  cer- 
tainly belong  to  the  class  who  are  hoping  for  a  recon- 
struction of  our  political  system  without  interference 
with  slavery.  Nine  of  their  Vice  Presidents,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  of  their  Life  Directors, 
are  from  slave  States.  Are  the  Managers  fearful 
of  hurting  the  feelings  and  alienating  the  minds  of 
these  worthy  gentlemen,  by  taking  money  from  the 
nation  which  declines  to  recognize  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy? Do  they  estimate  the  continued  good-will 
of  the  slaveholders  as  worth  more  to  them  in  the  fu- 
ture than  ten  thousand  dollars  at  present?  The 
secret  letter  may  perhaps  throw  light  upon  these  mat- 
ters. 

Abolitionists  know  very  well  the  consistently  pro- 
slavery  attitude  which  the  Managers  of  the  American 
Bible  Society  have  always  preserved,  ever  since  they 
refused,  in  1834,  and  again  refused,  in  1835,  to  accept 
the  offer  of  §5000  from  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  on  condition  of  their  distributing  Bibles  to 
slaves  as  well  as  to  others. 

We  know  very  well,  also,  that  the  sort  of  piety 
which  prevails  at  the  South  does  not  prevent  its  pro- 
fessors from  holding,  buying,  selling  and  flogging 
slaves,  nor  from  "breeding"  them  (black,  yellow 
and  white)  for  the  market.  But  are  the  Southern 
officers  and  patrons  of  the  Bible  Society  as  cruel  and 
oppressive  as  the  other  slaveholders?  A  recent  let- 
ter from  a  missionary  at  Port  Royal  contains  valuable 
information  upon  this  point, 

The  correspondent  of  the  Standard  at  that  station, 
Rev.  N.  R.  Johnston,  a  most  intelligent  aud  trustwor- 
thy witness,  writing  from  Beaufort,  S.  C,  March  15, 
1862,  gives  some  incidents  illustrating  the  character 
of  the  religion  taught  in  the  Episcopal  church  in  that 
place.    The  following  are  among  them  : — 

"Yesterday,  I  had  a  long  interview  with  an  old 
man,  a  deacon  in  the  Episcopal  church,  (colored,) 
who,  when  I  read  several  portions  of  Scripture  di- 
rectly anti-slavery,  seemed  perfectly  astonished. — 
Said  he:  'And  dat  is  de  law  of  de  Lord?  Dem 
parts  we  neber  hear  read  to  us.'  This  deacon's  chil- 
dren were  all  taken  from  him  by  bis  master  when 
the  army  came  here. 

"  To-morrow  I  am  to  preach  in  the  Episcopal 
church,  where  used  to  worship  the  largest  white  con- 
gregation of  the  wealthiest  slaveholders  on  the  island 
— the  Rhetts,  the  Barnwells,  the  Habershams.  To 
give  you  an  idea  of  the  character  of  the  religion  of 
which  this  house  used  to  be  the  headquarters,  let  me 
mention  an  illustration.  Samson  was  the  property  of 
an  Episcopal  clergyman,  living  most  of  the  time  in 
Charleston.  He  was  sexton  of  the  church  here.  His 
wife  and  children  were  the  slaves  of  the  pastor  of 
this  church,  and  lived  with  Samson  at  the  time  the 
army  came  here.  On  the  night  of  the  flight  from 
Beaufort,  Walker,  the  parson,  came  into  Samson's 
bouse  at  the  hour  of  midnight,  and  tore  the  wife  and 
children  out  of  bed,  and  dragged  them  away  with 
him.  This  I  have  from  the  lips  of  poor,  heart-broken 
Samson,  and  it  needs  no  comment.  Many  similar 
cases  have  come  to  my  knowledge." 

On  turning  to  the  last  Annual  Report  of  the  Amer- 
ican Bible  Society,  I  find  that  the  parson  Walker 
here  referred  to  is  a  Life  Member  of  the  Society,  and 
President  of  the  Auxiliary  Bible  Society  established 
in  Beaufort  District. 

Here  we  have  a  specimen  of  the  beauties  of  oral 
Biblical  instruction,  administered  by  slaveholders. 
An  aged  colored  man,  the  slave  of  one  Episcopal  cler- 
gyman, and  attendant  on  the  church  of  another,  had 
never  heard  one  of  the  many  anti-slavery  portions  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments  read,  either  in  church 
or  at  home  I  And  as  to  the  pretence  that  the  piety 
in.  vogue  in  South  Carolina  makes  its  professors  and 
its  ministers  so  just  and  so  Christian  that  they  may 
safely  be  trusted  with  the  ownership  of  men  and  wo- 
men—look at  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Walker,  D.D.,  Rector  of 
the  Episcopal  Church  and  President  of  the  Bible  So- 
ciety, who,  when  obliged  to  flee,  for  fear  of  meeting 
a  traitor's  punishment,  drags  another  man's  wife  and 
children  out  of  bed  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  and 
carries  them  off  with  him  ! — c.  it.  w. 


"PALRIAM    QUI    MERUIT,    FERAT." 

A  paragraph  has  gone  the  rounds,  signifying  that 
Generals  McClellan,  Hallcck,  and  Don  Carlos  Uucll 
conversed  by  telegraph  many  hours  during  the  pro- 
gress of  the  great  battle  at  Fort  Donelson,  and  "  made 
all  the  orders  and  dispositions  of  forces  to  perfect  the 
victory  and  pursue  the  broken  columns,"  &c.  1 
should  rejoice  at  the  news  that  Gen.  McClellan  had 
done  any  fighting,  were  it  with  telegraph  batteries 
only.  But  I  cannot  indulge,  as  so  many  seem  to,  this 
consoling  illusion.  I  must  first  be  informed  by  some 
of  the  swift  and  indefatigable  trumpeters  of  the  il- 
lustrious cunctator — some  of  that  corps  of  Mamelukes, 
who  assume  to  regulate,  without  or  against  law,  our 
most  vital  concerns — how  the  wires,  worked  by  the 
trio  of  Generals,  were  connected  with  the  head-quar- 
ters of  Gen.  Grant  or  the  battle-fields  of  Donelson  1 
No  telegraph,  except  those  belonging  to  the  enemy, 
reached  within  eighty  or  one  hundred  miles  of  the 
scene  of  action.  This  was  rather  a  serious  obstacle 
to  Gen.  Grant's  profiting  by  the  skill  and  promptitude 
of  the  commander  on  the  Potomac,  however  great 
those  may  be,  or  of  the  other  Dons,  who  are  paraded 
in  this  vain  attempt  to  depreciate  real  and  confer  ficti- 
tious merit. 

"  Percy  is  but  my  factor,  good  my  lord, 
T'  engross  up  glorious  deeds  in  ray  behalf." 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Editor,  I  do  not  wonder  that  all 
pro-shivery  and  nearlySill  West  Point  are  eager  to  ap- 
propriate to  their  so  much  magnified  leader  (omne  ig- 
notiem  pro  magnijico)  the  honors  of  others,  since  he 
has  achieved  none  in  his  own  person. 

•     JUSTICE. 


THE  MISSION  SCHOOL  AT  CHATHAM,  C.  W. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Liberator  : 

Sin, — Whatever  may  have  been  said  in  public  or 
otherwise,  in  opposition  to  this  school,  has  as  yet 
failed  to  prove  that  it  is  not  doing  a  great  work  for  the 
colored  people  in  this  vicinity.  Heretofore,  the  at- 
mosphere has  been  freighted  with  sordid  opinions 
about  this  school,  which  were  conceived  in  the  evil 
passion  of  persons  who  have  never  visited  it,  nor  even 
given  themselves  the  trouble  of  knowing  its  true  sta- 
tus. We  are  too  prone  in  becoming  the  converts  of 
a  prevailing  sentiment,  without  setting  ourselves 
aright  upon  its  veracity. 

As  regards  the  resolutions  which  were  circulated  in 
opposition  to  this  school,  through  the  Chatham  Argus 
of  Dec.  19th,  18(31,  the  Toronto  Globe,ar\d  Pine  and 
Palm,  bearing  my  name,  I  would  say  that  I  remon- 
strated against  their  publication,  because  I  perceived 
that  it  was  a  sectarian  strife  that  occasioned  the  meet- 
ing in  which  they  were  nominally  passed  ;  and,  fur- 
thermore, being  a  neutral  on  the  church  dissension,  I 
did  not  want  to  be  entangled  in  church  quarrels,  and 
thereby  incur  the  holy  indignation  of  one  party,  when 
I  had  no  disposition  to  do  so. 

On  the  18th  inst.,  this  school  held  its  examination  ; 
and,  truly,  it  was  a  complete  success,  and  an  honor  to 
its  teacher,  Mrs.  I.  D.  Shadd.  Sixty-five  scholars 
were  in  attendance  this  term.  The  branches  taught 
were  Algebra,  Arithmetic,  History,  Philosophy,  Gram- 
mar, Geography,  Botany,  Penmanship,  &e.  &c.  There 
were  present  some  of  the  best  educated  colored  men 
of  Chatham,  who  took  part  in  examining  the  several 
classes.  The  scholars  were  neatly  clad,  and  an  ex- 
pression of  intelligence  beamed  on  each  countenance  ; 
the  recitations,  too,  were  to  the  satisfaction  of  those 
present,  interspersed  with  music  from  the  melodcon 
by  some  of  the  pupils  who  are  learning  this  branch. 

The  following  pupils  received  prizes: — Miss  Mary 
Hosey  1st,  Wm.  Russell  2d,  and  Win.  Douglass  3d 
prize  in  History;  0.  Hosey  and  Lloyd  Wheeler  prizes 
in  Geography ;  George  Burton,  1st  prize  in  Grnni- 
mur;  Mary  Levere,  Ist  prize  in  Arithmetic;  Elihu 
Smith,  1st  prize  in  Catechism  of  History,  John  Jones, 
2d;  Henry  Smith,  prize  in  Penmanship;  Henry 
Jones,  1st  prize  in  Mother's  Catechism  ;  Miss  Martha 
Seott,  prize  for  exemplary  conduct. 

Mrs.  I.  D.  Shadd  is  a  woman  of  great  forbearance 
and  integrity,  and  under  her  and  Mrs.  M.  A.  S.  Cit- 
ry'H  (its  agent)  management,  the  school  will  rise  above 
the  surges  of  opposition. 

Yours,  for  truth,  JOHN    W.  MEXAKH. 

Chatham,  March  26th,  1862. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  IN  WISCONSIN. 

Madison,  Wis.,  April  1,  1862. 
Friend  Garrison  : 

It  has  occurred  to  me  that  it  might  be  interesting 
to  you  and  your  readers  to  know  what  kind  of  a  re- 
ception we  gave  to  your  friend  and  coadjutor,  Wen- 
dell Phillips,  here  in  the  capital  of  Wisconsin.  Think- 
ing that  I  am  probably  as  near  a  "  Garrison ian,"  by 
faith  and  practice,  as  any  in  the  place,  and  probably 
the  only  one  in  the  regular  receipt  of  the  Liberator, 
I  have  taken  up  the  pen  to  write  you  about  it.  It  was 
Mr.  Phillips's  first  appearance  here,  I  think,  and  curi- 
osity was  more  than  usually  on  tiptoe  to  see  and  hear 
the  renowned  orator  who  lias  been  doing  so  much  for 
a  number  of  3'ears  past  to  "turn  the  world  upside 
down."  The  existing  war  and  the  present  condition 
of  the  country  helped  to  give  interest  to  the  occasion. 
We  gave  him  a  good  hearing.  The  people  of 
Madison  are  not  slow  to  turn  out  to  hear  any  one 
who  comes  with  the  prestige  that  Mr.  Phillips  pos- 
sesses, and  of  course  very  many  came  to  hear  him 
who  can  very  little  sympathize  either  with  the  spirit 
of  the  man  or  his  opinions.  I  think  I  have  never 
seen  so  large  an  audience  together  here  before,  as  I 
certainly  have  never  seen  a  more  attentive  one.  I 
was  not  unacquainted  with  Mr.  Phillips -as  a  speaker, 
nor  with  his  manner  of  treating  his  particular  sub- 
ject; but  I  had  never  heard  him  deliver  a  set,  elabo- 
rate lecture  before,  and  therefore  never  heard  him 
when  he  was  so  little  impassioned,  so  cool  and  meth- 
odical. It  was  by  no  means  wanting  in  the  fire  of  el- 
oquence; but  it  was-the  eloquence  of  thought,  and 
reached  the  heart  by  first  convincing  the  judgment. 
I  watched  the  faces  of  my  neighbors,  and  saw  that 
every  eye  was  fixed  upon  him,  and  every  face,  al- 
most, was  kindled  into  a  glow  of  intelligence  and 
enthusiasm.  Many  of  his  hearers,  who  came  expect- 
ing to  hear  a  man  rave  and  rant  and  "  tear  a  passion 
to  tatters,"  must  have  been  greatly  disappointed.  I 
felt  that  it  was  an  event  for  our  city  of  Madison,  and 
one  that  will  long  be  remembered  by  our  citizens. 
The  personal  presence  of  the  man — his  deep  sinceri- 
ty, manliness  of  bearing,  and  the  peculiar  fineness 
that  is  expressed  in  his  face — all  these  must  tell  upon 
an  audience  with  wonderful  effect,  and  do  quite  as 
much  for  the  great  cause  of  human  enfranchisement 
as  any  thing  he  said.  I  think  many  must  have  left 
the  meeting  with  a  higher  and  nobler  ideal  of  life, 
and  a  profoundcr  faith  in  humanity  ;  and--  the  young 
man  must  have  been  stolid  indeed  who  did  not  feel 
some  faint  aspirations  rising  up  within  him  to  be  like 
the  model  before  him.  There  were  passages  in  the 
speech  that  could  only  be  appreciated  by  being  beard. 
When  he  spoke  of  the  deep  hatred  of  the  South  to- 
wards the  North — a  hatred  that  has  been  strengthen- 
ing for  so  many  years  of  bitter  controversy — and  of 
the  impossibility  of  its  being  suddenly  eradicated, 
and  spoke  of  emancipation  as  the  only  thiug  that  can 
by  any  possibility  make  us  a  homogeneous  people, 
he  showed  how  by  that  act  of  simple  justice  all  par- 
ties, even,  the  slaveholders  themselves,  would  in  a 
little  time  be  reconciled  and  made  friends, — the  ne- 
groes first,  as  owing  their  freedom  to  the  North,  and 
the  poor  whites  next,  when  they  are  made  to  see  that 
the  enfranchisement  of  the  negro  brings  enfranchise- 
ment to  them  also,  and  at  last  of  the  eighty  or  hun- 
dred thousand  slaveholders,  who  are  too  much  per- 
verted to  be  reached  by  any  human  influence,  but 
must  be  left  to  God,  and  those  methods  of  His  that 
are  not  known  to  mortals, — there  was  a  pathos  in  his 
manner,  and  a  perspective  in  the  picture  that  he  pre- 
sented, that  apparently  made  a  profound  impression, 
and  the  full  house  was  as  silent  as  death.  The  feeling 
that  he  awakened  must  have  been  as  much  one  of  pity 
as  of  indignation. 

Z.  H.  HOWE. 


jj^"  Wo  acknowledge  our  indebtedness  to  Hon. 
Charles  Sunnier,  Hon,  Henry  Wilson,  Hon.  William 
Pitt  Fessenden,  and  other  members  of  the  Senate,  tor 
various  congressional  Bpecchcs  and  documents. 


The  Phillips  Riot  at  Cincinnati.  Mr.  Phillips 
writes  from  Milwaukee  to  a  friend  in  Boston  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"The  mob  at  Cincinnati  did  me  no  harm,  only  cov- 
ered my  dress  with  eggs.  Its  stone  and  vitriol  depart- 
ment did  not  reach  me.  We  waited  half-an-hour  on 
the  stage  of  the  Opera  House  in  which  I  spoke,  and 
the  outsiders  got  tired  of  remaining;  so  we  walked 
home  in  peace.  It  was  a  sly  trick.  Had  the  Com- 
mittee believed  the  rumors  they  heard,  it  would  not 
have  mattered  that  the  mayor,  mayor  like,  sent  all  the 
police  out  of  the  way.  They  use  their  own  fists  out 
here;  and  Judge  Stallo,  who  introduced  me  and  was 
equally  hissed, — the  head  of  the  Germans, — said  if  ho 
had  had  an  hour's  notice,  he  could  have  had  one  hun- 
dred Turners  ready,  and  pitched  the  whole  mob  out 
of  the  hall.  Read,  the  editor  of  the  Gazette,  said  it 
was  no  sentiment  of  mine  they  mobbed,  but  we,  and 
that  I  should  have  been  treated  the  same  way  bad  I 
uttered  that  evening  a  Democratic  speech. 

You  have  no  idea  how  the  disturbance  has  stirred 
the  West.  I  draw  immense  houses,  and  could  stay 
here  two  months,  talking  every  night,  in  large  towns, 
to  crowds." 

This  has  always  been  the  result.  Every  mobocrat- 
ic  attempt  to  put  down  the  Anti-Slavery  cause  has 
sent  it  at  least  an  arrow's  flight  higher  than  ever,  and 
reacted  powerfully  in  favor  of  its  proscribed  advocates. 

For  a  series  of  bitter  and  malignant  attacks  upon 
Mr.  Phillips,  from  well-known  pro-slavery  journals, 
see  "  Refuge  of  Oppression  "  on  the  first  page.  The 
article  from  the  Boston  Pilot  is  particularly  venomous, 
and  equally  absurd.  The  inquiry  which  it  raises, 
"  In  what  honorable  direction  has  he  employed  his 
faculties  for  the  last  nineteen  years  ?  "  shows  how  be- 
sotted and  grovelling  is  the  writer  of  it. 

Mr.  Phillips  has  engagements  at  the  West  till  the 
12th  inst.,  ami  among  others  another  for  Cincinnati, 
with  the  assurance  on  the  part  of  his  friends  that  he 
shall  have  the  fullest  freedom  of  speech.  He  of  course 
will  be  heard. 


Tun  Pout  Royal  Nkouoks.  The  valuable  and 
interesting  Report  of  Epwahd  L.  I'ikkik,  Govern- 
ment Agent  at  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  made  to  Hon.  S,  P. 
Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  has  been  published 
in  a  neat  pamphlet,  and  may  be  obtained  at  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Office,  221  Washington  street,  Boston. 

The  Rioirr  Way,  THE  Safe  Way.  By  Mrs.  L. 
MARIA  OBILD.  Perhaps  no  other  work  is  in  all  re- 
spects so  well  adapted  to  convince  and  satisfy  the 
honest  inquirer,  dispel  the  fears  of  the  apprehensive, 
and  root  out  prejudice  and  error  in  all  minds,  on  the 
Duty  and  Safety  of  Emancipation,  ;ts  tested  Bad 
proved  in  mulliludcs  of  eases,  over  and  over  again, 
ns  this  of  Mis.  Child;  of  which  a  new  edition  has 
just  been  published,  and  may  be  bad  as  above. 


METAYERS. 

Conscientious  men,  in  pursuit  of  moral  reform,  may 
reasonably  differ  in  their  methods  of  reaching  the  same 
result.  A  great  problem  in  civilization  is  now  to  be 
solved  ;  a  great  event  in  history  is  in  progress  in  this 
country  ;  and  the  question  is  how  to  solve  the  problem 
correctly,  and  establish  the  event  with  the  highest  re- 
gard to  the  instincts  and  best  interests  of  humanity. 
Slavery  is  to  be  abolished,  but  how,  is  not  determined. 
It  is  being  abolished,  and  the  question  we  have  to  con- 
sider is,  whether  our  intellectual  leading  in  good.  Are 
we  shaping,  the  event  in  the  best  practical  manner  for 
the  elevation  of  the  slave,  and  the  greatest  good  of 
society  in  the  shortest  time  '!  "  Haste  makes  waste," 
is  a  venerable  proverb,  and  the  way  to  reach  the  top 
of  the  mountain  in  the  shortest  time,  or  indeed  to 
reach  it  at  all,  is  by  winding  up  the  side  in  gradual 
approaches. 

Now,  your  contributor,  C.  K.  W.,  is  for  a  sudden 
dash  straight  up  from  the  bottom  to  the  top,  if  I  com- 
prehend his  strictures  in  your  issue  of  '.21st  ult.,  upon 
my  plan  of  advancing  the  slave  to  the  Metayer.  He 
dots  not  seem  to  consider  that  the  mountain  itself  is 
not  raised  in  that  way;  it  does  not  rise  perpendicu- 
larly from  the  edge  of  the  ocean,  but  slopes  upward  to 
its  grand  elevation,  and  its  solitary  communion  with 
the  stars,  by  steppes — hills  succeeding  plains  and  val- 
leys, to  the  summit.  Public  opinion  must  precede  law, 
or  law  is  of  no  avail,  and  custom  makes  a  stronger 
bond  than  a  written  instrument.  It  appears  to  me  to 
be  the  extraordinary  merit  of  the  Metayer  system, 
that  it  is  not  the  creature  of  law,  and  that  it  is  free 
from  the  quibbling  and  cunning  and  special  pleading 
of  litigation,  Hie  meaning  of  which  men  of  cnltivated 
intellect  cannot  readily  understand,  and  the  result  of 
which  they  can  easily  anticipate.  Sheriff  Baldwin, 
who  is  well  remembered  by  the  citizens  of  Boston  of 
middle  age  or  over,  is  said  to  have  remarked,  that  if 
any  man  should  make  a  demand  upon  him  for  $o00, 
he  would  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  justice  of  the 
claim,  and  if  it  were  unjust,  he  would,  if  possible,  con- 
vince the  claimant  of  the  fact;  but  if  he  could  not,  or 
could  not  otherwise  avoid  a  lawsuit,  he  would  take 
out  his  pocket-book  and  pay  the  money  as  the  shortest 
and  cheapest  way  of  getting  rid  of  the  extortion  and 
its  legal  consequences.  If  I  entertain  any  well- 
grounded  opinion,  the  result  of  experience,  reading 
and  reflection,  it  is  that  law  should  never  sanction 
debt,  and  that  the  demand  for  high  morals  will  al- 
ways be  indifferently  supplied  so  long  as  the  public  de- 
pend for  the  sulfilment  of  promises  upon  legal  obliga- 
tions. Eogues  should  be  treated  with  rogues'  law, 
and  suffer  disgrace  accordingly.  Swindling  should 
not  be  accommodated,  as  a  matter  of  dollars  and  centa, 
to  be  made  right  by  the  decision  of  a  legal  tribunal, 
and  inevitable  insolvency  is  common  in  this  country 
without  fault  of  the  debtor. 

The  Metayer  tenure,  as  it  is  represented  by  the 
best  authorities,  is  maintained  solely  by  moral  obliga- 
tions of  the  strongest  character.  It  would  seem  to 
furnish  no  employment  for  lawyers,  and  to  be  admira- 
bly calculated  for  the  freedmen  of  the  plantations, 
who  for  a  long  period  will  generally  neither  read 
nor  write,  nor  be  able  to  comprehend  the  various  stip- 
ulations of  differing  and  unequal  special  contracts. 
I  quoted  Sismondi,  in  relation  to  the  Metayer  sys- 
tem, as  follows : — 

"  The  differences  in  one  such  contract  and  another 
are  inconsiderable  ;  usage  governs  alike  all  the  engage- 
ments, and  supplies  the  stipulations  that  have  not 
been  expressed ;  and  the  landlord  who  attempted  to 
depart  from  usage,  who  exacted  more  than  his  neigh- 
bor, who  took  for  the  basis  of  his  agreement  anything 
but  the  equal  division  of  the  crops,  would  render  him- 
self so  odious,  he  would  be  so  sure  of  not  obtaining 
a  metayer  who  was  an  honest  man,  lhat  the  contract 
of  all  the  metayers  may  be  considered  as  identical." 

And  Chateauvieux  says  : — 

"  They  consider  the  farm  as  a  patrimony,  and  never 
think  of  renewing  the  lease,  but  go  on  from  genera- 
tion to  generation  on  the  same  terms,  without  wri- 
tings or  registries." 

The  moral  law  binding  these  contracts  seerrs  to  be 
the  enactment,  so  to  speak,  of  the  metayers  them-  . 
selves,  and  to  be  maintained  by  them  quite  as  much 
and  as  carefully  ns  by  the  landlords.  I  do  not  see  the 
force  of  C.  K.  W's  objection  to  the  metayer  tenure, 
that  it  lacks  the  security  of  a  special  contract  to  pro- 
tect the  laborer  against  the  proprietor,  because  it  has 
the  much  stronger  security,  as  it  appears  to  me,  of 
public  sanction  and  unwavering  custom.  He  objects, 
also,  that  it  differs  from  freedom.  I  do  not  see  this; 
and  when  I  spoke  of  turning  the  slaves  adrift  in  free- 
dom, without  any  organization  of  capital,  or  of  labor 
to  provide  them  with  wages,  I  did  not  imply  that  the 
organization  of  the  metayer  system  is  anything  less 
than  freedom.  That  the  metayer  is  not  altogether  as 
independent  as  the  peasant  proprietor  is  simply  be- 
cause he  is  not  a  proprietor — because  he  lacks  the 
necessary  capital.  There  is  nothing  in  my  view  of 
the  Metayer  system  to  prevent  the  acquisition  of  capi- 
tal, and  the  advancement  of  the  metayer  to  the  pro- 
prietor in  due  time.  Our  friend  clearly  draws  upon 
his  imagination  in  supposing  that  I  "represent  the 
negro  as  one  absolutely  needing  a  master,  because  in- 
capable of  taking  care  of  himself."  I  have  no  doubt 
of  his  capacity  to  do  this,  and  to  acquire  capital  with 
the  experience  and  opportunity  of  the  metayer  cul- 
ture, much  sooner  and  better  than  by  the  system  of 
day  labor  to  which  he  would  otherwise  be  consigned- 

I  quote  from  John  Stuart  Mill  : — 

"  The  metayer  has  less  motive  to  exertion  than 
the  peasant  proprietor,  since  only  half  the  fruits 
of  his  industry,  instead  of  the  whole,  are  his  own. 
But  he  has  a  much  stronger  motive  than  a  day  la- 
borer, who  has  no  other  interest  in  the  result  than  not 
to  be  dismissed.  If  the  metayer  cannot  be  turned  out 
except  for  some  violation  of  his  contract,  he  has  a 
stronger  motive  to  exertion  than  any  tenant-farmer 
who  has  not  a  lease.  The  metayer  is  at  least  his  land- 
lord's partner,  and  a  half  sharer  in  their  joint  gains. 
Where,  too,  the  permanence  of  his  tenure  is  guaranteed 
by  custom,  lie  acquires  local  attachments,  and  much  of 
the  feelings  of  a  proprietor.  *  *  *  But  if  we  suppose 
him  converted  into  a  mere  tenant,  displaceable  at  the 
landlord's  will,  and  liable  to  have  his  rout  raised  by 
competition  to  any  amount  which  any  unfortunate  be- 
ing in  search  of  subsistence  can  be  found  to  offeror 
promise  for  it,  he  would  lose  alt  the  features  in  his 
condition  which  preserve  him  from  being  deteriorated  ; 
he  would  be  east  down  from  bis  present  position  of  a 
kind  of  half  proprietor  of  the  laud,  and  would  sink 
into  a  cottier  tenant." 

I  submit,  therefore,  that  if  slaves  in  this  country,  or 
serfs  in  Russia,  arc  to  be  suddenly  toned  adrift  in 
freedom,  the  Metayer  organization  of  capital  and  labor 
would  place  them  in  a  position  greatly  in  advance  of 
any  they  could  find  as  a  class  seeking  employment  at 
day  labor,  liable  to  be  left  in  idleness  when  work  is 
not  particularly  needed,  and  subject  to  the  caprice  of 
employers  at  all  times.  As  to  renting  land  without 
capital,  that  would  be  impossible  as  a  system  ;  or  with 
such  small  holdings  as  could  be  cultivated  in  that  way, 
their  condition  would  be  no  better  than  that  of  the 
Irish  cottiers,  which  is  about  the  most  miserable  ex- 
istence known  to  civilization,  excepting,  perhaps,  that 
of  the  prowlers  in  the  sewers  of  London  and  Paris. 
On  the  score  of  absolute  physical  suffering  it  is.  pro- 
bably, on  the  average,  worse,  and  a  lower  slate  of  ex- 
istence, than  that  of  slaves. 

I  think  I  comprehend  very  well  the  zeal  of  your  con- 
tributor for  the  welfare  of  the  colored  race  in  this 
country,  but  I  fear  his  views  arc  tinctured  a  little  with 
impracticability  ;  a  little  of  poetry,  it  seems  to  me,  en- 
ters into  his  conception  of  their  condition  hwi-mnnii 
nadir  law.  which  freedom  I  am  as  desirous  to  secure 
to  them  forthwith  as  he  can  be,  or  even  yourself,  Mr. 
Garrison,  the  acknowledged  prophet  of  this  movement 
in  the  I'nitcd  States.  1  suspect  his  fimey  looks  Upon 
the  high  cultivation  of  the  white  race  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  their  possession  of  wealth,  honor  and  in- 
tellectual  enjoyments,    which    are    the    result  of  the 

struggling  and  Buffering  anil  gn&ual  enlightenment 

of  nearly  three  hundred  years,  and  many  ages  of  in- 
tellectual industry,  as  attainable  by  the  blacks  oi'the 
South  rather  suddenly  in  a  condition  of  freedom,   No 

doubt  be  and  1  h:ive  the  sumo  end  in  view,  lni(  some- 
what different  uu-ihods  of  reaching  it  ;  and,  afnr 
weighing  bis  arguments  carefully ,  1  am  still  of  opin- 
ion that  it  would  he  reached  sooner  and  better  through 

the  Metaj  M  culture  than  by  turning  the  staves  adri/i  in 


^raiL  11. 


THELIB  ER^TOE 


59 


freedom  with  no  organization  of  capital  or  labor  for 
their  aid  ami  advancement  to  the  possession  of  pro- 
perty and  intelligence.  C. 


LETTER  PEOM  REV.  DANIEL  FOSTER, 

Nkmaua  Co.  Jail,  ) 

SBNBOA,  Kansas,   Mareh  25,  1862*  ) 

Dear  Gakkison  :  I  wish  to  say  a  few  words  to  the 
readers  of  the  Liberator.  I  am  sure  that  you  will 
gi»»t  me  the  pvivih-^e.  You  will  notice  that  my  let- 
ter is  dated  in  the  Jail,  in  which  I  am  confined  as  a 
prisoner.  It  is  to  let  you  know  how  I  came  here  that 
1  write  this  letter. 

The  readers  of  the  Liberator  know  very  well  that  I 
came  to  Centralis,  in  Kansas,  to  take  charge  of  a 
sehool,  ami  build  up  a  liberal  church.  Youknowfrom 
nil  my  antecedents,  that  the  sectarian  bigots  and  the 
negr«-b«ting  hunkers  oppose  and  malign  me  with  the 
bitterest  hatred.-  But,  to  the  case  in  hand.  The 
founders  of  Centralis  set  apart  sixty  village  lots  of 
half  an  acre  each,  and  sixty  mechanic  shares  of  ten 
acres  each,  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  for  a  college 
fund,  valued  at  §7000.  They  erected  a  good  two- 
story  building  for  the  school.  Until  otherwise  organ- 
ized, the  charter  gave  to  the  Home  Town  Committee, 
elected  yearly  in  September,  the  control  of  the  college 
fund.  Last  August,  the  Committee  proccceed,  in  a 
strictly  legal  maimer,  to  organize  a  permanent  Board 
of  Directors,  to  which  were  committed  the  oversight 
and  control  of  Centralia  college.  That  Board,  then 
and  now  representing  the  wishes  of,  at  least,  uine- 
tenths  of  the  contributors  to  the  fund,  and  .of  those 
having  an  interest  in  the  college,  agreed  with  me  to 
take  the  school,  and  teach  a  session  of  four  months. 
In  the  mean  time,  Dr.  Hidden,  an  able  but  most  un- 
scrupulous man,  had  taken  mortal  offence  because  I 
had  thwarted  him  in  some  of  his  wicked  and  oppressive 
schemes.  He  pitt  himself  at  the  head  of  the  bigots, 
hunkers,  and  drift-wood,  and  organized  a  thorough 
a  nd  uncompromising  opposition.  His  parly  carried 
the  Town  Committee  at  the  last  September  elec- 
tion. They  at  once  set  up  a  claim  to  the  control 
of  the  college,  and  said  that  Mr.  Foster  should  not  be 
allowed  to  teach  school  therein.  They  tried  all  pos- 
sible legal  measures  to  break  up  the  organization  of 
the  college  by  the  old  Committee,  and  signally  failed. 
I  commenced  my  school  the  first  of  December.  I 
soon  had  sixty  scholars,  and  everything  was  full  of 
promise  of  the  largest  and  best  success.  It  became 
necessary  for  me  to  hire  an  assistant  teacher.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  advice  of  the  Directors,  I  employed 
Mrs.  Sheldon,  a  most  accomplished  teacher.  Dr. 
McKay,  the  Chairman  of  the  Board  of  Directors, 
was  bitterly  offended  because  his  wife,  who  is  not  a 
successful  teacher,  was  not  employed.  He  at  once 
took  his  children  out  of  school,  and  joined  the  Hidden 
party,  and  worked  indefatigably  against  me  and  the 
school.  But,  in  spite  of  all  efforts  against  us,  we  were 
having  a  most  prosperous  school.  Every  Friday  after- 
noon, our  house  was  filled  with  the  parents  of  the 
children  and  other  friends,  to  hear  the  declamations, 
compositions,  and  exercises  of  the  classes  in  review. 
All  legal  means  had  failed  to  oust  me.  The  Chairman 
of  the  Board  was  under  trial  for  official  misconduct, 
and  about  to  be  turned  out.  Desperate  means  must 
be  used,  or  total  failure  would  mark  their  efforts.  So, 
on  the  11th  of  February,  Hidden  went  to  McKay, 
then  about  to  be  expelled  from  his  office,  and  got  the 
books,  papers  and  records  of  the  college ;  and  that 
night,  with  a  party  of  miscreants,  he  went  and  took 
out  the  doorsand  windows  of  the  college,  and  carefully 
hid  them  away.  The  next  day,  I  removed  my  school 
to  another  house,  where  I  successfully  finished  up  the 
term.  We  tried  to  get  the  doors  and  windows,  on  a 
search-warrant,  but  failed  to  find  them.  On  the  10th 
©■f  March,  Dr.  Hidden  and  his  party  put  back  the 
doors  and  windows,  and  attempted  to  install  a  family 
in  the  house.  Seeing  this,  I  adjourned  my  school, 
and  went  over  and  commanded  them  to  leave  my 
school-house,  that  I  might  go  on  with  my  school  ac- 
cording to  my  contract.  They,  in  turn,  ordered  me 
to  leave,  with  the  threat  of  forcible  ejectment  if  we 
did  not  go.-  We  refused  to  leave  or  to  be  put  out,  and 
then  the  other  party,  outnumbering  us  three  to  one, 
took  off'  their  coats,  and,  with  hatchets,  axes  and  canes, 
came  towards  our  little  party  to  put  us  out  of  the 
house.  I  then  drew  a  pistol,  with  which  I  had  armed 
myself,  to  resist  a  threatened  attack  some  weeks  he- 
fore,  and  ordered  them  to  stop,  on  peril  of  their  lives. 
This  order  they  at  once  obeyed,  and  so  doing  saved 
bloodshed.  In  the  mean  time,  I  had  sent  for  a  magis- 
trate to  come  and  issue  a  writ  of  ejectment;  but  be- 
fore this  could  be  done,  a  writ  was  served  upon  me 
and  my  friends,  who  had  gathered  to  protect  me  if  I 
should  be  assailed.  We  were  taken  hefore  Injustice 
Leuham,  a  rigid  Baptist  and  negro-hater,  who  thinks 
he  is  doing  God  service  to  put  down  such  a  heretic  as 
I  am.  It  was  evident  from  the  first,  that  our  con- 
demnation was  a  pre-ordained  result  All  testimony 
showing  that  I  had  legal  possession  of  the  college,  and 
consequently  had  a  perfect  right  to  be  there,  was 
rated  out  of  court.  We  were  bound  over  to  the  Circuit 
Court.  Several  of  us  refused  to  give  bail,  on  the 
ground  that  tfie  whole  proceeding  was  a  tissue  of  in- 
justice. We  are  therefore  in  jail  til!  our  application 
for  the  Habeas  is  answered  by  Judge  Horton.  Ou 
this  we  shall  certainly  be  released.  Let  it  be  remem- 
bered— 

1.  That  the  intelligent,  high-minded  portion  of  the 
community,  and  at  least  niue-tenths  of  the  owners  of 
the  college  fund,  are  with  me  in  this  whole  trouble. 

2.  That  those  who  oppose  do  so  wholly  through 
sectarian  or  pro-slavery  prejudice,  or  personal  spite 
incurred  by  me  in  the  discharge  of  my  duty. 

3.  That  this  giving  up  of  the  books  deprives,  me, 
for  the  time  being,  of  «iy  winter's  earnings,  and 
I  am  consequently  poor,  and  in  need  of  some  present 
aid.  Cannot  some  of  your  readers  afford  me  some 
slight  help? 

4.  That  we  arc  bound  to  persevere  and  establish  here 
a  school  which  will  be  a  light  and  a  blessing  in  this 
community.     It  is  only  a  question  of  time. 

DANIEL  FOSTER. 


MERITED    TRIBUTE. 

A  rhtladelphia  correspondent  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
Standard  pays  the  following  merited  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  Robert  Pdrvis,  Jr.,  (eldest  son  of  Rob- 
ert Purvis,  Esq.  of  Byberry,  Pa.)  whose  decease  was 
recorded  in  the  Liberator  of  last  week  : — 

"  The  death  of  poor  Robert  Purvis,  though  for 
months  expected,  has  come,  as  the  event  always  does 
come,  with  a  shock.  It  lias  produced  a  profound  sen- 
sation of  sorrow  among  his  numerous  friends  and 
acquaintances.  Sorrow  for  the  departure  of  one  so 
young  and  noble,  and  sorrow  for  the  still  deeper  sor- 
row of  his  bereaved  parents,  and  his  mourning  broth- 
ers and  sisters.  He  was  fair  in  form  and  feature,  and 
his  character  was  in  keeping  with  his  manly  appear- 
ance. His  uprightness  and  loftiness  of  tone  were  his 
characteristics  ;  his  erect  figure  and  almost  haughty 
mien  indicated  his  native  self-respect  and  the  con- 
tempt he  felt  for  the  narrow  and  vulgar  prejudice 
with  which  he  was  continually  brought  in  contact 
But,  though  identified  with  a  hated  race,  Robert 
Purvis  was  not  hated.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  re- 
spected by  all  who  knew  him,  and  by  many  beloved. 
As  a  merchant,  he  enjoyed  a  good  reputation  for  com- 
mercial integrity  and  personal  honor. 

The  pain  of  his  protracted  illness  was  not  aggra- 
vated by  gloomy  apprehensions  of  death.  The  inev- 
itable messenger  came  to  him  as  a  welcome  deliverer. 
To  his  most  intimate  friend  he  said,  just  before  his 
departure, 'Farewell!  we  shall  meet  again  in  another 
v  orld ! ' 

He  was  an  Abolitionist  by  conviction  as  well  as  by 
inheritance.  One  of  the  chief  originators  of  the 
Junior  Anti-Slavery  Society,  he  was  among  its  most 
active  members.  lie  found  solace  in  his  last  hours 
in  hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  cause,  and  especially 
in  listening  to  his  father  while  reading  a  report  of 
Wendell  Phillips's  speech  in  Washington.  The  sym- 
pathy with  his  parents  is  wide-spread  and  deep." 

Most  deeply  do  we  sympathize  with  the  bereaved 
parent!  in  the  heavy  loss  they  have  sustained. 


GENERAL  McCLELLAN. 

For  some  reason  which  we  do  not  fully  understand, 
there  is  remarkable  sensitiveness  displayed  whenever 
any  of  Gen,  McClellan's  plans  or  movements  are  criti- 
cised. We  are  told  that  it  is  impossible  for  civilians 
to  comprehend  his  motives,  and  that  it  is  a  terrible 
thing  to  indulge  in  any  remarks  (hat  are  calculated  to 
impair  public  confidence  in  the  leader  of  our  forces  en- 
gaged in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  It  is  noticeable, 
however,  that  these  same  persons  and  presses,  who 
now  deprecate  discussion,  were  by  no  means  sparing 
of  their  epithets  and  harsh  judgments  of  Gen.  Fre- 
mont, and  certainly  did  their  full  share  to  ''impair 
public  confidence"  in  Ma  ability  and  capacity.  Gen. 
Sherman,  Gen.  Buell,  and  Gen.  Grant  have  also  been 
made  the  objects  of  unfavorable  remark,  but  nobody 
goes  into  antics  over  it,  and  they  manage  to  get  on 
pretty  well,  notwithstanding  this  criticism.  It  has 
done  them  no  harm,  because  they  have  substantial 
merits  to  back  them.  It  will  do  nobody  much  harm, 
particularly  if  it  is  refuted  by  some  vigorous  and  tell- 
ing actions.  Gen.  McClellan  is  to  be  judged  in  history 
by  what  he  does,  and  not  what  is  said  about  him  ;  and 
when  he  leads  our  boys  on  to  victory,  as  he  has 
promised  them,  the  country  will  take  ample  cave  of 
his  fame,  and  give  him  the  degree  of  credit  to  which 
his  services  entitle  him..  In  the  meantime,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  country  to  continue  to  stand  by  him,  as  it 
has  done  for  seven  sad  and  disheartening  months,  so 
long  as  he  is  the  leader  of  our  forces,  and  is  entrusted 
by  the  government  with  the  conduct  of  the  campaign. 
We  should  stand  by  all  our  commanders,  (including 
Fremont  as  well  as  the  Hunker  Generals,)  remember- 
ing that  while  all  that  is  said  about  them  is  not  to  be 
believed,  a  little  outspoken  criticism  is  better  for  them 
and  for  the  cause,  than  fulsome  flattery  and  blind  ac- 
quiescence in  everything  which  they  may  say  or  do. 
—  Yarmouth  Register. 

There  are  differences  of  opinion  in  regard  to  Gen. 
McClellan's  recent  address  to  his  troops;  but  on  the 
whole,  it  has  experienced  from  the  press  and  people  a 
negative  reception.  The  general  opinion  is,  that  it 
were  better  unwritten.  There  is  an  expression  in  it 
especially  unhappy.  He  says:  " — you  have  brave  foes 
to  encounter — fuemen  well  worthy  of  the  sled  you  will  use 
so  well."  Is  this  so1?  When'  the  battle-field  of  Ball's 
Bluff  was  recently  occupied  by  our  troops,  they  found 
on  it  the  whitening  bones  of  our  soldiers  who  felt  in  that  en- 
gagement. The  ""brave" foes,"  the  "foe-men  worthy  of 
the  steel"  of  our  troops,  had  left  the  bodies  of  our 
men  unburied.  Is  such  conduct  becoming  a  brave 
foe  1  Let  the  reader  judge.  We  wiil  praise  General 
McClellan  for  whatever  he  achieves,  even  if  it  should 
be  at  the  conclusion  of  a  waning  rebellion ;  but  we 
cannot  subscribe  to  such  sentiments  as  the  one  noticed 
above. — Miners'  Journal. 


BULL  RUN  AND  MANASSAS. 

Prof.  Mattison,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Sunday-School 
connected  with  the  congregation  of  which  he  is  the 
pastor,  gave  a  lecture  Wednesday  evening  in  his 
church  in  Forty-first  street,  near  the  Sixth  avenue, 
upon  Manassas,  Centreville,  and  Bull  Run,  which 
places  he  has  recently  visited.  He  gave  an  account  of 
his  experience  in  the  City  of  Alexandria,  previous  to 
his  visit,  and  a  description  of  the  slave-pen  there,  frag- 
ments of  wood  from  the  doors  of  which,  and  a  piece 
of  the  whipping-post,  he  exhibited  as  relics.  While 
on  his  journey  toward  Centreville  he  met  a  poor  slave 
girl  suffering  from  a  diseased  spine,  and  in  such  a  con- 
dition that  she  could  move  along  but  slowly  and  with 
great  pain  at  each  step,  yet  her  master  compelled  her 
to  walk  from  morning  until  night.  His  feelings  were 
so  wrought  up  at  this  cruelty,  that  he  offered  a  soldier 
$10  to  go  up  and  flog  the  master  of  the  girl,  and  subse- 
quently said  he  would  give  ^100  if  the  poor  creature 
could  be  placed  in  some  charitable  institution  at  the 
North.  Mr.  Mattison  spoke  of  the  fortifications  in 
and  about  Washington,  and  gave  an  excellent  descrip- 
tion of  the  Rebel  fortifications  at  Centreville,  Bull  Run, 
and  Manassas.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  ex- 
hibited relics  consisting  of  knives,  shot,  maps,  and  so 
forth,  which  he  had  picked  up  in  the  deserted  camp  of 
the  Rebels.  In  regard  to  the  wooden  guns  or  "  Quak- 
er guns  "  of  which  considerable  had  been  said  of  late 
in  the  public  prints,  he  remarked  that  in  the  principal 
fortification  at  Centreville,  which  he  carefully  exam- 
ined, he  counted  eleven.  The  muzzles  projected  from 
the  embrasures,  and  some  of  them  were  partially  cov- 
ered over  with  brush.  They  were  made  of  pine  logs, 
and  were  one  foot  in  diameter,  and  about  seven  feet  in 
length,  with  the  muzzles  turned  or  cut  out — nearly  all 
of  them  were  well  painted,  and  from  a  little  distance 
he  said,  "  were  as  fine  looking  guns  as  you  might  wish 
to  see."  Before  leaving  the  fort  to  go  forwa-rd,  he 
chopped  off  some  pieces  from  one  of  the  guns  as  relics. 
Upon  returning  homeward  he  secured  one  of  the  guns 
entire,  and  sent  it  to  New  York.  It  had  not  yet  been 
received,  but  he  expected  it  was  at  present  in  the  Ex- 
press Office.  Mr.  Mattison  fully  sustained  the  asser- 
tion of  Bayard  Taylor  in  regard  to  those  bogus  guns, 
and  thought  it  strange  that  Dr.  Bellows,  during  his 
visit  to  Centreville,  did  not  see  them.  He  had  closely 
examined  the  fort,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
Rebels  never  had  any  real  guns  there,  and  from  all 
that  he  could  learn,  these  Quaker  guns  had  been  peer- 
ing from  the  embrasures  since  September  last.  Mr. 
Mattison  gave  a  description  of  the  old  battle-field,  and 
an  account  of  the  brutal  treatment  that  our  dead  and 
wounded  soldiers  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
Rebels.  His  lecture  was  listened  to  with  much  inter- 
est, and  it  was  announced  that  it  would  he  repeated  at 
the  Cooper  Institute  for  the  benefit  of  the  Sunday 
School. — New  York  Tribune. 


TIIIRTY-ONK    QUAKER    CANNON    AT    CENTREVILLE. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sik, — As  there  seems  to  be  a  doubt  in  the  minds  of 
some  people  in  regard  to  the  existence  of  Quaker  guns 
at  Centreville,  I  beg  leave  to  give  you  an  extract  from 
a  letter  I  received  from  an  intimate  friend  who  visited 
that  place  immediately  after  the  evacuation  by  the 
Rebels.     He  writes : — 

"The  fortifications  at  Centreville  and  Manassas 
have  been  tolerably  accurately  described  in  the  Tri- 
bune. There  never  has  been  a  cannon  mounted  in  the 
forts  at  Centreville,  except  the  wooden-log  imitations 
which  I  saw  there,  of  which  there  were,  if  I  made  no 
mistake,  31  in  eight  or  nine  forts,  which  were  pierced 
for  between  50  and  GO  guns.  Some  of  the  logs  had 
not  even  the  bark  taken  off;  others  were  more  care- 
fully prepared,  being  smoothed  off,  and  some  were 
marked  '42-pounders.'  " 

New  York,  April  2,  18G2.        Wai.  Henry  Burr. 

A  Cincinnati  paper  says :  Mr.  M.  L.  C.  Hopkins,  a 
Cincinnati  merchant  on  a  visit  to  Washington,  has  ob- 
tained one  of  the  celebrated  Centreville  "  Quakers," 
and  has  forwarded  it  home. 


How  Genkral  McCook  Conciliates  the  Reb- 
els. The  Nashville  Patriot  states  that  a  considera- 
ble number  of  fugitive  slaves  are  following  the  army 
on  its  march  southward  through  Tennessee,  in  the 
hope  of  being  ultimately  freed.  "The  action  of  the 
army  leaders  on  this  subject,"  says  the  Patriot,  "is  of 
vast  importance  to  the.owners  of  slaves."  A  gentle- 
man, who  has  just  tested  the  matter,  reports  that 
they  are  disposed  to  be  just  and  honorable.  We 
quote : — 

"  He  visited  the  camp  of  Gen.  McCook,  in  Maury 
county,  in  quest  of  a  fugitive,  and  that  officer,  instead 
of  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way,  afforded  htm  ovary 
facility  fur  the  successful  prosecution  of  his  search. 
That  General  treated  him  in  a  very  courteous  and  gen- 
tlemanly manner,  as  also  did  Gen.  Johnson  and  Capt. 
Blake,  the  Brigade  Provost  Marshal.  Their  conduct 
was  in  all  respects  that  of  high-toned  gentlemen,  de- 
sirous of  discharging  their  duties  promptly  and  honor- 
ably. It  is  impossible  for  the  army  to  prevent  slaves 
from  following  them  ;  but  whenever  the  fugitives  come 
into  the  lines  of  General  McCook,  they  are  secured, 
and  a  record  made  of  their  names  and  the  names  of  their 
owners.  All  the  owner  has  to  do  is  simply  to  apply  in 
person  or  through  an  agent,  examine  the  record,  or 
look  at  the  slaves,  and  if  he  finds  any  that  belong  to 
him,  take  them  away. 

It  gives  us  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  to  make  these 
statements,  which  acquit  the  Federal  army  and  its  of- 
ficers of  conniving  at  the  escape  of  slaves." 


Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  The 
U.  S.  Senate  has  passed  the  bill  prpviding  for  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  by 
the  decisive  vote  of  20  Yeas  to  11  Nays — more  than 
two  to  one.  All  the  Yeas  were  Republicans,  and  we 
rejoice  to  state  that'hoth  Senators  from  our  State  were 
present  and  voted  Yea.  Mr.  Cowan,  of  Pensylvania, 
did  not  vote,  and  was  probably  out  of  the  city.  All 
the  anti-Republicans  present  voted  Nay.  Mr.  Pcarce, 
of  Maryland,  was  absent.  A  most  important  amend- 
ment moved  by  Mr.  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire,  had 
been  previously  adopted,  providing  that  no  one  who 
has  aided  the  Rebellion  shall  receive  any  of  the  com- 
pensation provided  by  this  bill.  If  this  can  be  fully 
enforced,  the  cost  of  freeing  the  slaves  of  the  District 
will  be  light  indeed.  Every  claimant  of  compensation 
must  make  oath  that  he  has  not  aided  the  rebellion, 
but  his  oath  will  not  be  conclusive.  Another  amend- 
ment was  adopted  providing  that,  in  taking  testimony 
before  the  Commissioners  whom  the  bill  creates,  no 
witness  shall  be  excluded  by  reason  of  color.  An 
amendment  was  also  adopted  appropriating  §100,000 
to  aid  the  voluntary  emigration  of  the  manumitted 
slaves  to  Hayti,  Liberia,  or  elsewhere.  As  the  bill 
provides  that  "  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor 
within  the  District  of  Columbia,  by  reason  of  African 
descent,  are  hereby  discharged  and  freed  Of  and  from 
such  service  or  labor,"  we  infer  that  the  passage  of 
this  bill  through  the  House,  and  ifs  approval  by  the 
President,  wiil  put  an  end  to  Slavery  in  the  Federal 
Metropolis  without  further  delay. 

Champions  of  Impartial  Liberty  !  let  us  (hank  God 
and  take  courage  !  The  world  does  move  !— New  York 
Tribune. 


CAPTURE   OF  ISLAND  NO.  10. 

SinUimj  of  their  Gunboats  and  Transports— Their  Float- 
ing Battery  Captured — Three  Rebel  Generals  and  Six 
Thousand  Prisoners  Taken — One  Hundred I  Siege  (?U»M. 
several  Field  Batteries  and  Immense  Quantities  of  Small 
Arms  Captured. 

Chicago,  April  8.  Dispatches  from  New  Madrid 
say  that  the  gunbuals  Pittsburg  and  Carondelet  yester- 
day slielled  and  silenced  the  batteries  on  the  opposite 
shore,  when  Gen.  Pope  ordered  the  troops  to  cross, 
which  was  accomplished  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 
The  rebels  Med  towards  Tipton,  sinking  several  of  their 
transports  and  gunboats. 

Their  floating  battery,  mounting  10  guns,  drifted 
down  the  river  last  night,  and  is  now  aground  near 
Point  Pleasant,  and  will  be  recovered  with  its  arma- 
ment. The  Ohio  Belle  wilt  also  be  recovered.  Gen. 
Pope  took  the  Pittsburg  and  Carondelet,  and  with  a 
part  of  his  army  marched  to  Tipton,  and  attacked  the 
enemy  this  morning.  He  took  2000  prisoners,  and  will 
probably  get  as  many  more  before  night.  The  rebels 
fled  to  the  swamp  in  great  consternation.  Our  victory 
is  complete  and  decisive.  Great  quantities  of  stores, 
cannon  and  ammunition  have  fallen  into  our  hands, 
also  all  their  baggage  and  supplies.  The  rebel  Adju- 
taut  General  Makal!  is  a  prisoner. 

A  speeial  dispatch  to  the  Times  from  Cairo  says  that 
4,000  prisoners,  including  7  officers,  30  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, a  large  quantity  of  ammunition,  muskets  and 
small  arms  were  captured  on  the  Island.  It  is  said 
that  the  rebels  have  heeome  perfectly  demoralized. 
In  many  eases  whole  regiments  refuse  to  obey  orders. 
Much  iU-fee]irag  prevailed  among  the  officers,  and  none 
hail  any  confidence  in  the  commanding  officer. 

St.  Louis,  April  8.  Gen.  Pope  has  captured  three 
Generals,  0,000  prisoners,  100  siege  guns,  several  field 
batteries,  and  immense  quantities  of  small  arms,  tents, 
wagons,  horses  and  provisions,  and  not  lost  a  single 
man.     (Signed)      H.  AY.  Halleck,  Major  General. 


TERRIBLE  BATTLE  AT  PITT'SBURG,  TENN. 
Beauregard  Attacks  the  Federal  Troops,  but  is  Defeated 

and  Driven  Back  —  Immense  Loss  on  Both  Sides  —  A 

Complete  Victory. 

Chicago,  April  8.  Information  was  received  here 
to-night,  that  on  the  6th  inst.  the  rebel  force  under 
General  Beauregard  attacked  our  forces  under  General 
Grant.  The  battle  lasted  all  day.  Our  lines  were 
driven  in  by  the  attack,  but  as  our  reserves  were 
brought  into  action  the  lost  ground  was  regained,  and 
the  rebels  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter.  Our 
toss  is  very  heavy.     No  particulars  are  known  as  yet. 

New  York,  April  9.  A  special  dispatch  to  the  Her- 
ald, dated  Pittsburg  via  Fort  Henry,  April  9th,  3.20 
A.  M.,  says  one  of  the  greatest  and  bloodiest  battles  of 
modern  days  has  just  closed,  resulting  in  the  complete 
route  of  the  enemy,  who  attacked  us  at  daybreak  Sun- 
day morning. 

The  battle  lasted  without  interruption  during  the 
entire  day,  and  was  renewed  on  Monday  morning,  and 
continued  undecided  until  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
when  the  enemy  commenced  their  retreat,  and  are  stilt 
flying  toward  Corinth,  pursued  by_a  large  force  of  our 
cavalry. 

The  slaughter  on  both  sides  is  immense.  We  have 
lost  in  kilted  and  wounded  and  missing  from  5,000  to 
10,000  men.  That  of  the'  enemy  is  estimated  at  from 
10,000  to  20,000.  It  is  impossible  in  the  present  con- 
fused state  of  affairs  to  ascertain  any  details. 

The  rebels  exhibited  remarkably  good  Generalship. 
At  times  engaging  the  left  with  apparently  their  whole 
strength,  they  would  suddenly  open  a  terrible  and  de- 
structive fire  on  the  right  or  centre.  Even  our  heav- 
iest and  most  destructive  fire  upon  the  enemy  did  not 
appear  to  discourage  their  solid  columns. 

The  fire  of  Major  Taylor's  Chicago  artillery  raked 
them  down  in  scores,  but  the  smoke  would  no  sooner 
be  dispersed  than  the  breach  would  again  be  rilled. 

The  most  desperate  fighting  took  place  in  the  after- 
noon. The  rebels  knew  that  if  they  did  not  succeed 
in  whipping  us  then,  their  chances  for  success  would 
be  extremely  doubtful,  as  a  a  portion  of  Gen.  Buell's 
forces  had  by  this  time  arrived  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  and  another  portion  was  coming  up  the  river. 

We  were  contending  against  fearful  odds,  our  forces 
not  exceeding  38,000  men,  while  that  of  the  enemy 
was  upwards  of  60,000. 

About  an  hour  before  dusk,  a  general  cannonading 
was  opened  upon  the  enemy  from  along  our  whole 
line,  with  a  perpetual  crack  of  musketry.  Such  a  roar 
of  artillery  was  never  heard  on  this  continent.  F'or  a 
short  time  the  rebels  replied  with  vigor  and  effect,  but 
their  return  shots  grew  less  frequent  and  destructive, 
while  ours  grew  more  rapid  and  terrible.  Gunboats 
Lexington  and  Tyler,  which  lay  a  short  distance  off, 
kept  raining  shell  on  the  rebel  hordes. 

This  last  effort  was  too  much  f'or  the  enemy,  and  ere 
dusk  had  set  in  the  firing  had  nearly  ceased,  when 
night  coming  on  all  combatants  rested  from  the  awful 
work  of  blood,  and  carnage.  Our  men  rested  on  their 
arms  in  the  position  they  had  at  the  close  of  the  night, 
until  the  forces  under  Major  General  Wallace  arrived 
and  took  a  position  on  the  right,  and  Gen.  Buell's 
forces  from  the  opposite  side  of  Savannah  were  now 
being  conveyed  to  the  battle  ground. 

In  the  morning  the  ball  was  opened  at  daylight  si- 
multaneously by  Gen.  Nelson's  division  on  the  left, 
and  Major  General  Wallace's  division  on  the  right. 
Gen.  Nelson's  force  opened  up  a  most  galling  fire  on 
the  rebels,  and  advanced  rapidly  as  they  fell  back. 
The  fire  soon  became  general  along  the  whole  line, 
and  began  to  tell  with  terrible  effect  ou  the  enemy. 

About  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Gen.  Grant  rode  to 
the  left  where  fresh  regiments  had  been  ordered,  and 
finding  the  rebels  wavering,  he  sent  a  portion  of  his 
body  guard  to  the  head  of  each  of  the  five  regiments, 
and  then  ordered  a  charge  across  the  field,  himself 
leading  as  he  brandished  his  sword,  and  waved  them 
on  to  victory,  while  the  cannon  balls  were  falling  like 
hail  around  him.  The  men  followed  with  a  shout  that 
sounded  above  the  roar  and  din  of  artillery,  and  the 
rebels  fled  in  dismay,  as  from  a  destroying  avalanche, 
and  never  made  another  stand. 

Gen.  Buelt  followed  the  retreating  rebels,  driving 
them  in  splendid  style,  and  by  half  past  five  o'clock 
the  whole  rebel  army  was  in  full  retreat  to  Corinth, 
with  our  cavalry  in  hot  pursuit,  with  what  further  re- 
sult is  not  known,  not  having  returned  up  to  this  hour. 

We  have  taken  a  large  amount  of  artillery,  and  also 
a  number  of  prisoners.  We  lost  a  number  of  our 
forces  prisoners,  yesterday,  among  whom  is  General 
Prentiss. 

Among  the  killed  on  the  rebel  side  was  their  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief Albert  Sydney  Johnston,  who  was  struck 
by  a  cannon  ball  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday.  Of  this 
there  is  no  doubt,  as  the  report  is  corroborated  by  sev- 
eral rebel  officers  taken  to-day.  It  is  further  reported 
that  Gen.  Beauregard  had  an  arm  shot  off. 

Our  loss  in  officers  is  very  heavy.  It  is  impossible 
at  present  to  obtain  the  names,. 

Gen.  Sherman  had  two  horses  shot  from  under  him, 
and  Gen.  McClernand  shared  like  dangers ;  also  Gen. 
Ilurlburt,  each  of  whom  received  bullet  holes  through 
their  clothes.  Our  loss  of  officers  is  very  heavy,  but 
it  is  impossible  at  present  to  obtain  the  names. 


New  York,  April  7.  Port  Royal  letters  report  stir- 
ring intelligence  from  North  Edisto.  The  rebels  came 
down  in  considerable  force,  and  succeeded  in  cutting 
off,  at  rright,  nearly  an  entire  company  of  the  55th 
Pennsylvania  Regiment  which  was  on  Little  Edisto 
Island  as  a  picket. 

Strangely  enough  they  neglected  to  guard  the  bridge 
between  them  and  the  main  force,  and  the  enemy  suc- 
ceeded in  burning  that,  and  surrounded  the  picket, 
killing  three,  wounding  a  dozen,  and  capturing  about 
30.  The  balance  escaped  to  North  Edisto.  Since  then 
several  skirmishes  have  taken  place.  Ample  rein- 
forcements will  be  sent  directly  by  Gen.  Benham. 
Col.  Fellows,  3d  N.  H.  regiment,  goes  to  command  the 
post- 
Fifteen  men  of  the  46th  New  York  volunteers  were 
captured,  together  with  a  field  piece,  on  Wilmington  Is- 
land in  the  Savannah  river.  Col.  Rosa  took  the  re- 
sponsibility of  conducting  30  men  on  a  reconnoissancc 
on  Wilmington  Island,  without  orders.  He  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  superior  force  of  rebels  and  half  his  men 
captured.  All  the  officers  and  the  balance  of  the  men 
escaped.  The  field  piece  was  lost,  and  is  doubtless 
now  on  exhibition  in  Savannah. 


Federal  Prisoners  op  War.  The  fact  that 
none  of  our  brave  men  have  been  returned  home  from 
Southern  prisons  since  Gen.  Burnside  gave  up  twenty- 
five  hundred  secessionists  in  arms,  taken  at  Roanoke 
Island,  is  a  sad  illustration  of  the  meanly  dishonorable 
and  doubly  treacherous  course  of  the  enemy. 

The  Confederate  leaders  not  only  retain  the  prison- 
ers still  in  their  hands,  whom  they  are  bound  in  honor 
to  release,  but  they  also  propose  to  absolve  from  their 
parole  those  whom  we  have  released  to  await  a  full 
exchange.  If  this  is  done,  no  matter  how  binding  his 
parole  may  seem  to  be,  the  Confederate  soldier  will 
be  compelled  to  resume  his  place  in  the  army,  thus 
subjecting  himself  to  the  penalty  of  being  shot  if  re- 
captured. 

J^=  The  impudence  of  the  rebels  is  only  equalled 
by  their  cowardly  barbarities.  A  letter  from  Winches- 
ter, Va.,  says  the  fiercest  Secessionists  in  that  place 
do  not  hesitate  to  ask  favors,  while  at  the  same  time 
they  abuse  everything  Northern,  and  do  all  they  can 
to  defeat  the  plans  of  our  army.  It  is  no  matter  that 
the  owner  of  a  farm  is  only  two  miles  away  In  the 
rebel  army,  his  family  at  once  send  for  a  guard  when 
our  troops  come  up.  One  man  had  the  impudence  to 
ask  to  have  a  guard  sent  a  mile  to  protect  his  chick- 
ens, when  he  made  it  his  boast  that  four  of  his  family 
were  in  the  rebel  army,  and  showed  with  fiendish 
exultation  the  skulls  of  two  Yankees  which  he  had 
obtained  at  Ball's  Bluff.  In  this  case  the  protection 
was  not  granted,  but  in  many  cases,  as  bad  as  it  has 
been,  and  at  some  of  the  camps,  the  principal  duty  of 
the  Union  troops  has  been  to  guard  Secession  hen- 
roosts. 


Tim  Plot  at  Baltimohk  aoainst  PrbbidbnI 
Lincoln's  Life.  A  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  who  dates  from  Baltimore,  March  27th, 
tells  the  following  story  : — 

"For  a  long  lime  it  was  believed  that  an  Italian 
barber  of  this  city  was  the  Orsini  who  undertook  to 
slay  President  Lincoln  on  his  journey  to  the  capital  in 
February,  1801,  and  it  is  possible  he  was  one  of.  the 
plotters  ;  but  it  has  come  out  on  a  recent  trial  of  a  man 
named  Byrne,  in  Richmond,  that  he  was  the  captain 
of  the  band  that  was  to  take  the  life  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
This  Byrne  used  to  be  a  notorious  gambler  of  Balti- 
more, and  emigrated  to  Richmond  shortly  after  the 
10th  of  April,  of  bloody  memory.  He  was  recently 
arrested  in  Jeff.  Davis's  capital  on  a  charge  of  keep- 
ing a  gambling  house,  and  of  disloyalty  to  the  chief 
traitor's  pretended  government.  Wigfall  testilied  to 
Byrne's  loyalty  to  the  rebel  cause,  and  gave  in  evi- 
dence that  Byrne  was  the  captain  of  the  gang  who 
were  to  kilt  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  upon  this  evidence,  it 
appears,  he  was  let  go.  Of  course,  to  be  guilty  of 
such  an  intended  crime  is  a  mantle  large  enought  to 
cover  up  all  other  sins  against  society  and  the  divine 
law."  ^^ 

2^=  The  Washington  Republican  says,  07  "contra- 
bands "  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  Friday,  having  been 
sent  there  from  General  Banks's  command.  They 
had  been  employed  by  the  Government  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  railroad.  Three  of  them  had  been  the 
slaves  of  ex-Senator  Mason  at  Winchester,  two  of  them 
had  been  the  slaves  of  lion.  C.  G.  Faulkner  at  Mar- 
tinsburg.  These  "contrabands"  were  received  and 
taken  care  of  by  the  colored  people  of  Philadelphia, 
many  of  whom  are  wealthy.  Some  of  the  "contra- 
bands" had  money  which  they  had  earned  working 
for  the  Government.  One  of  them  had  upwards  of 
one  hundred  dollars.  Some  lewd  fellows  of  the  baser 
sort  in  Philadelphia  endeavored  to  get  up  an  excite- 
ment against  their  being  brought  to  that  city,  but  with- 
out much  success. 

Among  the  Faithless.  A  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  World,  writing  from  Nashville,  Tenn.,  says  : 

"Nashville  is  still  down  with  the  sulks.  Groups  of 
the  disconsolate  stand  on  the  corners  of  the  streets  and 
about  the  hotels,  refusing  to  be  comforted — the  rebel 
Rachels  !  The  negroes  are  our  only  friends  as  a  class. 
In  their  friendship  there  is  no  exception  or  limit." 

Yet  these  are  the  loyal  friends  that  we  thrust  out  of 
our  camps,  and  insist  upon  restoring  to  bondage. 

2^=  From  Washington,  the  report  comes  that  Mar- 
shal Lamon  is  busily  engaged  exercising  his  power  for 
the  rendition  of  negro  fugitives  to  their  masters;  the 
latest  case  being  that  of  a  black  man  who  had  joined 
Ins  precarious  fortune  with  a  company  of  the  4th  New 
York  Artillery  ;  and  with  this  report  we  have  the  ad- 
ditional statement  that  an  active  business  is  going  on 
in  the  sale  and  transportation  of  slaves  from  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  to  Maryland  dealers. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

ft^"  On  Saturday,  two  persons  in  Washington  at- 
tempted to  arrest  as  a  slave  a  servant  of  an  officer  in 
the  7th  New  York  Cavalry,  a  free  man  from  the  West 
Indies.  Detected  in  the  act,  they  came  near  being 
lynched,  but  were  rescued  by  the  military  guard,  sent 
to  the  Provost  Marshal,  and  afterward  confined  in  the 
central  guard  house. 

g^="  A  few  days  since  the  pickets  along  the  Lower 
Potomac  and  Chesapeake  Bay  were  drawn  in  by  Gen. 
Hooker.  The  rebel  sympathizers  in  Lower  Maryland 
took  this  as  an  intimation  that  the  U.  S.  forces  were 
about  to  leave,  and  immediately  commenced  to  send 
slaves  to  Virginia  for  the  rebel  service.  Gen.  Hooker 
ordered  the  arrest  of  six  or  eight  of  the  ringleaders, 
who  are  among  the  most  prominent  citizens  of  that 
section. 

S^3  It  is  reported  that  Gen.  Hooker  authorized 
slaveholders  to  enter  his  camp  on  the  Potomac  and  re- 
cover their  negroes.  Gen.  Sickles  ordered  the  slave- 
hunters  out  of  camp,  amid  the  loud  cheering  of  the 
troops. 

gjp3  Letters  say  the  roads  to  Washington  are  black 
with  contrabands.  They  are  coming  not  in  squads, 
but  in  battalions. 

Jgj^  A  vessel  arrived  at  Newburyport  on  Friday 
last,  from  Philadelphia,  with  a  black  captain  and  crew 
— not  a  white  person  on  board.  This  is  the  first  case 
of  the  kind  in  that  city. 

^^^  On  Monday  last,  the  Catholic  priest  and  the 
Episcopal  minister  of  Nashville  were  notified  that  un- 
less they  desist  from  praying  for  Jeff.  Davis  and  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  they  should  be  sent  to  Fort 
Lafayette. 

JJJg?3"  The  Common  Council  of  Nashville,  by  a  vote 
of  16  to  1,  has  refused  lo  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  Federal  Government. 

jj^=  In  Baltimore  a  few  days  since,  a  little  fellow 
while  at  play  in  the  street  was  approached  by  a  gang 
of  boys,  whose  ages  ranged  from  12  to  10  years,  and 
asked  if  he  was  a  Union  boy.  The  little  fellow  re- 
plied "yes,"  whereupon  the  whole  gang  of  juvenile 
ruffians  fell  upon  and  beat  him  until  he  was  nearly 
dead,  and  then  shoved  him  into  the  flue  of  a  brick 
kiln,  where  he  was  subsequently  found  just  alive  by 
his  parents. 

g^=  After  Gov.  Seward's  return  from  Winchester, 
Va.,  he  was  asked  by  a  Senator  how  much  Union 
sentiment  he  found  in  that  city.  "  The  men,"  he  re- 
plied, "were  all  off  in  the  rebel  army.  The  women 
were  she-devils." 

Attempt  to  Tar  and  Feather  a  Clergyman. — 
An  attempt  was  made  in  Georgetown,  D.  C,  Wednes- 
day night,  to  tar  and  feather  a  clergyman  who  had 
been  announced  to  lecture  before  a  society  of  negroes. 
A  mob  surrounded  the  hall  where  the  lecture  was  to 
have  been  delivered,  hut  the  clergyman  was  fore- 
warned, and  escaped  Injury  by  non-appearance,  where- 
upon the  rioters  dispersed. 

EQ|t=*  The  citizens  of  Cincinnati  cannot  brook  the 
outrage  perpetrated  upon  the  good  name  of  their  city 
by  the  recent  mob  at  the  Opera  House,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  appearance  of  Wendell  Phillips,  and  so 
have  sent  him  an  invitation  to  repeat  his  lecture  in 
that  city  on  his  return  East,  when  they  pledge  them- 
selves to  "see  him  through," 

Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Slaves.  Wendell  Phillips 
represents  President  Lincoln  as  saying  that  "the  ne- 
gro who  has  once  touched  the  hem  of  the  Govern- 
ment's garment  shall  never  again  be  a  slave." 

_^=  Referring  to  the  immunity  granted  to  rebels 
in  Washington,  a  distinguished  Senator  is  reported  to 
have  remarked  a  day  or  two  ago  :  "  One  has  no  rights 
here  unless  he  is  a  rebel !  " 

Rebel  Generals  from  Massachusetts.  The 
Salem  Gazette-  says  Massachusetts  has  furnished  four 
generals  for' the  rebel  army,  namely  :  Win.  II.  Chase 
Whiting,  Albert  G.  Blanchard,  Daniel  Ruggles,  and 
Mansfield  Lovell,  son  of  the  late  Surgeon  General 
Joseph  Lovell. 

S^=  The  members  of  the  2nd  Illinois  cavalry,  who 
took  possession  of  Columbus,  have  taken  charge  of 
the  printing  materials  which  the  rebel  editors  left  be- 
hind, and  issue  a  neat  little  sheet  called  the  Federal 
Scout,  which  bears  the  particularly  appropriate  motto — 
"In  Dixie's  land  we'll  take  our  stand, 
And  live  and  die  in  Dixie." 

Death  op  a  well-known  Publisher.  We  re- 
gret to  report  the  death  of  Mr.  Abel  Tompkins,  a 
prominent  Boston  bookseller  and  publisher,  especially 
of  Universalist  works.  He  was  widely  known  and  es- 
teemed by  the  denomination  to  which  he  belonged, 
and  his  store  has  been  for  years  a  kind  of  religious  ex- 
change, where  prominent  preachers  and  writers  of  the 
Universalist  faith  were  accustomed  to  congregate. — 
Boston  Transcript. 

Fire  in  Lynn — Narrow  Escape.  At  about  two 
o'clock  Monday  morning,  the  Sagamore  cottage  on 
Beach  street,  Lynn,  belonging  to  the  estate  of  the  late 
Alonzo  Lewis,  Esq.,  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire,  and 
before  the  flames  could  be  stayed  the  building  was 
nearly  consumed.  The  widow  of  Mr.  Lewis,  and  her 
child,  of  some  four  years,  were  the  only  occupants  of 
the  house  at  the  time  of  the  fire,  and  to  the  sagacity 
of  a  small  dog  they  are  undoubtedly  indebted  for  their 
lives.  The  (ire  broke  out  in  a  small  ell  of  the  building 
contiguous  to  the  room  where  Mrs.  Lewis  and  her 
child  were  steeping,  and  the  barking  and  noise  made 
by  the  dog  awoke  Mrs.  Lewis,  who  found  her  room 
filled  with  smoke.  She  had  just  lime  to  take  tier  child 
from  the  room  ere  the  flames  reached  it. 

The  house  is  insured  at  the  Suugus  Mutual.  Cir- 
cumstances make  it  probable  that  the  fire  was  incen- 
diary.— Boston  Traveller. 

New  Haven,  April  G.  The  election  in  this  State  is 
overwhelmingly  Union  and  Republican — so  much  so 
as  to  make  the  details  unimportant.  More  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  Legislature  are  supposed  to  he  Union 
ami  Republican.  Not  one  Democratic  Senator  is  sup- 
posed to  be  elected.  The  whole  Union  and  Republi- 
can State  ticket  is  supposed  to  be  elected  by  over  5000 
majority.  Cornelius  S.  Bushnell,  of  the  "Monitor" 
celebrity,  and  David  J.  Peck,  both  Union  men,  one 
Republican  and  the  other  Democrat,  are  elected  rep- 
resentatives from  this  city,  over  Tilton  E.  Doolittle 
and  James  Gallagher,  old  line  Democrats. 

EClT"  The  Rhode  Island  election,  which  took  place 
on  the  2d,  ended  in  the  choice  of  Gov.  Sprague  and 
the  other  State  officers,  without  opposition.  The  Gov- 
ernor's patriotic  conduct  inregard  to  the  war  has  made 
everybody  friendly  to  him. 

Stamfbdb  op  Mr.  Mason's  Slaves.  The  slaves 
Of  .lames  M.  Mason,  a  recent  inmate  of  Port  Warren, 
now  in  England)  have  decamped  from  Winchester  in 
a  body,  and  niade  their  way  lo  Philadelphia,  It  is 
currently  reported,  also,  that  one  of  Mr.  Mason's 
daughters  has  become  hopelessly  insane  from  the  va- 
rious family  misfortunes. 


IN     MEMOE1AM. 

Died,  suddenly,  at  Peterbofo',  N.  II,,  on  Thursday  morn- 
ing, March  27,  Catiiauine  Putnam,  formerly  of  Doston, 
aged  84  years  and  8  months. 

Awoman  of  tho  ancien  regime  ;  stately  in  person,  gra- 
eioua  in  consideration,  sparkling  in  her  talk.  Vivacious  as 
a  child,  and  as  innocent  of  auy  malice,  after  the  world's 
way — charming  through  wipi-iees  which  won  us  to  laugh  at, 
as  well  as  with  her — sweet  us  tho  sweetest  June  morning  in 
temper,  andofa  beneficence  as  unfailing  as  the  mountain 
cloud — Catharine  Putnam  calls  for  a  memorial,  complete 
and  eloquent.  Her  clear  and  wonderfully  enlightened 
mind]kept  all  its  power  to  the  last ;  and  it  was  characteris- 
tic of  her  long  life,  that  self-possession  stayed  with  her  till 
her  eyes  closed,  and  her  last  conscious  act  was  to  gather 
the  fragments  that  had  fatten  from  her  already  stricken 
hand. 

Tho  crcctness  of  her  carriage  seemed  to  symbolize  the 
suro  kindness  on  which  all  relied.  The  delicate  propriety 
of  her  toilet  to  the  lust  hinted  at  the  ingrained  ladyhood, 
which  must  have  been  the  satno  with  or  without  her  abun- 
dant wealth  ;  wealth — given,  as  she  thought,  only  to  be 
dispensed,  and  shared  with  a  liberality  such  as  the  world 
has  seldom  seen. 

You  could  not  confer  a  greater  kindness  on  her  than  to 
ask  of  her  a  service  ;  yet  you  never  thanked  her  for  the 
quick  response — were  it  of  ono  dollar  or  one  hundred — for 
to  have  done  less  would  have  been  unworthy  of  herself. 

Nor  was  her  bounty  limited  to  the  old  and  faithfully 
cherished  charities  of  the  world.  Her  quick  intelligence 
took  in  evory  class  of  want.  The  Seaman's  Aid  or  the  City 
Missionary  went  helped  and  befriended  from  her  door. 
So  did  the  poor  student,  thumbing  a  worn  grammar,  tho 
young  minister,  or  the  soldier  arming  at  his  country's  call. 
But  still  more  bountiful  was  tho  quick  flow  of  her 
feeling  towards  tho  unhelpcd  worker,  the  unpopular  cause. 
She  had  a  heart  ready  to  take  in  the  stave — and  a  single 
herself,  sho  lost  no  word  dropped  in  behalf  of  wo- 


At  a  time  when  Boston  society  was  exclusive  beyond  rec- 
ord, she  had  known  how,  by  a  mere  personal  magnetism, 
to  draw  round  her  all  good  hearts  and  bright  minds.  Her 
parlor  was  an  academy,  and  a  man  with  a  thought,  more 
precious  in  her  sight  than  the  owner  of  hid  treasure. 

For  once,  the  world  appreciated  its  guest — and  when  she 
carried  her  failing  energies  up  to  the  bracing  hills  of  New 
Hampshiro,  loving  thoughts  followed,  and  the  little  cot- 
tage sot  on  a  flowery  slope  by  the  river  overflowed  with  the 
tokens  of  tender  if  distant  remembrance.  With  correspon- 
dents scattered  over  half  tho  world,  with  a  memory  that 
embraced  the  active  life  of  three  generations,  her  very  pres- 
ence gave  character  .and  attraction  to  tho  little  country 
town,  where  her  table  seated  all  the  guests  who  could  find 
pleasure  in  her  welcome. 

One  to  whom  she  was  tender  as  a  mother,  and  dear  as 
she  was  tender,  pens  theso  weak  words — waiting  for  a 
worthier  tribute.  c.  h.  d. 


OBITUARY. 


It  pains  us  to  hear  of  the  death  of  Gehiiit  Smith  Ham- 
bleton,  only  son  of  Thomas  and  Alice  Eliza  Hamblcton,  of 
Upper  Oxford,  Chester  Co.,  Pa.  He  was  among  the  Pennsyl- 
vania volunteers,  sent  to  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  where  ho  died 
of  typhoid  fever,  on  the  30th  of  January,  aged  22  years. 
His  remains  were  interred  at  Longwood,  on  Sunday,  Feb. 
lGth  ;  when  a  large  concourse  assembled  to  pay  a  tribute 
of  respect  to  his  memory,  and  of  sympathy  with  his  be- 
reaved parents  and  other  kindred.  Of  .his  character,  it  is 
enough  to  say  that  it  was  worthy  of  the  name  he  bore,  and 
fitted  to  excite  the  most  glowing  hopes  as  to  his  future  ca- 
reer. A  writer  in  the  Chester  County  Times  bears  this  tes- 
timony : — 

"Seldom  is  it  our  sad  experience  to  mourn  the  loss  of 
one  so  truly  good  and  talented — one  who  was  so  universally 
beloved — so  faithful  and  true  a  friend — such  a  dutiful  and 
loving  son  and  brother.  Highly  educated,  and  gifted  by 
nature,  he  was  fitted  to  adorn  almost  auy  position  iu  life  ; 
his  inclination  led  him  to  prefer  a  professional  career,  and, 
preparatory  to  entering  thereon,  he  had  availed  himself  of 
the  opportunity  of  teaching  as  a  means  of  self-discipline 
and  improvement.  In  this  capacity  he  was  highly  success- 
ful, aud  much  beloved — occupying  a  lucrative  position, 
which  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  resign  that  he  might  minister 
to  the  comfort  of  his  parents,  and  relieve  them  of  care  in 
their  declining  years  ;  aud  when  his  homo  and  country 
were  in  danger,  and  freedom  still  further  imperilled,  tho 
same  conscientious  adheronco  to  duty  called  him  faraway 
im  that  loved  home  and  its  endearing  ties.  He  said 
sro  was  not  one  attractive  feature  to  him  in  camp  life, 
the  duties  pertaining  thereto  ;  that  nothing  but  a  seuso 
of  duty  would  have  induced  him  to  enter  the  service.  If 
there  were  only  more  who  enlisted  from  tho  same  conscien- 
tious motives,  what  an  army  we  should  have  !  As  he  had 
always  been  iu  every  avocation  of  life,  so  he  proved  to  bo 
lie  new  field  of  labor,  so  recently  entered,  faithful  in 
the  discharge  of  every  duty  ;  manly  and  beautiful  in  his 
strict  integrity,  and  observance  of  tho  divine  moral  law. 
He  was  a  bright  example  to  all  those  who  wore  associated 
ithhim;  occupying  a  position  which  required  peculiar  tal- 
ent to  give  satisfaction,  he  had  won  the  esteem  of  all  tho 
officers  and  men  in  his  company  ;  and  gave  universal  satis- 
faction iu  every  department  of  the  regiment  with  which 
his  duties  were  connected." 


DIED — In  Watertown,  April  3,  of  consumption,  Walter 
S.  McLauthlin,   aged  32  years,   9  mouths,  son  of  Lewis 

id  Polly  McLauthlin  of  Pembroke. 

In  Newburyport,  April  2,  Frederick:,  son  of  Richard 
and  Mary  Plumer,  aged  18  years. 

An  invalid  for  several  years,  no  murmur  ever  escaped 
his  tips.  His  mind  was  bright  and  active,  and  his  heart 
warmly  sympathetic  towards  the  suffering  and  friendless. 
Ho  delighted  in  doing  little  acts  of  kindness  to  this  class 
particular.  It  was  a  touching  and  affecting  tribute  to 
his  memory,  that  a  request  was  made  by  several  pauper 
boys  at  the  Alms  House  to  bo  permitted  to  walk  to  bis 
grave  ;  and  their  wish  was  gratified.  Ho  had  a  strong  af- 
fectionate nature,  and  loved  his  parents  with  a  filial  pas- 
sion which  always  scoured  ready  and  exemplary  obedience 
to  their  wishes.  In  their  deep  and  Song-contiuued  interest 
in  the  cause  of  tho  poor  oppressed  slaves  at  tho  South,  he 
fully  participated,  and  was  always  highly  gratified  at  the 
isits  of  those  who  were  the  public  advocates  of  emancipa- 
tion. We  proffer  our  heart-felt  sympathy  to  our  bereaved 
friends  at  the  loss  of  one  so  promising  and  so  good,  at  so 
early  a  period  ;  while  we  feel  assured  the  language  of  their 
hearts  will  be — 

"  We  know  thou  art  not  far  away, 
Thou  child  our  hearts  deplore  ; 
For,  ever  since  thy  dying  day, 

Wo  feet  thee  more  and  more. 
Thou  art  a  glorious  angel  now, 

An  angel  meek  and  mild  ; 
A  spirit-crown  is  on  thy  brow, 
Thou  who  wert  here  a  child."        [Erf.  Lib. 
In  Fall  River,  April  3d,  Miss  Hanxau  E.  Stoddard,  in 
the  55th  year  of  her  age. 

Iu  the  death  of  Miss  Stoddard,  tho  slave,  and  tho  sick 
and  suffering  around  her,  have  lost  a  faithful  and  dovotcd 
friend,  and  tho  Anti-Slavery  cause  an  energetic  and  un- 
tiring laborer.  Ever  true  to  her  convictions  of  right,  sho 
left  a  popular  church  on  account  of  its  pro-slavery  posi- 
tion, and,  with  tho  touchstone  of  anti-slavery  truth,  sho 
tested  the  genuineness  of  professed  lovo  to  God  by  the  love 
manifested  to  the  imbrutcd  slave.  She  was  tho  foremost 
laborer  in  tho  littlo  Anti-Slavery  Sewing  Circlo,  which 
has  done  much,  by  tho  pecuniary  assistance  it  has  rendered, 
to  promulgate  genuine  anti-slavery  truth  in  our  city,  be- 
sides affording  occasional  aid  to  tho  cause  in  other  places. 
Of  marked  individuality  of  charaotor,  sho  conscientiously 
pursued  her  own  path  of  duty,  and  always  rejoiced  at  any 
opportunity  to  serve,-in  howover  humble  a  manner,  tho 
cause  of  tho  down-trodden  and  oppressed.  A. 

In  this  city,  April  2,  Sarah  Onley,  aged  17. 
April    3d,  G ektuu on   Louise  Marshall,  daughter  of 
Ira  and  Louisa  Nell  Gray,  aged  5  years  and  7  days. 

An  uncommonly  promising  child.  Sho  was  not  only  tho 
pet  of  tho  household,  but  also  of  tho  whole  neighborhood 
aud  circle  of  acquaintance.    But  sho  has  gone, 

"  Whoro  tho  touch  of  her  gentle  hand 
Doth  brighten  tho  harp  in  tho  Spirit  land, 
Whero  she  waits  for  us,  with  the  angel  band, 
Ovor  tho  starry  way." 
Wo  have 

"  Borne  her  gently  to  hor  rcsfc^ 

And  gently  heaped  tho  fnrwory  sod — 
Loft,  hor  body  to  the  dust, 
Her  spirit  to  her  God."  h. 


33T  NOTICE. --Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  the  fund*  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  tho  last  Very  valuable  Report 
of  the  Amcrioan  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Stoier.y  IJittory 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  via.,  fourteen 


gy  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.—  Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D-,  and  Wh. 
Svminuton  Brown,  JV1.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Cbauncy  Street,  Boston,  whore  they  may  bo  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M. 

March  28.  3m 


jg?-  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
095  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.—  Luther  Clark,  M.  D.;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Offiee  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


]SP  NOTICE.— All  communications  relating  to  tho  busi- 
ness of  tho  Massachusetts  Anti-Slnvrry  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  aud  Lecturing  Agencies  of  tho 
A  merit-on  An'i-Stm<rr</  Saeirtu,  should  bo  addressed  for  tho 
present  to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Hoston. 

Iiy  Many  of  tho  best  and  most  recent  publications  of 
tho  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  be  made  as  above, 
which  should  bo  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  scud 
them. 


|Ef  nENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in 

Plymouth,    -  Sunday,  April  13 

Gloucester,  "           "      20 

Mitford,  " 


27. 


IS?"  ANTI-SLAVERY  MEETINGS— Mis*  Axka  E. 
Dickinson  of  Philadelphia,  who  has  commenced  a  brief 
course  of  Anti-Slavery  lecturing  in  New  England,  will 
speak  in  the  city  of  Providence,  on  Sunday  next,  13th 
inst.,  morning  and  evening. 

In  the  morning,  the  meeting  will  be  at  Pratt's  Hall. 


(gr  PARKER  PILLSBURY   will  lecture  at  Reading, 
Mass.,  iu  the  Lyceum  Hall,  on  Sunday  evening  next,  at  7 

o'clock. 


Woman's  Kights   under  the    Law. 
THREE   LECTURES, 

DELIVERED  IN"  BOSTON,    JANUARY,    1861, 
BY  MRS.  C.  H.  DALL, 

AUTHOR    OF 

"Woman's   Right  to  Labor,"    "  Historical  Pictures   Re- 
touched," etc. 
16mo.  cloth,  sixty-three  cents. 

"  An  eloquent  protest.  Mrs.  Dall  maintains  her  positions 
with  energy  and  skill.  Her  rhetoric  is  pointed  by  earnest- 
ness of  conviction,  and  her  historical  illustrations  are  well 
chosen." — JV.  Y.  Tribune. 

"The  present  work  will  not  disappoint  those  who  have 
formed  the  highest  estimate  of  her  qualifications  to  write 
upon  whatever  relates  to  woman.  She  has  invested  her 
subject  with  an  interest  akin  to  that  of  tho  highest  works 
of  fiction  or  art." — Anti-Slavery  Standard. 

"These  three  lectures  evince  much  research,  careful 
thought,  and  earnest  feeling." — Christum  Register. 

"She  has  an  earnest  purpose,  large  command  of  facts, 
and  a  power  of  satire  which  gives  a  relish  to  all  she  writes." 
— Portland  Transcript. 

"  No  one,  we  are  sure,  can  read  the  studious  and  freight- 
ed leaves  of  Mrs.  Ball's  bright  and  brave  little  volume,  in 
a  cordial  and  generous  spirit,  without  receiving  exalted 
Christian  impulses." — Boston   Transcript. 

"  We  find  ourselves  constantly  regretting  that  there  is 
not  more  of  it." — Home  Journal. 

"  We  welcome  this  book,  not  only  for  its  large  informa- 
tion, but  because  it  is  a  woman's  view  of  a  subject  on  which 
women  have  seldom  written." — Worcester  Spy. 

"Mrs.  Dall  is  neither  a  visionary  nor  a  fanatic.  Her 
arguments  in  this  volume  are  intensely  practical." — Nor- 
fot/c  County  Journal. 

"This  is  an  unostentatious  little  book,  without  rant  or 
exaggeration.  She  makes  a  very  powerful  argument  for 
tho  repeal  of  alt  laws  which  mix  up  the  question  of  sex 
with  the  rights  of  property,  liberty,  and  life."— JVcw  York 
Evening  Post. 

"  This  is  an  earnest,  and  in  many  respects  eloquent,  pro- 
test against  existing  laws." — Congregationalist. 

"  Mrs.  Ball's  books  abound  in  the  most  curious  and  in- 
teresting information.  Their  tone  is  the  reverse  of  trucu- 
lent. They  are  tho  most  womanly  books  about  women." 
—  G.    W.  Curtis,  in  Harpers'  Weekty. 

We  hope  all  our  readers  will  peruse  this  thorough  and 
eloquent  treatise." — New  York  Christian  Inquirer. 

Mrs.  Dall  has  done  a  good  work  in  collecting  valuable 
facts,  and  arranging  thorn,  as  in  this  book,  with  ability." — 
Unitarian  Monthly. 

"  She  crowds  into  these  lectures  a  great  deal  of  histori- 
cal information  ;  and  no  candid  reader  will  deny  that  she 
fully  vindicates  her  claim  to  be  heard." — Monthly  Miscel- 
lany. 

"  We  cordially  commend  the  book  for  the  importance  of 
ts  subject-matter,  its  wealth  of  material  and  fact,  its 
straightforward  earnestness  of  purpose,  and  its  purity  of 
ityle.  It  has  also  the  unusual  quality  of  making  the  rea- 
der regret  that  there  is  not  more  of  it." — Claistian   Exam- 

"  If  a  good  cause,  always  ably  expounded  ;  patient  per- 
sistence in  pleading  it  ;  a  calm  tone,  coupled  with  pro- 
found conviction  and  strong  feeling,  a  chastened  spirit  and 
a  resolute  purpose,  can  purchase  success.  Mrs.  Ball  is 
doomed  to  no  failure.  " — Free-  Will  Baptist  Quarterly. 

Published  by  WALKER,  WISE  A  CO.,  Boston. 
(gp  Sent  free  by  mail  on  receipt  of  price. 
April  11. 


IN    ONE     VOLUME. 

THE 

PATHOLOGY 

OP   THE 

REPRODUCTIVE    ORGANS- 

BY 
EUSSELL    T.    TRALL,    M.  D. 


SEXUAL.   ORGANISM, 

AND   ITS 

HEALTHFUL    MANAGEMENT, 

BY 

J.  C.  JACKSON,  M.  D. 

THE  authors  of  this  book,  it  is  confidently  asserted, 
bavo  had  more  experience  in  successfully  treating 
diseases  of  the  sexual  organism  than  any  other  physicians  in 
America  :  aud,  in  writing  this  work,  they  now  offer  to  tho 
public  the  full  benefit  of  that  experience  ;  thus  supplying 
a  long-felt  want,  and  furnishing  a  valuable  book,  free  from 
every  thing  that  is  quackish  ;  one  which  will  enable  the 
reader  to  treat  successfully,  and  permanently  cure,  any  dis- 
ease of  the  reproductive  organs,  without  swnllowing  any 
drug,  or  feeing  any  doctor  whatever  ;  and,  more  than  that, 
a  book  which,  if  read  by  the  young,  will  prevent  the  diseases 
which  it  so  ably  treats. 

This  book  ought  to  be  in  every  family  in  the  land  ;  and 
especially  should  it  bo  possessed  by  every  young  person  who 
is  sexually  diseased.  To  purchase  it  of  a  responsible  dealer 
is  infinitely  wiser,  on  the  part  of  such  diseased  person,  than 
to  send  money  to  any  of  tho  scores  of  advertisers  who  fill 
the  newspapers  with  their  specious  but  deceptive  notices. 

Tho  following  reasons  why  this  book  should  be  purchased 
by  tho  sick,  in  preference  to  any  remedy  offered  to  them, 
are  respectfully  submitted  : — 

1.  The  good" fame  of  the  authors  is  as  wide  as  the  con- 
tinent i  they  are  known  to  be  truthful  men,  who  place  prin- 
ciple paramount  to  fees,  aud  who  would  not  consent  to 
write  any  thing  which  they  did  not  know  to  be  true  ; 
while  their  theory  is  proved  to  be  practically  correct  from 
the  fact  that  thoy  do  cure  their  sick  ones  after  they  have 
been  given  over  by  other  physicians  as  incurably  diseased. 

2.  The  book  is  in  no  sense  an  advertisement,  or  an  adver- 
tising medium,  but  contaius  tho  fullest  information  which 
the  most  scientific  aud  successful  practitioners  iu  tho  couu- 
trv  can  impart. 

3.  The  book  is  for  sale  only  by  responsible  men  ;  and, 
therefore,  whoover  should  remit  money  to  thorn  would  get 
that  for  which  it  was  remitted.  It  is  beautifully  bound  in 
substantial  library  stylo  ;  is  handsomely  printed  on  the  best 
of  paper;  contains  elegant  and  accurate  steel  engraved 
likenesses  of  tho  authors  ;  and  makes  an  octavo  volume 
of  660  pages. 

Price,  ThRBB  Dollars;  which  should  bo  remitted  by 
mail,  or  otherwise  sunt,  to  tho  following-named  booksellers, 
who  should  bo  ordered  to  send  the  book  bj  «;irrm  ;  this 
being  the  safest  way  to  transmit  valuable  books.  If  you 
wish  tho  book  sent  by  matt,  however,  you  must  enclose 
twenty-seven  oents  extra  in  stamps  to  pay  postage. 

TintKE  Dollars,  therefore,  sent  to  the  EeUewiBg-nemed 
persons,  will  insure  the  book  by  first  trprcss,  or  $3.27  will 
pay  for  it  pre-paid  by  mail  ;  or  hand  this  advertisement  to 
your  nearest  bookseller,  aud  request  him  to  order  it  for 
you. 

Send  ordcis,  with  the  money,  as  above,  to — 

B.  LEVKUETT  EMERSON,  PrjBIJSHBK, 

120  WnBhinfrton  Street,  Boston. 
JEjf  Copies  may  be  procured  of  Br.  Thall,  at  tho  lec- 
ture -10  0111. 

Also  for  sale  by  all  booksellers  and  news-dealers  every 
where. 
Huston,  April  11. 

[Gf  What  is  ehimi'd  tor  tins  valuable  work  M  endorse 
as  to  tho  vital  importance  of  tho  topics  disoussed,  the  val- 
ue of  the  advice  and  information  coiniuuutcatcd,  tho  judi- 
cious rummer  in  which  the  investigation  is  conducted,  and 
the  dxperteiUM  ami  ability  of  Drs.  Tkall  and  Jackson. 
— Si,  trt. 


60 

!0tft*g. 

THE     LIBEH^TOn 


APEIL  11. 


For  the  LibcratoXi- 

A   VISION    OF    SQEPTftES. 

I  had  a  dream  ;  yet  was  not  all  ft  drenm. 
t  saw  tho  earth  untilled  ;  for  men  were  few, 
A  scattorcd  handful,  tending  flocks  and  herds, 
Living  in  caves  and  dens  among  the  rocks, 
Or  sheltering  In  huts  from  the  wild  beasts, 
That  ranged  at  will  over  tho  lonely  plains*, 
Rending  their  hapless  prey.     Man's  lofty  fronl 
No  longer  awed  the  savage  ;  for  ho  was 
But  little  raised  above  the  animals. 

And  then  I  saw  a  lordly  form  nrise, 
Strong  in  his  youthful  courage  ;  and  ho  called 
The  scattered,  trembling  herdsmen  to  his  side, 
And  into  every  fainting  heart  he  breathed 
A  courage  like  his  own.     Tbcy  formed  rude  weapons, — 
Spears,  darts,  and  arrows,  and  with  them  subdued 
Thoir  enemies,  tho  fierce  and  ravenous  beasts. 
His  grateful  comrades  made  their  leader  king  ; 
And  tho  first  sceptre  was  a  hnn ting-spear. 

I  saw  upon  a  spacious  plain,  high  walls 
Guarding  a  city's  wealth  ;  I  saw  the  field* 
"Waving  with  golden  harvests  ;  I  beheld 
Its  glad  inhabitants  pass  in  and  out, 
And  good  and  aged  men,  revered  alike 
For  justice,  truth  and  wisdom,  calmly  sit, 
Like  that  most  patient  patriarch  at  the  gates, 
While  listening  crowds  surrounded  them,  to  hear 
Their  well-considered,  just  and  wise  decrees.  • 

Not  long  tho  Vision  gave  this  lovely  scene, 
For,  o'er  the  distant  hills,  I,  shuddering,  saw 
Fierce  men  draw  near,  on  evil  deeds  intent, 
Thousands  on  thousands  pressing  eager  on. 
I  saw  rich  harvests  trodden  under  foot 
By  the  wild  creatures  man's  own  skill  had  tamed 
For  man's  peculiar  service  ;  but  they  now 
Helped  him  to  spoil  that  earth  he  had  subdued  : 
I  saw  the  trembling  weak  ones  leave  their  cots, 
And  crowd  within  tho  city  walls  for  shelter  ; 
I  saw  tho  bravo,  the  strong,  the  desperate, 
Prepare  to  meet  the  cruel  foo.     They  fought 
For  home,  and  for  home-ties,  and  household  lovea. 
But  war  without,  and  famine  in  their  walls, 
Thinned  the  heroic  ranks  ;  and  pity  cried, 
"Yield,  and  proscrve  the  lives  of  those  ye  love!" 
The  young,  tho  brave,  the  strong,  bent  the  proud  kneo 
Before  tho  haughty  victor,  who  pass'd  on 
O'er  prostrate  hearts,  the  steps  to  his  proud  throno  ; 
And  the  next  sceptre  was  the  blood-stained  sword, 

I  saw  mankind  the  abject  slaves  of  Force 
And  Fraud  ;   I  saw  them  bend  before  a  statue, 
And  call  it  "  God  ! "    I  saw  them  even  bow 
Before  the  image  of  the  very  brute  ;  0 

Ar.L —  even  tho  wisest,  who  paid  outward  homage, 
Even  while  thoir  secret  heart  was  filled  with  scorn — 
All  but  one  little  nation,  who  refused 
Suoh  worship,  and  who  called  themselves  the  Chosen 
Of  tho  One  God,  Jehovah,  but  who  loved 
Their  sullen  prido  before  their  own  God's  law  ; 
I  saw  the  bitter  rage  gnawing  their  hearts, 
"When  forced  to  bend  beneath  the  Roman's  yoke. 
And  then  appeared  a  meek,  but  glorious  Form, 
The  gentle  Dove  descending  on  his  head, 
And  listening  crowds  hung  on  his  gracious  words. 
I  saw  tho  proud  and  vengeful  conclave  meet, 
Dooming  that  sacred  form  to  painful  death  : 
"With  mock  humility  they  called  the  Roman 
To  aid  their  cruel  purpose  ;   I  beheld 
That  meekest  sufferer  fainting  'ncath  his  cross  ! 

Time  pass'd,  and  I  beheld  evon  monarchs  bow 
Their  gem-crowned  heads  before  the  very  name 
Of  the  once  vilified  and  humble  Jew, 
Jesus  of  Nazareth,  now  Christ,  the  Lord. 
But  men  mistook  tho  scoptre  of  his  rule  ; 
Instead  of  the  fair  Dove,  emblem  of  Peace, 
The  gentle  Dove,  and  the  groen  olive  branch, 
They  called  the  crucifix  the  Savior's  emblem, 
And  lowly  bowed  before  that  cruel  engine  ; 
And  thus  the  spirit  of  tho  Glad  News  changed 
From  love  to  hate,  from  peace  to  cruel  woe, 
Instead  of  reigning  in  the  hearts  of  men, 
And  taming  their  fierce  passions  to  its  sway, 
And  nursing  budding  virtues  into  ripeness. 
Proud,  cruel  men  wielded  the  blood-stained  sword, 
To  make  disciples  to  the  name  of  Christ ; 
And  the  third  sceptre  was  tho  Crucifix. 

Again  I  dreamed.     Tho  sisters,  Faith  and  Hope, 
Withdrew  the  misty  curtain  of  the  future, 
And  I  beheld  the  reign  of  Charity — 
Charity,  best  and  groatest  of  the  Three. 
I  saw  mankind,  with  joyful  hearts,  bow  down 
Beneath  tho  Ollve-Braneh  and  snow-white  Dove, 
The  only  sceptre  worthy  her  meek  hand, 
And  Hate,  and  Wrong,  and  War  were  known  no  more. 

Tenterden,  (Eng.)  Jane  Ashby. 


From  the  Boston  Traveller. 

TRIBUTE 

TO   THE   MEMORY   OF   MRS.    PEAK, 
The  Colored  Teacher  to  the    Contrabands,  whose  saintly  lift 
and  holy  death  were  described  in  a  recent  number  of  the  Bos- 
ton  Traveller. 

"Washed  by  the  hand  of  death, 

Finally,  finally, 
None  of  the  taint  is  left 

Drawn  from  her  ancestry ! 

A  ohild  of  a  slave's  child, 

Christ's  by  adoption, 
Bowing  in  death  she  smiled, 

Freed  from  corruption. 
Bound  by  a  single  thread, 

In  her  veins  hidden, 
She  ne'er  presumed  to  tread 

In  paths  forbidden. 

Vaunting  no  prido  of  birth — 

Taunted  because  of  it — 
Humbly  she  walked  on  earth, 

Spurned  by  tho  laws  of  iU 

Scorned  by  the  scornful  lip, 

Curled  to  despite  her — 
Tried  in  the  light  of  life. 

She  were  the_ whiter  ! 

Doing  her  duty  well, 

Selfless  and  lovingly, 
Never  a  murmur  fell 
From  her  lips  reprovingly  ! 

Looking  up — bearing  up 

Life  with  its  burden — 
In  at  tho  open  gate — 

Passed  by  the  warden — 

White  as  the  queenliest, 

Stainless  in  purity, 
"  Home  atlast — home  at  last — " 
She  dwells  in  security  ! 

0.  Everts,  M.  D., 
Surgeon  20iA  Indiana  VoIm. 
Fortress  Monroe,  March  2,  1862. 


HYMN. 

BY   MISS    HARRIET   L.    LADD. 

Lord,  fill  our  nation  with  Thy  fear  ; 

To  blinded  eyes  reveal  Thy  light  : 
Let  fall  on  ears  that  will  not  hear, 

Tho  bugle  tones  from  that  far  height 

Where  Freedom  waits  to  bless  ! 

Thy  voice  send  o'er  tho  stormy  sea  ; 

Bo  "  Peace  to  men  "  its  glad  refrain  ; 
But  grant  that  peace  which  makes  all  free, 

Which  brings,  through  fiery  strife  and  pain, 
Justice  and  righteousness ! 

So  shall  our  land  arise  in  strength 

And  wondrous  grace  from  its  new  birth  ; 

So  shall  the  lovo  of  Christ,  at  length, 

By  steps  like  this  redeem  the  earth 

From  war  and  bitterness. 


DUTY. 

Whene'er  a  duty  waits  for  thee, 
With  sober  judgment  view  it, 

And  never  idly  wish  it  done  ; 
L'ogin  at  once,  and  do  it. 


®ft*  lifon'tft**. 


THE   PAEABLE    OF   JONAH. 

BY   REV.  F.  8,  BLISS. 

There  is  much  of  thrilling  interest  in  the  life  of 
Jonah.  There  are  few  passnges  of  history  that  touch 
the  experiences  of  living  men  at  so  many  points  as 
his.  We  know  nothing  definite  of  the  time,  place  or 
circumstances  of  his  birth  or  private  life.  He  stands 
before  the  renders  of  the  Bible  chiefly  in  connection 
with  a  single  transaction  of  his  life.  Almost  the  first 
thing  wc  read  of  him,  we  are  told  that  "the  word  of 
tho  Lord  came  unto  Jonah,  saying,  Arise,  go  to  Nine- 
veh, that  great  city,  anil  cry  against  it;  for  their  wick- 
edness, is  come  up  before  me."  But  for  some  reason, 
perhaps  we  can  never  certainly  know  what  it  was, 
Jonah  diil  not  wish  to  go.  It  matters  not  what  the 
reason  was;  so  averse  was  he  to  going,  that  we  are 
told  he  rose  up  to  flee  from  the  presence  of  the 
Lord,  and  went  clown  to  Joppa,  a  seaport  town  and 
haven  on  the  coast  of  Palestine,  and  finding  a  ship 
bound  for  Tarshish,  lie  paid  the  fare  and  went  aboard 
to  go  with  them  unto  Tarshish  from  the  presence  of 
the  Lord.  How  many  such  prophets  the  Lord  has  in 
these  days  !  Only  it  is  to  be  feared  they  are  not  all  as 
careful  as  Jonah  was  to  pay  the  fare,  as  they  go  up 
and  down  the  world.  But  in  other  respects,  there 
are  a  great  many  pretended  prophets  or  religious 
teachers  who  resemble  Jonah.  If  the  Lord  calls 
them  to  do  any  unpleasant  duty,  as,  for  example,  to 
rebuke  a  great  and  wicked  nation  for  its  crimes,  or  to 
denounce  some  popular  sin  that  is  entrenched  in  the 
laws,  the  habits,  the  pride,  the  prejudices  of  the  peo- 
ple, they  flee  from  His  presence.  They  are  not  wil- 
ling to  stand  against  so  many;  they  fear  the  multi- 
tude ;  they  dare  not  speak  out  their  convictions,  or 
proclaim  truths  which  the  prevailing  sentiments  con- 
demn. Hence  they  keep  still,  and  never  agitate  ex- 
citing topics,  never  stir  up  living  questions.  But  we 
will  see  how  they  come  out  in  the  end. 

No  doubt  Jonah  felt,  for  a  little  while  after  he  had 
taken  passage  in  the  ship,  that  he  had  escaped  most 
perplexing  circumstances,  and  got  into  safe  quarters. 
So  satisfied  was  he  with  his  condition,  that  he  strait- 
way  went  down  into  the  sides  of  the  ship,  and, 
stretching  himself,  went  fast  to  sleep.  We  wonder 
how  Ins  conscience  would  let  him  sleep,  after  having 
so  wilfully  disobeyed.  But  his  repose  was  short. 
God  was  on  the  sea  as  well  as  onthe  dry  land,  for  He 
made  and  rules  them  both.  Perhaps  Jonah  did  not 
think  of  that;  certainly  no  such  thoughts  entered  the 
minds  of  the  managers  of  the  ship  when  they  bar- 
gained to  carry  him ;  their  chief  concern  was  to  get 
the/«re,  to  obtain  the  profits. 

We  are  told  that  the  Lord  sent  out  a  great  wind 
into  the  sea,  and  there  was  a  mighty  tempest  in  the 
sea,  so  that  the  ship  was  like  to  be  broken.  We  have 
no  reason  to  think  this  storm  came  up  in  a  moment. 
Doubtless  it  arose  as  most  storms  arise.  First  they 
saw  the  clouds  gathering  in  the  heavens,  and  then 
they  heard  the  pealing  of  the  thunder  and  the  bel- 
lowing of  the  waves.  Next  came  fiery  shafts  of 
lightning  and  sweeping  torrents  of  rain,  until  at  last 
they  seemed  to  be  hurled  upon  the  drifting  elements 
into  the  very  jaws  of  death.  And  now  fear  strikes 
terror  to  their  hearts.  Brave  sailors  tremble.  The 
hardy  mariners,  reared  amid  the  clashing  waves,  ac- 
customed to  fierce  gales,  grow  pale,  and  cry  every 
man  unto  his  god,  and  cast  forth  the  burden  of  the 
ship.  Meanwhile,  Jonah  sleeps,  in  selfish  urn 
sciousness  of  the  danger.  The  crew  toil  and  pray 
until  all  hope  is  gone,  ere  they  disturb  him.  They  re- 
sort to  every  other  means  of  rescue  before  they  think 
of  the  real  cause  of  their  trouble.  How  blind,  how 
stupid  they  are !  And  when,  as  a  last  resort,  their 
extreme  peril  drives  them  to  turn  to  him,  what  a 
strange  idea  they  have  of  the  way  in  which  he  is  to 
help  them.  They  do  not  plainly  tell  him  that  he 
the  cause  of  their  danger,  that  he  has  basely  ruined 
them  and  deserves  to  die.  As  yet,.they  have  no 
thought  of  expelling  him  from  the  ship;  they  are 
not  going  to  break  the  "union"  between  them, 
violate  the  marine  "constitution"  by  which  they 
"  guaranteed  "  to  carry  over  all  whom  they  took  on 
hoard.  They  were  going  to  have  the  storm  abated  fh 
a  more  religious  way,  and  proposed  to  Jonah  a  sort 
of  "  compromise."  "  What  meanest  thou,  0  sleeper ! " 
said  they.  "Arise,  and  call  upon  thy  God,  if  so  be 
that  God  will  think  upon  us,  that  we  perish  not." 
How  subservient  they  were  to  him!  How  humble 
they  were  in  his  presence!  Not  a  word  of  reproof 
for  his  guilt  did  they  offer ;  they  did  not  even  hint 
that  he  ought  to  repent  of  his  wickedness  before  he 
prayed.  They  were  ready  to  join  with  him  in  a  prayer- 
meeting  or  time  of  fasting  for  the  common  safety. 
They  believed  with  a  modern  orator,  not  long  since 
deceased,  that  when  people  meet  to  worship,  they 
never  ought  to  have  their  consciences  stung  or  their 
minds  perplexed  by  being  reminded  of  outside,  bu: 
ness  passions  and  delinquencies. 

And  no  doubt  Jonah  prayed  ;  sure  we  are  that  he 
talked  very  religiously.    "I  am  a  Hebrew,"  said  he 
one  of  God's  chosen  ones;  one  of  his  favorites.     " 
fear  the  Lord,  the  God  of  heaven,  which  made  the  sei 
and  the  dry  land."     This  sounds  well;  he  is  strictly 
Orthodox;  no  "infidel  fanatic"  he,  but  one  of  your 
sound,   conservative  men.    He  believes  in  none  of 
these  wild  reform  schemes.     He  is  not  tinctured 
the  least  with  the  Niiievitephohin.,  and  does  not  intend 
to  run  mad  with  zeal  to  save  those  poor  degraded 
idolaters ;  they  are  at  best  but  a  lower  order  of  beings, 
"  having  no  rights  that  Hebrews  are  bound  to  re- 
spect." 

Doubtless,  while  telling  them  of  his  reverence  for 
God,  he  put  on  a  very  grave  countenance  and  assumed 
a  proper  dignity;  and  it  seems  his  language  produced 
the  desired  effect,  for  when  they  heard  it,  "  the  men 
were  exceedingly  afraid."  So  far  from  being  shocked 
at  his  blasphemy,  they  came  to  regard  him  with  awe, 
and  with  trembling  voices  exclaimed,  "  Why  hast 
thou  done  this1?" 

Understanding  the  power  which  his  hypocritical 
pretensions  had  given  him  over  his  ignorant  associ- 
ates, Jonah  now  grows  bolder,  and  tells  them  plainly 
that  he  is  the  cause  of  their  trouble,  and  that  either  he 
or  they  must  go  to  the  bottom.  We  should  suppose 
this  would  be  enough,  and  that  they  would  hesitate 
no  longer.  He  has  frankly  told  them  that  there  is 
"  an  irrepressible  conflict "  between  his  life  and  theirs ; 
that  they  cannot  both  continue  in  the  same  ship;  and 
has  advised  them  to  take  him  up  and  east  him  into  the 
sea,  assuring  them  that  then,  and  not  till  then,  the  sea 
will  be  calm.  We  are  not  informed  how  much  of 
menace  there  was  in  Jonah's  words.  It  is  not  said 
that  he  agreed  not  to  resist  them,  but  he  presented  the 
issue  in  plain  terms,  and  was  ready  to  meet  it.  And 
yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  those  men  still  stand 
trembling  and  hesitating.  So  infatuated  are  they 
with  Jonah,  that  they  will  not  lay  hands  on  him. 
Perhaps  some  of  the  more  hopeful  ones  imagined  that 
ho  would  jump  overboard  of  his  own  accord.  The 
storm  increases,  the  waves  rush  furiously,  the  spars 
are  flying  in  every  direction,  the  ship  creaks  fright- 
fully at  every  gust,  and  has  already  sprung  a  leak. 
But  there  they  stand,  crying,  "  What  shall  we  do  unto 
or  for  thee?  What  concession  can  we  make?  what 
peace-offering  can  we  bring,  that  the  sea  may  be  calm 
unto  us?"  And  now  they  all  row  hard  again  to  bring 
the  ship  to  land,  and  cry  unto  the  Lord,  saying,  "  We 
beseech  thee,  0  Lord,  we  beseech  thee,  let  us  not 
perish  for  this  ma^£  life."  But  it  was  all  to  no  pur- 
pose ;  they  could  not  do  it.  Perhaps  they  gained  a  few 
knots  here  and  there  as  they  approached  some  port 
or  harbor,  but  the  storm  did  not  pass  away  ;  still  "  the 
sea  wrought  and  was  tempestuous  against  them." 
Stupid  men  !  why  do  they  not  cast  Jonah  into  the  sea, 
as  he  has  challenged  them  to  do?  Perhaps  most  of 
them  have  about  concluded  that  it  ought  to  be  done, 
but  then  there  are  some  of  the  crew  who  are  person- 
ally interested  in  him,  and  threaten  to  lay  down  their 
oars  and  do  nothing  to  resist  the  storm  if  he  is  touched. 
And  then  the  captain  of  the  vessel  is  especially  desi- 
rous to  fulfil  his  contract  to  carry  him  over.    It  may 


be  that  Jonah,  having  some  secret  misgivings  and 
fears  that  all  might  not  be  well  with  him,  made  the 
captain  take  the  oath  of  his  office  that  he  would  do  it. 
And  so  there  they  are  in  an  evil  case;  destruction  is 
nearing  them  every  moment,  and  still  they  cannot  de- 
cide what  policy  to  adopt.  It  is  all  a  mere  matter  of 
policy  with  them.  Doubtless,  personal  interests  and 
pride  have  great  weight.  They  had  undertaken  to 
carry  Jonah,  and  they  were  ashamed  to  have  it  said 
they  could  not  weather  the  storm  with  him  aboard. 
We  do  not  know  but  the  captain  and  some  of  his  crew 
owned  property  in  Nineveh,  and  of  course  they  would 
not  like  to  have  Jonah  go  and  cry  against  it  that  it 
should  be  overthrown.  Such  preaching  would  tend 
to  depreciate  its  value,  if  it  did  not  accomplish  its 
ruin.  Or  they  might  have  had  some  rich  relatives 
living  there,  for  whose  interests  they  were  solicitous. 
It  may  be  that  they  had  planned  to  provide  Jonah 
with  a  rich  parish  and  a  fat  salary  over  in  Tarshish, 
and  so  keep  him  away  from  Nineveh,  and  prevent 
him  from  agitating  against  its  crimes.  AH  these  plans 
wonld  be  upset  if  they  threw  him  into  the  sea.  They 
knew  God's  hand  was  in  their  trouble,  and  they  were 
by  no  means  certain  that  he  would  not  provide  some 
ship  or  whale  to  take  him  in  if  they  let  him  go. 
Those  were  days  of  miracles,  and  such  things  were 
not  so  uncommon  then  as  now.  And  more  than  this, 
since  the  world  began,  human  experience  has  taught 
that  these  agitators  are  the  hardest  men  to  get  rid  of, 
of  any  in  the  world.  They  will  turn  up  somewhere 
and  in  some  way,  even  after  we  have  thrown  them 
into  the  sea..  There  is  no  getting  rid  of  them,  unless 
they  can  be  corrupted — bought  up  for  money. 

Hut  the  time  at  length  came  when  something  must 
be  done  with  Jonah,  and  that  immediately.  The  fur- 
thest extremity  had  been  reached.  Either  he  alone 
or  the  whole  crew,  ship  and  all,  must  go  into  the 
deep.  And  as  the  very  last  resort,  they  "took  him 
up  and  cast  him  forth  into  the  sea."  They  did  not  do 
it  until  they  were  obliged  to,  in  order  to  save  them- 
selves. They  tried  every  conceivable  means  to  res- 
cue him.  Murderer  though  he  was  at  heart,  a  poor, 
wretched,  guilty  refugee  from  the  presence  of  God, 
and  blasted  with  his  curse;  though  he  had  never 
done  them  any  thing  but  evil,  and  they  knew  nothing 
of  him  but  wickedness;  though,  had  it  not  been  for 
him,  they  might  have  had  a  prosperous  voyage  and 
long  since  reached  the  shore,  yet,  so  infatuated  are 
they,  that  they  cling  to  him  to  the  very  last  Only  to 
save  the  ship  itself,  and  after  it  has  been  demonstrated, 
by  wretched  experience,  that  it  can  be  saved  in  no 
other  way,  will  they  give  him  up.  Their  motto  was, 
"  Let  Jonah  perish  rather  than  the  whole  crew,  for,  if 
the  ship  goes  down,  he  of  course  must  go  in  it ;  but  we 
will  save  both  if  we  possibly  can."  But  they  could  not; 
and  so,  after  a  long  time  and  much  danger  and  suffer- 
ing, they  were  compelled  to  do  just  what  they  ought 
to  have  done  at  first.  True,  it  was  no  great  credit  to 
them  thus  to  be  forced  into  a  compliance  with  duty. 
Thus  they  were  guilty  of  an  immense  waste  of  prop- 
erty ;  and  they  might  have  saved  themselves  a  great 
deal  of  suffering  by  doing  as  they  ought.  But  they 
deserved  it  all;  it  was  only  a  reward  of  their  own 
works.  As  soon  as  they  changed  their  course,  they 
had  no  trouble.  We  are  informed  that  when  "they 
took  up  Jonah  and  cast  him  forth  into  the  sea,  the  sea 
ceased  from  her  raging."  Not  one  moment  before,  but 
just  then,  did  it  become  still. 

I  will  not  detain  you,  readers,  to  explain  this  par- 
abolic chapter,  but  leave  you  to  make  your  own  ap- 
plication. I  need  simply  add,  that  here  in  our  own 
time  and  country,  we  have  our  Jonah,  our  Nineveh, 
and  that  our  ship  of  state  is  being  furiously  driven  by 
the  storm.  May  we  learn  wisdom  by  the  experience 
of  the  ancient  mariners  ere  it  is  too  late ! 


ANTT-SLAVEKY  COEVENTIOH"  TOR  BARN- 
STABLE   COUNTY. 

This  body  met,  pursuant  to  notice,  in  Masonic  Hall, 
Hyannis,  on  Saturday,  March  15,  1862,  at  2  o'clock, 
P.  M.  The  meeting  was  called  to  order  and  organized 
by  choosing  officers,  as  follows  : — 

President — Ezekiel  Thacher,  of  Yarmouth. 

Vice  Presidents — Alvan  Howes,  of  Barnstable,  and 
Warren  Hinckley,  of  Hyannis  Port. 

Secretaries — Edwin  Coombs  and  Francis  Hinkly,  of 
Hyannis,  and  Joshua  Eobbins  and  John  W.  Emery, 
of  Harwich. 

Messrs.  Ezekiel  Thacher  and  Francis  Hinkly,  and 
Mrs.  Alice  Thacher,  were,  on  motion,  chosen  a  Fi- 
nancial Committee. 

The  inclemency  of  the  weather  and  the  bad  state 
of  the  roads  were  very  unfavorable  to  a  large  attend- 
ance during  both  days  of  the  meeting,  though  on  Sun- 
day afternoon  and  evening  the  attendance  was  very 
good— far  better  than  could  have  been  reasonably  an- 
ticipated under  the  circumstances.  But  though  the 
audiences  were  thus  rendered  necessarily  slim, — es- 
pecially on  the  first  day,— the  various  speakers  who 
shared  in  the  deliberations  seemed  endowed  with  un- 
usual power.  Their  utterances  were  full  of  inspira- 
tion and  quickening  energy.  Of  course,  any  attempt 
to  report  them  correctly  or  fully,  with  the  poor  fa- 
cilities at  the  command  of  the  acting  Secretary,  would 
be  impossible.  He  must  therefore  content  himself  by 
giving  the  reader  a  very  meagre  and  fragmentary  ac- 
count of  what  was  said,  giving  as  nearly  the  substance 
of  their  remarks  as  possible. 

Parker  Pillsbury,  of  Concord,  N.  H.,  made  the. 
opening  address.  He  dilated  upon  the  wealth  and 
greatness  \>f  the  country,  and  its  large  professions  of 
freedom  and  equality;  yet  its  greatness  was  a  sham 
and  a  delusion,  and  its  democracy  a  lie.  Europe 
thinks  we  arc  a  Republic,  but  we  are  not.-  She 
points  her  liberals  to  us  now  in  the  hour  of  our 
abasement,  and  says,  "Behold  the  fruits  of  democrat- 
ic government! " 

The  right  of  a  State  to  separate  itself  from  the 
Government,  under  just  limitations,  he  held  to  be 
positive  and  absolute.  But  the  manner  of  doing  so 
must  be  proper.  Nay,  he  had  even  said  at  the  first, 
"  Let  the  South  go  ! "  He  could  not  say  so  now ;  nei- 
ther had  he  any  sympathy  with  the  proposition  to 
buy  off  the  slaveholders. 

Ho  spoke  with  his  usual  earnestness  and  at  consid- 
erable length,  and  was  followed  in  some  well-timed 
and  appropriate  remarks  by  Rev.  Daniel  Whittemore, 
a  veteran  of  ninety-one  years,  well  known  upon  old 
Cape  Cod  in  "days  lang  syne,"  and  by  Loring  F. 
Moody.  The  last-named  gentleman  took  a  very  hope- 
ful view  of  the  present  state  of  things  in  this  country; 
felt  that  good  must  come  out  of  the  conflict,  and  was 
not  at  all  inclined  to  fret  at  the  course  of  events.  We 
were  mere  passive  instruments  in  the  hand  of  God. 
"  Whatever  is,  is  right,"  etc.  At  the  close  of  his  re- 
marks, the  Convention  adjourned  to  7£  o'clock, 

Convention  met  in  the  evening  pursuant  to  adjourn- 
ment— Ezekiel  Thacher  in  the  chair. 

Parker  Pillsbury  took  the  floor.  He  animadverted 
at  some  length  upon  Mr.  Moody's  position  that  we 
were  "  mere  passive  instruments,"  etc.  He  believed 
that,  in  a  certain  sense,  he  had  as  much  to  do  with  the 
affairs  of  this  world  as  God  has.  Theoretically,  there 
might  be  a  view  in  which  the  doctrine  was  true;  but 
for  all  practical  purposes  it  was  false  and  mischiev- 
ous, and  fostered  a  spirit  of  indifference  and  indolence 
fatal  to  all  reform,  which  tended  to  weaken  the  sense 
of  moral  responsibility.  We  must  quicken  and  keep 
alive  the  conscience.  There  is  little  danger  at  this 
time  that  the  cause  of  liberty  and  human  progress 
will  sustain  injury  by  an  extreme  tendency  in  the 
minds  of  men  to  view  only  tho  dark  side  of  things. 
The  danger  all  came  from  a  public  inclination  direct- 
ly the  opposite  of  this.  "  Eternal  vigilance  is  the 
price  of  liberty." 

What  boots  it  that  men  bo  made  nominally  free  by 
thiB  war,  if  at  its  close  there  is  to  be  returned  hack 
upon  the  country  the  wreck  of  a  profligate  and  de- 
moralized army  1 — if  "  none  calleth  for  justice  "  ? — if 
the  nation  is  to  be  carried  down  with  the  lava  current 
of  moral  ruin  which  war  is  likely  to  entail  upon  the 
country  1  We  cannot  east  out  the  devil  of  Slavery  by 
the  devil;  we  must  cast  it  out  by  Jesus.  Waiting 
for  a  "military  necessity"  will  not  do  it.     See  how 


guilty  the  North  has  been!— even  more  guilty  than 
the  South !— and  can  it  now  hope  for  salvation  by 
abolishing  slavery  under  the  war  power  t  And  is 
not  this  the  utmost  virtue  that  it  proposes  to  practice  1 
Not  because  slavery  is  a  crime,  and  ought  to  bo  abol- 
ished ;  but  because  we  shall  bo  ruined  if  we  don't. 

War  teaches  terrible  instructions.  In  it,  soldiers 
are  constantly  taught  by  example  to  override  and 
trample  upon  law,  liberty  and  humanity.  What  to 
them  is  the  inviolability  of  property  ?— what  to  them 
the  sacredncss  of  human  life  ? 

The  nation  has  reached  a  fearful  crisis  of  its  dis- 
ease ;  and  if  physician  or  nurse  abate  one  iota  of  their 
vigilance,  it  must  go  by  the  board.  The  general 
ligacy  of  this  nation— it  must  and  it  will  he  pun- 
ished. It  is  only  through  compliance  with  the  laws  of 
Humanity  and  Justice  that  salvation  can  come.  Mr. 
Phillips  sometimes  delivers  a  lecture  upon  the  "  Lost 
Arts";  Mr.  Pillsbury  wondered  if  he  included  Re- 
pentance I 

E.  II.  Hey  wood,  of  Boston,  who  arrived  by  the  eve- 
ning train,  was  here  announced,  and  invited  to  ad- 
dress the  meeting.  He  was,  he  said,  inclined,  on  the 
hole,  to  take  a  hopeful  view  of  our  national  affairs. 
.  marvellous  change  has  taken  place  all  over  the 
North,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  since  the  Ab- 
olitionists of  Boston  were  beset  by  a  mob  at  Tremont 
Temple  a  year  ago. 

The  Abolitionists  are  sometimes  charged  with  hav- 
ing begun  the  war.  When  a  father  takes  his  refrac- 
tory and  disobedient  son  across  his  knee,  suppose 
that  son  should  say,  "Look  here,  father, — who  be- 
gan this  'ere  war?"  The  Government  began  this 
war,  by  planting  the  seeds  of  it  in  the  Constitution. 
Mr.  Heywood's  remarks  were  of  exceeding  inter- 
est, but  unfortunately,  the  Secretary's  notes  of  them 
were  not  as  full  as  those  which  were  preserved  of  his 
speeches  of  the  succeeding  day. 

Mr.  Moody  followed.  He  referred  to  some  of  the 
prophecies  of  Democrats  and  Abolitionists,  and  read 
an  extract  from  a  Democratic  journal,  in  which  the 
editor  uttered  the  prediction  that  the  Government 
would  not  be  sustained  by  the  North  in  putting  down 
the  rebellion.  He  read  also  a  beautiful  prophetic 
poem  by  Whittier,  as  an  offset  to  the  treasonable  lan- 
guage contained  in  the  paragraph  first  read.  He  also 
illustrated  the  blindness  and  fanaticism  of  those  who 
charged  the  responsibility  of  the  war  upon  the  Aboli 
tionists  by  supposing  that  in  a  certain  city  an  alarm  of 
fire  is  sounded ;  the  firemen  awake,  and  rubbii 
their  eyes,  get  up  and  run  impetuously  to  the  rescue 
with  their  engines,  cursing  at  every  step  those  who 
gave  the  alarm,  and  telling  them  if  they  had  not 
raised  such  a  pother,  there  would  have  been  no  fire ! 
When  Mr.  Moody  had  concluded,  the  meeting  ad- 
journed to  Sunday  morning,  at  10£  o'clock. 

Convention  met  on  Sunday  morning,  as  per  ad- 
journment— Alvan  Howes  in  the  chair. 

Mr.  Hey  wood  led  off  in  a  speech  of  much  force  and 
eloquence.  The  highest  office,  he  said,  is  not  to  be 
President,  but  to  be  right.  Dr.  South-side  Adams 
doesn't  like  thick  lips  and  a  woolly  head;  but  he 
worships  in  the  creed  of  St.  Augustine — a  woolly- 
headed  theology !  Majorities,  he  said,  determined 
nothing.  God  still  wields  the  thunderbolts  of  Justice, 
though  Satan  secedes,  with  all  hell  at  his  command. 

Lying  was  one  of  the  "fine  arts"  of  war.  Men 
call  it  strategy.  The  world  had  not  advanced  very  far, 
yet  it  had  advanced.  Massachusetts  had  not  even  cul 
her  eye-teeth  yet  upon  the  question  of  human  rights. 
Jesus  marched  to  Calvary  with  his  cross.  By  the 
example  of  his  professed  disciples  in  these  days,  he 
should  have  marched  to  Jerusalem  at  the  head  of  an 
army  as  Major-General  Jesus !  He  should  have  en- 
listed a  body  of  Zouaves  in  Palestine,  and  marched 
against  Herod  and  Pilate  ! 

In  his  view,  Mr.  Heywood  said,  the  President's 
cent  message  had  signs  of  hope  in  it.  There  were 
other  hopeful  signs  also.  Edward  Everett,  Caleb 
Cushing,  and  the  New  York  Herald  had  risen  for 
prayers  1  This  is  not  anarchy  which  we  see.  These 
clouds  show  a  silver  lining.  It  is  the  pouring  out  of 
the  sixth  vial  of  the  Apocalypse,  to  be  succeeded  by 
the  glorious  Millennium. 

Mr.  Pillsbury  followed  Mr.  Heywood,  criticising  se- 
verely the  course  of  the  Republican  party,  declaring 
that  their  platform  had  sunk  so  low  that  Stephen  Ar- 
nold Douglas,  were  he  living,  would  have  to  go  down 
a  whole  flight  of  stairs  to  ge.t  to  it.  The- first  use  the 
Republicans  made  of  their  power  was  the  offer  of 
guaranty  to  the  slave  States  that  slavery  should  not 
be  disturbed. 

We  need  for  these  times,  he  said,  words  of  fearful 
warning.  It  is  no  time  to  speak  comfort  to  the  people 
to-day.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  that  Jezebel  wife  of 
his  know  all  the  plans  and  purposes  of  the  South,  and 
do  not  try  to  defeat  them.  Jeff.  Davis  and  his  pi- 
rates know  also  the  plans  and  purposes  of  the  North, 
and  they  fear  Lincoln  and  his  whole  army  less  than 
they  did  John  Brown  with  his  handful  of  twenty  men. 

Convention  adjourned  to  2  o'clock,  P.  M. 

On  calling  the  Convention  to  order  in  the  afternoon, 
Edwin  Coombs  presented  the  two  following  resolu- 
tions : — 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  utterly  repudiates 
the  doctrine,  very  commonly  assented  to,  that  "  obedi- 
ence to  wicked  laws  is  the  duty  of  the  citizen  so  long 
as  such  laws  remain  on  the  statute-book";  and  that 
we  here  renew  our  solemn  protest  against  the  shame- 
less1 and  atheistical  assumption  that  any  prince,  poten- 
tate or  power  whatsoever  can  by  any  decree  or  law 
justly  deprive  a  citizen  or  subject  of  his  rights,  01 
absolve  him  from  the  moral  obligations  imposed  upon 
him  by  God's  higher  law. 

Resolved,  That  the  day  has  now  arrived,  and  the 
opportunity  is  presented,  for  a  more  humane  and  phi- 
lanthropic legislation  ;  and  that  it  becomes  the  imper- 
ative duty  of  Government  to  "  proclaim  liberty  to  the 
captive,"  and  "  let  the  oppressed  go  free  "  ;  and  while 
doing  this,  there  is  imposed  upon  it  the  equal  duty  of 
providing,  with  a  liberal  and  benevolent  hand,  for  the 
exigencies  likely  to  arise  from  the  adoption  of  such  a 
policy. 

On  motion,  they  were  receivad  for  discussion;  after 
which,  Parker  Pillsbury  presented  the  following  reso- 
lutions, which  were  also  received  for  discussion  : — 

Resolved,  That  in  the  main  issues  presented  in  the 
present  conflict,  the  North  may  be  wholly  right  and 
the  South  wholly  wrong;  but  this  only  convicts  the 
North  of  being  just  as  vile  and  guilty  as  the  South,  on 
the  great  cause  of  the  war,  which  all  sensible  and 
honest  men  admit  to  be  Slavery.  For  whereas  the 
South  wages  the  war  on  the  plea  that  tho  North  has 
Interfered  and  proposes  still  further  to  interfere  with 
her  constitutional  right  to -hold  slaves,  the  Federal 
Government  has  to  this  hour  disclaimed  all  intention, 
wish  or  right  to  interfere  with  the  slave  property  or 
prerogative  of  any  loyal  citizen  of  the  Government, 
in  any,  even  of  the  revolted  and  most  rebellious  of 
the  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  position  and  purpose  of  the 
Government  remain  essentially  unchanged,  and  the 
President  so  avows  in  his  recent  message  to  Con- 
gress. The  Union  with  slaveholders,  therefore,  is 
still  unbroken— the  constitutional  covenant  with  death 
is  not  yet  annulled — the  confederate  agreement  with 
hell  still  stands;  and  though,  under  the  war  power, 
every  slave  might  be  immediately  set  free,  not  even 
the  National  Capital  is  yet  cleansed  of  the  abomi- 
nation of  cither  slavcholding  or  slave-hunting;  and 
in  the  army  and  navy,  such  commanders  as  Commo- 
dore Goldshorough  and  General  Burnside  are  com- 
plimenting North  Carolina  mcn.stcalcrs  on  their 
Christianity!  and  assuring  them  that  in  tho  North, 
"the  sacred  obligations  of  the  Christian  character"  nre 
pledged  "  in  no  manner  or  way  to  Interfere  with 
their  laws,  constitutionally  established,  their  Inatttu- 
tions  of  any  kind  whatever,  their  property  of  any 
sort,  or  their  usages  in  any  respect,"  unless  forced  to 
do  so  by  some  necessity  which  seems  notyet  to  exist. 

Resolved,  That  wo  must,  therefore,  as  Abolition- 
ists, faithful  and  true,  continue  to  Inscribe  on  our 
banner  "No  Union  with  Slaveholders,  under  Kepub- 


llcan  or  Democratic  administrations ;  in  peace  or 
war,  in  North  or  South  ;  and  though  joyful  at  every 
manifestation  of  improved  public  sentiment  in  favor 
of  Liberty  and  Justice,  and  against  the  crimes  and 
cruellies  of  the  Southern  oppressors,  our  demand 
still  is,  that  every  slave  he  immediately  emancipated, 
not  as  a  "  military  necessity,"  but  "in  the  name  of  hu- 
anity,  and  according  to  the  laws  of  the  living  God." 
Resolved,  That  the  popular  religion  of  the  North, 
as  garnered  up  in  Presbyterian  ism,  Methodism,  Con- 
gregatiouiilism,  Episcopacy,  and  the  powerful  denom- 
ination of  Baptists,  that  has  for  thirty  years  resisted 
the  demands  of  the  Anti-Slavery  enterprise,  and 
maintained  almost  unbroken  ministerial  and  sacra- 
ental  fellowship  with  the  slave-breeding  and  slave- 
holding  churches  of  the  South,  but  is  now  engaged 
in  butchering  in  battle  the  very  brethren  with  whom 
but  a  little  while  ago  it  ate  and  drank  the  communion 
bread  and  wine,  is  now  too  clearly  seen  to  be  a  com- 
pound of  worldly  conformity,  hypocritical  pretence, 
and  unblushing  wiekedness  and  disregard  of  the  claims 
of  humanity,  to  be  longer  mistaken  by  any  except 
such  as  are  given  up  to  strong  delusion  to  believe  in 
lies,  that  they  may  suffer  the  fatal  consequences. 

Mr.  Moody  here  obtained  the  floor,  and  read  an 
extract  from  a  journal  in  his  possession  in  regard  to 
John  Brown;  after  which,  he  presented  his  views 
upon  the  two  conflicting  ideas,  Slavery  and  Freedom, 
in  which  he  endeavored  toshow  that  good  must  come 
out  of  it;  that  it  exhibited  only  a  crisis  of  the  na- 
tion's disease,  etc. 

At  the  close  of  Mr.  Moody's  speech,  Mr.  Tillshury 
occupied  a  few  moments  in  discussing  the  duties, 
responsibilities  and  office  of  the  Abolitionists,— their 
progress,  &e.  From  the  first,  they  had  encountered 
opposition  from  the  Church,  which  had  never  ceased 
to  malign  and  persecute  them.  It  was  a  long  time 
before  the  Church  could  be  got  to  say  that  slavery 
was  even  an  evil;  another  long  pause,  and  the  Aboli- 
tionists drove  them  to  admit  that  it  was  a  sin.  It 
came  hard,  like  pulling  teeth,  but  it  came  at  last. 
This  admission  caused  them  a  split  in  the  Methodist 
denomination.  But  we  are  not  to  think,  because  the 
Church  begins  at  last  to  come  to  its  senses,  that  the 
millennium  has  come.-  O,  no!  there  is  work  to  be 
done  in  her  by  Abolitionists  for  this  many  a  day  ;  and 
they  must  still  drink  the  sacrament  of  suffering,  as  the 
soldier  must  drink  his. 

The  remainder  of  the  afternoon  session  was  occu- 
pied in  a  short  address  by  Mr.  Coombs,  of  which  the 
Secretary  has  preserved  no  notes. 
On  motion,  adjourned  to  7£  o'clock,  evening. 

Evening  Session.  Mr.  Heywood  led  in  the  de- 
liberations of  the  evening.  He  took  occasion  to  ob- 
ject to  that  clause  of  Mr.  Pillsbury's  second  resolu- 
tion in  which  it  was  asserted  that  "  the  position  and 
purpose  of  the  Federal  Government  remain  un- 
changed." The  President,  in  his  late  message,  had 
certainly  taken  a  step  forward.  He  had  proposed  the 
adoption  by  Congress  of  a  resolution  "  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  cooperate  with  any  State  which  may 
adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery," — a  measure 
which  he  would  not  have  recommended  six  months 
ago.  And  he-  furthermore  says,  in  his  message,  that 
"such  means  as  may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  ob- 
viously promise  great  efficiency  toward  ending  the 
struggle,  must  and  will  come."  Mr.  Heywood  submit- 
ted whether  this  was  not  a  very  distinct  intimation 
that  if  the  border  slave  States  did  not  see  fit  to  adopt 
emancipation,  with  such  encouragement  from  the 
Federal  Government,  such  emancipation  would  then 
be  accomplished  under  the  war  power.  He  (Mr. 
H.)  would  not  be  unreasonably  captious.  Does  a 
mother  box  the  ears  of  her  child  because,  in  its  first 
attempts  to  walk,  it  is  clumsy  1  Does  she  not  rather 
rejoice  at,  and  encourage,  its  earliest  efforts  1 

Mr.  Heywood  commented  upon  the  President's 
recommendation  to  colonize  the  slaves.  It  would 
keep  eight  Great  Easterns  constantly  employed,  ply- 
ing each  once  a  month,  to  transport  even  the  annual 
increase.  Colonize  the  slaves! — why,  they  are  apart 
of  the. continent!  You  might  as  well  talk  of  colo- 
nizing the  hands  and  leaving  the  arms — of  colonizing 
the  stomach  and  leaving  the  mouth.  There  were 
five  thousand  blacks  in  Kansas,  not  one  of  whom  had 
become  a  public  charge.  The  "contrabands  "  at  For- 
tress Monroe  are  more  than  self-sustaining.  The 
bracks  in  the  West  Indies  export  annually  S27  per 
man ;  the  whites  here  in  the  North  export  but  §13  per 
man.  Yet  the  New  York  Herald,  says  the  blacks  in 
the  West  Indies  do  nothing  but  lie  upon  their  backs, 
and  look  up  into  the  blue  sky  !  Proof  this,  is  it  not, 
that  they  arc  smarter,  lying  upon  their  backs,  than  the 
"universal  Yankee  nation"-? 

The  sacrifices  of  the  war  he  next  referred  to.  The 
expenses  of  the  war,  should  it  be  ended  by  early  sum- 
mer, would  not  be  less  than  §700,000,000,  while  it 
would  be  a  fair  estimate  to  place  the  sacrifice  of  hu- 
man life  at  three  hundred  thousand  souls.  And  yet 
this  was  as  nothing  compared  with  the  demoralization 
of  a  vast  army  of  volunteers  soon  to  be  turned  back 
upon  the  country. 

You  talk  about  reconciling  North  and  South  upon 
some  basis  short  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  You 
might  as  well  attempt  to  reconcile  Paradise  and  Per- 
dition. It  is  the  negro  who  marshals  your  soldiers. 
Whoever  would  purchase  peace  by  restoring  the  old 
Union,  with  slavery  in  it,  is  a  traitor.  You  think  to 
restore  peace  by  putting  down  anti-slavery ; — you 
cannot  do  it.  Put  down  anti-slavery  !  You  might  as 
well  get  up  a  mob  of  owls  and  bats  to  put  out  the 
sun  ! 

Mr.  Pillsbury,  after  offering  some  remarks  upon  the 
finances  of  the  Convention,  paid  a  compliment  to  Sen- 
ator Wilson  for  his  faithful  labors  thus  far  to  cleanse 
the  sanctuary  of  the  nation  of  its  slave  pens.  He  then 
proceeded  to  say  that  it  was  not  the  cry  of  peace  that 
alarmed  him;  but  it  was  the  acceptance  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  terms  even  more  dangerous,  under  the 
name  of  peace,  under  the  plea  of  restoring  the  old 
Union.  Therefore  it  was  that  he  said  amen  when  his 
friend  Heywood  declared  that  whoever  would  restore 
the  old  Union,  with  slavery  in  it,  was  a  traitor.  The 
President  had  said,  substantially,  in  his  late  message  : 
"If  you  rebels  will  lay  down  your  arms  and  come 
back  into  the  Union,  the  war  will  be  ended  ;  and  fur- 
thermore, if  you  will  emancipate  your  slaves  gradu- 
ally, we  will  pay  you  for  it."  That  is  the  utmost  that 
he  dares  to  propose,  under  the  Constitution.  He  is 
very  careful  to  say,  that  "such  a  proposiiion  on  the 
part  of  the  Federal  Government  sets  up  no  claim  of  a 
right  to  interfere  with  slavery  within  State  limits;  " 
and,  a  little  further  on,  he  declares  that  "a  practical 
acknowledgment  of  the  national  authority  ivould  render  the 
roar  unnecessary,  end  the  wear  would  at  once  cease." 
Here,  then,  we  have  a  distinct  avowal,  from  his  own 
lips,  that  Abraham  Lincoln  "would  restore  the  old 
Union  with  slavery."  Can  any  thing,  then,  bo  said 
of  him  less  than  that  he  is  a  traitor,  by  even  Mr.  Hey- 
wood's  admission  ? 

The  New  York  Tribune  says  that  the  Republicans 
made  haste  to  do  all  that  they  could  do,  under  the 
Constitution,  for  slavery.  Theyliad  even  offered  to 
introduce  an  article  into  the  Constitution  guaranteeing 
the  return  of  fugitive  slaves;  and  President  Lincoln 
would  this  day  kill  his  fattest  calf  to  feast  the  traitor- 
ous South,  if  she  would  return  to  her  altegiance. 
Mr.  Pillsbury  here  pronounced  a  scathing  rebuke 
against  President  Lincoln  and  his  wife  for  their 
most  shameful  and  unwarrantable  lack  of  sympathy 
with  thi>  nation  in  its  distress,  as  evidenced  by  Mrs. 
Lincoln's  late  grand  party  at  Washington,  the  gor- 
geous splendor  of  which  so  completely  monopolized 
the  pens  of  Washington  correspondents  at  the  time. 
President  Lincoln  and  his  wile  feasting  with  traitors 
and  conspirators  while  the  nation  was  in  mourning! 
So  we  read  it  in  history,  that  "Nero  fiddled  while 
Koine  was  burning!"  The  whole  nation  must  go 
into  mourning  at  the  funeral  of  Mrs.  Lincoln's  son, 
and  the  arrangements  for  the  celebration  of  Washing- 
ton's birthday  must  be  suspended  to  pay  a  tribute  of 
respect  to  her  grief;  but  never  does  the  shadow  of 
her  presence  bless  the  lowly  couch  of  the  dying  sol- 
dier, whose  life  must  paj  for  her  ease  1 

Mr.  Heywood  objected  to  Mr.  Pillsbury's  general 


nterpretation  of  the  President's  message.  His  {ilpy- 
wood's)  view  of  the  document  was  the  one  entertained 
by  Congress.  Mr.  Hickman  so  understood  it,  and 
pronounced  Mr.  Lincoln's  proposition  "  a  fearful  warn- 
ng  to  the  South."  The  President  says,  virtually,  to 
the  South — "  Take  what  you  can  get  now,  or  by-and- 
by  we  will  refuse  oven  that." 

Some  further  remarks  were  offered  by  Mr.  Pillsbu- 
ry, upon  the  general  tenor  of  the  message,  in  reply  to 
Mr.  Heywood,  when  the  resolutions  of  the  former 
were,  on  motion,  adopted.  Mr.  Coombs's  resolutions 
were  also  taken  up,  read  and  adopted. 

On  motion,  it  was  ordered  that  the  Secretary  trans- 
mit a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Convention  to 
the  publishers  of  the  Boston  Liberator,  National  Anti- 
Slavery  Standard,  Cape  Cod  Republican,  and  Cape  Cod 
Advocate,  with  the  request  to  publish  the  same. 
n  motion,  adjourned  sine  die. 

EDWIN    COOMBS,  Secretary. 


DEATH  OP  A  NOBLE  WOMAN, 

Some  of  the  readers  of  the  Inquirer  may  remem- 
ber an  item  which  appeared  in  your  columns,  extract- 
ed from  the  Boston  Traveller,  in  whieh  your  correspon- 
dent ^avesome  account  of  little  "Daisy,"  achild  whose 
father  was  formerly  a  slave,  and  both  whose  parents 
had  African  blood  in  their  veins,  though  they,  as  well 
as  their  child,  were  so  nearly  white  as  with  difficulty  to 
be  distinguished  from  their  Anglo-Saxon  neighbors. 
Mrs.  Peak,  the  mother  of  little"  Daisy,  was  exceed- 
ingly well  educated,  having  been  sent  to  Northern 
schools  for  that  purpose.  She  might  readily  have 
separated  herself  from  her  despised  race,  "denied 
her  allegiance  to  it  in  lineage,  and  thus  escaped  con- 
tumely. She  would  not  do  this,  but  refused,  like 
Moses  of  old,  to  be  considered  as  one  of  her  people's 
oppressors,  "  choosing  rather  to  suffer  affliction  with  " 
them,  than  to  enjoy  such  sinful  pleasure  as  forsaking 
them  might  afford.  She  devoted  her  time  to  their 
instruction.  She  married  a  slave,  but  together  they 
bought  his  freedom.  He  became  independent  in. 
means  (the  slaves  cannot  take  care  oi  themselves, 
you  know!),  owned  two  houses- in  Hampton,  Va., 
and  one  or  two  thousand  dollars.  She  constantly 
taught  the  colored  people  as  far  as  possible,  keeping 
a  private  school  in  her  own  house — very  private  the 
laws  of  Virginia  and  their  penalties  required  it  to  be 
— and  through  her  instrumentality,  many  an  else  ig- 
norant slave  was  taught  to  read  and  write,  several 
of  whom  were,  at  last,  useful  as  preachers  of  the  Gos- 
pel to  their  people.  When  Hampton  was  burned 
by  the  rebels,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peak  lost  their  all  in 
the  flames.  But  she  still  continued  her  vocation  as 
teacher,  and  opened  a  free  school  for  the  contrabands 
in  the  little  reel  cottage  where  they  found  a  resting- 
place.  Teaching  in  a  cold  room — the  best  her  means 
could  afford — some  consumptive  tendencies  were  de- 
veloped, and  she  soon  was  laid  on  the  bed  of  sickness. 
But  she  continued  her  usefulness  and  gathered  the 
children  about  her  bed,  and  taught  them  as  well  as 
her  feeble  health  allowed.  On  Saturday  I  saw  and 
prayed  with  her  at  her  request.  It  was  a  pleasant 
day,  teat  last  earthly  day  of  hers,  and  particularly 
pleasant  in  her  sick-room.  She  asked  her  friend's 
to  sing  two  hymns  which  are  in  our  book  of"  Army 
Melodies,"  and  which  she  loved  especially.  One  is 
entitled,  "  Homeward  Bound,"  and  its  last  verse  is 
as  follows : 

"  Into  the  harbor  of  heaven  now  we  glide  ; 

We're  home  at  last,  home  at  last. 
Softly  wc  drift  on  the  bright  silver  tide  ; 

We're  home  at  last,  home  at  last. 
Glory  to  Hod  I  all  our  clangers  are  o'er, 
AVe  stand  secure  on  the  glorified  shore  ; 
Praise  be  to  God  !  we  will  shout  evermore. 

We're  home  at  last,  home  at  last." 

The  other  hymn  seemed  significant  of  the  "rest"  to 
be  enjoyed  in  that  glorified  "  home,"  which  thought 
to  one  whose  life  had  been  so  full  of  trial  as  had 
Mrs.  Peak's,  it  is  not  wonderful  should  be  a  sweet 
aud  comforting  one.  It  speaks  of  rest  in  the  final 
home,  even  to  those  who  had  been  slaves,  as  had 
been  her  husband  and  most  of  her  associates — yes, 
even  for  the  despised  people  of  color  to  whom  she 
was  allied  by  some  slender  tie  of  blood,  which,  slen- 
der as  it  was,  she  was  neither  ashamed  of  nor  would 
deny,  but  felt  the  obligation  it  imposed  to  labor  for 
her  oppressed  and  scorned  race.  Yet,  doubtless, 
she  often  found  comfort  from  the  sentiment  which 
these  lines  contained,  and  which  were  favorites  with 
her  in  her  last  sickness : 

"  In  the  Christian  home  in  glory, 
There  remains  a  land  of  rest ; 

There  my  Savior's  gone  before  me, 
To  fulfil  my  soul's  request. 

On  the  other  side  of  Jordan, 

In  the  sweet  fields  of  Eden, 

Where  the  tree  of  life  is  blooming, 

There  is  rest  for  the  weary, 

There  is  rest  for  the  weary, 
There  is  rest  for  you." 

Just  at  midnight,  on  all  the  ships  in  Hampton 
Koads,  and  which  are  so  near  us  that  the  cry  on 
shipboard  is  distinctly  heard  on  shore,  the  watchman 
cried  aloud,  as  usual, "  Twelve  o'clock,  and  all's  well." 
The  sound  penetrated  the  sick  chamber,  and  the 
dying  invalid,  apparently,  heard  it.  She  smiled 
sweetly,  arid  then  breathed  her  last  sigh,  and  en- 
tered upon  that  "rest  for  the  weary,"  exchanging 
midnight's  earthly  gloom  for  the  radiant  noou  of 
heaven. 
Fortress  Monroe.  [Rev.  A.  B.  Fuller.] 

[j^"  For  another  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Mrs.  Peak, 
see  our  poetical  department.] 


IMPROVEMENT  IN 
Champooing   and  Hair  Dyeing, 

"  WITHOUT     SMUTTING." 
MADAME    CARTEAUX  BANNISTER 

XlTOULD  inform  the  public  that  she  has  removed  from 
y\      223  Washington  Street,  to 

Wo.    31  "WINTER    STBEET, 
where  she  will  attend  to  all  diseases  of  the  Hair. 

She  is  suro  to  cure  in  nine  eases  out  of  ten,  as  she  has 
for  Many  years  made  the  hair  her  study,  and  is  sure  there 
are  none  to  excel  her  in  producing  a  new  growth  of  hair. 

Her  Restorative  differs  from  that  of  any  one  else,  being 
made  from  the  roots  and  herbs  of  the  forest. 

She  Charapoos  with  a  bark  which  docs  not  grow  in  this 
country,  and  which  is  highly  beneficial  to  the  hair  before 
using  the  Kcstorative,  and  will  prevent  the  hair  from 
turning  grey. 

She  also  has  another  for  restoring  grey  hair  to  its  natu- 
ral color  in  nearly  all  cases.  She  is  not  afraid  to  speak  of 
her  Restoratives  in  any  part  of  the  world,  as  they  are  used 
in  every  city  in  the  country.  They  are  also  packed  for  her 
customers  to  take  to  Europe  with  them,  enough  to  last  two 
or  three  years,  as  they  often  say  they  can  get  nothing 
abroad  like  them. 

MADAME    CAETEAUX  BANNISTER, 
No.  31  "Winter  Street,  Boston. 


THE    PVLPIT    AND     ROSTRUM, 
No.  28. 

THE  WAR:  A  SLAVS  UNION  OR  A  FREE  * 
The  Speech  of  Hon.  Martin  F.  Conway,  deliv- 
ered in  the  House  of  liepresentntives,  and  revised  by 
the  author,  is  published  in  the  Pulpit  and  Kostrum, 
No.  28. 

Three  different  men — Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  of 
Massachusetts,  Garrett  I>ayis,  of  Kentucky,  Al- 
exander H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia.— are  represented 
in  the  Pulpit  ami  Rostrum,  Nos.  »3  and  27,  (double 
number,  two  in  one,  price  20  cents,)  as  follows  : — 

77n'  Abolitionists,  and  their  Relations  to  the  War  : 
A  Lecture  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  delivered  at 
the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  January  14.  1SC>2. 

The  Wat  not  for  Confiscation  or  Emancipation;  A 
Speech  bv  Hon.  Garrett  Davis,  delivered  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  January  23,  ISt'.'J. 

African  .Slavery,  the  Corner-Stone  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy i  A  Speech  by  Hon.  Alexander  II.  Ste- 
phens, Vice  President  of  the  Confederacy,  in  which 
the  speaker  holds  thnt  "African  slavery,  as  it  exists 
among  us,  is  the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form 
of  civilization ;  "  and  "our  new  Government  (the 
Southern  Confederacy]  is  the  first  in  the  history  of 
the  world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophi- 
cal and  moral  truth." 

Th<  Pulpit  and  Rostrum,  No.  35,  contains  the  cele- 
brated address  of  Wkndei.i.  Phillips,  in  siippon  of 
The  Wurfur  the  Union.  It  is  delivered  in  the  finished 
and  unequalled  style  of  Mr.  Phillips,  and  has  called 
forth  many  commendatory  notion. 

The  Pulpit  and  Host  mm  gives  full  Phonographic 
Report*  (revised  by  the  authors)  ot  tin'  Speeches  and 

Discourses  Of  our  most  eminent  public  speakers.  It 
thus  eonslittites  a  series  most  valuable  for  perusal  or 
tvferenee. 

Price,  10  cents  a  number,  or  I]  a  year  ( for  12  num- 
bers.) K.    IV    BARKER,    1'iini-inu, 

IBS  i frond  St.,  n i hi  Yerk. 

March  27. 


THE    LIBERATOR 

—  18   PUBLISHED  — 

EVERY  FRIDAY  MORJTIHO, 

—  AT  — 

221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    BOOM   No.  6. 


ROBERT  P.  WALLCUT,  Gekkral  Aqknt. 


f^T  TERMS  —  Tito  dollars  and  fifty  coiata  per  annum, 
in  wjvanoo. 

jt^~  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  ono  address  for  tex  dol- 
Lahs,  if  payment  is  made  in  advance. 

55?"  All  remittances  arc  to  be  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  aro  to  Lb 
directed  (tost  paiii)  to  tho  General  Agent. 

J^T  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rale  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

03?"  Tho  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  aro 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  Tim  Liberator. 

(5?*  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute-  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  aro  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
piper,  viz  : —  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincv,  Ed- 
kvsd  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Uabrison,  Jit. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereo£" 

.  "  Hay  thin  down  as  the  law  of  nation*.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal Institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  HK.ST ; 
and  that,  under  that  ata-to  of  things,  80  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tho  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho  Pkebjdest  or 
tctb  I/ntt-ed  States,  biH  the  CostvAHma  of  the  Ahwy, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES.  .*.  .  .  From  tho  instant 
that  tho  slavoholding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servila,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
elavery,  in  every  wat  in  which  it  can  be  intkiifered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
n  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  bas  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  tub 
place  op  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  tho  invaded  territory. "~J.  Q.  Adams, 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


(Dm*  (ffouttfra  is  ito  WmH,  w  CSauwtrymctt  im  »tt  Urtnufcintf. 


J.  B.  YERRINTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXLI.    NO.    16. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     APEIL    18,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1634. 


RANSOM  OF  SLAVES  AT  THE  NATIONAL 
CAPITAL. 

A  Speech  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

Delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate  on  Monday, 
March  31,  1862. 

bV   CHARLES  SUMNER  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Mr.  President,  with  unspeakable  delight  I  hail 
this  measure,  and  the  prospect  of  its  speedy  adoption. 
It  is  the  first  installment  of  that  great  debt  which 
we  all  owe  to  an  enslaved  race,  and  will  be  recog- 
nized in  history  as  one  of  the  victories  of  humanity 
At  home,  throughout  our  own  country,  it  will  be 
welcomed  with  gratitude  :  while  abroad  it  will  quick- 
en the  hopes  of  all  who  love  freedom.  Liberal 
stitutions  will  gain  everywhere  by  the  abolition  of 
slavery  at  the  national  capital.  Nobody  can  read 
that  slaves  were  once  sold  in  the  markets  of  Rome, 
beneath  the.  eyes  of  the  sovereign  Pontiff,  without 
confessing  the  scandal  to  religion,  even  in  a  barbar- 
ous age ;  and  nobody  can  hear  that  slaves  are  now 
sold  in  the.  markets  of  Washington,  beneath  the 
eyes  of  the  President,  without  confessing  the  scandal 
to  liberal  institutions.  For  the  sake  of  our  good 
name,  if  not  for  the  sake  of  justice,  let  the  scandal 
disappear. 

In  early  discussions  of  this  question,  there  were 
many  topics  introduced  which  now  command  little 
attention.  It  was  part  of  the  tactics  of  slavery  to 
claim  absolute  immunity.  Indeed,  without  such  im- 
munity it  had  small  chance  of  continued  existence. 
Such  a  wrong,  so  utterly  outrageous,  could  find  safe- 
ty only  where  it  was  protected  from  inquiry.  There- 
fore, slave  masters  always  insisted  that  petitions 
against  its  existence  at  the  national  capital  were  not 
to  be  received  ;  that  it  was  unconstitutional  to  touch 
it  even  here  within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
gress; and  that  if  it  were  touched,  it  should  be  only 
under  the  auspices  of  the  neighboring  States  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland.  On  these  points  elaborate  ar- 
guments were  constructed  ;  but  it  were  useless  to 
consider  them  now.  Whatever  may  be  the  opinions 
of  individual  Senators,  the  judgment  of  the  country 
is  fixed.  The  right  of  petition,  first  vindicated  by 
the  matchless  perseverance  of  John  Quiney  Adams, 
is  now  beyond  question,  and  the  Constitutional  pow- 
er of  Congress  is  hardly  less  free  from  doubt.  It  is 
enough  to  say  on  this  point,  that  if  Congress  cannot 
abolish  /slavery  here,  then  there  is  no  power  any- 
where to  abolish  it  here,  and  this  wrong  will  endure 
always,  immortal  as  the  capital  itself. 

But  as  the  moment  of  justice  approaches,  we  are 
called  to  meet  a  different  objection,  inspired  by  gen- 
erous sentiments.  It  is  urged  that  since  there  can 
be  uo  such  thing  as  property  in  man,  especially  with- 
iu  the  exclusive-jurisdiction  of  Congress,  therefore 
all  now  held  as  slaves  at  the  national  capital  are 
justly  entitled  to  freedom,  without  price  or  compen- 
sation of  any  kind  to  their  masters  ;  or,  at  least,  that 
any  money  paid  should  be  distributed  according  to 
an  account  stated  between  masters  and  slaves.  Of 
course,  if  this  question  were  determined  according 
to  divine  justice,  so  far  as  we  may  be  permitted  to 
look  in  that  direction,  it  is  obvious  that  nothing  can 
be  due  to  the  masters,  and  that  any  money  paid  be- 
longs rather  to  the  slaves,  who  for  generations  have 
been  despoiled  of  every  right  and  possession.  But 
if  we  undertake  to  audit  this  fearful  account,  pray 
what  sum  shall  be  allowed  for  the  prolonged  torments 
of  the  lash?  What  treasure  shall  be  voted  to  the 
slave  for  wife  ravished  from  his  side,  for  children 
stolen,  for  knowledge  shut  out,  and  for  all  the 
fruits  of  labor  wrested  from  him  and  his  fathers  ? 
No  such  account  can  be  stated.  It  is  impossible. 
If  you  once  begin  the  inquiry,  all  must  go  to  the 
slave.  It  only  remains  for  Congress,  anxious  to  se- 
cure this  great  boon,  and  unwilling  to  embarrass  or 
jeopard  it,  to  act  practically  according  to  its  finite 
powers,  in  the  light  of  existing  usages,  and  even  ex- 
isting prejudices,  under  which  these  odious  relations 
have  assumed  the  form  of  law  ;  nor  must  we  hesitate 
at  any  forbearance  or  sacrifice,  provided  freedom 
can  be  established  without  delay. 

Testimony  and  eloquence  have  both  been  accumu- 
lated against  slavery;  but  on  this  occasion  I  shall 
confine  myself  precisely  to  the  argument  for  the  ran- 
som of  slaves  at  the  national  capital;  although  such 
is  slavery  that  it  is  impossible  to  consider  it  in  any 
single  aspect  without  confronting  its  whole  many- 
sided  wickedness,  while  the  broad  diversified  field 
of  remedies  is  naturally  open  to  review.  But  at 
some  other  time  the  great  question  of  emancipation 
in  the  States  may  be  more  fitly  considered,  togeth- 
er with  those  other  questions  in  which  the  Senator 
from  Wisconsin  [Mr.  Doouttle]  has  allowed  him- 
self to  take  sides  so  earnestly,  whether  there  is  an 
essential  incompatibility  between  the  two  races,  so 
that  they  cannot  live  together  except  as  master  and 
slave,  and  whether  the  freedmen  shall  be  encour- 
aged to  exile  themselves  to  other  lands  or  to  contin- 
ue their  labor  here  at  home.  It  is  surely  enough 
for  the  present  to  consider  slavery  at  the  national 
capital;  and  here  we  are  met  by  two  enquiries  so 
frankly  addressed  to  the  Senate  by  the  clear-headed 
Senator  from  Kansas,  (Mr.  PoKEROT ; }  first,  has 
slavery  any  constitutional  existence  at  tlie  national  cap- 
ital? and,  secondly,  shall  money  be  paid  to  secure  its 
abolition?  The  answer  to  these  two  inquiries  wi" 
make  our  duty  clear.  If  slavery  has  no  constitu- 
tional existence  here,  then  more  than  ever  is  Con- 
gress bound  to  interfere,  even  with  money  ;  for  the 
scandal  must  be  peremptorily  stopped,  without  any 
postponement  or  any  consultation  of  the  people  on 
a  point  which  is  not  within  their  power. 

It  may  be  said  that,  whether  slavery  be  constitu- 
tional or  not,  nevertheless  it  exists,  and  therefore 
this  inquiry  is  superfluous,  True,  it  exists  as  a  mon- 
strous fact;  but  it  is  none  the  less  important  to 
consider  its  origin,  that  we  may  understand  how,  as- 
suming the  form  of  law,  it  was  able  to  shelter  itself 
beneath  the  protecting  shield  of  the  Constitution. 
And  when  we  shall  see  clearly  that  it  is  without  any 
such  just  protection,  that,  the  law  which  declares  it 
is  baseless,  and  that  in  all  its  pretensions  it  is  essen- 
tially and  utterly  brutal  and  unnatural,  we  shall 
have  less  consideration  for  the  slave  tyranny, 
which,  in  satisfied  pride,  has  thus  far — not  without 
compunction  at  different  moments— ruled  the  na- 
tional capital,  reducing  all  things  here — public  opin- 
ion, social  life,  and  even  the  administration  of  justice 
— to  its  own  degraded  standard,  so  as  to  fulfil  the 
curious  words  of  an  old  English  poet: 

"  It  serves,  yet  reignes  jis  King  ; 
It  lives,  yet's  death  ;    it  pleases  full  of  nnino. 
Monster  !  ah,  who,  who  can  thy  beeing  faigno  ? 
Thou  shapeless  shape,  live  death,  paino  pleasing,  servile 
reigne." 

It  is  true,  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  proper- 
ty in  man  ;  and  here  I  begin  to  answer  the  questions 
propounded  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  (Mr. 
IXivis.)  If  this  pretension  is  recognized  anywhere, 
it  is  only  another  instance  of  the  influence  of  custom, 
which  is  so  powerful  a3  to  render  the  idolator  insen- 


sible to  the  wickedness  of  idolatry,  and  thefi  annibal 
insensible  to  the  brutality  of  cannibalism.  To  argue 
against  such  a  pretension  seems  to  be  vain  ;  for  the 
pretension  exists  in  open  defiance  of  reason  as  well 
as  humanity.  It  will  not  yield  to  argument,  nor  will 
it  yield  to  persuasion.  It  must  be  encountered  by 
authority.  It  was  not  the  planters  in  the  British 
islands  nor  in  the  French  islands  who  organized 
emancipation,  but  the  distant  Governments  across 
the  sea,  far  removed  from  tho  local  prejudices,  who 
at  last  forbade  the  outrage,.  Had  these  planters 
been  left  to  themselves,  they  would  have  clung  to 
this  pretension  as  men  among  us  still  cling  to  it.  Of 
course,  in  making  this  declaration  against  the  idea 
of  property  in  man,  I  say  nothing  new.  An  honor- 
ed predecessor  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland.  (Mr. 
Kennedy,)  whose  fame  as  a  statesman  was  eclipsed, 
perhaps,  by  his  more  remarkable  fame,  as  a  lawyer 
—I  mean  William  Pinkney,  and  it  is  among  the  re 
collections  of  my  youth  that  I  heard  Chief  Justic 
Marshall  call  him  the  undoubted  head  of  the  Anieri 
can  bar — in  a  speech  before  the  Maryland  House  of 
Delegates,  spoke  as  statesman  and  lawyer  when  he 
said : — 

"  Sir,  hy  the  eternal  principles  of  natural  justice,  no 
master  in  the  State  has  a  right  to  hold  his  slaves  in 
bondage  for  a  single  hour." 

And  Henry  Brougham  spoke  not  only  as  statesman 
and  lawyer,  but  as  orator  also,  when,  in  the  British 
Parliament,  he  uttered  these  memorable  words : — 

"  Tell  me  not  of  rights — talk  not  of  the  property  of 
the  planter  in  his  slaves.  I  deny  the"  right — I  ac- 
knowledge not  the  property,  The  principles,  the  feel- 
ings of  our  common  nature  rise  in  rebellion  against 
it.  Be  the  appeal  made  to  the  understanding  or  to  the 
heart,  the  sentence  is  the  same  that  rejects  it.  In  vain 
you  tell  me  of  laws  that  sanction  such  a  claim.  There 
is  a  law  above  all  the  enactments  of  humnn  codes — 
the  same  throughout  the  world,  tlie  same  in  all  time  : 
it  is  the  law  written  by  the  finger  of  God  on  the  heart 
of  man;  and  by  that  law,  unchangeable  and  eternal, 
while  men  despise  fraud,  and  loathe  rapine,  and  abhor 
blood,  they  will  reject  with  indignation  the  wild  and 
guilty  phantasy  that  man  can  hold  property  in  man." 

It  has  often  been  said  that  the  finest  sentence  of  the 
English  language  is  that  famous  description  of  law 
with  which  Hooker  closes  the  first  book  of  his  Ec- 
clesiastical Polity  ;  but  I  cannot  doubt  that  this  won- 
derful denunciation  of  an  irrational  and  inhuman 
pretension  will  be  remembered  hereafter  with  high- 
er praise :  for  it  gathers  into  surpassing  eloquence 
the  growing  and  immitigable  instincts  of  universal 
man. 

If  I  enter  now  into  a  brief  analysis  of  slavery,  and 
say  familiar  things,  it  is  because  such  exposition  is 
an  essential  link  in  the  present  inquiry.  Looking 
carefully  at  slavery  as  it  is,  we  shall  find  that  it  is 
not  merely  a  single  gross  pretension,  utterly  inadmis- 
sible, but  an  aggregation  of  gross  pretensions,  all  of 
them  utterly  inadmissible.  They  are  five  in  num- 
ber: first,  the  pretension  of  property  in  man;  sec- 
ondly, the  denial  of  the  marriage  relation,  for  slaves 
are  "  coupled  "  only,  and  not  married  ;  thirdly,  the 
denial  of  the  paternal  relation  ;  fourthly,  the  denial 
of  instruction  ;  and  fifthly,  the  appropriation  of  all 
the  labor  of  the  slave  and  its  fruits  by  the  master. 
Such  are  the  five  essential  elements  which  we  find 
in  slavery ;  and  this  fivefold  Barbarism,  so  utterly 
indefensible  in  every  point,  is  maintained  for  the 
single  purpose  of  compelling  labor  without  wages. 
Of  course,  such  a  pretension  is  founded  in  force,  and 
in  nothing  else.  It  begins  with  the  kidnapper  in 
Guinea  or  Congo;  it  traverses  the  sea  with  the  pi- 
rate slave  trader  in  his  crowded  hold  ;  and  it  is  con- 
tinued here  by  virtue  of  laws  which  represent  and 
embody  that  same  brutal  force  which  prevailed  in 
the  kidnapper  and  the  pirate  slave  trader.  Slavery, 
wherever  it  exists,  is  the  triumph  of  force,  sometimes 
represented  in  the  strong  arm  of  an  individual,  and 
sometimes  in  the  strong  arm  of  laws,  but  it  is  always 
the  same  in  principle.  Depending  upon  force,  he 
is  master  who  happens  to  be  the  stronger;  so  that 
if  the  slave  were  stronger,  he  would  be,  the  master, 
and  the  master  would  be  slave.  For  according  to 
reason  and  justice,  every  slave  possesses  the  same 
right  to  enslave  his  master  which  his  master  possesses 
to  enslave  him.  If  this  simple  statement  of  unques- 
tionable principles  needed  confirmation,  it  would  be 
found  in  the  solemn  judgments  of  courts.  Here,  for 
instance,  are  the  often-quoted  words  of  Mr.  Justice 
McLean,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  : 
"  Slavery  is  admitted,  by  almost  all  who  have  exam- 
ined the  subject,  to  be  founded  in  wrong,  in  oppres- 
sion, in  power  against  right."  (Jones  vs.  Vanzandt, 
2  McLean's  Reports,  G-t5.)  And  here  are  the  words 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina  :  "  Such 
services  (of  a  slave)  can  only  be  expected  from  one 
who  has  no  will  of  his  own,  who  surrenders  his  will 
in  implicit  obedience  to  that  of  another.  Such  obe- 
dience is  the  consequence  only  of  uncontrolled  author- 
ity over  the  body.  There  is  nothing  else  which  can  op- 
erate to  produce  the  effect."  (Jarman  vs.  Patter- 
son, 7  Munroe's  Reports,  645.)  And  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  by  the  lips  of  Chief  Jus- 
tice Marshall,  has  openly  declared  in  a  famous  case, 
read  the  other  day  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky, 
(Mr.  Davis,)  that  "  slavery  has  its  origin  in  force." 
Thus  does  it  appear  by  most  authoritative  words 
that  this  five-headed  Barbarism  is  derived  not  from 
reason,  or  nature,  or  justice,  or  goodness,  but  from 
force,  and  nothing  else. 

Of  course,  here  in  the  national  capital,  which  is 
under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Congress,  the 
FORCE  which  now  maintains  this  unnatural  sys- 
tem is  supplied  by  Congress.  Without  Congress,  the 
"  uncontrolled  authority  "  of  tho  master  would  cease. 
Without  Congress,  the  master  would  not  bo  mas- 
ter ;  nor  would  the  slave  be  slave.  Congress,  then, 
in  its  existing  legislation  giving  sanction  to  slavery, 
is  the  power  behind,  which,  here  in  the  national 
capital,  enslaves  our  fellow-men.  Therefore  does  it 
behoove  Congress  to  act  in  order  to  relieve  itself  of 
this  painful  responsibility. 

But  this  responsibility  becomes  more  painful  when 
it  is  considered  that  slavery  exists  at  the  national 
capital  absolutely  without  support  of  any  kind  in 
the  Constitution;  and  here  again  1  answer  the  Sen- 
ator from  Kentucky,  (Mr.  Davis.)  Nor  is  this  all. 
Situated  within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the 
Constitution,  where  State  rights  cannot  prevail,  it 
exists  in  open  defiance  of  most  cherished  principles. 
Let  the  Constitution  be  rightly  interpreted  by  a 
just  tribunal,  and  slavery  must  cease  here  at,  once. 
The  decision  of  a  court  would  be  as  potent  as  an  act 
of  Congress.  And  now,  as  I  confidently  assert,  this 
conclusion  which  bears  so  directly  on  the  present 
question,  pardon  me  if  I  express  the  satisfaction 
with  which  I  recur  to  an  earlier  period,  shortly  af- 
ter I  entered  the  Senate,  when  vindicating  the  prin- 
ciple now  accepted,  but  then  disowned,  that  free- 
dom, and  not  si 'avery  is  national,  I  insisted  upon  its 
application  to  slavery  everywhere  within  the  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution,  and  declared 
that  Congress  might  as  well  undertake  to  make  a 
king  as  to  make  a  slave.  That  argument  has  never 
been  answered;  it  cannot  be  answered.  Nor  can  I 
forget  that  this  same  conclusion  having  such  impor- 
tant bearings  was  maintained  by  Mr.  Chase,  while 
a  member  of  this  body,  in  that  masterly  effort  where 
he  unfolded  the  relations  of  the  national  Government 


to  slavery,  and  also  by  the  late  Horace  Mann  in  a 
mo-it  eloquent  and  exhaustive  speech  in  the  other 
House,  where  no  point  is  left  untouched  to  show 
that  slavery  in  the  national  capital  is  an  outlaw. 
Among  all  the  speeches  in  the  protracted  discussion 
of  slavery,  1  know  none  more  worthy  of  profound 
study  than  those  two,  so  different  in  character  and 
yet  so  harmonious  in  result.  If  authority  could  add 
to  the  force  of  irresistible  argument,  it  would  be 
found  in  the  well-known  opinion  of  the  late  Mi 
Justice  McLean,  in  a  published  letter,  declaring  the 
constitutional  impossibility  of  slavery  in  the  national 
Territories,  because,  in  the  absence  of  express  pow- 
er under  the  Constitution  to  establish  or  recognize 
slavery,  there  was  nothing  for  the  breath  of  slavery 
as  respiration  could  not  exist  where  there  was  no  at- 
mosphere. The  learned  judge  was  right,  and  his  il- 
lustration was  felicitous.  Although  applied  at  the. 
time  only  to  the  Territories,  it  is  of  equal  force  ev- 
erywhere within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
gress; for  within  such  jurisdiction  there  is  no  atmos- 
phere in  which  slavery  can  live. 

If  this  question  were  less  important,  I  should  not 
occupy  time  with  its  discussion.  But  we  may  learn 
to  detest  slavery  still  more  when  we  see  how  com- 
pletely it  has  installed  itself  here  in  utter  disregard 
of  the  Constitution,  and  compelled  Congress  ignobly 
to  do  its  bidding.  The  bare  existence  of  such  a 
barbarous  injustice  in  the  metropolis  of  the  Republic, 
which  has  gloriously  declared  that  "  all  men  are  en- 
titled to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness," 
is  a  mockery  which  may  well  excite  surprise;  but 
when  we  bring  it  to  the  touchstone  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  consider  the  action  of  Congress,  surprise  is 
deepened  into  indignation. 

But  how,  sir,  was  this  foothold  secured?  When 
and  by  what  process  did  the  national  Government, 
solemnly  pledged  to  freedom,  undertake  to  maintain 
the  slave  master  here  in  the  exercise  of  that  force  or 
"  unrestrained  power  "  winch  swings  the  lash,  fastens 
the  chain,  robs  the  wages,  sells  the  child,  and  tears 
the  wife  from  the  husband?  A  brief  inquiry  will 
show  historically  how  it  occurred;  and  here  again  I 
shall  answer  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 

The  sessions  of  the  Revolutionary  Congress  were 
held,  according  to  the  exigencies  of  war  or  the  con- 
venience of  members,  at  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
Lancaster,  York,  Princeton,  Annapolis,  Trenton, 
and  New  York.  An  insult  at  Philadelphia,  in  1 783, 
from  a  band  of  mutineers,  caused  an  adjournment 
to  Princeton,  which  was  followed  by  the  considera- 
tion, from  time  to  time,  of  the  question  of  a  per- 
manent seat  it'  government.  On  motion  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  it  was  resolved,  7th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1783,  that  buildings  for  the  use  of  Congress 
be  erected  on  or  near  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  or 
of  the  Potomac,  near  Georgetown,  provided  a  suit- 
able district  can  be  procured  on  one  of  the  rivers 
aforesaid  for  a  Federal  town;  that  the  right  of  soil, 
and  an  exclusive  or  such  other  jurisdiction  as  Con- 
gress may  direct,  shall  be  vested  in  the  United  States. 
(Journals  of  Old  Congress,  vol.  4j  p.  299.)  Thus 
did  the  first  proposition  of  a  national  capital  within 
the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Congress  proceed  from 
a  representative  of  Massachusetts.  The  subject  of 
slavery  at  that  time  had  attracted  little  attention  ; 
but.  at  a  later  day,  in  the  Federal  convention,  this 
same  honored  representative  showed  the  nature  of 
the  jurisdiction  which  he  would  claim,  according  to 
the  following  record  in  the  Madison  Papers,  (p. 
1395:)  "Mr.  Gerry  thought  that  we  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  conduct  of  the  States  as  to  slaves, 
but  ought  to  be  careful  not  to  give  any  sanction  to  it." 
In  these  words  will  be  found  our  own  cherished 
principle — freedom  national,  slavery  sectional — ex- 
pressed with  homely  and  sententious  simplicity. 
There  is  something  grateful  and  most  suggestive  in 
the  language  employed,  "  we  ought  to  be  careful 
not  to  give  any  sanction  to  it."  A"t  a  still  later  day, 
in  the  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution,  the 
same  representative,  in  the  debate  on  slavery,  gave 
further  expression  to  this  same  conviction,  when  he 
said  that  "  he  highly  commended  the  part  the  So- 
ciety of  Friends  had  taken  :  it  was  the  cause  of  hu- 
manity they  had  interested  themselves  in."  (An- 
nals of  Congress,  vol.  2,  p.  489.) 

The  proposition  of  Mr.  Gerry,  after  undergoing, 
various  modifications,  was  repealed  during  the  next 
year.  But  shortly  afterwards,  in  1784,  three  com- 
missioners were  appointed  to  lay  out  a  district  not 
exceeding  three  nor  less  than  two  miles  square  "  on 
the  banks  of  either  side  of  the  Delaware,  not  more 
than  eight  miles  above  or  below  the  falls  thereof,  for 
a  Federal  town."  At  the  Congress  of  the  succeed- 
ing year,  which  met  at  New  York,  great  but  unsuc- 
cessful efforts  were  made  to  substitute  the  Potomac 
for  the  Delaware.     The  commissioners,  though  ap- 

Eointed,  never  entered  upon  their  business.  At  last 
y  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the  subject  was 
presented  in  a  new  form  under  the  following  clause: 
"  Congress  shall  have  power  to  exercise  exclusive 
legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever  over  such  district, 
not  exceeding  ten  miles  square,  as  may  by  cession 
of  particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress, 
become  the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States."  From  the  report  of  debates  in  the  Con- 
vention, it  does  not  appear  that  this  clause  occasioned 
discussion.  But  the  discussion  broke  out  in  the  ear- 
liest Congress.  Virginia  and  Maryland  each,  by 
acts  of  their  respective  Legislatures,  tendered  the 
ten  miles  square,  while  similar  propositions  were 
made  by  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey. 
After  a  long  and  animated  discussion,  Germantown, 
in  Pennsylvania,  was  on  the  point  of  being  adopted, 
when  the  subject  was  postponed  to  the  next  session. 
Havrc-de-grace  and  Wright's  Ferry,  both  on  the 
Susquehanna;  Baltimore,  on  the  1'atapseo;  and 
Connogocheague,  on  the  Potomac,  divided  opinions. 
In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Mr.  Gerry,  who  had 
first  proposed  the  Potomac,  now  opposed]  it  He 
pronounced  it  highly  unreasonable  to  fix  the  seat  of 
Government  where  nine  States  out  of  the  thirteen 
would  be  to  the  northward,  and  he  adverted  to  the 
sacrifice  the  northern  States  were  ready  to  make  in 
going  as  far  south  as  Baltimore,  An  agreement 
seemed  impossible,  when  the  South  suddenly  achiev- 
ed one  of  those  political  triumphs  by  which  its  pre- 
dominance in  the  national  Government  was  estab- 
lished. Pending  at  the  same  time  was  the  great 
and  trying  proposition  to  assume  the  State  debts, 
which  being  at  first  defeated  through  Southern  votes, 
was  at  last  carried  by  a  "  compromise,"  according 
to  which  tho  seat  of  Government  was  to  be  placed 
on  the  Potomac,  thus  settling  the  much-vexed  ques- 
tion. Mr.  Jcfi'erson,  in  a  familiar  letter,  thus  sketch- 
es the  "  compromise  "  : — 

"It  was  observed  that  this  pill  [the  assumption  of 
the  State  debts]  would  he  peculiarly  hitter  to  the 
Southern  States,  and  that  soma  concomitant  measure, 
should  be  adopted  to  sweaten  it  a  little  to  them.  There 
had  before  been  a  proposition  to  fix  the  scat  of  Gov- 
ernment either  at  Philadelphia  or.it  Georgetown  on 
the  Potomac,  and  it  was  thought  that  by  giving  it  to 
Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and  to  Georgetown  perma- 
nently afterwards,  this  might,  as  anodyne,  calm  in 
some  degree  the  ferment  which  might  bo  excited  hy 
the  other  measure  alone.  So  two  of  the  Potomac 
members  (one  with  a  revulsion  of  stomach  almost 
eonvulsi«e)  agreed  to  change  their  votes, and  Hamilton 
undertook  to  carry  the  other  point." — Memoirs  and. 
Com  spondmce  of  Jefferson,  vol.  4,  p.  449. 


Such  wa3  one  of  the  earliest  victories  of  slavery 
Jn  the  name  of  "  compromise."  It  is  difficult  to  es- 
timate the  evil  consequences  which  it  baa  entailed 
upon  the  country. 

The  act  establishing  the  seat  of  Government  having 
already  passed  the  Senate,  was  adopted  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  after  vehement  debate  and  many 
calls  of  the  yeas  and  nays,  by  a  vote  of  32  to  29, 
on  the  16th  of  July,  1790.  A  district  of  territory, 
not  exceeding  ten  miles  square,  on  the  river  Poto- 
mac, was  to  be  accepted  for  the  permanent  seat  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States;  "Provided, 
nevertheless,  That  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  the 
States  within  such  district  shall  not  bo  affected  by 
this  acceptance  until  the  time  fixed  for  the  removal 
of  Government  thereto,  and  until  Congress  shall  by 
law  otherwise  provide."  Here,  it  will  be  seen,  was  a 
positive  saving  of  the  laws  of  the  State  for  a  limited 
period,  so  far  as  Congress  had  power  to  save  them, 
within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution  ; 
but  there  was  also  a  complete  reognition  of  the  pow- 
er of  Congress  to  change  these  laws,  and  an  im- 
plied promise  to  assume  the  "  exclusive  legislation 
in  all  cases  whatsoever"  contemplated  by  the  Con- 
stitution. 

In  response  to  this  act  of  Congress,  Maryland  by 
formal  act  ceded  the  territory  which  now  constitutes 
the  District  of  Columbia  "in  full  and  absolute  right, 
as  well  of  soil  as  of  persons  residing  or  to  reside 
therein  ;  "  provided  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Mary- 
land "  shall  not  cease  or  determine  until  Congress 
shall  by  law  provide  for  the  government  thereof." 
(Acts  of  Maryland,  1791,  cap.  45,  sec.  2.)  ■ 

In  pursuance  of  this  contract  between  the  United 
States  pf  the  one  part  and  Maryland  of  the  other 
part,  expressed  in  solemn  statutes,  the  present  seat 
of  Government  was  occupied  in  December,  1800, 
when  Congress  proceeded  to  assume  that  complete 
jurisdiction  which  is  conferred  in  the  Constitution, 
by  enacting,  on  the  27th  February,  1801,  "  that  the 
laws  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  as  they  now  exist,  shall 
be  and  continue  in  force  in  that  part  of  the  said  Dis- 
trict which  was  ceded  by  that  State  to  the  United 
States,  and  by  them  accepted  for  the  permanent 
seat  of  Government."  Thus  at  one  stroke  all  the' 
existing  laws  of  Maryland  were  adopted  by  Con- 
gress in  gross,  and  from  that  time  forward  became 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  at  the  nationnl  capi- 
tal. Although  known  historically  as  the  laws  of 
Maryland,  they  ceased  at  once  to  be  the  laws  of  that 
State,  for  they  draw  their  vitality  from  Congress 
alone,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
as  completely  as  if  every  statute  had  been  solemnly 
reenaeted.  And  now  we  shall  see  precisely  how 
slavery  obtained  its  foothold  here. 

Among  the  statutes  of  Maryland  thus  solemnly 
reenaeted  in  gross  by  Congress  was  the  following, 
originally  passed  as  early  as  1715 — in  colonial  days  : 

"  All  negroes  and  other  slaves  already  imported  or 
hereafter  to  be  imported  into  this  province,  and  all 
children  now  born  or  hereafter  to  be  born  of  such  ne- 
groes and  slaves,  shall  be  slaves  during  their  natural 
lives." — Laws  of  Maryland,  1715,  eh.  44,  sec.  22. 

But  slavery  cannot  exist  without  barbarous  laws 
in  its  support.  Maryland,  accordingly,  in  the  spirit 
of  slavery,  added  other  provisions,  also  reenaeted  by 
Congress,  in  the  same  general  bundle,  of  which  the 
following  is  an  example  : — 

"  A7o  negro  or  mulatto  slave,  free  negro  or  mulatto, 
born  of  a  white  woman,  during  his  time  of  servitude, 
by  law  in  this  province,  shall  be  admitted  and  received 
as  ijood  and  valid  evidence,  in  line,  in  any  matter  or  thing 
whatsoever  depending  before  any  court  of  record  or  be- 
fore any  magistrate  within  this  province,  wherein  any 
Christian  white  person  is  concerned." — Laws  of Man/land, 
1717,  eh.  13,  sec.  2. 

At  a  later  day  the  following  kindred  provision 
was  added  in  season  to  be  reenaeted  by  Congress  in 
the  same  code : — 

"No  slave  manumitted  agreeably  to  the  laws  of 
this  State  shall  be  entitled  to  give  evidence  against 
any  white  person,  or  shall  he  received  as  competent 
evidence  to  manumit  any  slave  petitioning  for  his 
freedom." — Laws  of  Maryland,  1796,  ch.  67,  sec.  6. 

And  such  is  the  law  for  slavery  at  the  national 
capital. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  original  statute,  which 
undertakes  to  create  slavery  in  Maryland,  does  not 
attaint  the  blood  beyond  two.  generations.  It  is  con- 
fined to  "  all  negroes  and  other  slaves,"  and  their 
"children,"  "during  their  natural  lives."  These 
are  slaves,  but  none  others,  unless  a  familiar  rule  of 
interpretation  is  reversed,  and  such  words  are  ex- 
tended rather  than  restrained.  And  yet  it  is  by 
virtue  of  this  colonial  statute,  with  all  its  ancillary 
barbarism,  adopted  by  Congress,  that  slaves  are  stilt 
held  at  the  national  capital.  It  is  truo  that  at  the 
time  of  its  adoption,  there  were  few  slaves  here  to 
whom  it  was  applicable.  For  ten  years  previous,  the 
present  area  of  Washington,  according  to  received 
tradition,  had  contained  hardly  five  hundred  inhabi- 
tants, all  told,  and  these  were  for  the  most  part 
laborers  distributed  in  houses  merely  for  their  tem- 
porary accommodation.  But  all  these  musty,  ante- 
diluvian, wicked  statutes,  pf  which  you  have  seen  a 
specimen,  took  their  place  at  once  in  the  national 
legislation,  and  under  their  supposed  authority  slaves 
multiplied,  and  slavery  became  a  national  institution. 
And  it  now  continues  only  by  virtue  of  this  slave 
code  borrowed  from  early  colonial  days,  which, 
though  flagrantly  inconsistent  with  the  Contention, 
has  never  yet  been  repudiated  by  court  or  Congress. 

I  have  said  that  this  slave  code,  even  .assuming  it 
applicable  to  slaves  beyond  the  "natural  lives"  of 
two  generations,  is  flagrantly  inconsistent  with  the 
Constitution.  On  this  point  the  argument  is  so  plain 
that  it  may  be  presented  like  a  diagram. 

Under  the  Constitution,  Congress  has  "exclusive 


Rankin  vs.  Lydier,  2  Marshall,  470.)  But  I  do  not 
stop  to  dwell  on  these  authorities.  Even  the  lan- 
guage, "  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  whatso- 
ever," cannot  be  made  to  sanction  slavery.  It  wants 
those  positive  words,  leaving  nothing  to  implication, 
which  are  obviously  required,  especially  when  we 
consider  the  professed  object  of  the  Constitution,  as 
declared  in  its  preamble,  "  to  establish  justice  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty."  There  is  no  power 
in  the  Constitution  to  make  a  king,  or,  thank  God,  to 
make  a  slave,  and  the  absence  of  all  such  power  is 
hardly  more  clear  in  one  case  than  in  the  other. 
The  word  king  nowhere  occurs  in  the  Constitution, 
nor  does  the  word  slave.  But  if  there  be  no  such 
power,  then  all  acts  of  Congress  sustaining  slavery 
at  the  national  capital  must  be  unconstitutional  and 
void.  The  stream  cannot  rise  higher  than  the  foun- 
tain head  ;  nay  more,  nothing  can  come  out  of  noth- 
ing ;  and  if  there  be  nothing  in  the  Constitution  au- 
thorizing Congress  to  make  a  slave,  there  can  be 
nothing  valid  in  any  subordinate  legislation.  It'is  a 
pretension  which  has  thus  far  prevailed  simplv  be- 
cause slavery  predominated  over  Congress  and 
courts. 

To  all  who  insist  that  Congress  may  sustain  slave- 
ry in  the  national  capital,  I  put  the  question,  where 
in  the  Constitution  is  the  power  found  ?  If  you  can- 
not show  where,  do  not  assert  the  power.  So  hideous 
an  effrontery  must  be  authorized  in  unmistakable 
words.  But  where  are  the  words?  In  what  arti- 
cle, clause,  or  line  ?  They  cannot  be  found.  Do 
not  insult  human  nature  by  pretending  that  its  most 
cherished  rights  can  be  sacrificed  without  solemn  au- 
thority. Remember  that  every  presumption  and 
every  leaning  must  be  in  favor  of  freedom  and 
against  slavery.  Do  not  forget  that  no  nice  inter- 
pretation, no  strained  construction,  no  fancied  de- 
duction, can  suffice  to  sanction  the  enslavement  of 
our  fellow-men.  And  do  not  degrade  the  Constitu- 
tion by  foisting  into  its  blameless  text  the  idea  of 
property  in  man.  It  is  not  there;  and  if  you  think 
you  see  it  there,  it  is  simply  because  you  make  the 
Constitution  a  reflection  of  yourself. 

A  single  illustration  will  show  the  absurdity  of 
this  pretension.  If  under  the  clause  which  gives  to 
Congress  "  exclusive  legislation "  at  the  national 
capital,  slavery  may  be  established,  if  under  these 
words  Congress  is  empowered  to  create  slaves  in- 
stead of  citizens,  then,  under  the  same  words,  it  may 
do  the  same  thing  in  "  the  forts,  magazines,  arsenals, 
dock-yards,  and  other  needful  buildings"  bclonsinir 
to  the  United  States,  wherever  situated,  for  these 
are  all  placed  within  the  same  "exclusive  legisla- 
tion." The  extensive  navy  yard  at  Charlestown,  in 
the  very  shadow  of  Bunker  Hill,  may  be  filled  with 
slaves,  whose  enforced  toil  shall  take  the  place  of 
that  cheerful,  well-paid  labor  whose  busy  hum  is  the 
best  music  of  the  place.  Such  an  act,  however  con- 
sistent with  slaveholding  tyranny,  would  not  be  re- 
garded as  constitutional  near  Bunker  Hill. 

But  if  there  were  any  doubt  on  this  point,  if  the 
absence  of  all  authority  were  not  perfectly  clear, 
the  prohibitions  of  the  Constitution  would  settle  the 
question.  It  is  true  that  Congress  has  "  exclusive 
legislation  "  within  the  District ;  but  the  prohibitions 
to  grant  titles  of  nobility,  to  pass  ex  post  facto  laws, 
to  pass  bills  of  attainder,  and  to  establish  religion, 
are  unquestionable  limitations  of  this  power.  There 
is  also  another  limitation,  which  is  equally  unques- 
tionable. It  is  found  in  an  amendment  proposed  by 
the  First  Congress,  on  the  recommendation  of  sev- 
eral States,  as  follows  : — 

"No  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or 
property,  without  due  process  of  law." 
This  prohibition,  according  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
is  obligatory  on  Congress.  (Barron  vs.  Baltimore, 
7  Peters's  Rep.,  243.)  It  is  also  applicable  to  all 
who  are  claimed  as  slaves  ;  for,  in  the  eye  of  the  Con- 
stitution, every  human  being  within  its  sphere, 
whether  Caucasian,  Indian,  or  African,  from  the 
President  to  the  slave,  is  a  person.  Of  this  there 
can  be  no  question.  But  a  remarkable  incident  of 
history  confirms  this  conclusion.  As  originally  re- 
commended by  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  this 
proposition  was  restrained  to  the  freeman.  Its  lan- 
guage was : — 

"  No  freeman  ought  to  be  deprived  of  his  fife,  liberty, 
or  property,  but  by  the  law  of  the  land." 

Of  course,  if  the  word  freeman  had  been  adopted, 
this  clause  would  have,  been  restrained  in  its  effec- 
tive power.  But  in  deliberately  rejecting  this  limi- 
tation, the  authors  of  the  amendment  recorded  their 
purpose  that  no  person,  within  the  national  juris- 
diction, of  whatever  character,  shall  be  deprived  of 
liberty  without  due  process  of  law.  The  latter 
words  are  borrowed  from  Magna  Charta,  and  they 
mean  without  due  presentment,  indictment,  or  other 
judicial  proceedings.  But  Congress,  in  undertaking 
to  support  slavery  at  the  national  capital,  has  enact- 
ed that  persons  may  be  deprived  of  liberty  there 
without  any  presentment,  indictment,  or  other  ju- 
dicial proceedings.  Therefore,  every  person  now 
detained  as  a  slave  in  the  national  capital  is  detained 
n  violation  of  the  Constitution.  Not  only  is  his  lib- 
erty taken  without  due  process  of  law,  but  since  he 
is  tyrannically  despoiled  of  all  the  fruits  of  his  in- 
dustry, his  property  also  is  taken  without  due  pro- 
cess of  law.  You  talk  sometimes  of  guarantees  of 
the  Constitution.  Here  is  an  unmistakable  guaran- 
tee, and  I  hold  you  to  it. 

Bringing  the  argument  together,  the  conclusion 
may  be  briefly  stated.  The  five-headed  barbarism 
of  slavery,  beginning  in  violence,  can  have  no  legal 
or  constitutional  existence,  unless  through  positive 
words  expressly  authorizing  it.  As  no  such  positive 
words  can  be  found  in  the  Constitution,  all  legisla- 
tion by  Congress  supporting  slavery  must  be  uncon- 
stitutional and  void,  while  it  is  made  still  further  im 


dition,  and  the  acceptance  by  Congress  was  also 
without  condition,  so  that  the  territory  fell  at  once 
within  this  exclusive  jurisdiction.  But  Congress  can 
exercise  no  power  except  in  conformity  with  the 
Constitution.  Its  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases 
whatsoever  is  controlled  and  limited  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, out  of  w"hieh  it  is  derived.  Now,  looking  at 
the  Constitution,  we  shall  find,  first,  that  there  are 
no  words  authorizing  Congress  to  establish  or  recog- 
nize slavery;  and,  secondly,  that  there  are  positive 
words  which  prohibit  Congress  from  tho  exercise  of 
any  such  power.  The  argument,  therefore,  is  two- 
fold :  first,  from  the  absence  of  authority,  and, 
secondly,  from  positive  prohibition. 

Of  course,  a  barbarism  like  slavery,  having  its 
origin  in  force,  and  nothing  else,  can  have  uo  legal 
or  constitutional  support  except  from  positive  sanc- 
tion. It  can  spring  from  no  doubtful  phrase.  It 
must  be.  declared  by  unambiguous  words  incapable 
of  a  double  sense.  In  asserting  this  principle,  I  sim- 
ply follow  Lord  Mansfield,  who,  in  the  memorable 
case  of  Sommersett,  said :  "  The  state  of  slavery  is 
of  such  a  nature  that  it  is  incapable  of  being  intro- 
duced on  any  reasons,  moral  or  political,  but,  only 
by  positive  law.  It  is  so  odious  that  nothing  can  be 
suffered  tosupport  it  but  POSITIVE  I, AW."  (Howell's 
State  Trials,  vol.  80,  p.  82.)  This  principle  has 
been  adopted  by  tribunals  even  in  slavoholding 
States.    (See  Horcy  vs.  Decker,  Walker's  11.,  12; 


jurisdiction  in  all  cases  whatsocve^  at  the  national(rpo5sib!c  hy  positive  words  of  prohibition  guarding 
capital.     The  cession  by  Marylanwvas  without  con-    the  liberty  of  every  person   within  the  exclusive 


every  per 
jurisdiction  of  Congress. 

A  court  properly  inspired,  and  ready  to  assume 
that  just  responsibility  which  dignifies  judicial  tri- 
bunals, would  at  once  declare  slavery  impossible  at 
the  national  capital,  and  set  every  slave  free — as 
Lord  Mansfield  declared  slavery  impossible  in  Eng- 
land, and  set  every  slave  free.  Tho  two  cases  are 
parallel ;  but,  alas  !  the  court  is  wanting  here.  The 
legality  of  slavery  in  England  during  the  last  ten 
tury  was  affirmed  by  the  ablest  lawyers  in  profession- 
al opinions;  it  was  also  affirmed  on  the  bench* 
England  was  a  slave  Slate,  and  even  its  newspapers 
were  disfigured  with  advertisements  for  (he  sale  of 
human  beings;  while  the  merchants  oi'  London, 
backed  by  great  names  in  the  law,  sustained  the 
outrage.  Then  appeared  Granville  Sharp,  the  phi- 
lanthropist, who,  pained  by  the  sight  of  slavery,  anil 
especially  shocked  by  the  brutality  of  a  slave  hunt 
in  the  si  reels  of  London,  was  aroused  to  question  it s 

eoiislitulionalily  in  England.     For  two  years  foe  de- 
voted himself  to   an   anxious   study  of  the    British 


constitution  in  all  I 
elusion  is  expressed 

the  word  shoes  oi 
enslaving  of  other 

praised  1  (Hoar* 
chap,  i.)  Thus  an 
generous  exert" 


s  multifarious  records.     His  con- 
in  these  precise  words:  "  Noither 

'  anything  that  can  justify  ihe 
*  can  be  found  there,  God  be 
's  Life  of  Sharp,  vol.  1,  p.  58, 
souraged,  be  persevered,  By  his 
ihe  negro  Sommersett,  clatmed 
as  a  slave  by  a  Virginia  gentleman  then  in  London, 


was  defended,  and  the  court  of  King's  Bench  com- 
pelled to  that  immortal  judgment  by  which  slavery 
was  forever  expelled  from  England,  and  the  early 
boast  of  the  British  constitution  became  a  practical 
verity.  More  than  fifteen  thousand  persons,  held  as 
slaves  in  1772  on  British  soul — four  times  as  many 
as  arc  now  found  in  the  national  capital — became 
instantly  free,  without  price  or  ransom. 

But  the  good  work  which  courts  have  thus  far  de- 
clined remains  to  be  done  by  Congress.  Slavery, 
which  is  a  barbarous  anomaly  and  an  anachronism 
here,  must  be  made  to  disappear  from  ihe  national 
capital ;  if  not  in  one  way,  then  in  another.  A 
judgment  of  court  would  be  simply  on  the  question 
of  constitutional  right,  without  regard  to  policy. 
But  there  is  no  consideration  of  right  or  of  policy — 
from  the  loftiest  principle  to  the  humblest  expediency 
— which  may  not  properly  enter  into  the  conclusion 
of  Congress.  The  former  would  be  the  triumph  of 
the  magistrate  ;  the  latter  of  the  statesman.  Let  it 
come  from  magistrate  or  from  statesman,  it  will  con- 
stitute an  epoch  in  history. 

But  the  question  is  asked,  shall  we  vote  money  for 
this  purpose  ?  I  cannot  hesitate.  And  here  there 
are  two  considerations,  which  with  me  are  prevailing. 
First,  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  at  the  nation- 
al capital  has  from  the  beginning  been  established 
and  maintained  by  Congress,  everywhere  in  sight, 
and  even  directly  under  its  own  eyes.  The  master 
held  the  slave;  but  Congress,  with  strong  arm,  stood 
behind  the  master,  looking  on  and  sustaining  him. 
Not  a  dollar  of  wages  has  been  taken,  not  a  child 
has  been  stolen,  not  a  wife  has  been  torn  from  her 
husband,  without  the  hand  of  Congress.  If  not  a 
partnership,  there  was  a  complicity  on  the  part  of 
Congress,  through  which  the  whole  country  has  be- 
come responsible  for  the  manifold  wrong.  Though 
always  protesting  against  its  continuance,  and  labor- 
ing earnestly  for  its  removal,  yet  gladly  do  I  now  ac- 
cept my  share  of  the  promised  burden.  And,  second- 
ly, even  if  we  are  not  all  involved  in  the  manifold 
wrong,  nothing  is  clearer  than  that  the  mode  pro- 
posed is  the  gentlest,  quietest,  and  surest  in  which 
the  beneficent  change  can  be  accomplished.  It 
is,  therefore,  the  most  practical.  It  recognizes  sla- 
very as  an  existing  fact,  and  provides  for  its  removal. 
And  when  I  think  of  the  unquestionable  good  which 
we  seek  ;  of  all  its  advantages  and  glories  ;  of  the 
national  capital  redeemed ;  of  the  national  charac- 
ter elevated  ;  and  of  a  magnanimous  example  which 
can  never  die ;  and  when  I  think,  still  further,  that, 
according  to  a  rule  alike  of  jurisprudence  and  morals, 
liberty  is  priceless,  I  cannot  hesitate  at  any  appro- 
priation within  our  means  by  which  all  these  things 
of  incalculable  value  can  be  promptly  secured. 

As  I  find  no  reason  of  policy  adverse  to  such  ap- 
propriation, so  do  I  find  no  objection  to  it  in  the 
Constitution.  I  am  aware  that  it  is  sometimes  asked 
where  in  the  Constitution  is  the  power  to  make  such 
appropriation  ?  But  nothing  can  be  clearer  than 
that  under  the  words  conferring  "  exclusive  juris- 
diction in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  Congress  may 
create  freemen,  although  it  may  not  create  slaves. 
And,  of  course,  it  may  exercise  all  the  powers  nec- 
essary to  this  end,  whether  by  a  simple  act  of 
emancipation  or  a  vote  of  money.  If  there  could 
be  any  doubt  on  this  point,  it  would  be  removed 
when  we  reflect  that  the  abolition  of  slavery,  with 
all  the  natural  incidents  of  such  an  act,  has  been 
constantly  recognized  as  within  the  sphere  of  legis- 
lation. It  was  so  regarded  by  Washington,  who,  in 
a  generous  letter  to  La  Fayette,  dated  May  10, 1786, 
said  :  "  It  certainly  might  and  assuredly  ought  to  be 
effected,  and  that,  too,  by  legislative  authority."  It 
is  through  legislative  authority  that  slavery  has  been 
abolished  in  State  after  State  of  our  Union,  and  also 
in  foreign  countries.  And  I  have  yet  to  learn  that 
the  power  of  Congress  for  this  purpose  at  this  na- 
tional capital  is  less  complete  than  that  of  any  other 
legislative  body  within  its  own  jurisdiction. 

But  while  not  doubting  the  power  of  Congress  in 
any  of  its  incidents,  I  prefer  to  consider  the  money 
which  wc  pay  as  in  the  nature  of  ransom  rather 
than  compensation,  so  that  freedom  shall  be  acquired 
rather  than  purchased  ;  and  I  place  it  at  once  under 
the  sanction  of  that  commanding  charity  proclaimed 
by  prophets  and  enjoined  by  apostles,  which  all  his- 
tory recognizes,  and  which  the  Constitution  cannot 
impair.  From  time  immemorial  every  Government 
has  undertaken  to  ransom  its  subjects  from  captivity, 
and  sometimes  a  whole  people  has  felt  its  resources 
well  bestowed  in  the  ransom  of  its  prince.  Religion 
and  humanity  have  both  concurred  in  this  duty,  as 
more  than  usually  sacred.  "  The  ransom  of  captives 
is  a  great  and  excelling  office  of  justice,"  exclaims 
one  of  the  early  fathers.  And  the  pious  St.  Am- 
brose insisted  upon  breaking  up  even  the  sacred  ves- 
sels of  the  Church,  saying,  "  the  ornament  of  the 
sacraments  is  the  redemption  of  the  captives."  Tho 
power  thus  commended  has  been  exercised  bv  the 
United  States  under  important  circumstances  with 
the  cooperation  of  the  best  names  of  our  history,  so 
as  to  be  beyond  question.  The  instance  may  not  be 
familiar,  but  it  is  decisive,  while  from  beginning  to 
end  it  is  full  of  instruction. 

"Who  has  not  heard  of  the  Barbary  States,  and  of 
the  pretension  put  forth  by  these  Towers  to  enslave 
white  Christians  ?  Algiers  was  tho  chief  seat  of  this 
enormity,  which,  through  the  insensibility  or  inca- 
pacity of  Christian  States,  was  allowed  to  continue 
for  generations.  Good  men  and  great  men  were  de- 
graded to  be  captives,  while  many,  neglected  by  for- 
tune, perished  m  barbarous  slavery.  Even  in  our 
colonial  days  there  were  cases  of  Americans  whoso 
fate,  while  in  the  hands  of  these  slave  masters,  ex- 
cited general  sympathy.  It  was  only  by  ransom 
that  their  freedom  was  obtained.  Perhaps  no  con- 
dition was  more  calculated  to  arouse  indignant  rage. 
And  yet  the  disposition  so  common  among  us  to  pal- 
liate slavery  in  Washington  has  shown  itself  with  re- 
gard to  slavery  in  Algiers;  and,  indeed,  the  ?amo 
arguments  to  soften  public  opinion  have  been  em- 
ployed in  the  two  instances.  The  parallel  is  so  com- 
plete that  I  shall  require  all  your  trust  to  believe 
that  what  I  read  is  not  an  apology  for  slavery  here. 
Thus  a  member  of  a  diplomatic  mission  from  Eng- 
land, who  visited  Barbary  in  I  7S4,  speaks  of  tho  sla- 
very which  he  saw  :  "  It  is  very  slightly  inflicted,  and 
as  to  any  labor  undergone,  it  does  not  deserve  the 
name*"  (Eeatinge'a  Travels,  p.  2M).)  Ami  another 
earlier  traveller,  after  describing  the  comfortable  con- 
dition of  the  white  slaves,  adds,  in  words  to  which 
wo  are  accustomed  :  "  1  am  sure  wo  saw  several  cap- 
tives who  live  much  better  in  Barbary  than  ever 
they  did  in  their  own  country.  Whatever  mouev 
in  charily  was  sent  them  bv  their  friends  in  Europe 
was  their  own.  And  Vet  this  is  called  insupportable 
slavery  among  Turks  and  Moors.  But  wo  found 
this,  as  well  as  many  other  things   on   this  country, 

strangely  misrepresented,"  (Breilbw&ite'a  Revolu- 
tions in  Morocco,  p.  SS3.\  And  a  more  recent 
French  writer  asserts,  with  a  vehemence  to  which 

we  are  habituated'  from  the  partisans  of  slavorv  iu 
our  country,  thai  the  white  slaves  at  Algiers  iron 
not  exposed  to  the  miseries  which  they  represented; 
that  they  were  well  clad  and  well  fed,  much  belter 
tree  Christiana  thrrc  •  that  special  care  was 
bestOwed  upon  those  who  became  ill;  and  that  soim> 
were  allowed  such  privileges  AS  t»  0000016  indifferent 

to  freedom,  and  even  to  prefer  Algiers  to  their  own 


6i; 


THE     LIBEEATOE, 


A.P'RIE  IS. 


country.  (Uistoire  d'Alger,  Paris,  18S0,  cap-  27.) 
Believe  nie,  sir,  in  stating  these  things,  1  simply  lot- 
low  history;  and  1  refer  to  the  volume  and  page  or 
chapter  of  the  authorities  which  I  quote,  that  the 
careful  inquirer  may  see  that  they  relate  to  slavery 
abroad,  and  not  to  slavery  at  home.  If  I  continue  to 
■Unfold  this  strange,  eventful  story,  it  will  be  in  order 
to  exhibit  the  direct  and  can slant 'intervention  of  Con- 
gress for  the  ransom  of  slaves;  but  the  story  itself  is 
an  argument  against  slavery,  pertinent  to  the  pres- 
ent occasion,  which  1  am  not  unwilling  to  adopt. 

Scarcely  was  our  national  independence  estab- 
lished when  wo  were  aroused  to  fresh  efforts  for  the 
protection  of  our  enslaved  citizens.  Within  three 
years,  no  less  than  ten  American  vessels  were  seized. 
"At  one  time,  an  apprehension  prevailed  that  Dr. 
Franklin,  on  his  way  home  from  France,  had  been 
captured.  "We  are  waiting,"  said  one  of  his 
French  correspondents,  "with  the  greatest  impa- 
tience to  hear  from  you.  The  newspapers  have 
aiven  us  anxiety  on  your  account,  for  some  of  them 
insist  that  yon  have  been  taken  by  the  Algeriuos, 
while  others  pretend  that  you  are  at  Morocco,  endur- 
ing your  slavery  with  all' the  patience  of  a  philoso- 
pher." But  though  this  apprehension  happily  proved 
to  be  without  foundation,  it  soon  became  known  that 
there  were  other  Americans,  less  distinguished,  but 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges  of  new-born  citizenship: 
who  were  suffering  in  cruel  captivity.  The  senli- 
ments  of  the  people  were  at  once  enlisted  in  their 
behalf.  The  newspapers  pleaded,  while  the  slave 
corsairs  were  denounced  sometimes  as  "infernal 
crews,"  and  sometimes  as  "  human  harpies."  But 
it  was  through  the  stories  of  sufferings  told  by  those 
who  had  succeeded  in  escaping  from  bondage,  that 
the  people  were  most  aroused.  As  these  fugitive 
slaves  touched  our  shores,  they  were  welcomed  with 
outspoken  sympathy.  The  glimpses  opened  through 
them  into  the  dread  regions  of  slavery  gave  a  har- 
rowing reality  to  all  that  conjecture  or  imagination 
had  pictured.  It  was,  indeed,  true  that  our  own 
white  brethren,  entitled  like  ourselves  to  all  the 
rights  of  manhood,  were  degraded  in  unquestioning 
obedience  to  an  arbitrary  task-master;  sold  at  the 
auction  block  ;  worked  like  beasts  of  the  field,  and 
galled  by  the  manacle  and  lash.  As  our  power 
seemed  yet  inadequate  to  compel  their  liberation,  it 
was  attempted  by  ransom. 

Informal  agencies  at  Algiers  were  organized  un- 
der the  direction  of  our  minister  at  Paris,  and  the 
famous  Society  of  Redemption,  established  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  under  the  sanction  of  Pope  In- 
nocent III.  offered  their  aid.  Our  agents  were 
blandly  entertained  by  the  chief  slave-dealer,  the 
Dev,  who  informed  them  that  he  was  familiar  with 
the" exploits  of  Washington;  and  as  he  never  ex- 
pected to  set  eyes  on  this  hero  of  freedom,  expressed 
a  hope  that,  through  Congress,  he  might  receive  a 
full-length  portrait  of  him,  to  be  displayed  in  the 
palace  at  Algiers.  But  amidst  such  professions,  the 
Dey  still  clung  to  his  American  slaves,  holding  them 
at  prices  beyond  the  means  of  the  agents,  who  were 
not  authorized  to  go  beyond  $200  a  head,  beim 
somewhat  less  than  is  proposed  in  the  present  bill 
and  I  beg  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senator  from 
Maine  [Mr.  Morrill]  to  the  parallel. 

Their  redemption  engaged  the  attention  of  our 
Government  early  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. It  was  first  brought  before  Congress  by  a  pe- 
tition, of  winch  we  find  the  following  record  : — ■ 

"Friday,  May  14,  1790.— A  petition  from  sundry 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  captured  by  the  AJge- 
rines,  and  now  in  slavery  there,  was  presented,  pray- 
ing the  interposition  of  Congress  in  their  behalf.  Ite- 
ferred  to  the  Secretary  of  State."— Annals  of  Congress, 
First  Congress,  p.  1572. 

An  interesting  report  on  the  situation  of  these 
captives,  dated  December  28,  1790,  was  made  to  the 
President  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  which  he 
sets  forth  the  efforts  of  Government  for  tli 
demption  at  such  prices  as  would  not  "  raise  the 
market,"  it  being  regarded  as  important  that,  in 
"  the  first  instance  of  redemption  by  the  United 
States,  our  price  should  be  fixed  at  the  lowest  point." 
I  quote  the  precise  words  of  this  document,  which 
will  be  found  in  the  State  Papers  of  the  country. 
(vol.  1,  p.  101,)  and  I  call  special  attention  to  then: 
as  applicable  to  the  present  moment.  It  appears 
that  at  this  time  the  number  of  white  slaves  at  Al- 
giers, belongiug  to  all  countries,  was  nearly  identi- 
cal with  the  number  of  black  slaves  at  Washington 
whose  redemption  is  now  proposed.  The  report  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  laid  before  Congress,  with  the  fol- 
lowing brief  message  from  the  President  (State 
Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  100):— 

United  States,  December  30,  1790. 
Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

I  lay  before  you  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
on  the  subject  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  in 
captivity  at  Algiers,  that  you  may  provide  on  their  be- 
half what  to  you  shall  seem  most  expedient. 

George  Washington. 

It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  question  in 
any  quarter  with  regard  to  the  power  of  Congress. 
The  recommendation  of  the  President  was  broad. 
It  was  to  provide  on  behalf  of  the  slaves  what  should 
seem  most  expedient. 

Another  report  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  en- 
titled the  Mediterranean  Trade,  and  communicated 
to  Congress  December  30,  1790,  related  chiefly  to 
the  same  matter.  In  this  document  are  the  esti- 
mates of  different  persons  with  regard  to  the  price 
at  which  our  citizens  might  be  ransomed  and  peace 
be  purchased.  One  person,  who  had  resided  very 
long  at  Algiers,  put  the  price  at  sixty  or  seventy 
thousand  pounds  sterling.  This  was  the  lowest,  esti- 
mate. But  another  authority  put  it  at  $570,000 
and  still  another  said  that  it  could  not  be  less  than 
81,000,000,  which  is  the  sum  proposed  in  the  present 
bill. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  after  considering  the  subject  at 
some  length,  concludes  as  follows^— 

"  Upon  the  whole,  it  rests  with  Congress  to  decide 
between  war,  tribute,  and  ransom.  If  war,  they  will 
consider  how  far  our  own  resources  shall  be  called 
forth.  If  tribute  or  ransom,  it  will  rest  with  them  to 
limit  and  provide  the  amount,  and  with  the  Executive: 
observing  the  same  constitutional  forms,  to  make  ar- 
rangements for  employing  it  to  the  best  advantage.' 
—Slate  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  105. 

Among  the  papers  accompanying  the  report  is  a 
letter  from  Mr.  Adams,  while  he  was  minister  at 
London,  from  which  I  take  the  following  words : — ■ 

"It  may  be  reasonably  concluded  that  this  great 
affair  cannot  be  finished  for  much  less  than  .£200,000." 

In  pursuance  of  these  communications,  the  Senate 
proceeded  to  tender  its  advice  to  the  President,  in 
the  following  resolution  : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  Senate  advise  and  consent  that 
the  President  of  the  United  States  take  such  meas- 
ures as  he  may  think  necessary  for  the  redemption 
of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  now  in  captivity 
at  Algiers :  Provided,  The  expense  shall  not  exceed 
§40,000;  and  also  that  measures  be  taken  to  confirm 
the  treaty  now  existing  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Emperor  of  Morocco." — State  Papers,  vol.  1, 
p.  128. 

By  a  subsequent  message,  dated  February  22, 
1791,  the  President  said: — 

"I  will  proceed  to  take  measures  for  the  ransom 
of  our  citizens  in  captivity  in  Algiers,  in  conformity 
with  your  resolution  of  advice  of  the  1st  inst,  so 
soon  as  the  moneys  necessary  shall  be  appropriated  by 
the  Legislature,  and  shall  be  in  readiness." — Ibid. 

Still  later,  the  same  subject  was  presented  by  the 
following  inquiry  proposed  to  the  Senate  by  Presi- 
dent Washington,  under  date  of  May  8,  1792: — 

.-"If  the  President  of  the  United  States  should 
conclude  a  convention  or  treaty  with  the  Government 
of  Algiers,  for  the  ransom  of  the  thirteen  Americans 
in  captivity  there,  for  a  sum  not  exceeding  £l0,0uu, 
all  expenses  included,  will  the  Senate  approve  the 
same?  Or  is  there  any,  and  what,  greater  or  lesser 
sum  which  they  would  fix  as  the  limit  beyond  which 
they  would  not  approve  the  ransom  1 " 

The  Senate  promptly  replied  by  a  resolution  de- 
claring it  would  approve  such  treaty  of  ransom. 
(State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  13(i.)  And  Congress,  by 
the  act  of  May  8,  1792,  appropriated  a  sum  of 
$50,000  for  this  purpose.  Commodore  Paul  Jones 
was  intrusted  with  the  mission  to  Algiers,  charged 
with  the  double  duty  of  rnaking  peace  with  this 
Power,  and  of  securing  the  redemption  of  our  citi- 
zens. In  his  letter  of  instructions,  dated  June  1, 
1792,  Mr.  Jefferson  expresses  himself  as  follows: — 

"  It  has  been  a  fixed  principle  with  Congress  to  es- 
tablish the  rate  of  ransom  of  American  captives  witli 
the  Barbary  States  at  as  low  a  point  as  possible,  that 
it  may  not  be  the  interest  of  those  States  to  go  in 
quest  of  our  citizens  in  preference  to  those  of  other 
countries.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  danger  it  wuuld 
have  brought  on  the  residue  of  our  seamen,  by  ex- 
citing the  cupidity  oftliese  rovers  against  them,  our 
citizens  now  in  Algiers  would  have  been  long  ago  re- 
deemed, without  regard  to  price.  The  mere  money 
fur  their  particular  redumption  neither  has  been  nor 
is  un  object  with  anybody  here." — State  Papers,  vol. 
1,  p.  292. 


In  the  same  instructions,  Mr.  Jefferson  says: — 

"  As  soon  as  the  ransom  is  completed,  you  will  be 
pleased  to  have  the  captives  well  clothed  and  sent  home 
at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  with  as  much 
economy  as  will  consist  with  their  reasonable  com- 
fort. "—Ibid. 


Commodore  Paul  dones — called  admiral  in  the  in- 
structions— died  without  entering  upon  the  perform- 
ance of  these  duties,  which  were  afterwards  un- 
dertaken by  Colonel  Humphreys,  our  minister  at 
Lisbon,  who  was  honored  especially  with  the  friend- 
ship of  Washington,  as  an  accomplished  officer  of 
his  staff  during  the  Revolution.  But  the  terms  ex- 
acted by  the  Dey  were  such  as  to  render  the  mis- 
sion unsuccessful. 

Meanwhile,  other  Americans  were  seized  by  the 
Algerines,  who  are  described  as  "  employed  as  cap- 
tive slaves  on  the  most  laborious  work,  in  a  distress- 
ed and  naked  situation."  (State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p. 
418.)  One  of  their  number,  in  a  letter  to  the  Pres- 
ident, dated  at  Algiers,  November  D,  1793,  says: — 

"  Humanity  towards  the  unfortunate  American  cap- 
tives, I  presume,  will  induce  your  excellency  to  coop- 
erate with  Congress  to  adopt  some  speedy  and  effec- 
tual plan  in  order  to  restore  to  liberty  and  finally  ex- 
tricate the  American  captives  from  their  present  dis- 
tresses."— Ibid. 

At  this  time  there  were  one  hundred  and  nine- 
teen American  slaves  in  Algiers,  who  united  in  a 
petition  to  Congress,  dated  December,  1793,  in  which 
they  say : — 

"  Tour  petitioners  are  at  present  captives  in  this 
city  of  bondage,  employed  daily  in  the  most  laborious 
work,  without  any  respect  to  persons.  They  pray 
that  you  will  lake  their  unfortunate  situation  into 
con  sid  oral  ion,  and  adopt  such  measures  as  will  restore 
the  American  captives  to  their  country,  their  friends, 
families,  and  connections." — Ibid,  p.  421. 

The  country  was  now  aroused.  A  general  con- 
tribution was  proposed.  People  of  all  classes  vied 
in  generous  efforts.  Newspapers  entered  with  in- 
creased activity  into  the  work.  At  public  celebra- 
tions the  toasts  "  happiness  for  all,"  and  "  univer- 
sal liberty,"  were  proposed,  partly  In  sympathy 
with  our  wretched  white  fellow-countrymen  in  bonds. 
On  one  occasion,  at  a  patriotic  celebration  in  New 
Hampshire,  they  were  remembered  in  the  following 
toast:  "  Our  brethren  in  slavery  at  Algiers.  May 
the  measures  adopted  for  their  redemption  be  suc- 
cessful, and  may  they  live  to  rejoice  with  their 
friends  in  the  blessings  of  liberty."  The  clergytoo 
were  enlisted.  A  fervid  appeal  by  the  captives 
themselves  was  addressed  to  the  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  throughout  the  United  States,  asking  them 
to  Set  apart  a  special  Sunday  for  sermons  in  behalf 
of  their  enslaved  brethren.  Literature,  too,  added 
her  influence,  not  only  in  essays,  but  in  a  work, 
which,  though  now  forgotten,  was  among  the  earli- 
est of  the  literary  productions  of  our  country,  re- 
printed in  London  at  a  time  when  few  American 
books  were  known  abroad.  I  refer  to  the  story  of 
the  Algerine  Captive,  which  though  published  anon- 
ymously— like  other  similar  works  at  a  later  day — 
is  known  to  have  been  written  by  Itoyall  Tyler,  af- 
terwards Chief  Justice  of  Vermont.  Slavery  in  Al- 
giers is  here  depicted  in  the  sufferings  of  a  single 
captive — as  slavery  in  the  United  States  has  been 
since  depicted  in  the  sufferings  of  Uncle  Tom;  but 
the  influence  of  the  early  story  was  hardly  less  strong 
against  African  slavery  than  against  white  slavery. 
"  Grant  me,"  says  the  Algerine  captive — who  had 
been  a  surgeon  on  board  a  ship  in  the  African  slave 
trade — from  the  depths  of  his  own  sorrows,  "once 
more  to  taste  the  freedom  of  my  native  country, 
and  every  moment  of  my  life  shall  be  dedicated  to 
preaching  against  this  detestable  commerce.  I  will 
fly  to  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  Southern  States;  1 
will  on  my  knees  conjure  them,  in  the  name  of  hu- 
manity, to  abolish  a  traffic  which  causes  it  to  bleed 
in  every  pore.  If  they  are  deaf  to  the  pleadings  of 
nature,  I  will  conjure  them,  for  the  sake  of  consisten- 
cy, to  cease  to  deprive  their  fellow-creatures  of  free- 
dom, which  their  writers,  their  orators,  Representa-- 
tives,  Senators,  and  even  their  constitutions  of  gov- 
ernment have  declared  to  be  the  unalienable  birth- 
right of  man."  (cap.  32.)  In  such  words  was  the 
cause  of  emancipation  pleaded  at  that  early  day. 

Colonel  Humphreys  from  his  distant  mission  at 
Lisbon,  while  yet  unable  to  reach  Algiers,  joined  in 
this  appeal  by  a  letter  to  the  American  people, 
dated  July  11,  1794.  Taking  advantage  of  the  gen- 
eral interest  in  lotteries,  and  particularly  of  the  cus- 
tom, not  then  condemned,  of  resorting  to  these  as  a 
mode  of  obtaining  money  for  literary  or  benevolent 
purposes,  he  suggested  a  grand  lottery,  sanctioned 
by  the  United  States,  or  particular  lotteries  in  the 
individual  States,  in  order  to  obtain  the  means  re- 
quired for  the  ransom  of  our  countrymen.  He  then 
asks: — ■ 

"Is  there  within  the  limits  of  these  United  States 
an  individual  who  will  not  cheerfully  contribute  in  pro- 
portion to  his  means  to  carry  it  into  effect  ?  By  the 
peculiar  blessings  of  freedom  which  you  enjoy,  by  the 
disinterested  sacrifices  you  made  for  its  attainment,  by 
the  patriotic  blood  of  those  martyrs  of  liberty  who  died 
to  secure  your  independence,  and  by  all  the  tender  tics 
of  nature,  let  me  conjure  you  once  more  to  snatch 
your  unfortunate  countrymen  from  fetters,  dungeons, 
and  death." 

Meanwhile,  the  Government  was  energetic 
through  all  its  agents,  at  home  and  abroad  ;  nor  was 
any  question  raised  with  regard  to  its  constitutional 
powers.  In  the  animated  debate  which  ensued  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  an  honorable  mem- 
ber said,  "If  bribery  would  not  do,  he  should  cer- 
tainly vote  for  equipping  a  fleet."  (Annals  of  Con- 
gress, Third  Congress,  p.  434.)  At  last,  bv  act  of 
Congress  of  the  20th  of  March,  1794,  $1,000,000 
was  appropriated  for  this  purpose,  being  the  identi- 
cal sum  now  proposed  for  a  similar  pin  pose  of  redemp- 
tion ;  but  it  was  somewhat  masked  under  the  lan- 
guage "to defray  any  expenses  which  may  be  in- 
curred in  relation  to  the  intercourse  between  the 
United  States  and  foreign  nations."  (Statutes  at 
Large,  vol.  1,  p.  345.)  On  the  same  day,.by  anoth- 
er act,  the  President  was  authorized  "  to  borrow  on 
the  credit  of  the.  United  States,  if  in  his  opinion  the 
public  service  shall  require  it,  a  sum  not  exceeding 
81,000,000."  The  object  was  distinctly  avowed  n 
the  instructions  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  dated  the  28th  of 
March,  of  the  same  year,  "  for  concluding  a  treaty 
of  peace  and  liberating  our  citizens  from  captivity," 
and  in  other  instructions,  dated  the  19th  of  July,  of 
the  same  year,  in  which  the  wishes  of  the  President 
are  thus  conveyed  : — 

"  Ransom  and  peace  are  to  go  hand  in  hand,  if  prac- 
ticable ;  hut  if  peace  cannot  be  obtained,  a  ransom  is 
to  he  effected  without  delay,"  *  *  *  "restricting 
yourself,  on  the  bead  of  ransom,  within  the  limit  of 
*:i,unij  per  man." — State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  529. 

The  negotiation  was  at  last  consummated,  and 
the  first  tidings  of  its  success  were  announced  to 
Congress  by  President  Washington  in  his  message  of 
8th  December,  1795,  as  follows  : — 


wards  of  two  millions  of  dollars.  (State  Papers,  vol. 
2,  p.  372.)  To  all  who  now  question  the  power  of 
Congress  or  the  policy  of  exercising  it,  I  commend 
this  account,  in  its  various  items,  given  with  all  pos- 
sible minuteness.  If  wo  consider  the  population 
and  the  resources  of  the  country  at  the  time,  as  com- 
pared with  our  present  gigantic  means,  the  amount 
will  not  be  considered  inconsiderable. 

The  pretensions  of  Tripoli  aroused  Colonel  Hum- 
phreys, the  former  companion  of  Washington,  who 
was  now  at  home  in  retirement.  In  an  address 
to  the  public,  he  called  again  for  united  action, 
saying : — 

"Americans  of  the  United  States,  your  fellow-citi- 
zens are  in  fetters!  Can  there  be  hut  one  feeling  t 
Where  are  the  gallant  remains  of  the  race  who  fought 
for  freedom  1  Where  the  glorious  heirs  of  their  pa- 
triotism ?  I  VUl  there  never  be  a  truce  to  political  parties  f 
Or  must  it.  forever  be  the  fate  of  the  free  Slot's,  that  the 
soft  voice  of  union  should-  be  drowned  in  the  hoarse  clamors 
of  discord?  No!  Let  every  friend  of  blessed  hu- 
manity and  sacred  freedom  entertain  a  better  hope 
and  confidence." — Miscellaneous  Works  of  David  Hum- 
phreys, p.  75. 

Then  commenced  those  early  deeds  by  which  our 
arms  became  known  in  Europe — the  best  achieve- 
ment of  Decatur,  and  the  romantic  expedition  of 
Eaton.  Three  several  times  Tripoli  was  attacked 
and  yet,  after  successes  sometimes  mentioned  with 
pride,  our  country  consented  by  solemn  treaty  to 
pay  $00,000  for  the  freedom  of  two  hundred  Ameri- 
can slaves,  and  thus  again  by  money  obtained  eman- 
cipation. But  Algiers  was  governed  by  slavery  at 
a  ruling  passion.  Again  it  seized  our  people  ;  but 
even  the  contest  in  which  we  were  engaged  with 
Great  Britain  could  not  prevent  an  outbreak  of  in- 
dignant sympathy  with  those  who  were  in  bonds. 

1  to 


iftttntnt. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  APltIL  IS,  1862. 


"  With  peculiar  satisfaction  I  add,  that  information 
has  been  received  from  an  agent  deputed  on  our  part 
to  Algiers,  importing  that  the  terms  ot  a  treaty  with 
the  Dey  and  Regency  of  that  country  bad  been  ad- 
justed in  such  a  manner  as  to  authorize  the  expecta- 
tion of  a  Bpeedy  peace,  and  the  restoration  of  our  un- 
fortunate fellow-citizens  from  a  grievous  captivity." 
— State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  28. 

The  treaty  for  this  purpose  was  signed  at  Algiers 
5th  September,  1795.  It  was  a  sacrifice  of  pride,  if 
not  of  honor,  to  the  necessity  of  the  occasion. 
Among  its  stipulations  was  one  even  for  an  annual 
tribute  from  the  United  States  to  the  barbarous 
slave  power.  But  amidst  all  its  unquestionable  Sk 
niiliation,  it  was  a  treaty  of  emancipation ;  nor  did 
our  people  consider  nicely  the  terms  on  which  such 
a  good  was  secured.  It  is  recorded  that  a  thrill  of 
jov  went  through  the  land  on  the  annunciation  that 
a  vessel  had  left  Algiers,  having  on  board  the  Amer- 
icans who  had  been  captives  there.  The  largess  of 
money  and  even  the  indignity  of  tribute  were  for- 
gotten in  gratulations  on  their  new-fbund  happi- 
ness. Washington  in  his  message  to  Congress  of 
December  7,  1796,  thus  solemnly  dwelt  on  their 
emancipation : — 

"After  many  delays  and  disappointments  arising 
out  of  the  European  war,  the  final  arrangements  for 
fulfilling  the  engagements  to  the  Dey  and  Regency  of 
Algiers  will,  in  all  present  appearance,  be  crowned 
with  success  ;  but  under  great,  though  inevitable,  dis- 
advniiUiges  in  the  pecuniary  transactions  occasioned 
by  that  war,  which  will  render  a  further  provision 
necessary.  The  actual  liberation  of  all  our  citizens  who 
were  prisoners  at  Algiers,  white  it  gratifies  every  feeling 
heart,  is  itself  an  earnest  of  a  satisfactory  termination 
of  the  whole  negotiation." — State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  30. 

Other  treaties  were  made  with  Tripoli  and  with 
Morocco,  and  more  money  was  paid  for  the  same  ob- 
ject, until  at  last,  in  1801,  the  slaveholding  preten- 
sions of  Tripoli  compelled  a  resort  to  arms.  It  ap- 
pears by  a  document  preserved  in  the  State  Papers 
of  our  country,  that  from  179U — in  the  apace  of  five 
years — appropriations  had  been  made  for  the  libera- 
tion of  our  people,  reaching  to  a  sum  total  of  up- 
\  * 


A  naval  force,  which  was  promptly  dispatched 
the  Mediterranean,  secured  the  freedom  of  the  Amer- 
ican slaves  without  ransom,  and  stipulated  further 
that  hereafter  no  Americans  should  be  made  slaves, 
and  that  "any  Christians  whatever,  captives  in  Al- 
giers," making  their  escape  and  taking  refuge  on 
board  an  American  ship  of  war,  should  be  sate  from 
all  requisition  or  reclamation.  Decatur,  on  this  oc- 
casion, showed  character  as  well  as  courage.  The 
freedmen  of  his  arms  were  welcomed  on  board  his 
ship  with  impatient  triumph.  Thus,  not  by  money, 
but  by  war  was  emancipation  this  time  secured. 

At  a  later  day,  Great  Britain,  weary  of  tribute 
and  ransom,  directed  her  naval  power  against  the 
Barbary  States.  Tunis  and  Tripoli  each  promised 
abolition;  but  Algiers  sullenly  refused,  until  com- 
pelled by  irresistible  force.  Before  night  oh  the 
27th  August,  1816,  the  fleet  fired,  besides  shells  and 
rockets,  one  hundred  and  eighteen  tons  of  powder 
and  fifty  thousand  shot,  weighing  more  than  five 
hundred"  tons.  Amidst  the  crumbling  ruins  of  wall 
and  citadel  the  cruel  slave  power  was  humbled,  and 
consented,  by  solemn  stipulation,  to  the  surrende 
of  alt  the  slaves  in  Algiers,  and  to  the  abolition  of 
white  slavery  forever.  This  great  event  was  a: 
nounced  by  the  victorious  admiral  in  a  dispatch  to 
his  Government,  where  he  uses  words  of  gratulation 
worthy  of  the  occasion: — 

"In  all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  long  life  of  public  ser- 
vice, no  circumstance  has  ever  produced  on  my  mind 
such  impressions  of  gratitude  as  the  event  of  yester- 
day. To  have  been  one  of  the  humble  instruments, 
in  the  hands  of  Divine  Providence,  of  bringing  to 
reason  a  ferocious  Government,  and  destroying  for- 
ever the  insufferable  and  horrid  system  of  Christian 
slavery,  can  never  cease  to  he  a  source  of  delight  and 
heartfelt  comfort  to  every  individual  happy  enough 
to  be  employed  in  it." — Osier's  Life  of  Lord  Exmouth, 
p.  432. 

And  thus  ended  white  slavery  in  the  Barbary 
States.  A  single  brief  effort  of  war  put  an  instant 
close  to  this  wicked  pretension.  li\  in  looking  back 
upon  its  history,  we  find  much  to  humble  our  pride — if 
we  are  disposed  to  mourn  that  our  Government 
stooped  to  ransom  those  who  were  justly  free  with- 
out price,  yet  we  cannot  fail  to  gather  instruction 
from  this  great  precedent.  Slavery  is  the  same  in 
its  essential  character,  wherever  it  exists,  except, 
perhaps,  that  it  has  received  some  new  harshness 
here  among  us.  There  is  no  argument  against  its 
validity  at  Algiers  which  is  not  equally  strong  against 
its  validity  at  Washington.  In  both  cases,  it  is 
just  force  organized  into  law.  But  in  Algiers  it  is 
not  known  that  the  law  was  unconstitutional,  as  if 
clearly  is  here  in  Washington.  In  the  early  ease 
slavery  was  regarded  by  our  fathers  only  as  an  ex- 
isting fact  ;  and  it  is  only  as  an  existing  fact  that 
it  can  be  now  regarded  by  us  in  the  present  case 
nor  is  there  any  power  of  Congress,  which  was  gen- 
erously exerted  for  those  distant  captives  which 
may  not  be  invoked  for  the  captives  in  our  own 
streets. 

Mr.  President,  if  in  this  important  discussion, 
which  seems  to  open  the  door  of  the  future,  I  have 
confined  myself  to  two  simple  inquiries,  it  is  because 
practically  they  exhaust  the  whole  subject.  If  sla- 
very be  unconstitutional  in  the  national  capital,  and 
if  it  be  a  Christian  duty,  sustained  by  constitutional 
examples,  to  ransom  slaves,  then  your  swift  desires 
cannot  hesitate  to  adopt  the  present  bill.  It  is  need- 
less to  enter  upon  other  questions,  important  per- 
haps, but  irrelevant.  It  is  needless  also  to  consider 
the  bugbears  which  Senators  have  introduced,  for 
all  must  see  that  they  are  bugbears. 

If  I  have  seemed  to  dwell  on  details,  it  is  because 
they  furnished  at  each  stage  instruction  and  support ; 
if  I  have  occupied  time  on  a  curious  passage  of'  his- 
tory, it  is  because  it  is  more  apt  even  than  curious, 
while  it  sometimes  held  the  mirror  up  Lo  our  own 
wickedness,  and  sometimes  even  seemed  to  cry  out, 
"  Thou  art  the  man."  Of  course,  I  scorn  to  argue 
the  obvious  truth  that  the  slaves  here  are  as  much 
entitled  to  freedom  as  the  white  slaves  that  enlisted 
the  early  energies  of  our  Government.  They  are 
men  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  this  is  enough.  There 
is  no  principle  ofthe  Constitution,  and  no  rule  of 
justice,  which  is  not  as  strong  for  one  as  for  the  oth- 
er. In  consenting  to  the  ransom  proposed,  you  wil 
recognize  their  manhood,  and  if  authority  be  need- 
ed, you  will  find  it  in  the  example  of  Washington, 
who  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  a  golden  key  to  open 
the  house  of  bondage. 

Let  this  bill  pass,  and  the  first  practical  triumph 
of  freedom,  for  which  good  men  have  longed,  dying 
without  the  sight — for  which  a  whole  generation  has 
petitioned,  and  for  which  orators  and  statesmen  have 
pleaded — -will  at  last  be  accomplished.  Slavery  will 
be  banished  from  the  national  capital.  This  me- 
tropolis, which  bears  a  venerated  name,  will  be  puri- 
fied ;  its  evil  spirit  will  be  cast  out;  its  shame  will 
be  removed  ;  its  society  will  be  refined ;  its  courts 
will  be  made  better;  its  revolting  ordinances  will  be 
swept  away  ;  and  even  its  loyalty  will  be  secured. 
If  not  moved  by  justice  to  the  slave,  then  be  willing 
to  act  for  your  own  good  and  in  self-defence.  If 
you  hesitate  to  pass  this  bill  for  the  blacks,  then  pass 
it  for  the  whites.  Nothing  is  clearer  than  that  the 
degradation  of  slavery  affects  the  master  as  much  as 
the  slave  ;  while  recent  events  testify  that  wherever 
slavery  exists,  there  treason  lurks,  if  it  does  not 
flaunt.  From  the  beginning  of  this  rebellion,  si. 
very  has  been  constantly  manifest  in  the  conduct  of 
the  masters,  and  even  here  in  the  national  capital, 
it  has  been  the  traitorous  power  which  has  encourag- 
ed and  strengthened  the  enemy.  This  power  must 
be  suppressed  at  every  cost,  and  if  its  suppression 
here  endangers  slavery  elsewhere,  there  will  be  a 
new  motive  for  determined  action. 

Amidst  all  present  solicitudes,  the  future  cannot 
be  doubtful.  At  the  national  capital,  slavery  will 
give  way  to  freedom  ;  but  the  good  work  will  not 
stop  here.  It  must. proceed.  What  God  andnatur' 
decree,  rebellion  cannot  arrest.  And  as  the  whol 
wide-spread  tjfcflnny  begins  to  tumble,  then,  above 
the  din  of  battle,  sounding  from  the  sea  and  echo- 
ing along  the  laud,  abovo  even  the  exultations  of 
victory  on  well-fought  fields,  will  ascend  voices  of 
gladness  and  benediction,  swelling  from  generous 
hearts  wherever  civilization  bears  sway,  to  commem- 
orate a  sacred  triumph,  whose  trophies,  instead  of 
tattered  banners,  will  be  ransomed  slaves. 


TWENTiT-EIUJITII   ANNIVERSARY 

OF    THE 

AMERICAN  AHTI-SLAYEET  SOCIETY. 

The  Twenty-Eighth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavery  Society  will  be  held  in  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans,  (Dr.  Cheever's,)  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  on  Tuesday,  May  6,  commencing  at 
10  o'clock,  A.  M.  In  the  evening,  another  public 
meeting  will  be  held  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  com- 
mencing at  half  past  7  o'clock.  The  names  of  speak- 
ers for  these  meetings  will  be  seasonably  announced. 
The  Society  will  meet,  for  business  purposes  only, 
in  the  Lecture  Boom  of  the  Church  of  the  Puritans,  at 
3£  P.  M.  on  Tuesday,  and  10  A.  M.  on  Wednesday. 

The  object  of  this  Society  is  still — as  at  its  forma- 
tion— the  immediate  and  total  abolition  of  slavery 
wherever  existing  on  the  American  soil,  because  of  its 
inherent  sinfulness,  immorality,  oppression  and  bar- 
barity, and  its  utter  repugnance  to  all  the  precepts  of 
the  Gospel,  and  all  the  principles  of  genuine  Democra- 
cy; its  measures  arc  still  the  same — peaceful,  moral 
rational,  legal,  constitutional ;  its  instrumentalities  are 
still  the  same — tlie  pen,  the  press,  the  lecturing  field, 
tracts  and  other  publications,  etc.,  etc.,  disseminating 
light  and  knowledge  in  regard  to  the  tyrannical  pow- 
er claimed,  possessed  and  exercised  by  slaveholders, 
the  actual  condition  of  their  miserable  victims,  and  the 
guilty  complicity  of  the  people  of  the  North,  religious- 
ly, politically,  governmentally,  witb  those  who  "trade 
in  slaves  and  the  souls  of  men  ;  "  its  spirit  is  still  the 
same — long-s offering,  patient,  hopeful,  impartial,  be- 
nevolent alike  to  the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed, 
zealously  intent  on  "promoting  the  general  welfare 
and  securing  the  blessings  of  liberty "  universally, 
"  knowing  no  East,  no  West,  no  North,  no  South," 
but  embracing  the  whole  country  in  its  charitable  and 
humane  concern,  and  conflicting  with  nothing  just, 
honest,  noble,  and  Christian  in  sentiment,  practice  or 
tendency. 

In  regard  to  the  struggle  now  going  on  between  the 
Government  and  the  Rebel  States,  this  Society  is  un- 
equivocally with  the  Government,  because  it  has  done 
fio  wrong  to  those  States,  nor  furnished  any  justification 
for  such  a  treasonable  procedure  on  their  part.  Yet 
the  Society  sees  in  this  awful  conflict  the  fulfilment  of 
the  prophetic  declaration — "Ye  have  not  proclaimed 
liberty  every  man  to  his  brother,  and  every  man  to 
his  neighbor;  therefore  I  proclaim  a  liberty  for  you, 
saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence,  and  to 
the  famine";  and  it  trusts  that,  in  the  spirit  of  sincere 
repentance  and  deep  humiliation,  acknowledging  the 
righteous  retribution  which  has  come  upon  them, 
the  people  will  imperatively  demand  ofthe  Govern- 
ment, (now  that  it  has  the  constitutional  right  under 
the  war  power,)  that  it  forthwith  decree  the  immedi- 
ate and  entire  abolition  of  slavery,  so  that  peace  may 
be  restored  on  an  enduring  basis,  and  the  unity  of  the 
nation  preserved  through  universal  justice. 
In  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee, 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  President. 
Wendell  Phillips, 
cliarles  c.  burleigh 


at  great  personal  hazard,  und  in  the  face  of  every  form 
of  obloquy  and  abuse,  to  save  the  nation  from  its  pres- 
ent evil  plight,  by  urging  it  to  "  execute  judgment  in 
the  morning,   and  deliver  him   that  is  spoiled  out  of 
the     hand    of    the    oppressor  u — otherwise,  in    due 
time,    the  righteous   retribution    of    Heaven    would 
be    poured    out    without    mixture    upon    our   guilty 
land.     They  have   tenaciously  adhered  to  the  Decla- 
ration  of  Independence,    as  setting    forth    the  true 
doctrine  as  to    man's   inalienable    right  to   freedom. 
They  have  done  as  they  would  be  done  by,    by  re- 
membering those  in  bonds  as  hound  with  them.  They 
have  advocated  those  principles  of  justice  anil  human- 
ity  which   distinguish  mankind  from  the  brute   crea- 
tion,   and   which  the  civilized    world  recognizes    as, 
eternally  obligatory.     They    have  denounced  fraud, 
oppression,  concubinage,   child-stealing,  and    all  the 
crimes  and  horrors  to  which  the  accursed  slave  system 
gives  birth.     They  have  never  felt  or  manifested  any 
ill-will  to  the  slaveholders,  but  have  interposed  in  order 
to  save  them  and  their  victims  alike.     Their   appeals 
have  been  made  to  the  reason  and  conscience,  "  to  the 
law  and  the    testimony,"    in   the  spirit  of  conscious 
rectitude  and  disinterested  benevolence.     They  have 
done  nothing  in   the  dark,   but  every  thing  has  been 
made  manifest  in    the   light.     They  have  set  a  manly 
example  of  free  discussion,  ever  courting  in  their  own 
organs  and  on  their  own  platforms  the  closest  scrutiny 
and  the  boldest  utterance  of  expression  on  the  part   of 
their  opponents.     And  it  is  precisely  for  these  reasons 
that  tlie  venal   Journal  of  Commerce  hates  and  perse- 
cutes them ;  for  if  they  had  only  "gone  with  the  mul- 
titude to  do  evil,"  and  sanctioned  the  act  of  "striking 
hands  with   thieves  and  consenting  with  adulterers," 
that  paper  would  have  applauded  them  as  patriotB  and 
Christians.     The  charge  it  maliciously  brings  against 
the  abolitionists,  of  "having  done  much  to  plunge  the 
nation  into  its  present  state  of  war,"  is  fearfully   true 
of  its  own  course  for  a  long  series   of  years.     It   has 
daily  exerted  itself  to  corrupt  the  moral  and  religious 
sentiment  of  the  North  on  the  subject  of  slavery,    to 
encourage  the  South  in  all  her  infamous  demands,   to 
strengthen  and  enlarge  the   power   of  the  slave   oli- 
garchy now   at   the   head  of  the  present  rebellion,  to 
ridicule  and  caricature  the  Anti-Slavery  movement,  to 
insult  and  libel  every  man  in   public  and  private  dis- 
posed to  resist  the  further  extension  of  slavery,  and 
with   special,  persistent  and    dastardly  malignity    to 
heap  contempt  and  outrage  upon  the  free  colored  pop- 
ulation, endeavoring  to  rouse  up  popular  enmity  every 
where  to  secure  their  virtual  expulsion  from  the  coun- 
try.    It  has  no  real  sympathy  with  the  government, 
and  is  doing  all  in  its   power  to  paralyze  vigorous  ac- 
tion   ngainst   the  Southern    traitors,   and,  as  far  as  it 
dares,  to  give  them  countenance  and  aid.     In   short, 
its  career  has  been   marked   with   odious    duplicity, 
shameless  villany,  detestable  religious  cant,  and  brutal 
inhumanity.  Every  copy  of  it  is  saturated  with  blood. 


>  Secretaries. 


g^=  The  New  York  (City)  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety will  hold  its  anniversary  in  the  Cooper  Institute 
on  WEDNESDAY  evening,  May  7th. 


UNION    IN    EIGHTEOUSNESS   ve 
RIGHTEOUS  UNION. 

The  New  York  Journal  of  Con 


AN    UN- 


Aboi.ition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  ov 
Colombia.  The  Senate  bill  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  has  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  and 
now  only  awaits  the  approval  and  signature  of  the 
President  to  become  operative.  Some  doubts  have 
been  expressed  in  regard  to  the  probable  endorse- 
ment, of  this  bill  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  but  those  best  in- 
formed are  confident  that  the  President  will  sign  the 
bill.  The  whole  country  has  cause  for  Congratula- 
tion in  the  passage  of  this  bill  by  Congress.  The 
stigma  of  holding  slaves  beneath  the  shadow  of  the 
Capitol  has  long  enough  rested  upon  the  Nation,  and 
has  furnished  our  foreign  enemies  a  most  powerful 
weapon  to  use  against  us  in  this  present  rebellion. 
It  is  time  that  the  Seat  of  Government  rested  upon 
i'roA:  soil,  territory  unpolluted  by  shivery.  We  are 
glad  that  this  stain  upon  our  National  escutcheon  is 
shortly  to  be  wiped  out  and  obliterated.  —  Boston 
Herald. 


ce  says : — 

"No  candid,  outspoken  abolitionist  will  take  the 
least  offence  at  our  distinct  eliarge,  that  he  and  those 
who  think  with  him  are  not  for  the  Union  which 
Washington  .and  his  companions  founded." 

None  whatever  1  That  was  a  guilty  Union  ce- 
mented with  the  blood  of  an  enslaved  race  on  our 
soil— "a  covenant  with  death,  and  an  agreement  with 
bell,"  in  the  making  of  which,  "  Washington  and  his 
companions  "  committed  a  grievous  sin.  The  natur- 
al and  inevitable  result  of  it  is  a  dismembered  republic 
and  a  tremendous  civil  war,  through  the  treachery  of 
the  very  slaveholding  class  that,  originally  dictated 
the  terms  ofthe  Union,  and  also  as  a  diving  retribu- 
tion for  trampling  upon  the  poor  and  needy  I  Not  for 
myriads  of  worlds  ought  it  to  be,  even  if  it  could  be 
restored,  with  all  its  inkiuitous  conditions  and  horri- 
ble pro-slavery  compromises!  "  Wo  to  them  that  go 
down  to  Egypt  [the  South]  for  help,  for  they  look  not 
unto  the  Holy  One  of  Israel,  neither  seek  the  Lord  ! 
Yet  he  will  arise  against  the  bouse  of  evil-doers,  and 
against  the  help  of  them  that  work  iniquity.  Now 
the  Egyptians  are  men,  and  not  God ;  and  their  houses 
flesh,  and  not  spirit.  When  the  Lord  shall  stretch  out 
bis  hand,  both  he  that  helpeth  shall  full,  andhe  that  is 
holpen  shall  fall  down,  and  they  shall  Jail  together."  Be- 
hold the  verification  ofthe  fearful  prediction  1  Judi- 
cially blind,  and  incurably  perverse,  the  same  paper 
adds — "Some  persons  are  inclined  to  look  leniently 
on  the  great  crime  of  the  radical  abolitionists,  which 
has  done  so  much  to  plunge  the  nation  into  its  present 
war."  The  crime  here  alluded  to  is  identical  with 
that  committed  by  certain  "pestilent  and  seditious 
fellows"  of  old,  of  whom  we  read  that  they  bad 
the  impudence  to  raise  the  inquiry  as  against  the  ru- 
lers of  their  day,  "  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight  of 
God  to  hearken  unto  you  more  than  unto  God,  judge 
ye."  Also  with  that  committed  at  an  earlier  period 
against  "the  powers  that  were,"  by  certain  "rad- 
ical" Jews,  when  they  defiantly  said,  "  Be  it  known 
unto  thee,  O  King,  that  we  will  not  serve  thy  gods, 
nor  worship  the  golden  image  thou  hast  set  up." 
Their  crime  is  a  determined  resolution  to  make  no 
truce  with  violence,  oppression  and  blood;  to  stand 
by  the  cause  of  impartial  liberty  at  all  hazards  ;  to  call 
a  nation,  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins,  to  true  repent- 
ance and  thorough  reformation.  They  deny  that 
"  Washington  and  his  companions  "  could  set  aside 
the  eternal  law  of  God  with  impunity,  or  innocently 
seek  to  promote  their  own  interests  at  the  expense  of 
the  rights  and  happiness  of  a  class  "meted  out  and 
trodden  under  foot  of  men,"  or  bind  any  of  their 
posterity  to  sanction  and  perpetuate  their  evil  doings, 
or  claim  any  more  exemption  from  sharp  criticism 
and  stern  condemnation  than  others  who  have  done 
those  things  they  ought  not  to  have  done,  in  order  to 
subserve  their  own  ends.  In  their  essential  nature 
and  claims  to  merciful  consideration,*  we  have  as  much 
regard  for  any  similar  number  of  manacled  slaves  as 
we  have  for'"  Washington  and  his  companions."  "-A 
man's  a  man,  for  a'  that."  And  sure  we  are  that  if 
any  Constitution  or  Union  had  been  formed  at  the 
sacrifice  of  the  liberty  of  "  Washington  and  his  com- 
panions," they  would  have  pronounced  it  "a  cove- 
nant with  death  and  an  agreement  with  hell,"  and 
treated  it  accordingly— no  matter  who  had  been  its 
framers.  Yea,  we  know  that  it  was  because  some 
slight  encroachments  were  made  upon  their  freedom 
by  the  mother  country,  that  they  rose  in  rebellion 
against  king  and  government,  and  deemed  themselves 
justified  in  resisting  unto  death.  In  the  light  ol' their 
example,  the  race  whom  they  so  cruelly  consented  to 
sacrifice  would  be  a  thousand  limes  more  justified  in 
rising  up  in  insurrection,  and  slaughtering  their  op- 
pressors without  mercy.  "Willi  what  .measure  ye 
mete,  it  shall  he  measured  lo  you  again." 

The  Journal  of  Commerce,  [miniated  by  the  spirit  of 
those  who  accused  Jesus  in  this  maimer — "  Wo  found 
this  fellow  perverting  the  nation,  and  forbidding  lo 
give  tribute  to  Cesar" — and  of  those  who  accused  his 
disciples  of  "going  about  to  turn  the  world  upside 
down" — maliciously  accuses  the  abolitionists  of  hav- 
ing "  done  much  to  plunge  the  nation  into  its  present 
slutc  of  war  "  ; — meaning  that  they  have  pursued  a 
lawless  and  wicked  course,  for  the  basest  purposes,  and 
reckless  of  consequences.  It  is  a  libellous  charge; 
they  have  done  no  such  thing.  They  Imve  expended 
years  of  time,  and  u  large  amount  of  means  and  effort, 


"  Parson  Brownlow."  This  notorious  parson  hav-. 
ing  had  his  paper  suppressed,  his  priii  ting-office  de- 
stroyed, Ins  life  threatened,  and  himself  thrust  into 
prison,  by  the  rebels,  for  his  unfaltering  loyalty  to  the 
Union,  has  at  last  been  released,  and  is  now  making  a 
Western  tour,  narrating  his  hair-breadth  escapes  and 
actual  sufferings  to  crowded  audiences.  He  has  had 
tendered  to  him  the  freedom  of  several  of  the  West- 
ern cities  as  a  mark  of  sympathy  and  respect,  though 
he  really  deserves  little  of  either;  for  a  more  coarse- 
minded,  vulgar,  abusive,  pugilistic  disputant  it  would- 
be  difficult  to  find.  It  is  something  to  his  credit,  un- 
der such  trying  circumstances,  that  he  refused  to  play 
the  traitor;  but  this  makes  him  neither  a  gentleman 
nor  a  Christian.  Here  is  an  extract  from  his  speech 
before  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  : — 

"  Some  time  since,  I  stood  alone  amidst  2,000  rebel 
soldiers,  and  I  said,  in  my  address  to  them: — 'It  is 
you  of  the  South  that  are  to  blame.  The  North  have 
not  precipitated  this  war  on  us  ;  it  is  you  who  have 
done  it.  You  complained  of  an  infringement  of  South- 
ern rights  when  there  was  no  infringement.  You 
complained  of  Northern  encroachments  when  there 
were  none,  and  you  have  rushed  into  a  war  of  the 
most  wicked  kind,  without  a  shadow  of  a  reason.' 
But,  gentlemen-of  Ohio,  I  do  not  and  cannot  exoner- 
ate the  North  ;  and  I  say  in  brief  to  you,  that  if  thirty 
years  ago,  we  had  taken  one  hundred  Southern  fire- 
eaters  and  one  hundred  Northern  Abolitionists,  and 
hanged  them  up,  and  buried  them  in  a  common  ditch, 
anil  sent  their  souls  to  hell,  we  should  have  had  noue 
of  this  war.  (Immense  applause.)  I  am  speaking  too 
long.     (Cries  of  'No,  no,'  &c,  &,c.)" 

This  murderous  expression  against  the  truest  friends 
of  freedom  was  received  with  "immense  applause," 
it  seems,  by  this  legislative  assembly,  and  the  morally 
demented  utterer  of  it  was  urged  to  "  go  on  " !  What 
degradation  of  mind  is  here  manifested  !  And  what 
madness  is  evinced  in  supposing  that  a  righteous  God 
is  to  he  baffled  in  his  dealings  with  oppressors,  by  the 
seasonable  hanging  of  any  number  of  their  opponents ! 


Letter  of  Mil  Martin.  We  publish  in  another 
column  a  letter  from  Mr.  William  Carlos  Martyn,  in 
reply  to  one  in  our  paper  of  the  4th  inst.,  impeaching 
his  integrity  in  the  manner  therein  set  forth.  Mr.  M. 
has  entirely  mistaken  bis  accuser,  who,  so  far  from 
skulking  behind  intangible  blanks,  appended  his  name 
to  his  statement,  and  authorized  us  to  make  any  use 
of  it  we  might  deem  proper.  We  did  not  think  it  ne- 
cessary to  print  his  name  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  we 
said  it  would  he  communicated  to  Mr.  M.,  if  he  desired 
it;  and  we  shall  send  it  to  him  all  the  more  readily, 
because  he  has  implicated  quite  another  person. 

Prom  Mr.  Martyn's  explanations  as  to  his  alleged 
connection  with  Yale  College,  it  appears  that  he  has 
had  no  intention  of  practicing  any  deception  ;  and,  so 
far  as  anti-slavery  lecturing  is  concerned,  he  has  had 
no  motive  to  do  so.  He  has  good  talents,  and  we  trust 
his  future  course  will  be  "  onward  and  upward." 


THE   METAYEE    TEKUBE. 

My  friend  "  C,"  who  wishes  the  Metayer  tenure 
interposed,  by  way  of  precaution,  between  emdave- 
ment  and  perfect  freedom,  need  not  feel  the  least 
alarm  lest  we  should  get  too  speedily  from  the  bot- 
tom to  the  top — lestour  difficult  social  problem  should 
be  solved  loo  easily  or  too  rapidly.  Further,  he  may 
dismiss  from  his  mind  the  idea  that  /  expect  any  im- 
portant attainments,  material,  intellectual  or  moral,  to 
be  made  by  the  blacks  "rather  suddenly."  It  is  be- 
cause all  such  progress  must  inevitably  be  very  slow, 
that  I  am  so  particular  and  emphatic  in  demanding 
the  right  and  the  best  conditions  wherewith  to  begin 
the  process  of  elevation. 

The  position  ofthe  colored  race  in  the  South,  when 
placed,  as  I  wish  lo  have  them,  in  freedom  under  law, 
will  he  by  no  means  poetical,  but  sadly  prosaic.  They 
will  merely  have  reached  the  opportunity — will  mere- 
ly have  come  to  the  beginning — of  an  attempt  to  rise 
above  the  lowest  condition  of  humanity.  They  are 
in  the  position  of  the  boy  who  has  just  commenced 
going  to  school.  There  is  no  danger  of  his  getting 
too  much  knowledge,  or  of  his  getting  it  too  quickly. 
There  is  no  possibility  of  his  becoming,  at  once,  a  great 
scholar.  It  is  now  lobe  decided  whether  he  will  choose 
to  make  the  exerlion,  and  use  the  patience  and  perse- 
verance, necessary  to  learn  anything.  What  we  de- 
mand for  him  is,  that  he  shall  have  the  opportunity  to 
make  a  fair  experiment ;  that  the  rules  ofthe  school 
shall  not  bar  him  out,in  advance,  from  either  spelling, 
reading,  writing  or  arithmetic  ;  and  what  we  demand 
for  the  frcedman  is,  that  the  rules  of  the  civil  state 
shall  not  bar  him  out,  in  advance,  from  any  such  choice 
of  occupation  and  residence,  or  from  any  such  change 
of  occupation  and  residence,  as  he  may  prefer  and  can 
attain,  under  the  laws  which  govern  the  whole  com- 
munity. This  is  all.  Scholar  or  laborer,  it  will  take 
him  a  long,  long  time  to  work  upwards.  Being 
richer,  stronger  and  more  intelligent  than  he,  we 
ought  to  help  him.  But  the  very  least  we  can  do  is  to 
avoid  hindering  him  by  obstructions,  either  of  law  or 
custom.  And  we  may  as  well  at  once  free  ourselves 
from  the  delusion  (to  which  the  persevering  lies  of 
the  slaveholders  have  given  an  undeserved  currency) 
that  such  restrictions  are  really  helpful  to  him  ;  that 
be  learns  rather  better  with  one  eye  bound  up;  that 
he  works  rather  better  with  one  hand  tied  behind' 
him. 

The  advantage  which  my  friend  expects  from  the 
adoption  of  the  Metayer  system  here  is,  that  the  in- 
terests of  the  laborer  will  be  better-protected  by  the 
public  sanction  and  unwavering  custom"  which  he 
finds  connected  with  that  system  in  some  parts  of 
France,  than  by  the  special  verbal  contract  which  la- 
borers here  make  with  their  employers. 

Now,  even  if  we  could  have  here,  for  the  solution 
of  our  great  problem,  that  "public  sanction  and  un- 
wavering custom"  which  the  growth  of  centuries  has 
produced  in  certain  quiet,  "  slow,"  old-fashioned  rural 
districts  of  France,  1  should  differ  with  my  friend  in 
regard  to  its  preferableness  over  the  freedom  which 
states  its  own  demands,  and  takes  equal  part  in  a  con- 
tract. But  we  cannot  possibly  have  the  conditions  in 
question  for  our  experiment.  Unwavering  custom  is 
not  a  thing  that  can  be  made  to  order,  or  bought 
ready-made.  Not  only  is  no  such  thing  in  existence 
here,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  either  party  would 
agree  to  commence  a  trial  of  it.  And  even  if  both 
parties  did  agree  to  begin,  and  give  it  a  trial,  and  if 
they  consented  to  continue  it  for  ten  or  fifteen  years, 
it  would  take  at  least  that  time  to  establish  the  "un- 
varying custom"  which  is  the  chief  recommendation 
ofthe  scheme;  whereas,  we  need  some  plan  which 
shall  not  only  promise  well  for  the  future,  but  answer 
the  necessities  ofthe  present  moment  also.  It  seems 
to  me  that  immediate  emancipation,  a  chance  for 
those  who  have  been  slaves  to  begin  to  work  for  such 
moderate  wages  as  shall  offer  themselves,  taking  the 
chances  that  the  poor  in  all  our  Northern  towns  have 
to  take,  will  work  better  than  any  system  intermedi- 
ate between  that  and  slavery,  alike  for  the  present 
and  the  future. 

Of  course,  in  so  great  a  change  as  is  now  coming 
upon  Southern  labor,  both  upon  its  form  and  its  sub- 
stance, many  inconveniences  are  to  be  expeeted,  and 
many  dangers  to  be  guarded  against.  Let  us  do  the 
best  we  can  in  regard  to  each  of  these  as  it  shall 
arise.  But  there  is  one  great,  imminent,  enormous 
danger,  constantly  threatening,  pre'ssing  in  every  mo- 
ment and  at  every  crevice,  and  needing  to  be  pro- 
vided against  "first,  and  last,  aud  midst,  and  without 
end" — namely,  the  habit  of  whites  to  consider  blacks 
inferior  beings,  to  treat  them  as  inferior  beings,  and 
to  oppress  them.  Whatever  safeguards  we  may  pro- 
vide, much  of  this  oppression  will  certainly  be  exer- 
cised, and  many  of  our  white  population  will  yield  to 
this  besetting  sin.  But  the  more  wise  precaution  is 
used  in  providing  the  safeguards,  the  more  thoroughly 
w.e  shall  secure  the  end  which  "  C."  and  myself  have 
equally  at  heart,  the  progressive  elevation  of  these 
people  whom  our  nation  has  kept  in  bonds,  under 
darkness. 

We  are  told  that  it  is  unwise  to  fight  the  devil  witb 
fire,  because  be  understands  the  properties  and  capa- 
bilities of  that  element  better  than  we  do,  and  can 
stand  its  assault  better  than  we  can.  Let  us  oppose 
water  to  fire,  liberty  to  slavery,  free  knowledge  to  en- 
forced ignorance.  Instead  of  enforcing  a  small  op- 
pression as  the  best  step  next  in  succession  to  a  great 
one,  let  us  have  done  with  all  oppression,  recognize 
human  rights  in  practice  as  well  as  in  theory,  discard 
the  sham  democracy  and  the  class  legislation  which 
have  so  long  disgraced  us,  aud  try  a  system  of  laws 
which,  aiming  to  secure  the  rights  of  all,  shall  have 
specially  in   view  the   protection  of  the  poor  and  the 


"Professor  Clarence  Butler."  We  have  cop- 
ied a  communication  from  the  Boston  Courier,  accusing 
this  itinerating  lecturer  of  outrageously  base  conduct 
in  trilling  with  female  confidence,  and  breaking  his 
plighted  faith — &c,  &c.  There  is  no  question  of  his 
guilt.  We  have  seen  a  letter  from  him,  acknowledg- 
ing it  in  full,  heaping  upon  himself  unmeasured  con- 
demnation, und,  of  course,  professing  to  be  filled  with 
shame  and  confusion  of  face.  It  is  now  very  doubt- 
ful whether  any  of  his  statements,  concerning  his 
brutal  treatment  in  Texas  and  narrow  escape  from 
lynching,  are  to  be  believed.  From  this  revelation, 
the  poet  seems  to  have  drawn  his  picture,  thus  : — 

"  0,  serpent  bearti  hid  with  a  flowering  faeo  ! 
Did  ever  dragon  keep  so  fair  a  oivve  ? 
Dove -feathered  raven  !  widvish-riivening  lamb  ! 
Despised  substance  of  divinesfe  show  ! 
Just  opposite  to  what,  thou  justly  seem'st ; 
A  damned  saint,  an  liuiiorivblo  villain." 


Both  Worthy  of  a  Thorough  Perusal.  See 
the  Letter  of  Gerrit  Smith  to  Montgomery  Blair  on 
our  last  page,  excellent  in  spirit,  noble  in  purpose,  and 
kind  in  rebuke.  Also,  the  admirable  speech  of  Charles 
Sunnier,  on  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia — so  worthy  of  the  eloquent  orator  and  his 
inspiring  theme.  We  had  hoped  to  be  able  to  an- 
nounce, in  our  present  number,  that  President  Lincoln 
has  put  his  name  to  the  bill  which  has  passed  both 
houses  of  Congress ;  but  he  has  not  yet  done  so, 
though  it  is  said  that  he  wil!  certainly  sanction  it. 


The  Hehuls  Fully  Aware  ©B  the  Movements 
ov  General  McCi.ellan.  The  Baltimore  correspon- 
dent of  the  New  York  Herald,  who  is  considered  good 
authority  in  matters  appertaining  to  the  rebels  in  Vir- 
ginia aud  their  sympathizers  in  Maryland,  says  it  was 
known  at  Richmond  when  the  bulk  of  the  Cuion  armv 
of  the  Potomac  moved  from  Manassas  to  Washington  j 
it  was  known  there  when  the  corps  d'armu  had  land- 
ed and  were  assembled  at  Fortress  Monroe;  it  was 
known  there  when  General  McClcllun  and  his  staff  ar- 
rived  at  the  Fortress;  and  il  was  known  there  when 
the  march  on  Yorktown  commenced,  aud  what  num- 
ber of  troops  General  McClcllun  had  wherewith  to 
make  the  attack.  How  is  this  to  lie  accounted  toe  | 
There  is  somoihiu:;' inexplicable  about  this  Gen.  Mc- 
Clcllun and  all  his  movements.  Of  all  "slow  coach- 
es," his  is  the  slowest;  and  Ins  vaunted  "military 
strategy  "  is  manifestly  a  humbug. 


Perhaps  we  cannot  fully  attain  this,  corrupted  as 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  our  people  have  been  by  their 
long  alliance  with  slaveholders.  But  this  is  the  right 
thing  to  strive  for  ;  and  the  degree  of  our  success  in 
attaining  the  right  will  be  proportionate  to  the  num- 
bers, the  assiduity  and  the  perseverance  of  those  who 
keep  on  demanding  that,  and  nothing  less.  The 
higher  we  aim,  other  things  being  equal,  the  higher 
our  arrow  will  reach.  Freedom,  nothing  less  than 
freedom  under  lau;  for  the  slave,  will  give  the  best 
chance  for  the  attainment  of  ultimate  welfare,  alike 
for  black  and  white. — c.  k.  w. 


The  Fugitive  Wife:  A  Criticism  on  Marriage, 
Adultery  and  Divorce.  By  Warren  Chase,  Author 
of  "  The  Life  of  the  Lone  One."  Boston :  Pub- 
lished by  Bela  Marsh,  14  Bromfield  Street.  1SG2. 
pp.  110. 

The  topics  discussed  in  this  unpretending  volume 
are  such  ns,  owing  to  the  corrupt  state  of  society,  ob- 
tain Uttle  consideration,  and  yet  arc  deserving  of  close 
analysis  and  universal  attention.  Particularly  is  this 
true  in  regard  lo  the  marriage  institution,  which  in- 
volves to  so  wide  and  vast  an  extent  the  weal  or  woe 
of  mankind,  and  which  few  have  had  the  moral  cour- 
age to  investigate  as  to  its  nature,  obligations,  liabili- 
ties, tendencies  and  results.  Whatever  thai  institu- 
tion is,  in  any  land, — and  its  features  vary  according 
to  the  degrees  of  civilisation,— it  is  a  startling  fact  that 

one  half  of  the  human  nice,  namely,  the  female  por- 
tion, have  never  yet  hud  any  voice  in  determining  its 
sanctity  or  limitations,  because  they  have  been  uni- 
versally disfranchised]  nnd  therefore  deprived  of  all 
opportunity  to  help  shape  the  laws  on  Ihis  subject. 
This  ought  not  so  lo  lie.  and  will  not  always  be  so. 

'fhe  perusal  of  "  The  Fugitive  Wife  "  will  help  to 
awaken  reflection  und  lend  to  needed  investigation. 


disri.v   Ainvin  OT  HivAiKY.     The  editor  of  the 
Newbury  port  Herald,  wdio  is  desperately  afflicted  with 

negrophobia,  alarmingly  says— "  Wendell  Phillips  and 
Parker  Pillsbury  boldly  avow  that  einiincipalion  is  not 
enough:  the  slaves  must  be  entitled  to  Income  gov- 
ernors and  senators  in  QoDgKW;  find  Charles  Sum- 
ner declares  constantly  for  equality."  In happy 
man!  he  is  manifestly  afraid  of  a  successful  rival  in 
the  enfranchised  negro,  ltis  fears  are  certainly  well 
founded. 


rrg'T-'i   ..    ■ 


APEIL  18. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


63 


LETTER   FROM  WM.  CARLOS  MARTYN". 

Nbw  York,  April  12,  1862. 
Mr.  Gahrison  : 

My  1)i:ak  Sir,— Owing  to  my  absence  from  home, 

I  failed  to  sue  the  Liberator  containing '» 

attack  on  me  until  this  morning,  it  having  just  been 
forwarded  to  me.  from  New  Haven.  Surprised  and 
grieved  at  such  bitter  charges,  uiy  duty  to  myself,  my 
family,  my  friends,  and  to  the  cause  of  liberty  which 
I  profess  and  delight  to  serve,  all  imperatively  demand 
that  the  calumny  be  refuted. 

Permit  me,  then,  a  word  in  reply. 
I  would  bid  the  public  mark  at  the  outset  that 
assumes  the  habitual  garb  of  all  assas- 
sins of  character,  and,  with  convenient  secrecy,  stabs 
me  in  the  dark ;  hoping,  perhaps,  tints  bid,  to  go  ufi- 
w hipped  of  justice.  Or  does  he  think  his  character 
and  abilities  so  fitly  and  accurately  described  by  the 
three  blanks  over  which  his  letter  is  written,  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  mistake  him  1 

This  "old  acquaintance  of  mine,"  with  whom  (if 
lie  be  the  person  I  suspect)  I  never  passed  a  dozen 
words,  says  that,  during  bis  Freshman  year,  he  met  a 
gentleman  one  day  on  the  college  grounds,  who  in- 
quired for  the  room  of  Wm,  C.  Martyn  ;  stating  that 
he  had  made  my  acquaintance  in  Boston,  and  that  I 
had  given  him  my  address,  "No.  5,  South  Centre, 
Yale  College."  On  learning  that  there  was  no  such 
building  or  person,  said  gentleman  felt  deeply  grieved 
at  my  faithlessness. 

Now,  sir,  these  are  the  facts  : — 
Several  years  since,  my  father  removed  his  resi- 
dence from  Worcester  to  New  Haven,  the  better  to 
facilitate  the  entrance  into,  and  continuance  at  college, 
of  my  brother  and  myself.  Before  leaving  Worcester, 
I  had  commenced  and  nearly  completed  my  fit,  and 
expected  to  enter  Yale  the  then  approaching  11th  of 
September.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  had  occa- 
sion, a  little  before  our  removal,  to  pass  several  days 
in  Boston.  While  there  I  met,  and  became  quite  fa- 
miliar with,  the  gentleman  this  "  old  acquaintance  of 
mine"  refers  to.  In  the  course  of  one  of  a  number 
of  conversations,  I  incidentally  mentioned  my  inten- 
tion to  enter  college  at  New  Haven  the  then  coming 
term.  My  friend  told  me  he  was  frequently  through 
New  Haven,  and  added,  "Next  time  I  pass  that  way, 
I  will  call,  and  renew  the  acquaintance  :  where  shall 
I  find  you  ?  "  Knowing  at  that  time  neither  what 
house  my  father  would  rent,  or  what  room  I  should 
have,  I  told  him  that  if  he  would  call  on  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain, (a  gentleman  with  whom  I  had  met,  and  whom 
I  highly  esteemed,)  he  would  doubtless  be  able-and 
willing  to  direct  him  to  me.  I  did  not  write  my  direc- 
tion as  is  alleged,  but  said,  "  You  will  find  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain at  South  Middle,"  not  Centre.  However,  ow- 
ing to  the  weakness  of  my  sight,  I  did  not  enter  col- 
lege, as  had  been  my  intention,  it  being  impossible  tor 
me  to  study.  But  my  father  took  a  house  in  New 
Haven,  the  situation  of  which  was  well  known  to  all 
my  friends.  Have  I  not  a  right  to  think  that  this 
"old  acquaintance  of  mine  "  might,  withuut  great  dif- 
ficulty, have  pointed  out  to  this  "chagrined"  gentle- 
man my  residence  1  Would  it  not  have  been  the  part 
of  an  "old  acquaintance"  to  seek  to  account  for  such 
a  mistake  naturally,  without  rushing  headlong,  with 
volunteer  haste,  to  the  conclusion  that  an  "old  ac- 
quaintance "  was-a  liar  and  a  rascal?  May  1  not  just- 
ly fear  that,  with  this  "old  acquaintance  of  mine," 
*'  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought"'?  Or  am  I  to 
accept  this  attack  as  evidence  that  we  are  but  too  prone 
to  judge  of  others  by  ourselves  ? 
Then  in  regard  to  Ee  Hoy. 

While  I  tarried  in  that  village,  it  was  with  a  "lang 
syne  "  friend  of  my  father's,  and  I  met  the  warmest 
of  welcomes,  and  the  heartiest.  This  old  friend,  feel- 
ing naturally  interested  in  myself  and  our  family,  in- 
quired particularly  all  about  us.  I  told  him  of  our 
residence  in  New  Haven — said  I  had  a  brother  already 
in  college — and  added  farther,  that  I  expected  to  enter 
soon  myself  in  my  last — the  Senior — year.  I  informed 
him  that  my  poor  eyesight  had  obliged  me  to  leave, 
for  a  little,  my  studies  at  New  Haven,  where  I  had 
been  engaged  in  study  several  years,  aiming  at  the 
outset  to  enter  Yale  in  my  Freshman  year,  but  taking 
steps  latterly  to  go  into  one  of  the  higher  classes. 
Having  gone  into  Western  New  York  on  a  visit  to  my 
friend,  George  W.  Clarke,  of  Rochester,  he  had  per- 
suaded me  to  speak  on  the  war,  and  its  relation  to  sla- 
very, with  which  request  I  was  then  complying.  I 
said  nothing  of  my  "high  scholarship,"  preferring 
to  let  my  lectures  speak  for  themselves  on  that  point. 
Indeed,  this  covert  charge  of  the  grossest  egotism 
comes  with  exceeding  ill  grace  from  this  "old  ac- 
quaintance of  mine."  Those  who  know  us  both  will 
bear  me  witness  that  I  am  not  the  one  most  addicted  to 
self-praising.  1  think  he  will  remember  that  it  was  not 
of  me  that  it  was  once  said,  in  the  words  of  Gratianoi 
in  the  Merchant  of  Venice, — "I  am  Sir  Oracle;  and 
when  I  ope  my  lips,  let  no  dog  bark!"  And  I 
have  been  told  that  this  "  old  acquaintance  of  mine  " 
is  the  exact  prototype  of  that  fellow  in  Coleridge's 
story,  who  was  so  impressed  with  bis  exceeding  im- 
portance, that  he  never  mentioned  himself  without 
taking  off  his  hat,  and  making  a  profound  bow  ! 

This  friend  in  Le  Roy  asked  me  if  I  knew  a  young 
friend  of  his  in  the  Junior  class  at  Yale,  whose  home 
was  at  Le  Roy.  My  answer  was — "  I  do  not,  nor  do 
I  think  my  brother  would,  since  they  are  not  in  the 
same  class,  and  the  higher  and  lower  classes  have  lit- 
tle familiarity."  This  was  all  the  conversation  we  had 
on  this  subject. 

Now,  sir,  if  my  remarks  were  so  fatally  misunder- 
stood as,  from  the  remarks attributes  to 

me,  appears  to  be  the  case,  you  will  agree  with  me 
that  it  certainly  was  my  misfortune,  though  hardly 
my  fault. 

Apropos  to  the  use  of  my  friend  G.  W.  Clarke's 
name,  I  think  it  but  just  to  say,  since  I  wish  to  open 
the  whole  chapter  to  yon,  that  the  better  to  circulate 
my  notice — or,  rather,  our  notice,  since  my  friend  and 
myself  were  together  a  very  considerable  time — we 
had  some  handbills  struck  off.  On  these  hills  my 
name  was,  by  my  friend,  and  unknown  to  me,  placed 
as  being  from  Yale.  Mr.  Clarke  knew  that  it  had 
been  my  intention  to  enter  college,  and  was  aware  that 
my  brother  had  done  so.  He  accordingly  concluded 
that  I  was  also  in.  While  under  this  belief,  he  spoke 
of  me  as  a  Yale  student  to  two  or  three  acquaintances. 
Immediately  on  seeing  these  bills,  we  had  a  talk,  in 
which  I  expressed  a  fear  that,  should  we  venture  to 
use  them,  they  might  cause  trouble.  But  it  was  final- 
ly decided  that  we  would  use  them  up,  as  we  had  been 
at  some  expense  in  getting  them  published,  and  as  I 
had  so  nearly  entered  college — intending,  of  course, 
that  the  blunder  should  never  be  repeated — nor  was 

it.     Although does  not  mention  this,  I 

thought  it  but  right  to  tell  it;  especially  as  I  esteem  it 
the  fountain  whence  these  falsehoods  have  flowed. 

I  assure  you,  sir,  I  have  never  valued  a  "college- 
bred"  reputation  sufficiently  to  lie  myself  in.  I  know 
enough  of  Abolitionists  to  bo  aware  that  such  a  repu- 
tation would  do  mo  no  good,  anti -slavery  wise.  I  cer- 
tainly value  the  college,  as  a  means  to  an  end,  yet  I 
know  full  well  that  many  a  graduate  only  adds,  when 
he  gets  through,  a  shcep-stm  to  a  ahcc\>'s-head.  I 
have  any  number  of  notices  from  the  Western  press 
of  my  lectures,  in  which,  while  I  am  always  men- 
tioned as  being  from  New  Haven,  no  reference  is 
made  to  my  being  from  Yale.  Now,  if  I  had  been 
the  habit  of  giving  out  that  I  was  a  student,  wot 
that  fact  have  remained  unstated  ?  Nay,  I  have  a  i 
ticc  of  this  very  lecture  in  Le  Itoy,  published  in  the 
Rochester  Democrat,  in  which  it  is  said  that  I  am  from 
New  Haven,  though  it  is  not  said  that  I  am  a  student. 
No  !  I  met  with  the  best  of  success,  without  sailing 
beneath  the  shadow  of  ecclesiastic,  political,  or  col- 
legiate institutions.  I  am  confident  that,  thus  unaided, 
I  can  still  carve  out  an  honorable  and  useful  future; 
for,  as  I  said  in  my  former  letter,  1  have  given  up  all 
thought  of  completing  my  college  course,  preferring  to 
devote  my  little  sight  to  higher  and  more  important 

objects.     As  regards ,  (assuming  him  to 

be  the  person  I  think  him,)  I  know  him  only  by  repu- 
tation, as  I  have  stated  above,  never  in  my  life  having 
exchanged  a  dozen    words.     Indeed,    this   "old  ac- 


quaintance of  mine"  commenced  that  "acquaint- 
ance" by  an  attack  in  the  Worcester  Spy,  as  silly  as 
it  was  malignant,  on  my  first  speech  at  Framinglmm, 
in  July,  18f>8.  I  may  add,  without  egotism,  that  my 
reputation  for  honesty  and  truth  stands  certainly  as 
high  as  that  of  my  detractor.  "  People  who  live  in 
glass  bouses  should  never  throw  stones."  I  say  this 
not  unkindly  or  ungenerously,  hut  only  in  vindication 
of  my  character,  grossly  and  malignantly  vituperated 
for  personal  and  splenetic  ends 

A  young  man,  just  entering  life— life  all  before  me, 
its  brightness  and  beauty  unclutchcd— believe  me,  I 
am  not  nor  have  I  been  so  thrice  sodden  a  fool  a3  to 
blast  Qvsry  prospect,  blight  every  hope,  and  chill  all 
sympathy,  by  pretending  to  be  aught  but  what  I  am— 
young,  honest,  full  of  ardor,  determination,  and  legiti- 
mate ambition.         Verv  truly, 

WM.  CARLOS  MARTYN. 


LECTURE  OF  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON. 

Newport,  (R.  I.)  April  13,  1862. 
Friend  Liberator—  Last  Thursday  evening,  we 
had  a  lecture  on  our  national  crisis  from  Miss  Dickin- 
son, of  Philadelphia.  It  was  of  remarkable  ability 
and  eloquence,  and  kept  the  full  house  spell-hound 
through  the  whole  time  of  its  delivery.  Even  the 
rough  element,  so  often  blatant,  was  completely  hushed. 
This  young  lady  has  statesmanship  much  beyond 
our  twaddling  politicians  and  time-serving  priests, 
and  will  do  a  powerful  work  in  the  right  direction. 
She  is  mighty  in  spirit,  to  the  pulling  down  the 
strongholds  of  oppression,  that  there  may  be  a  newer 
uprising  in  that  righteousness  which  exalts  a  nation. 
She  is  a  capital  instructor  of  the  people,  and  should 
be  aided  to  the  utmost  in  the  field  of  her  labors  ;  and 
while  she  is  ventilating  national  sins,  let  it  be  seen 
that  she  has  well  ventilated  houses  in  which  to  speak  ; 
for  nothing  more  surely  undermines  health  in  general, 
and  the  throat  in  particular,  than  confinement  and 
speaking  in  vitiated  air.  She  appears  a  chosen 
medium  for  the  higher  light,  and  wherever  con- 
servative owls  and  bats  may  be  found  dwelling  in 
the  thick  darkness,  we  know  of  no  one  more  apt  to 
disperse  them  than  this  young  woman,  in  the  minis- 
try of  God  and  the  good  angels,  striving  unto  such 
darkness.  C.  B.  P. 

£^=  Here  is  a  notice  of  the  same  lecture,  communi- 
cated to  the  Providence  Press  by  a  Democratic  corre- 
spondent at  Newport.  Coming  from  such  a  source,  it 
is  certainly  very  complimentary; — 

Lecture  on  the  National  Crisis.  Miss  Anna 
E.  Dickinson,  "a  young  lady  of  Quaker  parentage," 
lectured  on  the  above  question  in  the  vestry  of  the 
First  Baptist  Church  last  evening.  Although  the  no- 
tice was  brief,  sufficiently  so,  indeed,  to  have,  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  rendered  futile  any  expecta- 
tion of  an  audience,  the  lecture  room  was  quite  full, 
drawn  together  in  fact  more  from  the  novelty  of  hear- 
ing a  woman  lecture  than  for  any  other  reason. 

Miss  Dickinson  is  about  nineteen  years  of  age,  of 
an  intellectual  cast  of  countenance,  and  is  a  bold, 
fluent,  and  even  eloquent  speaker,  handling  her  sub- 
ject "  without  gloves,"  and  leaving  no  one  in  doubt  in 
regard  to  her  views,  her  sentiments,  and  the  reason 
therefor.  Who  she  is,  any  further  than  is  expressed 
by  her  nomenclature,  whence  she  came,  and  whither 
she  is  tending,  is  beyond  our  ken  ;  but  this  we  will 
venture  to  say — that  if  she  was  born  a  Quaker,  she 
has  got  bravely  over  it.  To  witness  the  boldness  of  her 
manner,  speech  and  gesticulation,  one  is  almost  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  she  only  needs  the  sword,  the 
charger  and  the  opportunity,  to  become  a  second 
Joan  of  Arc,  and,  placing  herself  in  the  stead  of 
McClellan,  whom  she  affects  to  underrate,  lead  the 
"  grand  army  "  on  to  victory  and  to  glory. 

She  entered  the  room  a  few  minutes  past  the  hour 
appointed  for  the  commencement  of  the  lecture,  as- 
cended the  platform,  leisurely  laid  aside  her  bonnet 
and  wrapper,  and  seating  herself  with  the  utmost 
coolness  and  unconcern,  remained  for  a  moment  scan- 
ning her  audience,  after  which  she  deliberately  de- 
scended and  held  a  moment's  conference  with  some 
ladies  on  the  floor  of  the  house,  then  returned  to  the 
desk,  and  was  introduced  to  the  audience  by  Colonel 
William  B.  Swan. 

Her  discourse  was  wholly  extempore,  and  was  de- 
livered in  a  clear,  distinct,  undaunted  tone,  and  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  at  once  command  and  receive 
the  undivided  attention  of  her  auditors.  It  was  plain- 
ly to  be  seen  from  the  commencement  that  she  had 
been  taught  in  the  school  of  the  Philiipses,  the  Gar- 
risons, the  Greeleys,  &c. — men  who  believe  that  the 
success  of  the  present*  war  for  the  Union  depends  en- 
tirely as  to  whether  it  be  made  a  war  of  extermination 
against  slavery,  or  an  attempt  to  restore  the  Union 
as  it  ivas— which  latter,  albeit,  she  rates  as  among  the 
impossibilities. 

She  affected  to  scout  the  idea  that  the  recent  Fede- 
ral victories  were  anything  gained ;  we  had  not  yet 
touched  the  seat  of  the  rebellion,  the  cotton  States, 
and,  reaching  them  in  June,  July,  August  and  Sep- 
tember, we  should  find  that  the  malarias  of  the  South 
would  do  more  towards  decimating  our  armies  than 
the  cannon  hail,  the  shell,  the  bullet  and  the  sword. 
To  avoid  this,  she  would  end  the  war — end  it  now; 
end  it  by  proclaiming  liberty  to  the  captive  every 
where.  She  regarded  the  Border  States  as  of  doubt- 
ful loyalty,  instancing  scenes  in  Baltimore  in  support 
of  her  theory,  and  held  them  all  as  in  secret  sympa- 
thy with  the  rebellion,  only  waiting  an  opportunity  to 
deal  a  death-blow  to  the  loyal  cause  within  their 
boundaries. 

We  repeat  what  we  said,  that  we  are  at  a  loss  to 
conceive  whence  sprung  this  new  champion  in  petti- 
coats of  an  anti-slavery  war ;  but  in  sending  her  forth, 
her  coadjutors  have  made  a  wise  selection — for,  with 
the  tongue  of  a  dozen  women,  she  combines  the  bold- 
ness of  forty  men,  and  presuming  upon  her  sex,  will 
boldly  utter  sentiments  in  condemnation  of  men  and 
measures,  the  utterance  of  which  by  one  of  the  sterner 
sex  might  at  times,  and  in  some  places,  subject  him  to 
some  little  inconvenience.  Nevertheless,  it  is  a  treat 
to  listen  to  the  woman,  so  bewitching  (if  we  may  ap- 
ply the  term)  is  the  eloquence  of  her  tongue  and  the 
significance  of  her  gesture.  Twice  or  thrice  in  the 
course  of  her  lecture  did  she  make  points  that  called 
forth  expressions  of  applause  from  the  "intense"  por- 
tions of  the  audience,  and  likewise  at  the  close,  while 
alflistened  with  respectful  attention,  though  it  was 
evident  that  in  some  of  their  cases  the  doctrines  ad- 
vanced did  not  "go  down."  The  lecture  occupied 
one  hour  and  a  quarter  in  delivery. 

It  is  a  stroke  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Emanci- 
pationists, the  sending  forth  of  this  modern  Joan  of 
Arc  to  preach  the  crusade  against  slavery  and  in  favor 
of  promoting  and  fostering  slave  insurrections,  and  it 
will  have  its  effect  upon  some. — Providence  Press. 

,$^=*  Miss  Dickinson  has  also  lectured  in  Fall  River, 
with  flattering  sucCess.  Here  is  what  the  Press  in 
that  city  Says  : — 

The  New  Star.  If  to  have  an  audience  remain 
quiet,  attentive  and  sympathizing,  during  the  delivery 
of  a  long  lecture,  is  any  indication  of  the  ability,  tact 
and  success  of  the  speaker,  we  think  it  may  he  claimed 
for  Miss  Dickinson,  that  she  is  a  compeer  worthy  to 
he  admitted  as  a  particular  star  in  the  large  and  bril- 
liant constellation  of  genius  and  talent,  now  endeav- 
oring to  direct  the  country  to  the  goal  of  negro  eman- 
cipation. 

Music  Hall  was  filied  to  overflowing;  hundreds  of 
the  audience  went  early,  and  must  have  sat  there 
more  than  an  hour  before  the  lecture  began  ;  and  yet," 
we  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  less  signs  of  wea- 
riness and  inattention  at  any  lecture  we  ever  attended 
in  this  city.  Her  voice  is  clear  and  penetrating,  with- 
out being  harsh  ;  her  enunciation  is  very  distinct,  and 
at  times  somewhat  rythmic  in  its  character,  with 
enough  of  a  peculiar  accent  to  indicate  that  her  home 
has  not  been  in  Massachusetts.  Her  whole  appear- 
ance and  manner  are  decidedly  attractive,  earnest 
and  expressive.  Her  lecture  was  well  arranged,  logi- 
cal, and  occasionally  eloquent,  persuasive  and  pa- 
thetic. 

She  traced  the  demands  and  usurpations  of  the 
Slave  Power  from  the  commencement  of  our  Gov- 
ernment till  the  presenttime,  and  proved  that,  because 
it  could  not  hope  to  control  the  country  in  the  future 
as  it  had  in  the  past,  it  raised  the  standard  of  rebel 
lion, — an  act  long  since  determined  upon  when  sucl 
an  exigency  should  arise.  Slavery  being  thus  proved 
to  he  the  cause  of  the  war,  the  justice,  necessity  and 
propriety  of  its  abolition,  as  a  means  of  present  de- 
fence and  future  security  and  peace,  was  forcibly  illus- 
trated. 

That  the  slave  w,as  prepared  forfreedom  was  proved 
by  the  thonsamls  who  have  passed  through  so  much 
danger  and  suflering  to  obtain  it.  '1  hi-  inhuman 
character  of  the  fugitive-slave  enact  tin  ul  was  most 
beautifully  referred  to,  bringing  tears  to  many  eyes 
which  are  not  accustomed  to  weep  over  the  wrongs 
of  the  colored  race. 

She  spoke  in  eloquent  terms  of  Fremont,  which 
met  with  a  hearty  response  from  the  audience,  ns  did 
other  parts  of  her  address.  On  the  whole,  we  think 
her  friends  here  must  be  greatly  delighted  with  her 
first  effort,  on  her  first  visit  to  our  old  Common- 
wealth. 

Previous  to  the  delivery  of  the  lecture,  the  "Negro 
Boatman's  Konu,"  by  Whittier,  was  sung  by  a  quar- 
tette, aconipanied  by  the  organ,  and  the  exercises 
were  Closed  by  singing  "America,"  in  which  the  au- 
dience joined.— Fail  River  Press. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PITTSBURG. 

IHilhJii  Important  Details  — Agonizing  Sjiecta.de  in  the 

Hospitals —  The  Rebeta  Garry  off  our  burgeons. 

Cincinnati,  April  12.  The  Gazette's  Pittsburg, 
Tennessee,  correspondent  says  the  sum  and  substance 
ot  the  battle  is  : — 

On  Sunday  we  were  pushed  from  disaster  to  disaster 
till  we  had  lost  every  division  camp  we  had,  and  were 
driven  within  half  a  mile  of  the  landing,  whenjhe  ap- 
proach of  night,  the  timely  aid  of  the  gunboats,  the 
tremendous  effects  of  our  artillerists,  and  Buell's  ap- 
proach, saved  us 

On  Monday,  after  nine  hours'  hard  fighting,  we  sim- 
plv  regained  what  we  had  lost  on  Sunday. 

Not  a  division  advanced  half  a  mile  beyond  our  old 
camps  on  Monday,  except  Gen.  Lew.  Wallace's.  The 
lowest  estimates  place  our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
at  3,500,  and  in  prisoners  3,000  to  4,000. 

The  rebel  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  is  probably 
1,000  heavier. 

The  rebels  in  their  retreat  left  acres  covered  with 
their  dead,  whom  they  had  carried  to  the  rear.  They 
also  destroyed  the  heavy  Supplies  they  had  brought  up. 

The  correspondent  of  the  Cincinnati  Times,  who 
was  in  the  battle,  gives  the  following  description  of 
the  field  after  the  fight:— 

A  visit  to  the  field  immediately  after  the  retreat  of 
the  rebels  and  the  pursuit  of  our  forces  exhibited  a 
spectacle  seldom  to  be  witnessed,  and  most  horrible  to 
contemplate.  The  first  approaches  occupying  the  fur- 
ther range  of  the  enemy's  guns  showed  at  the  first 
glance  the  work  of  devastation  made  by  those  balls 
and  shells  which  had  overshot  the  mark.  Large  trees 
were  entirely  cut  off  within  ten  feet  from  the  ground, 
heavy  limbs  lay  strewn  in  every  direction,  and  pieces 
of  exploded  missiles  were  scattered  all  around.  The 
carcasses  of  dead  horses  and  the  wrecks  of  wagons 
strewed  all  the  woods,  and  other  evidences  of  similar 
character  marked  every  step  of  the  way. 

Half  a  mile  further  on,  anil  the  more  important  fea- 
ture of  the  struggle  was  brought  to  view.  Dead 
bodies  in  the  woods,  the  dead  and  dying  in  the  fields, 
lying  in  every  conceivable  shape,  met  the  gaze  on 
either  hand.  Some  lay  on  their  back,  with  their 
clenched  bands  raised  at  arm's  length,  upright  in  the 
air.  Others  had  fallen  with  their  guns  fast  in  their 
grasp,  as  if  they  were  in  the  act  of  loading  them  when 
the  fatal  shaft  struck  them  dead.  Others  still  had  re- 
ceived the  winged  messenger  of  death,  and  with  their 
remaining  strength  had  crawled  away  from  further 
danger,  and  sheltering  themselves  behind  old  logs,  bad 
laid  down  to  die,  Here  were  the  bodies  of  those  who 
had  fallen  in  the  fight  of  yesterday,  and  mingled  with 
them  were  those  from  whose  wounds  the  blood  was 
yet  trickling  away.  The  scene  beggars  all  descrip- 
tion, and  I  do  not  wish  to  attempt  to  depict  its  horrors. 
The  fatality  on  the  open  space  I  have  referred  to  as 
the  open  "Battalion  Drill  Ground,"  was  the  greatest 
which  came  under  my  observation. 

The  eannister  which  had  swept  it  over  during  the 
morning  had  been  terrible  in  its  results.  Strongly 
contested  as  its  possession  had  been  by  both  sides,  yet 
the  dead  were  as  five  to  one  on  the  side  of  the  rebels. 
One  man  here  was  in  a  bent  position,  resting  on  his 
hands  and  feet,  with  his  face  downward,  yet  cold  anil 
rigid  as  marble.  One  had  crawled  away  to  the  border 
of  the  woods,  and  ensconcing  himself  between  two 
logs,  had  spread  his  blanket  above  him  to  shield  him, 
perhaps,  from  the  rain  of  the  previous  night.  He  was 
a  wounded  rebel,  and  he  pitifully  asked  "  if  we  could 
do  anything  for  him."  At  his  feet  lay  the  body  of 
one  of  those  Union  boys  I  have  spoken  of  as  having 
hair  burned  from  his  head.  On  interrogating  the 
rebel  as  to  the  cause  of  his  being  in  such  a  condition, 
his  only  reply  was,  "  I  do  not  know  ;  I  did  not  do  it." 
We  assured  iiim  that  an  ambulance  would  soon  be  at 
hand  to  take  him  to  better  quarters,  and  we  left  him. 

The  larger  guns  bad  done  some  strange  work.  One 
case  I  saw  where  the  entire  lower  portion  of  a  man's 
foot  had  been  carried  away,  leaving  two  toes  and  the 
upper  portion  remaining.  Another  had  been  struck 
by  a  bullet  on  the  forehead,  and  the  missile  had  fol- 
'owed  the  curve  of  the  head  entirely  around  to  the 
termination  of  the  hair  on  the  back  portion  of  his  cra- 
nium. The  case  of  the  celebrated  Kansas  scout,  Car- 
son (not  Kit,)  was  horrifying.  His  face  and  the  entire 
lower  portion  of  his  head  were  entirely  gone,  bis  brain 
dabbling  into  the  little  pool  of  blood  which  had  gath- 
ered in  the  cavity  below.  I  could  fill  pages  with  such 
cases,  but  it  is  useless  to  particularize.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  the  slaughter  is  immense. 

DEATH  OP  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  CANPIELD,  CAPTAIN 
BEHTRAM   AND   CAPTAIN   WAKNEK. 

As  I  write  this,  I  just  learn  of  the  deaths  of  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  Canfield  of  the  72d  Ohio,  and  Captain 
Bertram  of  the  44th  Ohio,  and  Captain  Warner  of  the 
43th  Ohio.  The  case  of  the  former  named  officer  is 
peculiarly  affecting.  His  amiable  lady  has  reached 
here  in  company  with  her  young  son,  in  time  to 
learn  that  her  husband  has  been  sent  to  Savannah  se- 
erely  wounded.  He  is  now  dead,  and  his  body  has 
been  placed  aboard  the  J.  W.  Pattin  for  transportation 
to  Paducah.  Captain  Bertram's  body  wilt  be  sent  for- 
ward to  Cincinnati  to-morrow. 

An  old  surgeon,  who  has  been  long  in  the  service, 

id  who  has  just  returned  from  the  field  for  the  first 
time  since  the  battle  began,  said  to  me,  as  he  sat  down 
to-night  on  the  river  bank  :  "  I  have  been  present  at 
botirBull  Run  and  Fort  Donelson,  but  they  were  skir- 

shes  to  what  I  have  seen  since  yesterday  morning." 
Such,  it  seems,  is  the  testimony  of  all  with  whom  I 
have  conversed  in  relation  to  this  great  contest. 

The  battle  has  now  been  over  for  at  least  ten  hours, 
yet  so  accustomed  have  I  become,  since  yesterday,  to 
the  rattle  of  musketry,  that  there  is  a  constant  "  crack," 
"crack,"  "crack,"  ringing  though  my  ears  as  I  sit 
down  to  write. 

THE    KEBELS    AMONG    THE  '  HOSPITALS. 

In  my  previous  letters  I  have  mentioned  that  the 
diarrbiea  had  prevailed  most  extensively  among  our 
troops,  none  of  whom  were  accustomed  to  the  soil,  cli- 
mate or  water  of  this  section  of  Tennessee.  This  had 
weakened  some  of  the  regiments  so  far  as  numbers 
were  concerned,  the  hospitals  having  been  tolerably 
well  filled  with  the  sick  previous  to  the  attack. 

Though  the  health  of  the  men  was  improving,  yet 
there  were  many  who  had  not  yet  been  discharged  as 
fit  for  duty.  These  were  on  the  sick  list  at  the  time 
the  enemy  so  suddenly  made  their  appearance  within 
the  camps  on  the  front  lines.  Many  of  them  left  for 
the  river,  an  order  being  issued  for  the  immediate 
evacuation  of  the  hospitals,  and  it  was  a  pitiful  sight 
to  see  the  poor  invalids,  scarcely  able  to  drag  one  foot 
after  another,  wending  their  way  to  some  place  of 
safety.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was  severe  from  be- 
hind them,  hut  some  of  them  looked  as  though  they 
would  welcome  a  friendly  bullet,  or  at  least  receive  it 
with  indifference.  Those  who  were  unable  to  walk 
remained  and  awaited  their  fate.  They  saw  their 
healthy  comrades  driven  back  amid  a  shower  of  balls, 
some  of  which  pierced  the  tents  wherein  they  lay  help- 
less as  though  they  were  dead. 

The  tide  of  battle  rolled  on,  and  they  were  left  to 
such  treatment  as  the  rebels  might  choose  to  bestow 
upon  them.  In  some  cases  the  hospital  tents  were 
burned,  with  the  sick  still  within  them.  These,  1  be- 
lieve, were  isolated  cases,  for  in  others  all  the  kindness 
which  could  be  afforded  in  the  excitement  of  such  an 
hour  was  awarded  them.  In  some  cases  I  found  that 
they  had  even  filled  the  canteens  of  the  sick  with  wa- 
ter, and  left  them  by  their  couches  for  future  use.  In 
others  they  had  been  roughly  treated,  cursed  ns  Yan- 
kees, but  yet  not  outraged  as  they  had  been  on  former 
occasions,  where  the  fortunes  of  war,  had  made  our 
men  subject  to  their  mercy. 

One  singular  feature  was  remarkable  after  the  battle, 
which,  as  it  may  have  some  connection  with  this  de- 
partment, I  may  mention  here.  Numbers  of  our  men 
were  found,  with  the  hair  on  the  top  of  their  head, 
their  whiskers,  and  sometimes  a  portion  of  their  upper 
clothing  burned  away.  They  presented  a  strange  and 
ghastly  appearance.  Whether  these  were  mere  wan- 
ton acts  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  or  whether  the  vic- 
tims were  those  who  had  been  inmates  of  some  of  the 
burned  hospital  tents,  I  cannot  say.  If  the  latter,  they 
had  made  an  attempt  to  escape,  and  had  so  far  suc- 
ceeded that  they  had  reached  the  woods,  and  there, 
from  sheer  exhaustion,  had  laid  them  down  to  die. 

THE    PORCE    ENGAGED. 

As  near  as  I  can  estimate  of  the  entire  force  en- 
gaged in  this  conflict,  I  have  set  it  down  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  battle  as  being  about  sixty  thousand  on  the 
rebel  side,  with  a  somewhat  smaller  number,  say  over 
fifty  thousand  on  ours.  This  morning  witnessed  an 
addition  to  our  troops  of  about  twelve  thousand  men, 
while  from  the  testimony  of  the  rebel  prisoners  taken 
to-day,  the  reinforcement  to  the  enemy  were  about 
eight  thousand  men,  more  than  half  of  whom  had  been 
left  at  Corinth  when  the  troops  moved  from  that  point 
on  Saturday  evening  last. 

The  intricate  knowledge  possessed  by  the  enemy  of 
every  foot  of  the  contested  soil  on  which  the  battle 
was  fought,  gave  them  a  greater  advantage  than  was 
awarded  ns  by  the  trifling  increase  in  numbers,  huton 
either  side  the  battle  was  fought  with  a  desperation 
which  I  could  not  have  believed  to  exist  in  the  minds 
of  men,  unless  in  cases  of  strong  personal  grievance. 
The  determination  appeared,  even  under  the  most  gall- 
ing fire,  to  be  victory  or  death.  The  Mississippians, 
on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  were  the  ruling  spirits,  ami 
they  well  deserve  to  be  set  down  as  among  the  best 
fighting  men  of  the  day. 

(WKIIYING   OFF  OUR  SURGEONS. 

I  found,  eveii  at  the  end  of  the  first  day's  fighting, 
that  many  of  our  surgeons  were  missing.  They  were 
known  to  have  been  at  the  hospital  tents  at  the  period 
in  which  the  battle  opened,  hut  after  that  time  they 
were  not  to  be  found.  After  the  retreat  of  the  enemy 
bad  begun,  and  those  of  the  sick  who  had  been  left  in 
the  hospitals  were  again  under  the  protection  of  our 
troops,  they  slated  that  the  rebels  bad  forced  the  sur- 
geons away  with  them,  in  order  that  they  might  attend 
to  their  own  wounded. 

THE    BATTLE    GROUND — ITS    LOCATION. 

The  ground  upon  which  this  most  bloody  battle  was 
fought  is  known  as  Pittsburg  Lauding,  and  is  situated 


in  Harding  County,  Tetin,,  240  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Tennessee  river,  and  about  ten  miles  from  the 
Alabama  border.  It  occupies  an  eminence  of  some 
fifty  feet  above  the  river,  and  has  hut  two  houses,  both 
of  which  were  riddled  by  the  shells  of  the  gunboats 
when  the  National  troops  first  arrived,  several  weeks 
since.  It  was  the  main  outlet,  previous  to  the  build- 
ing of  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railway,  for  the 
transportation  by  steamer  of  all  the  produce  raised  in 
the  vicinity  of  Corinth  and  the  more  interior  portions 
of  the  State. 

The  ground,  beyond  the  eminence,  stretched  away 
along  a  broad  ridge,  which  was  pierced  at  intervals  by 
deep  ravines,  running  mostly  in  a  southwesterly  direc- 
tion, and  covered  with  scrub  oak,  growing  so  close  to- 
gether that  it  was  impossible  for  either  infantry  or  cav- 
alry to  press  through  them,  and  at  the  same  time  pre- 
serve any  kind  of  order.  In  this  scrub  oak,  or  "  black 
jack,"  the  enemy  kept  themselves  as  much  hidden 
from  sight  as  possible,  From  the  river  bank  to  the 
furthest  line  of  the  National  camps  there  were  but 
three  open  fields,  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  acres 
each,  and  it  was  when  the  enemy  endeavored  to  cross 
these,  into  the  heavy  forest  on  the  top  of  the  ridge, 
that  our  troops  were  enabled  to  do  them  the  most 
damage. 

PEW    PRISONERS    TAKEN. 

One  strange  feature  in  the  battle  was  that  neither 
yesterday  nor  to-day  have  I  seen  many  prisoners.  On 
our  side  it  did  not  seem  to  be  a  contest  for  captives. 
It  was  a  life  and  death  struggle  to  us,  and  the  rebels 
seemed  to  entertain  the  same  idea  as  to  themselves.  I 
do  not  believe  that  more  than  one  hundred  prisoners 
were  taken  to  the  rear  during  the  battle  of  both  days. 
All  I  know  is,  that  if  prisoners  were  taken,  I  do  not 
see  how  they  disposed  of  them. 


SURRENDER  OF  FORT  PULASKI,  GA. 

A  Terrible  Bombardment  hij  the  Federal  Troops — Uncon- 
ditional Surrender  of  the  Fort. 

Baltimore,  April  15.  The  Savannah  Republican  of 
the  12th,  announces  the  unconditional  surrender  of 
Fort  Pulaski  on  the  11th  inst.  Seven  large  breaches 
were  made  in  the  walls  by  our  batteries  of  Parrott 
guns  at  King's  Landing,  and  all  the  barbette  guns  on 
that  side  and  three  casement,  guns  were  dismounted. 
Three  halls  entered  the  magazine. 

Col.  Olmsted,  the  rebel  commander,  signalled,  the 
day  previous  to  the  surrender,  that  our  fire  was  so 
terrible  that  no  human  being  could  stand  upon  the 
parapet  even  for  a  moment. 

Extent  of  the  Victory  at  Island  No.  10.  As 
yet,  there  is  too  much  confusion  to  learn  accurately 
the  extent  of  this  great  victory,  gained  without  injury 
to  the  flotilla,  or  any  sacrifice  of  loyal  blood.  But  in 
round  numbers,  its  gives  us  upward  of  4,000  prisoners, 
110  heavy  guns,  25 field-pieces,  1,200  horses,  500  mules, 
100  wagons,  4,000  or  5,000  stand  of  arms,  half  a  dozen 
steamers,  a  floating  battery,  1,000  hogsheads  of  sugar, 
hundreds  of  barrels  of  powder,  immense  quantities  of 
projectiles  of  all  descriptions,  and  a  great  amount  of 
other  ammunition  and  valuable  commissary  stores. 
The  armament  is  the  heaviest  taken  on  either  side 
since  the  rebellion  broke  out,  and  its  bloodless  capture, 
with  so  many  prisoners,  is  a  most  remarkable  event  in 
the  history  of  the  war. 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  April  14.     On  Saturday  morn- 

g  two  expeditions  weie  started  from  Uuntsville,  in 
cars.     One,  under  Col.  Dill  of  the  33d  Ohio  Regiment, 

ent  east  to  Stevens's  Junction  of  the  Chattanooga 
With  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroads,  which 
point  he  seized,  2,000  of  the  enemy  retreating  without 
firing  a  gun.  He  captured  five  locomotives  and  a 
large'amount  of  rolling  stock. 

The  other  expedition,  under  Col.  Turchin  of  the 
19th  Illinois,  went  west,  and  arrived  at  Decatur,  which 

as  in  flames. 

Gen.  Mitchell  now  holds  one  hundred  miles  of  the 
Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad. 

The  Merrimac  out  Again — Fortress  Monroe, 
April  ll.—To  the  Plan.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of 
War: — The  Merrimac,  Jamestown,  Yorktown,  and 
several  gunboats  and  tugs  appeared  between  Newport 
News  and  Sewall's  Point  to-day.  The  only  damage 
done  us  is  the  capture  of  two  small  vessels,  one  empty 
and  one  loaded,  it  is  said,  with  coal.  These  vessels 
were  captured  opposite  Brigadier-General  Casey's  di- 
ision,  (which  had  small  guns  of  three  inch  calibre,) 
and  some  two  hundred  feet  from  shore. 

(Signed,)  John  E.  Wool,  Major  General. 

Washington,  April  13.  The  committee  on  the 
Couduct  of  the  War  have  completed  their  examina- 
ion  of  witnesses  in  regard  to  the  alleged  atrocities  of 
the  rebels  at  Bull  Run,  and  will  this  week  make  pcr- 
al  inspection  at  that  place,  and  soon  after  present 
their  report.  The  members  of  the  committee  say  it 
true,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Governor 
Sprague  and  many  others,  that  in  some  cases  graves 
which  contained  the  bodies  of  our  soldiers  were  open- 
ed, and  the  bones  of  the  dead  carried  off  to  be  used  as 
trinkets  and  trophies  for  secession  ladies  to  append  to 
their  guard  chains,  &c,  while  the  skulls  are  used  for 
drinking  cups.  Those  of  our  dead  interred  by  them 
were  placed  with  their  faces  downward,  and  in  repeat- 
ed instances  buried  one  across  another.  The  barbari- 
ties in  respect  to  our  dead  are  not,  it  is  said  by  the 
;  authority,  exceeded  in  history  for  the  last  4000 
years, 

The  committee  are  receiving  intelligence  from  Pea 
Rtdge,  showing  incontestibly  that  our  dead  were  not 
only  scalped  by  the  rebels'  Indian  allies,  but  in  other 
respects  outraged.  The  brains  of  the  wounded  were 
beaten  out  with  clubs,  thus  confirming  the  newspaper 
reports. 

Rebel  Brutalities. — "Perley,"  of  the  Boston 
Journal,  giving  an  account  of  the  barbarities  practised 
on  the  remains  of  Massachusetts  soldiers,  says: — 

A  lady  who  resides  near  by  informed  the  seekers 
after  the*  dead  that  members  of  a  Georgia  and  of  a 
Louisiana  regiment  had,  up  to  as  late  a  date  as  Novem- 
ber, obtained  bones  from  these  and  other  graves. 
Skulls  had  been  set  up  on  poles  with  insulting  mottoes, 

id  one  chivalric  Georgia  lieutenant  had  a  skull  neat- 
ly cleaned  to  send  home,  with  instructions  that  it  be 

lOtmted  with  silver  as  a  punch  bowl.  He  said  it  was 
the  skull  of  one  of  the  "damned  Massachusetts  Yan- 
kees." 

Cattlrt's  Station,  April  13. 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: 

An  intelligent  negro,  just  from  Stafford  county,  says 
his  master  returned  this  morning  from  Fredericksburg 
to  his  home  in  Richmond,  and  told  his  wife  in  this  ne- 
gro's presence  that  all  the  enemy's  forces  had  left 
Fredericksburg  for  Richmond  and  Yorktown,  the  last 
of  them  leaving  Saturday  morning.  This  has  just 
been  confirmed  by  another  negro. 

(Signed)        IRVIN  McDOWELL,  Maj.  Gen. 

The  Civil  War  in  Tennessee. — A  recent  letter 
from  Nashville  to  the  Louisville  Journal  says  that  par- 
ties lately  arrived  from  the  counties  of  Queston,  Fen- 
tress, and  Bledsoe,  state  that  a  fierce  civil  war  has 
been  raging  in  those  and  adjoining  counties,  between 
Union  men  and  resident  secessionists,  hacked  by  rov- 
ing hands  of  Confederate  cavalry.  Neighbors  arc  dai- 
ly killing  each  other  in  casual  rencontre.  Not  long 
since,  a  band  of  about  forty  Union  men  killed  not  less 
than  eighteen  of  their  persecutors  in  one  day.  Mc- 
llenry's  cavalry  are  still  marauding  in  those  sections, 
and  a  number  of  these  have  been  killed  by  the  citizens. 

$g^=  A  letter  from  the  Army  of  the  Southwest, 
in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial,  says  that  Gen.  Sigel  has 
been  confined  to  his  bed  ever  since  the  great  battle. 
For  five  days  and  nights  he  was  almost  constantly  in 
the  saddle,  and  during  this  time  scarcely  slept  at  all. 
The  consequence  was  that  his  nervous  system,  al- 
ready enfeebled  by  a  previous  attack  of  disease,  was 
completely  prostrated.  lie  is  not  yet  able  to  sit  up, 
hut  is  slowly  recovering,  He  will  leave  for  St.  Louis 
to  recruit  his  health  as  soon  as  his  strength  will  per- 
mit the  journey. 

Death  op  Fitz  James  O'Brien. — Lieut.  Fitz 
James  O'Brien,  of  Gen.  Lander's  staff,  died  at  Bal- 
timore, recently,  of  wounds  received  in  a  skirmish 
about  two  months  ago.  Mr.  O'Brien  had  attained 
some  celebrity  as  a  writer  for  periodicals  and  newspa- 
pers. He  was  the  author  of  "The  Diamond  Lens," 
and  other  contributions  to  the  Atlantic. 

Washington,  April  11,  W>2. 

Senate.  Mr.  Sumnerpresented  a  petition  in  favor 
ol  the  employment  of  negroes  in  suppressing  the  re- 
bellion. 

Mr.  Wilson  introduced  a  hill  to  amend  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Act. 

Housn.  The  passage  of  the  bill  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  followed  by  applause 
in  the  House  today.  Only  two  members  from  the 
slaveholding  Stales— Messrs.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  and 
Fisher,  of  Delaware — voted  for  it,  and  of  the  30  against 
it,  22  are  from  the  free  States. 

JJrJ^A  resolution,  mov„cd  by  Mr.  White  of  Indi- 
ana, was  on  Monday  passed  by  the  U.  S.  House  of 
Representatives,  appointing  a  Committee  of  nine 
members  to  inquire  and  report  whether  any  plan  can 
he  recommended  for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in 
Maryland,  Delaware,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee 
and  Missouri;  and  whether  the  colonization  of  the 
liberated  slaves  is  necessarily  a  concomitant  of  their 
freedom.  The  resolution  was  passed  by  a  vote  of 
67  to  62. 

IHiATir  ok  Mb.  Ki{Ki.im.iiii.s vsen.  The  death  of 
Hon.  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  is  announced.  Mi-. 
Frelinghuyseii  was  distinguished  as  the  Whig  can- 
flidatefor  the  Vice  Presidency,  on  the  ticket  with  Hen 
ry  Clay,  in  1844,  anil  widely  known  and  esteemed  in 
tiie  religious  world  lor  his  active  interest  in  the  great 
religious  and  philanthropic   movements  of  the  day. 

Death  op  a  Wi',i,l  Known  Oitizicn.  John  1*. 
Cushiug,  Esq,,  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  benev- 
Oleut  citizeni  of  Massachusetts,  dh»d  at  his  residence 
in  Belmont  (formerly  a  part  of  Wutertown)  on  Satur- 
dayfut  the  age  Of  76  years. 


O  B  I  T  U  A  K  Y  . 

Died— At  Hilton  Head,  Port  Royal,  B.  0*  on  the"  30th 
of  1st  month,  of  typhoid  fever,  Sergeant  (J  errit  Smith  11am- 
mleton,  of  Company  C,  07th  Kegimcnt  P.  V.,  aged  'i'l 
years,  oniy  son  of  Thomas  and  Alice  Eliza  Hamhloton,  of 
UpperOxford,  Chester  Co.,  Pa.  His  remains  were  interred 
at  Longwood,  on  First-day  morning,  the  Kith  of  2d 
month,  whero  a  largo  and  interesting  meeting  was  con- 
vened, and  many  beautiful  and  impressive  words  were 
spoken  in  testimony  of  his  exceeding  merit. 

Referring  to  his  enlistment  as  a  volunteer,  ho  said  that 
there  was  not  ono  attraetivo  feature  to  him  in  camp  lifo, 
or  the  duties  pertaining  thereto  ;  that  nothing  but  a  sense 
of  duty  would  have  induced  him  to  enter  tho  service.  If 
there  were  only  more  who  enlisted  from  tho  aitmo  consci- 
entious motives,  whan  an  army  we  should  have  !  As  he 
had  always  been  in  every  avocation  of  lifo,  so  he  proved  to 
be  in  the  new  field  of  labor,  bo  recently  entered,  faithful 
in  the  discharge  of  every  duty  ;  manly  and  beautiful  in 
his  strict  integrity  and  observance  of  the  divine  moral 
law.  He  was  a  bright  example  to  all  those  who  were  as- 
sociated with  him.  Occupying  a  position  which  required 
peculiar  talent  to  give  satisfaction,  ho  had  won  the  es- 
teem of  all  the  officers  and  men  in  his  company,  and  gave 
universal  satisfaction  in  every  department  of  tho  regiment 
with  which  his  duties  were  connected. 

When  such  as  ho  are  removed  from  our  midst,  it  is  not 
the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  family  alone  who  are  be- 
reaved, but  the  whole  community  sustains  a  loss  which 
cannot  be  replaced.  And  the  little  band  now  in  active 
service  in  the  far  South  have  experienced  a  loss  which 
they  must  feel  throughout  their  term  of  service.  Ono 
such  as  he  is  a  tower  of  strength,  a  stronghold  of  good  to 
those  around  him  ;  and  though  we  have  hope  for  the  scope 
of  his  talents  iu  the  bright  future,  and  a  life  of  usefulness 
undiminished  by  the  chango— though  wo  have  faith  in  tho 
reunion  of  congenial  spirits,  and  in  the  in  hi  L-it rat  ion  of  loved 
ones  gone  before  us  to  a  higher  lifo  ;  still,  we  must  mourn, 
and  feel  it  a  privilege  that  we  can  sympathize  with  and  ap- 
preciate the  full  extent  of  tho  bereavement  which  his  fam- 
ily and  the  community  have  sustained. 

The  regiment  had  left  Port  Royal  during  his  sickness  ; 
but  wo  have  the  unspeakable  satisfaction  of  knowing  that, 
though  dying  in  a  strange  land,  ho  was  not  alone.  B,  Lun- 
dy  Kent,  the  friend  of  his  early  years,  and  his  bosom  com- 
panion throughout  the  whole  period  of  their  service,  re- 
mained behind  to  wait  upon  him,  and  faithfully  minis- 
tered to  his  every  want,  rendering  tho  greatest  consolation 
and  comfort  in  the  absence  of  nearer  and  dearer  ties.  In 
a  letter  written  by  this  friend,  he  says  :  "His  last  mo- 
ments were  those  of  peaco  and  comfort,  and  his  counte- 
nance wore  tho  expression  of  satisfaction  ;  and  as  some  pa- 
triot had  complained  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  that  he 
should  romain  while  a  Warren  should  die,  so  it  seemed  to 
him  that  the  Warren  of  their  little  band  had  fallen." 

West  Chester.  l. 

Among  the  many  victims  of  this  wicked  rebellion,  there 
has  perhaps  been  none  of  fairer  promise,  or  more  lamented, 
than  Sergeant  GerritS.  Hambleton.  And  in  the  subjoined 
extracts  whioh  we  have  been  permitted  to  make  from  let- 
ters to  his  parents,  we  catch  glimpses  of  the  manly  spirit 
and  views  of  duty  which  actuated  him.  As  ne  think  of 
him  dying  in  his  glorious  youth  in  a  tent  at  Hilton  Head, 
yet  with  his  failing  breath  speaking  words  of  comfort  and 
affection  to  the  dear  comrade  who  was  permitted  to  watch 
by  him,  we  feel  that  "  there  is  no  death  "  ;  we  realize  that 
there  is  a  power  in  a  great  purpose  and  a  great  consecra- 
tion which  links  individuals  with  tho  life  of  the  race,  and 
makes  them,  for  all  time,  ours  on  earth,  as  well  as  our 
Father's  in  heaven.  To  defend  Liberty  and  Right  was  the 
single  purpose  that  inspired  him  and  many  others  iu  en- 
listing in  this  war,  and  as  one  after  another  of  these  costly 
sacrifices  is  laid  upon  the  nation's  altar,  let  her  see  to  it 
that  they  have  not  been  made  in  vain  !  Let  her  see 
to  it — now  while  this  rebellion  gives  her  the  right  and 
power — that  the  horrible  system  of  American  slavery  shall 
not  be  permitted  to  live  and  resume  its  inevitable  and  "  irre- 
pressible" conflict  with  liberty,  to  fill  the  coming  time  with 
desolation,  and  bathe  again  tho  laud  in  blood,  a. 

To  his  mother,  who  was  absent  from  home,  ho  wrote,  Sep- 
tember 4  : 

"  A  little  more  than  two  years  ago,  I  left  a  situation  in 
whioh  I  was  well  suited,  to  assume  tho  charge  of  the  farm, 
and  release  father  from  the  care  thereof.  Thou  art  well 
aware  that  I  acted  not  from  choice,  nor  from  any  pecuni- 
ary considerations.  A  sense  of  duty  alone  impelled  me  to 
abandon  the  plans  I  had  laid  for  the  future,  and  adopt  an 
occupation  not  in  accordance  with  my  tastes.  Although 
I  have  often  looked  hack  with  regret  upon  my  un- 
finished plans,  I  have  never  yet  had  cause  to  regret  that  I 
listened  to  what  then  seemed  to  me  tho  plain  voice  of 
duty.  Now,  that  same  voice  seems  to  call  me  in  another 
direction,  aud  I  write  to  ask  thy  consent  to  follow  it.  I 
am  fully  aware  that  what  I  ask  will  ho  hard  for  thee  to 
grant,  but  I  cannot  rest  satisfied  to  see  this,  tho  best  gov- 
ernment on  earth — though  it  may  not  bo  perfect — shatter- 
ed to  fragments  without  raising  my  hantis  to  support  it. 
The  time  has  come,  so  it  scorns  to  me,  when  it  is  the  duty 
of  every  one  who  can,  to  take  up  tho  sword,  aud  crush  this 
most  diabolical  rebellion,  which  is  threatouingnot  only  tho 
Union,  but  tho  life  and  property  of  every  ono  who  dares 
oppose  that  most  damnable  curse,  American  slavery,  I 
have  always  felt,  that  to  die  in  a  just  aud  holy  cause  was 
better  than  to  live.  Lifo  is  sweet,  of  course,  but  if  it  is 
but  to  witness  the  downfall  of  this  government,  and  the 
spread  of  slavery  throughout  this  fair  land,  then  it  would 
become  as  gall. 

I  mentioned  tho  subject  to  father  last  evening,  and  as 
ho  objected,  I  told  him  I  would  consider  it  longer.     Sister 

has  already  consented,  and  from  tho  patriotic  tono 

of  sister 's  lcttors,  I   know  sho  will  not  object.     I 

will  not  decide  fully  until  I  hear  from  then,  but  I  hope 
thee  can  bring  thy  mind  to  bo  willing  to  givo  up  whatever 
of  pleasure  I  may  auurd  theo,  for  the  good  not  only  of  the 
country  that  has  protected  thec  and  thine,  but  for  the  good 
of  all  mankind.  I  hope  the  Good  Father  may  so  strength- 
en theo  that  thee  can  rise  to  the  magnitude  of  tho  work 
before  us — for  a  holier  causo  has  never  had  a  martyr — and 
bo  willing  to  mako  this  sacrifice. 

If  I  am  spared,  I  shall  rejoice  to  have  been  the  means 
of  showing  to  the  world,  as  far  as  my  part  is  concerned, 
that  every  man  is  a  sovereign,  and  entitled  to  his  liberty; 
if  I  fall,  you  will  have  tho  rich  consolation,  that  I  was  a 
martyr  in  God's  most  sacrod  cause," 

Lator  he  says  : 

"There  is  a  principle  at  stake  far  moro  important  than 
tho  preservation  of  this  government — tho  principlo  of  lib- 
erty itself.  I  firmly  boliovo  this  war — although  not  waged 
for  tho  abolition  of  slavery — will  result  in  its  final  over- 
throw. Without  boasting,  lean  say,  I  think  I  havo  been 
a  bettor  man  since  thinking  of  this  subject.  I  feci  as  if  I 
could  meet  death,  at  any  time,  as  calmly  as  though  I  were 
going  to  sloop.  I  feel  willing  to  givo  up  all  I  have,  either 
in  possession  or  prospect,  friends,  relatives,  comforts,  and 
oven  life  itself,  for  tho  good  of  my  country. 

have  been  fighting  tho  hardest  battlo  I  shall  ever  have 
to  fight.  It  13  over  now  ;  I  am  victorious,  though  I  fear  I 
havo  wouuded  my  friends.  Tho  constant  prayer  of  my  soul 
will  be,  that  theo  may  see  this  matter  in  its  brightest  light; 
that  instead  of  foeling  sorry  thy  son  has  gouo,  tboo  may 
bo  thankful  to  havo  raised  a  son  to  battlo  against  wrong. 
Do  push  baok  tho  clouds  of  war  and  death,  that  theo  may 
seo  Heaven's  light  shining  upon  free  America,  an  ox- 
amplo  for  all  tho  world,  tho  dread  of  despots,  and  beloved 
by  all  who  respect  the  rights  of  man.  I  thank  God  that 
ho  has  given  mo  health  aud  strongth.  I  put  my  trust  in 
him.  He  will  protect  theo.  Good  night,  my  cherished 
mother !  Geiuut." 

From  Fortress  Monroe,  Doe.  8,  just  on  tho  eve  of  em- 
barking for  Port  Royal,  ho  writes  to  bis  parents  : 

"  I  still  feel  that  1  am  right,  and  trust  that  you  will  bo 
able  to  feel  that  you  are  justified  in  giving  up  your  only 
son  iu  this  good  cause  ;  at  any  rate,  let  this  consolation  bo 
yours,  whatever  may  happen — for  tho  future  is  unknown — 
that  I  rushed  not  hastily  into  tho  matter,  but  enlisted  be- 
lieving it  to  bo  my  solemn  and  sacred  duty,  and  feeling 
fully  prepared  for  the  worst.  I  pity  some  of  those  poor 
cowards  who  are  remaining  at  homo  for  fear  of  bullets. 
Death  in  such  a  cause  as  this  would  bo  swector  far  than 
lift  such  as  theirs.  I  know  well  neither  of  you  would  over 
shrink  from  duty,  let  tho  conseqtionoo  bo  what  it  might. 
You  have  done  your  part,  and  will  be  rewarded,  but  my 
field  of  labor  lies  in  a  different  direction.  A  long  and 
happy  life  1  trust  may  be  yours  ;  and  if  it  shall  so  happen 
that  we  shall  nut  meet  again  on  earth,  I  hope  wo  may 
meet  iu  that  spirit  home  where  my  beloved  sinter  is  await- 
ing us  with  mil, Wretched  uniis. 

In  weal  or  woo,  in  lifo  or  death,  your  loving  eon, 

u.  s.  n." 


W  'TUB  Ktf./tfCTED'  8'JfONE— The  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Mr.  G'okwat,  of  which  wo  recently  spoke, 
may  bo  expected  in  about  a  fortnight?  We  are  desired  to 
say  that  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.  will  continue  to  be  the  pub' 
Ushers.  MewtrB.  Ticknor  A  Pields  are  soon  to  le  the  pub- 
lishers of  another  wovk  by  tho  same  author.  We  were  in- 
correctly informed  as  to  the  retail  price  of  tho  first  edi- 
tion, which  wo  are  assured  was  sixty  cents,  and  not  seventy- 
five  cents,  as  slated  last  week. 

We  repeat  our  last  week's  announcement  respecting  tho 
"  Rejected  Stone,"  viz.,  that  an  arrangement  has  been  ■ 
made  by  which  copies  may  bo  obtained  for  gratuiloit*  dittri- 
tion  as  low  as  twenty  cents  a  copy,  in  cloth,  provided  ten 
or  more  copies  arc  taken  at  once.  Those  who  wish  the 
book,  for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  let- 
ter,  to  Hekhy  G.  DeKHY,  Esq.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

Tho  attention  of  our  friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolition 
of  United  States  slavery. 


Iftrjtf'  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  tho  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 

B^F"  Many  of  the  best  and  most  recent  publications  of 
tho  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  ho  made  as  above, 
which  should  bo   accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 


I^T  NOTICE. — Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies 
contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  tho  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  tho  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 


(^-jjItEMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.— Margaret  B,  Brown,  M.  D.,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brows,  M.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M. 

March  28.  3m 


JT^-  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


JST  AARON  M.  POWELL,  an  Agent  of  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  will  speak  at 

Canaan,  N.  Y.,  Sunday,      April  20. 

"  Monday,  "     21. 

Chatham  FourCorners,  N.Y.,  Wednesday,    "     23. 

"  "      Thursday,       "     24. 


Nassau,  (Hens 

Co.) 

"  Saturday,  "  2C. 
"       Sunday,         .  "     27. 

Spcneertown, 

"  Wednesday,  "  30. 
"      Thursday,     May    t 

West  Ghent, 

"  Saturday,  "  3. 
"       Sunday,           "      4. 

jy  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  iu 
Gloucester,  Sunday,  April  20. 

Milford,  "  "      27. 


^W'  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON,  of  Philadelphia,  will 
deliver  a  discourse  before  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congrega- 
tional Society,  at  Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  forenoon,  April 
20.     Subject—"  Tho  National  Crisis." 

f^*  Miss  Dickinson  will  also  speak  upon  American  Sla- 
very and  tho  War  at  South  Danvers,  (probably,)  Taesday 
evening,  April  22. 


IEsTE.  II.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  in  Canton,  Sunday, 
Aprit  20,  forenoon  and  evening. 


To  Correspondents.  Tho  requests  of  Mrs.  Ltdia  Irish, 
Jous  E.  Palmer,  and  H.  L.  Sherjian,  have  been  complied 
with. 


DIED— At  North  Abington,  on  Wednesday,  19th  ult., 
Mrs.  E.  M.  Randall,  in  the  35th  year  of  her  age. 

It  is  not  without  emotions  of  sadness  that  we  announce 
to  her  numerous  friends  tho  early  removal  by  death  of  one 
so  eminently  fitted  for  the  duties  of  life.  In  the  language 
of  one  intimately  acquainted  with  her,  "  She  was  brave, 
self-relying  and  useful,  over  a  faithful  friend  to  the  poor 
and  the  oppressed;  when  social  respectability,  and  unrea- 
soning prejudice,  and  the  crushing  weight  of  Church  and 
State  combined  to  trample  upon  an  entire  race,  she  was 
ever  ready  to  do  battle  for  outraged  and  imbruted  human 
nature.  She  believed,  too,  in  (he  immutability  of  truth, 
and  sought  eagerly  for  all  the  light  which  radiated  from 
any  quarter  to  solve  the  momentous  problem,  "  Whence 
came  we,  and  whither  do  we  go  ? "  She  often  expressed 
tho  wish  that  she  might  be  spared  to  see  the  final  triumph 
of  the  cause  she  had  so  much  at  heart.  But  she  rejoiced  that 
she  saw  the  dawning  of  a  brighter  day  ;  that  she  saw  the 
winter  disappearing,  and  the  spirit  of  a  new  and  joyous 
springtime  already  swelling  the  buds  upon  the  tree  of  Hb- 
erty ;  that  her  eyes  saw  the  salvation-  for  Which  she 
had  labored  glistening  in  the  horizon  of  the  future.  In 
the  death  of  Mrs.  Randall,  the  slave  has  lost  a  truo  and 
untiring  friend,  and  his  advocates  a  devoted  associate,    s. 


Woman's  Rights   under  the    Law. 
THREE   LECTUHES, 

DELIVEKED  IN  BOSTON,    JAWLTAKY,    1S61 
BY  MRS.  C.  H.  BALL, 

AUTHOR     OF 

Historical  Pictures   Re- 


Wc 


Right  to  Labor," 
touched," 


lGmo.  cloth,  sixty-three  cents. 


"  An  eloquent  protest.  Mrs.  Dall  maintains  her  positions 
with  energy  and  skill.  Her  rhetoric  is  pointed  by  earnest- 
ness of  conviction,  and  her  historical  illustrations  are  well 
chosen." — Ar.  Y.  Tribune, 

"  These  three  leetures  evince  much  research,  careful 
thought,  and  earnest  feeling." — Christian  Register. 

"Sho  has  an  earnest  purpose,  largo  command  of  facts, 
and  a  power  of  satire  which  gives  a  relish  to  all  sho  writes." 
—Portland  Transcript. 

"  No  ono,  we  are  sure,  can  read  the  studious  and  freight- 
ed leaves  of  Mrs.  Dall's  bright  and  bravo  little  volume,  in 
a  cordial  aud  generous  spirit,  without  receiving  exalted 
Christian  impulses." — Boston  Transcript. 

"  Wo  find  ourselves  constantly  regretting  that  there  is 
not  moro  of  it." — Home  Journal. 

"  Wc  welcome  this  book,  not  only  for  its  largo  informa- 
tion, but  because  it  is  a  woman's  view  of  a  subject  on  which 
women  havo  seldom  written.'' — Wotcester  Spy. 

"Mrs.  Dall  is  neither  a  visionary  nor  a  fanatic.  Her 
arguments  in  this  volumo  are  intensely  practical." — At-r- 
filk  CntKtS  Journal. 

"  This  is  an  unostentatious  little  book,  without  rant  or 
exaggeration.  She  makes  a  very  powerful  argument  for 
tho  repeal  of  all  laws  which  mix  up  the  question  of  sex 
with  the  rights  of  property,  liberty,  and  lifo." — torn  York 
Evniir/  Post. 

"  This  is  an  earnest,  and  in  many  respects  eloquent,  pro- 
test against  existing  laws." — Conyrcoatioifrfist. 

"  Mrs.  Dall's  books  abound  in  tho  most  curious  and  in- 
teresting information.  Their  tono  is  the  reverse  of  trucu- 
lent. They  are  tho  moat  womanly  books  about  women," 
—  G.    W.  Curtis,  in  Harpers'  Wtek'ly. 

Published  by  WALKER,  WISE  A  CO.,  Boston. 

E5f  Sent  fkkk  by  mail  on  reoeipt  of  price. 
April  11. 


THE     PROGRESSIVE    AGE. 
Devoted  to  all  Reforms. 

THIS  is  a  monthly  Journal,  of  eight  pagys.  edited  bj 
Bryan  J.  Butt*  and  Harriet  N.  Ontoe,  his  wife,  Hope- 
dale,  Miiss.  it  oemmeaees  its  fourth  volume  Id  May.  186S  ; 
and  the  friends  of  ail  unqualifiedly  live  paper  are  invited 
duly  to  ei-nsider  itt)  claims  on  their  pali'imago.  Speeimeii 
aopjea  Sen!  bO  any  address, 

Tkums. — Single  e-qiies.  .'>  cents  ;  a  vear.  clubs  of  twenty 
names,  $5.00, 

Address  B.  J.  BUTTS  ft  11.  N.  GREENE. 
Hopedale,  Apsil  W.  2w 


SELECT   SCHOOL. 

r|"!HK   Subscriber   "ill  bfl  pleased  tO  receive  a  few   Young 

I     Ladles  Into  hot  charge  For  pnrposoa  of  Instruction   in 
English    B ranch ea,    Music  and    Preach,     a  Torn  of  Tou 
Weeks  will  ootnmenoe  Wednesday,  Maj  T,  186S. 
Pot  paTttoolare,  address  ABBIE  B,  HHVWOOD, 

Bopodate,  Mlltoid,  Hms.,  April  16,  isoa. 


64: 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


APRIL  18. 


*  %  t  t  g 


|E^-  The  papers  tire  republishing  (he  following  vigorous 
effusion,  by  Ms.  Hi  'fee,  as  not  inapplicable  to  "  Mrs.  Lin- 
coln's Grand  Bail''  at  the  White  House,  a  few  weeks  since. 

FROM  NEWPORT  TO  ROME,  A.  D.  1848, 

BY  JULIA  HoWK. 
Ye  men  and  women  of  the  world. 

Whom  purple  garments  soft  enfohl> 
I've  moved  Among  yon  from  my  ywilh, 

Decorous,  dutiful  and  cold. 
God  granted  mo  iheae  sober  hues, 

This  quiet  brow,  Ibia  pensive  face, 

That  inner  fires  might  deeply  glow, 

Unguessed  without  the  frigid  vase, 

Constrained  to  learn  of  you  the  arts 

Which  half  dishonor,  half  deoeive, 
l*vo  felt  my  burning  soul  flash  out 

Against  the  silken  web  you  weave. 
No  earnest  feeling  passes  you 
Without  dilution  infinite  ; 
No  word  with  frank  abruptness  breathed 

Must  vent  itself  on  ears  polite. 
In  your  domain,  so  brilliant  all, 

So  fitly  jewelled,  wreathed  and  bung, 
Vocal  with  music,  faint  with  sweets, 

From  living  Dower-ccnsoTs  swung  ; 
Thronged  by  fair  women,  tireless  all, 

As  ever-moving  streams  of  light, 
Yielding  their  wild  electric  strength 

To  contact,  as  their  bloom  to  sight  ; 
I  wondered,  while  the  flow  of  sound 

Mado  Reason  drunken  through  the  car, 
Dreaming  :  "  This  is  soul-pnradiso, 

The  tree  of  knowledge  must  be  here,— 
The  trco  whose  fruitage  of  delight 
Imparts  the  wisdom  of  the  gods, 
Unlike  the  scanty,  seedling  growth 

That  Learning's  ploughshare  wins  from  clods." 
"  And  if  that  tree  bo  here,"  said  one, 

Who  read  my  meaning  in  mine  eyes, 
"  No  serpent  can  so  soothly  speak 
As  tempt  thesn  women  to  bo  wise  t " 

A  sound  of  fear  came  wafted  in, 

While  these  careered  in  giddy  rout. 
None  heeded  !    I  alone  could  hear 

The  wailing  of  the  world  without. 
'Mid  dreadful  symphony  of  death, 

And  hollow  cohoes  from  the  grave, 
It  was  a  brother's  cry  that  swept, 

TJnwcakened,  o'er  the  Atlantic  wave  ! 
It  breathed  so  deep,  it  rose  so  high, 

No  other  sound  seemed  thcro  to  be  : 
"  Oh  t  do  you  hear  that  woeful  strain  7  " 

I  asked  of  all  the  company. 
They  stared  as  at  a  madman  struck 

Beneath  the  melancholy  moon  ; 
"  We  hear  the  sweetest  waltz,"  they  said, 
"  And  not  a  string  is  out  of  tune." 

Then,  with  one  angry  leap,  I  sprang 
To  where  the  chief  musician  stood  ; 

I  seized  his  rod  of  rule,  I  pushed 
The  idiot  from  his  shrine  of  wood. 

"  I've  sat  among  you  long  enough, 

Or  followed  where  your  music  led  ; 
I  never  marred  your  pleasure  yet, 

But  ye  shall  listen  now  ! "  I  said  : 
"  I  hear  the  battle-thunder  boom, 

Cannon  to  cannon  answering  loud  ; 
I  hear  the  whizzing  shots  that  fling 

Their  handful  to  the  stricken  crowd. 

"  I  see  the  bastions,  bravely  manned, 
The  patriots  gathered  in  tho  breach  ; 

I  see  the  bended  brows  of  men 

"Whom  the  next  dreadful  sweep  must  reach  ; 

I  feel  tho  breath  of  agony, 

I  hear  the  thick  and  hurried  speech. 

"  Before  those  lurid  bursts  of  flame, 
Your  clustering  wax-lights  flicker  pale  ; 

In  that  condensed  and  deadly  smoke, 
Your  blossoms  drop,  your  perfumes  fail. 

"  Bravo  blood  is  shed,  whose  generous  flow 
Quickens  the  pulses  of  tho  river  ; 

He  'neath  his  arches,  muttering  low, 
'  It  shall  be  so,  but  not  forever.' 
****** 

"Were  death  tho  worst,  the  patriot's  hymn 
Would  ring  triumphant  in  my  ears  ; 

But  pangs  more  exquisite,  await 

Those  who  still  eat  the  bread  of  tears. 

"Pale  faces,  press'd  to  prison  bars, 
Grow  sick,  and  agonize  with  life  ; 

And  firm  lips  quiver,  when  the  guard 
Thrusts  rudely  back  some  shrieking  wife. 

"  Those  women  gathering  on  the  sward, 
I  see  them,  helpful  of  each  other  ; 

The  matron  soothes  the  maiden's  heart, 

The  girl  supports  the  trembling  mother  ; — 

"Sad  recognitions,  frantic  prayers, 

Greetings  that  sobs  and  spasni3  smother  ; — 

And  '  0,  my  son  ! '  tho  place  resounds, — 
And  '  0,  my  father  ! '  '  0,  my  brother  ! ' 

"  And  souls  are  wed  in  nobleness 

That  ne'er  shall  mingle  human  breath  ; 

Love's  seed,  in  holy  purpose  sown, 

Love's  hope  in  God's  and  Nature's  faith. 

"  And  ye  delight  in  idle  tunes, 
And  are  content  to  jig  and  dance, 

When  e'en  the  holy  Marsellaise 
Sounds  for  the  treachery  of  Franco  ! 

"  And  not  a  voice  amongst  you  here 
Calls  on  the  traitor's  wrath  and  hate, 

And  not  a  wine-cup  that  ye  raise 
It  darkened  by  tho  victim's  fate  ! 

"  No  one  with  pious  drops  bewails 
The  anguish  of  the  Mother  world  !  " 

"  0,  hush  !  the  waltz  is  joy  !  "  they  said, 
And  all  their  gauzy  wings  unfurled, 

"  Nay,  hear  me  for  a  moment  more, 
Restrain  so  long  your  heedless  haste  ; 

Hearken  how  pregnant  is  the  time 
Ye  tear  to  ahreds,  and  fling  to  waste  I 

"  Through  sluggish  centuries  of  growth 
The  thoughtless  world  might  vacant  wait  ; 

But  now  the  busy  hours  crowd  on, 
And  man  is  come  to  man's  estate  ! 

"  With  fuller  power,  let  each  avow 
The  kinship  of  his  human  blood  ; 

With  fuller  pulse,  let  every  heart 
Swell  to  high  proofs  of  brotherhood  ! 

"With  fuller  light,  let  woman's  eyea, 
Earnest,  beneath  the  Christ-like  brow, 

Strike  this  deep  question  homo  to  men  : 
'  Thy  brothers  perish — idlest  thou  ? ' 

"  With  warmer  breath,  let  mothers'  lipa 
Whisper  the  boy  whom  they  caress  i 

'  Learn  from  these  arms  that  circle  thco 
In  love,  to  succor,  shelter,  bless.' 

"  For  the  bravo  world  is  givon  to  us, 
For  all  the  bravo  in  heart  to  keop, 

Lest  wicked  hands  should  sow  tho  thorns 
That  bloeding  generations  reap. 

"  0  world  !  0  time  !  0  heart  of  Christ ! 

0  heart  botrayed  and  sold  anew  ! — 
Danoo  on,  ye  slaves  !  ay,  take  your  sport, 

All  times  arc  ono  to  such  as  you  I "  * 


.  the 


GERStlT  SMITH  TO  MONTGOMERY  BLAIR. 

"  Of  One  Bloodali,  Nations." — Of  Equal  Rights 
all  Races. — "Honor  all  Men." 


AFTEE  THE  STOEM, 

All  night,  in  tho  pauses  of  sleep,  I  heard 

The  moan  of  the  snow-wind  and  the  sea, 
Like  the  wail  of  thy  sorrowing  children,  0  God  ! 
Who  cry  unto  thee. 

But  in  beauty  and  silence  tho  morning  broke  ; 

O'orflowing  creation,  tho  g|ad  light  streamed  ; 
And  earth  stood  shining  and  white  as  the  souls 
Of  the  bjessed  redeemed. 

0  glorious  marvel,  in  darkens  wrought  | 

With  smiles  of  promise  the  blue  sky  benf, 
As  if  to  whisper  to  all  who  mourn, 
Love'3  bidden  intont, 


FETEiinono',  April  5th,  1SG2. 
Hon.  M.  Blair,  Postmaster  General; 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  read  the  letter  which  you  sent 
to  the  great  Anli-Slavery  Meeting  held  in  New  York 
the  Cth  of  lust  month  ;  and  I  have  read  it  with  the  re- 
spect due  to  its  distinguished  author,  and  with  my 
ever  deep  interest  in  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats. 

Yrou  evidently  foresee  the  speedy  dentil  of  Ameri- 
can shivery.  It  will  be  as  sure  as  speedy.  The  na- 
tion will  not  let  it  live  to  become  the  cause  of  another 
wnr.  One  such  reckoning-day  for  the  crime  of  slave* 
holding  ns  is  this  day  of  horrors  will  cure  us  of  all 
disposition  to  repeat  the  crime.  The  punishment 
which  the  guilty  South  and  no  leas  guilty  North  are 
suffering  cannot  soon  he  forgotten  by  either.  And 
was  there  ever  a  punishment  more  justly  allotted  1 — 
more  righteously  retributive  1  It  fulls  just  where  it 
should,  and  only  where  it  should.  The  whites  of  the 
two  sections  are  plundering  and  slaughtering  each 
other;  and  in  neither  are  the  blacks  harmed.  The 
South  is  not  aggravating  the  sorrows  of  the  blacks ; 
the  North  has  ceased  to  send  them  into  slavery,  and 
is  becoming  kind  to  them.  The  slaves  are  getting 
their  freedom  without  fighting  for  it.  The  blood  of 
their  oppressors,  Northern  and  Southern,  instead  of 
their  own  blood,  is  purchasing  it.  And  however  ex- 
pedient it  might  be,  it  nevertheless  will  not  be  indis- 
pensable to  build  up  barriers,  statutory,  constitutional 
or  other  against  the  return  of  slavery.  It  will  never 
come  back  to  curse  us.  The  nation  that  has  tried 
slavery  and  abolished  it,  never  recalls  it.  As  they 
who  have  had  the  small-pox  do  not  have  it  again,  so 
too  the  nation  that  has  had  tho  infinitely  more  loath- 
some disease  of  slavery  does  not  have  it  again.  The 
British  West  India  planters,  although  they  grumbled 
at  some  of  the  workings  of  Emancipation,  had  never- 
theless no  desire  for  the  restoration  of  slavery. 

Y'ou  are  "  morally  certain  "  that  if  the  slaves  shall 
be  unconditionally  freed,  they  will  he  massacred.  I 
am  greatly  astonished  that  you  are.  My  more  favor- 
able views  of  human  nature  would  not  allow  the 
slightest  suspicion  of  such  diabolism.  And  no  less 
astonished  am  I  that  your  only  preventive  of  the  un- 
paralleled crime  is  for  Government  to  fall  in  with  the 
claims  of  the  guilty,  and  to  yield  up  the  rights  of  the 
innocent.  How  unlike  are  your  views  of  the  office  of 
Government  to  those  expressed  by  the  noble  and 
lovely  Paul!  He  would  have  it  "a  terror  to  evil 
doers,  and  a  praise  to  them  that  do  well."  But  you 
would  have  it  take  sides  with  the  guilty  against  the 
innocent.  A  true  Government  goes  for  the  innocent 
at  whatever  expense  to  the  guilty.  A  true  Govern- 
ment stands  by  the  least  black  baby  at  whatever  cost 
to  the  millions  of  men  who  would  wrong  it.  A  true 
Government  goes  for  justice  without  compromise. 
But  your  best  proposition  is  to  leave  undisturbed  the 
monsters  who  are  whetting  their  knives,  and  to  save 
millions  of  men  from  those  knives  only  by  tearing 
them  from  their  homes  and  driving  them  out  of  their 
country.  I  acknowledge  your  hope  that  these  millions 
will  go  voluntarily.  But  if  it  is  not  your  plan  that 
they  must  go,  then  I  know  not  why  you  should  have 
written  your  letter.  The  most  radical  Abolitionists 
admit,  ay,  and  claim,  that  they  may  go.  Moreover, 
you  would  probably  (I  would  not)  call  it  a  voluntary 
going,  however  much  it  might  have  been  induced  by 
their  disabilities,  deprivations  and  oppressions  at  the 
hands  of  Government. 

Government  is  now  and  ever  has  been  the  heaviest 
curse  of  earth;  but  it  will  be  transmuted  into  its 
greatest  blessing  when  it  shall  be  driven  back  from 
its  manifold  usurpations  to  its  sole  legitimate  office  of 
protection.  Then  it  will  meddle  with  the  rights  of 
none,  but  will  simply  hold  a  sure  and  steady  shield 
over  the  rights  of  all.  Then  beneath  that  shield  will 
the  right  of  all  to  "life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness"  be  equally  sacred.  Then  Government 
will  have  no  part  in  assorting,  domesticating  or  colo- 
nizing its  subjects;  but  will  leave  them  to  dispose  of 
such  matters  after  their  own  free  choice. 

The  colonizing  of  the  blacks  may  be  expedient,  but 
Government  has  no  more  to  do  with  it  than  with  their 
dress  or  food.  If  the  blacks  have  an  insurmountable 
dislike  of  their  white  neighbors,  or  of  the  climate,  or 
Government,  then  let  them  leave  us  to  go  where  they 
please.  Hayti,  Central  America  and  other  countries 
will  invite  tlicm,  and  pay  much  of  the  expense  of  their 
emigration.  Their  white  neighbors  will  very  proba- 
bly prize  the  labors  of  the  blacks  too  highly  to  con- 
sent to  pay  anything  to  get  rid  of  them.  You  and  I 
and  other  speculatists  may  have  our  theories  about 
collecting  the  whites  into  the  temperate  and  the 
blacks  into  the  tropical  regions.  I  confess  that  I  am 
among  Ihose  who  believe  that,  were  Government  to 
allow  free  play  to  the  laws  of  nature,  the  blacks 
would  move  toward  and  the  whites  from  the  equator. 
But  Government  is  not  to  act  upon  nor  so  much  as  to 
take  knowledge  of  these  theories.  Its  one  work  is  to 
protect  those  who  for  the  time  being  are  its  subjects. 
It  is  to  have  no  choice  of  subjects.  Whether  they  be- 
come more  or  less  white,  red  or  black,  is  nothing  to 
it.  Should  the  white  men  of  this  nation  visit  other 
nations,  and  bring  back  for  their  wives  negresses  and 
squaws,  there  would  be  no  power  in  the  Government 
to  stop  it,  and  no  modification  of  its  duties  resulting 
from  it. 

You  would  have  Government  colonize  the  blacks  to 
prevent  their  being  murdered  by  the  whites.  I  appre- 
hend that  your  assumption  of  this  illegitimate  power 
for  Government  is  not  your  only  fault  at  this  point. 
You  would  not  have  the  power  wielded  impartially. 
Were  the  case  reversed,  and  the  blacks  to  threaten 
the  murder  of  the  whites,  not  the  colonization  of  the 
whites,  but  the  slaughter,  if  need  be,  of  every  black, 
would  be  your  remedy.  I  much  fear  that  your  high- 
est ideal  of  Government  is  a  white-man's  Govern- 
ment; but  that  is  no  better  than  a  black-man's  Gov- 
ernment; and  neither  is  good  for  anything.  For 
whether  it  he  the  Government  or  the  individual  that, 
instead  of  being  ennobled  with  the  soul  of  manhood, 
is  shrivelled,  with  the  spirit  of  caste,  humanity  has 
nothing  to  hope  for  from  the  miserable  counterfeit. 

You  liavc  much  to  say  of  the  difference  of  races  ; 
and  you  hold  that  out  of  this  difference  have  grown 
difficult  prohleme  fcsrour  Government  tosolve.  What 
I  have  already  said  shows  that  in  my  opinion  Govern- 
ment has  nothing  to  do  with  such  problems.  I  add, 
that  the  less  individuals  liave  to  do  with  them,  the 
better.  The  bare  entertainment  of  them  begets  con- 
ceit, arrogance  and  oppression-  What  is  more,  they 
are  not  real  problems.  There  is  in  them  nothing  to 
Bolve — nothing  to  tax  the  ingenuity  of  cither  Gov- 
ernment or  individuals.  What  we  shall  do  about  the 
difference  between  two  races  is  no  more  a  problem 
than  what  we  shall  do  about  the  difference  between 
two  stars  or  two  mountains.  Wo  are  simply  to  ac- 
cept the  difference,  and  to  pass  on.  An  owlish  philo- 
sophic inquiry  into  what  wo  shall  do  about  the  differ- 
ence God  has  made  in  the  skins  of  different  men  is 
not  less  impertinent  than  would  be  such  an  inquiry 
into  what  we  shall  do  about  the  difference  He  has  or- 
dained between  the  complexion  of  the  sun  and  moon. 
Moreover,  that  one  portion  of  the  human  family  is  es- 
sentially inferior  to  another  is  probably  nothing  better 
than  a  prejudice.  Englishmen  were  not  essentially 
inferior  to  Irishmen,  when,  long  ago,  Irishmen  bought 
and  sold  them  ;  and  Irishmen  are  not  essentially  infe- 
rior to  Englishmen  when  now  they  are  oppressed  by 
Englishmen,  Changes  of  circumstances,  along  with 
other  causes,  alternately  lift  up  and  depress  a  people. 
But  their  inherent,  inborn  faculties  arc  neither  multi- 
plied nor  diminished  because  developed  in  one  age, 
nnd  undeveloped  in  another.  Africa  has  contained 
the  preeminent  seats  of  learning  and  power;  and  in 
the  endless  revolutions  in  human  affairs,  she  may 
again  and  again  contain  and  cease  to  contain  them. 
The  sooner  Government  shall  stop  its  war  upon  na- 
ture, the  sooner  will  these  fluctuations  become  less, 


and  the  sooner  will  the  nations  begin  to  approach 
same  permanent  level. 

In  your  eyes,  the  special  action  of  Government, 
where  there  arc  "two  different  races  in  the  same 
community,"  is  a  duty.  It  is  its  duty,  you  mean,  to 
prefer  one  to  the  other.  I  would  that  you  could  sec 
such  special  action  and  such  preference  to  he  a  crime, 
and  a  crime  for  which  God  hits  desolated  many  na- 
tions, and  is  now  desolating  this. 

You  justify  the  "jealousy  of  caste" — the  "jealousy 
of  races : "  and  your  proof  that  it  is  the  product  of 
"  the  highest  wisdom  '*  is  that  "  we  conquer  and  hold 
our  conquests  by  it."  But  what  is  to  you  proof  of  its 
good,  is  to  me  proof  of  its  bad  character.  And  you 
commend  this  jealousy,  because  it  protects  a  superior 
race  from  social  intercourse  with  an  inferior  one. 
Better  such  intercourse,  however,  than  to  fortify  our- 
selves against  it  by  hatred.  At  the  risk  of  whatever 
consequences,  we  are  to  love  all  men,  and  to  rejoice 
at  their  rising  in  the  social  scale.  And  whilst  I  dare 
not  admit  that  to  refuse  intercourse  with  any  portion 
of  our  common  Father's  children  is  sinless,  I  dare 
affirm  that  such  intercourse  is  not  to  be  avoided  if  it 
can  be  avoided  only  at  the  expense  of  ignoring  the 
claims  of  the  human  brotherhood,  and  of  withholding 
our  love  from  n  portion  of  it.  Whatever  else  you 
have  learned  in  the  school  of  Christ,  I  cannot  believe 
that  you  learned  this  jealousy  there.  Much  as  you 
hate  slavery,  I  feel  confident  that  it  is  to  its  teachings 
and  influences  you  are  indebted  for  this  jealousy.  It 
is  a  sad  fact,  that  slavery  has  been  a  successful  teacher 
of  our  whole  people,  and  that  the  damaged  characters 
of  even  those  who  hate  it  prove  the  universality  of 
it3  baleful  influences.  Our  hatred  of  the  blacks,  not' 
withstanding  you  so  strangely  construe  it  into  an  ex^ 
pression  of  our  hatred  of  slavery,  comes  nevertheless 
from  the  teachings  and  largely  also  from  our  love  of 
slavery.  In  the  nature  of  things,  the  unrighteousness 
of  hating  men  cannot  stand  in  connection  with  the  right- 
eousness of  hating  oppression.  Go  the  world  over, 
and  you  will  no  more  find  the  haters  of  men  hating 
oppression  than  you  will  find  the  lovers  of  men  loving 
it.  I  confess  that  the  mass  of  the  Southern  whites 
(and  there  is  a  great  deal  of  such  malignity  at  the 
North  also)  hate.thetlacks;  and  I  affirm  that  it  is  be- 
cause they  hate  them  that  they  love  to  see  them  sunk 
in  slavery. 

Your  remark  that  "  the  blacks  have  quickly  dis- 
appeared when  emancipated  "  can  be  accounted  for 
only  on  the  supposition  that  at  the  moment  of  making 
it,  you  inadvertently  confounded  them  with  the  In- 
dians. All  writers  are  liable  to  such  confusion.  It  is 
very  true  that  the  Indians  diminish  rapidly  ;  but  it  is 
as  true  that  the  negroes  do  not  diminish  at  all. 
Whether  bond  or  free,  they  increase  everywhere,  if 
we  except  instances  where,  as  on  sugar  plantations, 
they  are  from  purpose  and  policy  worked  to  death. 
They  increase  in  the  West  India  Islands,  and  in  the 
rigorous  climate  of  Canada.  And  even  in  the  North- 
ern States,  where  by  force  of  cruel  laws,  both  civil 
and  social,  they  are  shut  out  of  respectable  employ- 
ments, places  and  associations,  degraded,  driven  into 
the  narrowest  straits  of  poverty,  and  driven  into  the 
most  wasting  vices,  they  almost  everywhere  keep  up 
their  numbers  ;  and  this,  too,  notwithstanding  that  at 
every  census  many,  under  that  "bleaching  process" 
which  goes  steadily  on,  pass  from  the  black  to  the 
white  class.  I  must  believe  that  were  the  Northern 
blacks,  instead  of  being  crowded  into  the  un healthiest 
tenements  of  our  towns,  scattered  through  the  rural 
districts  in  as  large  proportion  as  are  the  whites,  their 
increase  would,  in  spite  of  all  their  disadvantages,  fall 
little  short  of  that  of  the  whites.  I  would  say,  in  this 
connection,  that  they  who  argue  that  the  negro's 
habits  of  improvidence  in  slavery  hinder  his  thrift  in 
freedom,  argue  not  against  setting  him  free,  but  in 
favor  of  hurrying  him  out  ol  slavery. 

You  assume  quite  too  much  when  you  say  that  the 
whites  hold  the  lands  of  the  South  by  title  from  the 
Creator.  If  you  mean  only  that  the  climate  of  these 
lands  is  more  favorable  to  the  whites,  (though  for 
pro-slavery  ends  the  reverse  is  often  insisted  on,)  I 
am  willing  to  let  the  assumption  pass  for  what  it  is 
worth.  But  the  title  to  a  country  growing  out  of 
considerations  of  climate  is  very  far  from  being  the 
only  one.  Occupation  is  a  ground  of  title  ;  and  the 
title  is  none  the  weaker  if  the  occupation  be  compul- 
sory instead  of  voluntary.  The  earned  title  is  anoth- 
er :  and  by  this  most  emphatically  does  the  South  be* 
long  to  the  sweat  and  tear  and  blood-drenched  slave. 
Moreover,  there  is  such  a  thing  as  the  forfeiture  of 
title  to  a  country  :  and  in  all  their  generations  the 
Southern  oppressors  have,  by  turning  a  free  country 
into  a  prison,  and  its  blessings  into  curses,  repeated 
their  forfeiture  of  all  possible  title  to  it. 

Do  you  ask  what  is  to  become  of  the  lands  of  the 
South  when  the  war  is  ended  and  slavery  abolished 
I  would  that  these  as  well  as  lands  elsewhere  could  be 
disposed  of  on  those  great  and  precious  Land  Reform 
principles,  which  teach  that  the  right  of  all  to  the  soil 
is  as  equal  and  sacred  as  to  the  light  and  air.  But 
few  even  of  the  good  and  intelligent  are  as  yet  up  to 
the  level  of  these  principles.  The  lands  of  the  South 
will  in  the  main  continue  to  be  held  by  the  families 
that  now  hold  them.  It  will  be  said  that  wives  and 
children  should  not,  because  their  husbands' and  fa- 
thers were  rebels,  be  made  homeless.  And  even 
the  rebels  themselves,  although  they  have  forfeit- 
ed both  lands  and  lives,  we  shall  be  slow  to  drive 
from  their  homes,  when  we  remember  our  own  share 
of  the  responsibility  for  the  rebellion.  Barents,  who 
give  wine  to  their  children  until  they  are  so  intoxicat- 
ed as  to  kick  the  table  over,  are  hardly  the  right  per- 
sons to  punish  them  for  their  uncontrollable  feat;  and 
we,  who  have  fostered  slavery  until  slaveholders  could 
no  longer  contain  themselves,  arc  in  hardly  a  suitable 
relation  to  punish  them  very  severely  for  their  out- 
breaking insanity.  The  rebellion  we  must  put  down ; 
but  all  the  time  we  are  putting  it  down,  we  should  be 
holding  ounselves  largely  responsible  for  it,  and  con- 
demning ourselves  quite  as  emphatically  as  we  con- 
demn the  traitors.  Slavery  made  them  traitors,  and 
we  were  so  corrupt  and  cruel  as  to  sustain  slavery. 
To  believe  that  anything  else  than  slavery  either  did 
or  could  prompt  the  rebellion  is  evidence  of  the  last 
degree  of  prejudice  and  foolishness.  No  Free  State 
embarked  in  it;  and  every  Slave  State,  not  even  Del- 
aware excepted,  would  have  done  so,  but  for  fear  of 
Free  State  resistance.  Add  to  this  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  the  rebel  leaders  to  make  slavery  the  corner- 
stone of  the  new  nation;  and,  what  is  more  than  all, 
add  that  nothing  short  of  the  impatience,  intolerance, 
imperiousness  and  contemptuousness  generated  in  an 
ambitious,  restless  spirit  by  slaveholding,  could  have 
sufficed  to  urge  up  men  to  the  point  of  this  wild  and 
guilty  rebellion. 

I  said  that  we  must  put  down  the  rebellion.  God 
teach  our  rulers  how  to  do  it !  They  are  impoverish- 
ing the  nation,  and  sacrificing  scores  of  thousands  of 
lives — and  but  too  probably  all  in  vain.  Very  cheap 
and  very  easy  is  the  way  to  put  it  down  ;  and  to  put 
it  down  surely,  and  so  that  it  will  stay  down.  Very 
plain  is  it  too.  But  our  rulers  are  as  yet  too  blind  to 
sec  it.  Simply  take  slavery  from  the  bends  of  the 
rebels,  and  the  Rebellion  is  ended,  certainly,  entire- 
ly, and  forever.  It  is,  however,  immeasurably  im- 
portant, both  to  them  and  to  ua,  that  it  be  taken  in 
the  right  spirit.  It  must  be  taken,  not  vindictively, 
not  with  self-complacency,  and  with  Pharisaical  right- 
eousness, but  in  penitence  and  pity.  We  are  to  Dike 
slavery  from  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  as  the  reasona- 
ble parent  takes  back  the  knife  which  with  false  in- 
dulgence he  had  given  to  his  child.  lie  is  more  dis- 
posed to  blame  himself  than  to  punish  the  child  for 
the  cutting  of  the  furniture  and  fingers.  Conquered 
the  rebels  must  be,  in  mercy  to  themselves.  Con- 
quered they  must  be,  that  tho  country  may  be  saved. 
Conquered  they  must  be,  that  a  Rebellion,  which  is 
the  most  horrible  pro-fdavery  piracy,  may  be  adequate- 
ly abhorred,  and  that  civil  government  maybe  ade- 
quately vindicated  and  honored.  But  it  is  not  for  us 
to  magnify  their  crime  and  invoke  its  severest  pun- 
ishment. Their  pro-slavery  is  not  half  so  guilty  as 
ours.  Theirs  falls  in  with  their  education.  Our  edu- 
cation forbids  ours.  Theirs  comes  of  mighty  tempta- 
tion.    Ours  has  nothing  better  to  feed  on   than   the 


poor  scraps  which  pro-slavery  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers, politicians  and  priests  throw  out  to  it.  There 
are  many  among  us  who  are  wont  to  say  that  We  can- 
not forgive  such  men  as  DaviB  and  Stephens  and  Ma- 
son and  Slidell.  Punished  they  should  be— though 
not  excessively.  But  when  we  come  to  the  point  of 
forgiveness,  the  question  which  should  most  engage 
us  is,  what  we,  the  greater  sinners,  shall  do,  In  order 
that  we  mny  be  able  to  forgive  ourselves.  There  is 
one  thing,  and  only  one  thing,  to  do  to  this  end— and 
that  is,  to  take  from  the  hands  of  the  slaveholders  the 
slavery  which  we  have  strengthened  in  their  hands. 
This  done,  this  mercy  rendered  to  the  slaveholders, 
the  slaves  and  ourselves — and  wo  shall  then  be  at 
peace  with  ourselves,  or,  in  other  words,  shall  have 
forgiven  ourselves.  Talk  of  our  inability  to  forgive 
rebels!  Why,  every  Northern  editor  who  continues 
to  cry  against  the  Abolitionist?,  or,  in  other  words,  to 
cry  for  slavery,  and  every  Northern  preacher  who 
preaches  prudence  on  the  slavery  question,  and  every 
Northern  member  of  Congress  who  stands  in  the  way 
of  making  an  instant  and  clean  sweep  of  slavery,  is 
in  important  respects  a  far  guiltier  upholder  of  the 
Rebellion  than  is  the  worst  rebel  who  was  born  and 
bred  under  Southern  influences. 

Could  I  have  my  wish,  the  chief  punishment  of  the 
mass  of  the  rebels  would  be  but  to  wrest  slavery  from 
them.  What,  and  then  leave  them  to  do  us  all  possible 
harm  !  But,  deprived  of  slavery,  they  would  be  as  well 
nigh  harmless  as  serpents  without  fangs.  Moreover, 
their  disposition  to  do  harm  would  then  rapidly  die  out. 
It  is  true,  that  were  the  slaveholders  to  emancipate 
under  the  pressure  of  the  war — and  I  much  fear  that 
they  will  ere  we  are  ready  to  do  so — they  would  then 
be  both  morally  and  physically  unconquerable  ;  the  na- 
tion would  be  dissolved,  and  for  a  time  great  evil 
would  ensue  both  to  the  North  and  South.  But  this 
time  would  not  exceed  a  generation.  The  cause  of 
the  division  being  blotted  out,  the  South  would  soon 
be  glad  to  get  back  into  the  old  nation,  the  course  of 
whose  mountains  and  rivers  shows  that  it  can  be  di- 
vided only  unnaturally  and  temporarily. 

I  said  that  the  lands  of  the  South  will  be  held  main- 
ly as  now.  But  what  will  the  poor  emancipated  land- 
less blacks  do?  Just  what  the  poor  landless  whites 
will.  Both  will  have  to  work  for  those  that  have 
land — at  least,  until  they  are  able  to  buy  land.  The 
blacks  will  buy  it  fast.  The  African  evinces  a  pecu- 
liarly strong  love  for  his  "  borniu  grounds,"  and  a  pe- 
culiarly strong  desire  to  have  a  home  of  his  own. 
During  the  brief  period  of  freedom  in  the  British 
West  Indies,  black  men  to  the  amount  of  nearly  or 
quite  one  hundred  thousand  have  become  freeholders; 
and  this,  too,  notwithstanding  they  were  much  infe- 
rior to  ours  in  intelligence. 

My  saying  that  the  blacks  will  buy  homes  at  the 
South  implies  the  assumption  that,  after  the  war, 
"  The  United  States  (will)  shall  guarantee  to  every 
State  in  this  Union  a  (real)  republican  government." 
The  "  Dred  Scott  Decision  "  will  no  longer  be  law. 
Men  will  then  buy  and  sell,  and  exercise  all  the  rights 
of  citizenship,  not  because  of  their  complexion,  but 
simply  because  they  are  men.  They,  who  shall  still 
stand  out  for  the  "  Black  Laws  "  of  Illinois  and  other 
Stales,  will  rapidly  become  few.  The  denial  to  man- 
hood of  the  rights  of  manhood  will  then  be  seen  to  be 
the  guiltiest  and  the  meanest  crime.  Black  Laws, 
Cutaneous  Democracy,  Caste-Colonization,  Pro-Sla- 
very sermons,  Pro-Slavery  Editorials,  and  all  that  sort 
of  satanic  blood,  will  then  be  at  immense  discount. 
The  war  will  cost  us  much  treasure  and  life.  But  as 
the  thunder-storm,  though  with  damage  here  and 
there  from  its  bolts,  is,  nevertheless,  a  messenger  of 
health,  so  will  the  war,  in  purifying  the  moral  and  po- 
litical atmosphere,  bring  us  some  recompense  for  our 
frightful  sacrifices  in  it. 

Will  the  illiterate  and  ignorant  blacks  of  the  South 
bo  allowed  to  vote?  Not  unless  the  illiterate  and  ig- 
norant whites  are.  There  will  be  no  bounty  on  a 
black  skin.  Qualifications  for  voting,  and,  in  short, 
for  all  political  and  civil  rights,  will,  I  trust,  be  at  the 
South  as  in  the  British  West  Indies,  entirely  irre- 
spective of  complexion. 

Alas !  that  the  question  was  ever  raised  :  "  What 
shall  Government  do  with  the  blacks  at  the  close  of 
the  war?"  Because  of  our  ignorance  and  prejudice 
we  have  entertained  it,  and  been  embarrassed  by  it. 
Nothing  so  much  as  this  question  lias  kept  us  and 
still  keeps  us  from  prosecuting  the  war  uncondition- 
ally and  thoroughly,  and,  therefore,  to  a  speedy  and 
triumphant  result.  I  admit  that  our  leading  men  are 
concerned  to  have  the  Rebellion  put  down.  Far 
greater,  however,  is  the  concern  of  a  large  share  of 
them  to  have  the  slaves  continued  in  their  chains  or 
colonized.  To  these  the  ending  of  the  Rebellion,  if  it 
is  to  be  also  the  lifting  up  of  five  millions  of  blacks 
into  fellow-citizens,  would  be  no  joyful  prospect. 

Pardon  me,  dear  sir.ibr  expressing  regret  that  you 
sent  such  a  letter  to  the  New  York  meeting.  I  readily 
admit  that  most  of  our  statesmen  would  not  have  writ- 
ten a  better  one.  They  would  have  written  a  worse 
one  at  some  points.  But  I  believed  that  you  would 
be  able  to  rise  in  this  crisis  above  vulgar  statesman- 
ship, and  contrast  yourself  honorably  and  bcantifully 
with  its  prejudice,  narrowness  and  superstition.  I 
did  not  suspect  that,  in  answer  to  the  thunder-calls 
for  the  abolition  of  the  crime  of  crimes,  you  too  would 
be  found  proposing  conditions.  I  had  counted  confi- 
dently on  your  readiness  to  have  slavery  struck  down 
by  the  War-Power.  I  should  even  have  hoped  that  for 
a  piracy,  and  that  too  the  superlative  one,  you  would  be 
found  to  hold  that  there  is  no  law,  and  can  be  no  law. 
I  could  not  doubt  that,  in  your  eyes,  no  race  of  men 
is  "common  or  unclean";  and  that  even  in  the  one 
which  has  been  more  bruised  and  battered  than  any 
other  by  its  unnatural  brethren,  you  would  discern, 
ay,  gratefully  and  joyfully,  the  imago  of  the  Common 
Father. 

I  am  disappointed  in  you.  I  am  disappoint- 
ed in  many.  Nevertheless,  I  do  not  despair  of 
the  nation.  It  will  come  out  of  the  "seven  times 
more  heated "  furnace  of  this  war,  freed  from 
much  dross.  It  will  come  out  of  it,  not  to  he  still 
shamed  by  the  world  for  a  sham  and  pro-slavery 
democracy,  but  to  win  the  world's  admiration  of 
the  beautiful  and  glorious  first  fruits  of  a  genuine 
and  anti-slavery  democracy.  Degraded  and  trampled- 
on  men  will  be  lifted  up  by  this  war,  and  will,  for  the 
first  time,  be  invested  with  sacrcdncss  and  held  in 
honor.  Their  bcttcr-cotuhtioned  brethren  will  receive 
them  into  fellowship,  and  will  henceforth  talk  less 
about  inferior  races,  and  be  less  disposed  to  argue  an 
essential  and  permanent  inferiority  from  a  circum- 
stantial and  transient  one. 


Otis  the  life  of  the  country  is  ended,  they  will  have  no 
pftrt  In  building  Up  tho  Democratic,  Or  Republtrjrih,  or 
any  other  party.  Until  then,  their  one  wurlt  will  be 
to  save  the  cdimtry. 

I  deprecate  this  nascent  Colonization  Party,  not  be- 
cause t  fear  its  success.  When  slavery  shall  be  abol- 
ished, (and  wo  are  on  the  eve  of  its  abolition,)  the 
party  will  die.  Hatred  of  the  blacks,  which  is  the 
pabulum  and  soul  of  the  party,  gets  all  its  life  and 
virus  from  slavery.  Slavery  dead,  and  the  desire  to 
colonize  the  blacks  would  also  be  dead.  You  and 
Senator  Dot ilittle  would  find  no  more  sympathy  with 
your  scheme.  Nay,  you  would  yourselves  have  no 
more  sympathy  with  it.  And  if  slavery  shall  live, 
even  the  slaveholders  will  not  consent  on  any  terms 
to  the  colonization  of  the  mass  of  the  blacks,  eUher 
those  in  or  those  out  of  slavery.  They  will,  as  were 
the  slaveholders  of  Maryland,  be  found  valuing  the  la- 
bor of  black  men  too  highly  to  consent  to  their 
expulsion  from  the  country.  Nor  do  I  deprecate  the 
party,  because  the  first  actual  attempt  to  drive  five 
millions  of  useful,  innocent  people  out  of  the  nation 
would  begin  a  war  of  races,  in  which  the  dozen  millions 
of  blacks  in  this  hemisphere,  and  the  whole  civilized 
world  in  addition,  would  be  against  us;  for  there  will 
er  be  this  first  actual  attempt.  When  the  time  for 
it  shall  have  come,  the  daring  and  the  disposition  will 
both  be  lacking. 

It  is  for  other  reasons  that  I  deprecate  this   Coloni- 
zation movement.    Its  tendency  will  be  to  hold  back 
the    Government  from   striking   at   the   cause  of  the 
ar;  and   to  produce  hesitation,  diversion,   compro- 
lise,  at  a  moment  when  the  salvation  of  the  country 
calls  for  blows,  immediate,  united,  and  where,  at  what- 
ever damage  to  whatever  other  interest,  they  will  fall 
most  effectively.     Not  its  least  lamentable  tendency  is 
to  foster  in  the  American  people  that  mean  pride  of 
race,  and  that  murderous  spirit  of  caste,  by  which  they 
have  outraged  and  crushed  so  many  millions,  and  for 
which  they  are  now,  in  the  righteous  providence  of 
God,  called  to  an  account  so  appalling. 
I  am,  sir,  respectfully  yours, 

GERRIT  SMITH. 


since  Cain  slow  his  brother  bad  there  heeh  ft  more 
horrible  crime.  Mr.  Thompson  showed  how  the  Re- 
public had  been  formed  by  the  consent  of  the  people 
represented  In  convention.  A  convention  had  joined 
them— nothing  but  a  convention  could  legally  sever' 
them.  On  his  election,  Mr.  Lincoln  therefore  proposed 
the  assembly  of  a  national  convention,  where  all 
grievances  should  be  discussed.  The  South  refused, 
and  nothing  remained  but  war.  In  this  country,  the 
friends  of  the  South  said  that  tariffs  and  taacs  had 
much  to  do  with  the  war,  but  Mr.  Thompson  disprov- 
ed this  asHt-rlion  by  showing  that  never  in  alt  lh» 
Southern  complaints  was  any  reference  made  to  tax- 
ation. In  conclusion,  the  talented  lecturer,  out  of  the 
mouths  of  the  Southerners  themselves,  showed  that 
their  desire  was  to  extend  slavery  over  all  the  national 
domain.  No  language  of  ours  can  describe  the  thril- 
ling power  of  that  voice,  which  has  never  been  raised 
but  to  altack  injustice  and  defend  freedom.  At  tho 
close  of  the  lecture,  votes  of  thanks  were  accorded  by 
acclamation  to  the  lecturer  and  the  chairman. 

Mr.  Thompson  will  give  his  concluding  lecture 
this  (Friday)  evening,  and  we  trust  that  none  will 
neglect  the  opportunity  of  hearing — probably  for  the 
last  time — the  peerless  eloquence  of  the  famous  anti- 
slavery  advocate. 


PKO-SLAVEKY   BITTERNESS. 

Rochester,  {N.  Y.,)  April  2d,  1862. 
William  Lloyd  Garrison: 

Dear  Friend, — It  almost  inclines  one  to  skepti- 
cism regarding  the  beautiful  germ  of  divinity  that  is 
the  composition  of  every  human  being,  to  see  the 
heartless  invectives  yet  predominant  in  and  showing 
the  bitter  feeling  of  the  pro-slavery  press.  Even  now, 
when  the  retributions  which  are  sure  to  visit  an  un- 
godly and  oppressive  nation  are  so  overwhelming  to 
every  reflecting  mind,  the  opposers  of  liberty  are 
taunting  and  scoffing  at  every  gleam  of  moral  light 
that  seems  indicative  of  "the  good  time  coming." 
Tho  only  signs  that  sustain  the  true-hearted  who  are 
watching  with  earnest  solicitude  this  dreadful  strife 
that  is  so  revolting  to  their  own  holier  nature,  seem 
to  call  out  the  malignant  feelings  of  those  who  are 
ever  on  the  alert  to  crush  the  beautiful  Angel  of  Lib- 
erty. The  humane  feelings  of  those  who  have  gone 
to  Port  Royal  on  the  blessed  mission  of  comforting 
the  outcast  and  neglected  poor,  (those  who  have  es- 
caped from  the  relentless  grasp  of  Slavery,  and  thus 
shown  that  our  Father  maketh  the  wrath  of  man  to 
praise  HimJ  appear  to  give  fresh  impetus  to  their 
rage  and  revilings,  while  these  missionaries  are  adopt- 
ing, in  acts,  if  not  in  words,  the  language — 
"I  thank  theo,  Father,  that  I  live, 

Though  wailings  fill  this  earth  of  thine; 
To  labor  for  thy  suffering  ones 
Is  joy  divine." 

I  feel  more  pity  and  compassion  for  those  who  are 
thus  walking  in  darkness,  and  continually  blinding 
their  eyes  to  the  light  of  truth,  than  contempt.  I 
look  at  the  future,  when  the  lovers  of  our  race  will 
have  a  pleasant  and  happy  retrospect,  added  to  the 
comparative  serenity  and  composure  of  the  present, 
and  compare  their  feelings  of  gratitude  and  pleasure 
with  the  depression  and  sorrow  which  will  haunt  the 
consciences  of  those  who  have  through  long  years 
been  upholding  the  hands  of  the  oppressor,  and 
striving  with  a  zeal  worthy  alone  of  a  holy  purpose 
to  retard  the  progressive  labors  of  the  true  friends  of 
humanity. 

How  truthful  are  Whittier's  beautiful  lines! — 
"0,  how  contrast  with  such  as  yo 

A  Follcn's  soul  of  sacrifice, 

And  May's,  with  kindness  overflowing  ! 

How  green  and  lovely  in  tho  eyes 

Of  freemen  arc  their  graces  growing  ! 

Ay,  there's  a  glorious  remnant  yet, 

Whose  lips  are  wet  at  Freedom's  fountains, 
The  coming  of  whose  welcome  feet 

Is  beautiful  upon  our  mountains  ! 
Men,  who  the  Gospel  tidings  bring 

Of  Liberty  and  Love  forever, 
"Whose  joy  is  ono  abiding  spring, 

Whose  peace  is  as  a  gentle  river. 
****** 

And  thou,  sad  Angel,  who  so  long 

Hast  waited  for  the  glorious  token, 
That  Eearth,  from  all  her  bonds  of  wrong, 

To  Liberty  and  Light  has  broken — 
Angel  of  Freedom  !  soon  to  thee 

The  sounding  trumpet  shall  bo  given, 
And  over  Earth's  full  jubilee 

Khali  deeper  joy  be  felt  in  Heaven  ! " 
SARAH  D. 


"PROFESSOR  CLARENCE  BUTLER." 
In  last  week's  Banner  of  Light, — a  puper,  be  it 
known,  devoted  to  the  promulgation  of  the  spiritual 
pliiloBophy, — the  following  apparently  unimporlant  an- 
nouncement is  made  in  an  out  of  the  way  place,  to  wit: 
"  We  have  received  a  communication  from  Prof.  Clarcneo 
Butler,  requesting  us  to  withdraw  his  name  from  our  list 
of  lecturers.  As  he  has  gone  to  the  arena  of  conflict  in 
the  Southwest,  ho  will  be  unable  to  fulfil  his  lecturing  en- 
gagements. The  societies  where  he  has  engagements  will 
therefore  bo  obliged  to  secure  other  speakers." 

Knowing  that  this  same  Prof.  Butler,  whose  public 
introduction  to  the  citizens  of  Boston  was  that  of  exile 
from  the  South,  on  account  of  his  political  opinions, 
for  his  story  runs  that  he  was  tarred  and  feathered  in 
Texas — which  story,  since  the  cause  of  his  sudden 
departure  has  became  known,  we  believe  to  be  false; 
knowing  that  this  Butler  was  regarded  as  a  shining 
light,  a  bright  particular  star  in  the  spiritual  galaxy 
which  revolves  around  this  terrestrial  Banner,  as  a 
grand  and  common1  centre ;  that  he  was  engaged 
months  ahead  (as  can  be  seen  by  referring  to  their  list 
of  lectures,)  to  enlighten  that  class  ef  benighted  ones 
whom  even  the  Banner  is  not  honest  or  courage  ou'3 
enough  to  represent;  knowing  this,  we  naturally 
queried  why  this  luminous  light  so  suddenly  disap- 
peared from  the  spiritual  firmament — why  he  abandon- 
ed so  lucrative  a  field,  and  betook  himself  to  the  war  I 

Feeling  impressed,  to  use  the  spiritual  nomenclature, 
that  there  was  something  hidden  beneath  their  quoted 
statement  above,  we  found,  on  inquiry,  our  impressions 
to  be  correct ;  we  found  in  fact,  more  than  we  will  now 
state.  Suffice  it  to  say,  it  appears  that  the  aforesaid 
Butler  has  been  guilty,  for  months  past,  of  certain  mis- 
demeanors in  private  inaiters,  and  that  he  took  this 
method  to  avoid  the  unpleasant  consequences  of  his 
misdeeds. 

We  have  reason  to  believe  all  this  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  editors  and  publishers  of  this  spirit- 
ual beacon-light,  who,  in  the  spirit  of  one  of  old,  chose 
to  bury  his  talent  in  the  ground — they  thought,  "for 
the  good  of  the  cause,"  (of  which  they  are  such  un- 
worthy exponents,)  to  withhold  all  mention  of  this 
man's  doings,  save  what  is  given  above;  not  even 
hinting  at  the  real  cause.  By  refusing  to  reveal  his 
true  character,  they  practically  send  him  on  his  way 
rejoicing,  bearing  their  recommendation,  and  at  liberty 
to  make  dupes  of  whoever  he  can. 

When  a  public  sheet  like  this,  claiming  to  be  relig- 
iously respectable,  to  be  guided  not  only  by  the  princi- 
ples of  Christianity,  but  has  the  supra-intelligcnce  of 
disembodied  ones  especially  enlisted  in  its  behalf,  to 
direct  its  course  aright;  ostentatiously  professing  to 
be  actuated  only  by  a  desire  to  do  equal  justice  to 
friend  and  foe, — when  such  a  paper  forgets  its  first 
duty  to  the  public,  to  itself,  and  to  the  Spiritualists 
everywhere;  when  it  suppresses  the  truth — refuses  to 
warn  even  its  own  flock  of  the  black  sheep  in  the  fold, 
of  subtle  and  dangerous  enemies  in  the  midst  of  them  ; 
to  put  the  sincere  and  confiding  on  their  guard  against 
imposition  ;  to  cowardly  deceive  that  public  to  whom 
it  owes  its  existence,  by  wilfully  keeping  them  in  igno- 
rance; withholding  that  very  knowledge  for  which 
the  paper  was  originally  designed — the  separating  the 
true  from  the  false,  the  right  from  the  wrong, — when 
such  a  paper  does  this,  it  virtually  makes  itself  acces- 
sory with  those  impostors  who  make  of  what  some  re- 
gard as  sacred  things  a  mask  I 

"  He  that  hath  a  truth  and  keeps  it. 
Keeps  what  not  to  him  belongs — ■   - 
But  performs  a  selfish  action, 

And  a  fellow-mortal  wrongs."  * 

— Boston  Courier. 


"It's  coining  yet,  for  a'  that, 
That  man  to  man  tho  world  o'er, 
Shall  brothers  bo,  for  a'  that." 

Men  will  yet  consent  to  dwell  with  men.  Preposte- 
rous is  the  hope  that,  before  they  do,  "  the  tabernacle 
of  God  shall  be  with  men,  and  'He  will  dwell  with 
them,  and  they  shall  be  his  people,  and  God  himself 
shall  be  with  them  and  be  their  God."  That  men  con- 
sent to  dwell  with  men  will  ever  be  the  highest  proof 
that  God  dwells  with  them.  As  the  harmony  of 
mankind  is  the  most  persuasive  prayer  for  the  descent 
of  the  Spirit,  so  is  it  also  the  surest  evidence  that  the 
prayer  is  heard,  and  that  the  Spirit  has  descended.  As 
the  recognition  of  their  entire  brotherhood  is  what 
God  most  loves  in  His  children,  so  is  the  recognition 
the  surest  evidence  that  He  dwells  with  them  and  in 
them. 

I  do  not  choose  words  too  strong  to  express  my 
emotions  when  I  say,  I  am  alarmed  nnd  distressed  at 
the  multiplying  indications  that  a  political  Caste  Colo- 
nization Party  is  in  process  of  organization,  and  that 
gentlemen  of  the  highest  standing  and  anti-slavery 
antecedents  of  yourself  and  Senator  Doolittle  are  fa- 
voring it.  It  will,  from  tho  first,  act  in  concert  with, 
and  will  probably  soon  become  openly  one  with,  that 
portion  of  the  Democratic  party  which  its  pro-slavery 
leaders  are  now  at  work  to  rally.  Such  a  Coloniza- 
tion party  is  distinguishable  in  name  only,  and  not  at 
all  in  effect,  from  an  open  Pro-Slavery  party.  The 
unconditional  patriots  in  the  Democratic  as  well  as  the 
Kcimblican  party  feel  that  the  present  is  emphatically 
no  time  for  such  work.     Until  the  war  which  threat- 


GrEOKG-E    THOMPSON,  ESQ., 


FISH. 
IN  WHITBY. 


During  the  past  week,  {says  the  Whitby  (Eng.) 
Times  of  March  15,)  Whitby  has  been  favored  wilh  a 
long-expected  and  eagerly-anticipated  visit  from  the 
distinguished  orator  and  philanthropist,  whose  name, 
for  more  years  than  most  of  this  generation  have  seen, 
has  been  associated  with  every  movement  of  human 
benevolence  and  amelioration.  Our  townsmen,  we 
believe,  are  indebted  to  a  number  of  public-spirited 
gentlemen  in  this  town  for  Mr.  Thompson's  welcome 
visit.  Thirty  changeful  years  have  passed  away  since 
Mr.  Thompson's  first  visit  to  AVhithy,  when  he  advo- 
cated with  the  generous  fervor  of  youth — fervor, 
which  years,  ripened  knowledge  and  enlarged  expe- 
rience have  purified  without  impairing — the  cause 
which  is  still  dear  to  his  heart,  as  it  is  inseparably 
identified  with  his  fame.  The  crisis  in  America,  as 
it  affects  the  chances  of  negro  emancipation,  is  now  an 
absorbing  subject  of  national  consideration ;  and  the 
opinions  of  a  man  to  whom  slavery  in  its  various 
phases  has  been  tho  subject  of  profound  and  life-long 
study,  could  not  but  be  pregnant  with  interest  and 
instruction  at  a  moment  so  solemn  and  so  critical  in 
the  history  of  that  momentous  struggle  which  is  now 
desolating  the  continent  of  America. 

On  Wednesday  evening,  Mr.  Thompson  gave  the 
first  of  his  two  lectures  in  St.  Hilda's  Hall,  which 
was  overcrowded  by  an  audience  of  the  highest  intel- 
ligence and  respectability.  In  the  regretted  absence 
of  C.  Richardson,  Esq.,  of  St.  Hilda's,  tho  Rev.  W. 
Keanc  ably  filled  the  chair,  and  in  language  singularly 
graceful  and  happy  introduced  tho  lecturer  to  his  ex- 
pectant audience. 

Mr.  Thompson  traced  the  history  of  the  United 
States  from  the  time  when  the  Mayflower  landed  her 
three  precious  cargoes  of  freedom-seeking  English- 
men, to  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  Pres- 
idential chair.  He  proved  conclusively  that  the  South 
had  persistently  endeavored  to  extend  the  limits  of 
slavery.  He  denounced  with  tremendous  power  (he 
men  who,  being  Cabinet  Ministers,  abused  their  high 
positions  by  weakening  the  North  and  favoring  the 
South,  so  that  when  tho  crisis  came,  there  were  not 
1,000  troops  to  defend  the  capital.  The  South  hud 
always  had  a  preponderance  of  men  in  the  highest 
stale  offices.  The  North  had  been  afraid  to  speak 
about  slavery,  for  fear  of  offending  the  "  Lords  of  the 
Lash."  Mr.  Thompson  was  himself  hunted  from 
town  to  town  in  the  'North,  because  of  his  abolition 
principles.  But  all  this  lime,  no  one  ever  thought  of 
arguing  in  favor  of  slavery.  It  was  said  to  be  a  local 
institution,  and  to  be  dealt  wilh  as  such,  and  it  was 
hoped  that  a  way  would  he  found  for  its  extirpation. 
Now,  however,  was  seen  the  most  awful  spectacle  of 
a  rebellion  having  for  its  design  the  fslnhlishnicnt  of 
a  nation  with  slavery  for  its  chief  corner  stone.     Never 


rir  T7    \  The  Oldest  House  in  Boston  )  nr  v 

tljV'l  BUILT  IN  1G56.  '.}>LF, 

PRICES    REDUCED 

FOR    THE    FOLLOWING    VALUABLE    BOOKS: 

Echoes  of  Harper's  Ferry. 

THIS  volume  is  a  collection  of  the  greatest  Speeches, 
Sermons,  Lectures,  Letters,  Poems,  and  other  Utter- 
ances of  the  leading  minds  of  America  and  Europe,  called 
forth  by  John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  They  are 
all  given — mostly  for  the  first  time — nnabridgtd  j  and  they 
have  all  been  corrected  by  their  authors  for  this  edition, 
or  re-printed  with  their  permission  from  duly  authorized 
copies.  That  this  volume  is  justly  entitled  to  the  claim  of 
being  the  first  collection  of  worthy  specimens  of  American 
Eloquence,  the  following  brief  summary  of  its  contents  will 
show  : — It  contains  Speeches  and  Sermons — by  Wendell 
Phillips,  (two,)  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  (two,)  Edward  Ev- 
erett, Henry  D.  Thoreau,  Dr.  Cheever,  (two.)  Hon.  Chas. 
O'Conor,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  Theodore  Tilton,  Colonel 
Phillips,  Rev.  Gilbert  Haven,  James  Freeman  Clarke, 
Fales  Henry  Newhall,  M.  D.  Conway,  (of  Cincinnati,)  and 
Edwin  M.  Wheelock  ;  Letters— \>y  Theodore  Parker,  (two,) 
Victor  Hugo,  (two,)  Mrs.  Mason  of  Virginia  and  Lydia 
Maria  Child  ;  Poems  and  other  Contributions — by  William 
Allinghame,  John  G.  Whittier,  William  Llovd  Garrison, 
Judge  Tilden,  F.  B.  Sanborn,  Hon.  A.  G.  Kiddle,  Richard 
Healf,  C.  K.  Whipple,  Rev.  Mr.  Belcher,  Rev.  Dr.  Furness, 
Rev.  Mr.  Sears,  Edna  Dean  Proctor,  L.  M.  Alcott,  Win.  D. 
Howells,  Elisor  Wright,  Ac.  Ac.  Ac.  Also,  all  the  Letters 
sent  to  John  Brown  when  in  prison  at  Charlestown  by 
Northern  men  and  women,  and  his  own  relatives  ;  "one 
of  the  roost  tenderly-pathetic  and  remarkable  collections 
of  letters  in  all  Literature."  Also,  the  Services  at  Con- 
cord, or  "  Liturgy  for  a  Martyr"  ;  composed  by  Emerson, 
Thoreau,  Alcott,  Sanborn,  Ac.;  "  uusurpassed  in  beauty 
even  by  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer."  With  an  Appen- 
dix, containing  tho  widely-celebrated  Essays  of  Henry  0. 
Carey  on  the  Value  of  the  Union  to  the  North. 

Appended  to  the  various  contributions  are  the  Auto- 
graphs of  the  authors. 

EDITED  BY  JAMES  REDPATH. 

1  volume,  514  pages,  handsomely  bound  m  muslin.  Prie* 
50c— former  price  $1.25. 

THE  PUBLIC  LIFE  OF 

CAPTAIN     JOHN    BROWN. 

BY  JAMES  REDPATH. 
"With  an  Autobiography  of  hia  Childhood  and 
Youth: 
With  a  Steel  Portrait  and  Illustrations,  pp.  40S. 
This  volume  has  been  the  most  successful  of  the  season, 
having  already  reached  its  Fortieth  TnursAsn,  and  tho 
demand  still  continues  very  large.  It  has  also  been  re- 
published in  England,  nnd  widely  noticed  by  the  British 
press.  Tho  Autobiography  (of  which  no  reprint  will  bo 
permitted)  has  been  universally  pronounced  to  be  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  compositions  of  the  kind  in  the  Eng- 
lish language.  In  addition  to  being  tin-  authentic  biogra- 
phy of  John  Brown,  and  containing  a  complete  collection 
of  his  celebrated  prison  letters— which  can  nowhere  else 
be  found — this  volume  has  also  the  only  correct  and  con- 
nected history  of  Kansas, — from  its  opening  for  setilement. 
to  the  close  of  the  struggle  for  freedom  there,— to  be  found 
in  American  literature,  whether  periodical  or  standard.  It 
treats,  therefore,  of  topics  which  must  he  largely  discussed 
in  political  life  for  many  years.  A  handsome  perotintage, 
on  every  ropy  sold,  is  secured  by  contract  to  the  family  of 
Cnpt.  Brown.  Copies  mailed  to  any  address,  post  paid,  on 
the  receipt  of  the  retail  price.  Price  50c,  former  price  $1.00. 

SOUTHERN    NOTES 
FOR   NATIONAL    cnwri.Arii'x. 

This  is  a  volume  of /tiers  of  recent  Southern  life,  as  re- 
lated by  the  Southern  and  Metropolitan  press.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  cay  that,  next  to  Charles  Sumner's  speech. 
It  is  the  most  unanswerable  and  exhaustive  tnpMaanenl 
of  the  Slave  Power  that  has  hitherto  been  published.  Al- 
though treating  of  different  topiea,  ii  extends,  completes, 
ond  strengthens  the  argument,  tf  the  Senator,  It  is  a  his- 
tory of  the  Southern  States  lor  six  months  subsequent  to 
John  Brown's  Invasion  of  Virginia.  Ko  one  who  has  read 
Sumner's  speech  should  fail  to  procure  this  pamphlet.  The. 
diversity  of  its  contents  may  be  judged  limn  the  titles 
of  its  chapters  : — Key  Notes,  Free  Speech  South,  Free 
Press  South,  Law  of  the  Suspected,  Southern  tiospel  Free- 
dom, Southern  Hospitality,  Post-Offiee  South,  Oar  Adopted 
i,-ii,«w..rni:'.eiis  South, Pareeoutioaa  of  Souihara  Ottwena, 

Tho  Shivering  Chivalry,  Sports  of  lleallieu^eiillemen,  Ac, 

Ao..   Ao.    Ae  a  manual  for  Anti-Slavery  aad  Kepublloaa 
Orator)  and  editors,  it  is  invalnablo. 

A  handsome  pamphlet  0/i88  pages.  Price  \%a,  Parmer 
price  'i'tc. 

KW"  Copies  mailed  to  MU  address  on  receipt  of  price. 
LBS  a  SHKPARD, 
155  WjismxuTOS  Street,  Boston'. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

— 13  PUBLISHED  — 

EVEKY  PBIDAT  MOENINO, 

—  AT  — 

221    WASHINGTON   STBEET,    ROOM   No.  6. 


EOBEET  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


BE^"  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty  coots  per  n 
in  advance 

Jj^"  Five  copios  will  bo  sent  to  ono  address  for  tes  dol- 
lars, if  paymeut  is  made  in  udvaueo. 

JEgT  All  remittances  aro  to  bo  nmdo,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  tho  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbo  paper  aro  to  bo 
directed  (i-ost  taih)  to  the  General  Agent. 

§3T  Advertisements  inserted  at  tho  rate  of  fivo  cents 
per  line. 

03F"  Tho  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

IS?"  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  aro  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz:  —  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
vvsd  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitanta  thereof 

"  I  lay  this  down  ax  tho  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  tho  placo  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  stato  of  things,  to  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tho  Status  whero  slavery  exists  have  tho  exclusive 
management  of  tho  Hubject,  not  only  tho  President  o» 
the  United  States,  but  tho  Commanded  of  the  Armt, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES,  f.  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  tho  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  is  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thb 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adams. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


VOL. 


Li.    NO.    17. 


©ur  (Emmtru  \%  X\u  Wvvl&t  mx  tombmm  m  all  Ptoufcinff. 

'3        — 

BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     iiPEIL    25,    1862. 


J.  B.  YEEKINTOH  &  SON,  Printers. 


WHOLE    NO.   1635. 


tifitgt  at  Qppwsttiou. 


DISUNIONISM  ATTEMPTING  DISGUISE. 

We  arc  aware  that  some  persona  arc  inclined  to 
look  leniently  on  the  great  crime  of  the  radical  abo- 
litionists, which  has  done  so  much  to  plunge  the  na- 
tion into  its  present  state  of  war,  because  some  of  the 
same  abolitionists,  although  confessing  their  Disunion- 
ism  in  years  past,  profess  to  be  Unionists  now,  and 
shout  loudly  for  the  Union  they  have  endeavored  to 
destroy.  Does  not  the  first  moment  of  calm  reflec- 
tion show  that  their  present  professed  Unionism  is 
but  a  concealment  of  the  still  lurking  enmity  to  the 
national  Constitution?  If  it  does  not,  if  any  aboli- 
tionist believes  himself  maligned  by  the  accusation 
of  present  disunion  sentiments,  it  is  easy  to  settle 
the  question  of  his  sincerity  at  once  by  a  test  ques- 
tion :  Are  you  for  the  Union,  the  old  Union  of  1787, 
or  <lo  you  mean  to  say  you  are  for  a  Union,  such  a 
Union  as  you  would  like  to  see  made  out  of  what 
you  regard  as  the  wreck  of  the  old  Union? 

No  candid,  outspoken  abolitionist  will  take  the 
least  offence  at  our  distinct  charge,  that  he  and 
those  who  think  with  him  are  not  for  the  Union 
which  Washington  and  his  companions  founded. 
We  ha,ve,  lying  before  us,  abundant  evidence  of 
this,  in  the  avowals  of  the  anti-slavery  leaders.  No 
one  has  forgotten  how  distinctly  it  was  asserted  by 
one  of  their  principal  organs,  that  to  be  bound  to 
the  South  by  the  bonds  of  the  old  Union  was  an 
idea  as  loathsome  as  the  fate  of  the  Roman  crimi- 
nal bound  to  the  corpse  of  his  victim.  Others  have 
boldly  and  frankly  stated  their  views  in  the  same 
way,  and  are  willing  to  take  the  responsibility  of 
them. 

But  there  are  different  kinds  of  men  among  them. 
Some  are  fearless  advocates  of  the  logical  necessities 
growing  out  of  their  fanatical  doctrines,  while  others 
are  wily,  insidious,  and  deceitful,  professing  one  form 
of  doctrine,  but  believing  and  working  secretly  for 
another.  The  recent  course  of  the  abolition  orator 
Wendell  Phillips  has  brought  a  greater  disgrace  on 
himself  than  any  of  his  former  bold  utterances  against 
the  government.  He  has  lost  the  respect  of  his  aboli- 
tion allies,  who  see  through  the  flimsy  veil  with  which 
he  covers  up  his  real  sentiments,  and  who  say  that 
he  is  afraid  to  utter  the  bold  truths  which  they  so 
freely  indulge  in.  In  point  of  fact,  they  regard  his 
professions  of  Unionism  as  rank  cowardice  and  a  de- 
sertion of  the  old  abolition  disunion  principles. 
Parker  Pillsbury,  the,  former  companion  of  Phillips 
on  the  platform,  thus  stated  .his  views  of  the  war, 
in  the  abolition  Convention  at  Albany,  February  7th 
and  8th  : 

"I  do  not  wish  to  see  this  government  prolonged 
another  day  in  its  present  form.  On  the  contrary,  I 
have  been  for  twenty  years  attempting  to  overthrow 
the  present  dynasty.  *  *  *  If  I  do  not  misjudge 
the  Constitution,  whatever  may  have  been  its  real 
character,  it  was  never  so  much  an  engine  of  cruelty 
and  crime  as  it  is  the  present  hour.  It  seems  to  me 
the  present  Administration  is,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
weakest,  and  on  the  other,  the  wickedest  we  ever  had. 
*  *  *  * 

I  cannot  join  in  the  congratulation  I  so  often  hear 
as  to  the  hopefulness  of  the  signs  of  the  times.  I  do 
not  want  to  sec  hopefulness.  I  am  not  rejoiced  at 
tidings  of  victory  to  Ihe  Northern  arms.  I  would  far 
rather  see  defeat  (!)...  I  rejoice  in  defeat  and 
disaster  rather  than  in  victory,  because  I  do  not  believe 
the  North  is  in  arti^  condition  to  improve  any  great 
success  which  may  attend  its  arms.  I  think  the  abo- 
litionists fail  sufficiently  to  recognize  one  great  fact,  and 
that  is  the  persistent,  determined,  God-defying,  Ilea- 
ven-provoking  impenitence  of  the  North.  .  .  Hold- 
ing these  opinions,  I  do  not  desire  success  to  the  North- 
ern army.  .  .  I  say,  let  us  nave  war;  let  us  have 
all  its  disasters  and  defeats,  if  the  condition  of  the 
slave  is  not  to  be  changed." 


This  is  a  very  different  sort  of  thing  from  the  new 
professions  of  Phillips,  of  adhesion  to  the  Union' 
cause,  and  his  sneers  at  McClellan  tor  not  fighting 
sooner.  Another  of  the  old  allies  of  Phillips,  and  a 
co-worker  in  the  disunionism  of  the  last  nineteen 
years,  (which  that  distinguished  apostle  of  secession- 
ism  now  confesses,  but  recants,)  Stephen  S.  Poster, 
in  a  convention  at  Boston,  not  long  since,  said: — 

"  I  would  not  support  the  government  in  its  present 
position.  I  have  endeavored  to  dissuade  every  young 
man  I  could  from  enlisting,  telling  them  that  they 
were  going  to  fight  for  slavery." 

In  contrast  with  these  and  a  host  of  similar  utter- 
ances, place  the  late  remarks  of  Wendell  Phillips  in 
which  he  confessed  to  long  disunionism,  but  declar- 
ed that  he  was  now  for  Union,  because  he  thought 
it  would  be  a  Union  such  as  he  could  like,  and  we 

J)ereeive  the  thin  pretence  of  this  newly  evolved 
oyalty.  But  thin  as  it  is,  it  is  dangerous,  since  it 
is  used  as  tho  means  of  obtaining  in  loyal  circles  and 
loyal  cities  a  hearing  for  the  pestilential  doctrines 
which  have  cursed  the  land".  Sly  and  sharp  politi- 
cal abolitionists  say,  "  Oh,  he  is  a  Union  man  now, 
and  no  one  can  complain  of  him.  He  repents,  he 
recants,  lie  wishes  to  do  his  duty."  Nonsense,  or  de- 
ceit, every  word  of  it.  He  repents  nothing,  and  re- 
cants nothing. 

The  only  change  is  this,  that  there  was  a  time 
when  he  was  a  bold,  honest,  avowed  Union  hater; 
when  it  was  a  curious,  and  at  the  same  time  an 
citing  thing,  to  listen  to  one  of  his  fierce  and 
polished  speeches,  directed  at  his  favorite  resolutr 
which  he  was  always  offering,  "that  the  only  exo- 
dus of  the  slave  is  over  the  ruins  of  the  American 
Constitution."  But  now  he  says  that  he  loves  the 
Constitution  !  Listen  to  his  professions  of  affection. 
and  estimate  his  honesty  of  purpose  by  the  context 

"Now,  I  love  the  Constitution,  though  my  friend  (Mr. 
Pierpont,)  who  sits  beside  me  has  heard  me  curse  it  a 
hundred  times,  and  I  shall  again  if  it  does  not  mean 
justice.  I  have  labored  nineteen  years  to  take  m___ 
teen  States  out  of  the  Union,  and  if  I  have  spent  any 
nineteen  years  to  the  satisfaction  of  my  Puritan  con- 
science, it  was  those  nineteen  years." 

We  have  listened  often  to  the  rounded  periods, 
the  graceful  sentences  with  which  he  used  to  urge  his 
hostile  sentiments  on  his  audiences.  Probably  most 
of  our  readers  recollect  when  he  was  interrupted  in 
the  New  York  Tabernacle  in  such  a  speech,  by  men 
who  thought  the  sentiments  somewhat  seditious,  anil 
how  Captain  llynders  stood  by  him,  and  promised 
him  protection  so  long  as  he  remained  loyal.  That 
was  regarded  by  some  of  our  neighbors  as  a  great 
outrage  on  the  right  of  free  speech.  Perhaps  if  they 
could  be  induced  to  refer  to  the  subject  at  all,  they 
would  now  profess  a  different  view  of  it.  Neverthe- 
less, the  times  have  changed  with  Mr.  Phillips.  He 
has  ceased  to  be  a  frank,  fearless  enemy  of  the  Union, 
and  has  taken  to  the  insidious  line  of  the  plotter, 
professing  love  for  the  Union,  for  the  sake  of  deal- 
ing it  the  most  deadly  blows.  He  reconciles  the 
matter  with  his  own  conscience,  doubtless,  by  saying 
to  himself  that  he  goes  for  a  Union,  such  as  he  thinks 
it  ought  to  be.  But  when  we,  or  any  other  loyal 
men,  speak  of  the  Union,  we  speak  of  the  American 
Union,  known  of  all  men,  the  Union  that  Washing- 
ton founded,  the  Union  that  has  blessed  the  world 
with  the  most  beneficent  government  known  to  man, 


the  Union  that  made  North  anil  South  rich,  prosper- 
ous and  happy,  until  Northern  and  Southern  mad- 
ness united  against  Northern  and  Southern  conserv- 
ative, constitutional,  Union-loving  sentiments,  and 
brought  about  this  terrible  result  which  we  now  ex- 
perience. That  Union,  we  presume,  Mr.  Phillips 
will  not  say  he  desires. 

It  is  plain  and  open  work,  when  we  find  consist- 
ent abolitionists  like  Foster  and  Pillsbury,  to  meet 
them  and  oppose  them.  But  when  the  wily  leaders 
who  have  hatred  to  the  slaveholder  at  heart  above 
all  other  motives,  disguise  themselves  in  the  garb  of 
Unionists,  profess  suddenly  to  be  in  favor  of  compen- 
satory schemes  for  removing  slavery,  abjure  their 
own  life-long  principles,  yet  teach  their  old  doctrines 
in  their  new  livery,  and  use  tho  cloak  of  patriotism 
to  further  their  aims  against  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union,  they  cease  to  have  any  claim  to  respect 
as  sincere,  conscientious  men,  although  they  become 
more  dangerous  in  the  community  than  ever  before. 
— New  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 


EMANCIPATION  IN  WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  April  13,  1862. 

Let  the  friends  of  Justice  and  National  Honor 
breathe  freer  now,  for  the  act  giving  liberty  to  3,000 
slaves  has  received  Congressional  sanction.  Yet, 
let  them  not  be  entirely  joyful,  for  much  of  its  sav- 
ing power  is  gone,  on  account  of  the  Executive  seal 
being  so  long  withheld.  For  this  be  the  Senate  re- 
sponsible, in  whose  hands  the  bill  still  lingers. 

To-day  has  been  a  holiday,  vocal  with  praises  and 
hallelujahs  from  the  bond  who  look  toward  to- 
morrow with  hope ;  yet  has  it  been  also  a  sad  day, 
full  of  tears  and  aching  hearts,  and  terrible  part- 
ings forever,  because  the  indolent  Senate — may  I 
not  say  the  recreant  Senate  ? — did  not  hold  a  session 
yesterday,  and  finish  the  good  work  they  began,  by 
sending  the  law  to  the  President,  and  asking  him  to 
give  it  life  on  the  anniversary  of  Sumter.  And  so 
the  half-born  blessing,  which  might  have  sprung  de- 
fiantly to  its  feet,  and  carried  balm  to  a  thousand 
hearts  and  homes,  is  nothing  but  dead  parchment  on 
the  Senatorial  table.  Its  voice  should  have  rung 
through  this  Capital  like  a  trumpet-blast  yesterday; 
but  I  suppose  the  clerk's  dainty  fingers  tucked  the 
charter  under  the  pink-tape  girth  on  Friday  night, 
as  composedly  as  if  human  hopes  and  human  lives 
were  not  bound  up  in  it. 

For,  it  must  be  understood,  during  the  three  days 
and  nights  that  claspe  before  it  can  be  approved  and 
proclaimed,  the  red-handed  kidnappers  are  driving 
•their  business  with  energy.  The  number  to  whom 
the  boon  of  freedom  will  finally  come  is  diminishing 
every  hour.  The  hirelings  of  slavery  are  seeking 
most  assiduously  for  the  wretched  beings  whom  lib- 
erty is  so  near,  in  parlors  and  kitchens  and  garrets, 
in  hotels  and  streets,  in  alleys  and  by-places  where 
they  flee  for  refuge,  and  are  dragging  them  thence, 
anil  carrying  them  into  Maryland.  Much  of  the 
infernal  work  is  done  in  the  night;  and  so  ener- 
getically is  the  trade  prosecuted  that  nearly  all  the 
slaves  who  will  bring  more  than  the  stipulation  in 
the  bill  (S300)  wili  be  taken  away  before  it  be- 
comes a  law.  The  Slave  Power,  though  weakened 
and  hampered  by  the  war,  seems  to  have  lost  none 
of  its  financial  sagacity  ;  it  will  make,  once  more,  the 
same  "  good  bargain  "  that  has  always  distinguished 
its  transactions,  and  will  cheat  the  Government  as 
usual.  The  slaves  who  will  remain  to  be  freed  on 
Tuesday,  judging  from  their  present  unwilling  exo- 
dus, would  not  bring  an  average  of  $200,  if  sold  at 
the  auction-block  in  Maryland.  Yet  is  the  bargain 
a  good  one,  though  the  shambles'  value  is  against 
us;  for  no  gold  can  be  an  equivalent  for  freedom, 
and  national  self-respect  is  forever  without  price. 

In  anticipation  of  the  liberty-day  that  seems  so 
near  to  them,  the  slaves  all  over  the  city,  and  the 
free  negroes,  who  are  connected  with  them  by  the 
ties  of  kindred  and  sympathy,  are  dressed  in  their 
best  to-day,  (many  of  them  in  their  seedy  best,  to 
be  sure,)  and  are  assembled  to  celebrate  this  Sab- 
bath as  a  day  of  praise  ami  thanksgiving.  I  have 
talked  with  several  "  candidates"  this  evening,  from 
whom  I  gather  that  this  "  Thanksgiving  Day"  has 
been  kept  joyously  in  nearly  all  of  their  seventeen 
churches.  There  seems  to  have  been  preconcert 
among  them,  and  the  afternoon  was  devoted  to  love- 
feasts. 

I  attended  the  Bethel  Church,  near  the  Capitol, 
this  morning.  The  black  clergyman  preached  a 
very  good  sermon  from  the  text,  "  If  God  be  for  us, 
who  can  be  against  us  ?  "  to  au  audience  of  200  or 
300  of  his  own  people. 

He  spoke  of  the  deliverance  of  Moses  and  the 
children  of  Israel  from  bondage;  and  by  a  natural 
transition,  referred  to  the  condition  of  the  slaves  in 
America,  and  especially  in  this  District.  He  thanked 
the  Lord  most  fervently  that  he  had  been  permitted 
to  live  to  see  this  day;  43  years  ago  he  was  tarred 
and  feathered  in  Washington  because  he  would 
preach  the  Lord  Jesus  as  he  understood  it;  "but 
now,"  shouted  the  sable  speaker,  "  let  Ethiopia  lift 
up  her  hands  to  God,  for  a  great  good  is  coming  out 
of  this  war ! — a  good  for  me,  for  us,  and  for  our  peo- 

Sile  whom  every  nation  has  set  its  heel  upon ! " 
lis  audience  was  boisterously  joyous,  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  end  of  the  discourse.  Of  course,  the 
expressions  and  demonstrations  were  extravagant- 
true  to  the  quick  fancy  and  fervent  hearts  of  the 
race.  Some  rubbed  their  hands  in  glee,  some 
laughed  outright,  some  leaped  up  in  the  air  or 
twisted  themselves  into  grotesque  attitudes,  as  if 
their  joy  was  too  intense  to  be  entertained  at  a 
staid  perpendicular ;  many  shouted  "  Glory  to  God  ! " 
"Hallelujah!"  "Amen!"  "The  blessed  day  has 
come  I  "  &c. ;  while  nearly  all  were  in  tears.  When 
the  speaker  thanked  the  Lord  that  the  slaves  were 
to  be  free,  the  jubilee  became  utterly  indescribable. 
What  a  Babel  of  triumphant  voices!  An  old 
"  aunt,"  off  in  the  right-hand  upper  corner,  shouted 
and  wept  persistently.  Probably  she  had  reason  for 
it,  I  thought — perhaps  two  or  three  of  them,  help- 
less, and  in  the  hands  of  the  kidnappers.  "  Glory 
to  God!"  said  the  preacher,  solemnly  and  slowly. 
"  Glory  to  Lovejoy  ! "  yelled  a  voice  at  the  right, 
that  belonged  to  a  strongly-built  mulatto.  "No," 
commanded  the  speaker  instantly,  "  /  tell  you  glory 
to  God!"  for  he  seemed  determined  from  the  first 
word  that  God  should  have  the  undivided  praise,  re- 
fusing to  give  a  moiety  to  the  President  or  Congress. 
A  pair  of  hands  clenched  spasmodically  the  top  of 
the  seat  in  which  I  was  sitting.  I  looked  back,  and 
the  man  was  hopping  up  and  down,  as  if  he  had 
just  caught  a  glimpse  of  heaven,  and  presently  inter- 
rupted the.  speaker  by  trying  to  sing,  "  I  am  bound 
for.  the  land  of  Canaan."  His  face  bore  a  deep  scar 
across  the  nose,  and  tears  were  streaming  from  the 
long  furrows  of  his  cheeks.  He  had  seen  30  years, 
perhaps,  and  the  light  gray  rags  that  he  gathered 
about  him  told  that  he  had  "come  out  of  tho  house 
of  bondage."  Most  of  the  hearers  were  partly 
while;  many  were  mulattoes,  quadroons,  octoroons 
— and  one  or  two  women,  1  imagined,  would  attract 


attention,  for  their  good  looks,  in  Broadway.  But 
what  a  day  of  sunshine  it  wa*t  to  the  stricken  souls! 
They  seemed  to  think  little  of  the  kidnapper;  they 
were  full  of  hope,  and  looked  ahead.  Such  a  chorus 
of  exultation  1  never  heard  before ;  such  joyful  ges- 
tures I  never  beheld— it  was  a  spectacle  for  men 
and  angels.  God  grant  that  the  hour  of  deliver- 
ance be  near  1  W.  A.  C. 
Cor.  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


SLAVERY  AND  THE  AMERICAN  CRISIS, 

The  very  interesting  character  of. the  lecture  late- 
ly delivered  by  Mr.  George  Thompson  in  St.  Hilda's 
Hall,  and  the  intimate  connection  of  the  subject,  as 
bearing  upon  the  present  momentous  struggle  in 
America,  will,  we  fully  believe,  be  sufficient  apology 
to  our  readers  for  its  occupying  so  large  a  space  in 
eur  columns.  The  only  regret  we  feel  is  our  inabil- 
ity to  give,  at  greater  length,  the  course  pointed  out 
by  the  lecturer  as  the  one  to  be  adopted  by  America 
in  order  to  secure  its  settlement  upon  a  firm  basis. 

Mr.  Thompson  commenced  by  observing,  that 
some  amongst  his  audience  might  be  disposed  to  in- 
quire by  what  motives  he  was  prompted  to  the  de- 
livery of'  addresses  to  the  English  people  upon  the 
subject  of  the  present  crisis  in  America.  As  upon 
this  point  he  could  "  wear  his  heart  upon  his  sleeve," 
he  would  say  that  he  was  actuated  simply,  by  a  de- 
sire to  remove  from  the  minds  of  his  countrymen 
some  of  the  many  erroneous  impressions  they  had 
received,  regarding  the  merits  of  the  great  struggle 
in  which  the  States  North  and  South  were  engaged. 
He  was,  also,  specially  anxious  to  correct  the  mis- 
conceptions of  those  with  whom  he  had  aforetime 
labored  in  the  anti-slavery  cause,  regarding  the  po- 
sition which  American  Abolitionists  occupied,  in  re- 
lation to  the  present  civil  war.  Both  before  and 
since  the  elevation  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  had  written 
much,  and  spoken  much,  in  behalf  of  the  Northern 
party;  but  throughout,  he  had  acted  in  entire  inde- 
pendence of  the  counsel  or  assistance  of  any  party, 
either  in  England  or  America ;  in  Ins  own  closet  his 
judgment  had  been  formed,  and  of  his  own  free  will 
he  had  pursued  his  humble  labors  in  behalf  of  the 
cause- which  he  believed  to  be  right.  (Cheers.) 
Freely  he  bad  received,  freely  he  had  dispensed,  the 
information  be  had  been  able  to  acquire  from  travel, 
observation,  and  reflection.  (Cheers.)  Mr.  Thomp- 
son said  he  had  received  on  the  morning  of  his  leav- 
ing Yrork,  a  long  letter  addressed  to  him  by  Mr. 
Garrison,  the  apostle,  leader,  and  champion  of  the 
Abolition  movement  in  America.  (Cheers.)  He 
would  read  some  extracts  from  that  letter  to  show 
how  grossly  ignorant,  even  the  best  friends  of  the 
slave  in  this  country,  were,  of  the  true  situation  of 
affairs  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Having 
concluded  the  extracts  from  the  very  interesting  let- 
ter of  his  friend  Mr.  Garrison,  the  lecturer  recapitu- 
lated the  topics  embraced  in  his  first  lecture.  He 
had,  he  said,  glanced  at  the  political  history  of  the 
United  States,  from  the  period  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  to  the  disruption  of  the  Union  by  the 
Slave  Oligarchy  of  the.  South ;  he  had  shown  the. 
nature  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  defined  the 
powers  of  the  generaf  government  and  those  which 
belonged  to  the  States,  as  such;  he  had  described 
how  a  congeries  of  commonwealths  had  merged  their 
individual  sovereignty  into  a  common  nationality, 
and  had  thereby  become  one  people  ;  he  had  pointed 
out  the  compromises  in  the  Constitution,  and  the 
effect  they  had  had  in  giving  vitality,  security,  and 
extension  to  slavery  ;  he  had  traced  the  rapid  growth 
of  slavery,  in  the  multiplication  of  slaves  and  slave 
States ;  the  extension  of  slave  territory,  by  means  of 
purchase,  annexation,  and  conquest;  and  the  viola- 
tion, in  the  first  instance,  and  the  repeal  in.  the  sec- 
ond, of  the  Missouri  Compromise;  and  he  had  de- 
veloped the  progress  of  the  Slave  Power,  from  its 
recognition  in  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution, 
to  its  absolute  ascendancy  and  culmination  in  the 
election  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  1850.  He  had  also 
fully,  and  he  trusted  argumentatively  and  conclu- 
sively, discussed  and  disposed  of  the  pretended  right 
of  the  Southern  Stales  to  throw  off  their  allegiance 
to  the  Constitution.  He  had  been  requested  by  a 
gentleman  present  at  his  (Mr.  Thompson's)  first  lec- 
ture, to  say  why  the  people  of  the  eleven  seceded 
States  had  not  as  full  a  right  to  revolt  from  the  Fed- 
eral Government  of  the  United  States,  as  the  people 
of  the  thirteen  colonies  had  to  declare  their  inde- 
pendence of  the  parent  country.  Mr.  Thompson 
said  he  would  admit  the  right,  if  the  querist  would 
shew  that  the  circumstances  were  similar;  but  he 
contended,  there  was  no  point  of  resemblance  be- 
tween the  case  of  the  British  Provinces,  and  the  ease 
of  the  llebel  States.  (Cheers.)  The  lecturer,  at 
considerable  length,  analysed  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, dwelling  upon  the  list  of  grievances 
which  it  contained,  and  alluding  to  the  loyal  and 
peaceful  means  the  colonists  had  employed  to  obtain 
redress.  He  spoke  of  the  cause  of  the  colonists  as 
absolutely  just;  their  sentiments  as  sublime;  their 
principles  as  incontrovertible ;  and  their  ideas  as 
universal  and  imperishable.  (Cheers.)  Now,  said 
the  lecturer,  turn  to  the  Rebel  States  of  the  South, 
and  "  look  upon  this  picture  and  on  this,"  and  say, 
as  impartial  men,  whether  in  any  one  particular  the 
cases  are  analogous.  Has  the  South  rebelled  against 
a  government  which  had  become  destructive  of  their 
right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ? 
(Cheers.)  Have  the  slaveholders,  since  they  re- 
belled, instituted  a  government  for  themselves,  based 
upon  principles  recognising  those  rights?  Have 
they  not  declared  slavery  to  be  at  once  the  corner- 
stone and  cope-stone  of  their  Republic  ?  (Cheers.) 
Have  they  not  reversed  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence— read  the  charter  of  human  rights  back- 
wards— divided  the  Fatherhood  of  God  and  the 
brotherhood  of  man,  and  impiously  asserted  that  God 
has  not  created  men  equal,  but,  contrariwise,  unequal, 
and  has  invested  the  stronger  race  with  a  divine 
right  to  enslave  and  make  merchandise  of  the  inferior 
and  feebler  race  ?  And  do  they  dare  to  compare 
their  revolution  with  that  which  won  the  admiration 
and  warm  sympathy  of  the  good  and  the  great  in 
every  part  of  the  world  ?  (Loud  applause.)  Have 
they  been  able  to  plead  in  justification  of  their  trea- 
son, a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations— a  his- 
tory of  repeated  injuries,  having  for  objects  the  es- 
tablishment of  an  absolute  tyranny  ?  (Cheers.) 
Have  they  exhibited  a  list  of  grievances  like  that 
drawn  up  by  Jefferson,  and  adopted  by  the  illus- 
trious fathers  of  the  Revolution  ?  (Cheers.)  Have 
they  appealed  to  mankind  to  bear  witness,  that 
at  every  stage  they  have  petitioned  for  redress  in  the 
most  humble  terms,  and  have  been  answered  only  by 
additional  injuries  ?  (Cheers.)  Have  they  appeal- 
ed to  the  native  justice  and  magnanimity  of  their 
brethren  in  the  North,  and*  conjured  them  by  the 
ties  of  kindred,  to  disavow  the  oppressions  under 
which  they  groaned  ?  Finally,  have  they — (unless 
in  mockery  and  blasphemy) — have  they  appealed  to 
the  Supreme  Judge — to  Hun  who,  from  the  begin- 
ning, hath  Keeled  through  the  universe  the  terrible 
edict,  "  Whoso  stealcth  a  man  and  selleih  him,  or  if 
he  be  found  in  his  hands,  he  shall  surely  be  put  In 
death";  have  they,  I  say,  appealed  to  the  ever  living 


God  and  Father  of  all  the  families  of  the  earth,  for 
the  rci.  vt;tde  of  their  intentions,  and  placed  their 
reliance  upon  the  Divine  Providence  that  has  hurled 
to  the  dust  every  throne  based  upon  the  enslavement 
of  mankind?  (Great  cheering.)  After  a  rapid 
sketch  of  the  rebellion,  from  the  secession  of  South 
Carolina  to  the  second  inauguration  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  lecturer  said  it  was  with  sorrow  and  as- 
tonishment he  had  witnessed  the  hesitancy  of  the 
anti-slavery  party  in  England  to  extend  their  sym- 
pathy to  the  loyal  States  of  America,  and  had  lis- 
tened to  the  censures  they  had  visited  upon  the  Abo- 
litionists of  America,  for  giving  their  support  to  the 
government  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  If  what  he  had  stated 
was  correct,  he  thought  it  must  be  apparent,  that  as 
between  the  Rebel  Confederacy  of  the  South,  and 
the  Constitutional  party  of  tho  North,  the  true 
friends  of  human  liberty  were  bound  to  give  their 
earnest  sympathy  and  entire  moral  support  to  the 
upholders  of  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  who 
were  contending  for  the  great  and  noble  principles 
upon  which  the  Republic  of  America  had  been 
founded.  (Cheers.)  The  triumph  of  the  South 
would  lead  to  the  establishment  of  an  empire  of 
slaveholders,  on  a  continent  which  had  been  the 
theatre  of  some  of  the  most  sublime  contests  ever 
witnessed  in  behalf  of  the  liberties  of  mankind- 
contests  in  which  our  own  ancestors  had  resisted 
unto  blood  the  usurpations  of  unjust  rulers — a  conti- 
nent, which  had  seen  the  emancipation  of  an  en- 
slaved race  by  the  proclamation  of  the  .great  libera- 
tor, Bolivar — a  continent  which,  when  negro  slavery 
was  abolished,  would  commence  an  era  unparalleled 
in  the  history  of  freedom  and  civilization.  (Cheers.) 
The  triumph  of  the  North  would  forever  limit  the 
extension  of  slavery — would  secure  the  boundless 
regions  of  the  far  West  as  an  inheritance  for  the  mil- 
lions of  freemen  who  would  hereafter  dwell  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the.  Pacific — would  lead  to  the 
emancipation  of  the  literature,  religion,  and  morals 
of  the  free  States  from  the  withering  and  demoraliz- 
ing influences  of  the  slave  States,  and  would  iuevita- 
bly  eventuate  in  the  extirpation  of  slavery  from  the 
soil  in  which  it  had  found  root  for  seven  generations. 
This  was  a  consummation  most  devoutly  to  be  wished. 
(Cheers.)  Mr.  Thompson  observed  that  in  his  first 
lecture  he  had  no  time  to  refer  to  the  origin,  growth, 
progress,  and  ultimate  prevalence  of  anti-slavery 
sentiments  in  the  free  States.  It  was  the  anti-slavery 
sentiment  of  the  North,  which  gave  vitality  and 
power  to  the  resistance  offered  to  the  aggressive  de- 
signs of  the  Slave  Power.  To  the  spread  of  anti- 
slavery  principles  was  owing,  the  extinction  of  suc- 
cessive political  parties  at  the  North,  and  the  crea- 
tion, finally,  of  the  great  Republican  party,  which, 
all  but  successful  in  1856,  had,  in  1860,  been  strong 
enough  to  hurl  the  Slave  Oligarchy  from  the  throne 
it  had  usurped  for  seventy  years.  That  which  he 
had  been  unable  to  accomplish  in  his  first  address, 
he  was  desirous,  in  part  at  least,  to  do  in  his  second. 
The  performance  of  this  part  of  his  duty  would  re- 
quire that  he  should  speak  largely  of  the  character 
and  labors  of  a  man  whose  name  would  stand  con- 
spicuous in  the  future  annals  of  America,  as  the 
name  of  one  who  had  originated  a  movement  that 
had  issued  in  the  redemption  of  an  oppressed  race, 
and  the  regeneration  of  a  guilty  nation.  Mr. 
Thompson,  after  sketching  the  career  of  Thomas 
Clarkson,  and  pronouncing  a  glowing  eulogy  upon 
his  character,  said  that  the  man  of  whom  be  had  to 
speak  was  the  Clarkson  of  America.  His  name 
was  William  Lloyd  Garrison.  (Cheers.)  Thirty-two 
years  ago  there  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  United 
States  a  single  newspaper,  or  society,  advocating  the 
uncompromising  doctrine  of  immediate  and  uncon- 
ditional emancipation.  The  first  preacher  of  that 
doctrine  was  Mr.  Garrison,  who  published  the  first 
number  of  a  weekly  paper  called  the  Liberator,  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1831,  and  had  continued  it,  with- 
out the  intermission  of  a  weeK,  from  that  time  to  the 
present.  He  had  fulfilled  the  declaration  made  in 
his  introductory  address — "  I  will  not  equivocate — I 
will  hot  excuse — I  will  not  retreat  a  single  inch — and 
I  will  be  heard."  (Cheers.)  He  had  been  heard. 
To  the  trumpet  tones  of  Mr.  Garrison's  labors  and 
life  it  was  owing,  that  America  had,  after  the  lapse 
ofoue  entire  generation,  been  awakened  into  being, 
and  had  girded  itself  to  the  work  of  undoing  the 
heavy  burden,  and  proclaiming  liberty  to  the  captive. 
In  the  spring  of  1833,  Mr.  Garrison  visited  England. 
During  the  period  of  his  stay,  he  and  the  lecturer 
had  been  almost  inseparable  companions  and  fellow- 
laborers.  Together  they  had  addressed  public  meet- 
ings— together  they  had  visited  Wilberforce  a  few 
weeks  before,  that  great  man's  death — together  they 
had  followed  the  mortal  remains  of  the  negro's  friend 
to  their  resting  place  in  Westminister  Abbey.  To 
Mr.  Garrison  it  was  owing,  that  he  (the  lecturer) 
had  relinquished  his  intention  to  go  to  the  bar,  and 
had  become  a  humble  missionary  to  America,  to 
preach  there  the  hated  doctrines  of  abolition,  through 
some  of  the  darkest  and  most  perilous  days  the  cause 
had  known.  (Cheers.)  He  remembered,  as  if  it 
were  but  yesterday,  giving  his  hand  to  Mr.  Garrison, 
as  they  stood  together  beneath  a  gas  lamp  in  Leaden- 
hall  Street,  London,  and  saying  to  him,  "  I  will  join 
you  in  America,  and  together  we  will  antagonize  in 
behalf  of  your  countrymen  in  chains."  (Cheers.) 
I  do  not  regret  the  promise  I  then  made.  What  I 
might  have  been,  it  I  had  remained  at  home  and 
followed  the  profession  I  was  urged  to  adopt,  I  can- 
not say.  Possibly  I  might  have  earned  reputation 
and  wealth — nay,  might  even  have  won  one  of  the 
high  prizes  connected  with  the  practice  of  the  law. 
That  shake  of  the  hand,  however,  and  the  pledge  I 
gave  with  it,  determined  the  course  of  my  future 
life,  and  whatever  else  I  may  have  been  besides,  I 
trust  I  may  say  I  have  been  true  to  tho  cause  of  the 
slave;  true  to  my  anti-slavery  principles;  and,  most 
true,  when  those  principles  were  most  unpopular; 
and  most  steadfast  to  the  slave's  friends,  when  those 
friends  were  the  most  calumniated — whether  in  my 
own  country  or  in  theirs.  I  am  somewhat  poorer 
and  somewhat  older  than  when  I  first  crossed  the 
Atlantic,  yet  I  deem  all  my  sacrifices  and  labors  well 
repaid,  by  the  uninterrupted  friendship  I  have  been 
permitted  to  enjoy  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and 
the  inestimable  privilege  of  having  had  the  honor  of 
being  a  co-worker  with  him  ami  his  associates,  in  the 
days  that  tried  men's  souls — the  darkest  days  of  tho 
martyr  age  in  America.     (Loud  cheers.) 

Here  we  must  break  olf—  adding  but  a  single  sen- 
tence. What  followed  from  the  point  we  have  now 
reached,  would  have  amply  sufficed  for  a  lecture  in 
itself.  Mr.  Thompson  gave  a  vivid  description  of 
tho  scenes  in  which  he  moved  in  the  years  1S34-35, 
when  mob  law  was  triumphant  in  all  the  free  States 
—he  depicted  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Garrison — calm, 
hopeful,  resolute,  and  uncompromising  in  the  midst 
of  every  fiery  trial ;  he  spoke  of  the  political  em- 
bodiment of  anti-slavery  principles  in  the  platforms 
of  Hirney,  Van  Buret),  Hale,  and  Fremont;  dissect- 
ed tho  composition  of  the  Republican  political  pro- 
gramme, ami  explained  why  it  led  to  the  secession 
of  the  Slave  Power,  bent  on  ruling  or  ruining  the 
country;  he  minutely  laid  bare  the  Constitutional 
restrictions  by  which  Mi'.  Lincoln  and  his  party  were 
fettered  in  their  action  upon  the  question  of  slavery, 

-,\iu\  concluded  by  expressing  his  earnest  hope)  that 
when  the  grand  Federal  army  had  found  its  wav  to 


the  heart  of  the  Southern  States,  it  would,  in  the 
hour  of  its  victory — 

"Shout,  Liberty  !  and  swiftly  bring 
Forth  from  the  enmp  tbo  accursed  thing  ; 
Consign  it  to  remorseless  lire — 
And  sec  its  latest  spark  expire  ; 
Then,  strew  its  ashes  on  the  wind, 
Nor  ieave  an  atom  wreck  behind." 

Mr.  Thompson  sat  down  amidst  enthusiastic  cheers, 
having  spoken  two  hours  and  a  half. —  Whitby  (Eng- 
land) Gazette,  March  2'Jth. 


POUND  OUT. 

As  long  as  the  Southern  leaders  contrived  by  their 
own  bragging  audacity,  aided  by  the  pliability  and 
weakness  which  yielded  to  their  imperious  ar- 
rogance, to  assert  a  false  character,  they  were 
comparatively  secure.  They  could  domineer  and 
browbeat,  swagger  and  bluster,  indulge  in  pomp- 
ous declamations  and  wordy  threats,  and  thus  make 
a  show  of  being  formidable  if  not  dangerous  antago- 
nists whom  it  might  be  impolitic  to  offend.  But  in 
an  evil  hour  for  themselves,  anticipating  "  aiil  and 
comfort"  which  has  not  been  rendered,  simply  be- 
cause it  has  not  been  found  exactly  safe  to  do  so — 
they  attempted  to  put  their  boasted  superiority  into 
practice. 

In  thus  rashly  venturing  from  treasonable  words  to 
treasonable  deeds,  their  venial  madness  prevented 
them  from  counting  the  cost.  They  have  got  a 
fight  they  never  meant  to  have,  and  unmasked  them- 
selves before  the  people,  so  that  they  are  at  last 
known,  and  their  utter  want  of  manly  and  honora- 
ble qualities— everything  that  is  trustworthy  in  pub- 
lic men  and  characteristic  of  good  citizens — com- 
pletely laid  bare. 

This  is  one  of  the  results  of  the  conflict  already. 
The  Masons  and  Slidells,  the  Davises  and  Yanceys, 
the  Wigfalls  and  Yulees,  in  Congress  and  in  the  so- 
cial circles  of  Washington,  attracted  only  passing  at- 
tention from  the  masses  of  the  North,"  busy  about 
their  own  affairs.  Marplots  and  mischief-makers  in 
party  politics  as  they  were,  the  loyal  country  thought 
and  cared  little  about  them.  They  were  allowed 
to  set  up  and  indulge  absurd  pretensions ;  and  those 
who  exposed  their  nefarious  designs  were  regarded 
as  fanatics  and  alarmists,  doing  their  part  in  keep- 
ing up  a  useless  and  disturbing  agitation. 

The  exhibitions  of  ferocity  at  the  capital  were 
looked  upon  only  as  outbreaks  of  half-justifiable 
passion;  and  much  was  conceded  to  the  hot  blood 
of  the  chivalry,  and  some  credit  given  them  for  the 
generous  traits  they  claimed.  They  were  tolerated 
— if  not  respected;  and  to  some  extent,  it  must  be 
confessed,  they  were  toadied  by  a  silly  admiration, 
which  encouraged  their  delusion  that  they  held  the 
power  to  rule  or  ruin.  Many  believed  that  they 
were  not  wholly  degenerate  descendants  of  a  high- 
minded  and  warm-hearted  ancestry. 

This  is  all  over  now.  The  flash  of  rebel  cannon 
had  made  revelations  that  long  years  of  peace  might 
not  have  brought  about.  The  game  of  brag  and 
lying  is  ended.  No  child  can  be  deceived  any  long- 
er by  the  falsifications  of  the  slave  power  conspiracy. 
Hundreds  of  thousands  of  eyes  are  "prospecting" 
down  South,  and  almost  as  many  pens  are  telling 
the  true  story  of  the  condition  of  things  there. 

Quite  a  catalogue  of  the  exploded  falsehoods 
might  easily  be  written  down.  The  facts  in  the 
case  are  ascertained  how.  It  is  certain  that  South- 
ern courage  is  not  four  times  superior  to  Yankee 
pluck  ;  that  Southern  gentlemen  are  not  more  court- 
eous, hospitable,  refined  and  magnanimous  than 
New  Englanders;  that  the  extent  of  the  ignorance 
and  degradation  of  the  poorer  whites  in  Virginia 
and  other  slave  States  has  not  been  half  imagined  ; 
that  the  human  chattels  are  not  the  contented  and 
safe  property,  without  desire  for  freedom,  they  have 
been  described,  with  such  descriptive  Arcadian  rhet- 
oric :  in  a  word,  that  the  dominion  of  King^Cottor. 
is  not  an  earthly  paradise,  and  that  the  inhabitants 
thereof  are  not  the  nobility  of  mankind,  boru  with 
a  divine  right  to  command. 


LACK  OF  BRASS. 

The  Buccaneer  government  South  at  last  ac- 
knowledge themselves  short  of  M  tin,"  and  as  the 
treasurers  of  the  church  have  always  had  to  respond, 
in  silver  and  golden  candlesticks  and  incense  ves- 
sels, when  marauding  and  tyrannous  governments 
become  desperate,  so  now  the  Jeff.  Davis  banditti 
appeal  to  the  church  for  the  loan  of  their  bells. 
They  are.  short  of  "tin,"  they  say,  though  not  of 
copper.  So  for  the  quantity  of  tin,  in  the  Chris- 
tian (?)  bells  of  the  South,  they  propose  to  melt 
them,  in  order  to  convert  them  into  brazen-throated 
cannon. 

Hoar  the  loud-mouthed  bolls — 

Brazen  bella ! 
What  a  tale  of  horror  now  their  turbuleney  tells  ! 
In  the  startled  ear  of  night, 
How  they  scream  out  their  affright ! 
Too  much  horrified  to  speak, 
They  can  only  shriek,  shriek, 

Out  of  tune  ! 

The  Baptist  church,  which  in  the  North  has  been 
always  foremost  in  the  cause  of  human  freedom,  as 
if  to  show  to  the  world  how  utterly  and  terribly  the 
system. of  human  slavery  will  reverse  all  the  feel- 
ings, sentiments  and  principles  which  go  to  make 
civilization,  has  been  the  first  in  the  South  (Second 
Baptist  Church,  Richmond)  to  set  the  example  which 
the  Richmond  Dispatch  says  "  may  challenge  emu- 
lation, which  for  self-sacrificing  patriotism  cannot 
be  excelled.  They  met,  not  long  since,  and  by  a 
unanimous  vote  gave  their  church  bell  to  be  cast 
into  cannon  to  be  used  in  the  public  defence.  To 
show  that  this  was  not  an  empty  promise,  made,  for 
effect,  they  immediately  had  it  taken  down  to  be 
put  to  the  use  indicated.  At  the  same  meeting  at 
which  the  resolution  above  stated  was  passed,  it  was 
determined  to  subscribe  a  sum  sufficient  to  purchase 
enough  metal,  to  add  to  that  of  the  bell,  to  form 
into  a  battery,  to  be  called  tho  Second  Baptist 
Church  Battery.  *  *  *  *  The.  churches  in 
New  Orleans  (a  large  proportion  of  them  being 
Catholic)  have,  with  the  consent  of  the  Bishop, 
adopted  the  same  course." 

By  all  means,  let  tho  churches  which  have  hitherto 
upheld  and  preached  the  divine  origin  of  the  hellish 
system  of  human  bondage,  divest  themselves  of  this 
distinguishing  feature  of  Christianity.  Those  bells, 
when  transformed  into  instruments  of  death  and  de- 
vastation, can  never,  when  belching  forth  material 
lire,  exceed  in  (heir  baleful  influence  the  part  they 
have  already  played  in  the  devilish  orgies  which 
have  been  enacted  at  their  call.  Let  the  sweet  air 
of  Ihe  Sabbath  morn  be  no  longer  jarred  bv  (he 
wailing  bells,  echoing  the  captive's'  gro;tn.  '  Let 
them  no  longer  mock  heaven  with  (heir  call  to 
prayer,  so  long  as  a  captive  remains  in  the  land. 
Let  those  bells  be  sealed  to  the  visible  work  of  the 
devil  in  vomiting  fire  and  iron  hail  on  our  devoted 
brothers;  but  let  them  no  longer  contribute  to  the 
moral  blight  which  has  caused  greater  devastation 
than  fire  or  sword.  Let  their  priests  dn  their  mas- 
ter's work,  and  preach  deadly  hate  and  cruelly  to 


the  North,  and  darkness  and  desolation  and  despair 
to  the  dark  children  committed  to  their  care.  We 
hope  to  find,  when  our  army  has  marched  tri- 
umphantly through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
Southern  States,  no  Christian  bell  swung  by  rebel 
hands  to  any  more  mock  the  heavens.  This  will  be 
a  mark  to  distinguish  them.  Let  the  gloom  of  si- 
lence brood  over  them. 

Appeals  are  also  made  for  type  metal ;  "old  first, 
but  type  at  any  rate, old  d^new.  Why  not?  Why  i 
should  the  wretches  retain  any  of  the  traits  of  the 
age  they  do  not  belong  to?  Let  them  destroy  their 
type  by  all  means;  the  leaden  balls  they  will*  make 
will  be  an  improvement  on  the  mission  they  have 
hitherto  fulfilled.  Let  their  type  no  longer  be  per- 
verted in  their  use,  but  let  them  hurl  material  rather 
than  moral  death.  The  civilization  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  does  not  belong  to  them.  Let  them  ■ 
destroy  in  their  blind  rage  all.  What  have  they  in 
common  with  the  enlightenment  of  the  printing 
press  or  a  pure  Christianity  ? 

They  are  hard  up  for  material  brass.  Let  their 
churches  and  their  statesmen  contribute  by  all 
means ;  but  if  cannon  could  be  cast  from  the  brazen 
fronts  of  their  priests  and  leaders,  there  would  be 
no  necessity  for  the  destruction  of  the  bells. — Pater- 
son  (N.  J.J  Guardian. 


SLAVERY  IN  MARYLAND. 

The  Baltimore  American,  the  most  influential 
newspaper  in  Maryland,  advocates  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  that  State  in  accordance  with  the  plan 
of  the  President.  In  a  recent  editorial,  it  introduces 
the  subject  of  emancipation  by  printing  part  of  a 
private  letter  from  a  distinguished  gentleman,  who  is 
supposed  to  be  Reverdy  Johnson.  This  letter  speaks 
of  slavery  as  follows : — 

"  There  is  not  a  thoughtful  man  in  our  country 
who  now  thinks  that  slavery  will  endure.  Much 
has  been  said,  and,  perhaps,  some  will  continue  to 
dispute,  respecting  the  class  of  people  whose  conduct  - 
in  regard  to  the  institution  has  caused  the  present  ca- 
lamities. Some  blame  the  abolitionists ;  some  the 
nullifiers;  others  both  these  parties.  But  the  time 
for  this  disputation  is  past.  Whether  either  or  all 
these  parties,  and  others,  have  done  wrong,  and  un- 
doubtedly they  have,  it  is  not  now  material  to  in- 
quire. All  practicable  men  are  now  sensible  that  sla- 
ery  so  affects  the  people,  whether  it  ought  to  do  so  or 
not,  as  to  make  it  a  terrible  institution  to  our  race, 
They  see  that  it  imbrues  a  brother's  hand  in  a  broth- 
er's blood,  and  invites  foreign  despots  to  plant  mon-  , 
archies  on  our  continent.  With  this  result  before  us, 
the  only  incmiry  should  be  how  to  get  rid  of  an  in- 
stitution which  produces  such  miseries.  Some  urge 
instant  and  universal  abolition  as  the  effective  and 
proper  course;  but  the  President  adopts  the  recom- 
mendation of  our  great  southern  statesmen,  made 
before  slaver}'  became  a  political  hobby,  viz. :  grad- 
ual emancipation,  with  compensation  and  the  separa- 
tion of  the  races.  Many  of  our  people,  and  espec- 
ially the  secessionists  and  those  who — without  having 
any  property  interest  in  it— have  found  their  ac- 
count in  slavery  as  a  political  hobby,  will  oppose  Mr. 
Lincoln's  policy,  and  do  their  best  to  bring  upon  us 
the  more  violent  alternative.  But  the  people  of  the 
States  will  sustain  him.  They  will  now  listen  to  the 
sages  and  patriots  who  founded  the  Government  and 
warned  us  to  eliminate  slavery,  and  will  close  their 
ears  to  that  selfish  tribe  of  partisans  who  would  risk, 
its  destruction  merely  to  carry  an  election." 

We  commend  all  this  to  the  attention  of  those  in- 
fatuated men  here  at  the  North  who  are  continually 
agitating  to  raise  a  party  to  support  slavery  and 
suppress  abolitionists.  A  few  of  them  may  get  their 
eyes  open,  and  learn  something.  The  editor  of  the 
American  speaks  quite  as  strongly  as  his  correspon- 
dent.    He  says : — 

"  They  (the  rebels)  have  dared  to  make  the  issue 
— they  eagerly  threw  down  the  gauntlet,  and  the 
loyal  portion  of  the  nation  called  upon  to  repel  their 
aggressions  has  taken  it  up.  And  now,  after  the 
monstrous  crimes  of  which  the  cotton  States  have 
been  guilty,  after  shrouding  the  whole  nation  in 
mourning,  ami  almost  burying  it  under  a  load  of 
debt,  they  dare  to  insult  heaven  and  earth  with 
their  indignant  cries  because  retribution  threatens 
that  institution  which  they  avowed  should  dominate 
the  continent  under  the  lead  of  Toombs,  Stephens, 
and  the  Rhctts.  Had  the  evils  thus  provoked  fallen 
on  them  alone,  the  case  would  not.  have  been  so  bad, 
but  it  has  fallen  heavily  on  us :  and  as  the  letter  we 
have  given  truly  declares,  the  institution  here  has  es- 
caped only  through  that  habitual  '  respect  for  the 
laws,'  cbaraet  eristic  of  our  people."         *         *         * 

"That  the  loyal  men  of  the  nation. will  longer 
tolerate  slavery  as  a  'political  hobby*  is  not  possi- 
ble. It  has  to  go  to  the  wall,  '  peaceably  if  it  will 
—forcibly  if  it  must ;  and  those  who  debate  its  merits 
in  future,  oven  here  in  Maryland,  will  have  to  con- 
fine themselves  to  its  pecuniary  aspects.  The  '  pre- 
cipitators' have  nearly  precipitated  it;  have  dragged 
it  at  least  to  the  brow  of  a  precipice,  and  it  is  idle 
to  disguise  the  truth.  So  far  as  the  constitution 
can  be  appealed  to  for  its  safety,  it  is  for  the  present 
safe.  But  we  hazard  nothing  in  warning  the  peo- 
ple of  Maryland  to  lose  no  time  in  considering  the 
question  presented  by  the  President  in  his  late  mes- 
sage, and  again  presented  from  a  high  source  in  the 
letter  we  have  given.  Those  most  deeply  interested 
in  its  defence, — the  believers  in  the  doctrines  put 
forward  by  South  Carolina,  by  Stephens  aud  Yan- 
cey,— may,  now,  after  the  mischief  is  done  here,  fold 
their  arms,  throw  themselves  back  on  their  dignity 
— on  their  'reserved  rights' — and  ignore  what  is  im- 
pending ;  but  the  nation  is  aroused  by  an  unprovok- 
ed war,  the  civilized  world  is  aroused — according  to 
the  late  declarations  of  Mr.  Yancey  himself — and 
none  here  need  attempt  to  ignore  facts  so  full  of 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 


The  Delhi  (N.  Y.)  Republican  very  pertinently 
says : — 

"  The  slave,  hounds  of  the  country  arc  in  full  en- 
after  Wendell  Phillips.     Prom  the  open  partisans 

of  ,MV.  Davis  down  to  the  Democratic  papers  of 
this  county,  the  ery  is  full  and  strong.  It  may 
not  be  generally  known,  but  it  is  a  fact,  neverthe- 
less, that  tho  rowdies  who  mobbed  Mr.  Phillips  in 
Cincinnati  went  at  their  work  with  shouts  of  'jZttP- 
rahj\>r.hf.  I\iris  !' 

The  pretence  that  the  riot  was  occasioned  bv  anv- 
thing  Mr.  Phillips  said  is  absurd.  It'  the  affair  was 
not  predetermined,  how  came  the  crowd  thus  pre- 
pared with  stones  and  rotlen  eggs  ?  Mr.  I\  did  act! 
say  anythlBS  objectionable,  as  iar  as  his  Speech  could 
be  reported ;  indeed,  since  the  present  trouble*, 
he  has  given  in  his  adhesion  (o  the  1'nion  and  the 
Constitution.  Kill  the  partisans  of  the  rebellion  like 
him  none  the  better  for  that.  He  is  extreme  ultra 
— mistaken,  we  think,  in  many  particulars;  but  that 

is  no  reason  for  mobbing  aim,  Those  who  dou't 
want  to  hear  him  can  stay  away.'' 


66 


THE     LIBERA.TOR 


APEIL  25. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS    AND  TEE  FREE 
PEES3. 
To,  lie  Editors  o/  the  Detroit  A  dcerliser : 

For  soine  tims)  past,  aiul  especially  since  the  re- 
wiptiou  of  tllu  false  telegram  from  C'mciiinati,  the 
Free  Press  has  been  doing  its  best  endeavor  to  cre- 
D'ts  a  public  sentiment  against  allowing  Wendell 
Phillips  tho  u»o  of  a  hall,  or,  failing  in  that,  to  "  stir 
*p  lewd  fellows  of  tho  baser  sort,"  and  instigate  a 
^nob  like  the  ono  which  disgraced  the  city  ot  Cincin- 
nati. 

Had  this  miserable  sheet  been  published  at  Jeru- 
salem 1800  years  ago,  it  would  have  maligned  Paul, 
calling  him  a  fanatic,  a  pestilent  fellow,  a  disturber 
of  tho  peace,  a  man  who  turned  the  world  upside 
down,  a  traitor  to  his  country ;  and  when  maltreated 
by  men  who  "  knew  not  "what  they  did,"  would 
have  headed  a  notice  of  the  outrage  with  "  flow  a 
traitor  was  served,"  declaring  that  it  was  not  in  fa- 
vor of  mobs,  but,  as  for  Paul,  he  richly  deserved 
what  he  received.  . 

This  paper  disgraces  the  word  Free.  It  is  the 
enemy  of  free  soil,  free  labor,  free  speech,  and  free 
men.  It  is  the  friend  of  freo  rebellion,  free  "  fire 
in  the  rear,"  free  slander,  and  free  mobs.  The 
Free  Press  is  a  free  nuisance, — it  ought  to  be  abated 
by  an  abatement  of  its  subscription  list;  a  withdraw- 


®fe*2!tfr**xt0*» 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  APRIL  25, 1862. 


by  an 

al  of  tho  patronage  of  every  respectable  citizen. 

Already  there  is  a  subscription  on  foot  for  the 
tiro  of  rowdies  to  mob  Mr.  Phillips.  Let  those  who 
ongago  in  this  movement  beware.  "This  thing 
cannot  be  done  in  a  corner."  The  signs  of  the  times 
ar«  in  favor  of  liberty.  "  When  ye  see  a  cloud  rise 
out  of  tho  west,  straightway  ye  say,  there  cometh  a 
shower."  He  who  lifts  a  finger  to  crush  free  speech 
now,  will  repent,  vainly,  hereafter.  He  need  look 
for  neither  office  nor  honor;  he  will  be  a  marked 
man  during  his  own  life,  and  leave  a  sullied  name 
to  his  children.  Remember  the  Tories  of  the  Revolu- 
tion I 

Tho  Free  Press  charges  "Wendell  Phillips  with 
treason.  Let  us  look  at  the  accusation.  The  cor- 
ner stone  of  our  Republic  is  freedom.  Is  this  man, 
whoso  life  has  been  one  grand  sacrifice  upon  its  al- 
tar, a  traitor?  Many  years  ago,  when  Channing 
and  other  honorable  citizens  of  Boston  called  a 
meeting  to  denounce  the  proceedings  of  the  pro-sla- 
very mob  which  murdered  Lovejoy  in  Alton,  and 
an  attempt  was  made  to  get  up  a  riot  and  quell  any 
expression  of  indignation, — a  man  high  m  office  de- 
claring that  the  mob  were  in  the  right,  and  acted  in 
the  spirit  of  the  revolutionary  fathers, — "Wendell 
Phillips,  then  a  young  man,  unknown  to  the  public, 
in  the  midst  of  the  confusion,  sprang  upon  the  plat- 
form, and  with  words  of  thrilling  eloquence  quieted 
that  vast  assembly,  and  shaming  the  ignoble  speak- 
er, pointed  to  the"  portraits  of  the  heroes  on  the  walls 
of  Faneuil  Hall,  saying,  "Methought  those  pictured 
lips  would  have  broken  into  voice,  to  reprove  the 
recreant  American — the  slanderer  of  the  dead!" 
From  that  hour  he  has  devoted  his  life  to  the  object 
of  freeing  his  country  from  the  deadly  curse  of  sla- 
very. Is  he  a  traitor  for  opening  our  eyes  to  the 
feet  that  this  disgraceful  institution  is  _a  blot  on  our 
•scutcheon,  a  cancer  in  our  body  politic,  a  contra- 
diction to  the  declaration  that  all  men  are  endowed 
by  nature  with  the  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness  ?— that  in  catching  the  poor  fugi- 
tive, fleeing  away  with  his  whole  soul  and  body  in 
the  search  of  freedom  and  happiness  which  we  de- 
clare he  has  aright  to,  we  outrage  our  own  profes- 
sion, destroy  the  influence  of  our  free  institutions, 
and  make  ourselves  "  a  hissing  and  a  by-word  among 
the  nations"?  Is  the  man  who  endeavors  to  per- 
suade his  country  to  justice,  to  make  her  all  beauti- 
ful, tho  joy  of  the  whole  earth,  a  traitor?  Not  he 
who  flatters  us  for  his  own  selfish  ends,  but  he  who 
braves  our  wrath,  and  courageously  tells  us  the 
truth,  deserves  the  name  of  friend.  "  Faithful  are 
the  wounds  of  a  friend  :  but  the  kisses  of  an  enemy 
are  deceitful." 

"Wendell  Phillips,  it  is  true,  advocated  the  dis- 
union of  the  North  from  the  South,  and  that  for 
many  years.  But  this  disunionism  had  no  affinity 
with  that  which  robbed  us  of  our  treasure,  our  forts, 
our  navy  yards,  which  threatened  our  capital,  im- 
prisoned and  put  to  shame  peaceable  citizens,  and 
robbed  us  on  the  high  seas,  and  which  has  done  all 
this  that  it  may  more  securely  keep  its  bondmen  in 
chains,  and  that  a  few  slaveholders,  declared  ene- 
mies to  the  very  idea  of  democracy,  may  rule  this 
fair  land  in  the  interests  of  slavery,  and  stamp  upon 
it  its  own  brand  of  infamy.  No  I  such  was  not  the 
disunionism  of  "Wendell  Phillips.  Believing  that 
while  the  power  of  the  General  Government  was 
used  to  sustain  slavery,  the  North  was  guilty  with 
the  South;  he  and  his  friends  advocated  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union — advocated  it  by  (he  lawful  methods 
of  free  speech  and  a  free  press,  and  the  doing  of  it  only 
by  peaceful  measures.  But  the  moment  the  war 
broke  out,  perceiving  that  the  South  herself  had 
lighted  the  torch,  which,  whether  Government  will  or 
not,  must  consume  slavery,  root  and  branch,  and  be- 
lieving that  the  Union,  free  from  oppression,  is  be- 
neficent and  glorious,  they  wheeled  at  once  into  its 
ranks,  and  sympathizing  heartily  with  it  in  the  :" 
sue  with  rebellion,  threw  their  whole  strength  on 
side.  Wendell  Phillips  has  declared  again  and 
again,  In  all  his  speeches  since  the  war  began,  that 
now  that  the  Union,  to  him,  means  justice,  he  is  a 
Union  man,  and  too  much  of  a  Yankee  to  part  with  a 
single  State. 

This  man,  the  very  flower  of  New  England  cul- 
ture— acknowledged  by  friend  and  foe  to  be  elo- 
quent beyond  any  other  American — had  he,  like  the 
mass  of  men,  sought  honor  and  aggrandiEcmcnt,  what 
was  beyond  his  grasp?  But  he  chose  instead  to 
fling  himself  right  in  the  teeth  of  popular  opinion, 
and  to  sacrifice  all  the  selfish  considerations  which 
men  hold  dear,  that  he  might  exalt  his  own  people, 
»nd  procure  justice  for  a  poor  and  despised  race  who 
could  not  even  thank  him  for  his  devotion.  Is  such 
the  stuff  of  which  traitors  are  made?  God  bless 
"Wendell  Phillips,  and  give  us  more  men  "  that  seek 
not  their  own  "  I 
"Then   to  sido  with   truth   ia  noble  when  wo  share  her 

wretched  crust, 
Ero  her  cause  brings  fame  and  profit,  and  'tis  prosperous  to 

bo  just  : 
Then  it  is  tho  brave  man  ohooses,  while  the  coward  stands 

Doubting  in  his  abjeet  spirit  till  his  Lord  is  crucified, 
And  the  multitude  make  virtua  of  tho   faith  they  once 

denied. 
"Count  me  o'er  Earth's  chosen  heroes  r  they  are  souls  that 

stood  alono 
While  the  men  they  agonized  for  hurled  the  contumelious 

stone — 
Stood  alono,  and,  down  the  future,  saw  tho  golden  beam 

incline 
T«  the  side  of  perfect  justica,  mastered  by  their  faith  di- 

By  one  man's  plain  truth  to  manhood,  and  to  God's  supremo 
design." 
Those  who  have  only  heard  Mr.  Phillips's  literary 
lectures,  beautiful  aa  they  are,  know  nothing  of  his 
power  when  on  a  soul-stirring  theme.  "  As  well 
think  you  know  the  power  of  Paganini's  fiddle,  when 
he  A  playing  on  the  jews-harp."  His  enemies  say 
that  he  bo  carries  his  hearers  away,  those  who 
abhor  his  opinions  applaud  while  be  speaks.  If  such 
is  the  case  where  his  audience  is  adverse  to  him, 
what  must  it  be  when,  as  on  the  subject  of  the  War, 
all  hearts  are  one  with  his  own?  He  will  exalt  his 
hearers  to  the  Mount  Blanc  of  their  manhood — he 
will  electrify  their  very  hats,  so  that,  as  in  Washing- 
ton, they  will  leap  from  their  hands  in  glad  hurrahs. 
'  We  have  enough  of  artful,  manccuveringpoliticians: 
let  us  welcome,  for  one  night,  a  disinterested,  honest 
man.  If  he  spread  infection,  it  will  not  prove  fatal 
the  danger  is,  it  will  not  take  deep.  C. 


TWENTY-EIGHTH   ANNIVERSARY. 

O*    THE 

AMERICAN  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 

The  Twenty-Eighth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavhry  Society  will  be  hold  in  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans,  (Dr.  Cheever's,)  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  on  Tuesday,  May  6,  commencing  at 
10  o'clock,  A.  M.  In  the  evening,  another  public 
meeting  will  be  held  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  com- 
mencing at  half  past  7  o'clock.  The  names  of  speak- 
ers for  these  meetings  will  he  seasonably  announced. 
The  Society  will  meet,  for  business  purposes  only, 
in  the  Lecture  Room  of  the  Church  of  the  Puritans,  at 
3J-  P.  M.  on  Tuesday,  and  10  A.  M.  on  Wednesday. 
The  object  of  this  Society  is  still — as  at  its  forn 
tion — the  immediate  and  total  abolition  of  slavery 
wherever  existing  on  the  American  soil,  because  of  its 
inherent  sinfulness,  immorality,  oppression  and  bar- 
barity, and  its  utter  repugnance  to  all  the  precepts  of 
the  Gospel,  and  all  the  principles  of  genuine  Democra- 
cy; its  measures  are  still  the  same — peaceful,  moral, 
rational,  legal,  constitutional;  its  instrumentalities  are 
still  the  same — the  pen,  the  press,  the  lecturing  field, 
tracts  and  other  publications,  etc.,  etc.,  disseminating 
light  and  knowledge  in  regard  to  the  tyrannical  pow- 
er claimed,  possessed. and  exercised  by  slaveholders, 
the  actual  condition  of  their  miserable  victims,  and  the 
guilty  complicity  of  the  people  of  the  North,  religious- 
ly, politically,  governmentally,  with  those  who  "trade 
in  slaves*and  the  souls  of  men  ;  "  its  spirit  is  still  the 
Bame — long-suffering,  patient,  hopeful,  impartial,  be- 
nevolent alike  to  the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed, 
zealously  intent  on  "promoting  the  general  welfare 
and  securing  the  blessings  of  liberty  "  universally. 

In  regard  to  the  struggle  now  going  on  between  the 
Government  and  the  Rebel  States,  this  Society  is  un- 
equivocally with  the  Government,  because  it  has  done 
no  wrong  to  those  States,  nor  furnished  any  justification 
for  such  a  treasonable  procedure  on  their  part.  Yet 
the  Society  sees  in  this  awful  conflict  the  fulfilment  of 
the  prophetic  declaration — "  Ye  have  not  proclaimed 
liberty  every  man  to  his  brother,  and  every  man  to 
his  neighbor  ;  therefore  I  proclaim  a  liberty  for  you, 
saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence,  and  to 
the  famine  "  ;  and  it  trusts  that,  in  the  spirit  of  sincere 
repentance  and  deep  humiliation,  acknowledging  the 
righteous  retribution  which  has  come  upon  them, 
the  people  will  imperatively  demand  of  the  Govern- 
ment, (now  that  it  has  the  constitutional  right  under 
the  war  power,)  that  it  forthwith  decree  the  immedi- 
ate and  entire  abolition  of  slavery,  so  that  peace  may 
be  restored  on  an  enduring  basis,  and  the  unity  of  the 
nation  preserved  through  universal  justice. 
In  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee, 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  President. 

Wendell  Phillips,        (  c-       .     . 
n„        „,.  r»   tj..,  T„  „„   (  secretaries. 
Charles  U,  Ulrleigii,  J 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS  AT  WASHINGTON. 

Referring  to  the  recent  visit  of  Mr.  Phillips  to  the 
Capital,  the  Washington  correspondent  of  the 
Springfield  Republican  says  : — 

"We  havo  had  Wendell  Phillips  here  since  my 
last  letter,  and  he  has  delivered  three  lectures  at  the 
Smithsonian  Institute-     He  has  not  met  with  a  sin- 

flo  insult  or  Iriss  since  he  came  to  the  Capital,  and 
e  has  uttered  his  most  ultra  sentiments  without  the 
slightest  interruption  or  censure.  This  is  in  itself 
almost  a  miracle,  and  will  be  set  down  an  "event" 
when  the  history  of  these  times  comes  to  be  written. 
At  two  of  the  lectures,  I  noticed  large  numbers  of 
Congressmen  some  of  them  from  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee — the  last  mentioned  took  it  with  their 
eyes  open  with  wonder.  Yet  it  was  the  complete 
triumph  of  free  speech  on  slave  soil,  for  not  a  solita- 
ry individual  interposed  a  hiss  upon  either  occasion. 
Mr.  Sumner  did  his  full  duty  to  Mr.  Phillips,  accom- 
panying him  to  his  lectures,  and  showing  him  about 
the  Capitol.  Phillips  was  a  real  lion  while  here. 
Speaker  Grow  gave  him  a  dinner  to  which  choice 
friends  were  invited,  and  he  was  sought  after  by 
nearly  all  our  great  people.  It  is  a  wonder  that  Mr. 
Seward  did  not  hunt  him  up,  and  make  him  a  din- 
ner party  also;  for  Mr.  Seward  is  the  greatest.  man 
in  America  for  dining  his  friends  and  enemies." 


WASHINGTON  AND   THE  WEST. 

SPEECH    OF    WENDELL    PHILLIPS,    ESQ., 

AT    THE 

Tremont  Temple,  Thursday  Evening,  April  17, 1862. 

REPORTKD     BY    J.    M,    W,    YER1UKTOK, 

Wendell  Phillips,  Esq.,  who  has  just  returned 
from  a  lecturing  tour  at  the  West,  spoke  at  the  Tre- 
mont  Temple,  by  invitation  of  the  Fraternity,  on 
Thurday  evening,  17th  instant.  A  very  large  au- 
dience was  in  attendance,  the  hall  being  nearly  filled. 
The  lecturer,  on  entering  the  hall,  and  again  on  rising 
to  address  the  audience,  was  greeted  with  repeated  and 
enthusiastic  cheers.  He  was  introduced  by  Charles 
W.  Slack,  Esq.,   and   spoke  as  follows : — 

I  certainly  owe  great  thanks,  to  you  and  the  Frater- 
nity, who  have  given  me  the  opportunity  to  speak  to- 
night, marked  as  the  present  week  is  by  one  of  the 
greatest  events  in  the  history  of  the  progressive  move- 
ment. For  the  first  time  in  sixty  years,  the  flag  of  the 
Republic  float3  over  a  Capital  untrodden  by  a  slave. 
For  the  first  time,  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
nation  make  one  step  toward  that  great  motto — "  Free- 
dom National," — and  give  us  a  Capital  without  a  chain. 
(Cheers.)  Neither  you  nor  I  could  naturally  haveex- 
pected  to  live  to  see  that  result.  Not  the  most  san- 
guine of  us  could  have  hoped  that  any  means  he  could 
call  into  exercise  would  so  far  prevail  against  the  seem- 
ing inter«st  and  the  well-anchored  institutions  of  the 
country  as  to  consecrate  even  the  District  to  liberty 
in  our  day.  We  have  lived  to  see  so  much.  In  a  na- 
tion that  moves  so  fast  as  we  do,  it  gives  us  good  hope 
that  those  are  y«t  living,  in  middle  life,  within  these 
walls,  who  shall  Bee  the  whole  continent,  so  far  at  least 
as  it  aeknowledgei  tha  stars  and  stripes,  clean  and  free 
from  th«  fetter  of  a  slave.  (Applause.)  We  may  in- 
deed congratulate  our  tireless  Senator,  Mr.  Wilson, 
on  the  imperishable  honor  this  seBsion  gives  him. 
Whenever  history  tells  of  the  destruction  of  that  in- 
famouB  Blave  jail  in  the  District,  or  of  the  abolition  of 
slavery  itself  there,  or  of  the  first  effort  to  prevent 
tory  officers  from  turning  soldiers  into  slavehounds, 
his  name  and  fame  will  be  indissolubly  bound  up  with 
that  welcome  and  honorable  story. 

Since  I  last  had  the  honor  of  speaking  from  this 
platform,  I  hava  floated  on  the  bosom  of  the  Poto- 
mac, felt  the  breeze  from  the  surface  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  looked  upon  four  of  the  five  great  lakes — 
a  long  journey,  finished  in  a  few  days.  Thirty 
years  ago,  in  Faneuil  Hall,  in  an  assemblage  of  mer- 
chants, called  to  consider  the  question  of  building 
railroads,  Amasa  Walker, — a  name  never  to  he 
mentioned  without  honor  in  a  New  England  lecture-/ 
room,  for  he  did  much,  labored  most  efficiently,  to- 
launch  this  system  of  lectures  in  Massachusetts, — I  am 
old  enough  to  remember  when,  thirty  years  ago,  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  Amasa  Walker  prophesied  that  the  boy 
was  then  living  who  would  see  such  methods  of  trav- 
el as  would  carry  a  man  from  Boston  to  St.  Louis  in 
five  days.  The  prophesy  was  received  with  shouts  of 
derision  and  contempt.  The  boundless  energy  of 
New  England  and  New  York  has  stirred  itself,  within 
these  thirty  years,  and  to-day  you  may  go  to  St. 
Louis  and  back  again  in  five  dayB.  That  same  bound- 
less energy,  which  ha3  made  New  York  and  Boston  as 
much  the  outlet  of  the  Great  Valley  to  the  ocean  as 
the  natural  channel  of  the  Mississippi  is,  Btill  lives  ;  and 
if  I  were  to  prophesy  to-night  that  the  man  sits  in  this 
audience,  who,  within  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  will  see 
that  same  boundless  energy  sweeping  the  system  of 
bondage  from  this  belt  of  the  continent,  you  might 
think  it  as  vain  a  prophesy ;  but  I  believe  that  to  New 
England,  met  in  Faneuil  Hall  for  liberty  or  for  business, 
nothing  is  impossible,  and  I  believe  the  prophesy 
will  be  accomplished.  (Applause.)  We  annihilate 
distance  ;  we  can  annihilate  obstacles  as  well.  What 
we  have  done  with  nature,  we  shall  yet  do  with  poli- 
tics. New  England  and  New  York,  the  great  finan- 
cial and  thinking  brains  of  the  continent,  have  taken 
this  problem  in  hand.  South  Carolina  herself,  fling- 
ing down  the  gauntlet  of  battle,  has  wiped  out  fifty 
years  from  the  life  of  slavery.  She  leads  the  way  in 
the  abolition  of  the  Bystcm,  and,  as  in  so  many  other 
cases,  the  nation  follows  her  lead.     (Laughter.) 

1  come  back  to  you  tonight,  as  I  went  away  six 
weeks  ago,  persuaded  that  slavery  on  this  continent 
has  begun  the  chapter  which  records  its  death.  I 
havo  no  doubt  of  it.  You  may  see  it  in  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  people;  you  may  see  it  in  the  policy  of 
the  nation  ;  you  may  sec  it,  I  think,  in  the  intentions 
of  its  statesmen.  But  whether  you  do  or  not,  I  care 
little  for  intentions  today.  No  matter  what  you 
mean,  or  what  Washington  means,  or  what  the 
people  of  the  great  West  mean  to-day.  When  I 
Bee  ft  man  half-way  down  Niagara,  I  don't  ask  his 
intentions — he  will  go  down.  (Appliiuse.)  Events — 
most  encouraging  events — thicken  nil  around  ub, 
showing  that  by  all  the  elements  which  goto  make  up 


national  life,   the  death  of  the  slave  system  is  de- 
creed, and  ia  sealed.     I   find    great    encouragement 
everywhere.     I  find  it  in  the  disposition  of  the  Presi- 
dent.    I  believe  he  means  what  he  said  to  the  Border 
State  Senators  and  Representatives  when,  at  the  an- 
nouncement of  his  message,  he  summoned  them  to 
his  presence — "Gentlemen,    don't  talk  to  mo  about 
slavery;  you  love  it;  I  hate  it.     You   mean  it  shall 
live;  I  mean  it  shall  die!"     (Prolonged  applause.) 
I  think  if  he  lacks  anything,  it  is  neither  intention  nor 
capacity — he  has  enough  of  both  for  his  function — 
but  will;   power  to  bear  up  against  external  influ- 
ences— temptations  that  make  him  timid,  protests  that 
make  him  dawdling,  adverse  circumstances  that  make 
him  very  cautious,  spending  four  months  on  one  mes- 
sage.   But  I  believe  he  has  all  he  lacks  in  his  Cabi- 
net, which  consists,  of  one  man,  single  and  alone, 
fit  to  bear  up,  like  Atlas,  a  nation— Stanton.     (Ap- 
plause.)    I  don't  believe  in  any  other  Cabinet;  I  did 
not  hear  of  any  other.     (Laughter.)     I  don't  think 
the  nation  recognizes  any  other.     There  was  a  man 
once    Secretary    of   State,    and    he    wrote    to    Mr. 
Dayton,  in  Paris,  a  year  ago,  that  this  convulsion 
would  cease  without  changing  the  status  of  a 
individual,    either    in  the    territories  or  the  States. 
Fifteen  hundred  slaves,  freed  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of 
Congress  and  the  assent  of  the  President,  ask  to-day 
here  is  the   Secretary  of  State  ?     The  nation  has 
drifted  so  far  that  he  has  become  invisible.    There  was 
another  man  in  the  Cabinet— the   Secretary  of  the 
Treasury — responsible,  he  and  his  State,  for  fastening 
that  intolerable  mortgage  upon  us,  Gen.  M'Clellan,  in 
spite  of  the  judgment  of  Lieut.  General  Scott.     Two 
thirds  of  McClellan's  military  repute  grew  out  of  the 
supposition  that  Scott  summoned  him  to  Washington 
as  the  best  soldier  on  the  continent.    As  he  never  did 
summon  him,  that  supposition  vanishes,  and  lfith  it 
all  of  McClellan's  fame  that  was  not  gone  before.    That 
Secretary,  too,  has  faded  into  nothingness— buried 
under  the  General  whom  he  summoned  to  Washing- 
ton.   I  recognize  in  the  Cabinet  no  will  but  the  Sec- 
retary of  War.    I  think  him  the  right  yukc-feltow  of 
the  President— supplying  all  he  lacks.     The  two  make 
a  working  pair,  competent  for  all  the  nation  needs. 
"  You  will  fight,  you  will  tell  why  not,  or  you  will  go 
out"— that  is  the  key-note  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
"  Why  can't  I  have  a  court  martial  to  try  Fremont?  " 
Bays  Col.  Blair.  "  Because  I  am  too  busy  to  wash  your 
dirty  linen."  (Applause.)     That  is  the  locomotive  on 
the  rail — nothing  but  one  purpose,  to  move  forward  ; 
and  if  cannon  does  not  crush  the  rebellion,  abolition 
will.    I  don't  think  the  Secretary  is  an  Abolitionist 
to-day,  but  he  is  on  the  anxious  seat,  (laughter  ;)  and 
if,  in  the  Providence  of  God,   South  Carolina  and 
President  Davis  hold  out  until  November,  I  have  no 
doubt  we  shall  have  an  Abolitionist  for  Secretary  of 
War.  (Applause.)     My  faith,  therefore,  in  the  man  is 
sufficient.     I  don't  think  he  has  gone  out,  as  the  pa- 
pers say.    If  he  has,  we  have  lost  the  corner-stone  of 
success.    A  year  of  sacrifices  would  be  nothing  to  the 
sacrifice  of  "  the  right  man  in  the  right  place  " — the 
only  man  on  the  continent  who  deserves  the  name  of 
a  Napoleon  for  the  exigency.    But  whether  he  lives 
or  not,  as  Secretary  of  War,  I  think  the  slave  issue  is 
certain — I  have  no  doubt  of  that.     Events  move  too 
fast  for  any  individuals  resist  them.     Mr.  Lincoln 
may  abolish  slavery,  he  cannot  save  it.     The  nation 
may  abolish  slavery,  they  cannot  save  it.     God  ap- 
pealed first  to  the  pulpits — they  were  barred  against 
his  messenger ;  he  appealed  to  ballots — they    were 
too  slow  for  his  method;  he  appealed  to  bullets,  and 
the  slaves  of  the  District  are  the  first  trophies  of  his 
victory.    (Applause.)     In  the  old  days,  he  said  to 
Pharaoh,  "Let  my  people  go" — a  simple  command; 
the  monarch  hardened  his  heart.     He  disturbed  his 
realm,  secondly,  with  all  sorts  of  dissension  and  mate- 
rial adversity  ;  still  the  monarch  hardened  his  heart. 
He  gave  his  first-born  to  the  grave,  and  the  Jew  went 
free.  (Sensation.)     He  leads    us  through  the  same 
valley.    He  tried  us  with  moral  appeals ;  he  tried  us 
with  national  dissension  and  debate ;  and  now  he  seals 
Emancipation  in  the  blood  of  our  first-born.  That  orde- 
al slavery  will  never  survive.    The  strength  of  slavery 
has  been  in  the  idea  of  the  North  that  there  was  some- 
thing sacred  in  the  compromises  of  the   Constitution, 
something  graceful,  chivalresque  and  picturesque  in  the 
slaveholder  and   his  system.     That  delusion  goes  out 
at  Manassas — the  skulls  of  brave  men  used  for  drink- 
ing-vessels.    It  goes  out  at  Fort  Donelson  and  Pitts- 
burg, when  chivalry  took  to  its  heels  before  the  men 
whom  it  had  affected  to  despise.  (Applause.)    Never 
again  will  the  North  sit  down  blind  worshippers   of  a 
civilization  supposed  to  be  better  than  their  own. 

This  day,  a  year  ago,  the  6th  Massachusetts  regi- 
ment left  the  Commonwealth  to  save  the  capital.  You 
know  the  doubt  and  dissension  of  the  North,  the  con- 
fident boasts  of  the  South.  You  know  the  boasts  of 
Democratic  candidates,  as  near  as  Connecticut — the 
candidate  for  Governor  himself  the  spokesman — that 
if  Massachusetts  sent  a  regiment  across  her  soil,  he 
would  call  out  the  militia  to  resist  them,  before  they 
should  reach  the  capital.  You  know  the  boast  of 
Toombs,  that  he  would  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  on 
Bunker  Hill.  I  have  lived  to  hear  the  roll-call  of  a 
Massachusetts  regiment  on  the  "  sacred  soil  "  of  Vir- 
ginia first.  (Applause.)  We  were  mobbed  from  the 
John  Brown  meetings  a  little  more  than  a  year  ago. 
I  have  heard  the  "John  Brown  song"  on  the  "sa- 
cred soil"  of  Virginia,  and  the  court-house  in  which 
he  was  doomed  to  death  is  the  barracks  of  a  Massa- 
chusetts regiment.  Who  dreamed,  a  year  ago,  when 
those  gallant  boys  hurried  to  save  the  capital,  that 
emancipation  would  be  decreed  in  the  District  to-day, 
with  Baltimore  sullen  under  the  port-holes  of  North- 
ern cannon,  and  with  Northern  regiments  holding 
Virginia  under  their  feet  ?     Yet  so  it  is. 

But  stiil  I  do  not  think  the  act  abolishing  slavery 
in  the  District,  broad  and  marked  as  it  is,  is  so  signifi- 
cant as  the  message  of  the  President.  After  all,  the 
/President  is  ahead  of  the  manifestations  of  the  opin- 
of  the  people.  He  holds  out  his  hands  to  the 
millions  and  says,  "  Support  me  !  "  We  have  not 
yet  answered  him  officially.  That  message  of  his  is 
the  boldest  voice  yet  heard  over  the  continent.  It 
means  more  than  men  accord  to  it.  He  claims 
that,  and  claims  it  rightly.  May  I  tell  you  a  story  ? — 
— lie  always  tells  one.  (Laughter.)  Noticing  some 
criticisms  upon  his  message,  he  said,  "  There  is 
iore  in  it  than  people  see.  Did  you  ever  hear  of  the 
Irishman  who  went  down  to  the  State  of  Maine,  in 
Maine  Liquor  Law  times,  and  asked  for  a  glass  of 
soda  water,  adding,  '  Couldn't  you  put  a  drap  of  the 
crather  in  it,  unbeknown  to  mcself  ? '  So  I  have  put 
a  large  drop  of  the  crather  in  it,  unbeknown  to  them." 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  Indeed  he  has;  for  that 
message  means  substantially  this  :  Gentlemen,  I  put 
down  a  mile-stone  to-day.  I  show  you  how  far 
twelve  months  have  carried  this  question  beyond  the 
Secretary  of  State's  letter  to  Mr.  Dayton.  Govern- 
ment sent  that  letter  to  Paris;  Congress  passed  the 
celebrated  resolution  that  they  would  never  be  led 
to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States.  Eleven 
months  float  away,  and  I,  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  at  the  head-quarters  and  sources  of  informa- 
tion, competent  to  judge  of  the  nation's  position, — I 
tell  you,  gentlemen,  now  is  your  time  to  sell.  If  you 
don't  seize  it,  and  another  twelvemonth  sweeps  what 
you  call  property  from  your  grasp,  without  compen- 
sation, never  say  I  did  not  give  you  fair  notice. 
( ApplnuBC.)  That  is  one  half  the  message  ;  the  other 
half  is  an  arrow's  flight  beyond  even  that,  for  it 
says  this — "Gentlemen,  if  you  will  sell,  I  will  buy." 
What  means  that'!  Where  in  the  Constitution,  in 
peace  times,  does  he  find  the  right  to  buy  ?  Has  he 
forgotten  Clay,  and  Webster,  and  the  Resolutions  of 
'90,  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  cannot 
cross  the  boundary  of  a  State  to  interfere  with  the 
system  of  slavery ?  His  message  says,  "Gentlemen, 
I  will  buy."  In  other  words,  "  You  have  given  me 
the  right  to  buy ;  the  rebellion  confers  upon  me  the 
right  to  buy."  And  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  The  abolition 
of  slavery  would  bo  an  efficient  means  of  ending  this 
war ;  if  I  find  cannon  unsuccessful,  1  shall  try  other 
efficient  means."  In  other  words,  "  Gentlemen,  1 
will  buy  if  you  will  trade.  If  you  won't  trade,  re- 
member that  I  havo  the  right  lo  take."    Prognnn 


words !  Be  happy  that  you  live  to  hear  them  from 
the  head  of  the  Government.  For  tho  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  Government,  it  has  done  an  anti-sla- 
very act,  it  has  spoken  an  anti-slavery  word.  (Ap- 
plause.) Sufficient  for  one  year!  Enough  to  have 
gained  in  twelve  months !  I  believe  that  any  man 
who  contemplates  national  events  has  ample  reason  to 
bo  satisfied  with  what  we  have  already  accomplished 
in  this  single  year. 

I  think,  however,  that  there  are  other  proofs  how 
soon  freedom  is  coming.    I  do  not  look  to  the  Govern- 
ment.    I  have  no  confidence  in  official  leading.    I 
think  the  people  lead.     McClellan  banishes  the  Hutch- 
insons  from  his  camp  ; — it  is  a  slight  sign.     The  sol- 
diers hang  on  to  John  Brown's  Song; — it  is  a  great 
one.     The  masses  are  to  settle  this  question,  not  the 
statesmen.     They   stood   still   last   winter,   and    saw 
Floyd  steal;   they   had   no   such    confidence   in   the 
masses   as  would  embolden   them  to  tell  the  secret. 
They  stand  to-day  doubting,  disbelieving,  incredulous 
of  the  purpose  and  intelligence  of  the  masses.     The 
President  said  to  a  leading  Republican  politician  of 
New  York — "  Why  don't  you  hold  meetings,"  (it  was 
two   days  before   that   glorious   Convention  in   New 
York  which  Carl  Schurz  made  immortal  by  his  great 
speech) — "  Why  don't  you  hold  meetings,  and  let  me 
feel  the  mind  of  the  nation  ?  "     "  Sir,"  was  the  reply, 
"we  are  to  hold  them;    we  hold  one    to-morrow." 
"  Hold  them  often ;  hold  many  of  them  ;  hold  as  many 
as   possible.      You   cannot   create   more  anti-slavery 
feeling  than  we  shall  need  before  we  get  through  this 
war."  (Applause.)      In   other  words,   the   President 
holds  out  his  hands  to  the  people,  and  says — "Am  I 
right?     How   far  may  I  go?"     Answer  him.     Tell 
him  the  ice  is  thick  thus  far,  and  will  be  thicker  an 
arrow's  flight  ahead.     Tell  him  that  if  his  message  to 
the  Border  States  leads  you  to  say  Amen,  a  message 
to  the  Gulf  States  that  says  Liberty  will  have  a  ten- 
fold Amen.  (Loud  applause.)    In  one  sense,  we  de- 
mand too   much  of  the   Government — of  the  Senate 
and  the  Cabinet.    They  are  the  only  portions  of  the 
Government  that  have  definite  ideas,  but  they  are 
nothing;  the  masses  are  everything.     Struggling  up 
to  light  on  all  sides  are  indications  of  the  popular  sen- 
timent.    There  should  be  official,  grave  indications. 
Leading  men,  legislative  bodies,  official  corporations, 
should  speak  the  will  of  the  North,  if  it  really  exist, 
on  this  question,  so  that  the  Government  may  feel 
able  to  trust  and  lean  on  a  well-assured  public  purpose. 
Fellow-citizens,   we  stand  just  here.      The   Gulf 
States  have  made  up  their  minds,  I  believe.     There  is 
no  Unionism  in  them,  outside  of  the  city  of  New  Or- 
leans.    New  Orleans  is  mercantile — she  is  for  the 
North.     She  knows  that  if  she  has  not  the  great  val- 
ley of  the  Mississippi  behind  her,  she  is  a  desert, — New 
Orleans  is  for  the  Union,     Whatever  stars  and  stripes 
reach  New  Orleans  will  be  welcome.     Outside  of  that 
city,  I  do  not  believe  in  a  shred  of  Union  feeling,  fur- 
ther than  the  mountains  of  Alabama  and  the  Caro- 
linas.     The  Gulf  States  have  made  up  their  mind — 
they  want  slavery  without  the  Union.     The  Border 
States  have  made  up  their  minds,  for  the  present — they 
want  slavery  and  the  Union.     The  North,  I  believe, 
in  its  masses,  has  made  up  its  mind — it  wants  the 
Union   without   slavery.     (Loud  applause.)     If  that 
public  sentiment  can  be  ripened  and  made  manifest, 
the  Union  is  saved;  if  it  cannot,  or  if  it  does  not  exist, 
the  Union  is  gone.     No  juggle,  no  trick,  no  superficial 
arrangement,  is  possible.    We  have  reached  the  level 
of  reality.     If  the  Union  is  not,  really  and  absolutely, 
the  preference,  above  everything,  of  the  majority  of 
the  North,  then  it  is  gone.  .You  cannot  make  it  ap- 
pear, if  it  is  not.    It  may  be  smothered  awhile  ;  if  it 
does  not  exist,  if  it  is  not  made  manifest,  neither  you 
nor  I  will  ever  see  the  Union  again.    I  believe  it  does 
exist.    I  believe  the  masses,  if  you  and  I  do  our  duty, 
will  make  it  manifest  to  the  leading  authorities.     That 
is  our  duty  to-day.    All  I  have  to  say  to  you  to-night 
looks  toward  that  result.     Ripen,  manifest,  aggregate 
public  sentiment  as  swiftly  as  possible.     The  enemy 
are  at  work.    The  most  golden  hours  have  gone.    The 
President  lost  them  last  fall.     When   the   Southern 
States  issued  their  letters  of  privateering,  and  startled 
New  York,  if  he  had  said — "  You  strike  our  property — 
we  strike  yours ! "  the  seaboard  would  have  said  Amen 
to  the  utmost  emancipation.     If,  when  Fremont  issued 
his  proclamation,  "Let  liberty  be  on  the  river,"  the 
Cabinet  had  sat  still,  and  let  public  opinion  crystalize 
around  that  act,  they  would  have  found  strength,  con- 
fidence, support,  enthusiasm  enough,  before  this,  to 
venture  emancipation  as  the  nation's  policy.     If,  when 
Manassas  sent  its  thrill  of  indignation  over  the  North, 
the   Cabinet  had  replied  with  liberty   to  the  slaves, 
again  I  believe  the  North  would  have  said  Amen. 
These  golden  hours  have  gone.     To-day,  that  chilled 
enthusiasm  begins  to  see  party  lines  drawn  across  it. 
To-day,  Whig  venom  and  Democratic  venom  speak 
out.    From  some,  I  take  encouragement;  from  some, 
I  take  discouragement.     The  North  American  Review, 
in  its  last  issue,  says  of  Mr.  Sumner  and  Mr.  Conway, 
(of  Kansas,)   that  their  projects  of  emancipation  are 
giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy;   that  they  are 
traitors,  and  if  they  would  adhere  to  the  enemy,  it 
would  do  less  harm.     I  do  not  believe,  that  in  the 
whole  hundred  volumes  of  the  North  American,  you 
can  find  a  criticism  like  that — anything  like  it — on  a 
Senator  of  Massachusetts.    It  is  the  dying  venom  of 
Whig  malice,  spit  out  in  its  feebleness  against  two  men 
— Sumner  of  Massachusetts  and  Conway  of  Kansas — 
whose  ample,  practical  knowledge  of  public  affairs. 
and  whose  wide,  profound,  statesmanlike  ability,  fit 
them  preeminently  for  the  places  they  fill.     It  is  the 
last  utterance  of  defeated  Whig  malice  against  a  Sena- 
tor whose  broad  culture,  enlarged  statesmanship,  and 
single-eyed  devotion  to  liberty,  find  no  equal  on  the 
list  of  Senators  that  Massachusetts  has  sent  to  the 
capital.    (Great  applause.)     I  count  that  sentence  evi- 
dence of  bucccss;  for,  on  a  careful  examination  of  the 
North  American,  I  find  that,  barking  at  the  heels  of  on- 
ward men  as  it  always  has,  this  has  been  uniformly 
true — take  any  idea  it  attacks,  wait  twenty  years,  and 
that  idea  is  a  statute.    I  take  it,  therefore,  that  within 
the  next  twenty  years,  the  policy  which  it  denominates 
"treason"  will  be  enthroned  in  the  capital.     I  count 
that  spiteful  sentence  an  omen  of  success.     Enough 
fur  buccces.     We  arc  hopeful  enough.     The  Great 
West  makes  us  hopeful  enough.     Her  children,  who 
have  gone  down  to  Pittsburg,  by  the  way  of  Donelson 
and  Fort  Henry,  to  see  about  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, have  left  as  noble  men  behind  them.     They 
know,  they  feel,  they  are  wide-awake  to  the  peril  of 
this  Republic;  but  the  difficulty  to-day  is,  that  the 
Democratic  party  is  drawing  its  lines.     Municipal  suc- 
cesses all  over  the  land,  from  Wisconsin,  by  the  way 
of  Chicago,  Cleveland,  Rochester,  Utica,  all  along  the 
line,  indicate  that  party  instead  of  enthusiasm  is  again 
to  take  its  place  in  national  affairs.     You  have  a  new 
problem.     What  I  would  impress  upon  you  to-night  is, 
that  the  difficulty  deepens  with  every  hour — not  of  de- 
stroying slavery,  but  of  saving  the  State.    The  negro 
is  not  the  question.     He  is  the  pebble  in  the  cog  wheel. 
You  must  get  him  out,  or  the  machine  won't  go.     I 
am  not  here  to  speak  for  him.     I  have  no  message 
from  Washington  or  the  great  West  about  him.    He 
may  safely  despise  us.     He  holds  the  key  of  our  posi- 
tion.   Neither  party  can  succeed  without  him.     He  is 
not  in  question.     The  greater  question  remains  behind 
— Is  the  Union,  or,  in  much  better  phrase,  arc  free  in- 
stitutions, to  survive  7     Is  slavery,  when  it  goes  down 
into  its  grave,  to  drag  Republicanism  with  it  into  com- 
mon ruin  ?     I  wish  I  could  impress  upon  you  to-night 
the  terrible  peril  which  free  institutions   labor  under 
to-day.     It  is  not  tho  negro.    It  is  no  matter  what  the 
Democratic  press  says  of  compensation,  colonization, 
or  anything  else, — I  shall  have  a  word  to  say  about 
that  in  a  moment,  but  that  is  not  the  question.     The 
question  to-day  is  behind  that.     A  conquered  territory, 
a  vast  army,  an  endless  debt,  a  Government  of  neces- 
sity endowed  with  despotism  for  a  dozen  years.    Every 
man  at  Washington  who  thinks  allows  that  for  ten  or 
fifteen  years,  we  must  have  a  great  army,  half  as  large 
at  least,  as  at  present,  a  constantly  increasing  debt,  ( 
vast   military    spirit,    Government    holding    despotic 
powers.     Out  of  that  peril  is  the  Union  to  be  saved  ? 
are  free  institutions  to  survive  ?     Seven  thouanud 
officers,  with  the  popularity  of  tho  army  behind  them, 


are  to  enter  into  politics — civil  places  filled,  profession- 
al posts  occupied.  When  Hamilton  and  Burr  came 
out  of  the  Revolution  able,  ambitious,  popular  men, 
they  busied  themselves  in  the  courts.  Suppose  courts 
had  been  closed  agsiinst  them,  suppose  the  restless  am- 
bition, latent  talent  and  boundless  popularity  of  the 
Revolution  had  found  no  field  in  the  professions  and 
mercantile  life,  how  long  would  the  newly-launched 
Constitution  have  survived  the  uneasy  agitation  of 
such  a  class  ?  That  peril  we  arc  to  face  in  a  dozen 
years  or  leBS. 

Fellow- citizens,  I  can  have  no  message  for  you  from 
tho  capital  or  the  West  that  precedes  in  importance 
this  solemnity  of  the  crisis.     The  last  words  of  your 
President  to  me  were — "It  is  a  big  job;    the  country 
little  knows  how  big."    All  the  great  elements  of  po- 
litical life  are  broken  up.    All  the  future  rests  on  the 
intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  people.     The  Govern- 
ment are  our  servants.     Up  to  this  moment,  the  peo- 
ple have  done  their  share.     Men,  money,  submission. 
All  we  want  to-day  is  a  purpose,  a  policy.    This  gold 
— give  us  something  for  it !    This  blood — give  us  an 
equivalent !     And  yet  I  come  back  to  you,  and  hear 
you  talk  of  a  union  of  parties.     There  should  be  no 
union  of  parties,  without  an  express  understanding  of 
ideas.     This    Commonwealth   united   parlies,   struck 
down  party  lines.     What  is  the  consequence  ?    Judge 
Thomas  in  the  House  of  Representatives  !    An  empty 
chair  would  be  worth  his  weight  in  diamonds  !     (Ap- 
plause.)   A  union  of  parties  which  forgets  ideas,  which 
conquers  only  to  fight  over  again  on  the  field  of  vic- 
tory which  idea  shall  precede  the  other,  is  worse  than 
a  defeat.    Let  there  be  no  union  of  parties  that  does 
not  have  for  its  basis — This  Union  can  be  saved  only 
by  getting  rid  of  slavery.     We  will  settle  the  method 
when  we  come  to  the  conquest,  hut  that  is  the  idea. 
Oh,  if  I  could  only  plant  it  deep  in  your  hearts,  that 
all  the  politics  of  the  next  ten  years,  certainly  of  the 
next  five,  should  haTe  no  union  without  the  most  exi- 
geant  idea  that  the  men  uniting  agree  the  Union  can 
be  saved  only  by  getting  rid,  in  some  method,  of  bon- 
dage down  to  the  Gulf,  I  should  think  free  institutions 
bad  got  their  guaranty.     Without  it,  they  never  will. 
Do  you  suppose  that  conquest  will  convert  the  South 
to  the  Union  ?     Cannon,  even  if  hunger  makes  them 
successful,  will  not  bring  Carolina  into  the  Union. 
Chaining  South  Carolina  and  Massachusetts  together, 
like  mad  dogs,  does  not  make  a  Union.     The  message 
that  I  bring  to  you,  if  I  bring  any,  from   the  men 
who  look  to  you  for  support,  is — "Give  us  the  sup- 
port of  ideas,  not  the  hollow  support  of  words.     Give 
us  an  intelligent  and  avowed  determination  and  pur- 
pose that  this  war  shall  not  end  until  slavery  is  swept 
from  the  surface  of  the  continent." 

I  tell  you,  throughout  the  West,  the  Democratic 
party  rears  its  head.  It  gave  me  the  benefit  of  an 
incessant  advertisement.  I  owe  audiences  of  thou- 
sands and  tens  of  thousands  to  the  fact  that  a  fortnight 
before  I  approached  a  city,  the  Democratic  press  load- 
ed its  columns  with  advertisements  for  me.  Cincin- 
nati heralded  me  with  the  most  excellent  advertise- 
ment, and  sent  me  sealed  as  her  apostle  to  the  banks 
of  the  Mississippi.  (Laughter.)  It  was  a  Democratic 
endorsement  that  Cincinnati  gave  me.  (Applause.) 
It  opened  my  way  to  the  hearts  of  the  prairies  so 
quickly,  that  I  was  almost  afraid  men  would  suspect 
me  of  collusion;  but  when  I  got  there,  I  found  the 
same  cordial  enthusiasm,  the  same  relentless  ideas  in 
the  masses  that  I  find  here,  but  the  same  lack  of  or- 
ganized effort — the  same  resting  on  the  logic  of  events 
— the  same  certainty  that  God  would  work  out  his  own 
purpose  in  his-own  time.  In  the  meanwhile,  Demo- 
crats were  stirring  the  intrigues  of  politics,  to  make 
the  next  Congress  weaker  than  the  present,  to  clog 
the  wheels  of  Government;  they  were  using  a  press, 
poisoned  with  Southern  intrigue,  to  build  up  a  seem- 
ing public  opinion  that  should  bring  back,  perhaps,  a 
temporary  triumph,  a  lull,  even  a  compromise  not 
impossible.  What  are  we  fighting  for  to-day?  The 
South  is  fighting  for  the  Drcd  Scott  decision,  for  sla- 
very in  the  Territories,  and  slavery  in  the  District. 
One  year  has  thrust  slavery  out  of  the  District.  Do 
your  duty  for  six  months,  we  will  thrust  it  out  of  the 
Territories;  another  six  months,  and  we  will  thrust  it 
out  of  the  States.  (Applause.)  But  leave  it  a  year, 
and  we  may  see  Cincinnati  mobs  in  every  seaboard 
city;  the  public  mind  may  be  swayed  to  and  fro  with  ' 
intrigue.  There  is  very  little  proper  argument  of  the 
question.  What  I  contend  is,  that  you  Republicans, 
you  Abolitionists,  are  not  standing  to  your  guns.  The 
enemy  are  sowing  their  tares — you  do  not  answer 
them.  Why,  the  message  of  the  President,  announc- 
ing his  assent  to  the  bill  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict, is  full  of  "compensation,"  of  "colonization." 
Excellent  doctrines,  both  of  them,  if  properly  applied. 
Colonization  !  Whom  shall  we  colonize, — the  men 
that  work,  or  the  men  that  don't  work  ?  Colonize  the 
black — you  get  rid  of  hands.  Colonize  the  slavehold- 
er, you  get  rid  of  mouths.  Let  U3  talk  this  matter 
over  frankly.  Colonization — why  ?  Why,  the  Cour- 
ier and  Post  tell  you  that  if  you  don't  colonize,  400,000 
South  Carolina  blacks  are  coming  here.  Why  don't 
the  editor  of  the  Courier  go  to  Lapland  ?  Because  he 
likes  this  climate;  because  there  is  no  pro-slavery  pa- 
per published  in  Lapland.  (Great  merriment.)  He 
would  not  like  Lapland — he  would  find  nothing  to  do. 
That  keeps  him  here — more  sorrow  for  us!  (Ap- 
plause.) Now,  are  not  natural  laws  equal?  Why 
does  the  black  stay  in  Carolina  ?  Because  he  likes  it. 
As  I  heard  a  white  man  from  Georgia  say — "I  would 
rather  be  hung  in  Georgia  than  live  in  Massachusetts." 
Then,  again,  the  black  knows  how  to  plant  cotton  and 
rice.  He  would  not  come  to  Massachusetts  to  make 
shoes  or  edit  the  Courier.  He  does  not  know  how  ; 
thanks  to  God,  he  has  not  learned.  (Applause.)  Look 
at  the  absurdity  of  this  pretence.  A  population  of 
four  millions  invading  the  North  !  Why  don't  Massa- 
chusetts move  to  Greenland  ?  Nothing  to  do  there; 
so  we  stay  in  Massachusetts.  Louisiana  raises,  under 
its  burning  sun,  sugar.  She  loves  the  sun  and  the  toil. 
She  will  stay  there.  She  does  not  want  Massachusetts 
granite  and  Massachusetts  ice.  These  self-conceited 
Bostonians,  who  think  they  are  tho  "hub  of  the  uni- 
verse," suppose  the  whole  slave  population  will  rush 
to  the  peninsular.  How  absurd  !  And  yet  this  is  the 
talk  the  President  has  listened  to,  and  apparently  be- 
lieved. While  the  negro  dreads  the  South  as  the  land 
of  bondage,  he  will  fly  anywhere  to  escape  it.  While 
slavery  exists  in  Carolina,  every  prudent  Port  Royal 
negro  will  come  North  as  soon  as  he  can.  Make  Caro- 
lina, his  sunny  native  land,  free  and  safe  for  him,  and 
cart  ropes  will  never  drag  him  to  this  cold,  granite 
Massachusetts.  If  any  man  really  dreads  an  avalanche 
of  blacks  on  Massachusetts,  let  him  fasten  them  South 
by  emancipation. 

Compensation,  again  !  Compensation  to  whom  ? 
If  we  arc  to  have  these  questions  thrust  upon  us,  be- 
gin to  discuss  thein.  Compensation  to  whom  ?  Will 
you  compensate  the  slave  ?  For  two  hundred  years, 
you  have  crushed  him  to  the  earth,  until  his  very 
brain  is  partially  imbruted.  The  soil  you  cultivate, 
the  roads  you  build,  the  mansions  you  dwell  in,  the 
stock  you  have  secured,  the  civilization  you  have  gar- 
nered up,  is  his  blood — tho  whole  of  it.  You  turn  him 
out  naked,  helpless,  with  empty  hands;  and  that  you 
call  justice.  Such  an  amount  of  justice  that  the  nation 
trembles  at  giving  him  so  much!  Giving  him  what  ? 
Our  fathers,  in  six  generations,  have  made  Massachu- 
setts what  it  is,  Boston  what  it  is — its  streets,  its 
houses,  its  institutions,  its  libraries,  its  culture,  its 
fame.  Suppose  we  were  turned  out  with  nothing, 
and  men  said — "That  is  your  all;  that  is  justice"! 
With  just  that,  you  turn  out  the  slave.  And  who 
arc  the  masters,  whom  the  Courier  and  Pott  talk  of 
compensating?  Thieves,  beggars,  parading  thi'ir 
aristocracy;  barbarians — witness  Manassas;  naked  as 
their  fellow-savages  of  New  Zealand,  if  the  negro  had 
not  provided  them  with  clothing,  and  the  North  made 
it  up.  These  are  the  men,  with  their  dirt-eating, 
dough-face  sycophants,  the  Democratic  newspapers 
of  the  North,  who  ask  us  for  compensation.  We  will 
grant  it — why  ?  For  tho  same  reason  that  the  father 
gives  his  weak,  underwitted  son  the  most  money — 
because  he  cannot  take  care  of  himself.  We  com- 
pensate the  master,  because  he  cannot  take  care  of 
himself;  we  set  the  slave  frco  with  nothing,  because 


he  can.     (Loud  applause-)    The  idea  of  compensation 
is  this:  we  pity,   we  shelter  the  white   man  from  the 
consequences  of  his  sin,  we  recognize  that  the  slave 
can  take  care  of  himself,  and  justice,  the  merest  »hred 
of  it,  is  enough  for  him.     I  come  back  to  Boston,  and 
hear  the  Democratic  preesea  talking  of  an  avalanche 
of  blacks,  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves,  when,  on 
a   Washington    register,   exists  the  mortgage    of  his 
house,  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  for  §12,000,  to  a  negro 
of  the  District — a  man  who  had  not  only  gathered  up 
§12,000,  but  knew  so  well  how  to  take  care  of  it,  that 
he  would  not  lend  it  to  a  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  without  a  mortgage.   (Loud  and  prolonged 
applause.)     While  that  fact  remains  recorded  at  Wash- 
ington, I  think  every  Democrat  in  the  Northern  States 
is  estopped  from  saying  that  negroes  cannot  take  care 
of  themselves.     (Applause.)    No,  Iefua  define  this 
doctrine  accurately.     The  Abolitionist  claims  nothing 
of  privilege  for  the  negro.     I  blink  no  issue — don't 
you.    There  is  no  weak  point  in  this  question  any 
where.     The    black  of  South  Carolina  asks  nothing 
of  this  Government  but — "  Take  your  yoke   off  my 
neck  !     I  will  take  care  of  myself,  and  the  white  man 
also."    And  let  me  tell  you,  these  are  facts  which  you 
must  think  of,  and  talk  about,  and  make  a  policy  from, 
within  the  next  six  or  eight  months,  because  within 
that  time  there  is  this  path  and  that  to  be  chosen  out 
of  this  difficulty,    and   this   means   peace,   and    that 
means  the   long  desert  of  forty  years  of  discord,   dis- 
grace,  half    bankruptcy,   national    roin.     The  white 
man  of  the  Carolinas — mark  me  ! — the  white  man    of 
the  Carolinas  is  not  half  as  ready,  to-day,  to  be  the 
master  of  free  labor  as  the  slave  is  to  be  a  free  labor- 
er.    Disabuse   yourselves  of  alt  idea  of  a  black  skin 
making  any  difference  in  the  settlement  of  this  ques- 
tion.     There  is  no  remedy  at    the  North,  nor  the 
West,  nor  at  Washington.    They  are  chopping  straw 
at  the  capital;  they  are  making  logical  distinctions; 
they  are  waiting  for  you.     The  House  of  Representa- 
tives is  nothing  ;  it  has  not  the  means,  to-day,  of  pass- 
ing a  bill.     The  Senate  is  in  advance  of  it ;  the  Cabi- 
net in  advance  of  them ;  the  people  of  the  Northwest, 
looking  to  the  East  for  a  purpose,   in   advance  of  the 
Cabinet ;  the  army  in  advance  of  all,   if  what  is  said 
at  Washington  may  be  trusted.     But  one  thing  is  cer- 
tain.    Our  fathers'  history  reads  us  a  lesson.     Fair- 
fax and  Essex  and  Manchester,  the  men  who  led  the 
armies  of  the  Parliament  the  first  years  of  the  Revo- 
lution of  1G40,  who  were  anxious  to  hnrt  nothing  and 
nobody,  gave  way  to  Cromwell   and   Ircton,  the  men 
who  struck  at  the  root  of  the  difficulty.    M'Clellan, 
and  Halleck,  and  Grant,  and  Buel,  the  men  who  dodge 
the  article  of  war,  the  men  who  no  longer  surrender 
slaves   from  their  camps,   only   put  them  ontside  the 
lines  when  the  master  is  known  to.  be  there — these 
men  now  lead  our  armies.     I  met,  within  a  day  or  two, 
a  Massachusetts  officer — he  may  be  in  this  house — his 
arms  taken  from  him,  and  himself  put  under  arrest,  at 
the  bidding  of  a  Boston  Lieutenant- Colonel,  because 
he  would  not  put  a  negro  ont  of  the  camp,  where  his 
master  was  known  to  be.     He  stands  to-day  witRout  a 
commission,   and  that  Lieutenant-Colonel  is   in    the 
field.     The  Manchesters,  the  Fairfaxes,  the  Essexes, 
the  men  who  want  to  harm  nobody,  are  at  the  head 
of  the   army.     We   never  shall   conquer  until   they 
go  by  the  board,  and  the  Fremonts,   the  Sigels,  and 
the  Hunters — the  Cromwells  and  Iretons  of  our  day — 
take  their  places.     (Applause  and  a  few  hisses,  follow- 
ed by  renewed  and  vociferous  cheering,)     I  expect  to 
be  hissed  for  that  sentiment  for  twelve  months,  and 
then  I  expect  to  be  applauded.     There  is  no  use  in 
sacrificing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  lives  with  men 
who  don't  mean  to  win  the  battle.     I  do  not  think 
M'Clellan  a  traitor.     The  President   says  he  is  not; 
I   will  trust  the  President  so  far  ;   but  I    think   he 
stands    exactly  where    Fairfax  *and  Essex  stood  in 
1640 — anxious  to  hurt  nobody,  and  nobody  has  been 
hurt.     I  think  we  shall  conquer  in  this  struggle  when 
Cromwell  comes.     His   advent  was  marked  by  this 
question :    "  Will    you    shoot    the    King?  '*    "  Yes, 
sooner  than  I  will  shoot  any  thing  else."     We  want  a 
General,  like  Sigel  or  Fremont,  to   say,  when  he   is 
asked,  "  Will  you  kill  slavery  ?  "     "  Yes,  sooner  than 
I  will  touch  anything  else."     (Loud  applause.)     The 
dead  timber  of  the  Cabinet,  that   sits  calculating  its 
chances  for  the  next  Presidency,  and  the  worse  tim- 
ber of  the  Major  General,  bred  in  the  regular  army, 
liking   the    South    better    than  the   North,  hating  a 
Northern   volunteer    General  far   more  than  he  does 
Beauregard,  is  all  to  be  sloughed  off  before  the  valor 
and  blood  of  Massachusetts  and  the  West  is  to  clear 
this  continent  as  the  basis  of  free  institutions.    When 
that  comes,  if  it   comes  soon,  we  shall  save  the   Gov- 
ernment.    If  it  does  not  come  soon,  we  shall    not. 
Another  year,  and  Davis  in  the  field,  he  will  be  recog- 
nized.    The  moment  fourteen    States,  or  ten,  get  re- 
cognized, their  first  effort  will  be  to  put  a  wedge   be- 
tween the    Northeast  and  the  Northwest,  to  divide  us 
into  three  or  four  confederacies.    ^Any  man  who  stands 
in  the  capital  to-day,  and  notices  tnb  debates,  can  see, 
even  now,  the  line  of  that  division,  which  it  need  but 
a  very  little  enmity  to  stir  into  active  life.     What  you 
are  carrying  your  banner  to  the  Rappahannock  to-day 
to  settle  is  not,  whether  we   shall  have   two  nations, 
but  four ;  and  four  nations  mean  despotism,  mean  mil- 
itary  republics,  mean  large  armies,  mean  the  last  of 
these  free  institutions.    Fellow-citizens,  it  is  the  work 
of  a  whole  generation.     Only  a  year  ago,  you  seemed 
to  be  making  money,  you  seemed  to  be  garnering  up 
nothing  but  prosperity.     The  car   was   going  ahead 
sixty    miles    an    hour,     You   said,  "It    is    all    pure 
gain ! "      God    said  — "  The    axles     are    red-hot  — 
stop !  "     The  garnered  wealth  of  this  generation  is  to 
be  used  up  in  doing  justice  to  this  victim  race,  in  lift- 
ing that  white  race  of  the  South  out  of  the  ignorance 
that  deludes  it  into  thinking  itself  our  enemy.     The 
atonement  that  Heaven  demands  at  your  hands  is  this 
generation,  and  all  it  has,  offered  on  that  altar  and  on 
that.     The  sin  of  your  fathers — you  cannot  atone  for 
it  by  any  superficial  process,  by  any  slight  virtue,   by 
any  single   life.     Baker,  and   Lyon,    and    Ellsworth, 
and  Winthrop,  are  but  the  first  martyrs  in  the  great 
atonement.     The  South  is  not  to  be  converted  in  a 
moment.     She  is  to  be  subjugated,  and  then  held. 
Two  or  three  hundred  thousand  Bien  are  to  hold  the 
territory,  while    free  labor  works  out  its  result.     I 
want  your  pledge  for  the  war.     The  great  West  is  on 
the  alert ;  fully  aware  of  the  magnitude  of  the  struggle  ; 
its  young  sobs   have   volunteered  for  ten  years,   for 
twenty.    The  East,  immersed  in  its  business,  poisoned 
somewhat  by  its  wealth,  is  not  half  as  enthusiastic  as 
the  prairies  and  the  great  cities  of  the   lakes.     Theso 
feeble  responses — I  assure   you  they  are  nothing   to 
the  out-door  gatherings,  to  the  intense   feeling  of  re- 
sponsibility at  the  West.    All  along  the  way  side  you 
meet  men  who  have  given  their  whole  families  to  the 
army.     One    father  says — "I  have  given  four  sons, 
my  only  sons  ;  one  is  at  No.  10,  one  is  with   Grant  at 
Pittsburg,  one  in  the   Gulf,  and  one  with  McClellan. 
The  country   is   welcome  to  the  lives  of  all,  though   I 
am  just  entering  my  own  grave,  only  I  must  see  Lib- 
erty rise  out  of  their  blood,  or  I  shall  feel   that  the 
Union  has  murdered  them."     (Sensation.)     Another 
father  says  to  me — "  I  have  one  boy  ;  he  stands  mar- 
shalled to-day  with   Grant.     God  grant  him  life;  but 
if  it  is    to    be    taken,    give    me  Liberty    instead." 
Another,    standing   at  our  side,  said — "My  only  boy 
fell  at  Winchester.     I  can  even  thank  God  for  his 
death,   though  I  stand   alone  in  the  world,  if  1  find 
Liberty  is  to  grow  from  his  grave." 

This  is  the  spirit  of  the  West.  Yen  meet  no  man 
wiih  brothel  or  son,  in  that  jinny,  who  dees  not  deem 
his  death  murder,  if  it  does  net  come  consecrated  by 
Liberty.  Lincoln  is  abend  ol  anything  you  have  said. 
The  Stale  of  Massachusetts  is  offering  him  to-day  mil- 
lions. What  he  wants  is  an  endorsement  and  an  en- 
OOUMtgOBienti  What  the  Senate  want  is  a  policy  pro- 
noutuvd   by  the  people.      I  have  come  to  yen  to  nie,ht 

with  no  welcome  menage.    The  sky  is  bright  for  the 

negro,  it  is  dark  for  the  white  num.  tor  the  simple  rea- 
son that  we  have  im  avowed  policy.  We  have  hardly 
a  paper  in  Hoston,  eeitninly  not  BAQM  than  one,  that 
is  willing  to  priot  the  speeches  of  your  own  Sena- 
tor, we  have  hardly  types  within  our  borders  that  fan 
to  print  what  Charles  Sumner  dares  to  say  from  this 
plall'onu.     How   much   is   to   be    expected  of  such  a 


r   ' ~  ••- 


APEIL  25. 


THE   LIBERA.TOR 


67 


country  1  Yes,  your  own  Senator  uttered  words  of 
the  utmost  moment  from  this  very  platform,  like 
these — "  You  cannot  save  slavery  and  the  Union, 
How  few  Boston  journals  troubled  themselves  to 
give  us  his  warnings !  And  since,  you  would 
hardly  know  his  Senatorial  existence  from  any' Bos- 
ton journal.  The  presses  against  whose  mobbing 
I  had  the  honor  to  protest  last  spring,  and  I  thank  God 
for  it,  for  I  am  opposed  to  mobs,  even  when  pointed  at 
the  Courier  and  the  Fort— the  sycophants  of  South 
Carolina  in  rebellion — are  the  only  papers  that  have 
any  courage.  It  is  to  such  a  city,  to  such  presses  you 
welcome  me  to-night. 

I  was  mobbed  in  Cincinnati.  The  Democratic  press 
of  that  city  lied  about  me  for  a  fortnight;  but  the  Ke- 
publican  press  did  me  ample  justice.  All  over  the 
"West,  if  Democratic  intrigue  had  a  voice,  the  Repub- 
lican press  was  equally  bold.  Detroit  threatened  to 
mob  me  ;  Ann  Arbor,  Chicago,  Milwaukee.  To  what 
did  I  owe  justice  and  defence  ?  To  the  Republican 
press  of  those  cities,  brave  enough  to  shelter  one,  who 
had  been  called  a  Disunionist,  under  their  folds,  in  be- 
half of  free  speech — the  claim  of  every  honest  man  to 
be  heard,  when  the  country  was  in  danger.  I  should 
not  have  found  that  defence,  I  should  not  have  found 
that  support  here.  J.  have  yet,  the  Abolitionists  have 
yet  to  receive  the  first  word  of  justice  from  the  Boston 
press.  And  if  I  should  see  it,  it  is  nothing.  We 
but  the  dead  timber  to  fall  into  the  trenches,  and  make 
a  triumphant  way  for  Liberty  to  advance  to  her  suc- 
cess. But  when  I  speak  of  your  own  Senator,  of  the 
foremost  man  of  New  England,  of  the  most  practical 
man  of  your  delegation,  of  the  man  who  does  more 
business  at  home,  and  holds  up  the  banner  of  the  Re- 
public with  greater  ability  abroad,  than  any  other  man 
that  Massachusetts  honors  herself  by  putting  into  of- 
fice— when  I  say  of  him,  that  there  is  hardly  an  inch  of 
space  in  a  Republican  journal  in  the  city  of  Boston  for 
a  notice  even  of  one  of  his  speeches, — while  ample 
spnee  can  always  be  found,  even  in  professed  Republi- 
can journals,  for  open  and  covert  attacks  upon  him, — 
what  hope  is  there,  if  you  do  not  rise  and  let, 
through  some  other  channel,  the  real  voice  of  Boston 
bj^heard  ?  • 

Til  every  path  of  my  recent  journey,  I  took  no  sin- 
gle step  without  meeting  a  Post  or  Courier,  full  of 
lies.  They  abound  everywhere.  They  are  as  thick 
as  the  frogs  in  the  palaces  of  Egypt.  They  are  the 
sycophants  of  a  dying  aristocracy.  They  will  live 
exactly  as  long  as  that  idea  lives  in  the  North.  I 
shall  find  it  here,  in  many  a  man  of  you  who  still  be- 
lieves in  his  heart  that  he  who  sells  his  neighbor  is 
a  gentleman,  and  he  who  makes  his  living  by  the 
sweat  of  his  brow  is  not.  If  that  man  sits  here,  though 
he  sit  where  his  grandfather  did  before  him,  lie  be- 
longs to  South  Carolina.  Now,  as  long  as  these  men 
live,  the  Courier  will  live,  and  its  readers,  when 
Lieutenant  Colonels,  will  dodge  the  new  article  of 
war,  and  somehow,  spite  of  Government,  get  slaves 
back  to  their  masters.  But  what  I  claim  of  you  is — 
the  voice  of  Boston.  They  said  to  me  in  the  West, 
"  What  do  they  think  1"  I  could  not  quote  a  line 
from  your  journals  ;  I  had  to  go  to  Washington,  and 
claim  that  your  Senators  and  your  Representatives 
represent  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  pavements  of 
the  Commonwealth  had  no  voice.     Is  it  not  so  ? 

In  this  war  growing  out  of  slavery,  with  so  many 
duties  resulting  therefrom,  and  in  a  Commonwealth 
bitterly  divided  on  that  issue,  a  Governor,  represent- 
ing at  least  two-thirds  of  the  people,  gives  three-quar- 
ters of  our  military  offices  to  men  who  hate  the  prin- 
ciples which  put  him  into  office. 

Now,  what  I  claim  of  you,  I  claim  in  behalf  of  your 
own  leaders.  The  President  says  to  his  New  York 
friends,  "Support  me  !  "  Where  is  the  support  from 
Boston  ?  Your  merchants  ask  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Secretary  Wells,  and  all  Washington  says  he  is  not 
in  fault,  it  is  McClellan.  Your  merchants  can  find 
fault — why  don't  they  express  approval  of  the  Presi- 
deut's  message  1  If  the  Tariff  or  Bank  were  at  issue, 
we  should  have  public  meetings,  and  delegations  of 
leading  men  sent  to  Washington.  Even  now  you 
meet  there  influential  men  striving  to  mould  the  Tax 
Bill.  Why  does  no  voice  go  up  from  Boston,  from 
Faneuil  Hall,  from  the  State  House,  for  liberty  as 
the  wish  of  Massachusetts  ?  How  long  is  the  North  to 
wait  without  a  leader  ?  My  message  to  you  to-night 
is — Speak  !  The  President  holds  out  his  hand.  Take 
it.  Assure  him  that  he  has  in  Massachusetts  more 
than  military  support.  The  men  who  led  the  mobs 
of  last  winter  are  fighting  the  nation's  battle  bravely 
at  Roanoke  and  Poolesvi lie — God  bless  them  !  (Loud 
applause.)  The  men  who  cried  "  Shame "  on  this 
platform,  nearly  fifteen  months  ago,  are  fighting  for 
Liberty,  whether  they  know  it  or  not,  in  the  swamps 
of  the  Garolinas.  God  hold  them  up,  and  bring  them 
safe  home  to  enjoy  their  victory!  (Tremendous  ap- 
plause.) But  the  men  who  stay  at  home  have  also  a 
duty.  It  is  a  "big  job."  It  goes  down  to  the  very 
nation's  life.  It  is  not  money  merely  that  she  needs. 
Mr.  Seward  may  put  me  in  jail  to-night  for  making 
this  speech,  and  you  for  listening  to  it.  He  has  the 
right,  and  ought  to  have  it,  as  long  as  the  rebellion 
lasts.  Every  hour  that  he  has  it,  it  is  a  poison.  Des- 
potism, and  debts,  and  armies  are  the  medicine  of  the 
State,  not  its  diet.  Let  us  leave  drugs  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, and  get  back  to  bread.  In  order  to  do  it,  let  no 
timid  press  speak  for  us.  If  the  North  American 
denounces  Sumner  as  a  traitor,  let  Faneuil  Hall  en- 
dorse liiin  as  a  statesman.  (Loud  cheers.)  If  the  fos- 
sil remains  of  dead  parties  block  his  path,  let  the 
young  men  of  twenty  and  thirty  hold  him  up  in  their 
arms,  and  let  the  nation  see  that  Massachusetts,  wheth- 
er she  likes  his  method  or  not,  endorses  his  result, 
which  is  Liberty.  (Prolonged  applause.)  Fellow-cit- 
izens, it  does  not  matter  what  the  method  may  be  : 
Emancipation — destruction  of  States — annihilation  of 
Territories — removal  of  McClellan — appointment  of 
Fremont — nobody  cares:  the  result  is  all.  That  is, 
one  nation,  and  the  goal  is  Liberty.  (Applause.) 

Wherever  I  went  throughout  the  West,  I  had  one 
support — let  me  mention  it  here.  When  I  stood  on 
this  platform,  a  year  or  two  ago,  there  were  twenty 
men  who  never  left  me  alone.  They  were  Germans. 
Half  of  them  fell  bravely  in  deadly  battle  at  Ball's 
Bluff.  When  they  threatened  me  with  mobs  in  a 
dozen  Western  cities,  there  was  one  thing  I  was  cer- 
tain of  receiving — an  offer  from  the  Germans  of  their 
halls  and  their  bodies.  (Prolonged  and  enthusiastic 
cheering.)  "  Come  to  Cincinnati,"  was  my  last  mes- 
sage, "and  two  hundred  men  will  die  before  you  shall." 
That  is  the  German  voice  of  the  West,  and  I  come 
home  with  one  idea — No  Yankee,  no  Buckeye,  no 
Hoosier,  no  Sucker,  no  native,  no  foreigner,  no  black, 
no  white,  no  German,  no  Saxon,  in  that  beautiful 
future  which  we  behold  ;  only  American  citizens,  with 
one  law  impartial  over  all  (applause);  an  empire 
stretching  from  the  lakes  to  the  Gulf,  from  the  Atlan- 
tic to  the  Pacific,  every  race,  every  man,  free;  and  a 
Union,  indissoluble  in  its  interests  and  its  patriotism 
as  the  granite  that  underlies  the  continent.  That 
flag  shall  be  our  future,  but  in  order  to  it,  support  your 
own  representatives.  Send  them  up  a  message  official- 
ly. I  speak  to  the  merchants  of  Boston,  who  bound  the 
Mississippi  to  our  harbor; — bind  now  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  Boston.  I  speak  to  the  politicians  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, you  who  have  sent  these  Republican  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  to  Washington,  stand  by 
them  I  Remember  that  you  have  no  support  in  your 
press, — it  is  vassal.  The  press  of  the  Connecticut 
Valley  is  as  base  as  that  of  the  seaboard.  If  Massa- 
chusetts saves  herself,  it  is  to  be  in  spite  of  her  editors. 
I  want  a  voice  from  the  Legislature;  I  want  a  voice 
from  the  Exchange ;  I  want  a.  voice  from  Faneuil  Hall. 
If  you  do  not  give  it,  you  are  deserting  the  place  of 
Massachusetts  in  this  struggle,  which  is  to  lead.  The 
West  looks  to  you ;  the  South  looks  to  you.  The 
Massachusetts  regiments  are  the  worst  treated,  Massa- 
chusetts soldiers  the  worst  hated,  because  they  are 
reeognized  as  the  most  fixed  in  their  purpose.  Show 
it  to  be  the  same  in  politics  as  on  the  field.  Encour- 
age the  President  to  enlarge  his  Border  State  message  ; 
encourage  Mr.  Stanton,  his  whole  Cabinet,  to  say, 
within  six  months — "  Death  to  every  institution  that 
makes  war  upon  the  Republic,  and  liberty  to  every 
man  under  I'.s  flag  I  "     (Prolonged  applause.) 


CONVERSION  OF  AN  ORTHODOX  MINISTER 
TO  ANTI-SLAVERY. 
Rev.  A.  II.  Quint,  pastor  of  the  Orthodox  church 
at  Jamaica  Plain,  Mass,,  and  chaplain  of  the  2d  Mass. 
Regiment,  connected  with  Gen.  Banks's  division  on 
the  Potomac,  writes  his  new  experience  in  the  Con- 
gregationalist,  (March,  1862, J  as  follows  : — 

"  I  am  no  fanatic.  I  never  even  voted  a  Republi- 
can ticket.  I  would  treat  tenderly  those  thus  pervert- 
ed. But  this  eight  months'  campaign  on  slave  soil,  in 
localities  where  slavery  assumes  its  mild  type,  has 
made  me  feel — and  I  do  assure  my  conservative  min- 
isterial brethren — that  the  whole  system  is  infamous. 
'The  sins  of  slavery  '  ?  There  are  none;  it  is  slave- 
holding  itself  that  is  the  sin.  Its  effect  on  the  mas- 
ters is  one  of  its  greatest  evils.  It  perverts  the  con- 
science, warj)s  the  intellect,  brutalizes  the  heart." 

While  Mr.  Quint's  just  and  accurate  language  re- 
specting slavery  assures  us  that  he  is  now  no  fanatic, 
the  terms  in  which  bespeaks  corroborate  his  asser- 
tion that  he  has  heretofore  held  himself  aloof  from 
the  class  commonly  so  called.  With  a  curious  con- 
fusion of  epithets,  (reminding  us  of  the  negro  at  Port 
Royal,  who  prayed  that  the  Lord  would  "  bress  de 
damned  Yankees,")  in  the  very  paragraph  in  which 
he  declares  the  whole  system  of  slavery  infamous, 
he  speaks  of  those  as  "perverted"  who  have  been 
accustomed  to  vote  against  its  extension.  He  still 
sees  men  as  trees  walking.  But  the  testimony  extort- 
ed from  him  by  his  eight  months'  actual  contact  with 
slavery  (testimony  exactly  accordant  with  that  which 
the  Abolitionists  have  for  thirty  years  been  spreading 
before  the  community)  is  so  directly  in  contrast  with 
his  position  as  a  member  and  supporter  of  the  Boston 
Tract  Society,  as  to  be  worth  making  note  of. 

The  separation  of  the  Boston  Society  from  its 
auxiliary  relation  to  the  American  Tract  Society  at 
New  York  (a  separation  voted  in  1850)  was  founded 
on  the  adoption,  by  the  former,  of  the  very  position 
that  Mr.  Quint  now  declares  untenable.  The  Boston 
Society  ceased  to  be  a  branch,  and  assumed  the  posi- 
tion of  an  independent  body,  because  it  was  deter- 
mined to  adopt  the  following  Resolution,  which  the 
National  Society  had  repeatedly  refused  to  adopt: — 
"Resolved,  That  the  political  aspects  of  slavery  lie 
entirely  without  the  proper  sphere  of  this  Society,  and 
cannot  be  discussed  in  its  publications  ;  but  that  those 
moral  duties  which  grow  out  of  the  existence  of  slave- 
ry, as  well  as  those  moral  evils  which  it  is  known  to 
promote,  and  which  are  condemned  in  Scripture,  and 
so  much  deplored  by  evangelical  Christians,  do  un- 
doubtedly fall  within  the  province  of  this  Society,  and 
can  and  ought  to  be  discussed  in  a  fraternal  and  Chris- 
tian spirit." 

Agreeing  with  the  pro-slavery  American  Tract  So- 
ciety, that  neither  the  system  of  slavery,  nor  the  sup- 
port rendered  it  by  law,  by  government,  and  by  the 
various  political  parties,  should  be  condemned  in  their 
Tracts, the  Boston  Society  made  one  short  step  forward, 
and  decided  that  they  might,  could  and  would  discuss 
"those  moral  duties  which  grow  out  of  the  exist- 
ence of  slavery,  as  well  as  those  moral  evils  which 
it  is  known  to  promote."  They  have  according- 
ly been  discussing  them,  in  several  books  and  tracts, 
for  two  or  three  years  past-  But  now  arises  one  of 
themselves,  even  a  prophet  of  their  own,  and  tells 
them,  from  his  prolonged  experience,  that  there  are  no 
sins  of  slavery  ;  that  slaveholding  itself  is  the  sin ; 
and  that  the  whole  system  is  infamous. 

Will  they  heed  this  voice  at  their  approaching 
Annual  Meeting?  Will  they  venture  no  further  than 
to  discuss  that  which  is  essentially  infamous  1  Will 
they  still  disclaim  all  right  to  touch  the  political  aspects 
of  slavery  ?     We  shall  see. — c.  k.  w. 


voted  for  the  bill,  and  shame  that  twenty-two  mem- 
bers from  the  Free  States  should  be  so  wanting  in 
humane  principles  as  to  record  their  names  in  opposi- 
tion to  that  glorious  measure  !  On  Thursday  morn- 
ing, we  read  the  message  of  President  Lincoln  ap- 
proving the  bill,  and  at  6  o'clock,  P.  M.,  100  guns 
were  fired  on  the  bridge  in  the  Railroad  Park,  in 
honor  of  the  refreshing  and  joyful  event.  I  must  tell 
you  that  this  movement  was  made  by  our  excellent 
and  active  friends,  Dunbar  Harris  and  Dr.  W.  H. 
Helme.  It  is  something  entirely  new  for  Abolition- 
ists of  the  Garrison  school  to  feel  like  rejoicing  at 
the  sound  of  cannon.  It  is  quite  common  to  ring 
bells  and  fire  guns  for  the  liberty  of  white  men,  but 
for  black  men,  who  ever  heard  of  an  instance  before  1 
Verily,  "  the  world  moves."  But,  as  I  often  heard 
you  say,  in  public  and  in  private,  "  Slavery  will  go 
down  in  blood,"  even  so  it  is.  Immense  blood  and 
treasure  are  now  the  result  of  this  long-continued 
wickedness ;  but  we  hope  the  beginning  of  the  end  has 
come.  Heaven  grant  that  the  end  may  not  long  be 
delayed ! 

Truly,  yours,  for  the  freedom  of  our  beloved  coun- 
try, A,  FAIRBANKS. 


THE  COLORED  MAN  IN  ILLINOIS. 

The  papers  inform  us  that  in  June  next,  the  people 
of  Illinois  are  to  vote  upon  the  adoption  of  a  new 
Constitution  for  their  State.  Among  other  provisions 
it  contains  the  following: — 

"  Sec.  1.  No  negro  or  mulatto  shall  migrate  or  set- 
tle in  this  State  after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution. 

"Sec.  2.  No  negro  or  mulatto  shall  have  the  right 
of  suffrage,  or  hold  any  office  in  this  State." 

The  man  or  men  who  could  originate,  adopt  and 
recommend,  as  a  part  of  their  State  Constitution, 
provisions  so  cruelly  wicked  as  the  above,  must  sure- 
ly be  lost  to  all  proper  sense  of  respect,  and  destitute 
of  every  sentiment  of  a  true  humanity. 

We  would  fain  hope  that  the  State  of  Illinois 
will  repudiate  the  barbarity  thus  sought  to  be  forced 
upon  her,  and  refuse  to  allow  the  hungry  and  the  na- 
ked and  the  stranger  of  God's  children  to  be  thrust 
out  of  her  door.  Is  not  the  State  rich,  and  broad, 
and  fertile  in  resources  1  with  room  enough  for  men 
of  all  colors  whom  God  has  pleased  to  make?  Let 
not  Illinois  show  herself  hard-hearted  and  pitiless  ! 
Let  her  not  presume  to  attempt  to  degrade  those 
whom  God  and  the  growing  spirit  of  the  age  are  call- 
ing to  rise  and  be  men  !  What  a  truly  noble  and 
glorious  deed  it  would  be,  should  the  men  of  Illinois, 
with  a  true  self-respect  and  the  courage  of  men,  reject 
this  inhuman  Constitution,  and  save  themselves  from 
the  disgrace  which  its  adoption  must  fasten  upon  their 
State  1 

To  the  Men  of  Illinois.  Send  to  No.  221 
Washington  street,  Boston,  and  get  a  little  tract  called 
"Loyalty  and  Devotion  of  Colored  Americans  in  the 
Revolution  and  War  of  1812."  Read  its  truthful  ac- 
count of  what  the  colored  people  have  sacrificed  and 
suffered  in  behalf  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
United  States,  and  say  if  you  can  make  such  a  return 
for  those  sacrifices  and  services  as  the  pro-slavery 
men  of  your  State  and  elsewhere  would  have  you 
make.  The  tracts  shall  be  freely  given  to  all  who 
ask ;  but  if  the  needful  stamps  for  postage  (one  cent 
each)  should  also  accompany  the  order,  it  will  just  so 
much  increase  our  ability  to  distribute  them.  Orders 
may  be  addressed  to  R.  F.  Wallcut,  or  S.  May,  Jr.,  as 
above. 

MISS  DICKINSON  AT  PROVIDENCE. 

FREEDOM   AT    THE    FEDERAL   CAPITAL. 

Providence,  April  20,  1862. 
Dear  Friend  Gahiuson  : 

Last  Sunday,  we  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  two 
lectures  from  the  youthful  Anna  E.  Dickinson,  of 
Philadelphia.  She  spoke  in  the  morning  on  the  Na- 
tional Crisis,  and  in  the  evening  on  the  Position  of 
Woman.  A  rich  treat  it  was,  truly,  to  all  who  heard 
her,  with  perhaps  a  few  exceptions,  composed  of  those 
who  are  unable  to  appreciate  the  truth  of  what  is 
lovely  and  beautiful.  Her  voice  is  clear  and  her  ar- 
ticulation very  distinct,  so  much  so,  that  every  word 
she  uttered  was  distinctly  heard  in  every  part  of 
Pratt's  large  hall,  and  people  were  amazed  that  one  so 
young  as  nineteen  years  only  should  show  such  a 
matured  and'  disciplined  mind,  so  well  acquainted 
with.facts  of  recent  and  remote  history,  and  was  en- 
abled to  speak  with  such  fluency.  The  number  pres- 
ent in  the  morning  was  respectable,  and  in  the  eve- 
ning the  audience  was  much  larger.  Had  it  not  beer 
that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Channing,  of  the  Unitarian  church 
at  Washington,  spoke  in  Dr.  Hull's  church  in  the  eve- 
ning, the  hall  would  have  been  crowded,  the  admission 
fee  notwithstanding.  Many  are  anxious  to  hear  her 
again,  and  more  will  avail  themselves  of  the  opportu- 
nity when  she  visits  us  again,  which  wc  hope  will  be 
soon.  Thankful  should  we  all  be  for  such  an  advo- 
cate of  human  rights.  Her  lectures  at  Fall  River  and 
Newport  were  a  complete  success,  also. 

Well,  thanks  to  the  Most  High,  the  Federal  capital 
is  now  free  from  the  curse  of  slavery.  "  The  Lord 
rcigneth,  let  the  earth  rejoice  !  "  I  first  signed  a  pe- 
tition to  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  in  1834,  and  have  signed  and  carried  peti- 
tions inviting  others  to  sign  many  times  in  the  years 
that  followed ;  and  what  scoffs  and  jeers,  contempt  and 
ridicule  were  thrown  in  the  faces  of  all  who  labored 
to  make  free  the  ten  miles  square!  But  who  regrets 
the  labor  now?  Abundant  cause  have  all  to  rejoice 
that  they  were  called  thus  to  labor  for  the  poor  bond- 
man, and  now  more  especially  as  the  fruits  are  begin- 
ning to  be  obvious.  Gratifying  is  the  fact  that  all 
the  Representatives  and  Senators  from  New  England 


NINETEENTH  OP  APEIL  AT  WEYMOUTH, 

SLAVE  EMANCIPATION  AT  THE  NATIONAL  CAPITAL. 

At  Weymouth,  on  Saturday,  a  salute  of  one  hundred 
guns  was  fired  at  one  o'clock  in  honor  of  the  day,  and 
of  the  triumph  of  the  Emancipation  policy  at  the  Na- 
tional Capital. 

At  3  o'clock,  a  large  congregation  gathered  at  the 
First  Universalist  Church,  where  the  following  list 
of  officers  was  chosen:  —  Elias  Richards,  President; 
Hon.  J.  W.  Loud,  Adoram  Clapp,  Esq.,  Hon.  A.  N. 
Hunt,  N.  Blanchard,  Hon.  James  Humphrey,  Samuel 
Cook,  Viee  Presidents;  D.  F.  Goddard,  Dr.  A.  G. 
Nye,  Secretaries. 

The  meeting  was  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  L.  A. 
Abbot,  and  eloquent  remarks  were  made  by  Revs. 
Calvin  Terry,  Dickerman,  Abbot,  Hon.  J.  W.  Loud, 
and  by  Messrs.  Richards,  Pierce  and  Goddard.  The 
choir  and  congregation  united  in  singing  "America," 
and  Miss  Martineau's  appropriate  lines,  "All  men  are 
equal  in  their  birth."  It  was  a  rare  time  for  old  Wey- 
mouth, and  there  were  but  few  hearts  that  did  not  re- 
spond to  the  threefold  appeal  of  the  occasion,  "Lex- 
ington "  of  1775,  Baltimore  of  1861,  and  the  late  Eman- 
cipation act,  by  which  our  Capital  is  rid  of  slavery, 
and  the  glad  "  beginning  of  the  end  "  is  inaugurated. 

The  following  resolutions  were  passed  unanimously  : 

Resolved,  That  in  the  Act  for  the  abolition  of  Sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,  lately  passed  by  Con- 
gress and  signed  by  the  President,  we  recognize  and 
gladly  hail  the  presence  of  the  same  spirit  of  univer- 
sal liberty  which  animated  the  men  of  Lexington  and 
the  fathers  of  the  Revolution  ;  the  spirit  which,  though 
sleeping,  never  dead,  has  been  underlying  all  our  na- 
tional existence  since ;  which  produced  and  sustained, 
first  in  the  resolve  of  the  few,  and  then  in  the  deter- 
mination of  the  many,  the  great  Northern  resistance 
to  the  aggressions  of  Slavery,  and  now,  finally,  to  the 
sin  itself;  that  same  spirit,  too,  which,  arousing  as  the 
hour  of  crisis  came,  and  fruitful  in  the  other  free 
States,  cropped  out  again  in  Massachusetts  readiness 
and  regiments  on  the  19th  of  April,  1861 ;  and  which 
is  now,  we  trust  and  pray,  both  in  the  Cabinet  and  the 
field,  grappling  its  last  grapple  with  our  sole  remain- 
ing foe  upon  the  Continent. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  heartily  accept,  and  will  sus- 
tain with  our  best  ability,  the  President,  Cabinet  and 
Congress,  in  that  legislation  by  which  involuntary 
servitude  is  already  abolished  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia; and  that,  since  by  rebellion  and  secession,  the 
slave  States  have  deprived  themselves  of  the  political 
rights  hitherto  guaranteed  them  under  the  Constitu- 
tion, we  look  forward  with  hope  for  the  time,  when, 
n  perfect  legality,  as  an  honor  and  justice  ever,  the 
institution  of  slavery  itself  shall  be  destroyed  from 
the  whole  land,  and  Emancipation  be  proclaimed  to 
all  the  inhabitants  thereof. 


^^=Tue  Atlantic  Monthly,  fok  Mat,  con- 
ins  the  following  attractive  articles:  —  Under  the 
Snow;  a  Poem.  By  the  late  General  Frederick  W. 
Lander.  Speech  of  Hon.  Preserved  Doe  in  Secret 
Caucus  ;  reported  by  Hosea  Biglow.  A  new  Biglow 
Paper.  By  James  Russell  Lowell.  The  Fifth  of  the 
Series.  Slavery;  Its  Principles,  Development  and 
Expedients.  By  a  distinguished  writer.  The  Tit- 
mouse; A  characteristic  new  Poem.  By  Ralph  Waldo 
Emerson.  The  South  Breaker ;  A  New  Story.  By 
Miss  Harriet  E.  Prescott,  author  of  "  Midsummer  and 
May,"  "  In  a  Cellar,"  &c.  Saltpetre  as  a  Source  of 
Power.  By  Prof.  A.  A.  Hayes.  Weather  in  War  ; 
an  interesting  Historical  and  Anecdotical  Paper,  show- 

ng  the  influence  which  weather  has  exerted  upon  the 
Campaigns  of  the  great  Generals  of  -History.  Meth- 
ods of  Study  in  Natural  History.  By  Prof.  Louis 
Agassiz.  Fifth  Paper  of  the  Series.  Upon  "  Coral 
Reefs."  Spirits.  By  Mrs.  Lydia  Maria  Child.  Con- 
taining new  facts  and  speculations  bearing  upon  this 

mportant  topic.  My  Garden.  The  Telegrams ;  A 
Lyric  of  the  Street.  By  Mrs.  Julia  Ward  Howe. 
The  Statesmanship  of  Richelieu.  By  Prof.  A.  A. 
White,  Man  Under  Sealed  Orders.  By  Rev.  J.  T. 
Walden.  The  Volunteer.  By  Elhridge  Jefferson 
Cutler.  Hindrance.  By  David  A.  Wasson.  Lines 
Written  Under  a  Portrait  of  Theodore  Winthrop. 
Reviews  and  Literary  Notices. 


Death  of  Martin  Stowell.  A  recent  letter  from 
member  of  one  of  the  Nebraska  Regiments  announc- 
;  the  death  of  Martin  Stowell,  a  prominent  Anti-Sla- 
very man  formerly  of  Worcester.  The  letter  states 
that  Mr.  Stowell  was  slain  by  the  rebels  near  Paris, 
Tenn.,  having  been  drawn  into  an  ambuscade  while 
marching  with  a  company  of  Nebraska  men  under  or- 
ders to  protect  the  loyal  citizens  of  that  town  from  the 
attacks  of  roving  parties  of  rebels  who  were  carrying 
on  a  guerilla  warfare  against  their  Union  neighbors. 
Mr.  Stowell  was  a  man  of  great  courage,  and  pos- 
sessed of  unusual  physical  strength.  He  was  a  con- 
spicuous actor  in  the  rescue  of  the  slave  "Jerry,"  at 
Syracuse  several  years  ago,  from  the  hands  of  the 
slave  hunters,  and  suffered  an  imprisonment  of  sever- 
al months  in  the  jai!  of  Suffolk  county,  for  alleged  par- 
ticipation in  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  rescue  the 
slave  Anthony  Burns  from  the  Boston  Court  House, 
while  in  custody  of  the  United  States  Marshal  of  tho 
District. 

Subsequently,  Mr.  Stowell  removed  with  his  family 
to  Kansas,  intending  to  settle  as  a  farmer  in  that  terri- 
tory, but  the  incursions  of  the  Missouri  border  ruffhihs 
compelled  him  to  take  up  arms  for  the  common  de- 
fence, and  through  all  that  long  and  bitter  struggle 
with  the  minions  of  the  slave  power,  Mr.  Stowell  did 
"yeoman's  service  "  with  his  rifle  in  the  cause  of  lib- 
erty, justice  and  humanity.  After  the  restoration  of 
peace  to  Kansas,  Mr.  Stowell  purchased  a  ferry  privi- 
lege in  Nebraska,  and  was  a  resident  of  that  State  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  present  rebellion. 

An  abolitionist  of  the  John  Brown  stamp,  he  early 
enlisted  in  the  ranks  of  the  country's  defenders,  and 
he  has  now  met  death  like  a  hero,  fighting  in  that 
cause  for  which  he  had  always  been  ready  to  lay  down 
his  life. 

Mr.  Stowell  leaves  a  wife  and  two  young  children 
who  at  present  reside  in  Warren,  Worcester  county. 
T.  D. 

85^=  The  lecture  on  "  The  National  Crisis,"  deliv- 
ered at  Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  forenoon  last,  before 
the  Twenty-Eighth  Congregational  Society,  by  Miss 
DJckinson  of  Philadelphia,  attracted  a  large  audience, 
and  was  listened  to  with  unbroken  interest  and  warm 
approbation.  She  treated  her  great  topic  in  a  manner 
and  with  an  ability  commensurate  with  its  importance, 
going  to  the  root  of  the  rebellion,  and  calling  upon  the 
people  to  demand  of  the  Government  the  immediate 
and  total  abolition  of  slavery,  under  the  war  power,  as 
the  only  radical  method  of  cure.  Wo  congratulate 
her  Philadelphia  relatives  and  friends  upon  her  suc- 
cessful debut  In  Boston,  and  doubt  not  that  she  will 
give  high  satisfaction  wherever  she  may  lecture. 


Fraternity  Anniversary.  A  very  pleasant  en- 
tertainment was  offered  by  the  Fraternity  of  the  28th 
Congrojpntional  Society  to  their  friends,  at  Lyceum 
Hall,  on  Tuesday  evening  last,  in  celebration  of  their 
fourth  Anniversary.  A  large  company  was  present, 
who  manifestly  enjoyed,  very  highly,  the  exercises  of 
the  evening.  While  the  audience  were  assembling, 
Gates's  Quadrille  Band  played  several  favorite  airs, 
and  shortly  after  eight  o'clock,  Charles  W.  Slacic, 
the  President  of  the  Association,  opened  the  exercises 
by  a  brief  speech,  reviewing  the  history  of  the  Fra- 
ternity, in  its  connection  with  the  28th  Society,  and 
expressing  the  hope  and  belief  that  its  existence  and 
usefulness  would  long  be  perpetuated.  He  claimed 
for  the  Fraternity  no  special  merit,  save  that  it  had 
inaugurated  and  maintained  a  free  platform,  on  which, 
irrespective  of  creed,  color  or  sex,  all  who  had  honest 
thoughts,  and  the  ability  to  utter  them,  found  a  cor- 
dial welcome ;  and  that,  in  so  far  as  lay  in  their  pow- 
er, they  had  dispensed  "the  charities  that  heal,  and 
soothe,  and  bless,"  to  the  poor,  the  suffering,  and  the 
oppressed.  Merit  enough  !  Happy  the  Society  or  the 
man  that  can  present  such  a  record  1 

Brief  addresses  were  then  made  by  Rev.  James 
Freeman  Clarke,  Rev.  j.  M.  Manning,  E.  II.  Hey- 
wood,  and  T.  M.  Hathaway,  which  were  listened  to 
with  great  interest  and  pleasure  by  the  audience,  who 
testified  their  gratification  by  frequent  applause. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening,  an  appropriate  and 
well-written  original  ode,  by  John  McDoffie,  wa3 
Sung,  and  the  following  vigorous  and  stirring  lines, 
w-ritten  by  Rcfus  Leighton,  (formerly  of  this  city, 
now  of  Washington,)  were  read  by  C.  H.  Brainahd  : 

ON  THE  ABOLITION  OF    SLAVERY    IN    THE  DIS- 
TRICT OF  COLUMBIA. 
Another  laurel  wreathes,  to-day, 

Our  country's  honored  fame  ; 
The  seal  is  set  which  wipes  away 

A  long-recorded  shame. 
Tiiii.uk  God  !  the  rulers  of  the  land 

For  freedom  have  decreed ; 
And  Justice  lifts  her  sacred  hand 

To  bless  the  righteous  deed. 

But  yesterday,  whore  now  we  tread 

Was  Slavery's  cursed  soil  ; 
Unchecked  sho  reared  her  shameless  head, 

And  clutched  her  guilty  spoil. 
To-day  wc  walk  on  Freedom's  ground  ; 

No  slavo  can  breathe  this  air  ! 
And  joy  and  thankfulness  resound 

Where  late  was  hoard  despair. 

Too  long,  tho  spot  which  bears  the  name 

Of  hira  who  leads  the  line 
Of  all  tho  patriots  dear  to  fame, 

"Whoso  names  immortal  shine, 
Hath  borne  the  deep  disgrace  that  brands 

The  tyrant's  hated  deeds  ; — 
And  plain  the  damning  record  stands 

To  mock  the  nation's  creeds. 

.   Tho  golden  hour  has  struck  at  last, 

Which  marks  a  joyful  morn  ; 
The  night  of  tyranny  is  past, 

The  day  of  justice  born  ! 
The  record  writ  in  coming  years 

The  past  may  yet  retrieve, 
The  promise  which  to-day  appears, 

The  future  yet  achieve. 


And  she  who  crowns  the' smiling  hill 

Where  fair  Potomac  glides, 
And  whose  decree,  for  good  or  ill, 

A  nation's  fate  decides, — 
A  noble  city  yet  shall  be, 

And  worthy  to  have  borne 
That  honored  patriot  name  which  she, 

Dishonored,  long  hath  worn. 

No  more  within  her  marble  halls 

Oppression  rules  the  hour, 
No  longer  on  the  nation  calls 

To  crouch  beneath  his  power. 
Within  her  courts  shall  Freedom  bear, 

Henceforth,  her  blessed  sway  ; — 
And  all  the  future  seems  to  wear 

The  glory  of  to-day. 

How  grand  and  fair  the  vision  spread 

Before  our  longing  eyes, 
As  all  tho  mists  of  doubt  and  dread 

From  off  tho  picturo  rise  ! 
From  lakes  to  gulf,  from  sea  to  sea, 

Behold  the  land  so  good  ! 
Her  toiling  millions  strong  and  free, — 

One  mighty  brotherhood. 

Her  battles  fought,  her  victories  won, 

No  Geld  of  bloody  strife 
Sends  forth  its  cloud  to  blot  the  sun, 

Or  drinks  the  nation's  life. 
But  Peace  and  all  her  shining  band 

Their  tuneful  voices  raise, 
And  sing  throughout  the  happy  land 

Their  songs  of  joy  and  praiso. 

From  sea  to  sea,  from  gulf  to  lakes, 

And  o'er  the  watery  world, 
Tho  winds  of  heaven  our  banner  takes, 

Against  the  sky  unfurled  ; 
The  dear  old  flag,— its  stars  all  there, — 

And  where  it  proudly  streams, 
No  guilt  of  treason  taints  the  air, 

No  slave  of  freedom  dreams. 

0  nation,  fairest  born  of  time  ! 

0  people,  blessed  of  fate  ! 
'Tis  yours  to  make  the  world  sublime, 

By  being  nobly  great  ! 
To  rise  from  out  this  trial  hour, 

If  true  to  man  and  God, 
To  heigh  t3  of  fame,  and  fields  of  power, 

And  glory  all  untrod  ! 

"A  Sociable  "  was  the  last  item  on  the  programme, 
(which,  for  the  benefit  of  the  uninitiated,  we  explain 
to  be  simply  —  a  dance,)  in  which  a  large  part  of 
the  company  joined,  and  it  was  quite  late  (or  rather 
early,  as  you  please)  before  they  separated. 


Who  is  the  Traitor-?  The  army  correspondent 
of  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  who  accompanies  the  ad- 
vance on  Yorktown,  writes  : — 

A  circular  issued  by  the  rebels  was  found  by  one 
of  Gen.  Hamilton's  aids.  The  purport  of  it  was  a  full 
description  of  the  present  onward  movement,  with  all 
the  details;  also,  Gen.  Magruder's  plan  of  defeating 
the  Union  programme.  The  enemy  must  have  re- 
ceived this  information  from  a  high  source,  several 
weeks  ago,  or  they  could  not  have  got  the  circular 
out  bo  soon. 

Parker  Pillsbury  in  Concord.  The  address  of 
Parker  Piilsbury,  on  the  War,  at  the  Universalist 
Church,  on  Sunday  evening,  Oth  inst.,  was  listened  to 
by  a  large  and  attentive  assemblage  of  our  best  citi- 
zens. He  is  always  heard  here,  in  the  city  of  bis  resi- 
dence, with  pleasure  and  satisfaction;  and  even  those 
who  cannot  subscribe  to  all  his  views,  admire  the  bold- 
ness and  ability  with  which  he  declares  what  he  be- 
lieves. His  address  on  the  occasion  above  mentioned 
was  one  of  his  most  masterly  efforts. — Concord  (N.  II.) 
Independent  Democrat. 

BT^"  The  Tribune's  Washington  correspondent  states 
the  precise  words  of  the  President  to  the  Committee 
of  the  Freedman's  Association,  at  the  interview  last 
Saturday,  were  these: — 

"  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  no  slave  who  becomes 
for  the  time  free  within  the  American  lines  will  ever 
be  re-enslaved.  Rather  than  have  it  so,  I  would  give 
up  and  abdicate." 

jJ3^  The  President  on  Wednesday,  16th  inst,  nom- 
inated to  the  Senate  James  G.  Berret,  ex-Mayor  of 
Washington,  Hon.  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,  and 
Daniel  R.  Goodloe,  formerly  of  North  Carolina,  Com- 
missioners under  the  act  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  whose  duty  it  is  to  investi- 
gate and  determine  the  validity  and  value  of  the  claims 
presented. 

j£^=-  John  Brown,  Jr.,  writes  to  some  friend  in 
Canada,  from  Humboldt,  Kansas,  March  4th,  "We 
have  thus  fur,  as  a  regiment,  succeeded  in  freeing 
1,700  slaves  belonging  to  rebels  in  Missouri." 

28^-  The  number  of  graves  in  the  vicinity  of  Man- 
assas is  said  to  exceed  three  thousand.  The  rebels, 
from  estimates  made,  lost  by  disease  at  this  famous 
encampment  over  five  thousand  men. 

More  Reiiki,  Barrarity.  An  officer  of  the  77th 
New  York  Regiment  reports  that  four  of  Gen.  Banks's 
men  have  been  found  tied  to  a  tree,  with  their  heads 
shot  off! 


EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  CO- 
LUMBIA. 

AN  ACT  for  the  release  of  certain  persons  held  to  service 
or  labor  in  tho  District  of  Columbia. 
Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represented! 'ties 
of  the  United  States  of  A  me.rica  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  within  the 
District  of  Columbia  by  reason  of  African  descent  are 
hereby  discharged  and  freed  of  and  from  all  claim  to 
such  service  or  labor;  and  from  and  after  the  passage 
of  this  act,  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude, 
except  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  be  duly  con- 
victed, shall  hereafter  exist  in  said  District. 

Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  persons 
loyal  to  the  United  -States,  holding  claims  to  service 
or  labor  against  persons  discharged  therefrom  by  this 
act,  may,  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage  thereof, 
but  not  thereafter,  present  to  the  Commissioners  here- 
inafter mentioned  their  respective  statements  or  peti- 
tions in  writing,  verified  by  oath  or  affirmation,  setting 
forth  the  names,  ages,  and  personal  description  of  such 
persons,  the  manner  in  which  said  petitioners  acquired 
such  claim,  and  any  facts  touching  the  value  thereof, 
and  declaring  his  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  he  has  not  borne  arms  against 
the  United  States  during  the  present  rebellion,  nor  in 
any  way  given  aid  or  comfort  thereto :  Provided, 
That  the  oath  of  the  party  to  the  petition  shall  not  be 
evidence  of  the  facts  therein  stated. 

Sec.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  shall  appoint  three  Commissioners,  resi- 
dents of  the  District  of  Columbia,  any  two  of  whom 
shall  have  power  to  act,  who  shall  receive  the  petitions 
above  mentioned,  and  who  shall  investigate  and  deter- 
mine the  validity  and  value  of  the  claims  therein  pre- 
sented, as  aforesaid,  and  appraise  and  apportion,  under 
the  proviso  hereto  annexed,  the  value  in  money  of  the 
several  claims  by  them  found  to  be  valid  :  Provided, 
however,  That  the  entire  sum  so  appraised  and  appor- 
tioned shall  not  exceed  in  the  aggregate  an  amount 
equal  to  three  hundred  dollars  for  each  person  shown 
to  have  been  so  held  by  lawful  claim  :  And  provided, 
further,  That  no  claim  shall  be  allowed  for  any  slave 
or  slaves  brought  into  said  District  after  the  passage 
of  this  act,  nor  for  any  slave  claimed  by  any  person 
who  has  borne  arms  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  in  the  present  Rebellion,  or  in  any  way 
given  aid  or  comfort  thereto,  or  which  originates  in  or 
by  virtue  of  any  transfer  heretofore  made,  or  which 
shall  hereafter  be  made  by  any  person  who  has  in  any 
manner  aided  or  sustained  the  Rebellion  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  Commis- 
sioners shall,  within  nine  months  from  the  passage  of 
this  act,  make  a  full  and  final  report  of  their  proceed- 
ings, findings  and  appraisement,  and  shall  deliver  the 
same  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  report 
shall  be  deemed  and  taken  to  be  conclusive  in  all  re- 
spects, except  as  hereinafter  provided ;  and  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  shall,  with  like  exception,  cause 
the  amounts  so  apportioned  to  said  claims  to  be  paid 
from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  to  the  parties 
found  by  said  report  to-be  entitled  thereto  as  aforesaid, 
and  the  same  shall  be  received  in  full  and  complete 
compensation :  Provided,  That  in  cases  where  peti- 
tions may  be  filed  presenting  conflicting  claims  or  set- 
ting up  liens,  said  Commissioners  shall  so  specify  in 
said  report,  and  payment  shall  not  be  made  according 
to  the  award  of  said  Commissioners  until  a  period  of 
sixty  days  shall 'have  elapsed,  during  which  time  any 
petitioner  claiming  an  interest  in  the  particular  amount 
may  file  a  bill  in  equity  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  making  all  other  claimants  de- 
fendants thereto,  setting  forth  the  proceedings  in  such 
case  before  said  Commissioners,  and  their  action  there- 
in, and  praying  that  the  party  to  whom  payment  has 
been  awarded  may  be  enjoined  from  receiving  the 
same;  and  if  said  court  shall  grant  such  provisional 
order,  a  copy  thereof  may,  on  motion  of  said  com- 
plainant, be  served  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury, who  shall  thereupon  cause  the  said  amount  of 
money  to  be  paid  into  said  court,  subject  to  its  orders 
and  final  decree,  which  payment  shall  be  in  full  and 
complete  compensation,  as  in  other  cases. 

Sec.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  Commis- 
sioners shall  hold  their  sessions  in  the  City  of  Wash- 
ington, at  such  place  and  times  as  the  President  of  the 
United  States  may  direct,  of  which  they  shall  give  due 
and  public  notice.  They  shall  have  power  to  subpena 
and  compel  the  attention  of  witnesses,  and  to  receive 
testimony  and  enforce  its  production,  as  in  civil  cases 
before  courts  of  justice,  wjthout  the  exclusion  of  any 
witness  on  account  of  cofor  ;  and  they  may  summon 
before  them  the  persons  making  claim  to  service 
or  labor,  and  examine  them  under  oath ;  and  they  may 
also  for  purposes  of  identification  and  appraisement, 
call  before  them  the  persons  so  claimed.  Said  Com- 
missioners shall  appoint  a  cierk,  who  shall  keep  files 
and  complete  record  of  all  proceedings  before  them, 
who  shall  have  power  to  administer  oaths  and  affirma- 
tions in  said  proceedings,  and  who  shall  issue  all  law- 
ful process  by  them  ordered.  The  Marshal  of  the 
District  of  Columbia  shall  personally,  or  by  deputy, 
attend  upon  the  sessions  of  said  Commissioners,  and 
shall  execute  the  process  issued  by  said  clerk. 

Sec.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  Commis- 
sioners shall  receive  in  compensation  for  their  services 
the  sum  of  §2,000  each,  to  be  paid  upon  the  filing  of 
their  report ;  that  said'  Clerk  shall  receive  for  his  ser- 
vices the  sum  of  §200  per  month;  that  said  Marshal 
shall  receive  such  fees  as  are  allowed  by  law  for  simi- 
lar services  performed  by  him  in  the  Circuit  Court  of 
the  District  of  Columbia  ;  that  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  shall  cause  all  other  reasonable  expenses  of 
said  Commission  to  be  audited  and  allowed,  and  that 
said  compensation,  fees,  and  expenses  shall  be  paid 
from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  this  act  into  effect,  there  is  hereby  ap- 
propriated, out  of  any  money  in  the  treasury  not  oth- 
erwise appropriated,  a  sum  not  exceeding  §1,000,000. 

Sec  8.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  any  person  or 
persons  who  shall  kidnap  or  in  any  manner  transport 
or  procure  to  be  taken  out  of  said  District,  any  person 
or  persons  discharged  and  freed  by  the  provisions  of 
this  act,  or  any  free  person  or  persons,  with  intent  ot 
re-enslave  or  sell  such  person  or  persons  into  slavery, 
or  shall  re-enslave  any  of  said  freed  persons,  the  per- 
son or  persons  so  offending  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of 
a  felony,  and  on  conviction  thereof  in  any  court  of 
competent  jurisdiction  in  said  District  shall  be  im- 
prisoned in  the  Penitentiary  not  less  than  five  nor 
more  than  twenty  years. 

Sec.  9.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  within  twen- 
ty days,  or  within  such  further  time  as  the  Commis- 
sioners herein  provided  for  shall  limit  after  the  passage 
of  this  act,  a  statement  in  writing  or  schedule  shall  be 
filed  with  the  Clerk  of  the  Circuit  Court  for  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  by  the  several  owners  or  claimants  to 
the  services  of  the  persons  made  free  or  manumitted 
by  this  act,  setting  forth  the  names,  ages,  sex,  and 
particular  description  of  such  persons,  severally;  and 
the  said  Clerk  shall  receive  and  record,  in  a  book  by 
him  to  be  provided  and  kept  for  that  purpose,  the  said 
statements  or  schedules  on  receiving  fifty  cents  each 
therefor,  and  no  claim  shall  be  allowed  to  any  claimant 
or  owner  who  shall  neglect  this  requirement. 

Sec.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  said 
Clerk  and  his  successors  in  office  shall  from  time  to 
time,  on  demand,  and  on  receiving  twenty-five  cents 
therefor,  prepare,  sign,  and  deliver  to  each  person 
made  free  or  munumittcd  by  tins  act,  a  certificate  un- 
der the  seal  of  said  Court,  setting  out  the  name,  age, 
and  description  of  such  person,  and  stating  that  such 
person  was  duly  manumitted  and  set  free  by  this  act. 

Sec.  11.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  sum  of 
§100,000,  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not  other- 
wise appropriated,  is  hereby  appropriated,  to  be  ex- 
pended under  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  aid  in  the  colonization  and  settle- 
ment of  such  free  persons  of  African  descent  now  re- 
siding in  said  District,  including  those  to  be  liberated 
by  this  act,  as  may  desire  to  emigrate  to  the  Repub- 
lic of  Hayti,  or  Liberia,  or  such  other  country  beyond 
the  limits  of  the  United  States  as  the  President  may 
determine;  Provided,  The  expenditure  for  this  pur- 
pose Bhall  not  exceed  $100  for  each  emigrant. 

Sec.  12.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  acts  of 
Congress  and  all  laws  of  the  State  of  Maryland  in 
force  in  said  District,  and  all  ordinances  of  the  Cities 
of  Washington  and  Georgetown,  inconsistent  with  the 
provisions  of  this  act,  are  hereby  repealed.  (Approv- 
ed April  10,  1862.)  " 

The  President's  Approval  of  the  Bill  to 
Aholisii  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
— The  following  message  was  sent  to  Congress  on 
Wednesday,  16th  inst.,  by  the  President:—  j 

Fellow  Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of Representa- 
tives:—The  act  entitled  an  act  for  the  release  of  cer- 
tain persons  held  to  service  or  labor  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  has  tins  day  been  approved  and  signed.  I 
have  never  doubted  the  constitutional  authority  of 
Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  this  District,  and  I  have 
ever  desired  to  see  the  national  Capital  freed  from 
this  institution  in  some  satisfactory  way.  Hence 
there  has  never  been  in  my  mind  any  question  upon 
the  subject,  except  the  one  of  expediency  arising  in 
view  of  the  circumstances.  If  there  be  matters  with- 
in and  about  this  act  which  might  have  taken  a  course 
or  shape  more  satisfactory  to  my  judgment,  I  do  not 
attempt  to  specify  them.  I  am  gratified  that  the  two 
principles  of  compensation  and  colon  izii  lion  an'  both 
recognized  and  practically  applied  in  [he  act.  In  the 
matter  of  compensation,  it  is  provided  that  claims  maj 
he  presented  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage  of 
the  act,  but  not  thereafter,  and  there  is  no  saving  for 
minors,  femmes  covert,  insane  or  absent  persons.  1 
presume  this  is  an  omission  by  mere  oversight,  and  1 
recommend  that  it  be  supplied  by  an  amendatory  or 
supplemental  act. 

(Signed)  Abraham  Lincoln. 


AMERICAN  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 
Collections  by  Parker  I'ilhburv. 
In  Fitchhnrg,  Mass.,  J*J  ;  Westboro*,  6  ;  Plymouth, 
6  ;  North  AbJngton,  2.50  ;  Hyanni!!,  i  ;  Har- 
wich, 3. 64  ;  East  Dennis,  4.27;  Cnpt.  P.  .8. 
Crowell,  25  ;  North  Dennis,  7.20  ;  Centreyille, 
2.60  ;  North  Bildgewatcr/  2.3T  ;  Maiden, 
3-75,  $74,37 

By  S.  May,  Jr.,  on    account   of  "iSth  Subscription- Anniver- 

sary, 
Alfred  Bieknell,  Greenwood,  2,00 

WM,  I.   BOWDITCH, 
Treasurer  American  A.  S.  Society, 
April  23,  1862. 


$&-"  The  Washington  liepublican  avers  that  not  one- 
fourth  of  the  sum  appropriated  by  the  Emancipation 
bill  for  the  compensation  of  slave-owners  will  be  requi- 
red, so  many  of  tho  slaves  having  already  been  run  off. 


W  THE  REJECTED  STONE— The  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Mr.  Conway,  of  which  we  recently  spoke, 
may  bo  expected  the  middle  of  next  week. 

Wo  repeat  our  last  week's  announcement  respecting  tho 
"  Rejected  Stone,"  viz.,  that  an  arrangement  has  been 
made  by  which  copies  may  bo  obtained  for  yratuitous  detri- 
tion as  low  as  twenty  cents  a  copy,  in  cloth,  provided  ten 
or  more  copies  are  taken  at  once.  Those  who  wish  the 
book,  for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  let- 
ter, to  Henry  G.  Denny,  Esq.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

The  attention  of  our  friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolition 
of  United  States  slavery. 


(Eg1"  NOTICE.— All  communications  relating  to  the  bnsi- 
ness  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 

fl^"  Many  of  the  best  and  most  recent  publicatioua  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  be  made  as  above, 
which  should  be  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 


lEF-  NOTICE.— Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  tho  funds  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  the  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  aud 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 


&-  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OP  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D.,  and  Wk. 
Symington  Brown,    M.  D.,    have    removed  to  No.   23, 

Chauney  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be   consulted  on 
the   above  diseases.     Office  hours,  from   10,   A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M. 
March  28.  sm 


^- MERCY  B.  JACKSON,   M.   D.,  has  removed    to 

695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.     Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References. — Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


W  AARON  M.  POWELL,  an  Agent  of  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  will  speak  at 

Nassau,  (Rens.  Co.)     N.  Y.,  Saturday,  April  26. 

"       Sunday,  "     27. 

Spencertown,  "       Wednesday,    "    30. 

"      Thursday,     May    1. 

West  Ghent,  "       Saturday,       "      3. 

"       Sunday,  "      4. 


.  U^-  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in 
Milford,  Sunday,  April  27. 


ffy  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON,  of  Philadelphia,  will 
lecture  on  Slavery  and  the  War,  in  the  Unitarian  Church, 
(Rev.  Mr.  Potter's,)  in  New  Bedford,  on  Sunday  evening 
next,  April  27. 

<$^-  MISS  DICKINSON  will  repeat  her  Lecture  on 
The  National  Crisis  in  PROVIDENCE,  next  week,  by 
special  request,  on  some  evening  to  be  announced. 

She  will  also  give  a  lecture  at  PAWTUCKET,  on  Wo- 
man's Rights,  one  evening  next  week. 


DIED— At  Quaker  Springs,  Saratoga  Co.,  N.  Y.,  April 
4,  Isaac  T.  Griffen,  son  of  Isaac  and  Anna  Griffen,  in 
the  18th  year  of  bis  age. 

The  deceased  was  a  young  man  of  rare  promise,  a  duti- 
ful son,  an  affectionate  brother,  and  greatly  beloved  by  a 
largo  circle  of  friends.  He  had  excellent  mental  powers, 
was  assiduously  pursuing  his  studies,  possessed  remarkably 
discriminating  judgment,  based  upon  correct  principles, 
and  had  before  him  the  prospect  of  an  extended  oareer  of 
iscfulncss.  The  Liberator  has  been  a  weekly  visitor  from 
ts  earliest  days  in  their  family,  and  he  grew  up  with  it  as 
l  counsellor.  He  felt  a  deep  and  lively  interest  in  the 
great  conflict  between  freedom  and  slavery. 

Ws  part  with  him  with  a  sense  of  deep  grief  and  keen 
regret,  but  conscious  that  the  new  sphere  of  life  upon 
which  he  has  thus  early  entered  will  be  full  of  interest 
and  joy  to  him.  p. 

Editor  of  the  Liberator — Permit  mo  to  chronicle  in  your 
paper,  for  the  information  of  many  frierids,  the  death  of 
Anna  M.,  the  adopted  daughter  of  Nathan  and  Har- 
riet Richardson,  of  Warren.  Miss  Richardson  passed 
away  after  a  lingering,  and,  for  the  last  few  weeks, 
painful  sickness,  on  the  10th  day  of  April,  at  the  age  of  21 
years.  Greatly  will  she  be  missed  in  that  little  home- 
circle  of  which  sho  was  so  bright  an  ornament  and  so  de- 
voted a  member,  by  him  to  whom  she  was  affianced,  and 
whose  happiness  was  so  bound  up  in  hers,  and  by  that  large 
circle  of  friends  who  held  her  in  such  esteem.  But,  while 
they  miss  her,  and  grieve  at  the  loss  of  her  companionship, 
they  will  bo  consoled  by  the  memory  of  what  she  was, 
not  only  when  health  smiled,  and  she  was  so  active  and 
mindful  of  their  happiness,  but  also  when  sickness  pros- 
trated  her,  and  she  was  made  the  recipient  of  all  those 
kind  attentions  which  parental  sympathy  and  the  affec- 
tionate regard  of  friends  could  suggest.  They  will  remem- 
ber how  patientlyshe  endured  the  long  and  painful  weeks  ; 
how  grateful  she  Was  for  the  Dumberless  little  attentions  to 
her  welfare  ;  and  how  considerato  of  the  comfort  of  those 
who  administered  so  untiringly  to  her  wants.  They  will 
remember  her  intelligent  and  cheerful  faith  in  the  future  ; 
how  freely  and  calmly  she  conversed  with  them  of  the  ap- 
proaching change  ;  and  bow,  as  the  death-angel  drew  near, 
she  was  inspired  with  no  fear,  but  a  blissful  resignation  was 
manifest  in  every  word  and  look.  And  so,  though  gone, 
her  memory  shall  be  a  blessed  inheritance  forever. 

Warren,  April  17,  1862.  j.  h.  m. 


SELECT    SCHOOL. 

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JOHN    S .    HOCK,    K s Q  . . 

.4rrofi.Yfirj.Yf)  counsellor  at  law 

No.  0,  Ti;i;\iONT  STREET,  :  j  t  BOSTON 

April  3. 


68 


THE     LIBERATOR 


APEIL  25. 


attxv 


For  the  Liberator. 

THE   VEILED    PEOPHET    OP   AMEEIOA. 

BY   E.    B.   PLACE. 

[Few  readers  of  the  Liberator,  it  may  bo  presumed, 
need  to  be  informed  that  tho  story  of  the  "  Veiled  Prophet 
of  Kkorassan  "  may  be  found  in  Moore's  well-known  poem 
of  "LalaRookh."  Several  interesting  parallels  will  pro- 
bably occur  to  the  reader,  not  attempted  in  tbo  following 
poem  ;  indeed,  we  at  first  intended  a  fuller  treatment,  but 
circumstances  forbade  tho  carrying  out  of  tho  design.] 

•To  prove  man's  race  a  unit  all, 

What  countless  volumes  stand  ! 
"What  searching  round  earth's  rugged  ball ! 

What  notions— weak,  or  grand  ! 
One  day,  this  thought  its  impress  left, 

As  Truth's  daguerreotype — 
(I  know  not  but  you'll  think,  bereft 

Of  all  her  beauty  ripe  :) 
Not  all  the  cranium's  chambered  story — 

Not  physiologic  life — 
Nor  all  the  anatomic  glory 

Of  scalpel,  saw  and  knife, 
Such  evidenco  affords  that  man, 

Through  all  bis  piebald  race 
Is,  in  his  nature's  tone  and  plau, 

The  same  sad  wreck  of  grace, 
As  the  broad  fact  that,  everywhere, 

Through  all  the  zones  you  strike, 
However  strange  tho  type  that 's  there, 

His  sins  are — strangely  like  ! 
America's  "  Veiled  Prophet,"  then, 

Commands  our  earnest  heed  ; — 
No  monster,  of  all  monster  men, 

Excels  tbis  native  breed. 

Thus  of  Mokauna  the  poet  sings  ; — 

A  hideous  fiend  though  he, 
O'er  his  marred  face  a  veil  he  Sings, 

That  none  his  beauty  see. 
That  Zelica,  tho  fair,  did  vow 

To  be  Mokanna's  bride, 
"When  frenzy  smote  her  fevered  brow, 

Because  her  Azim  died. 
But  when,  upon  her  startled  ear, 

Incautious  words  there  fell, 
That  stript  the  '.'  Prophet's  "  spirit  clear, 

And  jarred  tho  deadly  spell, 
How  smote  her  heart — how  shrieked  her  soul — 

Appalled  before  her  crime  ! 
Thus  caught  at  last,  in  vain  all  guise, 

Mokanna  lifts  the  veil — 
The  maiden  falls  !  her  piercing  cries 

The  monster's  ears  regale. 
Still,  Zelica  would  heed  her  vow  ! 

Mokanna's  bride  she'  d  sing  : 
Though  through  her  brain  are  sounding  now- 

These  words  of  frightful  ring — 
"  Behold,  if  all  hell's  power  to  damn 

Can  breed  a  worse  than  this  I  am  !  " 
And  still  the  "  Prophet,"  now  confessed 
•   A  fiend,  whose  love  doth  kill, 
Demands  her  troth  to  his  behest, 

And  chains  her  struggling  will. 

Lo,  thou,  Mokanna  of  onr  land, 

False  prophet,  Slavery ! 
Khorassan's  monster  thou  dost  stand,— 

Like  him,  all  knavery  ! 
A  silvery  veil  a  while  didst  wear. 

Of  "  wise  expediency," 
Till  State  and  Church  did  loud  deolare, 

"  We're  nothing  but  with  thee." 

But,  in  an  hour  of  reckless  rage, 

The  flimsy  veil  was  rent, 
"When  Freedom  saw  her  sons  engage 

Thy  hordes  on  ruin  bent. 
Then  strode  thou  forth,  from  secret  prowl, 

In  hate's  extrcmest  dye  ; — 
A  hell-hound,  of  death-booming  howlj 

On  Freedom's  track  to  fly. 
At  last  wo  know  thee,  imp  of  Sin  ! 

Thou  ownest,  now,  thy  ends; — 
Half  veiled,  if  thou  didst  respite  win, 

Unmasked,  thy  doom  descends  ! 

Alas  !  alas  !  though  Freedom  shriek 

Her  fears  in  every  breath, 
Where  is  the  voice  of  power  to  speak, 

Death  to  the  foeman— death  ! 

He  dares  to  talk  of  Freedom's  vow 

To  be  his  bride,  of  yore  ! 
And  Zelicas  all  round  ns  now] 

Submit,  and  yet  deplore  ! 

Thus  is  the  Poet's  thrilling  page 

Of  horror,  scarce  received, 
Repeated  hi  our  land  and  age  ; 
By  us  made  truth  believed  ! 
Chelsea,  (Mass.)  April  15, 1862. 


%\\t  lEilrn'flifltf. 


For  the  Liberator. 

MY    NATIVE    LAUD. 

My  native  land  !  whose  early  sun 

Threw  wide  its  light  o'er  earth  and  sen, 
With  mercies  has  thy  cup  o'errun, — 

Strange  so  ungrateful  thou  should'st  be  ! 
n. 
My  native  land  !  no  land  so  blest : 

Thy  sons  have  boasted  "  all  were  free" — 
While  North  and  South,  and  East  and  West, 

We've  nurtured  basest  tyranny. 
in. 
My  native  land  !  I  weep  for  thee, 

And  pray  that  God  in  love  may  spare  ; 
That  He '11  regard  thee  graciously, 

And  let  thee  still  His  mercies  share. 

IY. 
My  native  land  !  no  land  beside 

Sends  through  my  being  such  a  thrill  ; 
While  for  thy  sins  the  Lord  doth  chide, — 

May  we,  submissive,  learn  Hi3  will. 

v. 
My  native  land  !  wipe  out  the  stain 

Which  dims  tho  lustre  of  thy  stars  ! 
Strike  from  thy  vassals  every  chain — 

Wipe  out  the  wrong  thy  glory  mars  ! 

VI. 

My  native  land  !  then  shall  thy  light 

Break  forth  as  the  clear  morning's  sun, — 
Its  rays  shall  dissipate  thy  night, 
And  thou  shalt  see  thy  heaven  begun. 
Boston,  April  15,  1862.  Jtjbtitia. 


THE    OOMIEG    DAY. 

We  wait  to  hear  the  trumpet  blast 
Of  Freedom  from  the  battle-tower 

Of  Justice,  triumphing  at  last, 

And  blasting  Wrong  with  righteous  power. 

We  wait  to  see  the  lightnings  flash 

With  Hod's  own  purpose  strong  and  just, 

And  scorching,  burning,  scathing,  dash 
Oppression's  idols  in  tbo  dust. 

The  night  is  dark,  but  through  the  cloud 

We  catch,  afar,  a  glimmering  ray  ; 
Our  trembling  hope  beneath  tho  shroud 

Points  steadfast  to  the  coming  day. 
The  coming  day,  when,  roused  at  last, 

Nobly  to  act  the  nation  dares  ; 
Burning  with  hatred  of  the  past, 

It  compromises  not,  nor  spares. 

But,  surging,  heaving  through  the  land, 

A  noble  anthem  for  the  free, 
"  Break  every  yoke,  break  every  band," 

Rings  the  last  dirge  of  slavery. 

Ood  speed  the  hour  !  God  speed  the  day  ! 

God  gird  the  people  to  the  task 
Witb  brave,  strong  hearts  to  meet  tho  fray — 

Their  fathers'  freedom  win  at  las'1. 

We  wait  to  hear  tho  trumpet  blast 
Of  Freedom  from  the  battle-tower 

Of  Justice,  triumphing  at  last, 
And  blasting  Wrong  with  righteous  power. 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

F&XSSD  Garrison  : 

I  fully  sympathize  with  your  remark,  that  you 
shudder  :it  the  thought  that  there  should  be  a  recon- 
struction under  the  old  pro-slnvery  compromises.  I 
do  not  think  it  impossible  ;  neither  do  I  think  it  so 
unlikely  as  many  imagine.  My  view  of  the  case  is 
rather  more  sombre  than  rose  water.  It  may  be  folly 
in  me,  white  there  are  so  muny  abler  voices  and  pens 
than  mine,  to  say  anything  on  the  subject;  but  I  feel 
moved  to  give  some  of  the  reasons  why  I  think  it 
may  be  accomplished,  and  also  some  of  the  results 
that  may  probably  follow  such  an  event. 

There  seems  to  be  no  inclination  on  the  part  of  the 
Administration  to  disturb  slavery,  if  it  can  possibly  be 
avoided;  and  its  most  cherished  desire  seems  to  be  to 
effect  a  reconstruction.  There  is  a  large  portion  of 
the  people — Mr.  Greeley  Bays  one-third,  but  I  think 
more  than  that — who  desire  the  same  thing.  Then 
taking  into  consideration  the  numbers  and  resources 
of  the  North,  and  the  recent  victories,  I  see  no  reason 
why  the  South  should  not  be  conquered.  But  why  is 
it,  when  it  is  patent  to  everybody  that  slavery  is  the 
prime  cause  of  the  rebellion,  that  the  Government 
and  people  do  wot  decree  emancipation  at  once?  In 
a  conversation  with  an  Old  School  Presbyterian  cler- 
gyman, sometime  since,  by  way  of  apology,  he  said, 
that  slavery  was  not  an  excrescence  to  be  cut  off,  but 
an  organic  disease ;  it  was  interwoven  into  the  very 
texture ;  the  life-blood  was  contaminated  with  it.  All 
this  is  true;  and  it  is  so  connected  with  all  which  we 
have  been  taught  to  regard  as  sacred,  that  nobody 
can  strike  it  an  effectual  blow  without  striking  some- 
thing else  held  dear— the  party,  the  constitution,  the 
church,  or  denomination.  Perhaps,  at  present,  the 
Constitution  and  Union  are  more  in  the  way  than  any- 
thing else. 

Another  reason,  and  nearly  related  to  the  other,  is 
the  want  of  faith  in  the  right.  Men  being  moral 
beings,  they  will  almost  universally  acknowledge, 
speculatively,  that  right  doing  will  lead  to  prosperity, 
and  wrong  doing  to  adversity;  but  come  to  face  the 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  right,  they  have  not  faith  as 
a  grain  of  mustard  seed.  The  great  difference  be- 
tween the  radicals  and  conservatives  is,  that  the  for- 
mer believe  it  to  be  safe  and  expedient  to  carry  their 
abstract  speculative  principles  into  practice,  and  the 
latter  do  not.  We  will  now  take  some  examples  to 
illustrate  this— not  down  in  the  filth  of  politics,  but  in 
the  religious  world.  The  Tract  Society  of  Boston 
seceded  from  that  of  New  York  on  account  of  its  pro- 
slavery  character,  and  yet  this  same  Boston  Society 
published  a  tract  on  the  occasion  of  the  President's 
Fast  to  show  the  people  what  sins  they  should  fast 
over,  confess  and  forsake,  in  order  to  appease  God 
and  secure  his  favor  and  success  to  our  arms ;  and 
yet  there  was  nothing  said  about  slavery  !  Probably 
every  one  of  the  Managers  of  that  Society  would  ad- 
mit that  slavery  was  the  whole  cause  of  the  rebellion, 
and  that  we  never  can  have  permanent  peace  until 
slavery  is  brought  to  an  end.  They  are  all  anti- 
slavery  men;  they  do  not  mean  to  be  wicked  men, 
but  they  mean  to  be  prudent,  and  conservative,  and 
look  well  to  results,  and  not  injure  the  Union  cause. 
They  intended  to  be  very  reverent  and  pious,  but  I 
think  they  were  irreverent  and  impious,  which  I  w 
illustrate  by  an  anecdote.  One  of  my  neighbors, 
few  years  since,  planted  his  potatoes,  and  did  not  hoe 
them  ;  he  consequently  had  a  large  crop  of  weeds,  but 
few  potatoes.  Late  in  the  'season,  he  borrowed  my 
cultivator,  got  it  into  the  field,  and  left  it  there  some 
two  months.  Now,  when  he  found  that  he  was  likely 
to  fail  of  a  crop,  if  he  had  gone  to  fasting  and  praying, 
and  confessing  his  sins  in  general,  and  not  re- 
turning the  cultivator  in  particular,  and  entreated  the 
Lord  to  avert  bis  judgments,  and  give  him  a  good  crop 
of  potatoes  without  using  the  means,  he  would  have 
shown  as  much  common  sense,  reverence,  piety  and 
faith  in  God  as  the  Tract  Society  did  in  that  tract. 

The  General  Association  of  Massachusetts,  last  sum- 
mer, resolved  to  sustain  the  Government  in  putting 
down  the  rebellion,  and  hoped  the  Lord  in  his  own 
time  and  way  would  put  au  end  to  slavery,  which  was 
the  cause  of  it.  Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  would 
have  been  more  true  piety,  as  well  as  philosophy 
and  common  sense,  to  have  resolved  to  sustain  the 
Government  in  removing  the  cause,  (slavery,)  and 
then  trusted  in  God  that  the  effect  (the  rebellion) 
would  cease. 

The  General  Associations  of  Maine  and  New  Hamp- 
shire passed  resolutions  to  sustain  the  Government 
against  the  rebellion,  but  no  call  to  remove  its  cause, 
or  to  the  people  to  repent  of  the  ein  of  sustaining  it. 

These  men  do  not  love  slavery  for  itself.  They 
know,  and  will  admit,  in  private,  that  it  is  the  root  of 
the  trouble  ;  that  the  war  is  a  judgment  from  God  on 
us  for  our  sin  in  being  connected  with  it  ;  and  yet, 
for  fear  of  hurting  the  Union  cause  with  Northern 
hunkers  and  the  Border  States,  or  running  against 
the  Constitution,  or  for  some  other  cause,  they  think 
it  prudent  to  say  nothing  about  slavery,  but  leave  it 
all  to  the  Lord. 

Now,  I  believe  in  a  God,  an  overruling  providence, 
and  a  divine  revelation  ;  that  the  war  is  the  legitimate 
and  necessary  result  of  slavery;  that  we  are  reaping 
what  we  have  sown  ;  that  what  is  needed  is  repent- 
ance and  reformation.  As  the  prophet  expresses  it — 
"  To  thoroughly  amend  our  ways  and  our  doings." 
Nothing  could  be  more  impious  than  for  President 
and  people,  pretending  to  believe  in  a  divine  revela- 
tion, to  pretend  to  hold  a  fast,  and  hang  down  their 
heads  like  bulrushes,  and  entirely  disregard  God's 
mode  of  fasting.  I  do  not  believe  in  afflicting  the 
body  for  the  sins  of  the  soul  ;  but  if  the  President 
would  issue  a  proclamation  for  a  fast,  setting  forth 
that  we  had  grievously  sinned  as  a  nation  in  sustain- 
ing slavery,  nnd  expressing  his  determination,  in 
order  to  reverence  God  and  His  law,  and  to  do  justice 
to  the  slaves,  to  go  to  the  extent  of  his  power  to 
emancipate  every  slave  ;  recommending  to  the  people 
to  assemble,  and  to  the  ministers  to  be  faithful  in 
showing  the  people  how  they  had  been  guilty  of  sus- 
taining slavery,  and  warning  them  to  repent ;  and  all 
together  should  resolve  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to 
sustain  the  Government,  and  in  every  other  way  aid 
in  the  good  cause ;  resolve  that  every  black  law 
should  be  removed  from  the  statute-book,  and  that  all 
caste  thould  cease,  that  the  slaves  should  be  educated, 
and  in  every  right  way  aided  and  elevated  where  they 
should  choose  to  reside ;  and  if  the  Tract  Society 
were  to  employ  Dr.  Cheever  to  write  a  tract  for  the 
occasion,  instead  of  Dr.  Wayland,  and  the  great  body 
of  the  people  should  enter  into  such  a  movement  with 
as  much  zeal  as  they  have  into  the  war,  I  then  should 
have  hope.  It  seems  to  me  that  this  and  nothing  less 
is  demanded,  and  that  whoever,  on  account  of  any 
expediency,  demands  or  tolerates  as  sufficient  any- 
thing less  than  this,  "daubs  with  untempered  mor- 
tar," "heals  the  hurt  of  the  daughter  of  my  people 
slightly,"  and  sins  against  God  and  the  welfare  of  the 
nation,  South  as  well  as  North,  and  against  the  slaves. 
There  was  probably  never  an  opportunity  offered 
Government  and  people  to  perform  so  beneficent  an 
act,  on  so  magnificent  a  scale — beneficent  to  all  con- 
cerned; to  the  Government  and  nation,  affording  the 
shortest  mode  of  suppressing  the  rebellion,  and  the 
only  way  of  keeping  it  down  ;  beneficent  to  the  slave- 
holders themselves,  as  much  as  taking  a  dangerous 
tool  from  a  child,  or  suppressing  a  grog-shop,  as  well 
as  beneficent  to  the  slave. 

There  are  some  favorable  indications,  but  nothing 
which  seems  to  me  to  meet  the  demand.  The  Presi- 
dent's message,  which  causes  so  much  rejoicing  in 
some  quarters,  is  in  tendency,  if  not  intention,  calcu- 
lated to  postpone  or  evade  the  main  question.  If  that 
be  the  right  method,  then  no  other  shouhlbe  proposed 
until  that  has  bad  its  trial.  If  the  rebellion  should  bo 
suppressed,  and  there  be  a  temporary  peace,  quite  a 
portion  of  anti-slavery  would  fade  out;  many  who 
cried  llosannah  to  you  and  Mr.  Phillips  at  tho  Cooper 
and  Smithsonian  would  change  the  cry  to  "  Crucify 
liiml"     Whoever  indulges  in  a  vague  idea  that  sla- 


very lias  received  its  death-blow,  and  will  gradually 
die  out,  is  laboring  under  a  terrible  delusion,  irtkmich 
so  as  were  tho  framers  of  the  Constitution.  If  a  man 
had  a  patch  of  witch-grass  in  his  garden,  and  Ins  hens 

■e  to  scratch  the  surface  a  little,  he  might  as  well 
say,  let  it  alone,  it  will  die  out  gradually.  Nothing 
short  of  immediate,  utter  extermination,  root  and 
branch,  will  answer  in  cither  case.  I  think  that  at 
the  dark  period  of  Fremont's  proclamation,  the  Presi- 
dent might  have  extended  it  to  all  the  slaves  in  the 
country,  and  been  sustained,  but  every  Union  victory 
will  make  emancipation  more  difficult  as  a  mere 
worldly-wise  policy.  The  government  may  yet  be 
driven  to  emancipation  as  a  last  extremity,  hut  it  does 
not  look  like  it  now.  The  govern  menfmnst  take  one 
of  two  courses.  It  must  protect  the  slaves  in  their 
rights,  and,  of  course,  say  that  the  masters,  assucli,  have 
no  rights  which  they  are  bound  to  respect;  and  that 
puts  an  end  to  slavery  ; — or  it  must  protect  the  rights 
of  slaveholders,  as  such,  and  then  the  slaves  have  no 
rights.  The  latter  lias  always  been,  and  is  now  the 
policy.  The  President,  from  the  time  of  his  nomina- 
tion to  to-day,  has  asserted,  and  has  done  everything 
in  his  power  to  show  the  slaveholders,  that  slavery  is 
safe  in  his  hands.  He  has  such  deference  for  their 
rights,  that  he  apologizes  for  proposing  to  buy  the 
slaves.  When  any  State  is  conquered,  and  submit^, 
to  the  United  States  government,  then  martial  law 
ceases,  and  State  law  is  in  operation  again.  Then 
every  slaveholder  who  finds  his  slave  in  his  own  State, 
seizes  him,  without  any  legal  process  whatever: 
The  government  has  not  emancipated  them,  and  will 
then  have  neither  power  nor  inclination  to  do  it.  If. 
confiscation  acts  are  pleaded,  I  believe  there  is  no 
effective  one  yet,  But  if  there  were,  Virginia  courts 
would  not  recognize  it,  and  they  have  the  whole  con- 
trol of  the  subject  in  the  State.  Is  it  to  be  supposed 
that  the  Missouri  slaveholders,  when  they  become 
loyal,  will  lose  all  those  four  thousand  slaves  who  have 
escaped  into  Kansas  when  they  have  Constitution  and 
administration  in  their  favor?  The  presumption  will 
be,  as  it  always  has  been,  against  the  slave  ;  and  how 
is  he  to  prove  that  his  master  was  a  rebel,  should  a 
confiscation  law  pass?  But  the  President,  in  due 
time,  will  issue  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  and  free- 
dom to  all  who  will  return  to  their  allegiance.  This 
will  remove  the  attainder,  and  will  operate  as  a  bar 
to  confiscation  before  any  pro-slavery  commissioner, 
the  slaveholding  rebel  being  legally  innocent  then. 
Should  such  a  case  occur  in  Boston,  the  President 
would  be  bound,  and  would  do  as  Pierce  did  in  the 
Burns  case,  and  the  whole  police  force  would  be  en- 
gaged in  keeping  the  peace.  If  an  anti-slavery  meet- 
ing were  to  be  held  at  the  time,  you  would  not  have 
to  inquire  for  J.  Murray  Howe  ;  he  would  be  on  hand. 
I  wish  the  reader  to  bear  in  mind,  that  the  Union  re- 
stored, the  South  must  be  conciliated  ;  they  must  see 
that  the  war  was  not  against  slavery;  the  compro- 
mises of  the  Constitution  will  be  more  secure_  than 
ever.  Is  it  to  be  presumed  that  after  these  slaves  have 
been  in  Kansas  or  elsewhere,  and  have  been  cared  for, 
and  educated,  and  have  enjoyed  for  a  time  the  sweets 
of  liberty,  and  the  people  have  become  iuterestcd  in 
them,  they  would  permit  them  to  be  reinslaved  with- 
out resistance  ?  I  think  not.  Then  there  is  civil  war 
again.  Every  one  of  these  contrabands  who  shall 
have  been  educated  is  prepared  to  be  a  Veasey  or  a 
Nat  Turner,  and  the  missionaries  and  teachers  to  be 
John  Browns  in  spirit,  if  not  in  act.  Then  this  sub- 
ject must  still  be  the  basis  of  every  political  party,  in 
some  form.  All  negro-haters  will  glorify  the  Consti- 
tution and  Union,  and  you  will  have  to  place  your  old 
motto  at  the  head  of  your  paper.  I  think  at  present 
the  question  does  not  rest  with  the  confederates.  It 
is  now  providentially  presented  to  our  people  and  gov- 
ernment. "  Will  you  let  my  people  go  now,  or  await 
future  judgments,  and  finally  a  red  sea  of  blood?"  It 
can  now  be  done  constitutionally  and  legally.  Say, 
shall  it  be  done  ?  If  not,  I  shudder  at  the  result. 
"  Though  hand  join  in  hand,  the  wicked  shall  not  go 
unpunished." 

Auburn,  N.  H.  BENJAMIN  CHASE. 


EEBEL  ATKOCTTTES. 

Never  before  did  we  realize  so  strongly  the  pover- 
ty of  vocabularies.  Somebody  who  has  delved 
d'eepcr  into  languages  may  supply_  fitting  words  to 
express  the  sickening  thoughts  which  the  following 
letter  suggests.  It  was  addressed  to  a  friend,  by  a 
citizen  of  Cambridge,  who  recently  went  to  Bull 
Run  to  recover  the  remains  of  his  brother — a  young 
man  well  known  in  this  city,  who  fell  in  the  battle 
of  last  July.  Death  commonly  stifles  resentments, 
and  the  remains  of  the  departed,  even  those  of  an 
enemy,  have  generally  been  regarded  with  decent 
respect,  even  among  savages,  and  we  are  not  aware 
that  history  furnishes  many  instances  in  which  ha- 
tred to  enemies  has  extended  beyond  the  grave  ;  but 
here  is  evidence  that  the  bodies  of  our  soldiers  who 
have  recently  fallen  in  battle  have  been  dragged 
from  their  graves,  and  mutilated  in  a  manner  and 
for  purposes  which  are  almost  too  shocking  to  be  re- 
lated.— East  Boston  Ledger. 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  SO,  1S62. 

My  Dear  Fkiend — You  are  doubtless  aware 
of  my  absence  from  home,  and  of  the  peculiar  duty 
that  calls  me  hither.  I  had  fondly  hoped  to  be  able 
to  rescue  the  remains  of  my  beloved  brother  from 
the  traitorous  soil  where  they  had  lain  too  long,  that 
they  might  repose  at  last  in  the  congenial  bosom  of 
good  old  Massachusetts. 

Having  secured  the  assistance  of  our  mutual 
friend,  Corporal  Hildrcth,  as  a  guide,  we  took  the 
cars  at  Alexandria,  and  were  carried  to  Union  Mills. 
By  referring  to  Leslie's  War  Maps,  page  7,  you  can 
readily  trace  our  course.  From  thence  we  proceed- 
ed across  the  country,  passing  through  several  en- 
campments and  fortifications  recently  occupied  by 
the  rebels,  until  we  came  upon  the  road  about  half 
way  between  Ccntreviile  and  New  Market.  That 
was  the  position  occupied  by  Col.  Cowdin's  regiment 
during  the.  preliminary  fight  of  Thursday,  in  which 
you  remember  William  fell.  A  family  reside  on  the 
premises,  and  upon  them  I  called. 

And  now,  my  friend,  it  becomes  my  painful  task 
to  relate  facts  that  will  put  your  credulity  to  the 
test,  and  perhaps  jeopardize  my  veracity  and  mod- 
eration— facts  that  foully  taint  the  civilization  of 
tho  nineteenth  century,  and  will  cause  the  blush  of 
shame  to  crimson  the  cheek  of  manhood,  to  think 
that  its  kind  is  capable  of  such  atrocities  as  the  se- 
quel will  show.  I  found  the  lady  of  the'aforesaid 
family  at  home.  She  seemed  to  be  a  lady  of  candor 
and  honesty.  Her  neighbors  spoke  highly  of  her, 
and  strangers  with  whom  I  conversed  concerning 
her  were  convinced,  as  I  was;  that  her  statements 
were  (me  from  exaggeration,  and  were  reliable. 

I  informed  her  of  my  mission.  She  replied-  that 
it  was  wholly  useless  to  attempt  to  recover  the  re- 
mains of  any  who  fell  there,  as  tho  rebels  had  ex- 
humed the  bodies,  and  taken  the  bones  as  keepsakes  and 
trophies.  In  some  instances  the  skulls  had  even  been 
boiled,  to  remove  the  flesh  more  easily,  Skulls  car- 
ried about  on  the  tops  of  poles  were  not  an  unfre.- 
quent  sight.  One  soldier  induced  the  lady's  little 
girl  to  go  into  his  tent,  saying  that  he  had  something 
pretty  for  her  to  play  with.  The  father  shortly  at- 
terwards  discovered  that  the  pretty  plaything  was  a 
human  skull,  and  quickly  called  his  child  away. 
Another  boasted  of  possessing  a  relic  of  those  d — d 
Massachusetts  First,  that  be  would  not  part  with. 
It  was  a  skull  which  ho  intended  to  have  silver-mount- 
ed, and  declared  that  at  the  festivities  of  his  mar- 
riage night  his  guests  should  have  the  pleasure  of 
sipping  excellent  punch  therefrom.  Several  of  the 
wagoners  had  whip-handles  mounted  with  the  bones 
they  had  taken  from  the  graves.  One  had  the 
joints  of  a  spine  strung  together,  and  hung  up  in  his 
tent. 

Notwithstanding  the  lady's  apparent  honesty,  1 
could  not  believe  a  story  so  utterly  abhorrent  to  ev- 
ery feeling  of  civilization  and  humanity.  Wo  pro- 
ceeded to  tho  wood  (now  cut  down)  where  Com- 
pany G  were  ordered  in.  There  we  found  several 
graves,  or  rather — God  forbid  it !— places  which  had 
been  graves.  Fragments  of  torn  clothing,  which 
llildreth  readily  recognized  as  belonging  to  his  regi- 
ment, lay  scattered  about.  In  one  place  was  a  torn 
shirt  with  the  indications  of  decayed  flesh  still  ad- 
hering to  the  inside.  In  another  was  a  shirt  with 
the  arm  torn  lengthwise,  indicating  to  my  mind 
that  it  had  been  done  to  facilitate  tho  removal  of  the 
arm  bones.  Fragments  of  pantaloons  and  jackets, 
and  bunches  of  hair  were  found;  among  the.  hair 
we  found  sonic  which  was  recognized  by  llildreth 


as  that  of  a  member  of  his  Company — Mr.  Fields* — 
all  showing  marks  of  barbarous  violence. 

Closer  inspection  of  the  graves  revealed  no  less 
horrible  details.  In  one  was  a  shirt  torn  to  rags, 
and  some  hair :  in  another  a  solitary  rib  ;  in  anoth- 
er a  shirt  and  a  number  of  small  bones  and  hair;  in 
another  still,  several  joints  of  a  spine,  some  minor 
bones,  hair,  and  a  bullet  which  had  probably  laid 
the  brave  victim  low. 

Was  not  the  conclusion  irresistible,  that  the  lady 
had  told  the  truth?  Turning  from  the  scene  with 
feelings  of  horror  and  bewilderment,  I  passed  over 
to  the  ground  occupied  by  the  Chelsea  Company. 
There  the  scene  was,  if  possible,  more  revolting  than 
that  which  I  had  left.  There  were  marks  of  former 
graves,  but  on  the  surface  were  fragments  of  cloth- 
ing, yet  containing  putrid  and  unsightly  masses  of 
flesh.  I  could  see  no  bones,  which  was  a  further 
confirmation  of  the  lady's  statements,  and  convinced 
me  that  those  sacred  relics  of  our  brave  boys  have 
been  contributed  to  the  cabinets,  and  to  adorn  the 
whip-handles  and  canes,  and  are  made  into  silver- 
mounted  punch  bowls  for  those  fiends  for  whom  the 
deepest  recesses  of  hell  are  too  shallow.  Leaving 
those  scenes  from  which  I  have  learned  new  lessons 
of  human  depravity,  and  with  the  fondly  cherished 
hopes  of  nine  tedious  months  cruelly,  shockingly 
crusted,  I  returned  to  Washington. 

As  ever  yours,  very  truly, 
- — —  G.  A.  S. 

*  Mrs.  Fields  subsequently  recognized  tbis  hair  as  that 
of  her  husband. — Ed.  Camt.ri'lyv.  Chronicle. 


TEE  BAEBAEISM  OF  SLAVEET, 

It  was  a  fine  and  subtle  insight  of  the  recondite 
principles  and  facts  involved  which  led  Senator  Sum- 
ner— some  years  ago — to  brand  the  ugly  brow  of  the 
slave-system  with  that  telling  and  truthful  word— 
BARBARISM.  Great  was  the  commotion  that 
followed  at  the  time,  and  swift  was  the  speed  with 
which  the  dirt-eaters  of  the  North  hastened  to  swal- 
low an  extra  meal,  in  the  hope  of  conciliating  the  of- 
fended demon.  Scorn  sat  astride  on  high-bred  noses 
in  Beacon  Street,  and  scoff's  growled  themselves 
from  solid  throats  in  State  Street,  and  Mr.  Sumner 
was  voted  a  horrid  and  brutal  slanderer;  and  the 
South — well,  the  South  was  a  very  highly  cultivated, 
thoroughly  educated,  genteelly  endowed,  aristocrat- 
ically beatified,  and  in  every  way  superlatively 
splendid  fine  gentleman,  indeed  it  was.  Really,  it 
was  hoped  that  this  "  vulgar  abuse  "  wouldn't  offend 
the  chivalry.  "  Nobody  could  regret,  and  despise, 
and  deny,  and  denounce  it,  more  than  his  own  con- 
stituents who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  mis-rcp- 
rescntcd  temporarily  on  the  floor  of  tjie  Senate  by 
this  low  blackguard  person,  of  the  name  of  Sumner." 

Yes! 

Now  then,  after  these  few  swift-gliding  months, 
how  stands  the  judgment?  Our  Federal  troops  dy- 
ing bayonetted  and  scalped  in  their  last  agony ; 
when  dead,  left  to  rot  on  the  soil,  or  buried  face 
downward  for  disgrace,  or  dismembered  that  "  Yan- 
kee "  heads  may  be  peddled  over  Old  Virginia — 
mother  of  all  the  aristocracies,  and  mistress  by  birth- 
right of  all  the  well-descended  amenities — at  $10 
each — and  smaller  mementoes  in  proportion  ;  skulls 
boiled  that  the  cranial  cavity  might  be  used  for  soap 
dishes;  this — and  all  manner  of  mean  and  infamous 
rascality  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  and  of  low 
cheatings  in  their  exchange  ;  these  and  a  thousand 
blood-curdling,  soul-sickening,  disgraceful,  almost 
unbelievable,  yet  thoroughly  authenticated  and  pro- 
nounced undeniable  enormities  against  civilization 
itself;  these  verify  that  former  charge;  they  stamp 
that  brand  of  BARBARISM  upon  the  forehead  of 
the  slaveholder,  where  all  the  waters  of  the  multitu- 
dinous sea,  and  all  the  washings  of  the  Pharisees  can 
never  rub  it  out  from  before  the  world's  loathing  and 
abhorrent  gaze. — Boston  Conyreyationalisl. 

Chaplain  A.  II.  Quint  writes  the  Congregationalist 
from  AVinch ester,  Va. : — 

"You  sec  accounts  of  Southern  brutality,  occa- 
sionally. I  have  never  believed  much  of  that- 
knowing  some  noble  Southerners.  But  I  am  satis- 
fied. A  clergyman  of  this  county — I  will  not  give 
his  name — -a  man  who  only  from  compulsion  became 
silent  as  to  the  guilt  of  secession,  assures  me  on  his 
honor,  that  '  Yankee  skulls  '  were  hawked  about  his 
town,  after  the  Bull  Run  battle,  at  ten  dollars  apiece. 
Spurs,  also,  were  made  of  jaw  bones,  to  his  personal 
knowledge.  A  member  of  his  own  church,  who  was 
at  Bull  Run,  told  him  that  hundreds  of  bodies  were 
left  headless  for  such  purposes.  But  I  am  not  at  all 
surprised.  I  have  ceased  to  feel  any  wonder  at  the 
brutalities  of  a  slaveholding  people." 


months  ago,  he  entrusted  to  a  gentleman  connected 
with  the  New  York  press  a  parchment,  which  was 
his  chieiest  treasure,  with  the  injunction  that  upon 
his  death,  it  should  be  made  public.  This  sheet,  is 
covered  with  certificates  from  the  various  secretaries 
to  his  faithfulness.  The  first  is  from  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, dated  March  3,  182J3,  and  is  followed  by  those 
of  James  Barbour,  P.  B.  Porter,  J.  R.  Poinsett, 
Lewis  Cass,  John  II.  Eaton,  J.  Spencer,  J.  M.  Por- 
ter. W.  L.  Marcy,  Geo.  W.  Crawford,  C.  M.  Con- 
rad, Jefferson  Davis,  John  B.  Floyd,  and  Simon 
Cameron;  all  these  testimonials  evince  a  personal 
respect  and  regard  which  many  of  their  writ- 
ers never  could  have  merited  or  enjoyed  themselves. 
Mr.  Marcy  says  : — • 

"My  predecessors  seem  to  have  exhausted  the 
language  of  praise  in  their  testimonials  of  the  mer- 
its of  F.  Datcher,  assistant  messenger  in  the  War 
Department;  but  after  four  years'  acquaintance 
with  him,  I  can  truly  say  that  they  have  done  only 
bare  justice  to  his  character  and' accomplishments. 
As  a  man  he  has  my  sincere  respect ;  as  an  officer 
my  high  commendation." 

Mr.  Davis — "  In  Francis  Datcher  I  have  found 
what  Mr.  Pitt  is  said  to  have  declared  he  had, 
through  his  long  public  life,  sought  for  in  vain — a 
man  exactly  suited  to  the  place  he  held." 

Mr.  Floyd—"  With  a  perfect  knowledge  of  all  the 
duties  of  his  place,  he  discharges  them  with  a  fideli- 
ty, sagacity,  and  perfectly  well-bred  courtesy  worthv 
of  all  praise.  He  is,  and  deserves  to  be,  the  object 
of  respect  with  all  strangers  visiting  the  Department, 
and  of  sincere  regard  to  its  inmates." 

Mr.  Cameron — "More  than  forty  years  ago  I 
came  to  Washington,  a  boy,  on  business  connected 
with  the  war  department,  and  was  kindly  and  cour- 
teously received  by  Francis  Datcher,  a  colored  man, 
having  the  manners  and  deportment  of  a  gentleman, 
who  ushered  me  into  the  presence  of  Mr.  Calhoun, 
then  Secretary  of  War.  Almost  every  year  since, 
in  passing  through  the  various  grades  of  life  open  to 
every  American,  I  have  had  occasion  to  visit  the 
War  Department,  and  I  have  always  found  Datcher 
at  his  post,  as  courteous  and  civil  as  when  I  first  saw 
him.  When  I  entered  upon  my  duties  as  the  head 
of  this  Department,  I  was  glad  to  have  the  oppor- 
tunity to  say  :  '  Francis,  while  I  am  here,  you  will 
do  me  a  great  favor  if  you  will  remain,  and  extend 
to  me  the  treatment  which  I  have  received  at  your 
hands  during  the  long  years  of  our  acquaintance.'  " 

The  last  is  certainly  an  extraordinary  commenda- 
tion. The  Secretary  could  not  ask  from  his  lowest 
subordinate  more  respectful  treatment  than,  when 
he  was  a  lad  with  no  claim  on  his  attention,  he  had 
received  from  him.  We  give  what  currency  we 
can  to  the  last  wish  of  this  faithful  and  noble  man. 
who  deserved  so  well  in  his  humble  station,  and 
give  it  with  the  more  pleasure,  because  he  belonged 
to  a  despised  and  oppressed  race. — Examiner. 


assault  for  seven  monihs,  though  defended  by  less 
than  one  one-third  of  their  number.  Will  historians 
ascribe  the  torpor  of  the  grand  army  for  this  long 
dreary  period  to  treachery  or  imbecility  ef  leaden, 
or  lo  some  oilier  cause  ?  Oh  !  that  we  had  a  Grant 
to  order  us  to  "  move  on  the  enemy's  works." 


THE  AMERICAN  BLOCKADE. 

The  following  amusing  account  of  the  way  in 
which  a  member  used  up  Mr.  Gregory's  recent 
speech  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  favor  of  break- 
ing the  American  blockade  is  from  the  London  Il- 
lustrated Times : — 

"Mr.  W.  F.  Fotcstf.r  rose  before  the  members 
had  returned  from  the  dinner-table,  which  was  a  pity, 
for  a  more  crushing  reply  than  that  which  the  mem- 
ber for  Bradford  made  was  never  delivered  in  the 
House.  Solomon  pithily  says,  '  He  that  is  first  in 
his  own  cause  seemcth  just,  but  bis  neighbor  cometb 
and  searcheth  him  out.'  And  this  was  wonderfully- 
exemplified  on  this  occasion.  The  strong  point  of 
Mr.  Gregory's  speech  was  its  facts :  his  oratorical 
appeals,  of  course,  went  for  nothing  ;  but  if  his  facts 
were  correct,  a  case  had  certainly  been  made  out. 
And  for  a  time,  so  long  as  Mr.  Gregory's  long  array 
of  facts  remained  untouched,  there  did  seem  a  strong 
prima  facie  reason  for  believing  that  the  blockade 
was  not  sufficiently  effective ;  and  under  this  im- 
pression, probably  many  of  the  members  went  to 
dinner.  Indeed,  as  they  passed  out  this  was  the 
tone  of  the  conversation  of  many  :  '  Well,  Gregory 
has  made  out  a  case,  I  think — a  very  strong  case' 
But  to  our  mind  there  hung  a  cloud  of  suspicion 
from  the  first  over  Mr.  Gregory's  facts,  for  it  was 
observable  that  none  of  them  were  based  upon  un- 
questionable authority  ;  they  were  statements  from 
private  letters,  mere  hearsay  facts — in  short,  what 
Brown  had  told  Robinson,  and  Robinson  had  sent 
to  Jones ;  and  we  felt  it  to  be  quite  possible  that  when 
they  came  to  be  '  searched,'  they  would  be  found  to 
be  myths,  not  facts — mere  exaggerations — '  eleven 
buckram  men  grown  out  of  two.'  And  so  it  turned 
out.  Mr.  Forstcr  is  a  new  man  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  He  came  in  last  year,  when  Mr.  Salt  re- 
signed his  seat.  But  Mr.  Forster  was  not  unknown 
to  fame  before  he  arrived.  He  is  not  an'  orator; 
no  man  expected  to  find  him  one ;  but  he  is  a  man 
of  extensive  knowledge— one  of  those  rare  men  who 
know  how  to  observe,  and  can  tell  a  fact  when  they 
see  it  at  a  glance — a  steady,  patient  investigator. 
Mr.  Forster  has  spoken  many  times  since  he  has 
been  in  the  House,  but  it  was  not  till  that  Friday 
night  that  he  had  an  opportunity  of  showing  his  pow- 
er. The  clever  manner  in  which  he  took  up  Greg- 
ory's bag  of  facts,  and  examined  them  one  by  one — 
ringing  them,  as  we  should  say,"  to  ascertain  their 
value,  as  a  money-changer  rings  questionable  coins 
—until  at  length  he  had  emptied  the  bag,  was  some- 
thing new  and  surprising  in  the  House  ;  and  when, 
to  continue  our  figure,  he  quietly  shook  the  bag  to 
show  that  it  was  empty,  the  House  was  disposed  to 
laugh  father  than  cheer.  When  the  members  went 
to  dinner,  six  hundred  ships  had  broken  the  block- 
ade ;  when  they  returned,  the  six  hundred  were  re- 
duced to  sixteen.  Such  was  the  result  of  Mr.  Fors- 
ter's  able,  clever,  searching  analysis  of  Mr.  Gregory's 
facts.  It  was  amusing  to  note  the  Treasury -bench 
whilst  Mr.  Forster  was  going  through  his  analytical 
work.  Palmerston  lifted  his  head  from  his  breast, 
where  during  the  dinner  hour  it  usually  rests,  ami 
fixed  his  eyes  full  upon  Mr.  Forster.  Gladstone's 
expressive  face  was  irradiated  with  pleasure;  and 
even  the  solemn  countenance  of  Sir  Roundoff 
Palmer,  over  which  there  never  by  chance  passes  a 
smile,  showed  that  he  was  listening  with  inte-nso  in- 
terest. Our  opinion  is,  that  the  Government  them- 
selves wore  not  aware  of  the  strength  of  their  case 
until  Mr.  Forstcr  spoke." 

PEANUTS  DATOHEE. 

Nothing  indicates  innate  dignity  and  self-respect 
mine  than  a  regard  for  the  verdict  of  those  wlio 
come  afLer  us.  Many  things  may  make  an  ignoble 
man  desire  the  approbation  of  liis  contemporaries, 
and  take  pains  to  conserve  it.  The  very  selfishness 
that  demeans  him,  makes  it  his  interest  to  stand  well 
With  those  upon  whom  his  gains  or  indulgences  de- 
pend. Bui;  when,  in  tho  faithful  discharge  of  du- 
ties loo  humble  to  attract  public  praise,  a  man  care- 
fully lays  up  cause  for  grateful  or  respectful  remem- 
brance when  he  is  gone,  there  is  argument  of  nobil- 
ity in  his  course.  Such  an  instance  has  come  to 
light  in  the  case,  of  Francis  Datcher,  a  negro,  for 
many  years  a  messenger  in  the  War  Department, 
whojdiol  last  month  in  Washington.     A  couple  of 


A  CURIOSITY  PROM  DIXIE. 

A  friend  has  sent  us  a  copy  of  "  The  Famihj 
Friend,"  printed  at  Monticello,  Florida,  which  is  a 
curiosity  of  no  ordinary  character  in  the  newspaper 
line,  and  is  an  admirable  illustration  of  the  prosperi- 
ty enjoyed  by  the  Dixians,  and  of  the  flourishing 
condition  of  the' mechanic  arts,  and  the  delightful 
state  of  society  which  exists  among  the  chivalrous 
sons  of  the  South. 

It  is  a  sheet  of  ordinary  brown  wrapping  paper, 
about  one-half  the  size  of  our  semi-weekly;  and  is 
undoubtedly  of  Yankee  manufacture,  as  is  also  the 
type  upon  which  it  was  printed.  Rebel  dignity 
hardly  stoops  to  the  vulgarity  of  type  and  paper 
making,  so  long  as  rebel  ingenuity  is  unequal  to 
their  production. 

The  matter  with  which  the  paper  is  filled  is  in 
fit  correspoudence  with  the  paper.  The  principal 
advertisement  is  a  violent  attack  by  one  S.  Man- 
ning upon  J.  M.  and  W.  P.  Marvin,  and  D.  Wil- 
liams, because  "  they  have  in  prosperous  times  al- 
lowed him  a  yearly  credit,"  and  have  now  shut  down 
upon  him  with  the  cash  system,  "notwithstanding 
he  is  a  volunteer  in  the  ranks." 

He  concludes  bv  informing  them  if  they  except 
to  his  style,  he  is  ready  to  respond  to  any  demand. 
Joseph  O.  Taylor  informs  the  people  of  Monticello 
that  he  continues  to  carry  on  the  brick  laying  and 
plastering  business  ;  and  John  M.  Palmer,  in  a  two- 
line  advertisement,  says  he  is  dealer  in  provisions 
and  groceries  ;  and  the  publisher  advertises  job-work 
"executed  with  neatness  and  despatch  at  the  office 
of  the  Family  Friend."  Besides  these,  Thomas  Sim- 
mons advertises  Burial  Cases,  and  a  few  Probate 
and  professional  advertisements,  make  up  the  entire 
business  of  the  place.  Not  another  thing  is  adver- 
tised to  be  sold  or  done  in  the  shire  town  of  Jack- 
son County.  One  class  of  advertisements  we  had 
almost  overlooked.  The  publisher  and  several  oth- 
er individuals  and  firms  advertise  "  a  rigid  adherence 
to  the  cash  system,  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
times." 

The  reading  columns  are  no  less  characteristic. 
The  "leader"  is  headed,  "Federal  successes  no 
cause  for  despondency."  That  is  precisely  the  way 
wc,  at  the  North,  look  at  the  matter.  How  long 
the  rebels  can  continue  to  take  the  same  view  re- 
mains to  be  seen. 

The  motto  of  the  sheet  is,  "  Fiat  justilia  ruat  cos- 
him" — "Let  justice  be  done,  though  the  heavens 
should  fall !"  and  the  first  succeeding  paragraph  is 
as  follows:  "  Any  person  who  has  a  negro  man — a 
good  field  band— to  hire  for  the  present  year,  can 
dispose  of  the  same  by  making  application  at  this  of- 
fice." Such  is  the  slaveholder's  sense  of  justice.— Bath 
Sentinel. 

THOSE   "WOODEN   GUNS, 

An  officer  belonging  to  the  grand  army  of  the 
Potomac,  writing  to  a  friend,  says: — 

Centrevio.e,  March  22,  1SG2. 

*  *  *  I  observe  that  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer 
denies  that  there  were  any  wooden  guns  in  any  of  the 
rebels  works  about  Manassas,  on  the  authority  of 
Colonels  E.  H.  Wright  and  J.  J.  Astor.  There  were 
none  on  the  farther  side  of  Bull  Run,  but  to  my  per- 
sonal knowledge  there  were  at  least  twenty  "  dum- 
my "  cannon  in  the  works  around  Centreville,  and 
every  officer  in  this  regiment  can  testily  to  the  same, 
for  we  all  examined  them,  handled  them,  laughed  at 
•them,  and  swore  at  those  who  permitted  this  huge 
army  to  be  kept  half  a  year  at  bay  by  these  shams. 
The  army  feels  mortified  and  disgraced— 1  can  speak 
positively  for  Gen.  Sumner's  division.  Strategy  and 
masterly  inactivity  are  good  in  their  places,  but  wc 
have  had  too  much  of  theni  on  the  banks  of  the  Po- 
tomac. 

A  number  of  officers  obtained  permission  to.  visit 
Bull  Run  battle-field,  and  inspect  the  wonderful  nat- 
ural and  artificial  strength  of  the  position,  so  long 
held  by  the  rebels.  Well,  I  never  was  so  much  as- 
tonished and  disappointed  in  my  life.  From  the 
Stone  Bridge  to  Manassas  is  four  or  five  miles,  and 
in  that  whole  distance  there  is  not  a  ditch,  embank- 
ment or  military  work  that  I  could  not  ride  my  horse 
over  without  trouble.  Why,  sir,  I  have  been  in  Mis- 
souri, Kentucky  and  Western  Virginia  since  the  war 
broke  out,  and  have  not  seen  a  piece  of  country  bet- 
ter calculated  for  a  fair,  open,  stand  up  fight  than 
this  same  Manassas,  where  our  troops,  last  July,  were 
so  inglorionsly  defeated.  Instead  of  the  terrible  rifle 
pits,  forts,  bastions,  redoubts,  redans,  ditches,  traps, 
dead-falls,  hidden  recesses,  masked  batteries,  and 
earth  filled  with  powder  to  be  exploded  and  blow 
thousands  into  eternity,  told  of  by  the  cowards  who 
fled  from  the  battle-field  like  a  flock  of  frightened 
sheep,  we  found  an  undulating  open  country,  with 
some  clumps  of  trees,  and  a  fringe  of  woods  aloni" 
Bull  Run  and  Cub  Run. 

The  strongest,  protection  the  rebels  ever  had  was 
the  banks  of  Bull  Run — a  little  stream  almost  dry 
in  summer,  which  could  be  crossed  at  any  point  by 
infantry  in  two  minutes.  If  McClellan  had  led  us 
against  the  rebels  last  November  or  December,  or 
this  spring,  we  would  have  flanked  them  on  either 
wing;  there  were  no  natural  or  artificial  obstructions 
that  could  have  prevented  if;  or  we  cunld  have 
broken  their  centre  with  ease,  and  chased  them  like 
antelopes  over  the  plain  of  Manassas. 

It  is  a  slander  on  this  grand  army  of  a  quarter  of 
a  million  of  soldiers,  to  say  that  fifty  or  seventy 
thousand  butternut  seeesh  could  have  whipped  us — ■ 
could  have  stood  one  charge  properly  made.  Place 
no  confidence  in  what  lying  reporters  tell  about  the 
"impregnability  of  Manassas."  Such  falsehoods  are. 
the  price  they  pay  for  permission  lo  ride  around  with 
the  body  guard  and  near  the  (iencral's  staff.  It  is 
the  linn  conviction  of  the  officers  and  soldiers— for 
the.  latter  have  their  eyes  about  them  as  Ihe  former — 
that  Manassas  could  have  been  taken  any  time  dur- 
ing the  last  six  months,  had  the  leaders  been  as  Capa- 
ble and  willing  to  lead  as  the  regiments  were  to  fol- 
low. 

MaHMBM  is  the  biggest  humbug  on  the  face  of  tho 
globe.  Future  travellers  will  point  it  out  as  the 
place  which  277  regimenls  of  Union  troops  d;uv  n  D 


THE  K.N-IOIITH  OF  THE  Goi.DEN  ClIiCI.K.       A'Wilsll- 

inglon  telegraphic  correspondent  of  the  Baltimore  Sun 
says,  if  appears  from  official  correspondence,  that  to- 
wards the  close  of  the  last  year  a  letter,  written  by  a 
Doctor  Hopkins,  came  into  possession  of  the  State  De- 
partment. It  was  therein  slated  that  an  organization 
has  been  formed  by  which  the  members  of  the  Golden 
Circle  were  to  rui.ii  into  the  Army  and  service  of  the 
Federal  Government,  and  thus  gain  influence  ami  po- 
sition for  carrying  out  their  treasonable  schemes,  and 
further,  that  ex-1' resident  Pierce  was  among  the  promi- 
nent members.  When  this  letter  was  received,  a  note 
was  sent  to  ex-President  Pierce,  inclosing  an  extract 
from  it,  saying:  "  Your  name  is  connected  with  a  se- 
cret league,  the  object  of  which  is  to  overthrow  the 
Government.  Any  information  on  the  suhject  will  be 
acceptable." 

Mr.  Pierce,  in  reply,  expressed  his  surprise  that 
even  seeming  credence  should  have  been  given  to  the 
charge,  and  appealed  to  bis  general  course  as  a  com- 
plete refutation  of  the  slander,  and  remarked  that  lie 
never  belonged  to  any  secret  league,  society,  or  asso- 
ciation, and  further,  that  he  objected  lo  the  form  of  the 
note.  Secretary  Seward,  in  reply,  explained  that  this 
was  written  by  William  Hunter,  chief  clerk  of  the  De- 
partment; explained  the  circumstances  under  which 
he  signed  it,  regretted  that  it  gave  offence,  and  offered 
an  apology. 

Value  of  Slaves  is  Martlaxo.     At  a  sale  of 

servants,  slaves  for  life,  belonging  to  the  estate  of 
Miss  Clarissa  II.  Luckett,  deceased,  on  the  27th  ult,, 
an  illustration  was  afforded  of  the  depressing  influence 
of  the  rebellion  on  the  value  of  slave  property  in  this 
State.  A  likely,  sound  and  healthy  negro  woman, 
aged  thirty  years,  her  two  children,  a  hoy  of  four  and 
a  girl  of  two  years,  both  well  conditioned,  were  sold 
in  a  lot  for  .^00;  also  a  likely  boy,  aged  ten  years, 
for  §105;  and  a  very  likely  mulatto  girl,  aged  fifteen, 
was  offered  and  withdrawn  at  §95.  Less  than  two 
years  ago,  servants  of  this  description  would  readily 
have  commanded  S2500— now  they  fetch  §400.  The 
reader  will  remember  that  the  Examiner  admonished 
the  sympathizers  with  rebellion  in  advance  that  this 
wguld  be  the  consequence  of  the  crime  and  folly  of 
secession,  but  they  would  not  heed.  We  tell  the^ 
now  that  their  acts  have  scaled  the  fate  of  the  institu- 
tion in  Maryland. — Frederick  Examiner. 


J)^^  The  number  of  free  colored  people  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  is  11,000.  It  is  an  extraordinary 
circumstance,  that  they  so  far  know  how  to  take  care 
of  themselves  that  they  have  accumulated  much  prop- 
erty, and  that  some  of  them  have  loaned  money  to 
Democratic  Senators  and  Secretaries,  which,  it  is 
insinuated,  the  said  Senators  and  Secretaries  have 
never  repaid.  Was  it  a  case  of  spoiling  the  Egyp- 
tians ?  Hardly,  for  the  Egyptians  were  the  spoiiers. 
That  they  should  have  loaned  their  money  to  such 
persons  as  Wigtall,  Breckinridge,  and  Floi/d,  might, 
at  first  sight,  have  the  appearance  of  detracting  from 
their  character  for  sanity;  but  then,  did  not  the 
American  people  make  Breckinridge  Vice  President, 
and  did  n't  they  approve  of  the  appointment  of  Floyd 
as  a  Cabinet  Minister?  If,  therefore,  the  colored  Co- 
lumbians are  to  he  reputed  incapables  for  having  al- 
lowed Floyd  and  Breckinridge  to  get  hold  of  their 
money,  what  shall  be  said  of  the  white  Americans 
who  trusted  the  same  gentlemen  to  a  much  greater 
extent?  Is  it  proof  of  African  stupidity  that  negroes 
placed  their  money  in  the  bands  of  the  same  men  in 
whose  hands  Americans  placed  their  government? 
The  colored  creditors  of  the  illustrious  secessionists 
will  probably  never  see  a  dollar  of  what  is  due  them, 
and  we  should  like  to  know  on  what  day  the  Ameri- 
can people  expect  to  see  restored  the  gold  and  the 
guns  that  Floyd  "  borrowed  "  from  their  treasury  and 
arsenals  ! — Boston,  Traveller. 


PARKER  $40 

Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 

nPHIS  is  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
I  Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  "Wheeler  A  Wilson,  and  Grover  A  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  arc  the  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  the  market. 

§3P  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 

Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

AH  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice. 

Boston,  Jan.  18,  18C1.  3m. 

IMPORTANT  TESTIMONY. 
Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"Four  Parker's  Sewing  Machines.  Tbis  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  These  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  guaging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
tho  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  iu  a  great 
measure,  with  the  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sevvixg  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  The  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  tho 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  liuen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. Tho  stitch  made  upon  tbis  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prko  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston  Traveller. 

|3f*  Wo  would  call  the  attention  of  onr  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  tho  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  A  Wilson,  and 
Grover  A  Baker,  with  those  of  tho  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company:  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed  machine  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments which  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  all  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
lso  tho  necessity  of  the  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  tho  various  motions  to  tbo  machine. 
The  favor  with  which  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  the  public  warrants  us  in  the  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  best  machine  now  iu  market.  - 
South  Reading  Gazette,  Nov.  U,  1SC0. 

The  Parker  Sewing  Machine  is  taking  the  lead  in  tho 
market.  For  beauty  mid  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made— strength 
and  utility  combined — and  is  emphatically  the  tktsptet  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  Indies  are  delighted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  gin  Parker's  machine  tho 
preforcneo  overall  others.  We  an  pleased  to  learn  thai 
the  gentle  manly  Agent,  Gi:ovt<;i:  V..  Leosaui*,  1SS  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  ami  sells  them  as  fast  as  they  can  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  tho  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  manufacturers  have  almost  wholly  suspended 
operations.  This  fact,  of  itself,  speaks  movo  itNBglj  in 
its  favor  than  any  thing  wo  can  mention  ;    fer  were  it  net 

otv  iis  superior  merits,  it  •01M  have  nfiorod  from  Hta  gas 

oral  depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  the  wrecks  of 

its  rivals.  What  wo  tell  you  is  no  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
one  of  them,  and  you  will  say  that  "  half  of  its  good  qual- 
ities had  never  boon  toM  you."  V.\  cry  man  who  regards 
the  health  and  hapi'mcss  uf  his  wife  should  buy  Olio  of 
these  DttoMOM  t"  assist  hei  iu  lesseiiin;;  life's  toUSMUl 
task.— tf«rlt>oro'  (.'..sr/fr,  Jtiiy  PI,  18til. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

IS    PUBLISHED 

EVEKY  FEIDAT  MOENING, 

—  AT  — 
221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    HOOLI   No.  0. 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Genkkal  Agent. 


Q3f  TERMS  — Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  iidvnneo. 

E2T"  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  ono  address  for  tkk  dol- 
lars, if  payment  is  made  in  advance 

EE^~  All  remittances  aro  to  bo  made,  nnd  all  letters 
relating  to  tbo  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (POST  1'Aid)  to  tbo  General  Agent. 

£^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

tSjf  The  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
Bylvania,  Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  Tim  Libkratou. 

j^"  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  tho  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  vis :_-  Wendell  Puillii'S,  Edmund  QniNcr,  Ed- 
muhd  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Gahbison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  %  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof/" 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  It  EST ;" 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  10  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
Tint  United  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Army, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  *  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
ilavery,  in  every  wat  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim,  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  .  .  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carat  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  tab,  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  hartial  power  takes  thbj 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  sot  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adaju. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


Our  toutry  is  tU*  WwU,  m  mmtnjwm  m  nit  Dtanftittfl. 


J.  B.  YERRINTON  &  SOB",  Printers. 


VOL.    XXX EI.    NO.    18. 


BOSTOIST,     FEIDAY,     MA.Y    2,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1636. 


\tfn$t  of  #|j]nt5$i0H* 


ABOLITION  OP  SLAVERY  IN  THE  DISTRICT. 

The  President,  contrary  to  our  most  earnest 
hopes,  has  approved  the  bill  for  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

We  need  hardly  say  that  the  President's  reasons 
for  approving  the  bill  are  not,  in  our  opinion,  such 
as  should  have  governed  him  .at  this  extraordinary 
juncture  of  the  national  history.  They  are  not  to 
us  sufficient  reasons.  On  the  contrary,  we  think 
they  weigh  as  nothing  compared  with  the  grave,  rea- 
sons in  the  opposite  scale. 

The  enemies  of  the  country  will  no  doubt  attempt 
so  to  use  the  act  by  representing  it  as  the  first  step 
toward  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States ;  but 
this  representation,  if  made,  will  be  a  very  gross 
misrepresentation.  The  Republicans,  as  a  body,  oui 
readers  know  full  well,  always  declared  that  Con. 
gress  had  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  that  Congress 
ought  to  exercise  the  power.  They,  however,  have 
always  declared,  with  the  same  unanimity,  that 
Congress  does  not  possess  the  constitutional  power 
to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States.  And  they 
now  declare  so  with  especial  distinctness  and  so- 
lemnity. 

We,  of  course,  except  from  the  scope  of  the  re- 
marks we  have  now  made  such  abolitionists  as  Sum- 
ner and  his  scattered  followers  in  Congress.  With 
the  exception  of  these  few  ravine/  zealots,  of  whom 
most  Republicans  are  heartily  ashamed,  the  men  who 
voted  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colombia 
avow  themselves  as  resolutely  opposed  to  interfering 
with  slavery  in  the  States  as  the  men  who  voted 
against  the  measure  are  known  to  be.  Their  avow- 
als are  distinct  and  emphatic. 

■  It  is  but  fair  to  let  the  Republican  leaders  speak 
for' themselves  on  this  head.  Senator  Fessenden,  of 
Maine,  a  portion  of  whose  remarks  we,  in  another 
aspect,  held  up  to  deserved  censure,  the  other  day, 
said,  in  the  course  of  his  speech  on  the  measure 
under  notice: 

[The  Journal  then  quotes  from  a  recent  speech  of 
Mr.  Fessenden  of  Maine,  and  one  from  Mr.  Sher- 
man of  Ohio,  both  disavowing,  in  the  most  explicit 
terms,  all  purpose  of  interfering  with  slavery  in  the 
States, — and  proceeds—] 

Such  are  the  views  and  sentiments  of  every  man 
who  voted  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  with  the  infamous  exceptions  toe  have 
mentioned  above.  We  repeat,  therefore,  that  the 
adoption  of  the  measure,  though  improper  in  itself 
and  grievously  inexpedient,  has  no  connection  what- 
ever with  the  abolition  or  disturbance  of  slavery  in 
the  States.  It  is  simply  a  culpable  blunder,  perpe- 
trated out  of  blind  or  headlong  regard  to  party. 
We  indeed  have  no  excuse  to  make  for  it.  It  is 
inexcusable.  It  is  the  work  of  men,  who,  for  the 
nonce  at  least,  sunk  in  the  partisan  both  the  patriot 
and  statesman.  Thus  much  it  is ;  but  it  is  not  a 
forerunner  of  abolition  in  the  States.  It  has  in  re- 
ality no  future  significance  of  any  kind.  It  is  noth- 
ing more  or  less  than  a  piece  of  unseasonable  bung- 
ling that  ends  with  itself.  It  is  one  of  those  "  fan- 
tastic tricks "  sometimes  played  by  men  before 
"  high  heaven,"  in  which  the  "  sharp  and  sulphurous 
bolt  "  of  authority  is  levelled  at  the  "  soft  myrtle," 
instead  of 

"  the  unwedgeable  and  gnarled  oak." 

We  hope  that  the  majority  in  Congress  are  at 
length  through  with  such  tricks,  and  will  henceforth 
leave  in  peace  the  myrtle  of  party  eye-sores,  while 
they  split  the  oak  of  the  rebellion.  Let  Congress 
address  itself  exclusively  to  the  mighty  task  of  re- 
establishing the  government.  The  people  demand 
this,  and  they  will  make  the.  demand  effective,  if  it 
should  be  withstood.  On  this  subject  the  people  are 
growing  terribly  in  earnest.  Not  much  longer  will 
they  brook  the  wretched  trifling  and  the  more 
wretched  botching  of  their  servants  at  Washing- 
ton. If  this  Congress  docs  not  get  better  of  its  own 
motion,  the  people  will  either  make  it  better,  or 
make  a  better  one. — Louisville  Journal. 


.      A  STRANGE  MESSAGE, 

We  publish,  in  the  Congressional  proceedings  of 
Wednesday,  a  Message  from  the  President,  announc- 
ing that  he  had  signed  the  bill  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  We  confess  we 
do  not  understand  the  meaning  of  this  document,  or 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  communicated.  It 
could  not  have  been  sent  to  Congress  to  inform  that 
body  that  he  had  signed  the  bill,  for  that  was  both 
superfluous  and  contrary  to  all  usage.  Nor  was  its 
object  to  give  his  reasons  for  signing  the  bill,  for  it 
does  not  give  them,  and  it  would  also  be  contrary  to 
all  usage  fcj  him  thus  to  do.  Why,  then,  was  it 
sent  ?  What  humbug  purpose  or  covert  meaning  is 
embraced  in  this  strange  sentence: — "If  there  be 
matters  within  and  about  this  act  which  might  have 
taken  a  course  or  shape  more  satisfactory  to  my 
judgment,  I  do  not  attempt  to  specify  them"  !  It 
is  well  known  that  the  provisions  of  this  act  are  in 
direct  conflict  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  oft  avowed  senti- 
ments, and  it  would  seem  the  part  of  prudence,  at 
least,  under  such  circumstances,  for  him  to  have 
quietly  signed  the  bill,  if  compelled  to  yield  to  the 
abolition  pressure,  and  not  proclaim  to  the  world, 
and  put  upon  official  record,  the  declaration  of  his 
inconsistency  and  weakness.  He  has  heretofore  de- 
clared his  conviction  that  Congress  has  no  moral 
right  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
except  upon  the  condition  that  emancipation  should 
be  gradual,  and  that  it  should  receive  the  sanction 
of  a  majority  of  the  legal  voters.  Yet  he  now  ap- 
proves of  immediate  emancipation,  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  voters  of  the  District,  and  in  the  face  of 
their  earnest  protest !  It  may  well  be  asked  wheth- 
er his  course  is  honest  or  honorable,  considering  that 
thousands  voted  for  him  with  this  understanding  of 
his  position,  who  would  not  have  voted  for  him  if  he 
had  declared  himself  to  be  an  immediate  and  uncon- 
ditional emancipationist.  And  the  time  chosen  for 
the  perpetration  of  this  act  of  inconsistency,  folly 
and  injustice  renders  Mr.  Lincoln's  weakness  far 
mora  reprehensible;  for  in  the  judgment  of  those 
best  able  to  form  a  correct  opinion  of  its  effect,  no 
measure  could  be  more  untimely,  inexpedient  or  un- 
wise.— Concord  (~iV.  II.)  Patriot. 

The  current  of  events  is  pressing  upon  thoughtful 
minds  the  question  whether  there  be  a  deliberate 
purpose  to  wholly  disregard  the  Constitution,  and  to 
wage  the  war  against  the  South,  not  for  re-union, 
but  for  subjugation,  devastation  and  emancipation. 
We  freely  confess  that  recent  developments  leave  us 
not  without  serious  apprehensions  in  this  relation. 
How  can  it  be  otherwise,  when  the  atrocious  theories 
of  extreme  abolitionism  are  being  practically  illus- 
trated in  the  legislation  of  Congress?  Is  military 
force  to  accomplish  that  for  which  civil  authority 
was  found  to  be  inadequate?  Are  arms  to  strike 
down   the   Constitution,  and  then  the  citizen  who 


shall  presume  to  appeal  to  it  as  his  shield  ?  Is  it  the 
design  to  slay,  or  to  subjugate  and  phice  under  abso- 
lute military  rule,  eight  millions  of  "  the  bone  of  our 
bone,"  in  order  to  liberate  four  millions  of  the  black 
race  ?  What  is  to  be  done  with  the  descendants  of 
Ham — four  millions  of  whom  in  all  time  were  never 
before,  from  childhood  to  acre,  in  sickness  and  in 
health,  so  well  fed,  so  well  clothed,  so  far  instructed, 
religiously  and  otherwise,  as  the  four  millions  now 
living  on  this  continent  ?  Are  they  to  revel  in  idle- 
ness and  vice,  on  the  fairest  part  of  all  our  broad 
domain,  or  are  they  to  be  scattered,  and  in  woe  and 
want  to  feek  the  shelter  of  our  poor-houses  ?  Is 
this  the  red  hue  of  Republican  charity  ?  Is  this,  to 
use  the  strong  expression  of  our  best  prose-writer  in 
designating  modern  philanthropy — is  this  the  swift 
"Engine  of  Hell"  on  which  abolitionism  is  now 
getting  up  the  steam  ?  On  what  principle  have  the 
seditious  doctrines  of  Helper  and  his  endorsers  se- 
cured for  him  and  them  places  of  trust  and  power  ? 
What  are  intelligent  and  honest  men  North  and 
South  to  infer  from  the  action  of  the  U.  S.  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives  in  relation  to  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  the  amendments  to  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  proposed  by  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  swarm  of  abolition  emissaries,  men  and 
women,  sent  from  New  England  and  New  York  to 
Beaufort,  South  Carolina? 

Many  intelligent  .and  reflecting  men  think  they 
see  in  the  proceedings  of  Congress  from  week  to 
week,  more  and  more  clearly,  that  emancipation  is 
the  gist  of  the  war;  that  Wilson  and  Sumner  and 
Wade,  and  their  associates  and  followers,  would  hail 
peace,  under  the  old  Constitution,  with  its  provisions 
touching  slavery,  as  any  thing  but  a  blessing  ;  that 
even  in  the  face  of  general  bankruptcy  and  univer- 
sal ruin,  the  slaughter  of  our  neighbors,  the  destruc- 
tion of  their  dwellings,  and  the  driving  out  of  the 
•white  women  and  children  from  their  homes,  is  not 
to  cease,  if  they  can  help  it,  until  slavery  is  abol- 
ished. We  conclude  with  the  language  of  the  Provi- 
dence Post: — "  They  are  pressing  forward  their  ul- 
tra partisan  measures  !  They  demand  eternal  sepa- 
ration, not  restoration  !  We  have  warned  them 
against  their  course,  and  we  warn  them  again  !  If 
they  would  keep  the  North  united,  let  them  stop 
this  Disunion  work  in  Congress." — Ibid. 


and  Phillips  who  thanked  God  for  ereating.the  rebel 
chief.  If  citizens,  South  and  North,  suffer  them- 
selves to  be  guided  by  such  men,  the  cup  of  which 
they  are  now  tasting  will  be  as  honey  in  comparison 
with  the  gall  of  the  future. — Boston  Post. 


EFFECTS   OP  WENDELL    PHILLIPS'S  LEC- 
TURES  "WEST. 

The  Great  Popular   Voice  of  Chicago — Uprising  of  the 

Conse.rva.ti re    People — Majority    1183 — Eight     of   the 

ten  Wards  elect  Democratic  Aldermen. 

From  the  Chicago  Times  of  April  16. 

The  joy  in  Chicago  over  the  victory  of  the  Union 
arms  at  Fort  Donelson  was  scarcely  greater  than 
that  manifested  last  night  over  the  Union  victory  won 
in  the  municipal  election  yesterday.  Bonfires  burned 
in  all  directions,  the  streets  swarmed  with  happy 
faces,  and  the  air  was  filled  with  jubilant  shouts. 

Great  as  the  victory  was  at  Fort  Donelson,  we 
doubt  if  it  was  of  so  much  value  to  the  Union  cause 
as  will  be  the  civil  victory  of  yesterday  in  this  city. 

The  one  was  a  victory  over  rebels  in  arms ;  the 
other  was  a  victory  over  men  who  are  really  more 
dangerous  enemies  of  the  Union  than  rebels  in 
arms.     It  was  a  victory  over  abolitionism. 

Since  the  reception  of  Wendell  Phillips  in  this 
city,  the  men  who  brought  him  here,  and  who  ap- 
plauded his  treasonable  utterances  at  Bryant  Hall, 
and  who  have  defended  him  since  his  departure, - 
have  grown  bold,  and  as  the  municipal  election  ap- 
proached, they  determined  to  seize  the  machinery 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  convert  it  to  the  use 
of  placing  before  the  voters  a  ticket  peculiarly  their 
own.  This  they  accomplished  under  the  leadership 
of  the  morning  abolition  newspaper  sheet.  The  cli- 
max of  their  boldness  was  in  calling  their  ticket  a 
"  Union  ticket." 

This  done,  the  Democracy  and  other  conservative 
citizens  had  no  other  alternative  but  to  bring  out  a 
Democratic  ticket.  Such  a  ticket  was  brought  out 
on  Saturday,  headed  by  Francis  C.  Sherman  for 
Mayor,  and  yesterday  it  was  elected  by  one  thou- 
sand one  hundred  and  eighty-three  majority.  Seven, 
and  perhaps  eight,  of  the  ten  wards,  elect  Demo- 
cratic Aldermen  ! 

It  is  emphatically  a  victory  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union — the  old  Constitution  and  the  old 
Union — alike  over  Southern  secessionism  and  North- 
ern abolitionism. 

Chicago  has  been  esteemed  the  very  stronghold 
of  abolitionism  in  the  whole  country.  Abolition 
here  has  affected  to  rule  the  roost.  Its  overthrow  is 
one  of  the  most  significant  signs  of  the  times  that 
has  yet  appeared  in  the  horizon.  Overthrow  here, 
where  can  it  be  sure  of  domination  ? 

This  victory  in  the  metropolis  of  his  own  State 
and  of  the  Northwest,  is  a  loud  voice  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  to  all  others  in  autho- 
rity at  Washington.  It  is  a  voice  of  approval  of 
every  act  of  hostility  by  the  President  to  the  design 
of  abolitionism  thus  far,  and  of  warning  to  him  and 
to  everybody  that  those  designs  do  fearfully  provoke 
the  popular  displeasure. 

It  will  be  a  cheering  victory  to  the  soldiers  in  the 
field.  It  will  nerve  them  to  still  more  gallant  ex- 
ploits. 

And  it  will  cheer  the  Union  men  of  the  South. 
If  this  be  the  voice  of  Chicago,  they  may  well  reason 
that  abolitionism  has  culminated  as  a  power  in  the 
North. 

All  honor  to  the  Democracy  and  other  conserva- 
tive people  of  Chicago,  who  have  won  the  victory  1 

Wendell  Phillips  is  nervously  anxious  to  make 
this  a  war  for'the  black  man  instead  of  the  white 
man — for  four  millions  of  people  instead  of  thirty — 
to  organize  a  new  Government  instead  of  maintain- 
ing the  present.  He  tells  his  friends  they  must  strike 
quick  or  it  will  be  too  late — he  wants  abolition  meet- 
ings balden  everywhere — he  commands  the  Republi- 
cans to  become  Abolitionists— has  great  confidence 
that  at  least  one  half  of  the  face  of  Secretary  Stan- 
ton is  black  already,  and  that  the  President's  is  color- 
ing rapidly.  He  proves  himself  as  competent  to 
pass  judgment  upon  military  administration  as  civil, 
by  his  criticisms  upon  officers  at  the  head  of  our 
armies,  and  in  the  estimation  of  statesmanship 
evinced  in  covering  Sumner  all  over  with  an  eulo- 
gistic plaster  spread  with  marvellous  thickness.  A 
short  time  since,  Phillips  said  Garrison  should  bo  con- 
sulted as  to  the  manner  of  conducting  the  war — now 
he  would  place  Sumner  at  the  head  of  the  civil  Gov- 
ernment !  Sumner  Dictator  and  Gaiuuson  Major 
General  Commander!  These  arc  the  kind  of  men 
Wendell  Phillips  is  urging  the  Legislature,  the  peo- 
ple in  Fane-ail  Hall,  the  merchants  on  the  Exchange, 
citizens  everywhere,  and  of  all  degrees  and  occupa- 
tions, to  sustain.  The  acts  and  counsels  of  Phillips 
and  his  abettors  have  afforded  the  leading  rebels  at 
the  South  the  influence  they  have  used  to  plunge  the 
nation  into  its  present  condition,  anil  now  they  would 
trample  upon  the  body  they  have  tried  to  murder. 
The  lives  and  treasure  sacrificed— the  loss  of  power, 
and  the  poverty  and  oppression  and  ages  of  misery 
entailed  by  this  rebellion,  are  the  dividends  we  re- 
ceive from  the  existence  of  such  men  as  Beauregard, 


THE  CAUSE  AND  CURE  OP  OUR  NATIONAL 
TROUBLES. 

Extracts  from  an  admirable  Speech  of  Hon.  George 
W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  House 
of  Representatives,  Tuesday,  Jan.  14,  1862  : — 
THE    GUILT   OF   SLAVERY. 

Sir,  this  rebellion  is  a  bloody  and  frightful  demon- 
stration of  the  fact  that  slavery  and  freedom  cannot 
dwell  together  in  peace.  The  experiment  has  been 
tried,  thoroughly,  perseveringly,  and  with  a  patience 
which  defied  despair,  and  has  culminated  in  civil 
war.  We  have  pursued  the  spirit  of  conciliation  to 
the  very  gates  of  death,  and  yet  the  "irrepressible 
conflict"  is  upon  us,  and  must  work  out  its  needed 
lesson.  I  do  not  refer  to  our  uniform  forbearance 
towards  slavery  as  a  virtue.  On  the  contrary,  this 
has  only  maddened  and  emboldened  its  spirit,  and 
hastened  an  event  which  was  simply  a  question  of 
time.  We,  in  the  free  States,  are  not  wholly  guilt- 
less, but  I  charge  to  the  account  of  slavery  that  very 
timidity  and  lack  of  manhood  in  the  North  through 
which  it  has  managed  to  rule  the  nation.  It  has  pre- 
pared itself  for  its  work  of  treason  by  feeding  upon 
the  virtue  of  our  public  men,  and  demoralizing  the 
spirit  of  our  people.  As  an  argument  against  sla- 
very, this  rebellion  is  absolutely  overwhelming. 
Nothing*  could  possibly  add  to  its  irresistible  force. 
Other  arguments,  however  convincing  to  men  of  re- 
flection, have  not  thus  far  been  able  to  rouse  the 
mass  of  our  people  to  any  very  earnest  opposition  to 
slavery  upon  principle ;  but  this  argument,  must  pre- 
vail with  every  man  who  is  not  a  rebel  at  heart. 
This  black  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  the  Repub- 
lic, which  has  armed  half  a  million  of  men  in  its 
work  of  treason,  piracy  and  murder — this  magnifi- 
cent spectacle  of  total  depravity  made  easy  in  real 
life,  is  the  crowning  flower  and  fruit  of  our  partner- 
ship with  the  "  sum  of  all  villanies."  All  the  crimes 
and  horrors  of  this  struggle  for  national  existence 
cry  out  against  it,  and  demand  its  utter  political 
damnation.  In  the  fires  of  the  revolution  which  it 
has  kindled,  it  has  painted  its  own  character  with  a 
pencil  dipped  in  hell.  The  lives  sacrificed  in  the 
war  it  has  waged,  the  agonies  of  the  battle-field,  the 
bodies  and  limbs  mangled  and  maimed  for  life,  the 
widows  and  orphans  made  to  mourn,  the  moral  rava- 
ges of  war,  the  waste  of  property,  the  burning  of 
bridges,  the  robbery  of  forts,  arsenals,  navy-yards, 
and  mints,  the  public  sanction  and  practice  of  piracy, 
and  the  imminent  peril  to  which  the  cause  of  free 
government  throughout  the  world  is  subjected,  all 
write  their  deep  brand  upon  slavery  as  a  Christless 
outlaw,  and  plead  with  us  to  smite  it  in  the  name  of 
God. 

THE   REAL   ISSUE — OUR   DUTY. 

Can  I  be  mistaken,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  holding  sla- 
very to  this  fearful  reckoning  ?  If  so,  why  has  there 
been  no  rebellion  in  any  non-slaveholding  State  ? 
Why  is  it,  that  in  the  great  centres  of  slavery  trea- 
son is  most  rampant,  while,  as  we  recede  into  regions 
in  which  the  slaves  are  few  and  scattered,  as  in 
Western  Virginia,  Delaware,  and  other  border 
States,  we  find  the  people  loyally  disposed  towards 
the  Union  ?  These  facts  admit  of  but  one  explana- 
tion. Kindred  to  them  is  the  known  character  of 
the  men  who  are  conducting  this  rebellion.  They 
tell  us,  as  Vice  President  Stephens  has  done,  that 
slavery  is  to  be  the  corner-stone  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  Its  leaders  and  their  associates  de- 
nounce Jefferson  as  a  sophist,  and  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  as  "  Red  Republican  doctrine." 
They  speak  of  the  laboring  millions  of  the  free 
States  as  the  "  mud-sills  of  society,"  as  a  "pauper 
banditti/'  as  "  greasy  mechanics  and  filthy  opera- 
tives." They  declare  that  "  slavery,  black  or  white, 
is  right  and  necessary  "  ;  and  this  doctrine  has  been 
advocated  by  the  Southern  pulpit,  and  by  the  lead- 
ing newspapers  of  Charleston,  Richmond,  and  New 
Orleans.  They  believe  with  Calhoun,  that  slavery 
is  "  the  most  safe  and  stable  basis  for  free  institu- 
tions in  the  world."  They  agree  with  Governor 
Hammond,  that  "slavery  supersedes  the  necessity 
of  an  order  of  nobility,  and  the  other  appendages  of 
a  hereditary  system  of  government."  They  teach 
that  "  capital  should  own  labor,"  and  that  "  some 
men  are  born  with  saddles  on  their  backs,  and  others 
booted  and  spurred  to  ride  them  by  the  grace  of 
God."  In  the  language  of  a  distinguished  rebel 
Senator,  they  "  would  spread  the  blessings  of  slave- 
ry, like  the  religion  of  our  divine  Master,  to  the  ut- 
termost ends  of  the  earth."  .  By  these  atrocious  sen- 
timents they  are  animated  in  their  revolt  against  the 
Government.  Sir,  does  any  man  doubt  that,  should 
the  rebels  triumph  over  us,  they  will  establish  slave- 
ry in  every  free.  State  V  Was  not  the  immediate 
cause  of  the  revolt  their  inability  to  diffuse  this  curse 
under  the  Constitution  ?  They  do  not  disguise  the 
fact  that  they  arc  fighting  for  slavery.  They  tender 
us  that  special  issue,  and  have  staked  the  existence 
of  their  idol  upon  the  success  of  their  arms  against 
us.  If  we  meet  them  at  all,  we  necessarily  meet 
them  on  the  issue  they  tender.  If  we  fight  at  all, 
we  must  fight  slavery  as  the  grand  rebel. 

Do  you  tell  me  that  the  question  involved  in  this 
war  is  simply  one  of  Government  or  no  Govern- 
ment ?  I  admit  it ;  but  I  say  the  previous  question 
is  slavery  or  freedom ;  or  rather,  it  is  the  same  ques- 
tion stated  in  different  words.  Slavery  and  treason, 
in  this  struggle,  arc  Identical.  It  is  slavery  which 
to-day  has  the  Government  by  the  throat,  and  thus 
thrusts  upon  us  the  issue  of  its  life  or  death.  Do 
you  say  that  the  preservation  of  the  Union  must  be 
kept  in  view  as  the  grand  purpose  of  the  war  on 
our  part?  I  admit  it;  but  I  say  that  nothing  but 
slavery  has  brought  the  Union  into  peril.  Its  whole 
career,  as  I  have  shown,  has  been  a  perpetual  con- 
spiracy against  the  Constitution,  crowned  at  last  by 
a  deadly  stab  at  its  life.  Am  I  told  that  this  is  a 
war  for  the  life  and  liberty  of  a  nation  belonging 
chiefly  to  the  white  race,  and  not  a  war  for  the 
emancipation  of  black  men  ?  I  frankly  agree  to  it; ; 
but  I  insist  that  our  national  life  and  liberty  can 
only  be  saved  -by  giving  freedom  to  all,  and  that  all 
loyal  men,  therefore,  should  favor  emancipation. 
Shall  the  nation  lie  sacrificed  rather  than  break  the 
chains  of  the  slave?  Shall  we  madly  attempt  to 
carry  on  the  war  as  if  slavery  had  no  existence  ? 
Shall  we  delude  ourselves  by  mere  phrases,  and  pre- 
tend ignorance  of  what  every  one  knows  and  feels 
to  be  veritable  truth  ?  Shall  we  prosecute  this  war 
on  false  pretences  ?  Shall  we  Oven  shrink  from  tho 
discussion  of  slavery,  or  talk  about  it  in  circumlocu- 
tions, lest  we  give  offence  to  rebels  and  their  sym- 
pathizers ? 

THE  OLD  ORDER  OF  THINGS — THE  TRUE   "  RECON- 
STRUCTION." 

I  know  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  this  Administra- 


tion, at  first,  to  abolish  slavery,  but  only  to  save  the 
Union,  and  maintain  the  old  order  of  things.  Neither 
was  it  the  purpose  of  our  fathers,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution,  to  insist  on  independence.  Be- 
fore the  first  battles  were  fought,  a  reconciliation 
could  have  been  secured  simply  by  removing  the 
grievance  which  led  to  arms.  But  events  soon  pre- 
pared the  people  to  demand  absolute  separation. 
Similar  facts  may  tell  the  story  of  the  present  strug- 
gle. In  its  beginning,  neither  the  Administration 
nor  the  people  foresaw  its  magnitude,  nor  the  extra- 
ordinary means  it  would  employ  in  prosecuting  its 
designs.  The  crisis  has  assumed  new  features  as  the 
war  has  progressed.  The  policy  of  emancipation 
has  been  born  of  the  circumstances  of  the  rebel- 
lion, which  every  hour  more  and  more  plead  for 
it.  "Time  makes  more  converts  than  reason."  I 
believe  the  popular  demand  now  is,  or  soon  will  be, 
the  total  extirpation  of  slavery  as  the  righteous  pur- 
pose of  the  war,  and  the  only  means  of  a  lasting 
peace.  We  should  not  agree,  if  it  were  proposed, 
to  restore  slavery  to  its  ancient  rights  under  the  Con- 
stitution, and  allow  it  a  new  cycle  of  rebellion  and 
crime, 

The  rebels  have  demanded  a  "reconstruction"  on 
the  basis  of  slavery;  let  us  give  them  a  "recon- 
struction "  on  the  basis  of  freedom-.  Le-t  us- convert 
the  rebel  States  into  conquered  provinces,  remand- 
ing them  to  the  status  of  mere  Territories,  and  gov- 
erning them  as  such  in  our  discretion.  Under  no 
circumstances  should  we  consent  to  end  this  struggle 
on  terms  that  would  leave  us  where  we  began  it. 
To  conclude  the  war  by  restoring  slavery  to  the  con- 
stitutional rights  it  has  forfeited  by  treason,  would  be 
as  unreasonable  as  putting  out  the  fire,  and  turning 
loose  the  incendiary  with  torch  in  hand.  It  would 
be  like  reinstating  the  devil  in  Paradise,  to  reenact 
his  rebellion  against  the  Most  High.  Sir,  let  us  see 
to  it,  that  out  of  this  war  shall  come  a  permanent 
peace  to  these  States.  Let  us  demand  "indemnity 
for  the  past,  and  security  for  the  future."  The  mere 
suppression  of  the  i-ebellion  will  be  an  empty  mock- 
ery of  our  sufferings  and  sacrifices,  if  slavery  shall 
be  spared  to  canker  the  heart  of  the  nation  anew, 
and  repeat  its  diabolical  deeds.  No,  sir.  The  old 
dispensation  is  past.  It  served  us  as  a  schoolmaster, 
to  bring  us  into  a  new  aud  higher  one,  and  we  are 
now  done  with  it  forever.  We  determined,  in  1860, 
that  the  domination  of  slavery  should  come  to  an 
end.  The  government  had  long  been  drifting  into 
its  vortex,  but  we  resolved,  at  whatever  cost,  to  res- 
cue it.  Had  we  been  satisfied  with  the  rule  of  sla- 
very, as  it  existed  prior  to  the  rebellion,  we  might 
have  had  peace  to-day.  We  might  have  agreed  to 
the  election  of  Breckinridge.  We  might  have 
avoided  war,  even  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,, 
by  catling  into  his  Cabinet  the  chief  rebel  conspira- 
tors, who  would  have  been  pacified  by  the  spoils, 
while  serving  the  behests  of  slavery.  Having  chosen 
a  different  course  by  the  election  of  a  man  commit- 
ted to  a  specific  anti-slavery  policy,  and  having  un- 
dertaken to  execute  that  policy  against  all  opposi- 
tion, we  are  now  shut  up  to  the  single  duty  of  crush- 
ing the  rebellion  at  all  hazards,  and  blasting,  forever, 
the  power  that  has  called  it  into  life. 

SLAVERY   OUR   EVIL  GENIUS — TVE  MUST  SMITE  IT. 

Slavery,  as  I  have  already  shown,  has  been  the 
evil  genius  of  the  Government  from  its  birth.  It 
has  .frustrated  the  design  of  our  fathers  to  form  "a 
more  perfect  Union."  It  has  made  it  impossible  to 
"  establish  justice,"  or  "  to  secure  domestic  tranquil- 
lity." It  has  weakened  "  the  common  defence"  by 
inviting  foreign  attack.  It  has  opposed  the  "gen- 
eral welfare"  by  its  merciless  aristocracy  in  human 
flesh.  It  has  denied  us  "the  blessings  of  liberty," 
and  given  us  its  own  innumerable  curses  instead.  It 
has  laid  waste  the  fairest  and  most  fertile  half  of  the 
Republic,  staying  its  progress  in  population,  wealth, 
power,  knowledge,  civilization,  the  arts,  and  religion, 
thus  heaping  its  burdens  upon  the  whole  nation,  and 
costing  us  far  more  than  the  market  value  of  all  the 
millions  in  bonds.  It  has  made  the  establishment  of 
free  schools  and  a  general  system  of  education  im- 
possible. It  has  branded  labor  as  dishonorable  and 
degrading.  It  has  filled  the  ranks  of  infidelity,  aud 
brought  religion  itself  into  scorn,  by  bribing  its  pro- 
fessors to  espouse  its  revolting  iniquity.  It  has  laid 
its  wizard  hand  upon  the  mightiest  statesmen  and 
most  royal  intellects  of  the  land,  and  harnessed  them, 
like  beasts  of  burden,  in  its  loathsome  service.  It  has 
denounced  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  a 
political  abomination,  and  dealt  with  our  fathers  as 
hypocrites,  who  affirmed  its  self-evident  truths  with 
a  mental  reservation,  while  appealing  to  the  Su- 
preme Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  their 
intentions.  While  spreading  licentiousness,  concubi- 
nage, and  crime  where  it  rules,  it  has  lifted  up  its 
rebel  voice  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  in 
pleading  the  cause  of  despotism  in  every  part  of  the 
civilized  world.  And,  as  the  fitting  climax  of  its  ca- 
reer of  lawlessness,  it  has  aimed  its  dagger  at  the 
Government  that  has  fostered  and  guarded  its  life, 
and  borne  with  its  evil  deeds,  for  more  than  seventy 
years.  Sir,  this  mighty  rebel  against  all  law,  human 
and  divine,  is  now  within  our  grasp,  and  we  should 
strangle  it  forever.  "  New  occasions  teach  new  du- 
ties," and  we  should  employ  every  weapon  which 
the  laws  of  war  place  within  our  reach  in  scourging 
it  out  of  life.  Not  to  do  so,  I  repeat,  would  be  the 
most  Heavefl-daring  recreancy  to  tho  grand  trust 
which  the  circumstances  of  the  hour  have  committed 
to  our  hands.  God  forbid  that  we  should  throw 
away  this  sublime  occasion  for  serving  his  cause  on 
earth,  leaving  our  children  to  deplore  the  slighted 
opportunities  of  the  past  I 

EMANCIPATION   A   "MILITARY   NECESSITY." 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  need  make  no  argument  to  prove 
that  slavery  is  an  element  of  positive  strength  to  the 
rebels,  unless  we  employ  it  in  furthering  our  own 
cause.  The  slaves  till  the  ground,  and  supply  tho 
rebel  army  with  provisions.  Those  not  fit  to  bear 
arms  oversee  the  plantations.  Multitudes  can  be 
spared  for  the  army,  since  women  overseers  are  as 
capable  and  trustworthy  as  men.  Of  the  entire 
slave  population  of  the  South,  according  to  the  esti- 
mates of  our  last  census  returns,  one  million  are 
males,  capable  of  bearing  arms.  They  cannot  be 
neutral.  As  laborers,  if  not  as  soldiers,  they  will  be 
the  allies  of  the  rebels,  or  of  the  Union.  Count  all 
the  slaves  on  the  side  of  treason,  and  we  are  eighteen 
millions  against  twelve  millions.  Count  them  on  the 
loyal  side,  and  we  are  twenty-two  millions  against 
eight.  How  shall  this  black  power  be  wielded  ?  A 
gentleman,  occupying  a  very  high  official  position, 
lias  said  that  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  the  people  of 
the  free  States  to  call  on  (bur  millions  of  blacks  to 
aid  in  putting  down  eight  millions  of  whites.  Shall 
we  then  freely  give  the  rebellion  four  million  of 
allies,  at  tho  certain  cost  to  us  of  many  millions  of 
money  and  many  thousands  of  lives  ?  And,  if  so, 
may  we  not  as  well  reinforce  tho  rebels  with  such 
portion  of  our  own  armies  as  will  make  the  contest 
equal  in  numbers,  and  thus  save  our  cause  from  "dis- 
grace "  ?  Is  tho  conduct  of  this  war  to  bo  tho  only 
subject  which  requires  men  to  discard  reason  and 
forget  humanity  ? 

The  rebels  use  their  slaves  in  building  fortifica- 
tions; shall  we  not  invite  them  to  our  lines,  and  em- 
ploy them  in  the  snmo  business  ?     The  rebels  em- 


ploy thorn  in  raising  the  provisions,  without  which 
their  armies  must  perish  ;  shall  we  not  entice  them 
to  join  our  standard,  and  thus  compel  the  enemy  to 
reinforce  the  plantation  by  weakening  the  army  ? 
The  rebels  employ  them  as  cooks,  nurses,  teamsters, 
and  scouts;  shall  we  decline  such  services  in  order 
to  spare  slavery  ?  The  rebels  organize  resiments  of 
black  men,  who  shoot  down  our  loyal  white  soldiers ; 
shall  we  sacrifice  our  sons  and  brothers  for  the  sake 
of  slavery,  refusing  to  put  black  men  against  black 
men,  when  the  highest  interests  of  both  white  and 
black  plead  for  it  ?  In  the  battles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  in  the  war  of  1812,  slaves  and  free  men  of 
color  fought  with  a  valor  unexcelled  by  white  men. 
Are  we  afraid  that  a  like  honor  to  the  colored  man 
would  be  repeated,  and  thus  testify  against  his  en- 
slavement '?  I  do  not  say  that  any  general  policy  of 
arming  the  slaves  should  be  avowed ;  but  that  in 
some  capacity,  military  or  civil,  according  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  each  particular  case,  they  should  be 
used  in  the  necessary  and  appropriate  work  of  weak- 
ening the  power  of  their  owners.  Under  competent 
military  commanders  we  may  possibly  be  able  to 
subdue  the  rebels  without  calling  to  our  aid  their 
slaves  ;  but  have  we  a  right  to  reject  it,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  prolonging  the  war,  and  augmenting  its  ca- 
lamities V  Is  it  a  small  thing  to  sacrifice  unneces- 
sarily the  lives  of  our  young  and  middle-aged  men, 
the  flower  of  the  land,  and  rive  with  sorrow  the 
hearts  of  friends  and  kindred  ?  Can  we  afford  a 
dollar  of  money,  or  a  drop  of  blood,  to  spare  the 
satanic  power  that  has  hatched  this  rebellion  into 
life,  and  is  now  the  sole  barrier  to  our  peace  ? 


of  slavery  would  make  head  against  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tian love  and  justice,  if  the  whole  church  of  the 
North  would  rise  up  and  speak.  Sinai  would  be  as 
nothing  compared  with  God's  will  as  it  might  be  ex- 
pressed through  the  conscience  and  understanding 
and  enthusiasm  of  the  whole  free  church  of  the 
North.  The  religious  feeling  of  this  nation  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  is  not  yet  united.  It  U  timid  and 
indifferent.  It  is  calculating  and  material.  It  is 
disposed  either  to  evade  this  great  evil,  or  actually 
to  compromise  with  it.  There  is  no  electric  power 
in  the  spirit  of  religion  in  our  land.  There  is  noth- 
ing that  makes  it  rolling,  victorious,  omnipotent. 


THEN  AND   NOW. 


GUILT  OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  MINISTRY. 

Extract  from  a  Sermon  preached  by  Henry  Ward 
Beecher,  in  the  Plymouth  Church,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y., 
Sunday  morning,  April  13  : — 

To  a  very  great  extent,  the  religious  organizations 
of  the  land  have  refused  to  remember  those  in  bonds 
as  bound  with  them.  I  do  not  mean  that  there  have 
not  been  _hosts_  of  individual  Christians  that  have 
obeyed  this  diviue  command;  but  they  have  been 
individuals.  There  have  scarcely  been  communities 
that  have  done  it.  I  do  not  mean  that  there  have 
not  been  many  single  churches,  and  one  or  two  par- 
ticular denominations,  like  the  Associate  Reformed 
Presbyterians,  the  Free-will  Baptists,  the  Moravians, 
the  Quakers  and  the  Congregationalists,  that  have 
been,  to  an  extent,  free  from  positive  contact  with 
slavery,  and  have  been  more  or  less  active  in  moral 
enterprises.  But,  regarded  as  a  whole,  the  institu- 
ted religion  of  our  land  has  neglected  to  put  the 
conscience  of  the  nation  upon  its  guard.  They  have 
not  educated  it. 

What  has  happened  in  fifty  years  ?  With  a  min- 
istry as  able  in  learning  as  ever  the  world  saw,  more 
numerous  in  proportion  to  the  population  than  the 
ministry  of  any  other  country,  and  living  under  the 
institutions  of  a  Government  which  secures  to  them 
every  freedom  to  teach  and  to  preach  ;  and  with  a 
power  of  the  press  to  diffuse  right  knowledge  such 
as  was  never  before  seen,  there  has  taken  place  right 
in  front  of  the  church  a  revolution  of  opinion  so  gross 
and  so  wicked,  that  in  after  times  it  will  stand  as  a 
blot  on  our  national  history.  What  has  been  that 
revolution  ?  More  than  fifteen  States  have  utterly 
revolutionized  their  political  opinions  on  this  xery 
question  of  slavery.  The  whole  church  of  those  fif- 
teen States  has  apostatized  from  the  world's  lone- 
believed  doctrine  of  human  rights.  And  through 
all  the  rest  of  the  country  there  came  on  such  a  re- 
volution of  belief  in  respect  to  the  sacred  principles 
of  man's  right  before  God,  as  an  immortal  creature, 
to  life,  and  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  as 
never  had  its  parallel  or  equal.  The  church  saw  it, 
and  refused  to  speak.  Ministers  saw  it,  and  were 
dumb.  And  the  instituted  religion  of  this  country, 
for  fifty  years,  has  stood  by  and  seen  this  revolution 
in  opinion  with  comparative  indifference.  To  be 
sure,  in  later  days,  it  has  helped  to  bring  on  a  coun- 
ter-revolution. Thank  God  for  that.  To  a  large 
extent,  the  churches  have  been  lukewarm.  Even 
where  in  churches  Christians  have  been  roused,  and 
the  national  conscience  has  been  brought  back,  it 
has  not  been  done  by  associations,  or  presbyteries, 
or  assemblies;  it  has  not  been  done  as  a  part  of 
church  work  properly.  Churches  have  refused  to 
do  it  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not  organized 
to  meddle  with  political  matters.  But  I  declare  that 
'n  this  country  the  chnrch  that  is  not  organized  to 
meddle  with  political  matters,  is  not  organized  to 
meddle  with  anything.  What  is  American  life  but 
this :  that  men  are  educated  from  the  cradle  to  take 
care  of  everything  that  belongs  to  national  living? 
You  educate  your  boys  and  girls  to  think  on  every- 
thing that  concerns  the  public  weal.  They  are  to 
go  into  the  midst  of  the  affairs  of  society,  and  they 
are  to  participate  in  those  affairs.  Every  man  in 
this  country  is  not  simply  permitted  to  act  in  mat- 
ters relating  to  the  welfare  of  the  community,  but 
he  is,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution  and  our  heredi- 
tary ideas,  sworn  so  to  act.  He  is  sworn  to  act  as 
legislator  and  as  judge.  Every  man  that  belongs 
to  this  Government  is  a  factor  thereof.  In  adminis- 
tering the_ affairs  of  this  land,  we  do  not  stop  to  ask 
pope  or  bishop  what  we  are  to  do.  We  are  priest, 
and  we  are  king.  That  is  to  say,  every  individual 
man  has  a  part  in  the  business  of  governing  in  this 
nation.  All  our  institutions  are  in  the  hands  of  the 
common  people. 

Now,  the  church  that  does  all  its  duty,  except 
teaching  the  people  how  to  conduct  themselves  rightly 
in  the  performance  of  this  highest  ofduties  ;  the  church 
that  teaches  the  peoplo  everything  of  the  life  to  come, 
but  nothing  of  the  life  that  now  is — why,  such  a 
church  is  like  a  chart  that  is  so  constructed  as  to 
teach  a  man  how  to  act  when  he  gets  to  Liverpool, 
but  that  bears  not  a  mark  of  direction  as  to  what  he 
shall  do  on  the  ocean  between  here  and  Liverpool  1 
A  church  that  is  not  organized  to  teach  men 
how  to  act  with  reference  to  the  things  of  every  day ; 
a  church  that  is  not  organized  to  instruct  men  in  re- 
gard to  public  sentiment,  tho  texture  of  the  laws, 
the  habits  of  the  people,  the  institutions  of  the  coun- 
try, and  the  spirit  of  the  age ;  a  church  that  does 
not  take  any  care  of  the  duties  of  men  respecting 
those  things.,  nor  of  the  men  in  the  discharge  of 
those  duties — what  is  such  a  church  worth  ? 

I  declare  that  although  our  American  church  has 
thought  itself  bound,  as  a  church,  in  its  individual 
pulpits,  and  in  its  collective  forms,  to  speak  against 
ten  thousand  vices,  and  many  crimes,  yet  in  respect 
tn  llu'  great  fundamental  questions  of  God's  just  ire 
as  represented  in  more  than  four  millions  of  met), 
it  has  deliberately  asserted  that  it  had  nothing  to  do 
with  iheiu,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  its  business 
to  meddle,  with  or  touch  politics.  And  I  should 
think  that  polities  had  not  been  touched  by  the 
church,  from  tho  character  thai,  it  has  assumed."  Pot 
tf  there  ever  was  an  infidel  politics,  an  irreligious 
politics,  we  have  had  it.  The  reason  is  that  it  has 
had  no  right  teaching.  And  at  this  hour,  the  whole 
voice  and  volume  of  religion  is  not  sounded;  nor  is 
there  any  majestic  utterance  of  God's  thoughts  by 
his  united   people. 

Why,  crickets  would  mako  head  against  ihmos 
on  a  prairie  in  autumn,  as  easily  as  the  influences 


"  When  the  Lord  turned  again  the  captivity  of 
Zion,  we  were  like  them  that  dream." 

The  men  who  resisted  the  arrogance  of  Southern 
men,  and  the  headlong  reaction  of  Northern  politi- 
cians plunging  through  apostacy  into  utter  ruin  in 
the  year  1850,  can  but  think  the  scenes  of  1862  a 
dream  !  Recall  the  Fugitive-Slave  bill,  made  pur- 
posely as  offensive  as  it  could  be  made ;  the  immo- 
lation of  Mr.  Webster;  the  Castle  Garden  meeting 
of  New  York;  the  proscriptivc  lists  of  merchants 
who  dared  to  believe  that  this  land  was  not  ordained 
to  be  a  mere  nurse  of  slavery ;  the  ostentatious  en- 
forcement of  the  Fugitive-Slave  law  in  Philadelphia, 
in  New  York,  in  Boston,  as  if  the  great  leading  cit- 
ies were  eager  to  show  to  the  South  that  each  was 
more  subservient  than  the  other;  the  ridicule  to 
which  that  simplest  of  all  fundamental  moral  truths 
was  subjected,  thatin  conflict  of  human  laws  with  mor- 
al duties,  men  must  obey  God  rather  than  men  ;  the 
extraordinary  confusion  and  upsetting  of  affairs  that 
set  men  who  really  hated  slavery  into  a  ouasi  defence 
of  it ;  consider  that  cunning  political  management 
which  conjured  the  terms  Union,  Constitution,  Pa- 
triotism to  the  side  of  oppression,  so  that  every  man 
who  would  defend  liberty  seemed  to  attack  the 
Union  and  laws,  and  every  man  who  desired  to 
maintain  the  Constitution  wa3  obliged  to  seem  a  de- 
fender of  slavery,  thus  cozening  both  sides,  and,  as 
in  an  infernal  enchantment,  giving  false  colors  to  all 
things,  and  bewildering  thousands  of  weak  good 
men  so  that  they  found  themselves  doing  what  they 
hated,  and  betraying  what  they  loved  ; — let  one  but 
recall  these  now  faint  but  once  lurid  excitements 
that  filled  the  nation !  Let  him  evoke  from  ob- 
livion the  undisguised  disunion  sentiments  of  con- 
ventions, politico-commercial,  throughout  the  South 
for  fifteen  years  before  this  secession  mania ;  the  ar- 
rogant and  insufferable  bearing  of  Southern  men  in 
Congress ;  the  Douglas'  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  the 
uproar  and  wild  excitement  consequent ;  the  emi- 
gration to  Kansas;  the  formation  of  societies  in  the 
South  for  the  propagation  of  slavery,  and  in  the 
North  of  counter  associations ;  the  abominations  of 
Southern  men  in  Kansas,  and  the  connivance  oF 
Government  with  them  ! 

To-day  what  do  we  see  ?  The  whole  public  mind 
is  changed,  and  a  united  North  is  agreed  that  sla- 
very must  die.  The  President  recommends  and 
Congress  passes  a  bill  to  inaugurate  emancipation, 
offering  aid  to  all  States  that  shall  choose  that  poli- 
cy, from  the  public  Treasury.  Several  States  begin 
to  manifest  a  change  of  public  feeling — Western 
Virginia,  Maryland,  Missouri — and  evince  a  growing 
disposition  towards  emancipation.  But,  more  -won- 
derful than  all,  emancipation  declared  by  Congress 
in  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  the  capital  of  the 
nation  freed  from  the  abomination  and  guilt  of  sla- 
very ! 

Do  people  realize  the  change  that  has  come  over 
Congress?  For  aught  that  appears,  the  Senators 
and  Representatives  are  gentlemen,  and  might  be 
Christians,  even,  for  aught  that  we  can  see.  Blud- 
geons, loaded  canes,  knives,  pistols,  are  no  longe*. 
used  in  debate.  Are  we  awake,  or  do  we  dream,  in 
these  days  of  emancipation,  of  decent  Congresses, 
of  a  united  North? 

But  what  are  all  these  things  ?  They  are  no  fit 
criterion  of  the  extraordinary  change  and  progress 
of  our  day.  The  event  of  the  century  is  the  publi- 
cation, by  the  Nassau-street  Tract  "Society,  of  an 
anti-slavery  book  !  A  charming  little  hand-grenade 
they  have  thrown  into  the  system  of  slavery.  Its 
contents  are  the  speeches  of  Fox  and  Wilberforce, 
delivered  seventy  years  ago,  (the  seventy  years  of 
Babylonish  captivity  are  ended  to  Israel.)-  against 
the  slave-trade;  Clarkson's  narrative  of  its  abolition, 
the  famous  Presbyterian  resolutions  of  1818;  the 

?lan  of  the  synod  of  Kentucky  in  1835 ;  and  Dr. 
"oung's  sermon  of  183(5  on  the  duty  of  masters! 
Dream?  We  are  like  that  dreamless  old  Rip 
Yan  Winkle  that  did  not  know  the  most  familiar 
scenes!  What  is  the  Boston  Society  going  to  .do 
now  ?  Is  the  New  York  branch  to  be  allowed  to 
take  the  wind  out  of  its  sails  in  this  summary  man- 
ner ?  The  Boston  Society  should  publish  Theodore 
Weld's  Bible  Argument  on  slavery.  .  That  will  put 
them  a  little  ahead  again.  The  next  move  of-  Nas- 
sau street  will  then  be  to  bring  out  a  digest  o/  Mr. 
Seward's  speeches.  This  will  be  met  by  the  Boston  So- 
ciety by  a  judicious  series  of  extracts  from  Mr.  Gar- 
rison's works.  Meanwhile,  will  the  New  York  breth- 
ren accept  our  congratulations  ?  We  now  roll  a 
great  burden  off.  They  have  kept  us  in  a  perpet- 
ual trouble.  We  have  had  a  deal  of  watching,  of 
writing,  and  of  judicial  chastisement  on  hand,  on 
their  account,  for  a  long  time  past-  We  dismiss  all 
further  care.  Only  (as  a  new  broom  sweeps  clean) 
allow  us  the  pertinent  exhortation,  brethren,  not  to 
make  haste  too  fast."  Men  longfamished  are  apt  to 
over-eat  of  stimulating  food  !  Pray  "  let  your  mod- 
eration be  known  to  all  men  !  "  Who  knows  hn* 
that  anti-slavery  Samsons  may  yet  cat  honey  out  of 
the  carcase  of  the  old  dead  lion  ? — New  York  Inde- 
pendent. 

THE  PIRST  ACT  OF  ABOLITION. 

"The  world  rolls  Freedom's  glorious  way, 
And  ripens  with  her  sorrow  ; 
Wo  sow  tho  golden  grain  to-dity. 

Tho  harvest  comes  to-morrow." 

The  results  of  this  war,  which  abolitionists  have 
been  patiently  waiting  for,  are  at  length  appearing. 
On  Wednesday,  the  16th  of  April,  the  capital  of 
the  United  States  of  America  became  a  free  city. 
No  inhabitant  of  that  city  will  ever  hereafter  be  a 
.rushed,  degraded,  unprotected  bondman  or  bond- 
woman. In  ono  short  year,  the  strong  arm  of  Di- 
vine Providence  has  accomplished  the  work.  Only 
a  year  before,  that  capital  Bad  ben  marked  bv  the 
spoiler  as  an  easy  prey.  The  call  of  the  President 
tin-  Seventy-fivQ  thousand  men  was  designated  bv 
defferson  DftvH  as  an  attempt  to  "play  the  game  of 
brag,'"  ami  when  read  in  the  rebel  Congress,  it  was 
greeted  with  roars  of  laughter.  So  low  had  freedom 
sunk  ;  so  high  had  slavery  risen.  This  was  tho  dark 
how  before  dawn,  which  the  true  friends  of  their 
country  had  long  expected.  The  direct  and  final 
collision  between  the  two  antagonistic  powers  they 
nmv  aOCapbed  as  a  stern  and  Inevitable  necessity. 
The  unanimity  with  irhioh  nbolilitinnists  of  owrv 
shade  throughout  the  country  ranged  themselves  on 
the  side  of  the  government  was  surprising.  The 
moment  it  was  discovered  that  the  President  was  m 


7b 


THE     LIBEEA.TO  IR 


MAY  3. 


earnest,  evwy   anti-slavery  voic*,.  pcP  and  |IPi 
VMS  side  "th6  Atlanta,  bade  Bitt  Go*$KKNfc    The 

\eicraii  editors  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Seefety,  Garn- 
-*1  and  Johnsom  hitherto  advocates  ot  peace  am 


non-resistance',  with  fcrtmw 


kablc  prescience  of  the 


mSshtv  import  of  this  struggle,  instantly  placed 
their  long-cherished  desires  for  the  peaceful  solution 
of  this  question  in  abeyance,  and  accepted,  as  the 
just  punishment  of  Heaven  upon  a  guilty  nation, 
the  dread  and  bloody  issue  of  civil  war.  Wen- 
dell Phillips,  who  up  to  this  hour  had  denounced 
the  government  and  its  officers  as  the <l  slave-hounds  " 
of  the  North,  now  became  the  uncompromising  ad- 
vocate of  the  government  and  the  war.  So  unani- 
mous has  been  the  voice  of  the  anti-slavery  commu- 
nity in  favor  of  putting  down  rebellion  by  force, 
~Hbat  amongst  the  Free"  Mission  friends  who  have 
corresponded  with  the  American  Baptist  on  tins  sub- 
ject, we  know  of  but  one  who  would,  on  any  consid- 
eration, allow  slavery  to  retire  aud  set  up  a  kingdom 
of  its  own.  ..      . 

This  unanimity,  01  the  wrong  side,  as  our  mends 
in  England  have  been  pleased  to  consider  it,  has 
been  to  them  a  perfect  enigma.  There,  it  was  at 
once  taken  for  granted  that  the  Union  was  irrepar- 
ably disrupted;  that  the  suppression  of  the  revolt 
■was  a  hopeless  and  insane  undertaking;  and. 
ther,  that  it  was  in  itself  undesirable.  English  abo- 
litionists could  not  believe  that  the  strength  of  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  in  the  North  was  sufficient  to  car- 
ry any  measure  of  emancipation  through  Congress. 
They  argued  that  the  conquest  of  the  South  would 
only  more  firmly  rivet  the  fetters  of  the  slave;  and 
when  Congress  passed  an  act  to  confiscate  slaves 
employed  against  the  Union,  it  was  taken  for  grant- 
ed that  it  was  the  design  of  Congress  to  sell  them 
for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses  of  the 
war!  Such  grave  misapprehensions  as  to  the  na- 
ture of  the  struggle  in  which  we  were  engaged 
could  not  but  produce  sonic  irritation;  and  much  is 
it  to  be  regretted  that,  instead  of  waiting  for  time  to 
develop  the  real  position  of  all  parties,  ink,  paper, 
and  -rood  temper  should  have  been  wasted  in  mutu- 
al recrimination  that  must  leave  a  sting  behind. 
The  London  Times,  which  lias  been  the  great  per- 
verter,  deceiver  and  false  prophet,  now  excuses  it- 
self for  its  false  predictions  on  the  plea  that  events 
have  turned  out  exactly  contrary  to  all  the  proba- 
bilities. "  Why,"  inquires  this  Sir  Oracle,  "  have 
all  our  predictions  been  falsified,  and  why  do  events 
proclaim  us  false  prophets— blind  leaders  of  the 
blind  ?  Because  everything  has  gone  as  it  was  not 
probable  that  it  would  go,  we  judging  of  probabili- 
ties." No,  it  is  not  the  probabilities,  but  the  1  tme- 
perverseness,  that  is  at  fault.  Events  have  turr 
ed  out  just  as  it  appeared  probable  they  would,  and 
iust  as  the  people  of  the  whole  North  have  antici- 
pated, except  that  the  rate  of  progress  has  been 
somewhat  greater  than  was  expected.  Not  only 
the  ultimate  subjugation  of  the  rebellion,  but  the 
downfall  of  slavery  with  it,  in  case  the  contest  should 
be  prolonged  for  any  considerable  time,  has  been 
the  nearly  universal  opinion  through  all  the  north- 
ern States  from  the  commencement  of  the  war. 

We  have  been  rather  surprised  at  the  coolness 
with  which  the  great  initiatory  act  of  abolition  has 
been  received  bv  the  people  at  large.  No  guns,  no 
bonfires,  no  illuminations,  no  gatherings,  no  orations 
scarcely  anything  beyond  a  general  expression  of 
quiet  gratification  at  the  consummation  of  the  act. 
It  has  so  long  been  a  foregone  conclusion  that  sla- 
very must  be  extinguished,  at  least  in  the  capital, 
that  people  of  all  classes  take  it  much  as  a  matter 
of  course.  In  the  midst  of  exciting  battles,  we  are 
not  in  a  favorable  state  to  appreciate  the  real  mag- 
nitude of  this  event,  which  in  future  history  will 
overshadow  all  the  previous  occurrences  ot  this 
great  drama.  The  day  when  slavery  ceased  at 
Washington  will  be  celebrated  by  future  generations 
as  a  grand  holiday,  scarcely  second  in  glorious  re- 
collections to  the  Fourth  of  July.  The  importance 
of  this  measure  should  not  be  estimated  by  the  num- 
bers liberated.  AVhat  though  the  first  bill  for  eman- 
cipation be  for  a  single  city,  affecting  but  a  few 
thousand  instead  of  millions  of  our  suffering  fellow- 
citizens,  and  costing  the  nation  but  a  million  of  dol- 
lars at  the  outside '?  What  though  the  wound  in- 
flicted upon  slavery  is  but  the  fine  puncture  of  a 
stiletto  ?  The  weapon,  though  small,  has  gone  di- 
rectly to  the  heart,  and  it  will  sound  a  death-chill 
through  every  artery  of  the  hydra-headed  monster. 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  now  speak  freedom,  and  they 
must  carry  it  wherever  they  wave.  The  great  car 
of  liberty  was  already  on  an  inclined  plane,  and 
nothing  was  wanting  to  set  it  in  motion  but  the 
striking  away  of  a  single  block.  This  has  now  been 
effected,  and  what  shall  hinder  the  car  from  rolling 
on  ?  It  is  morally  certain  that  in  a  very  few  months 
the  work  of  emancipation  will  commence  m  the 
States.  Western  Virginia  is  fully  ripe  for  it ;  Mis- 
souri and  Maryland  cannot  long  delay.  Every 
State  that  transfers  itself  to  the  side  of  freedom  in- 
creases the  necessity  and  hastens  the  period  of  eman- 
cipation elsewhere.  Meanwhile  the  area  of  the  in- 
stitution is  being  rapidly  diminished  by  the  progress 
of  our  armies,  especially  when  we  consider  the  posi- 
tive declaration  of  the  President,  that  none  of  those 
liberated  by  our  arms  shall  ever  be  returned  to 
bondage. — American  Baptist. 


The  Day  is  Breaking.  If  ever  we  thanked 
God  from  the  bottom  of  our  hearts  for  any  political 
event,  it  is  for  the  abolition  of-slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  At  last,  the  deed  of  justice  is 
done.  The  act  which  for  months  has  been  suspend- 
ed in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  has  passed  them 
both  ;  it  has  been  signed  by  the  President,  and  is  the 
law  of  the  land.  Henceforth  no  man  has  a  right  to 
buy  or  to  sell,  or  to  hold  a  human  being  as  a  slave, 
within  that  city  which  bears  the  great  name  of  the 
Father  of  his  Country.  The  District  of  Columbia 
is  free  soil — every  inch  of  it— as  truly  as  Massachu- 
setts. The  slave  trader  can  no  more  drive  his  gangs 
of  slaves  under  the  shadow  of  the  Capitol  than  un- 
der the  shadow  of  the  monument  on  Bunker  Hill. 
The  free  men  of  the  North,  and  strangers  from 
abroad,  will  no  more  be  sickened  at  the  right  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  held  as  slaves  in  sight  of  the 
very  Temple  of  Liberty.  This  great  and  peaceful 
achievement  is  an  event  for  which  we  may  indulge 
in-mutual  congratulations,  while  we  join  in  devout 
■thanksgiving  to  God.— New  York  Evangelist. 

The  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia is  an  accomplished  fact.  The  President  has 
signed  the  bill,  and  in  ninety  days  all  the  persons 
now  held  unjustly  as  property  will  become  their  own 
masters,  and  be  restored  to  their  natural  birth-right 
of  liberty.  One  great  step  has  been  taken  towards 
effacing  the  foulest  stain  upon  the  American  people. 
Slavery  henceforth,  so  long  as  it  shall  last,  is  section- 
al, freedom  national.  The  policy  of  the  Federal 
Government  is  henceforth  to  be  in  favor  of  freedom, 
and  its  influence,  so  far  as  it  can  properly  and  legiti- 
mately be  exerted,  will  be  in  behalf  of  free  labor 
and  the  equal  rights  of  all  men  to  their  own  persons 
and  the  fruits  of  their  industry. 

For  the  success  of  this  important  measure,  the  peo- 
ple are  largely  indebted  to  Hon.  Henry  Wilson, 
whose  efforts  to  secure  its  success  have  been  unceas- 
ing, and  who  accumulated  an  unanswerable  array  of 
facts  and  statistics  in  its  support.  The  President 
has  fulfilled  the  expectations  of  his  friends,  in  sign- 
ing the  bill,  and  sadly  disappointed  the  pro-slavery 
men,  who,  like  the  Boston  Courier,  have  been  howl- 
ing and  lamenting  over  the  triumphant  passage  of 
the  bill  through  Congress,  and  whose  last,  hopes  of 
its  defeat  lay  in  a  veto  by  the  President.     _ 

Would  it  not  be  well  for  the  public  to  give  more 
notice  to  this  great  event  than  a  mere  passing  re- 
mark? We  fire  salutes  and  illuminate  our  dwell- 
ings for  victories  on  the  battle-field ;  can  we  not 
much  more  appropriately  do  so  over  a  great  victory 
of  peace  like  this  '{—New  Bedford  Repub.  Standard. 

The  colored  people  of  this  District  have  had  a 
continued  jubilee  since  the  House  of  Representatives 
passed  the  Emancipation  bill.  They  seemed  to  have 
no  doubt  of  the  President's  signing  it,  however  the 
pro-slaverv  politicians  might  argue  the  probabilities 
of  the  matter.  Last  Sunday,  there  was  a  happy 
time  at  all  the  colored  churches;  it  was  the  same 
yesterday,  and  it  is  now  probable  that  the  colored 
churches  will  unite  upon  Thursday  next  as  a  day  of 
thanksgiving.  ,' 

A  friend  who  has  a  priceless  old  female  colored 
servant  was  yesterday  somewhat  surprised  and  an- 
noyed by  having  the  Sabbath  stillness  of  his  house 
invaded  by  shouts  and  cries  from  the  kitchen.  Pro- 
ceeding to  the  place  from  whence  the  cries  were  ut- 
tered, he  found  the  old  servant  on  her  knees,  shout- 
in"  with  all  her  might,  "  Glory  to  God  1  the  jubilei. 
has  come  at  last!"  "1  could  not  go  to  church,' 
said  the  servant,  deprecatingly,  evidently  noticing 
her  master's  annoyance,  "but  I  wanted  to  do  my 
part  of  giving  thanks  for  the  jubilee  !  "  The  master 
did  not  chide  her  for  her  boisterous  thankfulness. 

The  morning  after  the  President  signed  the  bill 
a  slave-master  in  this  city— an  honorable  man,  al- 


though blinded  by  the  influences  of  the  institution — 
gathered  his  slaves  around  him  in  his  breakfast-room. 
lie  had  taken  pains  to  conceal  from  them  what  was 
going  on  in  Congress  until  the  Emancipation  bill 
was  a  law.  Now,  with  the  printed  bill  before  him, 
aud  his  former  slaves  gathered  around  the  door  of 
the  apartment,  he  said:  "Congress  has  made  you 
free,  and  I  am  not  sorry  for  it.  You  have  been 
faithful  to  me  as  slaves,  and  I  will  see  that  you  re- 
ceive every  advantage  which  the  law  intended  to 
confer  upon  you.  Now  you  are  perfectly  free  to 
stay  or  go.  Keep  your  present  places,  and  I  will 
open  an  account  with  you,  paying  you  what  you 
could  earn  elsewhere."  Not  one  desired  to  go,  but 
the  cry  of  each  was,  "  Master,  we  desire  to  stay  1" 
and  to-day  the  only  "ruin"  which  the  Emancipa- 
tion act  has  brought  to  that  family,  or  the  former 
slaves  in  it,  is  the  happiness  of  all  the  parties  con- 
cerned. The  slaves  remain  in  their  old  places,  and 
receive  wages  for  their  services.  With  civilized  and 
Christian  masters  throughout  the  South,  this  is  all 
that  a  general  Emancipation  act  would  do  to  ruin 
the  slave  States.  The  colored  people  would  remain 
where  they  now  are,  and  would  simply  be  paid  for 
their  labor. 

The  day  on  which  Mr.  Lincoln  signed  the  Eman- 
cipation act  was  a  happy  as  well  as  beautiful  one. 
That  evening,  as  one  of  the  most  distinguished  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  was  walking  from  his  Depart- 
ment to  his  house,  he  exclaimed  to  the  friend  at  his 
side,  "  All  this  day  that  Emancipation  act  has  been 
in  my  breast.  It  seems  wonderful  to  think  that  the 
capital  is  free  !  You  hear  no  thunder  of  artillery  at 
the  arsenal,  but  I  tell  you  this  is  a  greater  achieve- 
ment than  any  won  on  the  field  of  battle  1" — Wash- 
ington correspondent  of  the  New  York  Independent. 


.  THE    AMEEIOAH    TRACT    SOCIETY. 


i  ft  t  x « 1 0 1 . 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  ! 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  MAT  2,  1353. 


TWENTT-SINTH  ANNIVERSARY 
OF   THE 

AMERICAN  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 

The  Twenty-Ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavery  Society  will  be  held  in  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans,  (Dr.  Cheever's,)  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  on  Tuesday,  May  6,  commencing  at 
10  o'clock,  A.  M.  In  the  evening,  another  public 
meeting  will  be  held  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  com- 
mencing at  half  past  7  o'clock. 

The  Society  will  meet,  for  business  purposes  only, 
in  the  Lecture  Room  of  the  Church  of  the  Puritans,  at 
3£  P.  M.  on  Tuesday,  and  10  A.  M.  on  Wednesday. 

Among  the  speakers  will  be  Rev.  Dr.   Cheever, 

Wendell  Phillips,  Wh.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wm. 

Wells  Bkown,  and  Miss  Anna  E.  Dickinson,  of 

Philadelphia. 

In  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee, 

WM.  LLOYD  GA11RISON,  President. 

Wendell  Phillips,        I  P       ,     ■ 
„  ^   n  }  Secretaries. 

Charles  C.  Burleigh,  J 

^="  The  New  York  (City')  Anti- Slavery  So- 
ciety will  hold  its  anniversary  in  the  Cooper  Institute 
on  WEDNESDAY  evening,  May  7th. 


Descriptive  Epithets.  The  New  York  Journal 
of  Commerce  thinks  the  epithets  we  have  used  to  de- 
scribe its  course  of  persistent  pro-s!averjr  villany  to  he 
in  bad  taste  !  Being  justly  applicable,  we  could  prop- 
erly use  no  others.  We  find  ourselves  well  supported, 
in  dealing  thus  with  it,  by  the  scorching  terms  em- 
bodied in  the  23d  chapter  of  Matthew,  which  were  un- 
questionably deemed  quite  scurrilous  by  those  towhom 
they  were  addressed.  The  Journal  of  Commerce  omits 
to  mention,  of  course,  that  we  have  copied  from  it,  for 
the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  hundreds  of  columns  of 
its  slanderous  charges  against  the  Abolitionists  and  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause, — usually  without  a  single  word  of 
reply;  leaving  our  readers  to  decide  for  themselves 
whether  any  castigation  of  it  could  be  too  severe. 
When  will  that  paper  allow  a  single  article  of  ours  to 
appear  in  its  columns  in  vindication  of  the  principles 
and  measures  we  espouse  ? 


Contrabands  to  re  Enrolled  in  Gen.  Hunter's 
Division.  The  Tribune's  Washington  despatch  says 
the  War  Department  has  issued  an  order  for  arms  and 
clothing  for  the  loyal  blacks,  to  be  enrolled  in  General 
Hunter's  Division. 

Among  the  other  significant  signs  of  the  times  is  a 
letter  in  the  St.  Joseph  (Mo.)  NewEra,  from  B.  Gratz 
Brown,  the  editor  formerly  of  the  Missouri  Democrat, 
in  which  he  avows  himself  an  "agitator"  in  behalf 
of  emancipation,  total  and  speedy,  of  slavery  in  Mis 
souri,  and  his  intention  to  continue  the  discussion  un- 
til the  institution  shall  be  unknown  in  that  State. 

Here  is  another  incident.  Governor  Tod,  of  Ohio, 
has  taken  the  rebel  prisoners  in  that  State  under  his 
care,  and  is  sending  off  the  slaves  still  remaining  with 
the  rebel  officers,  in  small  squads,  not  back  to  slavery 
but  northward  to  freedom. 


The  Annual  Meeting.  The  twenty-ninth  an- 
nual meeting  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
to  be  held  in  New  York  on  Tuesday,  should  bring  to- 
gether as  many  of  the  earnest  and  untiring  friends  of 
the  cause  as  possible.  Of  the  whole  series  of  anni- 
versaries of  the  Society,  only  one  has  been  omitted  ; 
and  that  exceptional  case,  in  view  of  the  imperilled 
state  of  the  country  at  that  time,  was  clearly  warrant- 
ed, in  the  unanimous  judgmeutof  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee. The  potential  reasons  which  then  weighed  so 
heavily  in  the  balance  do  not  now  exist;  and  we 
therefore  look  for  a  cheering  anniversary.  Dreadful 
as  is  the  bloody  struggle  now  going  on  in  the  land,  yet 
all  the  signs  of  tlie  times  are  hopeful.  The  total  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  is,  alone, 
an  event  deserving  of  special  commemoration ;  and 
the  acclamations  which  have  followed  in  every  part  of 
the  North  are  presumptive  evidence  that  there  would 
be  no  bounds  to  the  joy  of  the  people,  should  the 
Government  also  decree  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery 
throughout  the  land.  Nothing  but  this  is  wanted  to 
crush  the  rebellion  at  once,  and  through  universal 
freedom  to.  establish  a  symmetrical  and  happy  Union. 


There  could  not  possibly  be  a  stronger  indication 
of  the  turning  of  the  popular  mind  against  shivery 
than  a  movement  of  the  American  Tract  Society  in 
that  direction.  The  grave  and  reverend  seigniors  who 
manage  (and  who  practically  constitute)  that  Society 
always  go  with  the  multitude,  even  when  that  goes 
the  right  way.  But  they  never  act  hastily.  They 
wait  long  enough  to  obtain  a  confident  assurance 
which  way  the  multitude  will  continue  to  go.  And 
their  echoing  of  President  Lincoln's  moderate  moves 
of  separation  from  slavery  clearly  shows  their  confi- 
dent expectation  that  his  is  the  winning  party ;  that 
he  will  increase,  while  the  slaveholders  must  decrease. 
With  the  progressive  diminution  of  slavery,  their  lan- 
guage against  it  will  become  more  and  more  energet- 
ic; and  when  it  is  utterly  extinct,  without  hope  of  res- 
urrection, they  wilhuse  against  it  the  very  epithets 
which  Abolitionists  have  hitherto  used,  and  will  as- 
a  matter  of  course,  that  the  saints  always 
took  that  position,  and  that  only  the  unregenerate  were 
ever  the  upholders  of  human  bondage. 

Some  of  my  readers  will  remember  the  name  and 
history  of  "  the  suppressed  tract."  The  old  policy  of 
the  tract  managers  was  to  say  nothing  about  slavery, 
even  snipping  out  all  incidental  mention  of  it  from 
the  pious  books  formerly  existing,  which  they  adopted 
into  tlicir  series  and  republished.  But  in  1857  it  oc- 
curred to  them  that  their  position  might  be  fortified 
by  republishing  a  few  sermons  and  essays  originally 
written  and  printed  by  slaveholders,  which  assumt-d 
the  rectitude  of  the  system,  while  protesting  against 
certain  customary  features  of  it,  winch  they  called 
"abuses."  This  publication,  of  76  pages,  called 
"Scriptural  Duties  of  Masters,"  was  actually  printed 
and  stitched,  ready  for  distribution,  at  the  Tract  House 
in  New  York,  at  the  time  of  the  Annual  Meeting 
May,  1857;  but  on  the  representation  of  Southern 
friends  of  the  Society,  that  this  would  injure  instead 
of  helping  them,  since  a  publication  about  slavery 
would  immediately  give  rise  to  the  demand  for  a  pub- 
lication against  slavery,  it  was  suppressed,  and  from 
that  time  until  the  present  year,  the  Secretaries  ad- 
hered to  their  former  policy  of  printing  nothing  (ex- 
cept underhand  private  correspondence)  on  the  sub- 
ject. 

I  had  occasion,  a  short  time  ago,  to  call  at  the  De- 
pository of  the  New  England  Branch  of  the  American 
Tract  Society,  78  Washington  street,  Boston,  and  the 
courteous  Secretary  asked  me  to  aeceptwhat  he  called 
"our  last  pro-slavery  book."  This  proved  to  be  a 
little  volume  of  144  pages,  with  the  following  title  :— 
"  The  Enormity  of  the  Slave-Trade  ;  and  the  Duty 
of  seeking  the  Moral  and  Spiritual  Elevation  of  the 
Colored  Race.  Speeches  of  Wilberforce,  and  other 
Documents  and  Records.  Published  by  the  American 
Tract  Society,  150  Nassau  street,  New  York." 

Though  this"fitie  shows  no  reason  for  the  descrip- 
tive epithet  used  by  the  Secretary,  I  found  that  epi- 
thet amply  justified  by  a.portion  of  the  contents.  In 
fact,  the  book  is  composed  of  two  elements  exceeding- 
ly dissimilar ;  the  former  half  contains  various  speeches, 
writings  and  documents  in  condemnation  of  the  slave- 
trade  between  Africa  and  the  British  West  Indies, 
which  was  abolished,  by  act  of  Parliament,  more  than 
half  a  century  ago  ;  the  latter  half  republishes  various 
documents  heretofore  written  and  circulated  by  slave- 
holders in  various  parts  of  our  Southern  States,  the 
actual  and  natural  tendency  of  which  has  been  to  con- 
tinue and  strengthen  the  system  of  slavery. 

Of  the  former  half  (the  Wilberforce  portion)  of  tins 
book,  it  needs  only  he  said  that,  since  the  American 
Tract  Society,  a  few  years  ago,  refused  to  pass  the 
resolutions  offered  by  Dr.  Patton  and  others  against 
our  slave  trade,  which  was  then  not  only  existing  but 
flourishing,  and  well  known  to  be  carried  on  by  ves- 
sels fitted  out  in  New  York,  the  publication  of  it  shows 
movement  and  progress  in  the  Society.  It  is  some- 
thing, it  is  a  beginning,  to  speak  against  even  a  dead 
and  buried  iniquity,  so  closely  akin  to  that  living  one 
which  they  have  hitherto  refused  to  touch  with  even 
a  resolution  of  censure.  And  it  is  encouraging  to  re- 
member that  the  Managers  would  not  have  done  even 
this,  had  they  not  seen  their  way  clear,  by  slow  de- 
grees and  with  advancing  time,  to  do  more.  Their 
having  made  this  infinitesimal  movement  in  a  direction 
varied  from  their  old  one  shows  that  they  see  the  ap- 
proaching downfall  of  slavery  ;  and  their  taking  time 
to  get  faced  in  an  opposite  direction,  and  their  doing 
this  by  several  separate  movements  instead  of  at  once, 
are  no  evidence  of  continued  doubt,  but  only  of  their 
accustomed  observance  of  moderation,  dignity,  and 
apparent  consistency  with  their  past  action. 

Their  high  value  for  consistency  is  the  exciting  cause, 
no  doubt,  of  their  selection  of  matter  essentially  pro-sla- 
very to  accompany  the  writings  of  Wilberforce  and 
Clarkson.  Though  inexorable  circumstances  compel 
them  to  desert  slavery,  they  will  still  stand  by  their 
pro-slavery  "  Christian  brethren."  And  the  three 
documents  which  make  up  the  remainder  of  the  book 
in  question  are  the  productions  of  clerical  slavehold- 
ers, long  since  published  by  slaveholders,  and  circu- 
lated among  them,  and  seeking  to  purchase  a  contin- 
uance of  the  system  by  a  protest  against  certain  ac- 
companiments of  it  which  they  represented  as  abuses. 
The  Reverend  gentlemen  who  originally  got  up  these 
documents  seem  to  have  feared  that  they  could  not 
keep  slavery  unless  it  was  reformed  ;  and  they  tried 
:o  mitigate  its  horrors  that  they  might  keep  it;  that 
t  might  not  altogether  be  taken  out  of  their  hands  by 
the  advance  of  civilization  and  humanity. 
These  three  documents  are  the  following  : — 


every  previous  year  of  its  existence  ! — that  "no  accu- 
mulation of  difficulties  can  justify  the  neglect  of  these 
our  brethren,"  the  colored  people  of  the  South—as  if 
they  had  not  practised  all  manner  of  dishonesty,  up  to 
the  present  year,  in  the  attempt  to  show  that  existing 
difficulties  made  it  a  duty  to  neglect  them  ! — and,  final- 
ly, that,  if  freedom  can  be  attained,  "  the  Gospel  re- 
commends that  the  Christian  bondman.'  use  it  rather'  " 
— as  if,  up  to  this  year,  every  functionary  of  the  Tract 
Society  had  not  steadily  refused  to  recognize  the  exist- 
ence of  that  important  passage  of  Scripture  ! 

What  good  can  he  expected  of  a  Society  which  car- 
ries on  even  a  reform  by  the  use  of  shameless  decep- 
tion and  imposture  t  Is  the  slightest  confidence  to  be 
put  in  its  fair  speeches  ?  Will  any  man  of  average 
sense  and  prudence  put  money  intended  for  the  colored 
refugees  into  the  hands  of  this  Society,  while  he  can 
possibly  find  another  agent  ? — c.  it.  w. 


REPLY  TO  THE  LETTER  0E  WM.  C.  MAB.TYH, 


Treatment  op  the  Southern  Barbarians.  In 
publishing  the  favors  of  correspondents,  and  articles 
from  various  journals,  we  sometimes  find  sentiments 
in  them  which  we  cannot  endorse,  although  we  do  not 
deem  it  necessary  in  every  case  to  register  our  dissent. 
But,  in  these  warlike  times,  we  desire  to  avoid  seem- 
ing to  give  any  countenance  to  the  spirit  of  vengeance ; 
and  so — while  admitting  that  the  atrocities  committed 
by  the  Southern  barbarians  upon  both  the  living  and 
the  dead  soldiers  of  the  North  are  of  the  most  revolt- 
ing character — we  cannot  subscribe  to  the  sentiment 
contained  in  the  lines  on  "  The  Knights  of  the  Skull," 
in  our  poetical  department — 

" Let  your  war-cry  bo  vengeance — demand  blood/or  blood.' 
Till  the  foe  bito  the  dust  at  the  feet  of  tiie  brave  !  " 
Still,  this  is  the  true  "patriotic"  vein,  and  those 
who  are  not  non-resistants  can  consistently  make  no 
objection  to  it. 


Satanic  Democracy.  The  manner  in  which  that 
great  and  glorious  event,  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  has  been  received  by  the 
Democratic  presses  of  the  country,  universally,  may 
be  judged  of  by  a  perusal  of  the  articles  in  the  "Ref- 
uge of  Oppression,"  from  the  New  Hampshire  Pa- 
triot. They  denounce  it  in  unmeasured  terms,  and 
are  furious  that  the  capital  of  the  nation  is  cleansed 
from  pollution  and  blood,  the  national  character  re- 
deemed to  that  extent  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized 
world,  and  the  bondage  of  many  generations  has  ter- 
minated forever.  It  matters  not  to  them  that  Govern- 
ment has  given  the  quid  pro  o>io,  at  the  market  value, 
for  the  victims  whom  it  had  tlio  constitutional  right  to 
set  free  unconditionally— they  delight  in  yokes  aud 
fetters,  in  slave-whips  and  branding-irons,  in  the  su- 
premacy over  the  legislation  of  the  country  of  the 
dealers  in  human  flesh,  and  in  making  democracy 
synonymous  with  diabolism. 


Unanimous  Action  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  United  States,  1818." 

"The  Substance  of  the  Plan  of  a  Committee  of  the 
Synod  of  Kentucky  for  the  Instruction  and  Emanci- 
pation of  their  Slaves,  1835"*' 

"The  Duty  of  Masters:  a  Sermon  preached  in 
Danville,  Kentucky,  in  1846,  and  then  published  at 
the  unanimous  request  of  the  Church  and  Congrega- 
tion. By  Rev.  John  C.  Young,  D.D.,  President  of 
Centre  College,  and  Pastor  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  Danville.     Revised  by  the  Author." 


The  two  former  of  these  documents  speak  very 
strongly,  and  very  justly,  against  slavery,  but  agree 
that  it  mag  be  continued  for  the  present.  The  conse- 
quence has  been,  that  the  members  of  the  bodies  in 
question  have  held  on  to  it  to  the  present  moment,  no 
evidence  appearing  of  the  least  mitigation  of  its  cru- 
elties on  their  part. 

The  third  of  these  documents  (which  also  formed  a 
portion  of  the  contents  of  "  the  suppressed  tract," 
above  referred  to)  represents  slaveholding  as  right, 
approved  by  God,  and  in  accordance  with  the  Gospel, 
ortty  needing  to  be  pruned  of  some  objectionable  fea- 
tures. Dr.  Young  and  his  people  have  continued 
slaveholders,  as  might  be  expected  ;  and,  as  might  be 
expected,  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  the 
slightest  degree  of  reformation  on  their  part.  They 
printed  and  circulated  the  sermon  because  it  seemed 
suited  to  maintain  and  fortify  slavery;  and  it  has  an- 
swered their  expectations.  But  those  are  the  sort  of 
people  whom  the  Managers  of  the  Tract  Society  have 
been  accustomed  to  call  Christians;  therefore  they 
still  call  them  so ;  and  they  clench  the  position  by  re- 
publishing this  old  pro-slavery  literature,  as  if  it  were 
good  instead  of  evil. 

The  gradual  change  of  position  to  which  I  have  re- 
ferred in  the  American  Tract  Society  has  appeared 
yet  more  manifestly  in  the  columns  of  its  monthly 
paper,  The  American  Messenger.  Commencing  with 
great  moderation  in  the  February  number,  they  spoke 
a  little  more  and  a  little  stronger  in  each  succeeding 
one,  until  in  May  they  publish  the  President's  Message 
recommending  the  gradual  "abolishment"  of  shivery, 
speak  of  it  as  a  document  after  their  own  heart,  and 
piously  announce  that  they  are  ready,  "as  the  Provi- 
dence of  God  shall  open  the  door,"  to  uphold  fully 
and  resolutely  the  national  authority.  They  tell  their 
readers  that  "recent  [!]  disclosures  have  shown  "  that 
the  foreign  slave-trade  has  been  maintained  from 
Northern  ports — as  if  they  had  not  shared  the  public 
knowledge  of  this  fact  for  ten  years  past! — that  "the 
Gospel  forbids  that  this  Society  should  lend  even  the 
acquiescence  of  silence"  to  a  system  which  has  sla- 
very for  its  corner-stone — as  if  it  had  not  impudently 
and  persistently  disregarded  this  same  prohibition  in 


West  Brookfield,  Mass.,  April  22d,  18C2. 
Mr.  Garrison: 

My  Dear  Sir, — The  Liberator  of  April  18th  has 
been  forwarded  to  me  at  this  place  to-day.  I  find  in 
it  a  letter  from  Mr.  Martyn  in  reply  to  a  former  com- 
munication of  mine  in  the  Liberator  of  April  4th.  I 
am  glad  that  your  note  will  relieve  Mr.  Martyn  of 
his  misapprehension  in.  regard  to  the  author  of  the 
letter  to  which  he  replies.  I  desire  to  make  no  con- 
cealment or  to  evade  any  responsibility  for  my  public 
statements.  I  was  moved  to  the  \Qvy  unpleasant  task 
of  writing  to  you  by  no  personal  ill-will,  but  simply 
by  a  sense  of  duty  to  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  as  well 
as  to  Mr.  Martyn  himself.  It  is  proper  to  say,  also, 
that  I  did  not  anticipate  that  my  communication 
would  be  published  by  you,  at  least  until  you  had 
privately  investigated  the  charges  therein  made.  I 
gave  you  liberty  to  make  any  use  you  saw  fit  of  the 
information,  and  your  judgment  decided  to  make  it 
public,  and  I  have  no  fault  to  find,  but  only  regret  that 
any  other  person  than  myself  has  been  made  obnox- 
ious to  the  censure  of  Mr.  Martyn.  With  the  person- 
al remarks  which  he  makes  in  regard  to  the  imagined 
author  of  the  charges  against  his  integrity,  I  have 
evidently  no  concern,  since  they  are  plainly  not  di- 
rected towards  me.  I  can  only  express  the  wish  that 
I  could  believe  that  they  sprang  from  a  sense  of  in- 
jured innocence. 

Now,  Mr.  Editor,  the  only  point  of  interest  to  the 
public  in  this  unpleasant  controversy  is — Are  the 
charges  made  against  Mr.  Martyn  in  my  letter  of 
April  4th  true? 

I  have  read  and  considered  Mr.  Martyn's  reply 
with  an  honest  hope  to  find  some  ground  for  retract- 
ing my  former  opinions,  and  concluding  that  I  had 
misjudged  him.  I  wish  I  could  now  write  you  that 
I  believed  myself  mistaken  in  my  facts  or  my  infer- 
ences of  April  4th,  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  am 
forced  to  believe,  in  face  of  Mr.  Martyn's  denials  and 
explanations,  that  my  charges  were  only  too  true. 
Allow  me  to  tell  you  why  I  think  so. 

First,  then,  in  regard  to  the  occurrence  at  Yale 
which  I  narrated  in  my  former  letter.  Mr.  Martyn 
denies  that  he  directed  his  acquaintance  to  call  on  him 
at  "No.  5  South  Centre,"  but  directed  him  tome  at 
South  Middle.  I  can  only  say  in  reply,  that  I  was  in 
company  with  a  classmate  at  the  time  we  met  the 
gentleman  at  Yale,  and  my  classmate  (whose  name  I 
will  also  give  Mr.  Martyn,  if  he  desires  it)  lias  the 
same  recollection  and  knowledge  of  the  circumstances 
with  myself.  The  gentleman  inquired  only  for  Mr. 
Martyn,  at  the  same  time  showing  us  the  address  as 
before  given.  I  had  a  long  conversation  with  the 
gentleman,  during  which  he  learned  my  name,  but 
never  intimated  that  Mr.  Martyn  had  ever  spoken  of 
me.  I  cannot  of  course  say  that  the  gentleman  was 
truthful  in  bis  statements,  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  what 
should  have  led  him  thus  to  seek  Mr.  Martyn  at  Yale, 
with  a  written  address,  and  to  make  no  mention  of 
me,  nor  to  recognize  my  name  when  known,  if  it  be 
true,  as  Mr.  Martyn  alleges,  that  he  was  only  directed 
to  call  for  me  at  South  Middle.  Mr.  Martyn  thinks 
it  hard  that  I  did  not  direct  the  gentleman  to  his  res- 
idence, instead  of  concluding  that  "an  old  acquaint- 
ance was  a  liar  and  a  rascal."  In  the  first  place,  I 
did  not  know  that  his  family  resided  in  Now  Haven 
at  that  time,  nor,  in  the  second  place,  did  I  "rush 
headlong,  with  volunteer  haste,  to  any  conclusion."  I 
simply  told  the  gentleman  that  Mr.  Martyn  was  never 
in  college,  and  he  very  easily  drew  his  own  conclu- 
sions. It  was  not  until  I  became  convinced  by  other 
and  stronger  evidence  that  I  deemed  it  my  duty  to 
make  the  statement  which  I  did  to  you.  It  was  no 
concern  of  mine  how  much  Mr.  Martyn  imposed^pon 
private  individuals,  but  when  he  burdened  the  Anti- 
Slavery  cause  with  the  bad  character  which  I  believed 
he  possessed,  I  think  it  was  properly  my  concern  to 
expose  him. 

Now  a  few  words  in  regard  to  Mr.  Martyn's  con- 
duct and  representations  at  LeRoy,  N.  Y.  I  am  to- 
day in  receipt  of  a  letter  from  my  classmate  at 
LeRoy,  in  wdiich  he  informs  me  that  from  careful  per- 
sonal inquiry,  he  finds  that  all  my  statements  of  April 
4th  are  confirmed,  and  much  more  might  be  added  of 
the  same  character.  This  he  has  from  the  lips  of  the 
persons  who  met  Mr.  Martyn  in  LeRoy.  Indeed, 
Mr.  Martyn  admits  the  charge  that  he  advertised  him- 
self as  a  member  of  Yale  College,  but  overcame  his 
scruples  on  the  score,  to  "save  the  expense"!  Is  this 
the  conduct  of  an  honest  man?  Would  you,  Mr. 
Editor,  use  handbills  on  which  you  were  advertised 
as  an  Orthodox  clergyman  ?  Especially  would  you 
fail  to  inform  your  audience,  if  such  a  mistake  had  oc- 
curred ?  It  is  certain,  then,  that  Mr.  Martyn  lectured 
at  LeRoy  under  the  false  character  of  a  student  of 
Yale  College,  and  the  people  of  LeRoy  never  learned 
the  falsehood  or  "  mistake  "  from  him.  My  classmate 
at  LeRoy  (whose  name  is  also  at  the  service  of  Mr. 
Martyn,  if  he  has  forgotten  it)  adds  that  the  pretence 
of  high  scholarship  was  also  made  as  the  excuse  for 
so  long  absence  from  his  class.  In  a  word,  everything 
was  said  which  was  deemed  necessary  to  keep  up 
the  consistency  of  the  character  assumed. 

But  Mr.  Martyn  says  he  has  "never  valued  a  col- 
lege-bred reputation  sufficiently  to  lie  himself  in."  He 
should  have  remembered,  when  he  said  that,  the  let- 
ter which  he  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in  LeRoy,  after 
leaving  that  place,  in  which  he  uses  these  words  : — 
"Owing  to  the  increased  weakness  of  iny  eyesight 
on  returning  home  in  November,  I  was  obliged  to 
disconnect  myself  with  college  during  the  remainder  of 
the  year."  What  does  this  language  mean  1  "  Dis- 
connect" himself  with  a  college  with  which  he  knows 
he  was  never  connected?  What  has  he  to  say,  also, 
to  the  reply  of  this  gentleman,  that  it  would  not 
"pay"  for  him  to  come  again  to  LeRoy  until  he  had 
"  made  it  clear  that  he  was  not  an  impostor  "  '*. 

It  gives  me  no  pleasure,  Mr.  Editor,  to  state  or  to 
believe  these  things  of  any  man,  especially  of  an  ac- 
quaintance whom  I  once  supposed  to  be  honest  and 
honorable.  I  would  gladly  unsay  all  I  have  said,  if 
the  facts  and  the  evidence  would  allow  me. 

With  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

D.  HENRY   CHAMBERLAIN. 


vant  is  the  individual  he  thus  gratuitously  maligns,  I 
ot  certain.  The  internal  evidence  furnished  by 
the  piece  is  both  pro  and  con.  What — aside  from  the 
attempt  at  portraiture,  concerning  the  Bticcess  of 
which  I  will  not  assume  to  be  critic — seems  to  indi- 
cate myself  as  the  one  aimed  at,  is  his  reference  to  the 
report  in  the  Worcester  Spy  of  the  meeting  at  Fra- 
mingham,  July  6th,  1858.  At  the  time  of  which  he 
speaks,  I  used  occasionally  to  report  for  that  journal, 
and  I  am  the  only  student  now  at  Yale  who  has  had 
any  connection  with  it.  Supposing,  for  the  moment, 
the  evidence  conclusive,  it  affords  a  new  instance  of 
his  readiness  to  "suspect,"  without  sufficient  ground. 
He  is  mistaken  as  to  the  author  of  that  report.  My 
visit  to  Eramingham  was  one  of  pleasure,  and  not  of 
business.  One  of  the  editors  of  the  Spy  was  present, 
and  "took  the  notes."  That  "malignant  and  silly 
attack"  was  the  impartial  judgment  of  an  older  critic 
than  I  am,     Let  mo  quote  it  entire  : — 

A  young  gentleman,  named  Martyn,  now  came 
forward,  and  treated  the  company  to  a  schoolboy  dec- 


lamation on  the  general  subject 

I  heard  only  the  concluding  passages  of  Mr.  Mar- 
tyn's effort,  but  am  inclined  to  believe  the  above  re- 
mark neither  "malignant"  nor  "silly."  It  is  only 
not  flattering.     So  much  for  the  evidence  pro. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Martyn  states  twice  that  he 
knows  the  person  of  whom  he  writes  only  by  repu- 
tation, and  never  had  a  dozen  words  with  him  in  his 
life.  Now,  Mr.  Martyn  has  frequently  engaged  in 
long  conversations  with  me  at  Worcester,  has  more 
than  once  been  present  where  I  have  spoken,  and  has 
called  upon  me  at  my  college-room  until  his  acquaint- 
ance became  so  unpleasant  that,  during  bis  last  visit,  I 
excused  myself  from  his  company.  There  is  no  one 
else  in  Yale  whom  Mr.  Martyn  could  have  supposed 
responsible  for  the  remark  in  the  Spy;  yet,  if  he 
speaks  of  me,  he  is  guilty  of  a  deliberate  and  repeated 
falsehood  in  the  matter  of  our  acquaintance. 

In  regard  to  his  aspersions  of  my  character,  I  am 
confident  they  will  carry  with  them  no  weight  until 
he  shall  have  vindicated  his  own.  I  have  grown  up 
in  this  city,  and  whoever  may  think  it  worth  while 
easily  satisfy  himself  concerning  my  trustworthi- 
ness. I  make  no  boasts  and  challenge  no  comparisons, 
least  of  all  with  such  as  he.  Believe  me,  I  am  heart- 
ily glad  this  individual  has  revealed  the  shallowness  of 
his  regard.  In  my  presence,  he  always  abounded  in 
sickly  flatteries.  Now  he  is  unreservedly  committed. 
The  friendship  of  a  dog  may  be  better  than  his  enmi- 
ty, but  the  friendship  of  some  men  is  infinitely  worse. 
I  was  absent^from  college  during  the  latter  part  of 
last  month,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  letter  of  your 

correspondent ,    (Mr.    Chamberlain,) 

until  more  than  a  week  after  its  publication  ;  yet  I  was 
previously  well  acquainted  with  the  circumstances 
which  he  therein  cites,  and  had  I  seen  Mr.  Martyn's 
proposal  to  lecture  and  your  endorsement  of  him, 
should  have  felt  in  duty  buund  to  communicate  them 
to  you.  His  defence  is  characteristic, — as  weak  and 
unsatisfactory,  it  seems  to  me,  in  its  matter,  as  in  its 

style  it  is  turgid  and  frothy.     " "  will, 

I  doubt  not,  make  its  flimsiness  sufficiently  apparent. 
G.  WALTER  ALLEN. 


Consumption:  How  to  Prevent  It,  and  How  to 
Cure  It.    By  James  C.  Jackson,  M.  D.     Boston  :  B. 

Leverett  Emerson,  129  Washington  Street.     1862. 

pp.  400. 

Consumption  is  the  scourge  of  New  England  in 
special :  the  number  of  its  victims,  annually,  bears  a 
fearful  proportion  to  that  of  any  other  disease  that  is 
not  epidemical.  How  to  prevent  it,  and  how  to  cure 
therefore,  a  question  of  the  deepest  interest  to 
all  classes.  In  this  volume,  Dr.  Jackson  treats  the 
subject  in  a  most  intelligent,  searching  and  popular 
manner,  avoiding  all  those  medical  technicalities, 
which,-  to  the  uninitiated,  are  utterly  unintelligible. 
His  style  is  flowing,  lucid,  and,  for  such  a  treatise,  sin- 
gularly attractive;  and  the  scope  of  his  survey  indi- 
cates rare  powers  of  observation,  of  analysis,  and  of 
judgment.  The  work  contains  twenty-five  chapters, 
in  the  following  order,  upon  the  following  topics  : — 

Chapter  I.  Why  should  Persons  die  before  their 
Time? 

II.  Breeding  of  Children  often  a  Predisposing  Cause 
to  Consumption. 

III.  Consumption — What  is  it  1 

IV.  Impairment  of  the  Constitution  by  Drug-tak- 
ing. 

V.  Exhaustion  of  Vital  Power,  or  Debility,  caused 
by  Excessive  Sensual  Indulgence. 

VI.  Difference  in  Age  of  the  Parents  a  Cause  of 
the  Consumptive  Habit  of  Children. 

VII.  Predispositions  to  Consumption,  growing  out 
of  the  Use  of  Unhealthy  Food. 

VIII.  Impure  Water,  Mineral  and  Medicated  Wa- 
fers, as  Predisposing  Agents  to  Consumption. 

IX.  Alcohol,  and  its  Influence  in  developing  Con- 
sumption. 

X.  Causes  operating,  on  the  Mother  during  Preg- 
nancy, and  those  which  are  induced  after  Birth. 

XL  Causes  which  are  not  Congenital,  but  induced 
after  Birth. 

XII.  Sleeping  in  the  same  Bed  with  Consumptive 
Persons. 

XIII.  Breathing  Impure  Air  in  Close  Rooms,  Shops, 
Factories,  Privies,  &c. 

XIV.  Causes  operating  to  produce  Consumption  in 
Persons  predisposed  to  it,  originating  in  their  Condi- 
tions of  Mind. 

XV.  Recreations  and  Amusements. 

XVI.  The  Influence  of  Dress  in  producing  Con- 
sumption.   . 

XVII.  Mental  Causes  as  predisposing  to  Consump- 
tion. 

XVIII.  The  Influence  of  Unhappy  Social  Relations 
in  predisposing  Persons  to  Pulmonary  Consumption. 

XIX.  Diseases  which  tend  to  produce,  and  which 
end  in  Consumption. 

XX.  Epidemic  Catarrh,  or  Influenza. 

XXI.  Measles. 

XXII.  Diseases  of  the  Nutritive  Organs. 

XXIII.  Uterine  Diseases,  and  their  Influence  in 
producing  Consumption. 

XXIV.  Tubercular  Consumption. 

XXV.  What  is  not  the  True  Treatment  for  Pul- 
monary or  Mesenteric  Consumption. 

We  have  no  hesitation  in  recommending  this  work 
to  the  attention  of  every  household. 

Southern  Hatred  op  the  American  Govern- 
ment, the  People  or  the  North,  and  Free  In- 
stitutions. Boston  :  Published  by  R.  F.  Wallcnt, 
221  Washington  Street.    1862. 

This  tract  is  supplemental  to  a  tract  of  24  duodecimo 
pages  which  was  published  last  year  by  R.  E.  Wall- 
cot,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  entitled  "  The 
Spirit  of  t/ie  South  towards  Northern  Freemen  and  Sol- 
diers defending  the  American  Flag  against  Traitors  of  the 
deepest  Dye."  As  far  as  practicable,  both  of  these 
tracts  should  be  carefully  bound  together  for  future  re- 
ference, and  as  a  matter  of  historical  importance. 
They  furnish  overwhelming  evidence,  drawn  from 
Southern  sources  that  it  is  not  Abolitionism  or  Re- 
publicanism, per  se,  but  against  free  institutions  and 
the  democratic  theory  of  government  universally, 
that  the  South  has  risen  in  rebellion  for  the  overthrow 
of  the  American  Union  and  the  establishment  of  a  hos- 
tile independent  confederacy,  based  on  oligarchic  and 
slaveholding  principles. 

What  delusion  or  hypocrisy  it  is,  then,  to  represent 
that  the  South  has  no  objection  to  anything  at  the 
North  but  its  abolitionism  ! 


WOLVES    Ilf    SHEEP'S    0LOTHIBG. 
Mr.  Editor: 

Dear  Sir — I  rejoice  to  see  you  continuing  to 
serve  the  cause  of  universal  truth  and  justice,  not  only 
by  enlightening  the  mind  and  arousing  the  conscience 
of  the  people  towards  American  Blavery, — the  one 
great  shame  of  the  civilized  world, — "the  sum  of  all 
villanies  "  ;  not  only  by  holding  the  Government,  the 
Church  and  the  State,  to  a  strict  fulfilment  of  their 
legitimate  and  respective  duties ;  not  only  and 
simply,  by  direct  and  positive  loyalty  to  the  princi- 
ples of  personal  freedom,  but  otherwise  and  indirect- 
ly. By  your  faithful  and  consistent  adherence  to 
the  measure  of  your  moral  standard,  which  alone  can 
justify  the  seemingly  severe  rebukes  sometimes  be- 
stowed upon  a  faithless  political,  moral  or  ecclesiasti- 
cal representative;  by  your  trenchant  criticisms  on 
the  falsities  and  perversions  of  the  pro-slavery  press; 
by  your  proper  and  necessary  discrimination  between 
principles  and  men ;  and  lastly,  though  far  removed 
from  being  least  in  its  effects,  by  boldly  and  success- 
fully unmasking  those  heartless  hypocrites,  who, 
under  the  shield  of  being  public  anti-slavery  speakers, 
are  enabled  to  practise,  with  comparative  security  for 
a  season,  the  worst  phases  of  deception  towards  the 
innocent  and  confiding,  wherever  in  any  private  home, 
and  for  the  sake  of  that  cause,  they  may  be  kindly 
if  not  generously  entertained ;  not  least,  I  say,  are 
you  serving  the  cause  of  universal  truth  and  justice 
by  your  righteous  exposure  of  those  impostors  who 
"  steal  the  livery  of  heaven  to  serve  the  devil  in" — 
those  itinerant  lecturers,  who,  by  the  aid  of  an  oily 
tongue  and  fair  seeming  words,  basely  impose  on  pub- 
lic credence  and  private  confidence,  by  wholesale  mis- 
representations on  the  one  hand,  and  criminal  treache- 
ry on  the  other,  in  every  community  where  they  de- 
signedly locate. 

I  have  been  almost  unconsciously  led  into  this  train 
of  remark,  by  reading  your  public  diclosure  of  the 
private  conduct  of  Prof.  Clarence  Butler,  with 
whom  I  have  frequently  conversed  respecting  hie  es- 
cape from  Texas.  I  simply  wish  to  confirm  your 
iews. 

In  a  matter  which  has  recently  become  more  or  less 
known,  this  man  has  shown  there  is  to  be  no  limit  to 
his  meanness  and  hypocrisy.  And  as  to  the  stories 
which  he  related  to  me,  and  which  I  have  heard  him 
substantially  repeat  in  public — which,  in  fact,  form 
the  burden  of  his  lectures — they  essentially,  fatally, 
differ  and  contradict  those  made  to  other  parties, 
well  known  to  you  as  persons  of  undoubted  veracity 
and  unimpeachable  integrity,  I  now  believe  his  whole 
account  to  be  one  of  pure  fiction.  I  question  whether 
any  such  mobbing,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  ever 
took  place.  I  doubt  if  this  is  his  real  name — that 
he  was  obliged  to  {leave  England;  and  if  he  teas 
driven  from  the  South,  it  was  not  for  similar  transac- 
tions which  he  has  been  guilty  of  in  these  parts.  I 
believe  this,  I  repeat,  and  can  wait  for  a  few  weeks 
to  sec  if  time  will  not  prove  all  this,  and  even  more 
of  the  same  sort,  to  be  unfortunately  true. 

Meanwhile,  let  the  public  beware  of  such  men; 
more  particularly,  let  those  families  who  arc  Chris- 
tianly  inclined  towards  entertaining  strangers,  and 
who  wish  to  sacredly  preserve  the  honor,  virtue  and 
purity  of  their  homes,  especially  give  this  man  all  the 
room  there  is  outside  their  habitations  ! 

For  the  separating  the  true  from  the  false,  in  polities, 
morals  and  religion,  I  am  - 

Fraternally  yours,  JUNIUS. 

Springfield,  April  19,  1862. 


Worcester,  April  25th,  18C2. 
Mr.  Garrison: 

My  Dear  Sir, — A  friend  has  called  my  attention 
to  the  letter  of  Wm.  Carlos  Mnrlyn,  in  the  Liberator 
of  April  18th  current.  The  nature  of  that  document 
is  such  as  has  induced  me  to  add  my  testimony  while 
his  case  is  on  trial. 

His  hot  haste  in  suspecting  his  assailant,  when  he 
might  so  easily  have  known  him,  and  his  deliberate 
misrepresentation  of 's  (Mr.  Chamber- 
lain's) article,  are  inexcusable,  but  altogether  charac- 
teristic; and  allow  me  to  add,  dear  sir,  that  I  was  not 
a  little  surprised  that  you  should  have  admitted  to 
your  columns  those  portions  of  his  letter  which  reflect 
upon  the  character  of  an  individual  no  wise  involved 
iu  the  controversy.  (1)     Whether  your  humble  ser- 

(1)  Wo  saw  tlio  Impropriety  of  this  when  it  wns  too  Into 

to  iiuilto  the  needed  curtailment,  and  regretted  it  both  for 
Mr.  Mii.iUif.4 sake  and  Mr.  Allen's,  whole  nnmo,  however, 
was  not  mentioned  in  the  letter.— [En.  Lib. 


THE    STETJG&LE  A  HOPEFUL  ONE. 

Dear  Sir — Please  find  herewith  five  dollars  to  pay 
for  Liberator  as  long  as  it  will  last.  By  that  time,  I 
hope  your  paper  will  have  become  a  mere  luxury,  and 
not  a  necessary  of  reading  life.  I  trust,  long  before 
that  time,  the  back  of  the  Slave  Power  will  be  most 
effectually  broken.  This  war  is  fast  opening  the  eyes 
of  the  Democratic  kittens.  It  is  true,  they  are  as  yet 
merely  showing  the  fore  part  of  their  feet  under  con- 
traband doctrine ;  but,  after  a  few  more  battles,  when 
the  blood  of  the  contending  parties  shall  be  hotly 
roused,  I  think  these  velvet  contraband  paws  will  be 
very  likely  to  show  the  claws  of  emancipation.  At 
any  rate,  I  have  faith  to  wait  and  see.  All  this  tur- 
moil and  strife  cannot  pass  without  some  good  result. 
The  Slave  Power,  as  such,  is  the  rebel  power.  Ther% 
is  another  question  between  the  contending  parties  ; 
and  although  the  Unionists  are  not,  as  a  party,  nor  even 
generally  as  individuals,  anti-slavery,  yet  they  must 
fight  the  hatle  which  has  been  joined  for  them,  by 
One  who  is  mightier  than  armies,  and  more  potent 
than  nations.  If  they  fight  at  all,  and  they  certainly 
give  good  evidence  of  intention,  they  must  fight  the 
Slave  Power.  If  they  conquer,  they  must  conquer 
the  Slave  Power.  When  that  shall  be  done,  the  non- 
slave-owners  will  become  a  power  in  the  Slave  States  ; 
and  although  I  do  not  expect  emancipation,  absolute 
and  entire,  as  the  immediate  result  of  this  rebellion, 
yet  I  think  we  shall  soon  see  the  beginning  of  the 
end.  And,  therefore,  I  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the 
movements  now  going  on,  and  can  most  conscien- 
tiously bid  God-speed  to  all  who  engage  in  the  war  on 
our  side,  although  many  of  them  deny  the  faith  for 
which  they  are  contending.  I  am  quite  willing  to  ac- 
cept their  works  without  faith,  and  deem  it  much  to 
be  preferred  to  the  faith  of  those  who  do  not  carry  it 
out  by  works. 

Hoping  you  may  soon  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  wit- 
nessing the  beginning  of  the  triumph  of  that  freedom 
for  which  you  have  so  long  and  effectually  fought,  and 
so  persistently  and  eloquently  spokeu  and  written, 
I  remain,  Most  truly,  your  friend, 

Auburn,  N.  Y.  D.  W. 


Recognition  or  IIayti  and  Liiieria.  The 
Washington  Globe  contains  a  full  report  of  a  very 
able  and  impressive  speech  made  in  the  U.  S.  Senate 
on  the  23d  nit.,  by  Hon.  Charles  Sumner,  in  favor  of 
the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  IIayti  and  Li- 
beria. To  use  bis  own  expressive  words  : — "  Slavery 
in  the  national  capital  is  now  abolished:  it  remains 
that  this  other  triumph  shall  be  achieved."  Nothing 
but  the  sway  of  a  slaveholding  despotism  on  the  floor 
of  Congress,  hitherto,  has  prevented  the  adoption  of 
this  righteous  measure;  and  now  that  that  despotism 
has  been  exorcised,  no  time  should  be  lost  by  Con- 
gress to  see  it  curried  into  immediate  execution.  All 
other  civilized  nations  have  ceased  to  make  complex- 
ion u  badge  of  superiority  or  inferiority  in  the  matter 
of  nationality  i  and  we  should  make  haste,  therefore, 
to  repair  the  injury  we  have  dongas  a  republic,  in  re- 
fusing to  recognize  l.iberian  and  llaytiim  independ- 
enco. 


TE0M  A  PEEEDOM  -  LOVING  S0LDIEE. 

Friend  Garrison — The  light  of  heaven  seems  to 
be  breaking  in  upon  our  hitherto  dark  and  beclouded 
nation.  Your  noble  speech  in  New  York  must  have 
removed  every  ground  of  doubt  from  the  public 
mind,  and,  with  that  of  the  godlike  Wendell  Phillips, 
gone  home  to  the  hearts  of  thousands  of  doubting 
Thomases,  who  could  not  but  say,  as  be  of  old  did — 
"My  Lord  and  my  God!"  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
reading  both  of  those  speeches  to  the  poor  down-trod- 
den colored  men  of  Roanoke,  and  of  leaving  the  Libe- 
rator for  them  to  read  to  others  who  might  escape 
from  their  masters.  Even  while  I  have  sat  here  wri- 
ting, several  colored  women  have  come  along,  and  I 
have  given  them  three  copies  of  the  Liberator,  Ob, 
if  I  had  a  lot  of  your  books,  I  could  sow  the  seeds  of 
freedom  broadcast  over  the  soil  of  North  Carolina  ! 
But  my  means  are  small,  and  thus  a  heart  full  of  free- 
dom is  kept  from  doing  all  the  good  it  otherwise  would 
do.  I  suppose  it  would  be  my  death-warrant,  or  worse, 
even,  if  possible,  if  I  should  be  taken  prisoner,  and  a 
copy  of  the  Liberator  should  be  found  on  my  person  ; 
but  I  came  out  here  to  defend  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 
if  I  die  a  martyr,  then  I  shall  feci  that  I  have  done 
my  whole  duty.  This  is  my  prayer,  and  that  without 
ceasing,  (for  it  is  said  that  men  should  pray  always 
without  censing.)  May  God  speed  you  and  the  noble 
friends  ofliherty  as  the  angel  ilestroyers  of  slavery, 
and  the  angel-saviors  of  liberty,  and  hasten  the  final 
triumph  of  liberty  over  the  abominations  of  sla- 
very! I  have  seen  the  horrors  ot  war,  and  they  are 
terrible  ;  but  the  horrors  of  slavery  tar  exceed  those 
of  war,  for  in  war  man  loses  this  material  body,  while 
in  slavery  be  loses  his  soul  and  body  ;  yes,  and  those 
of  his  children,  Buffering  the  breaking  up  of  the  St- 
ored homl  of  marriage,  which  no  man  should  put 
asunder. 

1  have  written  on  this  piece  of  paper  because  I  have 
not  been  paid  off,  and  hence  have  no  money  to  buy 
with.  This  paper  w;is  taken  from  the  rebels  on  Koa- 
noke  Island.  My  position  in  the  army  is  simply  a 
0Olor*QOrpor&lj    and    I  had  the  honor  of  first  unfurling 

the  Stats  ami  Stripes  on  the  island. 

Yours,  for  impartial  freedom,  which  is  the  breaking 
df  every  yoke,  . 

Camp  Of—  B*gt.    Mass    Vol.,  I 

near  the  Cit/  of  NiwWtii,  N.  C.  J 


MAY  2. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


71 


THE  COLORED  PEOPLE  OF  BOSTON  ON  COL- 
ONIZATION. 

A  largo  number  of  the  colored  citizens  of  Boston 
met  in  the  Southac  Street  Church,  on  Monday  eve- 
ning lust,  to  consider  the  subject  of  colonization.  Hub- 
ert Morris,  Esq.,  presided,  and  Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin 
presented  for  the  consideration  of  the  meeting  the 
following  resolutions : — 

Whereas,  certain  interested  parties  have  sent  pe- 
titions to  members  of  Congress,  purporting  to  be 
the  wishes  of  the  free  colored  people  of  the  United 
States,  asking  for  the  setting  apart  of  certain  territo- 
ries, either  in  the  United  States  or  elsewhere,  for  the 
purpose  of  colonizing  the  free  colored  people  ;  and 

Whereas,  certain  citizens  of  Liberia  are  said  to 
have  proposed  to  take  charge  and  pay  the  passage  of 
such  persons  as  shall  be  expelled  from  this  country  to 
Liberia ;   therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  colored  citizens  of  Boston, 
in  convention  assembled,  being  a  part  of  the  free  col- 
ored citizens  of  the  United  States,  take  this  method 
of  expressing  our  most  emphatic  dissent  from  the 
two  propositions  referred  to. 

Resolved,  That  when  we  wish  to  leave  the  United 
States,  we  can  find  and  pay  for  that  territory  which 
shall  suit  us  best. 

Resolved,  That  when  we  are  ready  to  leave,  we 
shall  be  able  to  pay  our  own  expenses  of  travel. 

Resolved,  Tnat  we  don't  want  to  go  now. 

Resolved,  That  if  anybody  else  wants  us  to  go, 
they  must  compel  us. 

Resolved,  That  if  they  do  seek  our  removal  by 
compulsory  measures,  they  are  false  to  every  princi- 
ple of  a  republican  government,  it  being  as  unjust  to 
the  citizens,  and  as  destructive  to  a  government,  to 
drive  away  its  loyal  subjects,  except  as  a  punishment 
for  crime,  as  it  is  for  disloyal  subjects  to  drag  unwil- 
ling Union  men  into  rebellion. 

Resolved,  That  having  fewer  paupers  and  criminals 
among  us  than  any  other  race,  in  proportion  to  our 
numbers,  any  compulsory  measures  of  colonization 
would  have  no  ■  other  ground  of  judication  than 
prejudice  against  color;  and  such  prejudice,  when 
freed  from  the  presence  of  complexions  that  were  dis. 
tasteful,  would  soon  find  food  in  the  nationalities  that 
are  objectionable,  thus  eventually  making  the  white 
man  its  victim  as  well  as  the  negro. 

Resolved,  That  industrial  schemes  and  claims  would 
be  best  promoted  and  secured,  both  in  the  Norjji  and 
in  the  South,  by  having  two  or  more  races  to  com- 
pete for  employment,  the  competition  of  each  making 
the  other  more  faithful  to  the  employers  and  more 
useful  to  themselves. 

Resolved,  That  the  citizens  of  Liberia  or  any  other 
country  have  no  right  to  bargain  for  the  liberties  of 
the  colored  citizens  of  America. 

Resolved,  That  we  would  hate  a  government  under 
■which  we  were  forced  to  live,  as  much  as  we  dislike 
the  colored  men  who  join  with  the  negro-haters  to 
force  us  to  leave  the  government. 

Resolved,  That  the  colored  people  of  every  city  in 
the  Northern  States  are  hereby  invited  to  give  an 
expression  of  opinion,  with  respect  to  this  important 
matter,  as  soon  as  possible. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  for- 
warded to  the  Massachusetts  delegation   in  Congress. 

Mr.  Martin  and  William  Wells  Brown  supported 
the  resolutions,  and  they  were  adopted. 


EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  CO- 
LUMBIA. 

This  glorious  historic  event  was  made  the  theme  of 
discourse  in  the  colored  churches  of  Boston  last  Sun- 
day. 

Rev.  Mr.  Talbot,  of  Zlon  Chapel,  havin  "resided 
a  few  years  at  Washington,  gave  an  interesting  chap- 
ter of  his  experience  and  observation. 

Rev.  J.  Sella  Martin  delivered  an  impressive  and 
eloquent  address. 

Rev.  Leonard  A.  Grimes,  from  his  stand-point  of 
thirty  years'  residence  at  Washington,  brought  in 
review;  many  reminiscences  of  the  slave-pen,  women- 
whipping,  auction-selling  features  of  the  peculiar  in- 
stitution; and  as  he  rung  the  changes  upon  their 
enormities,  these  having  for  the  last  time  been  visible  in 
the  nation's  capital,  the  responses  from  a  large  audi- 
ence were  audible  and  frequent. 

Throughout  the  city,  and  as  far  as  heard  from  all 
over  the  land,  there  gushed  forth  from  the  grateful 
hearts  of  colored  men  and  women  their  expressions 
of  joy  and  thanksgiving  for  this  inauguration  of 
emancipation  by  President  Lincoln,  destined,  as  they 
humbly  trust,  to  spread  out,  and  insure  the  healing 
of  the  nation.  W.  C.  N. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A.  T.  FOSS' 

West  Willi amsburgh,  (Ohio,)  1 
April  16,  18G2.  J 

Dear  Friend  May — I  have  been  holding  some 
very  large  and  spirited  meetings  in  this  neighborhood. 
There  are  a  few  persons  here,  as  well  as  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  are  in  great  trouble,  fearing  that  the  Anti- 
Slavery  cause  is  being  taken  down  from  its  high 
ground  of  Right  to  the  level  of  Expediency.  They 
cannot  see  how  any  sympathy  with  the  Government, 
in  its  struggle  with  the  Slave  Power,  can  be  other 
than  a  departure  from  the  old  doctrine  of  "  a  covenant 
with  death  and  agreement  with  hell."  I  am  tryinj 
hard,  and  L  hope  not  without  success,  to  show  them 
that  there  is  a  difference  between  Lincoln  fighting  the 
Slave  Power,  and  Lincoln  sustaining  the  Slave  Pow- 
er; and  that  our  sympathy  is  only  with  the  first, 
while  our  hatred  and  abhorrence  of  the  last  are  una- 
bated and  enduring. 

I  am  sure  the  work  of  our  Society  was  never  more 
demanded,  and  certainly  never  so  much  appreciated. 
I  do  not  mean  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  for  the 
West  is  poor,  but  they  hear  with  gladness  the 
strongest  denunciations  against  the  Slave  Power  as 
the  cause  of  the  war  and  the  murderer  of  their  de*arcst 
friends ;  for  at  almost  every  meeting  I  hold,  there  are 
stricken  friends  who  mourn  over  their  dear  noble 
dead,  and  sometimes  utter  their  wail  of  sorrow  in  the 
ear  of  the  absorbed  and  sympathetic  hearers.  I  feel 
the  highest  hope  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  slave. 
Out  of  this  terrible  war  will  his  deliverance  surely 
come.  To  me  the  bow  of  hope  is  bright  upon  the 
bosom  of  the  cloud  of  war. 

Yours,  truly,  A.  T.  FOSS. 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  CONTRABANDS.    . 

Letters  received  by  the  Educational  Commission  of 
Boston  from  teachers  employed  at  Port  Royal  and  its 
vicinily,  speak  very  encouragingly  of  the  present  con- 
dition and  the  capabilities  anil  disposition  of  the  nu- 
merous negro  population  of  the  l'ort  Royal  Islands. 
The  negroes  are  busily  employed  in  planting  cotton, 
corn  and  potatoes,  laboring  cheerfully  I'm-  Blight  pecu- 
niary rewards,  and  manifesting  a  tractable,  obedient, 
deferential  spirit,  which  has  deeply  impressed  the 
white  teachers  who  are  striving  to  fit  them  to  take 
care  of  themselves.  In  some  plantations  they  had 
planted  sufficient  corn  to  meet  their  own  wants  before 
the  government  undertook  to  direct  their  labors. 
Some  of  them  are  very  intelligent  on  practical  matters, 
and  manage  the  affairs  of  the  plantations  to  which  they 
belong  with  much  skill.  They  all  manifest  an  eager 
desire  to  learn  to  read,  and  make  excellent  progress. 
Old  negroes,  sixty  or  seventy  years  of  age,  press  for- 
ward to  be  taught.  The  teachers  speak  of  their  pupils 
as  apt  and  fast  learners.  One  says  that  in  three  months 
his  will  be  able  to  read  the  New  Testament,  Several 
plantations,  comprising  four  to  six  hundred  negroes, 
are  placed  under  the  care  of  each  teacher.  The  con- 
trabands are  still  much  in  need  of  clothing,  and  the 
letters  all  request  that  contributions  be  sent  to  them, 
but  ask  that  the  materials,  rather  than  ready-made 
garments  be  sent,  as  the  negresses  manifest  a  laud- 
able pride  and  considerable  skill  in  making  clothing 
fur  themselves  and  families,  and  it  is  desirable  that 
their  industry  in  this  direction  should  be  encouraged ; 
at  the  same  time,  much  better  fitting  garments  are 
produced.  The  clothing  is  not  given  to  the  negroes, 
but  furnished  in  return  for  labor  performed.  They 
are  made  distinctly  to  understand  that  they  must  la- 
bor for  all  that  they  receive,  and  must  work  in  order 
to  support  themselves.  Besides  clothing,  salt,  (of 
which  they  stand  in  much  need,)  tobacco,  sugar,  and 
salt-meats  are  required  for  the  use  of  the  contrabands ; 
and  all  these  articles  must  be  voluntarily  contributed, 
as  the  blacks  have  no  way  of  making  payment  except 
in  labor  on  the  spot.  The  negroes  not  only  behave 
with  marked  propriety  towards  their  white  teachers, 
hut  manifest  a  kind  and  polite  demeanor  in  their  in- 
tercourse among  themselves.  The  crops  of  cotton,  &e., 
will  be  small  this  season,  as  the  planting  was  begun 
late  and  military  operations  greatly  unsettled  the  ne- 
groes. The  teachers  arc  favorably  regarded  by  the 
army  and  military  authorities,  the  climate  of  the  is- 
land is  excellent,  and  altogether  the  Port  Royal  mis- 
sion seems  to  be  a  very  pleasant  and  hopeful  field  "for 
missionary  labor.  For  the  information  of  those  who 
would  like  to  aid  in  this  noble  effort  to  benefit  the  lib- 
erated slaves,  we  will  state  that  Governor  Andrew  is 
President  of  the  Educational  Commission,  Wm.  En- 
dicott,  jr.,  Treasurer,  and  Edward  Atkinson,  Secreta- 
ry.— Boston    Journal. 


REFUGEES  AT  NEWBERN,  N.  C. 

Mr.  Vincent  Collier,  an  agent  of  the  New  York 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  in  a  letter  from 
Newhern,  April  2d,  says :  "  I  have  now  on  my  hands 
to  feed,  find  shelter  and  occupation  for,  full  one  thou- 
sand colored  people — men,  women  and  children.  I 
had  two  hundred  and  thirty  able-bodied  men  to  break- 
fast at  my  house  tiiis  morning.  Each  of  these  men  is 
to  receive  eight  dollars  a  month,  board  and  clothes. 
The  General  sent  an  order  for  me  to  employ  as  many 
as  I  could  find,  up  to  the  number  of  five  thousand,  at 
the  above  wages.  I  have  been  appointed  "  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Poor,"  and  under  this  heading  I  am 
doing  the  work.  The  men  are  mostly  employed  in 
the  trenches.  In  the  duties  of  my  new  office,  I  have 
to  see  to  and  supply  the  wants  of  the  suffering  popu- 
lation— the  town's  people — whites  as  well  as  blacks.  I 
have  some  sixty  families  of  the  whites  ;  many  of  the 
white  people  are  very  poor  and  ignorant,  and,  I  think, 
the  most  pitiable  objects  of  charity  I  have  ever  seen. 
As  a  white  man,  I  am  ashamed  to  say  they  are  really 
more  abject  and  degraded  than  the  blacks.  I  never 
realized  so  much  before  the  dignity  that  the  mere  abili- 
ty and  willingness  to  labor  give  a  man.  The  blacks 
having  always  been  forced  to  work,  although  lazy, 
generally  ask  for  and  go  to  work  ;  while,  too  often, 
the  white,  having  been  taught  to  regard  work  as  de- 
grading, allows  himself  to  sit  in  laziness  and  sink  down 
into  utter  helplessness.  The  consequence  can  easily 
be  imagined;  in  a  time  like  the  present,  he  who  can 
and  will  work  is  getting  it  to  do,  and  with  it  his  re- 
ward, prosperity  and  plenty  ;  and  they  who  will  not, 
(or  'cannot,')  become  dependent.  Most  of  the  negro 
women  get  work  at  the  hospitals,  washing  and  the 
peddling  of  cakes,  and  earn  a  support  in  this  way. 
We  gave  them  a  lift  at  first  with  a  few  pounds  of  flour, 
and  so  far,  immediately  on  their  arrival,  they  have 
been  able  to  find  a  house  to  live  in.  When  they  ar- 
rive, it  is  usually  in  groups  of  ten  or  rVenty,  often 
all  from  one  plantation.  They  had  travelled,  in  some 
cases,  long  distances.  I  had  one  poor  negro  of  about 
twenty-five,  who  had  come  over  sixty  miles.  His 
feet  were  all  bloody,  and  the  first  thing  he  could  do 
after  he  had  reported  his  name  for  work  and  had  had 
a  breakfast,  was  to  lie  down  and  sleep;  for  two  or  three 
days  he  was  quite  sick.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he 
went  to  work,  and  is  now  doing  his  best  to  sup- 
port the  United  States  Government  with  '  de  shobel 
and  de  hoe.'  He  gave  valuable  information  to  the 
Government." 


ARREST   OF   COL.    C.  R.  JENNISON  AND 
LIEUT.  IIOYT. 

St.  Louis,  April  20,  1862. 

Another  beautiful  result  of  placing  Pro-Slavery  of- 
ficers to  domineer  over  well-known  Anti-Slavery  sol- 
diers is  shown  in  the  arrest  of  Col.  C.  R.  Jennison  of 
the  2d  Kansas  Cavalry  (and  Acting  Brigadier-General) 
by  order  of  General  Stnrgis.  Col.  Jennison  was  ar- 
rested in  Leavenworth  City  on  Thursday  last.  Lieut. 
Hoyt  of  the  same  regiment  was  arrested  the  same  day. 
Both  were  placed  in  close  confinement  in  the  fort,  in 
charge  of  Capt.  Prince,  one  of  their  worst  enemies. 
Those  arrests  excited  great  commotion  in  Leaven- 
worth, and  all  classes  of  citizens  were  deeply  excited. 
A  few  citizens,  determined  that  the  parties  should 
have  justice,  authorized  Jennison  to  draw  on  the  bank- 
ing (inn  of  Clark,  Gruber  &  Co.  for  $4,000  to  pay  his 
legal  and  personal  expenses.  That  night,  at  S)  o'clock. 
Col.  Jennison  was  hurried  across  the  river  to  Weston, 
and  taken  to  St.  Joseph,  where,  in  company  with  an 
officer  in  charge,  he  took  the  cars  for  St.  Louis.  No 
opportunity  was  given  him  to  see  his  family,  and  his 
friends  allege  that  he  was  not  even  permitted  to  se- 
cure a  change  of  linen.  Yesterday  morning,  Colonel 
Jennison  arrived  in  tins  city,  and  was  placed  in  the 
military  prison  by  the  Provost-Marshal-General,  ac- 
cording to  orders. 

There  was  considerable  excitement  among  the  Pro- 
Slavery  clique  in  this  city,  on  hearing  of  Jennison's 
arrival,  and  the  Republican,  this  morning,  without  pre- 
tending to  know  any  of  the  causes  of  his  arrest,  or  the 
circumstances  which  led  to  it,  justifies  the  rigorous 
treatment  by  a  sweeping  declaration  that  Col.  Jenni- 
son's antecedents  justify  the  course  of  the  authorities. 
No  charges  have  as  yet  been  furnished  to  Col.  Jenni- 
son, and  he  is  entirely  ignorant  of  the  specifications 
designed  to  be  urged  against  him.  It  is  not  improba- 
ble, however,  that  the  pretext  upon  which  he  has  been 
arrested  is  using  disrespectful  language  toward  his  su- 
perior officers,  in  a  public  speech.  ColfcJennison  late- 
ly resigned  the  command  of  his  regiment,  and  public- 
ly declared  that  he  could  no  longer  conscientiously 
serve  under  the  command  of  those  appointed  at  the 
head  of  military  operations  in  Kansas.  His  exact  lan- 
guage has  not  been  reported,  but  it  is  averred  that 
there  was  no  attempt  to  charge  disloyalty  upon  his  su- 
perior officers,  but  merely  a  general  statement  that 
their  views  of  the  proper  policy  to  be  pursued  in  carry- 
ing on  the  war  differed  so  widely  from  his,  that  he  de- 
clined to  serve  under  them.  The  same  reasons  were 
given  by  Lieut.  Hoyt,  as  the  cause  of  his  resignation. 

The  arrest  of  Col.  Jennison  and  Lieut.  Hoyt  is  not 
the  only  step  taken  in  Kansas  to  degrade  the  Anti- 
Slavery  officers  who  have  enlisted  in  the  service  of 
the  Government  in  the  belief  that  Secessionists  should 
be  hurt  in  order  to  suppress  Rebellion.  A  gentleman 
from  Kansas  informs  your  correspondent  that  the  com- 
mand of  Col,  Montgomery  has  been  taken  from  him, 
and  the  Colonel  dismissed  from  the  service.  The 
same  course  has  been  pursued  toward  Col.  Wcer, 
another  Anti-Slavery  man.  John  Brown,  Jr.,  has  ten- 
dered his  resignation  as  captain  of  the  company  to 
which  Lieut.  Hoyt  belongs. 

In  short,  every  prominent  officer  connected  with  the 
Kansas  troops  who  has  identified  himself  with  the  op- 
position to  slavery,  has  been  shoved  aside  and  humilia- 
ted, by  Gens.  Denver  and  Sturgis.  It  is  not  surpris- 
ing the  officers  feel  unwilling  to  serve  any  longer. 
The  Kansas  regiments  will  be  demoralized  by  these 
acts  beyond  power  of  redemption.  In  Col.  Jennison's 
regiment  there  are  between  twenty  and  thirty  men 
who,  with  Jennison  himself,  have  lain  in  open  fields 
and  concealed  in  woods  for  days  and  weeks,  to  avoid 
the  slave-hounds  sent  after  them  by  Denver  while  he 
was  Governor  of  Kansas.  Can  it  be  expected  these 
men  will  respect  Gen.  Denver  simply  because  he  wears 
again  the  livery  of  Uncle  Sam  ?  They  despised  him 
then,  and  they  will  not  love  him  now.  The  Free  State 
men  of  Kansas  are  more  disheartened  by  these  events 
than  anything  that  has  ever   crossed    their   history. 

■St.  Louis  correspondeitt  of  the  New  York  Tribune. 

The  Chicago  Tribune  explains  that  the  difficulty 
about  Jennison  originates  from  a  difference  with  his 
superiors,  viz. : — 

Jennison  was  educated  to  hate  slavery,  and  when 
rescued  Kausas  rose  from  the  struggle  and  began  her 
career  of  freedom,  out  of  her  fiery  trial  learned  a  les- 
more  general  in  its  bearing.  Her  history  gave  a 
key  to  the  designs  of  slavery  against  the  entire  nation. 
Col.  Jennison  is  an  Abolitionist.  Not  so  are  Denver 
and  Sturgis.  *  *  *  They  love  slavery,  and  rather 
than  that  it  should  perish,  would  draw  their  swords 
and  point  their  artillery  upon  the  government  itself. 
We  do  not   overstate  the  pro-slavery  zeal  of  these 


Thanks  for  Emancipation.  Rev.  Thomas  H. 
Stockton,  Chaplain,  made  the  following  prayer  in  the 
U.  S.  House  of  Representatives  on  the  17th  ult.  :— 

"  We  thank  Thee  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  We  thank  Thee  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  slaves  in  the  Capital  of  our  country.  We 
thank  Thee  that  our  soil  is  now  free  from  slavery,  and 
that  this  air  is  now  free  air,  and  so  shall  remain  for- 
ever. We  accept  this  great  blessing,  not  as  the  result 
of  human  manifestation — not  as  a  matter  of  party  pol- 
icy— but  as  a  Divine  intervention — as  a  development 
of  another  form  of  confirmation  of  Thy  great  and 
glorious  purpose,  to  carry  on  and  complete  the  whole 
work  of  human  redemption.  Therefore  we  bless  and 
magnify  Thy  most  excellent  name,  uniting  with  the 
churches  of  all  lands,  and  of  all  ages,  in  saying: 
Glory  be  unto  the  Father,  and  unto  the  Son,  and  unto 
the  Holy  Ghost ;  as  it  was  in  the  beginning,  is  now, 
and  ever  shall  be,  world  without  end  1 " 

Ug^  Col.  Forney  alludes  to  the  conduct  of  the  col- 
ored persons  released  from  bondage  in  the  following 
terms : — 

"  Jt  is  interesting  to  watch  the  disposition  of  these 
manumitted  slaves,  and  their  services  as  laborers  and 
assistants  to  our  Generals.  The  deception  practised 
by  white  spies  has  become  so  common  and  s% chronic 
as  to  render  the  most  of  their  information  unworthy  of 
trust.  In  certain  cases,  they  have  been  the  authors 
of  inconceivable  mischief  and  misery.  It  is  different 
with  the  slaves.  They  have  repeatedly  shown,  and 
are  repeatedly  showing,  how  entirely  they  may  be 
confided  in.  There  is  not  a  general  officer  in  the 
Union  service  who  will  not  testify  that  his  best  intel- 
ligence of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  of  the 
topography  of  the  seceding  country,  lias  come  from 
the  blacks.  These  poor  people  seem  everywhere  to 
feel  that  it  is  their  duty  to  show  their  gratitude  to  the 
soldiers  of  the  Republic.  A  very  distinguished  offi- 
cer, who  has  been  stationed  far  beyond  Mount  Ver- 
non, on  the  Lower  Potomac,  in  Maryland,  and  who, 
until  he  took  the  field,  was  an  uncompromising  friend 
of  the  South,  and  of  the  Southern  school  of  leaders, 
gives  some  thrilling  accounts  of  the  fidelity  and 
bravery  of  the  slaves  in  the  neighborhood  of  his  com- 
mand. He  says  he  was  never  once  deceived  by  them. 
'  They  knew  the  forests  around  them  as  the  seamen 
know  the  sea.' " 

J^"  The  first  decision  given  under  the  new  Eman- 
cipation Law  for  the  District  of  Columbia  was  on 
Monday  last,  when  Judge  Purcell,  in  a  case  wherein 
the  cus'tody  of  a  child  of  a  slave  was  in  dispute,  de- 
clared that  the  father  was  entitled  to  the  possession 
under  the  bill  for  the  abolitiou  of  slavery  in  the  district. 


New  Music.  The  following  pieces  have  just  been 
published  by  Oliver  Ditson  &  Co.,  277  Washington 
Street  :— 

1.  Cujus  Animam  —  Stahat  Mater.  Transcription 
for  the  Piano,  by  Brinley  Richards. 

2.  Within  a  Mile  of  Edinburgh  Town.  By  Adolpli 
Baumbach. 

3.  Are  they  meant  but  to  deceive  me  t  Mazurka 
Polonoise,  for  voice  or  piano,  by  Alexander  Rcichardt. 

4.  Maraquita.  A  Portuguese  Love  Song.  Words 
and  music  by  the  Hon.  Mrs.  Norton. 

5.  Pictures  of  the  War.  A  Collection  of  Descrip- 
tive Pieces.  Arranged  for  the  piano  forte  by  Charles 
Grobe.  No.  1.  Battle  of  Winchester.  2.  Battle  of 
Newhern.     3.  Battle  of  Pea  Ridge. 

e.    West  End  Polka.     By  Charles  D'Albert. 

7.  "Jerusalem!  thou  that  killcst  the  Prophets." 
Oratorio  of  St.  Paul  by  Mendelssohn. 

8.  Negro  Boatman's  Song.  Words  by  Whittier, 
from  the  Atlantic  Monthly.    Music  by  Edward  Wiebc. 


Madame  Gf.ffrard.  The  following  item  is  for 
the  apecial  benefit  of  those  who  have  such  a  notion  of 
the  "inferiority"  of  the  negro  raco  that  they  assent 
to  the  Dred  Scott  dictum,  that  negroes  have  no  rights 
which  white  men  are  bound  to  respect : — 
'*  A  private  letter  from  Seth  Webb,  Jr.  U.  S.  Commer- 
cial Agent  at  Port  au  Prince  says:  '  Madame  Geflrard, 
the  wife  of  the  President  of  Hayti,  with  her  daughter, 
Mademoiselle  Zaila  Geff'rard,  will  visit  New  York  in 
May  in  the  Haytien  man-of-war,  the  'Twenty-second 
of  December,'  on  their  way  to  Paris,  where  Madame 
Geffrard  has  two  daughters  at  school.  They  are  high- 
ly educated  and  refined  people,  and  I  hope  they  will 
meet  a  proper  reception  from  our  countrymen." 


fr|?=*  Brigadier-General  Doubled;!}-,  stationed  near 
Washington,  has  issued  an  order  directing  that  all  ne- 
groes coming  into  the  lines  of  any  of  the  camps  or 
forts  under  his  command,  are  to  be  treated  as  persons 
and  not  as  chattels.  His  opinion  of  the  expediency 
of  admitting  contrabands  within  the  camp  is  thus 
given : — 

"The  General  is  of  the  opinion  that  they  bring  much 
valuable  information,  which  cannot  be  obtained  from 
any  other  source.  They  are  acquainted  with  all  the 
roads,  paths,  fords  and  other  natural  features  of  the 
country,  and  they  make  excellent  guides.  They  also 
know  and  frequently  have  exposed  the  haunts  of  se- 
cession spies  and  traitors,  and  the  existence  of  rebel 
organizations." 

The  General's  opinion  is  sustained  by  the  experi- 
ence of  many  other  officers.  The  expedition  against 
Apalaehicola  found  the  negro  guides  very  useful. 

Major  General  Hunter  has  issued  the  following  or- 
der, with  reference  to  a  portion  of  the  "contrabands" 
within  his  jurisdiction  : — 

Headquarters  Department  of  the  South,  ~i 
Fokt  Pulaski,  Cockspur  Island,  Ga.,      > 
Ai-ril13,  18(52.  ) 

All  persons  of  color  lately  held  to  involuntary  ser- 
vice by  enemies  of  the  United  States,  in  Fort  Pulaski 
and  on  Cockspur  Island,  Ga.,  are  hereby  confiscated 
and  declared  free,  in  conformity  with  law,  and  shall 
hereafter  receive  the  fruits  of  their  own  labor.  Such 
of  said  persons  of  color  as  arc  able-bodied,  and  may 
he  required,  shall  be  employed  in  the  Quartermaster's 
Department,  at  the  rates  heretofore  established  by 
Brigadier  General  T.  W.  Sherman. 

By  command  of  Major  General  David  Hunter. 
Charles  G.  Hali'JNE,  Assiatxtnt  Adjutant  General. 

General  Hunter  Is  also  preparing  a  list  of  owners  of 
negroes  on  the  abandoned  Sea  Island  plantations,  and 
if  they  do  not  prove  thumselvcs  to  be  loyal  within  a 
specified  time,  lie  will  declare  their  negroes  confisca- 
ted. 


Resigned.  We  regret  to  learn  that  Col.  Jennison 
has  resigned.  He  has  already  done  more  real  service 
than  three-fourths  of  the  Brigadier- Generals  who  have 
thus  far  been  appointed,  and  on  account  of  his  energy 
and  the  unsparing  manner  in  which  he  deals  with 
rebels,  his  resignation  will  be  a  decided  loss  to  the 
cause. — Freedom's  Champion,  Atchison,  Kansas. 

St.  Louis,  April  25.  An  order  has  been  issued  for 
the  release  of  Col-  Jennison  from  military  arrest,  he 
giving  bonds  in  §20,000  to  appear  and  answer  to  what- 
ever charges  may  be  produced  against  him.  The  par- 
ticular offence  which  led  to  Jennison's  arrest  has  not 
been  made  public,  but  it  is  presumed  all  the  facts  will 
be  shortly  forthcoming.  Jennison,  on  being  arrested, 
immediately  resigned  his  post  in  the  army. 

We  published  the  following  paragraph  yesterday  : — 

Yesterday  afternoon,  Lieutenant  Speed  came  down 
from  the  fort  with  an  order  on  Provost  Marshal  Lieut. 
Col.  John  A.  Martin,  for  a  detail  of  ten  men  and  a  ser- 
geant to  secure  the  arrest  of  Col.  C.  R.  Jennison,  and 
Lieut.  Geo.  H.  Hoyt,  of  Jennison's  regiment.  The 
order  was  signed  by  Major  W.  E.  Prince,  by  order  of 
Brig.  Gen.  S.  D.  SturgisT was  peremptory,  with  in- 
structions that  Col.  Jennison  and  Lieut.  Hoyt  be  arrest- 
ed separately,  kept  in  close  confinement,  and  not  al- 
lowed to  communicate  with  each  other  or  with  any- 
body else.  Lieut.  Hoyt  was  first  arrested.  Col.  Jen- 
nison an  hour  or  two  later.  The  services  of  the  'Pro- 
vosj:  Guard  were  not  called  into  play,  as  both  prisoners 
expressed  their  perfect  willingness  to  comply  with  the 
order,  and  left  for  the  fort  in  charge  of  Lieut.  Speed 
about  4  o'clock. 

Time  will  demonstrate  what  all  this  means. 

These  officers  were  arrested  as  stated  above.  In 
the  night,  Col.  Jennison  was  taken  by  a  guard  of,  one 
Lieutenant,  one  sergeant,  and  four  privates,  armed 
with  muskets,  to  Weston,  to  take  the  train  which 
leaves  for  St.  Louis -at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

While  there  he  wrote  us  a  note,  a  part  of  which  is 
copied  below  : — 

"Weston,  Mo. 
I  arrived  at  this  place  at  10  o'clock,  on  my  way 
to  St.  Louis. 

I  am  entirely  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  my  arrest. 
To  arrest  a  Colonel,  and  place  him  in  close  confine- 
ment, without  preferring  charges  against  him,  is  a 
tiling  I  never  heard  of. 

If  I  am  arrested  simply  because  I  am  in  favor  of 
frceedom,  then  so  be  it.  C.  R.  Jennison." 

It  is  now  understood  that  the  real  destination  of  Col. 
Jennison  is  not  St.  Louis,  but  the  Alton  Penitentiary. 

On  the  11th  inst.  Col.  Jennison  resigned  the  com- 
mand of  the  First  Kansas  Cavalry.  On  statements 
received  from  him,  we  publisned  that  morning  the  fol- 
lowing announcement : — 

i'  We  learn  from  reliable  authority  that  Col.  Jenni- 
son will  resign  to-day.  This  act,  which  will  be  regret- 
ted by  thousands  of  people  in  other  States  as  well  as 
in  this,  has  been  taken  by  this  gallant  officer  because 
he  cannot  conscientiously  serve  under  the  Govern- 
ment so  long  as  it  pursues  a  pro-slavery  policy  in  this 
District.  He  says  he  will  not  serve  under  men  op- 
posed to  Kansas  and  opposed  to  freedom." 

Another  reason  given  in  his  letter  of  resignation  was 
feeble  health,  and  it  is  well  known  here  that  his  health 
has  been  failing  for  some  months.  When  told  by  the 
guard  on  Thursday  night  that  he  was  to  be  kept  in 
close  confinement,  and  could  hold  no  communication 
with  his  friends.  Col.  Jennison  fainted.  The  people 
of  Kansas,  whose  homes  and  liberties  he  has  so  long 
defended,  need  not  be  told  that  sickness  and  exposure 
alone  could  make  Col.  Jennison  show  signs  of  weak- 
ness. 

We  have  not  heard  that  any  charges  whatever  have 
been  preferred  against  Col.  Jennison.  His  crime  can- 
not be  the  form  of  his  resignation,  for  we  learn  that 
the  resignation  was  accepted  yesterday.  It  cannot  be 
his  Missouri  campaign,  about  which  the  pro-slavery 
papers  raised  such  a  howl,  for  General  Hunter  gave  it 
his  cordial  approval,  and  made  hitn  an  acting  Briga- 
dier General. 

Lieut.  Hoyt  is  still  at  the  Fort,  or  was  yesterday, 
but  his  friends  have  not  been  allowed  to  speak  to  him. 


A  Sad  Picture  of  Affairs  in  Kansas.  The 
Chicago  Tribune  says  : — 

"  Startling  as  it  may  appear,  the  young  State  of 
Kansas  has  again  fallen  upon  evil  days,  and  is  again  at 
the  mercy  of  her  worst  enemies.  Martial  law  exists 
over  the  entire  State,  and  Gen.  Samuel  D.  Sturgis, 
who  would  himself  have  been  a  rebel  but  for  his  '  sol- 
dier's honor,'  is  the  chief  persecutor  of  the  realm. 

He  is  ably  seconded  by  Gen.  Robert  B.  Mitchell, 
years  ago  a  leader  of  Missouri  border  ruffians ;  by 
Gen.  James  Denver,  who  was  Buchanan's  Governor 
to  thrust  Lecompton  upon  the  people;  and  by  Gov. 
Charles  Robinson,  himself  morally  and  politically 
bankrupt,  and  even  now  under  impeachment  of  his 
State  Legislature. 

Our  letters  and  exchanges  from  Kansas  all  bring  the 
same  doleful  story  of  a  reign  of  terror  for  anti-slavery 
men,  and  with  one  accord  foretell  a  gathering  storm  of 
fearful  portent.  The  plot  is  to  demoralize  and  degrade 
Kansas;  to  banish  the  old  guard  of  freedom ;'  and  if 
not  to  bring  in  slavery  itself,  at  least  to  make  Kansas 
pro-slavery  in  sentiment." 


Is  this  Human  1  Hon.  James  W.  Grimes,  Senator 
from  Iowa,  in  a  speech  on  the  surrender  of  slaves  by 
Army  officers,  delivered  on  the  14th  inst,  makes  the* 
following  statement: — 

"In  the  month  of  February  last,  an  officer  of  the 
3d  Regiment  of  Iowa  Infantry,  stationed  at  a  small 
town  in  Missouri,  succeeded  in  capturing  several  Rebel 
bridge-burners,  and  some  recruiting  officers  belonging 
lo'Price's  army.  The  information  that  led  to  their 
capture  was  furnished  by  two  or  three  remarkably 
shrewd  and  intelligent  slaves,  claimed  by  a  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  in  the  Rebel  army.  Shortly  afterward,  the  mas- 
ter dispatched  an  agent,  with  instructions  to  seize  the 
slaves  and  convey  them  within  the.  Rebel  lines,  where- 
upon the  Iowa  officer  himself  seized  them,  and  re- 
ported the  circumstances  to  headquarters.  The  slaves 
soon  understanding  the  full  import  of  Gen.  Hallcck's 
celebrated  Order  No.  3,  two  of  them  attempted  an  es- 
cape. This  was  regarded  as  an  unpardonable  sin. 
The  Iowa  officer  was  immediately  placed  under  arrest, 
and  a  detachment  of  the  Missouri  Stale  Militia — men 
in  the  pay  of  this  Government,  and  under  the  com- 
mand of  Gen.  Halleck — were  sent  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives.  The  hunt  was  successful.  The  slaves  ivere 
caught,  and  returned  to  their  traitor  matter,  but  not  until  one 
of  them  had  been  shot  by  order  of  the  soldier  in  command 
of  the  pursuing  party." 

We  ask  all  who  believe  in  a  just  God  to  decide 
whether  the  Union  cause  ought  to  triumph  if  it  is  only 
to  be  upheld  by  such  means  as  these.  And  we  ask 
the  Albany  Evening  Journal  whether  the  slaves  ought 
to  brave  their  masters'  vengeance  in  efforts  for  the 
Union  cause  while  such  is  their  reward. — Tribune. 


Matchless  Barbarity.  We  were  conversing, 
within  a  day  or  two,  with  a  Reformed  Dutch  Clergy- 
man, who  resides  in  this  neighborhood,  and  he  made 
us  the  following  remarkable  statement,  which  he  had 
received  in  a  letter  from  one  of  his  sons,  who  was  in 
battle  both  at  Roanoke  and  Newborn.  As  it  devolved 
upon  him  to  carry  the  flag,  he  was  obliged  to  go  three 
yards  in  advance  of  the  rest,  and  was  in  the  most  ex- 
posed situation  that  could  be  assigned  to  him.  The 
clay  after  the  battle  which  resulted  in  the  taking  of 
Newborn,  a  brawny,  tiger-like  looking  fellow,  from  the 
Southwest,  came  up  to  him  and  said:  "You  may 
thank  God  Almighty  that  you  are  not  a  dead  man  ;  for 
five  or  six  men,  besides  myself,  all  of  whom  arc  first- 
rate  marksmen,  fired  at  you  yesterday,  and  not  a  sin- 
gle ball  took  effect."  The  young  man  noticed  as  he 
was  conversing  with  them,  that  he  and  the  rest  of  the 
prisoners  about  him  had  hanging  behind  them,  and 
partially  concealed  under  their  coats,  a  large  knife  of 
very  peculiar  formation,  and  he  inquired  what  that 
knife  was  for.  The  answer  was,  "We  had  orders  to 
cut  the  throat  of  every  wounded  Yankee  soldier  with 
it  that  we  came  across  !  "  Surely,  we  are  not  fighting 
with  "  tigers,"  but  with  fiends  ! — Albany  Eve.  Journal. 

Rebel  Barbarity.  An  Albany  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Commercial  Advertiser  relates  another 
instance  of  rebel  barbarity  thus  : — 

"I  have  before  me  a  letter  from  a  young  relative 
who  is  attached  to  au  artillery  regiment  as  an  officer, 
and  who  was  at  Manassas  and  Centreville  since  the 
evacuation  of  those  places  by  the  rebels.  He  says 
there  were  wooden  guns  in  place  at  Manassas  ;  that  on 
one  of  the  camp  huts  was  a  notice  "  to  any  d— d  Yan- 
kee" who  might  occupy  it,  that  its  erection  had  cost 
some  money  and  time,  and  that  the  Yankee  aforesaid 
would  find  a  pair  of  human  ribs  taken  from  the  body 
of  a  cursed  Yankee  who  had  been  shot,  and  that  hav- 
ing polished  them  up  and  used  them  as  castanets,  he 
had  left  them  for  the  use  and  amusement  of  his  Yan- 
kee successor.  These  human  ribs  were  found  hang- 
ing up  on  the  inside  of  the  hut,  as  specified  in  the  no- 
tice. Can  more  disgraceful  and  degrading  barbarism 
than  this  be  imagined  ?  " 

A  Secession  Trophy.  The  following,  says  the 
Cincinnati  Gazette,  is  the  copy  of  a  letter  found  on  a 
rebel  soldier  captured  at  Bowling  Green.  In  it  was 
the  ring  so  particularly  spoken  of.  It  illustrates  the 
chivalric  spirit  and  the  scholarship  of  the  masses  who 
compose  the  secession  forces.  The  letter  and  ring 
were  sent  us  by  a  member  of  a  Cincinnati  regiment : 

"  to  Sis  :  this  ring  was  made  by  me  the  lead  was  A 
bullet  that  killed  colonel  Slocum  of  the  71st  N.  Y. 
regiment.  I  taken  this  out  of  his  head  my  self  and 
made  this  ring  out  of  it.  Sis  you  will  keep  this  for 
me  until  I  return  and  if  you  keep  it  for  me  you  will 
oblige  me  and  if  I  never  live  to  get  back  sis  keep  it  in 
memory  of  me  dont  loose  it  if  I  live  to  get  back  I  in- 
tend to  have  it  plated  and  if  I  never  do  get  back  sis 
you  will  have  it  plated  and  keep  it  the  bullet  that  killed 
Colonel  Slocum  of  the  71st  New  York  regiment  he 
was  a  brave  man  but  on  the  wrong  side  A  hotheaded 
Abolitionist  so  Enough  About  the  ring." 

g^="  The  reports  of  barbarities  inflicted  upon  our 
dead  at  Bull  Run  have  not  been  exaggerated.  The 
rebels  dug  up  the  remains  of  our  soldiers,  made  spurs 
of  the  jawbones,  and  cut  up  the  skeletons  into  every 
conceivable  form,  and  sent  the  trinkets  home  Jjp  their 
families. 

Contrabands  are  flocking  in  by  scores,  many  possess- 
ing valuable  information.  They  state  that  the  rebels 
had  a  regiment  of  mounted  negroes,  armed  with  sa- 
bres, at  Manassas,  and  the  regiment  is  still  in  service 
in  the  vicinity  of  Gordonsville. —  Washington  telegram 
to  the  New  York  papers. 


CAPTURE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS. 

Fortiiess  Monhoe,  April  29. 
To  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: 

The  following  appears  In  the  Richmond  Dispatch  of 
the  28th  inst : 

"The  fearful  state  of  suspense  in  which  this  city 
has  existed  for  two  or  three  days  has  at  last  ended. 
New  Orleans  is  in  possession  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  evacuated  by  Gen.  Lovell  who  has  removed 
his  forces  to  Camp  Moore  on  the  Jackson  Railroad." 

(Signed)  John  E.  Wool,  Major  General. 

Chicago,  April  20.  A  special  despatch  to  the  Times 
from  Fort  Wright  28th,  says  : — 

From  deserters  I  learn  that  New  Orleans  is  in  Capt. 
Porter's  quiet  possession.  The  Federal  fleet  had 
passed  Fort  Jackson  on  Thursday,  after  a  desperate 
naval  engagement,  in  which  one  vessel  was  sunk  and* 
several  badly  damaged.  It  is  supposed  that  the  Fed- 
eral loss  is  very  heavy.  The  rebel  loss  is  01)  killed 
184  wounded.  The  engagement  lasted  part  of  two 
days.  The  Federals  took  possession  of  the  city  with- 
out a  struggle.  On  Friday  the  rebel  force  evacuated 
the  city,  after  destroying  all  the  steamers  which  they 
had  no  use  for.  They  took  with  them  the  greater  part 
of  the  military  stores  in  the  city.  The  Union  citizens 
were  very  jubilant. 

Washington,  April  27. — The  news  from  New  Or- 
leans, which  has  come  through  several  rebel  sources,  is 
deemed  here  to  be  of  the  utmost  importance.  What 
Old  England  has  failed  to  do  with  all  her  power,  has 
been  handsomely  accomplished  by  New  England. 
The  manner  in  which  the  success  at  Forts  Jackson 
and  St.  Philip  was  followed  up  is  highly  commended. 
In  30  hours  our  brave  men  consummated  their  victory 

id  appeared  before  the  great  city  of  the  Southwest 
to  receive  its  submission.  This  is  but  a  foretaste  of 
Southwestern  operations.  No  mention  is  made  by 
the  rebel  papers  of  their  iron-clad  turtles  and  rams, 
that  were  to  annihilate  the  Yankee  fleet,  which  leads 
.  suspicion  that  the  common  estimate  of  the  rebel 
motive  power  from  their  own  misrepresentations  has 
been  a  mistake.  It  is  pretty  clear  that  on  this  occa- 
sion they  could  not  stop  to  conceal  the  truth. 


Why  Savannah  was  not  Taken.  Gen.  Sher- 
man has  arrived  here,  and  his  case  is  very  widely  and 
thoroughly  discussed.  Why  did  he  not  take  Savan- 
nah? He  had  a  private  meeting  with  the  Rhode 
Island  delegation  a  few  days  since,  and  exhibited  to 
them  Gen.  McCIcIlan's  order  prohibiting  him  from 
making  any  attempt  on  that  city  I  This  is  a  positive 
fact,  and  he  is  obliged  to  make  it  known  to  save  his 
own  reputation.  Very  many  people  in  this  vicinity 
have  been  inclined  to  blame  Sherman  because  of  his 
slackness  before  Savannah.  He  says  that  when  he 
was  ready  to  do  something,  Com.  Depont  refused  to 
co-operate  with  him.  That  finally  that  difficulty  was 
arranged,  a  siege  train  had  been  sent  him  from  the 
North,  and  all  was  ready,  when  the  explicit  order  to 
desist  from  all  operations  against.  Savannah  came  from 
Gen.  McClellan. —  Wash.  Cor.  Springfield  Rcpub. 


General  Buell.  This  General  has  been  very  ten- 
der in  his  treatment  of  rebels,  and  very  tardy  in  all  his 
military" movements ;  and  in  view  of  his  recent  and 
inexcusable  failure  to  move  forward  promptly  to  the 
support  of  Gen.  Grant,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  in- 
terests of  the  cause  require  that  he,  at  least,  should  be 
relieved  of  his  command.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  de- 
termined and  obstinate  bravery  of  our  troops,  and  the 
assistance  rendered  by  the  gunboats,  the  gallant  army 
under  Grant  would  have  been  annihilated  before  Gen. 
Buell  arrived.  Is  he  one  of  the  "Golden  Circle" 
Generals  1  There  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  the 
enemy  have  many  allies  and  sympathizers  in  our  army 
and  navy,  and  some  of  them  occupying  high  positions, 
also.— -Freedom 's  Champion,  Atchison,  Kansas. 


Huntsville,  Ala.,  April  13,  1802.  To-day  I  really 
feel  like  exulting.  We  have  achieved  a  victory  which, 
although  bloodless,  must  be  attended  by  such  impor- 
tant results  as  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  The  main 
line,  and  for  all  practical  military  purposes  the  only 
line  of  communication,  between  the  Eastern  and  West- 
ern armies  of  the  enemy,  is  in  our  hands.  To  Gen. 
Mitchel  and  his  brave  troops  belong  the  distinguished 
honor  of  being  the  first  to  penetrate  to  the  great 
Charleston  and  Memphis  Railroad,  and  the  first  to 
break  through  the  Rebels'  boasted  lino  of  defence,  ex- 
tending from  Chattanooga  to  Corinth. 

[Going  west  from  Huntsville  in  the  cars  with  the 
troops,  the  writer  saysj : — 

The  negroes  were  gathered  in  masses  all  along  the 
road.  As  the  ears  passed  they  bowed,  they  scraped, 
they  grinned,  they  pulled  off  their  hats,  and  in  every 
way  tried  to  secure  a  recognition  from  those  whom 
they  considered  their  friends.  Occasionally  a  gener- 
ous-hearted soldier  would  wave  his  hand  or  flourish 
his  sword  to  them,  and  then  their  child-like  manifesta- 
tions of  delight  literally  knew  no  bounds. 

Whenever  the  train  stopped,  the  colored  people 
would  climb  on  board,  and  beg  to  be  taken  along. 
One  sad,  earnest  face  peeped  into  the  door  of  the  car 
in  winch  I  was  sitting,  and  its  owner  put  up  the  usual 
petition.  "  Get  down,"  said  an  officer  on  board  ;  "  get 
down  and  go  to  your  master;  we  cannot  take  you." 
The  slave  shuddered  at  the-  word  "  master."  "  O  for 
de  good  God's  sake,"  said  he,  "  let  me  go  wid  you 
and  wait  on  you  all  I  "  There  was  a  perceptible  tremor 
in  the  officer's  voice  as.  he  repeated  his  command  to 
the  negro,  and  I  saw  that  a  tear  was  stealing  down  the 
cheek  of  a  rough  dragoon,  who  sat  upon  a  seat  just 
opposite  to  me. — Correspondent  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


The  following  letter  from  Col.  Jennison  has  been 
received  by  a  gentleman  of  Boston  ; — 

Military  Prison,  St.  Louis,  April  21,  1862. 

Fiuknd  Stearns — Sir:  You  may  think  strange 
when  1  tell  you  that  on  Saturday,  the  18th,  Lieut. 
George  Hoyt  ami  myself  were  arrested  by  order  of 
our  pro-.slavery  Generals  Sturgis  and  Denver.  What 
the  charges  are  is  more  than  I  can  tell.  I  demanded 
to  know  the  charges,  and  by  what  authority  it  was 
done.  We  were  treated  more  like  brutes  than  human 
beings.  We  were  arrested,  taken  to  Fort  Leaven- 
worth, confined  in  a  filthy  dungeon  without  (ire,  with- 
out a  table,  without  a  chair.  There  I  left  that  true 
boy,  George  Hoyt.  From  there  I  was  sent  to  this 
city,  and  to  my  surprise  1  am  confined  in  a  dungeon 
formerly  occupied  as  "  Negro  Corrall."  The  whole 
city  of  St.  Louis  is  with  me.  They  all  see  the  out- 
rageous treatment  put  upon  me,  and  all  because  I  am 
an  abolitionist.  I  may  be  confined  during  the  war, 
but  I  shall  still  be  au  abolitionist. 

Give  iny  best  regards  to  all.  Write  me.  Direct  to 
6th  street  Military  Prison,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

(Signed)  C.  It.  Jennison. 


Recognition  05  Hayti  and  Liberia.  The  fol- 
lowing important  bill  passed  the  Senate  on  the  24th 
ult.  :— 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the.  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  as- 
sembled :  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be, 
and  he  hereby  is,  authorized,  by  and  with  the  consent 
of  the  Senate,  to  appoint  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  United  States  to  the  republics  of  Hayti  and 
Liberia,  respectively.  Each  of  the  said  representa- 
tives so  appointed  shall  be  accredited  as  commission- 
er and  consul  general,  and  shall  receive,  out  of  any 
money  in  the  treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  the 
compensation  of  commissioners  provided  for  by  the 
act  of  Congress  approved  August  IS,  1850:  Provided, 
That  the  compensation  of  the  representative  at  Libe- 
ria shall  not  exceed  §4,000. 


Lecture  of  Mimh  Anna  E.  Dickinson.  The 
meeting  in  the  Unitarian  church,  last  evening,  wan 
very  largely  attended,  every  part  of  the  church  being 
crowded,  ind  number!  being  obliged  to  go  away  with- 
out being  able  to  gain  admission. 

Miss  Dickinson  is  a  young  lady  of  very  agreeable 
personal  appearance.  She  is  a  forcible  and  impYessi  ve 
speaker.  Her  discourse  was  very  well  arranged,  her 
choice  of  words  excellent,  and  many  passages  both 
eloquent  and  pathetic.  She  traced  the  origin  of  the 
civil  war  to  slavery,  and  showed  how  the  Slave  Power 
had  always  succeeded  in  its  policy  in  behalf  of  that 
institution,  from  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence down  to  the  election  of  Lincoln.  The 
n  portion  of  her  address  was  the  urging  of  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves  as  a  step  demanded  both 
by  justice,  humanity,  and  the  necessities  of  ourc,on- 

'im,  and  the  argument  was  one  to  which  ft  would  be 
difficult  to  reply.  The  general  impression  produced 
was  a  highly  favorable  one,  and  we  understand  it  is 
proposed  to  invite  her  to  speak  here  again. — New  Bed- 
ford Standard,  April  2&7/i. 


The  Arrest  of  Gi;n.  Stone  Authorized  by  the 
President. —  Washiwjlon,  April  29*4.  To-day  the 
President  sent  a  special  message  to  the  Senate,  stating 
that  he  authorized  the  arrest  of  Gen.  Stone,  for  suf- 
ficient cause ;  that  the  delay  in  the  trial  of  the  accused 
is  caused  by  the  fact  that  the  witnesses  are  now  in  ac- 
tive service  in  the  army  before  Yorktown,and  that  an 
examination  of  the  case  will  be  had  when  not  incom- 
patible with  the  public  interests. 

g^=  What  will  the  Courier  and  Post  say  now  1 

Why  Gen.  Stone  is  not  Tried.  Is  it  possible 
that  any  man  cannot  understand  why  Gen.  Stone  is 
not  granted  an  instant  trial  'i  The  witnesses  he  would 
imon  are  to-day  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  would 
call  Gen.  McClellan  as  one  of  his  witnesses — can  the 
Government  spare  him  from  Yorktown  'I  On  both 
sides,  not  less  than  one  hundred  army  officers  would 
be  called  as  witnesses.  Is  it  not  easy  to  see  that  they 
not  now.  be  spared  ?  The  trial  will  occur  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment. —  Washington  Republican. 


Rino  op  the  true  Locofoco  Metal.  One  of  the 
straight  Democratic  tickets,  voted  at  our  charter  elec- 
tion, had  endorsed  upon  its  back  the  words — "  I  am  in 
favor  of  slavery  in  Michigan."  The  ballot  was  voted 
by  one  of  the  prominent  Locofoco  leaders  of  this  city, 
and  was  a  fair  expression  of  the  secret  sentiments  of 
his  party  leaders. —  Grand  Rapids  F.uglr. 


Woman's  Voice  eor  Freedom.  On  Monday, 
the  14lh  ult.,  Mr.  Sumner,  in  the  TJ.  S.  Senate,  pre- 
sented a  petition  700  feet  long  signed  by  15,000  women, 
praying  for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  A  similar  peti- 
tion, of  the  same  length  and  with  the  same  number  ol 
signatures,  was  presented,  on  the  same  day,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  by  Mr.  Kclley,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 


Death  of  Gen.  C.  F.  Smith.  The  army  of  the 
Union  has  met  with  a  great  loss  in  the  death  of  Major 
General  Charles  F.  Smith,  which  occurred  at  Savan- 
nah, Tenn.,  last  week.  On  the  31st  of  August,  1861, 
he  was  made  a  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers,  and 
took  charge  under  Gen.  Halleck  of  the  troops  at  Pa- 
ducah.  His  gallant  charge  decided  the  day  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Fort  Donelson,  and  secured  his  promotion  to  a 
Major*  Generalship.  For  a  time  he  was  in  command 
of  the  army  now  at  Pittsburg.  His  ill  health  detained 
him  from  taking  part  in  the  late  battle. 

2^=  Major  Talbot,  one  of  the  heroes  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, died  in  New  York  on  Wednesday  evening.  He 
acted  as  first  lieutenant  when  Sumter  was  attacked, 
but  was  promoted  after  that  event.  He  was  thirty- 
eight  years  of  age,  and  bore  the  reputation  of  being 
an  accomplished  man  and  a  gallant  officer. 

j^=In  the  Senate,  Friday,  April  25,  Mr.  Sherman 
presented  a  resolution  of  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  con- 
cerning the  rebel  prisoners  at  Columbus,  saying  that 
the  feelings  of  the  loyal  people  of  Ohio  are  outraged 
by  the  fact  that  the  rebel  prisoners  are  allowed  to  re- 
tain their  slaves  by  Col.  Moody,  thus  practically  es- 
tablishing slavery  in  Ohio.  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, said  he  would  call  the  matter  up  on  Monday. 

g^=  Gen.  Grant,  reports  that  he  has  buried  over 
4000  dead  soldiers.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  rebels 
lost  many  more  in  killed  than  we  did,  for  our  men 
fired  to  kill,  and  theirs  to  wound,  and  both  carried  out 
their  orders  to  the  letter.  Our  troops  have  collected 
10,000  stand  of  arms  thrown  away  by  the  rebels. 

The  Vote  in  Western  Virginia.  The  Wheel- 
ing Intelligencer  publishes  the  official  vote  of  fifty-one 
counties  of  Western  Alrginia  on  the  new  constitution 
and  emancipation.  The  aggregate  is  10,707  for  and 
441  against  the  new  constitution,  and  6052  for  and 
618  against  emancipation.  Majority  in  fifty-one  coun- 
ties for  the  constitution,  16,3oG ;  for  emancipation, 
5434. 

Sad.  Gov.  Louis  P.  Harvey,  of  Wisconsin,  who 
had  gone  to  Savannah  with  hospital  stores,  and  to 
look  after  the  Wisconsin  dead  and  wounded,  was 
drowned  on  Saturday  evening  while  stepping  from 
one  boat  to  another. 

2^="  Refugees  report  that  Gen.  Villifrique  is  still 
in  command  at  Fort  Wright,  and  has  a  force  of  6000 
or  8000  men.  The  guns  from  Fort  Randolph  have 
been  taken  there.  A  large  number  of  negroes  are 
constantly  at  work,  strengthening  the  fortifications. 

2^=  The  slave-owners  of  Prince  George  and  Sur- 
rey counties,  Va,,  have  been  compelled  to  put  one 
half  their  negroes  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  fif- 
ty years  to  work  upon  the  rebel  fortifications  near 
Williamsburg,  where  Magruder  and  his  army  are  sta- 
tioned. Some  people  think  it  a  terrible  business  for 
the  Union  army  to  employ  slaves  in  digging  entrench- 
ments, but  can  see  no  harm  in  their  laboring  for  the 
secessionists — and  yet  these  men  are  called  loyal. 

g3T=*  Slavery  is  practically  abolished  in  Prince 
George's  county  in  Maryland.  The  slaves  (says  a 
correspondent)  are  running  away  in  large  numbers: 
there  is  scarcely  a  plantation  but  has  suffered.  Com- 
panies of  from  five  to  fifty  can  be  seen  daily  wending 
their  way  towards  Washington,  and  wandering  over 
Maryland  seeking  employment  where  they  can  be 
paid  for  their  work.  Their  owners  say  it  is  becoming 
useless  to  go  after  them  when  they  leave,  as  they  will 
not  remain  when  brought  back,  but  refuse  to  work, 
and  on  the  first  opportunity  showing  itself  are  off  again. 

g^=*  An  eminent  American,  formerly  a  Democrat, 
who  has  for  some  time  past  resided  in  Europe, 
writes  the  Tribune  a  letter,  from  which  we  quote  as 
follows : — 

"  We  are  crazy  if  we  preserve  the  status  of  slavery. 
I  should  as  soon  think  of  preserving  a  mad  dog  that 
bad  bitten  and  killed  my  children." 

New  York,  April  28.  Letters  from  Edisto  Island, 
S.  C,  report  a  brilliant  skirmish  between  60  of  our 
men  and  200  of  the  enemy  on  St.  Johns  Island. 

Our  men  had  a  howitzer  from  the  gunboat  Crusader. 
Fifty  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  wounded.  Our 
force  consisted  of  fill  sailors  from  the  Crusader  and  30 
soldiers  from  the  3d  N.  H.,  47th  N.  Y.  and  55th  Penn. 
regiments. 

New  York,  April  25.  Reliable  information  places 
General  Lee  in  command  of  the  rebels  at  Yorktown. 
Johnston  did  not  remain.  All  the  rebel  stores,  ammu- 
nition, baggage,  &c,  have  been  moved  three  miles  to 
the  rear  of  Yorktown. 

Contrabands  say  the  rebels  had  near  two  hundred 
killed  and  wounded  in  the  recent  affair  at  Lee's  Mills. 
A  gang  of  3000  negroes,  who  were  at  work  on  the 
dam,  had  twelve  killed,  and  were  stampeded  by  our 
shells,  and  had  to  be  forced  back  with  the  bayonet. 

-  A  letter  from  Yorktown  25th,  in  the  New 

York  Post,  remarks  :— 

A  rebel  deserter  to-day  reported  that  we  have 
killed  one  rebel  Brigadier  General,  two  Captains  and 
several  Lieutenants  since  we  have  been  in  front  of 
Yorktown.  The  number  of  killed  and  wounded  is 
withheld  from  the  rebel  troops,  but  it  is  large,  and 
many  of  the  enemy  are  hit  by  our  artillery  aad  sharp- 
shooters each  day." 

BEIT"  Every  port  on  the  coast  of  Florida,  except 
Tampa,  has  been  evacuated  by  the  rebels. 

J33f-Thc  colored  people  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
have  set  apart  the  first  day  of  May  as  a  day  of  Thanks- 
giving for  the  passage  of  the  Emancipation  Bill, 

St.  Johns,  N.  F.,  April  28.  A  deputation  from 
the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavei'V  Society  Waited 
upon  Mr.  Adams,  the  American  Minister,  on  (he  16th, 
and  presented  an  address,  in  which  the  hope  is  expres- 
sed that  the  restoration  of  the  Union  would  be  found- 
ed upon  the  abolition  of  the  true  cause  of  the  strife. 
The  reply  of  Mr.  Adams  is  d^serilied  as  having  been 
very  satisfactory   to  the  deputation,    but    the    Tines 

thinks  it  Indicates  the  policy  of  Norther^  politicians, 

which  La  to  have  the  liberty  to  deal  according  to  cir- 
cumstances with  the  slavery  question. 


EST  PENNSYLVANIA  YEARLY  MEETING  OF 
PROGRESSIVE  FRIENDS.— The  tenth  Yearly  Meeting 

Progressive  Friends  will  convene  at  Longwood,  Chester 
County,  Pennsylvania,  on  FIFTH  DAY,  (Thursday,)  the 
fifth  of  Sixth  month,  (June,)  1862. 

This  annual  assemblage  is  held  for  religious  communion, 
for  mutual  interchange  of  thought  and  opinion,  for  the 
perpetuation  of  old  friendships  and  the  formation  of  new  ; 
brief,  for  a  festival  of  two  or  three  days  of  social,  intel- 
lectual, and  spiritual  fellowship  and  profit.  The  members 
'f  this  Religious  Society  do  not  hold  their  membership  by 
irtue  of  any  ecclesiastical  vows  or  bonds,  or  of  any  real 
r  supposed  unity  of  theological  belief.  Their  common 
faith,  if  it  were  written,  would  be  simply  and  only  the  es- 
ial  principle  of  love  to  God — a  love  to  be  exhibited, 
not  through  devotion  to  creeds  and  forms,  but  in  lives  of 
purity  and  beneficence,  in  the  recognition  and  defence  of 
the  equal  rights  of  mankind,  in  efforts  to  break  the  chains 
of  the  oppressed,  and  in  a  firm  resistance  to  every  form  of 
iquity  and  wrong.  - 

Such  being  the  spirit  and  aims  of  the  Progressive  Friends, 
the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  its  causes  and  consequences.and 
means  by  which  alone  it  can  be  effectually  put  down, 
will  naturally  engage  no  small  share  of  the  attention  of 
the  Yearly  Meeting  ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that,  with 
an  earnestness  and  solemnity  worthy  of  the  crisis,  it  will 
to  persuade  the  people  and  the  government  to  avert 
the  calamities  of  civil  war,  and  open  up  the  only  path  to 
permanent  peace  and  prosperity,  by  "proclaiming  liberty 
throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof.'' 
To  all  persons  who  cherish  the  spirit  and  principles  above 
set  forth,  we  extend  a  cordial  invitation  to  meet  and  co- 
operate with  the  Society. 
Oliver  Johnson, 
Joseph  A.  Dugdale, 
Elizabeth  Jackson, 


Sumner  Stcbbins, 
"William  Barnard, 
Hannah  Cox, 
Dinah  Mendenhall, 
Josiah  Wilson, 
Ruth  Dugdale, 
Annie  M.  Stambeaoh, 
Mary  P.  Wilson, 


Isaac  Mendenhall, 
Sarah  Marsh  Barnard, 
Lydia  Irish, 
Jennie  K.  Smith, 
Ellen  Angler, 
Aaron  Mendenhall, 
Sallie  Howell, 
Samuel  B.  Underbill, 
Philena  Hcald, 
EllieH.  Mendenhall, 
Eusebius  Barnard. 


J^"  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
American  Anil-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 

jgp'  Many  of  the  best  and  most  recent  publications  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  be  made  as  above, 
which  should  be  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 
hem. 


E^-  NOTICE.— Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  cither  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  the  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 


0-  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Makgaket  B.  Brown,  M.  V.,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  i 
o'clock,  P.  M. 

March  28.  3m 


$5?-  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  i,  P.  M. 


jj^"  WEARE,  N.  H. — Parker  Pillsbuby  will  lecture 
North  Wcare,  N.  H.,  on  Saturday  evening  next,  afi<T~st~ 
South  Wcare  on  Sunday  next,  afternoon  and  evening. 


&T  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON,  of  Philadelphia, 
will  speak  in  QUINCY,  at  Johnson's  Hall,  on  Sunday  next, 
May  i,  at  10  1-2  o'clock,  A.  M.,  and  2  3-4  o'clock,  P.  M. 


MARRIED— In  Portland,  (Mo.)  April  23,  Mr.  James 
Hawley  to  Miss  Annie  Campbell. 

In  Chelsea,  on  the  21th  ult.,  at  the  house  of  Phineas  N. 
Pratt,  Esq.,  by  ttov.  Albert  H.  Plumb,  Wtt.  11.  McKay  to 
Mahia  Chapman  Pratt  ;  also,  Henry  L.  Sandersox  to 
Susan  Caroline  Pratt,  all  of  Cholsea. 


DIED — At  his  residence  in  Wayne  county,  Indiana,  near 
New  Paris,  Ohio,  on  the  21st  inst.,  Jacob  Grave,  aged  SO 
years  and  6  months. 

The-  deceasod  was  a  native  of  Delaware.  He  caroo  to 
this  county,  and  settled  on  the  place  where  ho  died  in  1S16. 
He  was,  we  believe,  a  member  of  the  first  Meeting  for  Suf- 
ferings of  White  Water  Meeting  of  Friends.  He  was  one 
of  the  worthy  and  conscientious  persons  who,  about  twenty 
yoars  since,  left  that  Society  on  account  of  what  they  es- 
teemed its  recreancy  to  the  cause  of  the  slave.  Believing 
bis  course  on  that  occasion  right,  ho  would  never  make  tho 
slightest  concession  in  regard  to  it.  He  was  a  man  of  iu- 
domitablo  firmness,  strict  integrity,  liberal  Oad  benevolent, 
a  truo  friend  to  tho  opprosscd — always  ready  with  purso 
and  hand  to  help  the  flying  fugitive.  He  has  gene  to  his 
reward.  Honor  to  his  memory  ! — Ccntrcvilte,  (Ind.)  True 
Republican. 


SELECT    SCHOOL. 

TffH  subscriber  will  be  pleased  to  receive  a  few  Young 
Ladies  into  her  charge  for  purposes  of  Instruction  in 
English  Branches,  Music  and  French.  A  Term  of  Ten 
Weeks  will  commence  Wednesday,  Mav  7,  1st:':. 

For  prtrtieiilnr*,  address  AR1UE  It.  llEYYi  ODD. 

Hopedale,  Milford,  Mass.,  April  15,  186S. 


f'HE    PROGRESSIVE    AGE. 

Devoted  to  all  Reforms. 

riMll-   is   :i,  monthly    Journal,  of  eight  (KM  I 

\     I'.iv.iii  J,  Butts  and  Harriet  N.  Gi*mw,  hiawito,  Hops- 
dale,  Mms.  it  owamenwa  its  fourth  toIudm  In  Ufa 

and  the  friends  of  tin  un.iiinlirteiUy  tree  paper  KM  l&ritM 
duly  to  consider  its  ehiiiiis  on  their  pKbFMVgtJi  EfewalmAfl 
copies  sent  te  nuy  siddn'ss. 

Teums.-     Single  oopien,  50  cents  n  year  ;  clubs  of  twenty 
DMUS)  |5.00. 

A.ddre»B.  J.  r,\  ITS  A  It.  X,  OS 

Hopedale,  Apsil  lli.  ftfl 


73 


THE     LIBERATOR. 


M^Y   2. 


0£tt}> 


For  the  Liberator. 

THE-PRAYEB    OF    THE   ENSLAVED. 

BT  COUA    Wli.DUBH. 

Our  Father  in  Ilea  von  !  wo  come  to  thee  in  toars  ; 
Before  thy  Omnipresence  we  oast  our  sorrowing  years; 
Wo  huro  to  thy  (iimnseienee   ihi1  secret.*  of  tiio   brain, 
The  tumult  and  the  warfare  of  heart  and  soul  in  pain. 
Wo  bring  our  aspirations,  our  angcl-wingcd  desires  ; 
The  gleams  of  lifo  supernal,  drawn  from  the  seraph  lyres  : 
Wo  pray  thee,  All-pervading  !  inspire  with  love  and  trust 
The  supplicating  millions  before  thee  in  the  dust ! 

Our  Father  in  Heaven  !  the  mother's  heart  is  rent ; 
Beneath  Might's  stern  oppression  thy  children's  souls  ate 

bent ; 
We  flee  to  Thee  for  mercy,  for  faith,  for  holy  rest ; 
Alas  !  all  is  denied  us  upon  earth's  mother  breast  ; 
We  bring  unspoken  wishes,  unuttered  thoughts  that  yearn 
For  freedom's  blest  expansion  ;    wo  daro  not   earthward 

But  fix  upon  thy  heavens  our  supplicating  eyes, 

And  of  tby  Love  and  Wisdom  invoke  life's  dearest  prize. 

Our  Father  in  Heaven  !  behold  our  fettered  hands. 

Upraised  in  invocation  unto  thy  angel  hands  ; 

Our  hearts  are  sore  and  stricken,  our  weary  souls  bowed 

Beneath  the  cross  and  armor,  the  cruel,  thorny  crown. 
We  bring  to  Thee  our  burdens  ;  we  cast  before  Thy  throne 
The  woman's  outraged  honor,  the  childless  mother's  moan  ; 
The  strong  man's  bitter  anguish,  his  impotent  despair  ; 
The  lash  by  white  hands  wielded  ; — 'tis  more  than  we  can 
bear ! 

Our  Father  in  neaven  !  wo  cravo  from  thee  a  sign 

Of  thy  all-pitying  mercy,  and  tenderness  divine  ; 

That  soon  the  heavy  burden  shall  for  us  lightened  bo, 

Our  life  and  toil  rewarded  by  sacred  liberty  ! 

For  this  we  supplicate  Thee,  our  Lord  and  Master  dear  ! 

For  this  wo  ask  in  silence  of  every  circling  year  : 

We  pray  Thee,  All-pervading  !  upraise  in  love  and  trust 

The  sorrow-stricken  millions  before  tbeo  in  the  dust ! 


For  the  Liberator. 

THE   KNIGHTS    OF   THE    SKULL 

BY  HUGH   DIDIT. 

Oh — ho  !  for  the  knights  of  the  cross-bone  and  skull — 
The  serfs  of  the  South,  and  the  slaves  of  the  slave — 

The  heroes  who  swear  by  the  black  flag — and  white, 
(The  first  meaning  human  ;  the  other  one,  brave!) 

Oh  —ho  !  for  the  jackals,  the  hyena  men, 

To  whom  Dothing  is  sacred,  not  even  the  grave, 

Who  hold  their  carousals  o'er  unburied  slain, 

And  steal  dead  men's  bones,  to  show  they  are  brave  ! 

We've  called  you  chivalric — may  God  save  the  mark  ! 

No  Saracen,  Turk,  or  barbarous  knave 
Ever  sold  out  his  title  to  manhood  so  cheap 

As  the  Bull  Bun  skull- stealers,  the  dauntless  and  brave 

Oh,  Northmen,  arouse,  for  Humanity's  sake, 
And  over  the  South  bid  our  starry  flag  wave, 

Till  you've  purged  that  fair  land  of  the  presence  of  men 
Whose  deeds  are  a  burlesque  on  all  that  is  brave. 

Your  leaders  have  lingered  too  long  at  their  post, 

Essaying  the  old  institutions  to  save  ; 
Let  your  war-cry  bo  vengeance — demand  blood  for  blood  ! 

Till  the  foe  bite  the  dust  at  the  feet  of  the  brave  U 


From  the  Oswego  Commercial  Times. 

EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  CO 
LHMBIA. 

BY   MISS   A,    W.    SPRAGUE. 
I. 

Now  God  be  praised  !  for  this  old  world  has  moved. 
Time's  ru3ty  wheels  at  last  are  newly  grooved, 
And  our  own  country  vibrates  to  the  shock, 
As  when  a  mighty  earthquake  smites  the  rook. 
It  shook  the  Senate  Chamber  as  it  passed  ; 
It  eoboed  like  a  trumpet's  sudden  blast ; 
The  time-stained  White  House  with  the  voice  awoke, 
And  Freedom  stood  erect  once  more,  and  spoke. 

n. 

"  No  longer  at  my  feet  shall  crawl  the  slave, 
While  high  in  air  my  starry  banners  wave  ; 
No  longer  will  I  list  their  clanking  chain, 
Or  on  my  garments  wear  this  loathsome  stain. 
I  stretch  my  band,  and  grasp  the  power  to-day  ; 
When  others  fail,  myself  will  bear  the  sway  ; 
As  when  my  sons  declared  themselves  the  free, 
Shall  beam  once  moro  the  star  of  Liberty. 

In  this,  the  District  where  my  Temple  stands, 
I  burst  indignant  every  captive's  bands  ; 
Here  in  my  home  my  glorious  work  begin, 
Then  blush  no  more  each  day  to  see  this  sin. 
Thus  finding  room  to  freely  breathe  and  stand, 
I'll  stretch  my  sceptre  over  all  the  land, 
Until,  unfettered,  leaps  the  wailing  slave, 
And  echoes  back  the  blessings  of  the  brave." 

IV. 

The  Eagle  hears  her  voice  majestic  given, 

And  down  he  sweeps,  like  thunderbolt  from  heaven, 

And  with  a  joyous  scream  he  makes  the  dome 

Of  our  freed  Capitol  bis  future  home  ; 

Never  to  seek  again  his  eyrie  high; 

To  sit  with  drooping  wings  and  scornful  eye, 

But  ready  at  the  call  to  lead  the  brave, 

Who  shout,  "  Emancipation  to  the  slave  !" 

Aye,  throw  thy  banners  to  the  breeze  of  heaven, 
From  Slavery's  chain  another  link  is  riven  ; 
King  joyous  chimes,  as  rung  that  "  Bell"  of  old, 
Which  once  our  fathers'  "  Declaration"  told. 
A  few  more  roods  of  free  soil  has  our  land  ; 
Our  Capital  at  least  has  room  to  stand. 
Send  one  more  bolt,  oh  God,  from  heaven,  to  smito, 
Ami  Slavery  cowers  forever  from  our  sight. 

VI. 

Not  all  in  vain  have  lovers  of  tho  right 

Proclaimed  true  freedom  in  their  fearless  might ; 

Not  all  in  vain  the  efforts  of  the  brave, 

To  break  the  fetters  from  the  bleeding  slave  j 

Aye,  not  in  vain  on  Slavery's  sod  is  shed 

The  blood  of  our  brave  hearts,  our  cherished  dead  : 

For  thus  baptized,  our  soil  shall  all  be  free — 

The  fruit  of  patriots'  blood  is  Liberty. 


From  the  Salem  Register. 

'BY    THEIB    HLuTTS    SHALL    YE    KNOW 
THEM." 

When  those  who  planned  this  dark  Rebellion  fell, 
By  pride  and  base  ambition,  from  their  sphere, 

They  saw  that  power  to  work  their  treacherous  will 
Lay  in  deceiving  ;  and,  like  Lucifer, 

Their  few,  unworthy,  private  ends  to  gain, 

They  dared  Heaven's  vengeanco,  and  the  scorn  of  men. 

To  lead  their  tools,  tho  Southern  public,  on, 

How  oft  did  falsehoods  perjure  them  anew  ! 
'  Go  forth,"  they  cried,  "  our  holy  cause  to  gain, 

And  curse  a  vile,  relentless,  Vandal  foe, 
Ere  they  mako  desolate  our  sunny  land  ! 
Let  Eight  and  Justice  nerve  each  soldier's  hand." 
What  cared  those  men,  if  they  but  rose  to  power, 

Though  woe  and  ruin  should  mark  evcry'step  ; 
Though  robes  of  State  were  damp  with  many  a  tear, 

And  over  heaps  of  slain  their  steps  mount  up  ? 
Are  the  deceived  now  learning,  through  War's  woos, 
Who  are,  and  who  arc  not,  the  real  foes? 

Who  have  proved  Vandals?    In  whoso  dreadful  track 
Lie  pillaged,  burning  towns  and  wasted  lands? 

Who  outrage  Southern  homes,  and  still  turn  back, 
Unsatisfied,  to  stain  their  dripping  hands 

Anew  with  murder  of  poor  helpless  men, 

Wounded,  and  crying  "  Mercy  !  "  all  in  vain? 

Who,  wishing  an  usurper's  place,  declared 

Their  Might  should  crush  out  Right,  and  righteous  laws, 
Aud,  in  unholy  mockery,  have  dared 

To  ask  the  aid  of  Heaven  in  such  a  cause? 
But  unsuccessful,  say,  "  Ye  caused  it  all  !  " 
"  Thoy  of  tho  North  ?  "    Let  every  record  tell. 
Salem,  1862.  J.  G. 


"WHAT    IS    THAT    TO    THEE?" 

A    SERMON, 

Preached  at  Meadvillc  Theological  School,  April  16, 1802, 

BY   THOMAS   VICKEU8. 

"What  is  that  to  thee  ?  follow  thou  me."— John  21  :  32. 

It  is  related  of  Ivo,  Bishop  of  Chartres,  that,  when 
on  an  embassy  for  St.  Louis,  lie  encountered  an  old 
woman,  of  grave  and  sorrowful  aspect,  threading  the 
Blreets  of  Acre,  with  a  cruse  of  water  in  one  hand  and 
a  pan  of  coals  in  the  other.  He  inquired  why  she 
carried  them.  She  answered  :  "My  purpose  is,  with 
the  fire  to  burn  Paradise,  and  with  the  water  to  quench 
the  flames  of  Hell,  that  men  may  serve  God  without 
the  incentives  of  hope  and  fear,  and  purely  for  the 
love  of  God." 

In  nearly  every  theology,  Christianity  somehow 
gets  itself  represented  as  a  gigantic  system  of  rewards 
and  punishments — arbitrary,  awful  and  demoralizing. 
There  is  Hell  on  the  one  hand,  crowded  with  the 
damned,  the  smoke  of  whose  burning  ascends  forever 
and  ever.  On  the  other  hand  is  Heaven,  where  there 
is  no  more  work,  or  want,  or  woe,  but  idleness,  plen- 
ty and  rejoicing  without  end.  Hell  is  the  inevitable 
destiny  of  the  "natural"  man.  Christians  of  every 
name,  however,  (the  dogma  of  Predestination  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding,)  practically  believe  in  the 
power  of  the  individual  soul  to  flee  from  that  "  wrath 
to  come,"  and  attain  to  the  unspeakable  blessings  of 
Heaven.  But,  although  it  is  maintained  that  the 
present  is  a  life  of  probation,  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen 
that  the  probation  is  not  of  a  very  searching  order. 
It  is  to  be  proven  whether  a  man  can  believe  certain 
doctrines,  the  most  essential  of  which  is  expressed  in 
the  lines — 

"  There  is  a  fountain  filled  with  blood, 
Drawn  from  Immanucl's  veins; 
And  sinners,  plung'd  beneath  that  flood, 
Lose  all  their  guilty  stains." 

If  sometime  before  death,  even  at  the  last  moment,  a 
man  declare  his  belief  in  this,  the  constituted  authori- 
ties will  certify  that  he  has  entered  into  the  heavenly 
rest.  If  he  fails  to  do  this,  all  the  authorities  unite  in 
proclaiming  that  he  has  "  not  accepted  the  conditions 
of  salvation."  The  staple  of  a  large  part  of  preach- 
ing consists  of  flaming  and  terrific  warnings  to  "flee 
from  the  wrath  to  come,"  coupled  with  the  most  al- 
luring pictures  of  heaven  which  a  sensuous  imagina- 
tion can  portray.  Men  are  exhorted  to  lay  hold  on 
the  promise  of  heaven  before  physical  death  comes 
in,  and  consigns  them  to  hell  forever.  The  uncertain 
duration  of  this  life,  liable  as  it  is  to  terminate  any 
moment,  is  a  powerful  and  terrible  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  the  popular  preacher — the  mighty  sickle 
with  which  he  stalks  through  the  field  of  the  world, 
and  shears  down  the  grain  which  is  already  "  white  to 
the  harvest." 

These  debasing  views  of  life,  death  and  immortali- 
ty are  the  doors  through  which  a  mean  and  mercenary 
spirit  enters  into  the  religious  life  of  the  people.  Men 
serve  God  for  what  they  can  get,  and  not  for  love  of 
Him.  This  disease  of  the  spiritual  organ  has  been 
superinduced  by  the  nostrums  of  the  doctors.  It 
"  grows  by  what  it  feeds  upon,"  and  its  appetite  is  in- 
satiable, so  that  the  vicious  dogma  must  be  carried  by 
its  logical  consequences  into  every  relation  which  the 
soul  sustains.  Men  try  to  put  off  the  Lord  with  the 
least  possible  service.  If  he  demands  entire  conse- 
cration of  heart  and  life,  filling  up  the  measure  of 
every  day  with  the  golden  fruit  of  holy  activities,  we 
think  it  too  much,  and  try  to  buy  a  place  in  heaven  by 
hiring  the  present  life  of  Him  at  the  sevenths,  filling 
up  the  measure  of  six  days  with  our  iniquity,  and  that 
of  the  seventh  not  with  the  fruit  of  holy  activity,  hut 
with  a  sort  of  holy  torpor.  The  Law  and  the  Proph- 
ets, for  the  six  days,  may  be  summed  up  in  "Make 
to  yourselves  friends  of  the  unrighteous  Mammon." 
The  Gospel  which  we  love  to  hear  on  the  seventh 
is,  "  There  remaineth  a  rest  for  the  people  of  God  " — 
"  He  giveth  his  beloved  sleep." 

Many  of  the  most  precious  declarations  of  Scrip- 
ture are  pressed  into  the  service  of  this  huckstering 
spirit.  At  a  meeting  for  conference  and  prayer  at  one 
of  the  churches  in  this  town,  not  long  ago,  a  promi- 
nent member  of  the  church  stated  how  he  had  recent- 
ly verified  in  a  striking  manner  the  passage,  "  He  that 
hath  pity  upon  the  poor  lendeth  to  the  Lord,  and  that 
which  he  hath  given  will  the  Lord  pay  him  again." 
He  had  been  reminded  of  this  passage  at  one  of  the 
previous  meetings,  and  he  resolved  to  see  if  it  were 
true.  When  Sunday  came  round,  he  gave  liberally 
to  the.church,  and  the  increase  in  his  business  that 
week  proved  conclusively  to  him  that  the  Lord  not 
only  pays  back  what  is  lent  him,  but  pays  it  with,  in- 
terest. He  hoped  this  would  stimulate  others  to  have 
"pity  upon  the  poor." 

It  is  painful  to  see  how  thoroughly  the  leaders  in 
religious,  sects  enter  into  this  spirit.  They  do  not 
hesitate  to  pander  to  the  love  of  gain  in  this  its  worst 
and  most  degrading  form.  They  have  forgotten  the 
rebuke  of  Paul  to  "men  of  corrupt  minds,  and  desti- 
tute of  the  truth,  supposing  that  gain  is  godliness." 
Sometime  ago,  one  of  the  leading  religious  journals 
in  Boston*  chronicled  some  remarkable  instances  of 
this  "  lending  to  the  Lord,"  which  it  "  especially  com- 
mended to  its  wealthy  readers."  Here  is  one  of  them, 
as  related  hy  a  Secretary  of  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society  :  A  gentleman  residing  on  the  continent 
commenced  his  contributious  "  with  a  simple  donation 
of  £20.  In  1854,  his  year's  gift  had  risen  to  over  £2700  ; 
in  1855,  to  £5,665 ;  and  last  January  [1856J  he  inti- 
mated his  readiness  to  make  his  donations  for  1856 
either  £13,000  or  £15,000,  adding,  that  when  they 
were  gone,  more  would  be  forthcoming.  This  gen- 
tleman's answer  to  some  inquiries  was,  the  more  he 
gave,  the  more  he  got.  lie  was  a  richer  man  now  than  when 
he  began  to  give." 

But  there  is  a  lower  deep  even  than  this.  There 
seems  to  be  no  meanness  to  which  the  mercenary 
spirit  in  religion  cannot  descend,  and  no  blasphemy  of 
which  it  is  not  capable.  Of  old,  we  read  that  it  set  up 
the  tables  of  brokers  and  dove-sellers  within  the  walls 
of  the  Temple  itself,  turning  it  into  a  house  of  merchan- 
dise and  a  den  of  thieves.  But  we  need  not  go  so  far 
back.  During  the  great  "Revival  of  Religion,"  so 
called,  in  1858,  a  document  was  issued  in  Philadel- 
phia, by  the  "American  Systematic  Beneficence  So- 
ciety," in  the  form  of  a  Ccrtijicateof  Stock.  This  So- 
ciety claimed  to  be  "  auxiliary  to  every  benevolent 
institution  in  the  land" — "Foreign  Mission,  Home 
Mission,  Sabbath  School,  Seamen's  Friend,  Educa- 
tion, Bible  and  Tract  Societies."  The  vignette  upon 
its  certificate  was  an  angel  with  a  trumpet,  sound- 
ing "  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  peace  on  earth, 
good  will  to  men  "  ;  and  also  a  figure  of  the  globe, 
with  the  inscription,  "The  field  is  the  world."  The 
customary  blanks  were  left,  to  be  filled  with  the 
stockholder's  name,  the  amount  of  money  paid  in, 
and  the  number  of  shares  bought.  To  all  of  which 
this  guarantee  was  appended,  with  the  names  of  the 
officers  of  the  Society  : — 

"  Stockholders  are  guaranteed  to  receive  one  hun- 
dred times  as  much  as  ttfey  put  in  [Matt.  19:29.] 
Those  who  continue  to  pay  into  the  Fund  as  much  as 
six  cents  a  week,  for  three  years  in  succession,  to  be 
life  members  of  the  American  Systematic  Beneficence 
Society.  Those  who  do  this  for  six  years  to  be 
honorary  managers  for  life.  Those  who  do  this  for 
ten  years  to  bo  honorary  vice-presidents  for  life. 
Those  who  do  this  [from  love  to  Christ]  while  they  live 
will  have  a  free  admission  through  the  gates  into  the 
heavenly  city,  a  snow-white  robe,  a  heavenly  harp,  a 
crown  of  gold,  and  a  seat  at  the  right  hand  of  the  final 
Judge." 

So  for  the  small  sum  of  six  cents  given  every  week 
of  one's  life,  [from  love  to  Christ,]  the  American  Sys- 
tematic Beneficence  Society  will  secure  to  him  alt  the 
honors,  immunities  and  joys  of  heaven.  Three  cen- 
turies and  a  half  ago,  the  infamous  Tetzel  cried  aloud, 
as  he  sped  through  the  cities  and  villages  of  Saxony, 
"I  would  not  exchange  my  privilege  [as  vender  of 
tho  papal  letters- of  absolution]  against  those  which 

*  Watchman  and  lbpxlor,  April  i,  1861. 


St.  Peter  has  in  heaven  ;  for  I  have  saved  more  souls 
hy  my  indulgeneies  than  the  apostle  by  his  sermons. 
Whatever  crime  one  may  have  committed  [naming  an 
outrage  which  it  is  not  fit  even  to  mention],  let  him 
pay  well,  and  he  will  receive  pardon.  Likewise  the 
sins  which  you  may  be  disposed  to  commit  in  future 
may  be  atoned  for  beforehand."  This  voice  defies  the 
surge  of  centuries ;  it  rises  above  them,  loud  and 
clear,  and  pierces  the  ears  of  the  children  of  the  Great 
Reformation  in  far  distant  lands  and  times.  The 
Temple  of  God  is  again  profaned;  spiritual  hucksters 
and  brokcrB  infest  it;  and  there  is  no  irresistible  and 
holy  Christ,  with  unflinching  whip  and  tongue  of  fire, 
to  spurn  them  forth. 

The  virus  of  selfishness  has  entered  largely  into 
the  life  of  the  American  people,  social,  ecclesiastical 
and  political.  We  have  seen  that  the  popular  theolo- 
gy is  mercenary.  Now,  the  theology  of  a  people  is 
the  highest  theoretic  expression  of  its  life — it  is  that 
life  ultimated — it  is  that  life  put  into  philosophic 
speech,  expressing  with  scientific  accuracy  its  highest 
relations  and  tendencies.  The  religion  of  a  people 
comprehends  the  whole  of  its  actual,  practical  living — 
its  piety,  the  whole  of  its  feelings,  dispositions  and 
actions  towards  God,  on  the  one  hand — its  morality, 
the  whole  of  its  feelings,  dispositions  and  actions  to- 
wards man,  on  the  other.  Religion  is  the  practical 
part  whereof  theology  is  the  theoretical".  The  theol- 
ogy of  a  people — I  mean  that  theology  which  is  pop- 
ular among  the  masses — being  mercenary,  its  religion 
will  also  be  mercenary,  its  piety  mean,  hypocritical, 
full  of  artifice  and  fraud — trying  to  cheat  God, — its 
morality  based  upon  selfishness,  knowing  no  law  but 
that  of  the  strongest,  acknowledging  no  obligation  on 
the  part  of  man  to  do  the  right  for  the  right's  sake, 
will  give  its  sanction  and  support  to,  by  finding  ex- 
cuses for,  every  species  of  wickedness  practised  by 
man  towards  man. 

To  say  that  our  national  life — our  national  religion 
— has  hitherto  been  of  this  character,  will  doubtless 
seem  a  "  hard  saying"  to  many  of  you.  But  I  con- 
fess I  think  it  has.  We  are  a  nation  of  merchants, 
and  everything  is  merchantable — honor,  truth,  virtue, 
religion,  even  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men. 

To  "do  justly"  means  to  cheat  your  customers 
whenever  you  can, — to  grind  down  the  laborer, — to 
amass  princely  fortunes  by  frequent  failures  in  business 
— to  plunder  the  nation  of  every  available  means  of  de- 
fence, and  then  strive  to  overthrow  it, — to  be  ^patriot- 
ic contractor,  and  "  save  the  country  "  by  stealing  the 
last  dollar  from  its  treasury, — or  to  be  a  thoughtless, 
heartless  woman,  and  spend  thousands  of  dollars  of 
the  public  money  upon  festivity  and  merry-making  in 
the  beleaguered  seat  of  government. 

To  "  love  mercy  "  means  either  to  enslave  or  consent 
to  the  enslavement  of  four  millions  of  our  fellow-men. 
to  deny  them  all  the  rights  of  human  beings,  and 
practise  upon  them  at  will  the  most  awful  and  revolt- 
ing cruelties.  It  means  that  you  may  have  the  power 
to  put  this  monstrous  and  Heaven-defying  institution 
out  of  existence  forever,  and  yet  refuse  to  touch  it. 

To  "  walk  humbly  with  God  "  means  to  reject  every 
golden  opportunity  He  gives  you  to  do  right,  to  de- 
spise alike  His  warning  and  rebuke,  to  trample  upon 
His  law,  and  then  appoint  "  a  day  of  general  humilia- 
tion and  prayer."  It  means  that  you  would  like  to 
have  God  on  your  side,  but  must  have  the  Devil. 

The  Golden  Rule  is,  "Do  unto  others  whatsoever 
things  ye  will  not  permit  thefl  to  do  unto  you." 

I  know  this  will  seem  grossly  extravagant  and 
just.  It  never  seems  entirely  just  to  estimate  the 
moral  and  religious  standard  of  men  by  their  moral 
and  religious  life":  We  take  it  for  granted  that  men 
mean  better  than  they  do,  and  therefore  we  do  not  es- 
timate them  wholly  by  their  deeds.  We  should,  in- 
deed, take  into  consideration  what  men  fail  to  do,  as 
well  as  thab-which  they  really  accomplish.  But  it 
should  never  be  forgotten  that  Failure  is  one  of  the 
children  of  Effort,  and  where  we  see  clearly  that  there 
has  been  no  effort,  condemnation  must  rest. 

"By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them."  I  have 
been  speaking  of  "  the  fruits  "  of  a  class  of  men  nei- 
ther small  nor  insignificant — a  class  of  men  who  ex- 
ercise a  great  and  alarming  influence  in  this  nation 
to-day.  They  are  men  who  have  helped  make  the  na- 
tional history,  and  are  a  large  constituent  element  in 
the  national  character.  When  we  contemplate  the 
tion  in  its  solidarity,  their  sins  are  our  sins.  And 
have  hitherto  been  willing  that  it  should  be  so,  nor 
do  I  see  any  evidence  of  a  radical  change  in  us  even 
now.  Thus  I  think  it  not  unjust  to  assert  that  the 
social  and  civil  life  of  this  people, — its  trade,  politics, 
and  jurisprudence,  have  been  at  war  with  Christiani- 
ty. We  have  pursued  individual,  social,  and  national 
aggrandizement  at  the  sacrifice  of  whatever  stood 
the  way  of  these.  This  course  has  brought  us  to  the 
present  crisis. 

Thirty,  years  ago,  the  South,  despairing  of  putting 
a  stop  to  anti-slavery  agitation  in  any  other  way, 
solved  to  attack,  or  at  least  to  threaten  to  attack,  the 
pockets  of  Northern  merchants  and  manufacturers  by 
cutting  off  all  commerce  with  them,  unless  the  utter- 
ance of  sentiments  adverse  to  the  peculiar  institution 
was  summarily  suppressed.  This  was  a  master- 
stroke. How  admirably  the  scheme  worked !  Free 
speech  was  everywhere  stricken  down.  The  South 
threatened  "non-intercourse,"  and  the  North  there- 
upon  mobbed  every  anti-slavery  meeting  that  was 
held,  trampled  its  sons  and  daughters  and  its  own 
liberties  in  the  dust.  The  Legislature  of  Georgia 
offered  a  reward  of  $5,000  for  William  Lloyd  Ga: 
son,  and  a  mob  of  Boston  merchants  came  near  kill: 
him  within  sight  of  the  spot  where  the  first  blood 
was  shed  in  the  Revolution.  By  the  help  of  North 
ern  merchants  and  manufacturers,  Slavery  conquered 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  thenceforth  the  Constitution 
was  the  rag  in  which  Slavery  was  clothed,  while  Lib- 
erty went  naked.  By  the  same  help,  Slavery  con- 
quered Congress,  so  that  there  was  scarcely  a  knee 
that  did  not  bow  to  Baal.  By  the  same  help,  Slavery 
conquered  the  Church,  and  thenceforth,  from  the 
cursing  of  Canaan  by  drunken  Noah  to  Paul's  mak- 
ing a  "profitable"  servant  out  of  an  "unprofitable" 
one,  and  sending  him  back  to  his  master,  this  blessed 
Bible  was  made  the  warrant  for  the  fiendish  atrocities 
practised  upon  millions  of  human  beings  from  age 
to  age. 

And  what  has  the  war  thus  far  resulted  in  ?  Oi 
year  ago*  yesterday,  Abraham  Lincoln  issued  his. 
proclamation  calling  for  75,000  men.  Major  Ander- 
son had  evacuated  Fort  Sumter  the  day  before.  We 
have  been  fighting,  and  pretending  to  fight,  a  whole 
year,  at  a  cost  of  more  than  61,000,000,000,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  forty  or  fifty  thousand  Northern  men 
slain  in  battle  and  by  disease.  I  am  forcibly  remind- 
ed of  an  old  proverb  which  says,  "  The  Devil's  an 
ass!  "  He  is  always  defeated  in  the  long  run  through 
the  very  deviltry  by  which  he  hopes  to  conquer. 
Abraham  Lincoln  has  tried  to  conquer  the  South, 
and  reestablish  the  Union  and  the  Government,  by 
means  of  the  old  let-alone  policy  in  regard  to  slavery  ; 
he  has  been  willing  to  countenance  and  even  to  sup- 
port that  terrible  scourge  of  humanity,  if  the  South 
would  only  lay  down  its  arms  and  return  to  its  allegi- 
ance. Nay,  he  is  willing  to  do  this  now,  as  I  will 
presently  prove.  The  mercantile  interest  at  the  North 
decided,  thirty  years  ago,  that  it  could  not  afford  to  do 
right ;  it  could  not  afford  to  say,  or  permit  any  one 
else  to  say,  a  manful  word  against  slavery.  It  held 
fast  to  this  delusion  at  the  opening  of  the  present 
war,  nor  has  it  wholly  shaken  it  off  yet.  The  devil 
of  the  North  thought  to  make  slavery  an  instrument, 
in  the  hands  of  others,  of  incalculable  gain  to  him- 
self— the  blood  of  tho  negro  has  stained  nearly  every 
dollar  of  his  wealth.  But  to-day  the  Northern  devil 
proves  himself  an  ass  when  he  finds  slavery  sinking 
his  wealth  by  the  thousand  million.  We  can  afford 
all  this.  We  can  afford  to  have  trade  paralyzed,  our 
merchants  bankrupt,  and  also  to  take  three-quarters  of 
a  million  able-bodied  men  from  their  industrial  pur- 
suits and  support  them  in  the  field  at  a  cost  of  $3,000,- 
000  a  day  ;  but  we  could  not  afford  to  bo  men  and  do 
right.  Nay,  there  are  those  who  think  wo  cannot 
afford  to  do  right  at  once,  even  now.     In  Abraham 

♦April  15th,  1861. 


Lincoln's  judgment,  "gradual  and  not  sudden  eman- 
cipation is  better  for  all,  in  the  mere  financial  or  pecu- 
niary view."  And  therefore  he  tramples  upon  the 
most  glorious  opportunity  to  he  just  that  God  ever 
gave  to  man.  Non  omnes  qui  habent  dtharam,  sunt  cith- 
aradi.  Not  every  man  who  possesses  a  harp  is  able 
to  wake  its  strings  to  noble'  music.  So  with  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. God  has  put  the  stylus  of  immortality  into  his 
hand,  but  he  does  not  know  how  to  write  his  name. 
He  sees  the  sin,  he  sees  also  the  means  of  ending  it, 
but  has  not  yet  had  enough  of  it  in  the  "  financial  and 
pecuniary  view."  In  the  agony  of  remorse,  a  passion- 
ate African  of  the  fourth  century,  whom  the  Church 
now  delights  in  as  Saint  Augustine,  cried  to  his  God, 
"I  wretched,  most  wretched,  in  the  very  commence- 
ment of  my  early  youth,  had  begged  chastity  of 
Thee,  and  said,  'Give  me  chastity  and  continency, 
only  not  yet.'  For  I  feared  lest  thou  shouldst 
hear  me  soon,  and  soon  cure  me  of  the  disease  of  con- 
cupiscence, which  I  wished  to  have  satisfied  rather  than 
extinguished." 

But  what  a  sordid  atheism  is  that  which  can  con- 
tent itself  with  the  "mere  financial  and  pecuniary 
view  "  of  this  struggle,  and  for  a  dollar  adjourn  to 
the  distant  future  that  justice  which  can  be  rendered 
to-day.  The  Christians  of  the  first  century  made 
the  great  blunder  of  despising  every  thing  that  con- 
cerns man's  well-being  in  this  life,  and  of  adjourning 
all  questions  of  justice  between  man  and  man,  in  an- 
ticipation of  the  immediate  re-appearance  of  the  Heav- 
enly Lord,  when  the  reign  of  Justice  would  be  swiftly 
established  in  all  the  earth.  But  such  an  adjournment 
of  the  claims  of  humanity  is  not  with  us  merely  a 
blunder,  it  is  a  crime ;  for  we  no  longer  watch  and 
wait  for  a  quickly  approaching  time  "  when  the  Son 
of  Man  shall  come  in  his  glory,  and  all  the  holy  an- 
gels with  him,"  and  shall  sit  upon  his  throne  for  the 
dispensing  of  justice  to  all  mankind. 

And  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  he 
can  possibly  avoid  it,  will  not  "let  the  oppressed  go 
free."  I  do  not  see  that  his  policy  has  changed  a  par- 
ticle since,  in  the  Illinois  debates,  he  avowed  himself 
in  favor  of  a  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  You  know  how 
Mr.  Crittenden  opposed  that  very  "mildly  drawn" 
Confiscation  Act  of  last  August,  and  how  extremely 
reluctant  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  approve  it,  delaying  his 
signature  till  the  last  moment  before  the  adjournment 
of  Congress.  All  that  Abraham  hath  will  he  give  for 
Kentucky.  In  the  light  of  the  late  message  to  Con- 
gress, it  may  seem  exceedingly  unjust  to  say  that  the 
President  is  even  now  willing  to  "countenance  and 
support"  Blavery.  But,  my  friends,  scrutinize  that 
message,  and  you  will  see  that  it  is  only  the  same 
policy  a  little  more  extended — All  that  Abraham  hath 
will  he  give  for  the  Border  States !  If  he  can  make 
sure  that  the  Border  States  will  "in  no  event  "join 
the  more  Southern  section  in  its  "  proposed  confede- 
racy," his  object  is  accomplished — this  "  substantially 
ends  the  rebellion,"  he  says — he  cares  for  nothing  fur- 
ther. Nay,  the  message  expressly  says  that  his  prop- 
osition "  sets  up  no  claim  of  a  right  by  Federal  author- 
ity to  interfere  with  slavery  within  State  limits,  refer- 
ring as  it  does  the  absolute  control  of  the  subject  in 
each  case  to  the  State  and  its  people  immediately  in- 
terested. It  is  proposed  as  a  matter  of  perfectly  free 
choice  with  them."  He  does  not  even  expect  that  "all 
the  States  tolerating  slavery  "  will  "  very  soon,  if  at 
all,  initiate  emancipation."  Yet  it  is  "a  matter  of 
perfectly  free  choice  with  them "  to  do  it  or  not. 
But  it  is  not  alone  by  this  message  that  Mr.  Lincoln's 
policy  is  clearly  indicated.  See  what  he  is  already 
attempting  to  do  in  Tennessee.  He  sends  Andrew 
Johnson  down  there  as  Military  Governor,  "  charged," 
as  we  are  informed,  "with  the  duty  of  forcing  or 
winning  the  people  back  to  their  allegiance,  and  or- 
ganizing a  loyal  State  government."  Hon.  Emerson 
Etheridge,  now  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  Hon.  Horace  Maynard,  accompany 
the  Governor.  Now,  what  is  the  course  pursued  by 
these  men,  under  the  sanction  of  the  President? 
Why,  Johnson  says,  in  a  speech  made  to  a  "  crowded 
assembly  "  in  the  Hall  of  the  Tennessee  House  of 
Representatives,  March  22d — "It  is  my  honest  con- 
viction, that  the  only  security  for  the  institution  of  slavery 
is  in  preserving  the  Constitution.  If  you  want  to  enjoy 
your  slave  property  unmolested,  seek  to  restore  the 
protection  of  the  Government.  ...  7  have  no  hesi- 
tancy in  assuring  you  that  slavery  can  only  be  preserved  by 
adherence  to  the  United  States  and  obedience  to  its  laws." 
So  Mr.  Etheridge,  in  a  speech  made  at  Nashville, 
March  18th,  "implored  the  people  of  Tennessee,  in 
the  name  of  God  and  of  religion,  to  return  to  their 
allegiance,"  and  said,  "  You  can  return  now,  if  you 
will,  with  your  peculiar  institution  unimpaired."  "  Speak- 
ing of  the  Confiscation  bill  [now]  before  Congress, 
he  said  there  was  time  even  yet  to  prevent  its  pas- 
sage ;  if  the  South  would  send  her  representatives,  as  the 
opponents  of  the  measurW,  it  [the  South]  would  then 
have  a  majority  in  both  Houses."  Mr.  Maynard  also 
"argued  that- Me  rights  of  the  South  were  safe  only 
under  the  Constitution."  These  are  the  men  who  are 
carrying  out  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  message. 

Do  you  remember  one  of  the  sights  which  -Christi- 
ana saw  in  the  house  of  the  Interpreter?  She  and 
her  company  were  led  "into  a  room  where  was  a 
man  that  could  look  no  way  but  dowvwards,  with  a  muck- 
rake in  his  hand.  There  stood  also  one  over  his 
head,  with  a  celestial  crown  in  his  hand,  and  proffered 
him  that  crown  for  his  muck-rake;  but  the  man  did 
neither  look  up,  nor  regard,  but  raked  to  himself  the 
straws,  the  small  sticks,  and  the  dust  of  the  floor." 
Is  not  this  tragedy  reenacted  at  Washington  to-day  ? 
There  is  a  man  who  can  look  "no  way  but  down- 
ward," as  ho  rakes  the  fragments  of  the  Union  to- 
gether, and  therefore  he  does  not  "look  up,  nor  re- 
gard," when  the  angel  of  God  proffers  him  tho  celes- 
tial crown  instead  of  his  miserable  rake. 

"If  angels  weep,  it  is  at  such  a  sight!"  Now  is 
revealed  to  us,  also,  that  there  is" "  a  way  to  Hell,  even 
from  the  gates  of  Heaven,  as  well  as  from  the  City 
of  Destruction." 

Tell  me  not  of  victories  over  Southern  rebels  !  I 
am  sick  at  heart  over  these  victories.  I  would  to 
Heaven  that  we  had  conquered  the  rebellious  North, 
— rebellious  against  the  law  of  God.  The  North  is 
not  yet  worthy  of  victory — not  morally  ready  for  it. 
And  1  pray  that  God  may  not  withhold  his  hand,  that 
disaster  on  disaster  may  come  upOn  us,  until  we  are 
ready,  nay  anxious,  to  do  the  right. 

Yes,  it  must  be  admitted,  it  is  the  old  question 
which  the  North,  with  Lincoln  at  the  head  of  it,  even 
yet  proposes  to  itself — "Will  it  pay — is  it  an  entirely 
safe  investment — to  do  what  the  law  of  God  com- 
mands?" It  is  the  old  mercenary  spirit.  This  is 
Christianity  as  we  have  learned  it — it  is  nothing  more 
than  an  Insurance  Company,  of  whose  ability  to  in- 
demnify in  case  of  accident  wo  are  much  in  doubt. 
We  are  not  sure  that  bread  cast  upon  the  waters  will 
return  to  us  after  many  days.  We  are  not  sure  that 
if  we  "seek  first  the  kingdom  of  God,"  all  needful 
things  shall  be  added  to  us.  Well,  then,  does  God 
leave  "  no  margin  for  "man's  magnanimity  "  ?  Does 
He  lay  no  duty  upon  me  unless  He  first  thoroughly 
convince  me  that  it  is  for  my  temporal  interest  to 
perform  that  duty?  A  story,  which  some  men  treat 
as  legendary,  but  which  I  prefer  to  regard  as  entirely 
authentic,  may  perhaps  illustrate  Christianity  for  us 
here. 

Many  years  ago,  as  a  certain  man,  "meek  and 
lowly  in  heart,"  fared  through  tho  solitudes  of  the 
Persea  towards  the  Jewish  capital — thereto  meet  an 
ignominious  and  terrible  death  in  performance  of  the 
duty  which  God  had  laid  upon  him — a  self-righteous 
young  ruler  fell  on  his  knees  before  him  and  cried, 
"  Good  Rabbi,  wltat  good  thing  shall  I  do  that  I  may 
inherit  everlasting  life  ?  "  The  meek  one  liked  not  to 
be  knelt  to  and  called  "  good,"  yet  he  replied,  "  See 
that  thou  keep  the  commandments.  Do  no  murder, 
neither  commit  adultery,  nor  steal,  nor  lie,  nor  cheat. 
Honor  thy  parents,  and  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself." 
Then  did  tho  eye  of  the  ruler  brighten  with  joy  as 
he  said,  "Rabbi,  I  have  observed  all  these  from  my 
youth — am  I  wanting  in  anything  i"  Jesus  said  unto 
him:  "  One  thing  thou  still  lackest.  If  thou  desirest 
to  be  perfect,  go  thy  way,  sell  all  that  thou  hast,  and 
distribute  unto  the  poor,  and  thou  shalt  have  treasure 


:n  heaven  ;  and  come,  take  up  thy  eross,  and  follow  me." 
But  when  the  young  man  heard  that  saying,  he  was 
sad,  and  went  away  sorrowing;  for  he  had  great  pos- 
sessions. 

The  Christianity  of  Christ  docs  mean,  then.  Self- 
sacrifice. 

Well,  this  is  not  without  its  lesson  to  us.  Some  of 
you  may  already  have  asked  in  your  hearts,  "  Why 
does  he  say  these  things  here,  to  us,  who  are  all,  or 
nearly  all,  thoroughly  and  unequivocally  opposed  to 
the  institution  of  slavery  1  Why  does  he  not  save 
his  breath  until  he  can  spend  it  where  it  will  do  more 
good?"  Friends,  I  speak  now  because  I  wish  to 
urge  anew,  and  with  all  my  might,  the  duty  of  open, 
uncompromising,  unwearying  hostility  to  slavery — 
because  the  past  year's  hostilities,  the  conduct  of  gen- 
erals in  the  field,  and  of  the  legislative  and  executive 
powers  at  home,  have  thoroughly  convinced  me  that 
the  great  battle  against  slavery  has  yet  to  be  fought, 
and  that  it  must  be  fought  here  at  the  North,  at  our 
firesides,  in  our  schools,  with  the  mechanic  at  his 
bench,  with  the  farmer  in  his  field,  with  the  mer- 
chant in  his  shop,  and  with  all  in  our  churches.  Yes, 
preeminently,  "  The  field  is  the  church."  No  one 
not  wholly  ignorant  of  the  facts  can  deny  that  the 
American  Church  has  been  the  bulwark  of  American 
Slavery.  Years  ago,  Dr.  Albert  Barnes — certainly 
good  orthodox  authority — said  -  "  There  is  no  power 
out  of  the  Church  that  could  sustain  slavery  an  hour, 
if  it  were  not  sustained  in  it." 

I  am  for  a  new  era  in  the  ecclesiastical  history  of 
our  country,  in  which  D.  D.  shall  no  longer  mean 
Dumb  Dog  on  the  question  of  slavery.  For  this  anti- 
slavery  struggle  has  always  been  a  "war  of  words," 
a  war  of  ideas,  of  principles ;  and  this  will  be  ita 
character  until  slavery  is  blotted  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Your  columbiads  may  subjugate  the  South, 
but  they  will  not  annihilate  slavery  until  they  are 
loaded  with  an  idea.  Now,  I  want  every  man  here 
turned  into  a  manufacturer  of  such  ammunition  as  will 
crush  through  all  obstacles  into  the  very  magazine  of 
slavery,  and  thus  end  it  at  once  and  forever.  And  we 
are  to  do  this,  if  at  all,  by  talking,  for  talk  is  our  work. 
We  are  to  do  it  by  plain  speech.  I  have  no  faith  in 
Quaker  anti  slavery  men,  any  more  than  I  have  in 
Quaker  generals  or  Quaker  guns.  Plain,  honest 
speaking  is  what  is  needed  now.  Let  the  dispensers 
of ''rose-water  "  be  silent.  There  must  be  no  room 
for  misstating  our  meaning.  Brethren,  I  would  rather 
speak  five  words  with  my  whole  understanding,  my 
whole  heart  and  soul,  in  an  upright  and  down- 
right manner,  so  "  that  by  my  voice  I  might 
teach  others  also"  to  hate  the  whole  accursed  institu- 
tion of  human  slavery,  whenever,  wherever,  and  by 
whomsoever  supported  or  tolerated,  than  ten  thousand 
words  in  that  "unknown,"  incomprehensible,  mod- 
ifying tongue  which  halts  and  stammers  at  the  word 
"abolition,"  and  at  last  utters  "  no  secession"  and 
"non-extension"  in  its  stead. 

Foolish  men  think  that  the  anti-slavery  struggle  is 
well  nigh  over.  Would  to  God  that  it  were  !  But  it 
seems  clear  to  me  that  there  are  many  years  of  bitter 
•warfare  yet  to  be  waged,  unless  Government  is  faith- 
ful to  the  "Golden  Hour"  whose  sands,  alas!  are 
swiftly  running  out. 

The  day  is  not  passed  when  anti-slavery  preachers 
will  be  obliged  to  make  sacrifices.  Eighteen  hundred 
years  ago,  if  a  man  got  angry  with  his  neighbor,  and 
felt  like  cursing  him,  he  consolidated  all  the  vitupe- 
ration in  his  vocabulary  into  one  word,  and  called  him 
a  Christian.  As  the  centuries  passed,  however,  it  be- 
came evident  that  the  epithet  was  a  noble  one,  and,  as 
it  no  longer  damned  a  man  to  be  called  a  Christian,  a 
new  curse  must  be  found.  About  thirty  years  ago,  it 
was  discovered,  and  ever  since  (in  one  part  of  the 
globe,  at  least,)  it  has  been  the  curse  of  curses  to  be 
called  an  Abolitionist.  There  is  a  growing  mistrust 
that  the*  new  curse  is  a  failure — that  Abolitionist  is, 
after  all,  only  another  name  for  Christian.  But  it  is 
not  a  glorious  name  yet.  Immediate  Emancipaiion 
is  yet  a  "  hard  saying,  who  can  bear  it?  "  There  are 
yet  many,  who,  if  yon  "be  good  and  faithful  minis- 
ters of  Christ  Jesus,"  if  you  "be  instant  in  season 
and  out  of  season,"  and,  "remembering  those  in 
bonds  as  bound  with  them,"  "preach  the  acceptable 
year  of  the  Lord,"  which  means  to  "  preach  delive- 
rance to  the  captives,"  and  to  "  set  at  liberty  them 
that  are  bruised  " — there  are  yet  many  to  whom  this 
will  be  "a  hard  saying,"  and  they  will  "  walk  no  more 
with  you," — and,  haply,  they  may  "  persecute  you 
even  unto  strange  cities."  But  The  Christ  says,  now 
as  of  old,  "  What  is  that  to  thee  ?  follow  thou  me." 

There  will  not  be  wanting  friends  who,  when  the 
crisis  comes,  will  advise  yflu  of  all  the  dangers  of  a 
thoroughly  uncompromising  course.  There  will  be 
real  dangers  to  those  who  take  that  course.  Never 
flatter  yourselves  that  it  will  be  a  path  of  flowers. 
But  when  I  think  of  this,  I  sometimes  remember,  that 
noble  Roman,  Metellus,  who,  when  warned  by  his 
friends  of  the  danger  of  refusing  to  take  an  oath  bind- 
ing him  over  to  complicity  with  the  ambitious  and 
unscrupulous  schemes  of  Saturniuus,  replied  :  "  If  it 
were  always  safe  to  do  right,  who  would  ever  do 
wrong  ?  But  good  men  are  distinguished  by  choosing 
to  do  right  when  it  is  least  for  their  safety  to  do  so." 

We  shall  conquer  the  South.  The  war  with  slavery 
will  then  begin  to  rage.  The  wild  monster  of  compro- 
mise,— which  good,  foolish  men  think  has  been  acci- 
dentally killed  in  the  conflict, — will  start  from  its 
iair^as  in  the  old  Roman  story,  breathing  pestilence 
and  death  upon  the  serried  columns  of  freemen,  and 
it  will  only  be  when  squadrons  after  squadrons  have 
been  detached  to  fight  it,  that  it  will  at  last  be  de- 
stroyed. 

This  is  the  on-  coming  struggle.  Even  now  the 
acute  ear  may  hear  the  terrible,  suppressed,  "Demo- 
cratic" growl  of  the  monster  as  he  gathers  strength 
for  the  onslaught.  O  my  brethren  !  let  not  Freedom 
come  forth  from  the  agony  and  bloody  sweat  of  this 
preliminary  struggle,  and  finding  us,  her  disciples  and 
children,  asleep,  cry  in  our  ears  :  "Do  ye  still  sleep, 
and  take  your  rest  ?  It  is  enough  :  the  hour  is  come  ; 
behold,  I  am  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  sinners  ! 
Rise,  let  us  go:  behold,  he  that  betrayeth  me  is  at 
hand !  " 


THE  LIBERATED  SLAVES  AT  BEAUP0ET. 

LETTER    FROM    ONE    OF    THE    TEACHERS. 

On  Saturday,  March  8th,  our  company,  except  two 
who  were  sent  to  Edisto  and  one  to  Dawfuski,  started 
from  Hilton  Head  in  a  small  steamer  for  Beaufort. 
After  breakfast,  next  morning,  I  went  over  to  Ladies' 
Island.  We  were  received  with  ^reat  cordiality  by 
the  negroes,  who  had  seen  one  of  our  party  before. 
They  understand  that  their  support  and  that  of  their 
families  is  to  depend  on  their  own  exertions  and  faith- 
fulness. No  new  clothing  or  goods  will  be  given  them, 
except  as  reward  or  pay  for  labor  done. 

When  we  arrived,  our  first  proceeding  was  to  ad- 
dress the  negroes,  who  collected  in  front  of  the  piazza, 
as  to  what  we  should  expect  from  them — namely, 
faithful  work  ;  and  what  they  might  expect  from  us — 
good  care,  justice,  and  to  be  taught  to  read.  We  told 
them  we  were  to  see  that  everything  goes  on  straight, 
were  to  keep  regular  accounts  of  their  labor,  and  that 
upon  their  faithfulness  their  future  good  depended. 
The  negroes  all  seem  to  be  gentle  and  civil,  and  pleased 
tohavcus  come  among  them.  There  is  a  general 
desire  to  learn  to  read;  some  know  a  little  already. 
They  arc  quite  as  well  clothed  as  I  expected  to  find 
them,  but  still  need  clothing  very  much.  Cheap  cali- 
co or  other  cloth,  not  made  up,  would  be  very  useful 
here,  as  they  would  make  it  up  to  suit  themselves,  ami 
the  practice  in  sewing  will  surely  not  hurt  them. 
Everything  looks  bright  for  the  future,  so  far  as  our 
work' is  concerned,  much  brighter  than  I  ever  even 
dared  to  hope.  Fortunately,  the  authority  under  which 
we  act  is  much  respected  here,  and  thus  far  we  have 
been  treated  with  much  civility,  if  not  kindness,  by 
Boldicrs  and  every  body. 

10th.  Sunday  morning,  after  breakfast,  we  drove 
down  to  the  Baptist  Church,  at  St.  Helena  Island. 
The  house  is  situated  in  tho  midst  of  splendid  old 
trees,  with  much  hanging  moss.  Mr.  E.  expected  to 
preach,  but  we  found  tho  pulpit  was  occupied  by  n 


soldier.  The  church  was  filled  with  negroes;  the 
dress  of  many  of  them  was  very  odd,  made  principal- 
ly of  carpet  stuff.  A  little  boy,  who  came  on  horse- 
back with  his  grandfather,  wore  a  jacket  made  of  old 
Brussels  carpet,  and  Irowsers  of  Kidderminster.  Af- 
ter the  sermon,  Mr.  Pierce  made  some  remarks  to  the 
people  as  to  our  purpose  in  coming,  and  their  duties  in 
view  of  it.  They  came  up  to  shake  hands  with  us 
after  listening  very  attenu'vely,and  seemed  very  glad  to 
have  us  come.  AtCapt.  F.'s  I  met  a  man,  about  forty 
years  old,  called  "Bob";  he  said  he  could  read  the 
Bible,  but  had  never  been  able  to  find  that  any  thing 
in  it  authorized  such  treatment  as  they  had  received 
from  their  masters.  He  had  alwayB  heard  that  Christ 
was  the  justest  man  that  ever  lived  ;  but  if  He  allow- 
ed people  to  be  treated  as  tliey  had  been  treated,  then 
Christ  was  not  true. 

March  26.  Last  Sunday,  we  went  to  the  Church 
on  St.  Helena  Island  ;  we  had  a  school  before  church, 
at  which  nearly  a  hundred  negroes,  of  all  ages,  were 
present.  There  being  no  one  to  preach,  I  was  asked 
to  say  something;  so  I  began  the  service  by  reading  a 
hymn,  two  lines  at  a  time,  while  a  colored  brother 
led  the  singing.  By  this  time,  there  were  three  or 
four  hundred  negroes  in  the  church.  1  then  read  sev- 
eral passages  from  the  Bible,  and,  in  place  of  a  ser- 
mon, told  them  one  of  the  stories  which  used  to  he  liked 
best  by  the  children  at  our  Bible  class  at  Mr.  C.'s. 
Mr.  P.  then  made  some  good  remarks  of  a  practical 
nature,  and  another  hymn  was  doled  out,  two  lines  at 
a  time. 

Salt,  to  deal  out  to  the  negroes,  is  very  much  want- 
ed. They  have  been  accustomed  lo  a  pint  of  it  every 
two  weeks,  each  man,  and  need  it  more  than  clothing. 
In  view  of  this  pressing  need  of  salt,  I  have  agreed 
to  be  responsible  for  thirty  dollars'  worth;  and  you 
may  tell  any  of  my  friends  who  wish  to  give  any  thing, 
that  they  may  pay  five  dollars,  and  consider  one  bar- 
rel of  salt  as  their  contribution  to  the  wants  of  these 
poor  people.  e.  w.  h. 


^EORGE  EEAKCIS  TEAM. 

Some  time  since,  an  adventurous  Yankee,  by  the 
name  of  Geo.  Francis  Train,  went  over  to  England 
for  the  purpose  of  introducing  to  John  Bull's  favora- 
ble notice,  one  of  the  most  recent  of  American  in- 
ventions, the  street  railway.  We  believe  he  did 
not  succeed  very  well.  Tracks  were  laid  in  some 
of^he  cities,  but  after  trial,  were  in  most  cases  or- 
dered to  be  taken  up..  This  speculation  having 
proved  pretty  much  a  failure,  and  our  rebellion 
breaking  out  about  that  time,  Mr.  Train,  with  the 
readiness  which  characterizes  the  Yankee  adventur- 
er, laid  aside  his  rail-way  schemes,  and  took  upon 
himself  the  office  of  defender  of  the  Union,  and  vin- 
dicator of  American  institutions  and  the  American 
character  in  general,  and  for  some  months  he  ap- 
pers  to  have  attracted  considerable  attention  in  En- 
gland, frequently  addressing  public  meetings  with 
considerable  applause.  Some  of  bis  speeches  have 
been  republished  in  this  country,  two  of  them  re- 
cently in  the  Boston  Commercial  Bulletin,  a  paper 
generally  manifesting  excellent  taste  and  judgment, 
but  which,  we  regret  to  see,  characterizes  these  ef- 
fusions as  "  great."  The  perusal  of  them  has  con- 
vinced us  that  Mr.  Train  is  not  the  man  properly 
to  represent  America,  or  to  take  upon  himself  the 
task  of  vindicating  her,  or  to  set  her  in  her  true  po- 
sition before  the  English  people.  His  speeches  are 
characterized  by  an  exceedingly  low  moral  tone, 
the  flimsiest  veil  of  logic  and  reason,  the  shallowest 
philosophy,  the  most  unblushing  recklessness  of  as- 
sertion, the  most  unmeasured  impudence  and  con- 
ceit, the  most  complete  disregard  for  truth,  and  the 
general  absence  of  that  high  tone,  sound  information, 
correct  judgment,  and  regard  for  principle,  which 
should  be  possessed  by  the  man  who  undertakes  such 
a  task  as  Mr.  Train  has  taken  upon  himself.  Ad- 
dressing an  audience  extremely  ignorant  on  all  topics 
connected  with  this  country,  he  is  enabled  to  make 
reckless,  partial  or  incorrect  statements  which  his 
hearers  are  unable  to  contradict,  and  which  are  laid 
down  so  confidently,  positively  and  dogmatically, 
that  they  are  readily  accepted  as  well  founded. 

There  is,  perhaps,  a  grain  of  truth  and  common 
sense  to  a  ton  of  misrepresentation  and  falsehood  in 
Mr.  Train's  speeches.  They  are  amusing  from  their 
impudence,  and  an  occasional  felicitous  application 
of  the  "you  too"  argument,  but  it  is  lamentable 
to  see  any  such  epithet  as  "  great  "  applied  to  such 
a  mass  of  rubbish.  Mr.  Train  is,  in  our  opinion,  do- 
ing his  country  more  harm  than  good.  ]t  will  not 
be  long  before  his  sciolism  and  humbuggery  will  be 
detected,  and  a  worse  impression  than  ever  left  upon 
the  English  mind  in  regard  to  this  country.  He  is 
undoubtedly  a  versatile  character,  but  we  should 
prefer  to  see  him  exert  his  talents  in  some  other  di- 
rection than  one  for  which  he  is  most  entirely  unfit. 
— New  Bedford  Republican  Standard. 


LEOTTJEES  BT  JOHN  S,  E0CX,  ESQ. 

The  citizens  of  Philadelphia  have  recently  been 
favored  with  a  visit  from  John  S.  Rock,  Esq.,  the 
distinguished  colored  orator  and  lawyer  of  Boston. 
During  his  short  stay,  he  gratified  a  wish  long  cher- 
ished by  them  to  hear  one  or  two  of  his  popular  lec- 
tures. Last  week  he  spoke  in  the  scientific  library 
course  of  the  Institute  for  colored  youth,  to  a  very 
full  audience.  His  theme  was,  tl  The  Character  and 
writings  of  Madame  de  Stael."  The  address  itself 
was  one  befitting  the  place  and  the  audience:  it 
was  chaste,  accurate,  scholarly,  and  marked  with 
exceeding  good  taste.  But  the  address  of  this  visit 
was  given  at  Sansom  St.  Hall,  on  Monday  evening. 
That  large  and  fashionable  Hall  was  quite  well  fill- 
ed by  an  audience  partly  white  and  partly  colored, 
among  whom  we  noticed  some  of  our  best  and  most 
influential  fellow -citizens.  Dr.  Rock's  subject  was, 
"  A  Pica  for  My  Race."  To  say  that  the  lecture 
was  eloquent  conveys  only  an  idea  in  the  aggregate 
— it  was  something  more  than  what  is  generally 
termed  an  eloquent  discourse.  It  was  full  of  meat 
for  strong  men,  pith  for  rousing  the  sluggish,  humor 
for  the  lively,  and  logic  for  the  philosophical.  Ev- 
erything was  in  excellent  taste.  The  manner,  as 
well  as  the  matter,  was  noticeable.  Dr.  Rock,  tall 
and  manly  in  form,  his  stern,  dark  eye  flashing  un- 
der an  intellectual  brow,  did  himself  look  the  orator. 
There  was  no  bluster,  no  empty  rant  and  beating 
of  the  air,  no  mere  clamoring  after  effect,  no  '■  hol- 
low words  of  empty  sound."  His  voice,  smooth, 
pleasant,  mellifluous,  is  exactly  adapted  to  his  calm 
and  graceful  action,  and  to  his  elegant  diction. 

We  cannot  say  that  we  agree  with  the  accomplish- 
ed orator  in  some  of  his  ethnological  views.  But  in 
the  hopeful  and  cheering  view  he  took  of  the  times, 
and  of  the  relation  of  his  race  to  this  country  in  case 
of  a  foreign  war,  he  struck  a  respousive  chord  in 
the  hearts  of  his  people.  Upon  this  point  he  said 
most  beautifully :  "  In  such  a  war,  if  my  race  are 
treated  like  men,  if  they  are  guaranteed  the  recogni- 
tion of  their  manhood,  they  will  defend  the  country 
which  has  given  birth  to  them  and  their  lathers  for 
over  two  hundred  years;  but  if  they  cannot  be  thus 
recognized,  they  will  not  take  up  arms  at  all:  they 
will  not  fight  against,  their  country." 

But  we  will  not  attempt  a  report  of  this  excellent 
and  eloquent  discourse.  Altogether,  it  was  one  of 
the  most  entertaining,  instructive  and  finished  pio- 
duetions  we  ever  listened  to.  E.  D.  B. 

— Philadelphia  Christian  Recorder. 


IMPROVEMENT  IN 
Champooing   aud  Hair   Dyeing, 

"  WITHOUT     SMUTTING." 
MADAME    CARTEAUX  BANNISTER 

WOULD  inform  tho  public  that  she  has  removed  from 
■m  Washington  Street,  to 

No.   31   "WINTER    STREET. 
whero  she  will  attend  to  all  diseases  of  tho  Hiiir. 

She  is  stiro  to  ouro  in  nine  eases  out  of  ten,  as  sho  hns 
for  m:inv  years  made  the  hair  her  study,  ami  is  suro  there 

e  none  to  excel  her  in  producing  a  now  growth  .■!'   heir. 

Her  Rustorntive  differs  fatal  that  of  nuy  one  else,  being 
nutria  from  the  roots  and  herbs  of  the  forest. 

Slio  Cliampoos  with  it  bark  which  docs  not  grow  in  this 
country,  Rod  which  is  highly  beneficial  to  the  hair  before 
using  tho  Restorative,  ami  will  prevent  iho  hair  from 
turning  grey. 

Sho  also  lias  another  for  restoring  grey  luiir  to  its  natu- 
ral oolot  in  nearly  nil  cases.  She  is  imt  nVnii.i  to  speak  of 
her  Kvst. natives  in  any  jiart  of  the  world,  as  llioy  are  used 
in  every  city  in  tho  country.    Tliey  are  also  packed  for  her 

Btotnen  to  take  to  Europe  with  thorn,  enough  to  last  two 
three    years,    as  iIm'v    nl'U'ii    say    tliey   can    got  nothing 
abroad  like  them. 

MADAME    CARTEAUX  BANNISTER, 
No.  31  Whiter  Street,  Boston. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

— 19    PUBLISHED 

EVERY  EBIDAT  MORHING, 

—  AT  — 
221    WASHINGTON    STHEET,    KOOM    No.  0. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Acent. 


H^y  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

I     Five  copies  will  be  sent  to  one-  address  for  ten  dol- 
lars, if  payment  is  made  in  advance. 

|5F~  All  remittances  aro  to  bo  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  tlio  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbo  paper  aro  to  bo 
directed  (post  i'aiii)  to  the  General  Agent. 

B5T"  Advertisements  inserted  at  tbo  rato  of  livo  cents 
per  line. 

[]3F*  Tbo  Agents  of  tbo  Ameriean,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  aro 
authorised  to  receive  subscription-')  for  The  Liberator-. 

13?"  Tbo  following  gentlemen  constitute  tbo  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tbo 
paper,  viz  :  —  Wexdell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
iiti.NB  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


i\  &k& 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof" 

"Hay  this  down  as  tho  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  timo,  the  place  e-f  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  KEST;] 
and  that,  under  that  stato  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  thoStates  where  slavery  exists  have  Iho  exclusive; 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  President  or 
the  United  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Arxy, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION" OF  THE  SLAVES.  *  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
CIVIL,  servila,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  ee  interfered 
■with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .  .  ■  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  waii  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  tub 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  aro  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory. "~J.  Q.  Adaub. 


TO,  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


mx  C&aMtttrjj  i$  ttxt  WV&xM,  mt  ^mumptrn  are  «U  PattttM, 


J.  B.  YEBEDlTON  &  SOU,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXLL    NO.    19. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     M^Y    9,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1637. 


Wfap  of  ^pmsmu 


THE  POET   ROYAL  MISSION. 

Editors  of  the  Journal  of  Commerce  : 

Siits, — In  your  paper  of  Saturday  you  say,  "  The 
nonsensical,  wild  and  fanatical  plans  of  irresponsible 
men  ami  women  which  are  having  their  trial  at  Port 
Koyal  are  a  subject  of  sorrow  and  disgust  to  the  intel- 
ligent world."  I  am  well  acquainted  with  some  of  the 
persons  employed  as  Superintendents  and  teachers  at 
Port  Royal,  and  have  recently  been  there.  Most  of 
tlicm  were  selected  in  this  city  or  in  Boston  by  emi- 
nent citizens,  lay  and  clerical,  and  they  are  not  irre- 
sponsible in  any  just  sense  of  the  word.  They  have  a 
social  position  and  character  which  entitle  them  to  re- 
spect, and  have  received  a  commission  which  has  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Government.  If  their  plans  are 
what  you  describe,  I  have  failed  to  discover  it;  and  as 
to  the  plan  formed  in  this  city,  I  send  you  a  copy,  to 
speak  for  itself.  I  respectfully  ask  you  to  state  how 
the  pians  referred  to  deserve  the  character  you  ascribe 
to  them,  and  -upon  wiiat  evidence  you  assert  that  their 
trial  is  a  subject  of  sorrow  and  disgust  to  the  intelli- 
gent world.  K. 

New  York,  April  28,  1862. 

The  above  communication,  to  which  we  give  place 
■with  pleasure,  is  from  a  gentleman  for  whom  we 
have  the  highest  personal  esteem,  but  whose  name 
we  regret  to  see  connected  with  several  of  the  most 
radical  propositions  of  the  day.  The  request  made 
of  ns  is  proper,  and  although  we  might  prefer  to  let 
the  Port  Royal  expedition  die  in  peace,  we  cannot 
refuse  to  justify  our  own  remarks.  The  article  to 
which  reference  is  made,  is  one  in  which  we  spoke 
of  plans  of  religious  instruction  of  the  blacks.  We 
have  said  that  the  men  and  women  were  irresponsi- 
ble, and  that  the  plans  were  nonsensical,  wild  and 
fanatical.  We  did  not  use  the  word  irresponsible  in 
its  legal  acceptation.  They  may  be  able  to  pay 
their  debts,  or  respond  in  damages  to  any  action 
brought  against  them.  But  they  are  not  responsible 
to  any  one  for  their  conduct,  the  whole  plan  of  ac- 
tion at  Port  Royal  is  voluntary,  and  each  teacher 
pursues  his  or  her  own  notion  of  the  right  doctrine 
to  he  taught.  If  we  are  wrong,  we  will  correct  it; 
but  in  the  papers  sent  in  by  our  esteemed  friend  we 
fail  to  find  any  indication  that  a  teacher  at  Port 
Royal  who  shall  instruct  the  negroes  in  Unitarian  ism, 
or  Universal  ism,  or  Spiritualism,  or  Trinitarianism, 
or  in  any  other  form  of  religious  belief,  is  responsible 
to  any  one  for  the  course  he  or*  she  pursues.  We 
find  the  first  line  of  the  7th  Article  of  the  Plan  sub- 
mitted to  us  as  follows  :  "  Schools  and  churches 
shall  be  established  among  them"  (the  negroes.) 
Now  we  respectfully  suggest,  without  mentioning 
names  at  all,  that  for  an  association  made  up  of  men 
whose  religious  creeds  are  as  diametrically  opposed 
to  each  other  as  Peter's  and  that  of  Simon  the  sor- 
cerer, to  propose  to  establish  churches  among  any 
class  of  people,  is  nonsensical  and  wild,  if  not  tinged 
with  fanaticism.  We  observe  in  the  list  of  officers 
of  the  Society,  Spiritualists,  Unitarians,  Friends, 
Episcopalians  and  members  of  several  other  denom- 
inations,— a  catholic  society,  but  not  the  soil  to  un- 
dertake a  missionary  work  of  establishing  churches 
among  supposed  heathen,  or  organizing  either  Sun- 
day or  any  other  schools  of  religion.  So  much  for  the 
religious  aspect  of  the  mission,  which  was  the  subject 
of  the  article  to  which  our  friend  has  taken  excep- 
tion. Now  as  to  the  political.  Are  these  teachers 
instructed  to  teach  servants  their  duties  to  their  mas- 
ters ?  They  are  sent  to  the  supposed  "  freed  men  " 
at  Port  Royal.  In  all  probability,  many  of  these 
are  the  servants  of  loyal  masters,  or  of  widows  and 
infants.  All  of  them  will  be  restored  to  slavery  unless 
confiscated,  or  freed  by  some  process  of  law  which 
will  be  held  good  in  South  Carolina,  and  maintained 
in  the  State  or  United  States  Courts  there.  What 
political  instruction  is  given  to  these  servants  should 
be  strict///  of  the  Pauline  sort,  but  our  correspondent 
will  hardly  tell  us  that  it  is  such.  We  find- that  the 
chief  managers  of  this  association  are  gentlemen 
who  have  published  their  names  heretofore  in  .ap- 
proval of  the  doctrine,  that  the  war  has  absolved  the 
government  from  all  constitutional  obligations  to  the 
owners  of  slaves,  loyal  or  disloyal.  This  doctrine  is 
heretical  anil  pestilential,  is  subversive  of  law,  order, 
kelioiox,  Constitution  and  Union.  If  the  teachers 
of  the  negroes  at  Port  Royal  are  responsible  to  these 
political  heretics  for  their  teachings,  to  whom  are  the 
managers  responsible  for  the  disunionism  they  teach 
the  negroes  ?  Would  the  society  reject  a  teacher  or 
preacher  because  he  was  a  Presbyterian,  or  a  Spirit- 
ualist, or  a  Unitarian,  or  an  Infidel,  provided  he 
seemed  otherwise  competent  ?  Would  the  society 
dismiss  a  teacher  because  he  instructed  the  negroes  that 
the//  were  bom  free,  and  that  they  ought  to  escape  from 
their  masters,  if  they  should  happen  ever  to  be  restored 
to  them?  Do  the  society  require  any  fundamental 
religious  or  political  creed  as  the  necessary  qualifica- 
tion of  a  teacher,  or  church  founder  ? 

If  not,  then  tlie  plans  are  wild,  nonsensical  and  fa- 
natical No  wise  man  would,  on  reflection,  go  into 
such  a  society  for  missionary  purposes.  We  treat  this 
matter  very  gently,  (!)  because  we  believe  that  some 
of  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  managers,  have 
gone  into  it  honestly,  for  philanthropic  and  be- 
nevolent purposes,  but  they  have  made  a  mistake. 
The  mistake  of  the  whole  thing  is  that  radical 
heresy,  that  anti-slavery  and  Phiio-Negro-ism  is  all 
of  religion  and  philanthropy  that  is  necessary  for 
any  man,  and  that  the  cardinal  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity are  all  included  in,  or  rendered  unneces- 
sary by  this  new  creed.  One  Sunday  School  Mis- 
sionary of  the  American  Union,  or  one  Colporteur 
of  the  American  Tract  Society,  responsible  to  those 
old  and  highly  trustworthy  institutions,  founded  on 
the  grand  fundamental  principles  of  Christianity 
would  he  worth  a  thousand  missionaries  of  an  "  irre- 
sponsible "  organization,  like  the  one  we  are  now 
discussing.  As  to  the  evidence  which  our  friend 
asks,  we  must  take  leave  to  say  that  he  has  hardly 
read  the  newspapers  for  some  weeks  past,  if  he  wants 
information  on  that  subject. 

The.  honest  Christian,  Pagan,  or  Mohammedan, 
desirous  of  doing  good,  seeks  alliances  with  men  of 
bis  own  creed,  and  works  with  them  io  attain  his 
ends.  Christians,  holding  certain  fundamental  doc- 
trine?! and  differing  on  others,  find  it  profitable  to 
unite  in  the  dissemination  of  those  truths  which 
they  unite  in  believing.  But  for  Pagans,  Moham- 
medans, and  Christians,  to  unite  in  establishing 
churches  in  a  mission  station,  would  appear  some- 
what strange  to  a  sensible  man  ;  and  yet,  with  due 
respect  to  the  gentlemen  concerned,  and  without 
designating  which  resemble  which,  we  do  no  injus- 
tice to  them  in  saying  that  this  association  is  raadi 
up  of  quite  as  widely  different  classes. — New  York: 
Journal  of  Commerce. 

[p^*  There  is  any  amount  of  malice,  nonsense  and 
knavery  mixed  up  in  this  attack  upon  the  estimable 
men  and  women  who  have  so  compassionately  gone 
to  Port  Royal  to  instruct  the  poor  benighted  slave- 
refugees  at  that  place ;  but  the  Journal  of  Commerce 
is  sensitive  to  our  use  of  such  descriptive  epithets, 
deeming  them  in  shacking  bad  taste;  and,  therefore, 
hese  must  suffice. — Ed.  Lib. 


9AEEET  EAVIS  AHD  WEHDELL  PHILLIPS; 

Extract  from  a  speech  delivered  in  the  U.  S.  Sen- 
ate, April  28,  by  Hon.  Garret  Davis,  of  Kentucky  : — 

Sir,  a  change  has  come  over  the  spirit  of  Mr. 
Phillips's  dream,  and  what  has  produced  that 
change  ?  He  thinks  he  has  found  his  own  party  in 
power,  in  the  possession  of  the  executive  and  the 
legislative  branches  of  the  Government;  or  if  his 
own  party  are  not  in  power,  they  have  such  skillful 
and  dexterous  and  able  and  unscrupulous  leaders 
here  that  they  can  cajole  the  simple,  moderate,  con- 
servative, constitutional  Republicans  into  their  ex- 
treme measures,  and  I  expect  that  he  relies  very 
much  upon  the  two  Senators  now  in  my  eye,  one 
from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Sumner,)  and  one  from 
New  Hampshire,  (Mr.  Hale.)  What  does  he  now 
say  ?  Mr.  Phillips  was  arguing  recently  in  this  city. 
('■  Did  you  see  him  ?  ")  I  hold  no  fellowship  with 
him.  I  disdain  to  know  any  such  man.  Any  man 
who  audaciously  avows  himself  a  traitor  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  is  willing  to  subvert  it  for  the  purpose 
of  achieving  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  or  of 
dismembering  the  Southern  States  and  establishing 
a  Southern  Confederacy,  or  for  any  other  purpose 
under  God's  heaven,  I  condemn  and  denounce.  He 
is  a  traitor,  and  his  heart  is  filled  with  nothing  but 
treason  and  treasonable  projects;  he  ought  so  to  be 
treated;  and  when  that  man  Wendell  Phillips  was 
here  in  this  city,  lecturing  as  he  did  lecture,  he  ought 
to  have  been  seized  by  the  President  or  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  and  manacled  and  confined  at  Fort 
Warren  or  Fort  Hamilton.  He  was  a  much  more 
wicked  and  mischievous  and  dangerous  man  than 
many  who  were  so  treated.  What  did  he  say  in  his 
lecture  here  in  Washington  ? 

"Now,  I  love  the  Constitution,  though  my  friend, 
(Dr.  Pierpont,)  who  sits  beside  me,  has  heard  me  curse 
it  a  hundred  times,  and  I  shall  again,  if  it  docs  not 
mean  justice." 

Oh,  it  is  to  receive  a  new  interpretation  !  I  ad- 
here to  the  old  political  bible,  and  to  its  interpreta- 
tion by  its  apostles  and  the  Supreme  Court,  and  I 
deny  and  condemn  utterly  any  of  your  modern 
Jesuitical  interpretations  of  it. 

"I  have  labored  nineteen  years  to  take  nineteen 
States  out  of  this  Union ;  " — 

Oh,  what  a  labor  ! — 

"and  if  I  have  spent  any  nineteen  years  to  the  satis- 
faction of -my  Puritan  conscience,  it  was  those  nine- 
teen years." 

May  the  Lord  deliver  this  country  from  any  such 
accursed  Puritan  conscience  as  that ! 

"  Unless  within  twelve  months  or  twenty-four,  Mary- 
land is  a  free  State,  Delaware,  and  half  Virginia,  would 
to  God  that  building" —    . 

referring  to  the  Capitol — 

"with  the  city  of  Washington,  had  been  shelled  to 
ashes  last  July." 

What  an  atrocious  sentiment !  Suppose  a  Secesh 
was  to  come  into  this  capital  or  to  go  to  Cincinnati, 
and  was  to  take  such  a  diabolical  position  as  that, 
would  not  the  whole  world  of  Black  Republicanism, 
and  of  Constitutional  Republicanism,  and  of  Union- 
ism of  every  name  or  grade  or  dye,  without  any  ex- 
ception, have  risen  in  condemnation  of  the  miscreant 
who  dared  to  give  utterance  to  such  a  sentiment  ? 

Speaking  of  the  origin  of  the  rebellion,  Phillips 
declares  that  "  it  was  nobody's  fault,  but  that  it  is 
the  inevitable  results  of  the  seeds  our  fathers  planted 
eventy  years  ago."  And  in  another  place  he  says 
if  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  "  they  dared  not 
•rust  in  God." 

Referring  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  the  inveter- 
ate disunionist,  who  kept  standing  time  out  of  mind 
t  the  head  of  his  paper  the  sentiment  that  the  men 
.vho  had  framed  the  Constitution  had  made  "an 
igreement  with  death,  and  a  covenant  with  hell," 
ic  characterized  him  as  "a  man  who  had  done  more 
n  the  providence  of  God  to  shape  the  fate  of  this 
nation  than  any  other  one  ;  "  and  that  he  (Phillips) 
"was  proud  to  sit  at  his  (Garrison's)  feet."  I  wish 
he  was  sitting  there,  and  would  sit  there  forever,  and 
that  they  were  both  in  the  very  central  point  of  the 
peninsula  of  Africa.  It  would  be  better  for  the 
peace  of  the  country,  that  they  and  all  their  admir- 
ers and  proselytes  occupied  that  locality. 


nation  than  they  can  ever  liquidate;  and  that  they 
occasioned  more  manly,  soldierly  blood  to  be  spilled 
than  the  lives  of  them  all  could  ever  repay. 

The  present  object  of  the  abolitionists  is  to  dissem- 
nate  in  all  quarters,  that  it  is  for  the  suppression  of 
slavery  our  grand  army  is  in  the  field.  This  is  as 
cunning  in  design  as  it  is  gross  in  falsehood.  Were 
such  a  principle  successfully  spread  in  the  South, 
from  that  unfortunate  part  of  the  country,  all  union 
sentiment  would  disappear  ;  and  as  a  consequence, 
the  Government  should  centuple  its  efforts  against 
the  rebellion :  an  increase  of  means,  which,  very 
probably,  would  have  the  effect  of  uprooting  South- 
ern slavery  ;  and  this  is  the  very  wretched  thing 
the  abolitionist's  want  to  achieve.  The  fanaticism 
of  these  people  is  not  without  malicious  cunning. 

It  is  plain  that  whatever  increases  disunion,  or 
the  anti-UNiON  sentiment,  is  high  treason.  Now 
here  is  anti-unionism  deliberately  and  extensively 
taught.  For  if  there  is  anything  which  can  aug- 
ment the  rebellion  of  the  South,  it  is  the  conviction 
that  the  Army  of  the  North  has  for  its  aim  the  ruin 
of  the  main  Southern  Institution.  When  a  people 
are  satisfied  that  the  principal  thing  they  have  is, 
in  its  destruction,  the  very  ground  on  which  they 
are  warred  against,  nothing  can  conquer  them.  The 
abolitionists  are,  therefore,  in  their  representations 
of  the  army,  downright  traitors.  While  Cameron 
was  in  office,  we  had  no  trust  that  merited  measures 
ould  ever  be  taken  against  them.  We  hope  the 
country  will  not  be  disappointed. 

The  abolitionists  have  expounded  many  a  false- 
hood :  the  strongest  that  can  be  laid  to  their  charge 
s  that  of  saying  that  our  army  has  the  overthrow  of 
slavery  for  its  end.  If  the  army  entertained  that 
idea,  they  would  throw  down  their  arms.  This  is  ab- 
solutely true  of  the  Irish  troops — the  bravest  men 
n  the  campaign  ;  it  is  equally  true  of  ninety-nine 
n  the  hundred  of  all  our  men.  This  war  is  not  for 
the  black,  but  for  the  integrity  of  the  nation.  To 
xpatiate  on  the  reverse,  is  to  misrepresent  the 
President,  to  increase  disunion  in  the  South,  and  to 
disaffect  the  army.  Evidently  this  is  hydra-headed 
treason.  Let  the  President  and  the  army  put  it 
down.  There  is  no  other  remedy. — Boston  (Catho- 
lic) Pilot. 


gtltttiant* 


THE  AEMY  NOT  ABOLITION. 

Every  country  has  the  misfortune  of  producing  a 
herd  of  pestiferous  publicists.     Such  a  spawn  is  as 
natural  to  an   empire  as  bad  excrescences  to  the 
most  valued  trees  that  grow.     The  human  crowd  is 
as  peccable  as  it  is  finite :  as  a  consequence,  it  is  as 
frequent  in  having  a  wicked  as  a  noble  issue.    France 
was  once  subverted  by  its  "  Philosophers."     At  the 
present  moment,  the  entire  South  of  Europe  is  in 
danger  of  a   revolution   of  the  most  sweeping  kind 
from  arrogant  pretenders  to  State  wisdom.    England 
has  had  its  Chartists.     Let  theliistory  of  all  nations 
be  opened  :  it  will  show  that  not  one  of  them  has  ex- 
emption from  the   dire  evil  of  bringing  forth,  now 
'and  then,  a  scurvy  progeny  of  thinkers  and  writers, 
America  is  by  no  means  free  from  this  wretched 
fate.     We  are  a  young  people ;  but  our  youth  is 
counterchecked  by  a  wide  measure  of  fecundity  in 
dangerous  citizens.     Like  far  older  governments,  the 
United  States  have  their  issue  of  frothy  eogitators 
whom  no  reason  can  silence,  and  in  whom  suicide 
would  be  a  national  benefit.     It  is  unnecessary  to 
mention  that  it  is  the  abolitionists  who  constitute 
this  tribe  of  persons.    The  existing  rebellion  is  chiefly 
the  result  of  their  unbridled  fanaticism.     The  fatal 
doctrine  of  secession  has  prevailed  in  the  South  for 
a  long  period;  but  the  rabid  abolition    sentiment  of 
the  North  acted  on  it  as  the  tropical  sun  does  on 
the  torpid  snake ;  and  peace  the  country  cannot  en- 
joy until  the  same  sentiment  shall  be  driven  out  of 
life.     The  revolt  has  two  causes.     Tho  worshippers 
of  the  negro,  and  those  who  hold  the  poor  creature 
in  slavery.     No  argument  is  needed  to  show  that  a 
complete,  return  to  the  recent  prosperous  condition  of 
things  is  impossible  until  both  factions  are  put  down. 
We  have  an  army  in  the  South.     There  is  direct  need 
ofanotherin  the'North.     The  career  of  Phillips,  Gar- 
rison, Greeley,  Beecher,  and  Brownson  is  quite  as 
treasonable  as  that  of  any  of  the  public  men  of  the 
South.     It  is  a  weakness  not  to  bind  to  the  law  the 
enemies  of  the  Constitution  wherever  they  can  be 
seized.     The  proper  remedy  to    meet   the    curse   of 
havinga  spawn  of  pestiferous  publicists  is  the  iron  arm 
of  the  St  ite.     Wherever  these  people  are  permitted 
to  carry  on  their  designs,  they  soon  make  of  that  arm 
a  brittle  twig. 

But  the  just  public  temper  of  the  Republic  is  now 
aroused ;  and  we  may  hope  that  the  patriotism  which 
has  created  an  army  of  six  hundred  thousand  men 
against  "  Secessia,"  will  be  equally  fortunate  in  the 
formation  of  means  for  the  trampling  down  of  the 
abolition  brawlers  who  infest  the  North.  A  mar- 
tial law  is  absolutely  needed  against  all  that  herd 
of  demagog  ties.  It  is  above  all  question  that  they 
have  earned  more  public  disunion  than  all  their  pri- 
vate happiness  is  worth ;  that  they  have  done  mil- 
lions of  times  more  damage  to  the  enterprises  of  tin: 


EXPULSION  OP  THE  COLORED  POPULATION". 

The  World  contends  that  the  North,  as  well  as 
the  South,  is  determined  to  root  out  and  drive  off  all 
free  blacks.  The  African  race  may  live  among  us  as 
■laves,  but  they  shall  not  live  here  as  free  men ! 
The  World  says  this  is  the  unalterable  purpose  of 
the  American  people  all  over  the  land.  If  so,  it  is 
a  purpose  truly  diabolical,  and  the  people  who  en- 
tertain it  deserve  to  be  exterminated  from  under  the 
face  of  heaven.  But  we  deny  that  there  is  any 
such  general  purpose  or  wish.  A  miserable  pro-sla- 
very press  endeavors  by  every  possible  means  to  en- 
kindle and  aggravate  the  prejudice  against  color, 
and  then  to  make  use  of  this  prejudice  as  an  excuse 
for  injustice.  The  World  is  the  fit  ally  of  the  Her- 
ald and  Express  in  this  fiendish  work.  The  assertion 
that  black  and  white  cannot  occupy  the  same  coun- 
try, except  by  keeping  up  the  hellish  institution  of 
human  slavery,  is  a  libel  on  all  history,  and  on  our 
own  experience.  What  more  useful,  thrifty,  industri- 
ous, peaceful  class  has  New  York  city  than  the  col- 
ored people  ?  It  is  everywhere  the  same.  What 
would  be  the  cotton  States  without  them?  Does 
the  World  propose  to  send  across  the  ocean,  and  im- 
port four  millions  of  East  Indian  and  Cliinesc  coolies 
to  take  their  places  ?  Or  does  it  propose  to  send 
northern  emigrants  to  cultivate  those  hot,  ungenial 
cotton  and  rice-swamps,  which  arc  certain  death  to 
all  except  laborers  born  within  the  tropics?  The 
plan  of  depopulating  our  southern  States  by  exter- 
minating the  blacks,  is  the  wildest,  wickedest  scheme 
that  was  ever  broaehed  in  a  Christian  community. 
Happily,  it  cau  never  be  carried  into  execution  ex- 
cept to  a  very  limited  extent.  All  the  resources  of 
the  nation  would  be  inadequate  to  such  a  gigantic 
undertaking.  But  it  may  be  prosecuted  far  enough 
to  cause  untold  misery.  It  may  be  prosecuted  just 
far  enough  to  keep  the  negro  under  a  perpetual  ban, 
and  to  excite  and  aggravate  those  cruel  caste  preju- 
dices which  the  system  of  slavery  has  engendered. 

The  plan  which  the  World  recommends  is  this : 
that  "every  slave  boy  on  arriving  at  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  and  every  slave  girl  on  arriving  at  the 
age  of  eighteen,  should  be  colonized  abroad." 

"  After  eighteen  years,  the  youngest  slave  females 
now  born  would  reach  the  specified  age,"  and  "  be- 
fore 1890  the  last  slave  in  tins  Republic  would 
have  been  born,  and  slavery  itself  would  disappear, 
as  those  died  off  who,  being  over  tho  ages  specified, 
remained  in  the  country." 

Talk  not  of  the  cruelties  of  slave-masters  after  this 
We  have  heard  of  the  separation  of  families,  children 
torn  from  their  parents  as  soon  as  they  were  grown 
up,  and  sold  off,  to  see  them  no  more  forever;  but 
tor  cold-blooded  atrocity,  deliberate  and  premeditat- 
ed cruelty  on  a  gigantie  scale,  we  never  heard  of 
anything  to  equal  the  proposal  of  this  northern  re- 
ligious editor !  Tearing  away  slaves  from  their  kin- 
dred and  homes  is  a  disreputable  business  even  with 
slaveholders;  they  would  indignantly  deny  that  such 
cruelties  are  practised  save  in  exceptional  cases,  or 
under  circumstances  of  strong  necessity.  But  here 
is  a  Christian  editor  whose  nerves  do  not  shrink 
from  the  wholesale  application  of  such  torture  to 
four  millions  of  human  hearts  !  Oil  no,  says  this 
kid-glove  casuist,  "it  would  be  no  greater  hardship 
for  thorn,  to  be  separated  from  the  place  of  their 
birth,  than  it  has  been  for  the  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  young  men  and  women  who  have  emigrated  to  our 
shores  from  Europe,  here  to  commence  a  new  career." 
As  if  hardship  or  sacrifices  voluntarily  undertaken, 
furnished  a  parallel  or  apology  for  hardships  euforced 
by  violence,  ties  sundered  by  the  arm  of  power,_  hu- 
man rights  struck  down  by  an  act  of  despotism ! 
How  would  our  spiritual  doctors  be  pleased  to  have 
this  kind  of  reasoning  applied  to  themselves  V  Hun- 
dreds of  their  sons  leave  them  for  California,  Europe, 
or  a  life  at  sea ;  therefore  it  could  be  "  no  great  hard- 
ship" if  government  should  enlbrce  such  a  separa- 
tion by  its  own  decree  !  Thousands  of  our  citizens 
banish  themselves  for  the  sake  of  gain;  therefore 
Congress  might  justly  banish  thousands  more!  Many 
toil  like  slaves,  anil  kill  themselves  from  over-exer- 
tion; therefore  it  would  be  no  great  hardship  if 
government  should  make  them  servo  at  the  same 
tod'  till  life  was  exhausted  I  It  is  the  very  essence 
of  slavery.  Men  who  thus  bid  defiance  to  the  fund- 
amental principles  of  justice  have  no  business  to 
take  part,  either  by  voice  or  vote,  in  the  government 
of  this  republic.  They  are  not  rightfully  citizens  : 
they  falsify  the  citizen's  oath,  and  should  be  regard- 
ed as  aliens.  The  description,  by  Senator  Wade,  of 
Mr.  Vallandigham,  as  "a  man  who  never  had  any 
Sympathy  with  this  republic,  Imf  whose,  every  breath 
is  devoted  to  its  destruction,"  applies  to  all  who  war 
upon  the  principle  oi  equal  rights.  In  our  experi- 
ment of  republican  government,  they  have  neither 
io't  nor  part. — American  Baptist. 


IEEE  NEGEOES  IN  TEE  NORTH. 

The  setting  i'rcn  of  a  few  thousand  slaves,  by  act 
of  Congress,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  by  the 
presence  of  our  army  in  various  rebel  States,  has 
become  the  occasion  of  a  new  demonstration  on  the 
part  of  those  afflicted  with  a  cutaneous  horror  of  a 
portion  of  the  human  race.  Petitions  are  being  in- 
dustriously circulated  in  various  portions  of  the  Free 
States,  praying  for  laws  to  shut  out  such  of  the 
freed  blacks  as  may  choose  to  come  into  those 
States,  and  prohibit,  by  penal  enactments,  their  im- 
migration or  settlement.  ■ 

To  a  man  who  believes  the  negro  has  no  right  to 
live  at  all — that  he  should  be  an  outlaw  entirely, 
and  be  hunted  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  like  a 
noxious  wild  beast,  such  enactments  may  seem  to  be 
just  and  right.  But  it  seems  to  us  they  cannot  be 
defended  on  any  other  ground.  These  negroes 
must  go  somewhere — the  devastation  of  war  and 
other  circumstances  make  it  impossible  for  them  to 
remain  where  they  are — they  must  seek  a  home, 
either  temporary  or  permanent,  where  they  can 
earn  and  obtain  a  living.  It  is  the  sheerest  inhu- 
manity to  deny  them  the  privilege  of  entering  the 
only  refuge  that  is  open  to  them.  To  compel  them 
to  remain  in  a  devastated  region,  or  to  hang  around 
the  outskirts  of  camps,  or  be  the  prey  of  kidnappers 
and  scoundrels  of  the  deepest  dye  in  the  border 
slave  States,  is  the  alternative  presented.  This  is 
what  Northern  Legislatures  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury are  asked  to  do  in  the  Tiainc  of  freedom,  of 
civilization,  of  white  labor. 

Six  hundred  thousand  able-bodied,  mostly  labor- 
ing men,  are  in  our  armies.  It  is  not  probable  that 
the  whole  number  of  contrabands  exceeds  one-tenth 
of  that  number.  Of  these,  possibly  one-half,  or 
thirty  thousand,  may  find  their  way  to  the  Free 
States.  To  talk  of  the  free  labor  of  the  North,  just 
drained  of  six  hundred'  thousand  laborers,  suffering 
from  the  competition  of  thirty  thousand  negroes,  is 
refreshingly  absurd. 

We  last  week  alluded,  however,  to  the  cardinal 
fallacy  upon  which  the  objection  to  the  influx  of 
new  laborers  is  founded,  and  endeavored  to  make  it 
apparent.  We  repeat,  that  it  is  idleness,  not  com- 
petition, which  the  laborer  has  to  dread.  Para- 
doxical as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that 
the  greater  the  proportion  of  laboring  men,  that  is, 
the  greater  the  "  competition  "  of  labor,  the  better 
off  is  the  laborer.  The  reason  of  this  is  that  the 
laborer  supports  the  idle  man.  If  there  were  no 
idle  men,  the  laborer  would  only  have  to  support 
himself. 

The  absence  of  six  hundred  thousand  laborers 
upon  the  battle-field  may  not  depress  the  wages  of 
the  laboring  man  at  home,  but  it  will  assuredly  in- 
crease the  price  he  will  have  to  pay  for  the  necessa- 
ries and  the  comforts  of  life. 

The  laborer  is  also  a  consumer.  The  laborer 
gives  in  return  for  what  he  consumes,  something 
that  has  an  intrinsic  value.  For  what  he  has,  the 
rest  of  community  receives  pay  that  is  in  itself  valu- 
able, and  supplies  its  wants.  But  the  idle  man 
either  does  not  pay  at  all,  or  he  pays  in  money 
which  has  little  or  no  intrinsic  value,  but  is  only 
valuable  as  a  means  of  exchange.  The  more  there 
are  of  such  men  as  this  in  the  world,  the  worse  it  is 
off.  But  the  more  laborers  there  are,  engaged  in 
useful  avocations,  the  better  for  everybody,  and  the 
more  the  necessaries,  the  comforts  and  the  luxuries 
of  life  are  placed  within  reach  of  the  million. 

There  need  be  no  apprehension  from  the  influx  of 
a  few  thousand  freed  negroes.  They  will  not  one- 
tenth  fill  the  void  left  by  our  soldiers.  Nor  will 
their  competition  trouble  the  white  laborer.  They 
will  consume  as  well  as  produce,  and  the  more  they 
earn,  the  more  they  will  spend. 

We  do  not  believe  the  petitions  against  them  are 
the  spontaneous  results  of  alarm  in  the  minds  of 
working  men.  They  are  got  up  by  politicians  for 
political  purposes — chiefly  to  promote  a  revival  of 
the  Cutaneous  Democracy.  We  expect  to  see  that 
party  taking  ground,  within  six  months,  that  the 
negro  has  no  right  to  live,  except  as  a  slave,  and 
that  he  ought  to  be  banished  from  the  country  of  his 
birth,  because,  forsooth,  he  is  black. — Delhi  (N.  Y.) 
11  <■ publican. 


WHO  AT  THE  HOETH  SUPPOET  AUD  UP- 
HOLD SLAVEEY. 

The  fact  is  as  demonstrable  as  any  problem  in 
mathematics,  that  the  adherents  of  the  old  Demo- 
cratic party  at  the  North  arc  the  supporters  and  up- 
holders of  slavery.  It  is  useless  for  the  pro-slavery 
Democratic  leaders  to  pretend  to  the  people,  that 
they  are  unfriendly  to  the  institution  of  slavery; 
their  acts,  when  in  power,  prove  exactly  the  con- 
trary ;  their  professions  of  dislike  of  human  bondage 
are  all  a  sham.  Let  us  proceed  to  the  testimony  as 
to  the  truthfulness  of  these  statements. 

The  subject  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  has  been  agitated  at  intervals,  dat- 
ing back  many  years.  The  constitutional  power  of 
Congress,  of  exclusive  legislation  over  the  District  of 
Columbia,  has  never  been  denied  by  men  of  any- 
party  at  the  North ;  because  to  deny  such  power 
would  be  a  plain  contradiction  of  the  Constitution 
itself.  No  Democratic  paper  or  politician  of  any 
standing  at  the  North  has  ever  had  the  hardihood  to 
claim,  that  slavery  in  our  national  capital  was  desir- 
able, but,  on  the  contrary,  has  always  professed  to 
hold,  that  chattel  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
was  uncongenial  with  the  spirit  of  our  institutions, 
and  its  peaceful  removal  desirable. 

The  sincerity  of  Democratic  professions  of  opposi- 
tion to  slavery  was  a  few  days  ago  put  to  the  test. 
The  bill  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  was  opposed  wholly  by  men  in  Congress 
who  profess  to  be  Democrats.  When  the  final  vote 
was  taken,  twenty-two  Representatives  from  the  free 
States  voted  against  putting  an  end  to  slavery  in  the 
national  capital.  Here  Democracy,  so  called,  gave 
a  practical  exhibition  of  its  love  of  slavery,  notwith- 
standing all  its  professions  of  loving  freedom  better. 
Let  no  one  hereafter  deny  that  those  who  lead  the 
old  Democratic  party  are  wedded  to  slavery ;  that 
they  cling  to  it  as  a  vital  element  in  sustaining  their 
distinctive  organization.  All  the  rallying  point  that 
party  now  has  is  slavery:  were  it  to  abandon  that,  it 
would  have  no  cementing  bond  of  union  left,  and 
would  die  at  once. 

The  action  of  the  Democratic  members  of  Con- 
gress, in  both  Houses,  admits  of  no  other  construc- 
tion than  that  here  given  it.  The  act  abolishing  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia  is  free  from  the  ob- 
jections which  the  most  conservative  men  of  any 
party  in  the  free  States  have  been  accustomed  to 
make  in  past  years.  It  violates  no  rights  of  proper- 
ty, even  admitting  slaves  to  be  property.  It  pro- 
vides compensation,  which  is  believed  to  be  ample, 
for  those  who  are  recognized  as  the  owners  of  slaves ; 
it  takes  away  no  slaveholder's  alleged  property, 
without  paying  for  it.  The  people  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  have  repeatedly  petitioned  Congress  for 
the  passage  of  an  emancipation  act.  Why,  then, 
was  the  bill  opposed  by  Democratic  Representatives 
from  the  frae  States  ?  The  constitutional  power  of 
Congress  to  remove  slavery  from  the  District  not  be- 
ing denied,  and  the  objection  to  taking  what  is  al- 
leged to  be  the  property  of  slaveholders  without  com- 
pensation, being  removed,  the  question  before  Con- 
gress was  simply  this:— Which  is  the  more  desirable 
in  the  national  capital — freedom  or  slavery  ?  Those 
who  believe  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  to 
be  a  great  wrong  and  a  national  disgrace,  of  course 
voted  for  its  extinguishment.  On  the  other  hand, 
those  who  did  not  believe  slavery  in  the  District  to 
be  a  wrong  must,  it  is  fair  to  infer,  have  held  the 
contrary  opinion,  viz. :  that  slavery  iu  the  national 
capital  is  desirable,  a  national  blessing,  and  ought  to 
be»perpetuated.  In  accordance  with  this  latter  be- 
lief, twenty-two  Representatives  from  the  free  States 
put  themselves  on  the  record.  Let  all  who  love  free- 
dom better  than  slavery  make  a  note  of  this  act  of 
the  representatives  of  the  Northern  Democracy 
—Kenosha  (Wisconsin)  Telegraph. 


THE  HEGEOES  AND  THE  HOETHEEH 
STATES. 

We  give  below  an  extract  from  an  article  in  the 
Philadelphia  Pi-ess,  upon  the  subject  of  the  emanci- 
pation of  slaves,  and  what  would  be  their  future 
course : 

"Many  persons  entertain  the  opinion  that  if  any 
considerable  number  of  the  Southern  slaves  obtain 
their  freedom,  they  will  necessarily  emigrate  to  the 
Northern  States,  and  that  thus  a  large  proportion 
of  our  white  laborers  will  bo  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment, and  heavy  taxes  or  other  expenditures  caused 
by  the  necessity  of  providing  for  indolent  refugees. 
It  requires,  however,  but  a  slight  examination  of  the 
subject  to  see  that  this  conjecture  is  not  well  found- 
ed. There  has  been,  in  all  our  past  history,  but 
very  little  voluntary  emigration  northward  of  color- 
ed men.  The  Africans,  like  all  other  races,  prefer 
congenial  climes,  and  they  will  not  venture  from 
them  unless  compclled-to  do  so  by  very  powerful  mo- 
tives. It  has  been  a  rare  occurrence  for  any  of  the 
large  body  of  free  negroes  who  reside  in  the  States 
south  of  Masou  and  Dixon's  line,  to  journey  north- 
ward. As  a  general  rule,  only  flying  fugitive  slaves, 
or  those  whose  freedom  was  imperilled  by  the  system 
of  hostile  State  legislation  that  has  of  late  years 
been  commenced  in  the  South,  have  ventured  on 
this  experiment.  A  striking  proof  of  this  fact  is 
furnished  by  the  census  of  1850.  Of  the  53,000 
free  blacks  of  Pennsylvania,  only  15,000  were  not 
born  on  our  soil.  Of  the  54,333  free  blacks  of  Vir- 
ginia, only  533  were  emigrants;  of'  the  74,723  in 
Maryland,  only  1,3(57  ;  of  the  18,073  in  Delaware, 
only  1,141.      "  • 

It  is  thus  clearly  shown  that  they  are  not  a  mi- 
gratory race,  and  that  there  was  very  little  disposi- 
tion to  emigrate  even  to  Pennsylvania,  notwithstand- 
ing her  contiguity  to  the  homes  of  a  large  body  of 
\'\w.  blacks.  The  causes  for  this  are  numerous. 
The  Southern  States  comprise  one  of  the  largest 
agricultural  districts   in   the   world,   and   nearly  all 

the  labor  that  has  heretofore  been  performed  there 

has  been  done  by  Africans.     Their  labor  will  be  as 

much  needed  hereafter  as  heretofore,  and  no  change 

that  may  be  made  in  the  conditions  upon  which  it  is 
to  be  performed  will  dispense  with  the  power  and 
present  necessity  of  its  employment.  Practically, 
•fn  the  Southern  States  the  negroes  find  a  climate 
agreeable  and  healthy,  and  a  demand  for  their  labor, 
— in  the  Northern  Siatos  an  uncongenial  climate, 
and  little,  if  tiny  demand,  for  their  services.  No 
huge  body  of  men  have  ever  emigrated  for  the  sake 

of  emigration-r-and  particularly  when  they  could  de- 
rive no  absolute  benefit  from  the  change,  and  when 
they  had  no  strong  love  of  novelty  nor  spirit  of  en- 
terprise to  impel  them." 

This  is  a  common-sense  view  of  the  BUbjeOt,  and 
thus  a  ridiculous  bugbear  is  disposed  of  which  has 
frightened  so  many  unreflecting  persons. 


DEMOCRATIC  TREASON. 

A  Massachusetts  soldier,  writing  to  the  Newbury  - 
port  (dass.)  Herald,  utters  this  ominous  threat: — 

"  Our  rifles  are  coming,  and  we  arc  in  readiness  to 
march.  We  are  to  be  attached  to  King's  division. 
You  may  bet  one  thing,  though,  that  McClelhin  will 
send  us  to  the  right  place.  By  the  way,  what  is  the 
government  thinking  of,  that  it  don't  suspend  the  New 
York  Tribune,  confiscate  the  office,  and  hang  Greeley  ? 
Is  he  aware  how  popular  the  General  is  with  us?  Is 
he  and  the  wretched  rabble  at  his  heels  aware  of  our 
strength  ?  What  if  Roman  and  French  history  should 
repeat  itself,  and  we,  the  soldiers,  should  say  who 
should  he  the  next  President?  " 

A  paragraph  embodying  this  threat  of  some  mis- 
erable traitor  is  going  the  rounds  of  the  Democratic 
press.  The  leading  Democratic  newspapers  have 
repeatedly  intimated  their  willingness  to  see  the 
gow^rnment  of  the  United  States  transformed  into  a 
military  despotism,  provided  slaveholding  vengeance 
could  be  thereby  wreaked  on  anti-slavery  men ; 
and  hence  we  are  not  surprised  at  the  very  general 
appearance  of  this  threat.  Vaporing  brigadiers  have 
threatened  to  turn  Congress  out  of  doors  by  the  bay- 
onet, and  fools,  or  traitors,  have  been  ready  to  ap- 
plaud to  the  echo. 

Such  threats  arc  a  species  of  treason.  The  sol- 
dier or  the  officer  that  makes  them  is  a  daiiEorous 
man,  and  unworthy  to  servo  his  country.  If  the 
great  body  of  our  soldiers  were  no  better  patriots 
than  this  Massachusetts  traitor,  the  attempt  would 
be  made  to  carry  that  threat  into  execution.  But 
they  have  read  history  to  far  better  purpose  than  he 
has,  and  they  are  in  arms  to  preserve  freedom — not 
to  destroy  it.  We  can  tell  our  Democratic  contem- 
poraries that  if  they  could  bring  their  coveted  ven- 
geance upon  the  head  of  every  anti-slavery  man  by 
the  sacrifice  of  the  liberties  of  this  nation  on  the 
shrine  of  military  ambition,  it  would  be  the  dearest- 
bought  gratification  they  ever  experienced.  They 
may  desire  it  now,  but,  fortunately,  their  desires 
will  not  be  gratified. —  Delhi  (X.  Y.)  Republican. 


THE  STEU0GLE  IU  AMEEI0A. 

In  America,  the  pro-slavery  war  of  the  North  con 
tinues.  The  descendants  of  the  Puritans  give  up 
their  children  and  their  money  ;  and  rejoice  to  get 
well  beaten  by  sea, .lest  they  should  damage  slavery 
by  land. 

What  is  man?  has  been  a  solemn  question.  But 
whal  is.  sometimes,  the  absence  of  a  man  '! 

English  anti-slavery  chuckles  in  the  idea,  that 
there  will  be  something  like  a  compromise,  after  all 
Shattered   as  the  main   fabric  may  be,   it   hopes  to 

see  enough  saved  out  of  the  pieces,  to  authorize  its 
assault  on  Mrs.  Beecher  Stowe.  It  means  to  point 
to  these,  and  s;i.Vt  "  See  there,  what  she,  rash  WO' 
man,  would  have  done  away  with  1" 

There  is  a  just  caution  everywhere.  The  fox- 
hunter  cherishes  bis  fos  in  proper  places,  and  would 
break   out   furiously   against    man   or  woman,    who 

should  propose  tlie  abolition  <<\'  the  race.    Satan 

himself  would  lie  a  loss  to  those  whoso  business  is  to 
exorcise  him  with  book  and  candle. 

It,    is  astonishing    how    much   men    will    pay    tor   a 

hobby:  qoite  independently  oi  any  use,  profit,  ad 
vantage,  or  increase  of  felicity  any  where,  escepl  ii 
the  gratification  of  a  diseased  fancy,  often  at  otfaei 


people's  cost.  Sum  up  now,  when  this  mass  of  blun- 
dering has  by  hook  or  by  crook  been  brought  to  a 
conclusion,  the  amount  that  has  been  paid  for  the 
■whistle  !  Calculate  the  hearths  that  have  been  made 
desolate,  and  the  proceeds  of  industry  which  might 
have  been  made  available  for  comfort,  and  see  what 
is  to  be  found  on  the  other  side  of  the  account. 
Somebody  set  down  as  their  hobby,  that  it  would  be 
pleasing,  agreeable,  what  little  boys  and  girls  call 
nice,  to  restore  the  Constitution  which  had  been 
smashed  to  pieces,  to  its  stat£  before  the  smash.  Ev- 
ery old  woman  would  do  so  with  her  pickle-pot,  if 
she  had  not  better  wit.  Jn  the  first  place,  what 
chance  was  there  of  its  being  accomplished?  If 
violets  plucked  the  sweetest  showers  can  ne'er  make 
grow  again,  what  chance  was  there  that  any  gar- 
dener could  stick  the  fragments  into  their  old  places, 
instead  of  making  clean  conveyance  of  the  origin  of 
the  mischief?  A  baby  thought  it  would  be  nice  to 
fry ;  but  had  the  baby  no  guardian,  no  thoughtful 
bonne  to  guide  Ins  erring  mind  ?  Suppose  a  danger 
of  another  kind,  and  he  is  pursued  by  an  evil  beast, 
with  ample  start  and  time  to  reach  a  point  where 
danger  was  at  an  end.  Whereupon  our  baby  ex- 
perimentalist, moved  by  reasons  which,  when  he  is 
eaten,  he  cannot  be  asked  to  explain,  undertakes  to 
think  how  pleasant  it  would  be  to  try  if  he  can  do 
it  on  one  leg.  It  is  difficult  to  deny  that  this  is  what 
has  been  done  by  the  triflers  with  Providence  in 
America. 

General  Fremont's  "  appointment  has  given  great 
offence  to  the  moderate  party."  An' officer  teased 
Louis  the  Fourteenth  for  promotion.  "  Your  regi- 
ment," said  the  monarch  "  gives  more  trouble  than 
all  the  army  besides."  "  Sire,"  replied  the  officer, 
"  the  enemy  says  just  the  same." — Bradford  (Ertg.) 
A  doertiscr. 


PROGRESS  OP  IEEE    SENTIMENTS. 

For  months  past,  the  people  beyond  the  moun- 
tains have  been  determined  to  cut  loose  from  the 
Old  Dominion,  and  form  a  new  State,  to  be  called 
Kanawha.  They  have  gone  so  far  as  to  hold  a 
Convention  to  draft  a  Constitution,  but  this  Conven- 
tion was  so  far  behind  the  age  that  it  wanted  Kan- 
awha to  come  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State,  and 
actually  refused  to  incorporate  in  its  draft  of  a  Con- 
stitution a  provision  for  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves.  This  was  old  fogyism  indeed !  But  when 
the  leaders  failed  them,  the  people  themselves  took 
the  advance.  No  sooner  was  this  action  of  the  Con- 
vention known  than  they  took  the  matter  in  hand, 
and  by  an  overwhelming  vote  have  declared  their 
determination  to  cast  off  forever  the  curse  of  slavery. 
The  result  seems  to  astonish  the  peoplg  themselves. 
The  papers  of  Western  Virginia  confess  that  a  Rev- 
olution is  sweeping  along  the  Alleghanies,  and,  lil*e 
a  flood  in  the  Ohio,  bearing  down  dead  wood,  rotten 
logs,  and  old  stumps  of  trees,  it  is  clearing  away  the 
decayed  institution  from  every  part  of  that  great 
valley  watered  by  the  Ohio  and  its  tributaries.  The 
Wellsburg  Herald,  one  of  the  local  papers,  says : 

"Was  there  ever  a  greater  revolution  in  public 
sentiment  than  has  been  wrought  in  the  public  mind 
of  Western  Virginia,  during  the  last  very  few  months, 
on  this  very  subject?  The  late  election  tells  the  tale. 
In  counties  where,  eighteen  months  ago,  the  venera- 
ble Euffner  was  treated  with  contumely  and  insult 
for  having  years  before  been  the  author  of  a  pamphlet 
advocating  gradual  emancipation,  the  people,  after  one 
one  year's  tuition  in  the  rough  school  of  war,  endorse 
his  views  by  a  vote  which  is  wonderful  for  its  unanim- 
ity. In  counties  where,  a  few  months  ago,  to  ques- 
tion the  divinity  of  slavery  was  to  court  at  least  polit- 
ical martyrdom,  the  sovereigns  have  voted  100  to  1  to 
get  rid  of  the  institution.  When  the  official  vote  of 
last  Thursday  comes  to  be  published,  those  who  have 
doubted  the  liberalizing  effect  of  the  war  upon  ths 
minds  of  the  people  on  this  subject  will  be  astounded. 
Preston  rolls  up  her  1500  majority  for  a  free  State ; 
Wood  her  1300  to  13;  Monongalia,  Marshall.  Wetzel, 
Tyler,  Harrison,  the  home  of  Carlile,  and  Marion,  the 
den  of  the  Raymonds,  the  Neesons,  and  of  more  trait- 
ors than  any  other  county  of  equal  population  can 
boast,  all  uniformly  gave  tremendous  majorities  for 
the  new  Constitution,  and,  where  a  vote  was  taken, 
for  gradual  emancipation. 

Verily,  slavery  is  doomed  in  Western  Virginia  from 
the  date  of  that  vote;  and,  unless  the  educationary 
process  be  quickly  stopped,  it  will  not  be  long  before 
the  Valley,  Piedmont,  and  Tide  Water  wilt  experi- 
ence the  same  startling  phenomenon." 

If  indeed  the  Revolution  is  once  begun  in  earnest, — 
it  will  be  ant  to  go  on.  "  Revolutions  never  go 
backward"  is  an  old  proverb.  The  movement  in- 
augurated among  the  sturdy  farmers  on  the  sides  of 
the  Alleghanies,  may  rise  high  enough  to  break  over 
the- barrier  of  the  Blue  Ridge  and  descend  upon 
Eastern  Virginia.  Most  certainly  will  it  roll  down 
the  valley  of  the  Ohio  into  Kentucky.  Thus  we  be- 
lieve, before  many  years  will  all  the  Border  States 
become — what  the  District  of  Columbia  now  is — de- 
livered from  the  curse  of  slavery,  Free,  aud  Free 
Forever  ! — New  York  Evangelist. 


JOEL  PARKER  AND  0HARLES  SUMNER. 

The  article  in  the  North  American  Renew,  allud- 
ed to  in  another  article,  has  been  published  in 
pamphlet  form,  bearing  the  name  of  Joel  Parker,  a 
professor  in  the  Cambridge  Law  School,  as  its  author. 
The  knowledge  of  the  authorship  entirely  removes 
the  surprise  we  felt,  as  to  the  character  of  the  con- 
temptible attack  on  Mr.  Sumner.  Mr.  Parker  be-  ■ 
longs  to  that  class  of  politicians  who  have  always 
been  hostile  to  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  Massa- 
chusetts, aud  to  the  men  whom  she  has  chosen  to  re- 
present that  sentiment  in  the  national  councils.  He 
was  one  of  those  who,  at  the  period  when  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law  was  being  discussed,  exerted  all  his 
powers  to  prove  its  constitutionality,  and  to  deaden 
the  moral  sentiment  of  the  people  against  that  odi- 
ous and  inhuman  act.  He  is  a  fitting  person  to 
make  a  dastardly  attack  on  Mr.  Sumner.  His  as- 
sault, published  in  the  Review  as  an  apparently  can- 
did and  disinterested  discussion  of  an  important  subt 
ject,  is  merely  intended  to  create  a  prejudice  against 
Mr.  Sumner,  and  is  now  distributed  in  its  pfeseu- 
form  to  aid  in  that  effort,  with  the  idea  (hat  its  pre- 
vious appearance  in  the  Review  will  blind  the  peo- 
ple at  large  to  the  fact  of  its  being  anything  more 
than  a  mere  electioneering  document. 

This  is  a  part  of  the  plot  which  the  pro-slavery 

politicians  in  this  State  have  been  at  work  upon   all 
winter  to  supersede  Mr.  Sunnier  in   the   Senate. 

They  will  he  prosecuting  their  efforts  during  the 
summer  with  the  hope  of  securing  a  majority  in  the 
Legislature  opposed  to  Mr.  Sumner':-  re-election. 
We  dare  say  that  Mr.  Parker  has  an  itching  for  a 
seal  ill  the  Senate.  His  name  has,  we  hclicvo.  been 
before  suggested  for  the  place.  But  the  plot  won't 
work.      The    people   of  Massachusetts   are    too   wide 

awake  to  be  deceived  by  any  such  devices 

which  Mr.  Jeff  Davis's 'allies  in  this  State  are  con- 
cocting.    Neither  Mi*.  Parker  nor  any  othi 

eian  of  that  stamp  can  supplant  Mr.  Sunnier        \ 
Bi  dford  Standard. 


i.  slavery  were  abolished,  what  would  be  left 

to  fight  afoul  ?     Then,  knock  it  in  the  head  1 


74 


THE     LIBERA-TOIR 


DISUNION  PLOTTINGS  IN  EUROPE. 

The  National  Intelligencer  publishes  a  veiy  inter- 
OSting  series  rif  contraband  letters  which  were  found 
on  board  the Confederate  steamer  CalhoUu,  captured 
by  our  blockading  squadron  as  she  was  in  the  act  of 
running  the  blockade  of  the  entrance  to  the  Missis- 
sippi river  on  the  23d  of  January  last.  The  central 
figure  in  the  group  of*  letter  writers  thus  brought  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  public,  is  Thomas  Butler  King, 
agent  for  some  Georgia  steamer  scheme  in  Europe, 
but  who  appears  to- nave  devoted  all  Ins  time  for  the 
year  past  to  the  cause  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  correspondence  is  of  a  very  miscellaneous  na- 
ture, but  some  of  it  throws  such  valuable  glimpses 
oft  the  most  audacious  iniquity  of  modern  times  that 
we  make  such  extracts  as  our  space  will  allow. 

The  first  glimpse  is  of  the  brassy  assurance  which 
distinguished  the  rebels  on  the  opening  of  President 
Lincoln's  administration.  Mr.  A.  E.  Cochran  writes 
from  Macon,  Georgia,  March  5,  1861 : — 

"  Nothing;  new.  Most  people  read  Lincoln's  inaugu- 
ral as  a  '  no  fight '  measure,  "and  few  care  a  'cuss' 
whether  it  is  or  no." 

The  next  is  like  unto  it,  but  more  practical,  being 
from  the  private  and  confidential  letter  of  J.  Cowles, 
New  York,  April  10,  18G1,  to  Mr.  King,  viz.  ;— 

"  This  day  Fort  Sumter  will  he  attacked,  and  before 
this  reaches  you  Pickens — then  all  the  Slave  States 
will  rush  together,  a  separation  will  of  course  follow, 
and  the  Confederacy  acknowledged  ;  then  capital  will 
follow,  and  we  can  carry  our  plans." 

Now  we  cross  the  water,  and  find  Mr.  J.  M.  Vernon 
■writing  from  Brussels  to  Mr.  King:  "I  have  been 
on  the  continent,  and  operating  for  our  commercial 
independence  since  last  June."  That  is,  June,  1860, 
before  the  Presidential  campaign  had  fairly  begun. 

Beverly  Tucker,  who  is  still  in  Paris,  wrote  in 
June  last,  and  showed  the  private  sentiments  of  the 
rebels  toward  John  Bull,  as  follows: — 

"We  have  whipped  the  scoundrels  in  three  instances, 
and,  what  is  worse  for  them  though  better  for  us,  wc 
have  proved  already  their  utter  inefficiency  to  cope 
with  us.  Not  the  least  gratifying  element  is  the 
threatening  aspect  of  England  and  the  United  States, 
or  rather  the  rotten  Government  at  Washington.  God 
grant  that  it  may  lead  to  a  rupture,  and  that  'John 
Bull'  may  blow  their  blockade  sky  high.  If  he  does 
this  I  will  forgive  him  a  load  of  his  self-conceit,  arro- 
gance and  hollow  philanthropy." 

A  Mr.  E.  Peirse,  who  has  three  or  four  letters  in 
this  interesting  batch,  tells  Mr.  King  from  Dieppe 
how  to  get  at  the  London  Times,  and  is  pleased  to 
say:  "  I  should  not  wonder  if  the  Western  States 
secede,  and  that  'Maine' joins  Canada."  In  the 
next  letter  this  "  wonder'Mul  man  comes  to  the  con- 
clusion that  "  the  war  will  break  down  in  the  North 
for  want  of  funds." 

The  two  next  correspondents  of  Mr.  King  are 
"  Haldeman,"  (a  Pennsylvanian,  we  believe),  and 
a  son  of  the  late  Com.  Claxton,  of  Maryland — but 
they  say  nothing  of  consequence.  Another  writer, 
evidently  of  some  note,  under  the  signature  of 
"  Maryland,"  writes,  apparently  from  Loudon,  in 
regard  to  the  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy : — 

"I  feel  authorized,  after  having  had  two  friendly 
conferences  with  a  prominent  member  of  the  Foreign 
Office,  and  one  with  one  of  the  most,  if  not  the  most, 
influential  of  the  confidential  advisers  of  the  Sover- 
eign, to  give  it  as  my  belief  that  but  little  hesitation 
and  delay  would  be  met  with  in  attaining  this  desired 
result." 

The  same  writer  cautions  Mr.  King  against  a 
young  South  Carolinian  in  Paris  named  Mortimer, 
and  says  he  does  so  on  the  authority  of  his  father, 
"  who  is  heart  and  soul  with  the  South."  Loyal  peo- 
ple will  be  glad  to  hear  more  about  this  young  Mor- 
timer. 

The  next  correspondent  on  the  carpet  is  Mr.  J.  L. 
O'Sullivan,  who  sent  the  National  Intelligencer,  last 
spring,  a  patriotic  Union  ode,  to  the  tune  of  the 
"  Star  Spangled  Banner."  In  August  he  was  ready 
to  do  anything  for  the  rebel  cause,  though  chained 
down  at  Lisbon  "  by  absolute  want  of  means."  Mr. 
O'Sullivan  was  the  late  United  States  Minister  to 
Portugal. 

Following  him  comes  "  Ch.  Ilaussollier,"  France, 
whose  note  is  only  important  for  the  statement  it 
contains,  that  one  of  Mr.  King's  secession  pamphlets 
was  published  at  the  request  of  Michael  Chevalier, 
the  eminent  French  champion  of  free  trade,  and  for 
the  following: — 

"I  need  not  recall  to  your  memory  what  the  Minis 
ter  told  you  in  one  of  the  interviews  you  had ;  it  was 
Joo  gratifying  lor  you  to  have  forgotten  it." 

The  revelations  next  turn  their  light  upon  the 
British  Consul  at  Havana,  Mr.  Crawford,  who  is  pro- 
nounced by  one  of  Mr.  King's  correspondents  "  a 
thorough  Southerner."  This,  and  doubtless  other 
convincing  testimony,  makes  such  an  impression  on 
Mr.  King  that  he  actually  writes  to  Earl  Russell 
December  6,  1861,  saying  of  Mr.  Crawford: — 

"I  therefore  beg  leave  to  assure  your  lordship,  most 
respectfully,  that  her  Majesty's  Government  could  not 
select  a  rhore  acceptable  person  to  be  her  Majesty's 
Minister  to  reside  near  the  Government  of  the  Confederate 
Stutes." 

This  is  the  height  of  impudence.  Still,  Mr.  Craw- 
ford is  as  likely  to  be  British  Minister  to  the  South- 
ern Confederacy  as  anybody  else. 

"We  have  seen  with  what  assurance  the  correspon- 
dence began — 'but  it  ends  amusingly  enough  to  grati- 
fy the  most  indignant  loyalist.  All  these  plotting 
diplomatists  were  needy  in  the  pocket,  though  rieh 
in  visions  of  Southern  glory.  We  have  observed 
Mr.  O'Sullivan  chained  down  at  Lisbon  by  "  abso- 
lute want  of  means."  But  he  is  not  alone.  J.  M. 
Vernon  is  "  entirely  out  of  money."  Haussollier 
begs  that  the  future  Southern  Embassador  will  re- 
member his  services.  M.  Calhoun  says  the  foreign 
bankers  "will  take  no  drafts  on  the  South  at  all," 
and  that  he  never  saw  such  times  before,  though  he 
had  been  through  some  hard  ones.  R.  Mitchell  duns 
Mr,  King,  aad  says,  "I  did  not  expect  you  would 
let  me  support  your  expenses."  J.  N.  Beach  is  try- 
ing to  negotiate  a  loan  for  Mr.  King.  And  to  cap 
all,  Robert  Hutchinson  wishes  Mr.  Yancey  to  give 
him  the  address  of  "  Mr.  Thomas  Butler'  King,  of 
"Georgia,  U.  S.,"  adding: — 

"Perhaps  I  ought  to  state  that  I  have  instructions 
to  direct  my  solicitor  to  arrest  him  for  a  considerable 
debt." 

Perhaps  these  little  facts,  wherever  the  "rebel 
agents  in  Europe  were  known,  much  more  than  oft- 
set  all  their  gorgeous  representations  and  artful  de- 
vices.— Boston  Journal. 


THE  DELUSIONS   OF  ONE  YEAR  AGO. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  absurd  calculations  upon 
■which  the  Secessionists  one  year  ago  initiated  the 
present  deplorable  war,  we  republish  the  following 
article  from  the  Mobile  Evening  News  of  that  period, 
copied  from  that  paper  into  the  Columbia  (South 
Carolina)  Guardian.     No  comment  is  necessary: — 

"There  are  now,  as  nearly  as  can  be  estimated, 
npward  of  one  hundred  thousand  organized  and 
armed  men  in  the  seven  Confederate  States,  under 
orders  or  anxiously  awaiting  them  to  spring  to  the 
post  of  danger  at  the  word  of  Jefferson  Davis. 
Within  eight  or  ten  days  time  at  the  furthest  he  can 
concentrate  sixty  thousand  of  these  men,  the  best 
soldiers  in  the  world,  at  any  point  on  the  northern 
border,  and  hurl  this  splendid  army  like  an  avalanche 
upon  the  foe.  If  the  battle  ground  be  in  Virginia 
or  Maryland,  as  it  probably  will,  the  grand  army  of 
the  Confederacy  will  be  doubled  or  trebled  by  the 
rallying  hosts  of  those  States.  We  have  reason  to 
believe  that  hundreds  of  companies  are  now  on  the 
move,  or  will  be  within  twenty-four  hours,  all  bound 
somewhere.     Such  is  our  immediate  war  power. 

Should  we  move  on  Washington,  does  the  enemy 
expect  to  hold  it  against  us  V  To  hold  it  against  an 
army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  a  hostile  local 
population  ?  Large  as  the  telegraphic  reports  from 
the  land  of  the  enemy  read,  it  will  be  at  least  a 
month  before  Lincoln  can  muster  into  service,  and 
concentrate  into  an  army,  a  hundred  thousand  men. 
We  are  ready,  he  is  not.  Our  people,  naturally  so 
inclined,  have  been  making  soldiers  of  themselves  for 
months.  His  people  have  been  doing  nothing  of  the 
sort,  and  arc,  not  naturally  so  inclined.  Our  ordi- 
nances of  secession  were  really  the  notes  of  our  war- 
like preparation.  Their  first  note  of  preparation 
was  the  cannonade  of  Charleston.  We  have  had 
three  months  the  start  of  them,  and  are  ready — they 
are  not. 

Months  ago  the  minds  of  our  people  had  settled 
resolvedly  to  meet  any  issue.  Now  the  people  of 
the  North  are  in  all  the  wild  panic  and  confusion  of 
war's  first  alarms.  We  confront  them,  a  cool,  col- 
lected foe,  that  will  never  give  them  time  to  recover 
from  their  surprise.  We  arc  ready  for  action — they 
are  getting  ready  to  prepare  to  act.     They  may 


raise  plenty  of  men — men  who  prefer  enlisting  to 
starvation,  scurvy  fellows  from  the  back  slums  of 
cities,  whom  Falstaft'  would  not  have  marched 
through  Coventry  with  ;  but  these  recruits  are  not 
Boldieraj  least  of  all  the  soldiers  to  meet  the  hot- 
blooded,  thoroughbred  impetuous  men  of  the  South. 
Trencher  soldiers,  who  enlisted  to  war  on  their  ra- 
tions, not  on  men,  they  are  fellows  who  do  not  know 
the  breech  of  a  musket  from  its  muzzle,  and  had  ra- 
ther filch  a  handkerchief  than  fight  an  enemy  in 
manly  open  combat.  These  are  the  levied  '  forces' 
whom  Lincoln  suddenly  arrays  as  candidates  for  the 
honor  of  being  slaughtered  by  gentlemen — such  as 
Mobile  sent  to  battle  yesterday.  Let  them  come 
South,  and  we  will  put  our  negroes  to  the  dirty  work 
of  killing  them.  But  they  will  not  come  South. 
Not  a  wretch  of  them  will  live  on  this  side  of  the 
border  longer  than  it  will  take  us  to  reach  the  ground 
and  drive  them  over. 

Mobile  is  sending  forth  to  wage  this  war  of  inde- 
pendence the  noblest  and  bravest  nf  tfer  sons.  It  is 
expensive,  extravagant  to  put  such  material  against 
the  riff-raff  of  mercenaries  whom  the  abolition  power 
has  called  out  to  war  upon  us.  We  could  almost 
hope  that  a  better  class  of  men  would  fall  into  the 
Northern  ranks,  that  our  gentlemen  might  find  foe- 
men  worthy  of  their  steel,  whom  it  would  be  more 
difficult  to  conquer,  and  whose  conquering  would  be 
more  honorable.  For  the  present,  however,  we  need 
not  expect  to  find  any  foe  worth  fighting,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  regiments,  for  the  North  is  just 
getting  ready,  and  will  likely  be  whipped  before  it 
is  ready." 

A  RIGHTEOUS   EETRIBUTION. 

,  Wednesday,  April  30,  1S62. 

"  At  the  latest  accounts  from  Fredericksburg,  General 
McDowell  was  occupying  as  his  headquarters  the  house  of 
Mr.  Lacy,  immediately  opposite  that  city.'' 

This  paragraph  in  a  late  morning  paper  brings  to 
my  mind  some  incidents  connected  with  that  house, 
which  I  trust  will  be  interesting  to  your  readers,  and 
which,  to  my  own  mind,  are  not  without  their  lest 

This  mansion  to  which  I  refer  bears  the  name  of 
Chatham,  and  was  immediately  at  the  end  of  Chatham 
bridge  which  was  named  from  it.  The  bridge  is  now 
in  ruins.  The  mansion  was  built  by  Judge  Coalter, 
one  of  the  best  of  the  old  Virginia  school  of  gentle- 
men, a  Judge  of  the  District  in  which  he  lived,  and 
a  lawyer  of  high  attainments.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  wealth,  and  selected  this  beautiful  eminence 
for  the  noble  mansion  which  under  his  own  super- 
vision was  reared  upon  it.  Chatham  was  long 
kuown  as  the  seat  of  refinement  and  hospitality,  and 
there  probably  has  never  been  a  gentleman  or  states- 
man of  the  old  regime  who  has  not  been  entertained 
■within  its  almost  classic  walls. 

More  than  twenty  years  ago  this  old  and  beloved 
citizen  died,  bequeathing  his  entire  wealth  and  es- 
tate to  his  excellent  widow.  She  was  a  woman  of 
generous  nature  and  of  the  purest  piety.  Among 
other  property  left  her  were  a  large  number  of 
groes  whom  she  always  treated  with  kindness. 

During  her  life  her  youngest  daughter,  a  lady  of 
great  beauty,  was  married  to  Mr.  Horace  Lacy.  To 
him,  therefore,  the  property  fell  on  the  death  "of  Mrs. 
Coalter,  which  happened  a  few  years  ago  at  a  very 
advanced  age. 

Mrs.  Coalter  had  during  many  years  previous  to 
her  death,  declared  that  she  should  set  her  slaves 
free  when  she  died.  For  this  purpose  she  called  in 
a  near  relative  of  hers,  who  was  a  lawyer,  and  em- 
ployed him  in  writing  out  her  will.  Now  this  law- 
yer, who  resides  in  Fredericksburg  and  is  well  known 
there,  set  a  wishful  eye  upon  these  negroes.  It 
seemed  to  him  quite  a  desperate  thing  to  see  ninety- 
five  well-conditioned  chattels  going  out  of  the  State. 
But  then,  how  could  they  be  of  any  importance 
him,  or  to  any  but  Lacy  ?  He  hit  upon  this  expedi-. 
ent:  He  persuaded  the  old  lady  to  put  it  in  her  will 
that  these  negroes  might  have  the  choice  of  becom- 
ing free,  or  of  selecting  masters  or  mistresses  fron 
among  her  blood  relations.  There  are  so  many  hot 
ploughshares  to  be  traversed  before  Freedom  can  be 
reached,  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if  the  alter 
native  presented  itself  to  this  lawyer's  mind  as  that 
likeliest  to  befall  these  ninety-five  negroes. 

But  when  the  old  lady  was  dead  and  the  will  wi 
opened,  Lacy  was  inconsolable  for  the  loss  of  these 
chattels.^  Until  at  length  some  legal  Mephistophiles 
—and  his  tribe  has  not  decreased  in  Fredericksburg 
—whispered  it  into  Lacy's  ear  that  all  was  not  lost. 
These  negroes  were  by  the  will  given  their  choice  of 
freedom  or  masters;  but  by  the  iaws  of  Virginia,  c 
slave,  not  being  a  citizen,  had  no  right  to  choose. 

Incredible  as  it  may  seem,  this  infernal  scoundrel, 
Horace  Lacy,  seized  on  this  point  and  subverted  the 
life-long  wishes  of  his  mother-in-law  as  to  the  free- 
dom of  these  slaves.  The  writer  of  this  has  heard 
Mrs.  Coalter  speak  with  gratitude  of  the  affection 
of  her  slaves,  and  express  her  determination  to  set 
them  free.  The  Circuit  Court  sustained  Lacy' 
claim,  and  the  matter  was  taken  up  to  the  Snprem_ 
Court  of  Virginia,  which  also  sustained  the  law  of 
the  case— the  ablest  Judge  on  the  bench,  R.  C.  L. 
Moncure,  bringing  in  a  minority  opinion  of  great 
power  against  the  flagrant  wrong.  His  opinion 
was  vehement  and  bold,  and  was  all  the  more  im- 
portant because  he  resided  on  a  farm  but  a  short 
distance  from  Chatham. 

When  Lacy  had  thus  defrauded  these  ninety-five 
human  beings  of  their  freedom,  which  toithout  an?  ex- 
ception they  had  decided  to  "  choose,"  he  had  to  com- 
plete the  diabolical  programme  by  selling  them 
South,  as  he  was  afraid  to  live  loiihin  their  reach. 

It  is  to  the  credit  of  the  Fredericksburgians  that 
Lacy  became  very  unpopular  on  account  of  this 
transaction.  In  a  late  effort  to  be  elected  to  the 
Rebel  Legislature  he  was  utterly  defeated,  despite  his 
wealth  and  connections,  He  then  got  an  appoint- 
ment as  aid  to  Gen.  Smith,  a  shrewd  old  lawyer  of 
Fredericksburg  remarking  that  it  was  an  illustration 
of  Dr.  Johnson's  remark,  that  "patriotism  is  the 
last  resort  of  scoundrels." 

It  is  some  gratification  to  know  the  sagacious  law- 
yer who  drew  up  the  will  never  got  a  single  chattel 
by  the  transaction. 

It  is  on  this  Lacy's  estate  and  in  his  domicil  that 
Gen.  McDowell  is  making  himself  comfortable. 
Don't  be  nervous,  General!  There's  not  a  gentle- 
man in  the  neighborhood  around  you  who  does  not 
regard  it  as  a  piece  of  "poetic  justice."  And  if 
by  any  means  some  young  or  aged  negroes  shall  be 
found  on  the  estate,  whom  Lacy  thought  non  dolt 
capaces,  you  may  be  sure  they  have  a  holy  claim  to 
liberty  I  Let  this  Rebel  Aid's  mansion  and  fine 
grounds  be  confiscated,  and,  side  by  side  with  the 
farm  where  Washington  was  reared,  it  will  scrffc  as 
a  warning  to  the  old  Burg  that  Justice  still  lives 
with  her  balances  and  her  sword. 

By  the  way,  would  not  the  field  in  which  lies  the 
grave  and  unfinished  monument  of  Washington's 
mother  be  a  fit  place  for  the  encampment  of  the 
army  of  the  Union  when  they  shall  cross  the  Rappa- 
hannock '?—  Correspondence  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


CONFISCATION. 

In  dealing  with  confiscation,  we  propose  to  ap- 
proach it  as  we  do  every  question  this  war  has 
created.  The  time  has  come  for  us  to  accept  or  re- 
ject it ;  and  in  the  way  we  signify  either  our  accept- 
ance or  rejection,  we  shape  the  policy  of  this  war. 
If  confiscation  is  wrong  in  theory,  then  the  war  is 
wrong.  If  we  do  not  adopt  every  means  to  crush 
the  rebellion,  we  indirectly  sustain  it.  A  Virginia 
planter,  in  York  county,  has  a  hundred  negroes — a 
large  farm — overflowing  barns,  spades,  axes,  and 
hatchets.  General  Magruder  wishes  to  throw  up  an 
embankment.  The  planter  sends  his  negroes  to 
make  ditches  and  breastworks — furnishes  the  tools, 
and  feeds'the  regiments  encamped  behind  them  from 
his  granary.  He  not  only  gives  Magruder  the  means 
of  war,  but  sustains  his  men  in  making  it.  This  we 
consider  open  rebellion.  In  the  course  of  time  our 
armies  advance.  The  planter's  home  comes  within 
our  lines.  We  know  he  is  an  enemy  to  our  cause. 
AVc  know  that  he  has  sustained  our  enemies  in  the 
prosecution  of  open  and  offensive  war.  Common 
sense  would  say,  release  his  negroes  from  the  bonds 
by  which  they  have  been  made  enemies;  place  him 
in  arrest  as  a  traitor;  open  his  barns  to  our  hungry 
soldiers,  and  take  away  all  power  to  be  the  enemy 
he  has  been.  This  would  be  retribution  for  crime 
committed,  and  indemnity  against  crime  that  might 
be  committed.  Yet  this  would  be  confiscation  ;  and, 
on  a  proposition  to  make  it  a  law,  every  Democrat 
in  the  House  votes  nay,  and  a  large  number  of  other 
members  timidly  steal  into  the  committee-rooms,  and 
refuse  to  go  upon  the  record.— Philadelphia  Press. 


Confiscation.  It  is  reported  that  Hon.  Horace 
Maynard,  who  has  just  returned  to  Washington  from 
Tennessee,  declares  himself  in  favor  of  a  stringent 
confiscation  act  against  the  rebels.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  Parson  Brownlow,  Major  Folk, and  other  lead- 
ing Tennessee  Unionists  take  the  same  ground. 


MAY   9 


®&*2Mfr**at0*. 


No.TJnion  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON,  FRIDAY,  MAY  9, 1532, 


NEW   ENGLAND  ANTI-SLAVEKY  CONVEN- 
TION. 

The  New  England  Asti-Slaveey  Convention 
for  1862  will  beheld  in  the  city  of  Boston,  on  Wednes- 
day and  Thursday,  May  28th  and  29th,  in  the  MEL- 
ODEON,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  of 
Wednesday. 

The  Neio  England  Convention,  annually  held  for  the 
past  thirty  years,  {with  but  a  single  exception,)  has 
been  one  of  the  most  effective  instrumentalities  for 
arousing  the  people  of  this  land  to  a  just  sense  of  the 
great  Abomination  of  Slavery.  Its  yearly  sessions 
have  always  been  largely  attended,— not  only  all  the 
New  England  States  being'  represented  therein,  but 
usually  several  of  the  Western  and  Middle  States  also. 
Never  before  was  it  called  to  meet  under  such  cheer- 
ing circumstances.  The  work  of  the  Convention  is 
far  from  being  done,  nor  can  any  opponent  of  slavery 
safely  slacken  band  or  zeal  at  this  critical  hour.  But 
God  is  now  vouchsafing  such  signs  to  this  nation, 
such  tokens  of  his  power  and  presence,  as  should 
serve  mightily  to  encourage  every  friend  of  Freedom, 
and  bring  us  all  to  the  great  crowning  labors  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause  with  redoubled  energy  and  in 
redoubled  numbers. 

Let  the  anti-slavery  men  and  women  of  New  Eng- 
land, then,  gather  once  more  in  their  Annual  Conven- 
tion. Once  more  let  them  indicate  to  the  long-slum- 
bering but  now  awakening  land,  to  a  guilty  but  hap- 
ly a  repenting  people,  the  only  Way  of  Peace,  of 
Safety,  and  of  National  Honor.  Once  more  let  the 
words  of  Justice,  and  Freedom,  for  all,  be  echoed 
from  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New  England,  until 
they  join  the  swelling  voices  of  the  Centre  and  the 
Great  West ;  and  the  trembling,  hoping  slave  shall 
hear  the  glad  tidings,  proclaiming  his  deliverance,  his 
redemption,  and  his  acknowledged  manhood. 

All  friends  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  in  every  part 
of  the  country,  are  invited  to  attend. 

In  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society, 

EDMUND  QUINCY,    President. 

Robert  F.  Wallcut,  Rec.  Sec'y. 


ANNUAL    MEETING    OF    THE    AMERICAN 
ANTI-SLAVEKY   SOCIETY. 

The  opening  session  of  the  twenty-ninth  anniversary 
of  this  Society  was  hold  in  the  Church  of  the  Puritans, 
(Rev.  Dr.  Cheever's)  in  New  York,  on  Tuesday  fore- 
noon, May  6, — a  most  intelligent,  sympathetic  and 
crowded  audience  being  present,  and  warmly  respond- 
ing to  the  sentiments  uttered  ou  the  occasion.  The 
President  {Mr.  Garrison)  was  in  the  chair,  and  opened 
the  meeting  by  a  few  congratulatory  remarks,  ami  the 
reading  of  striking  and  highly  appropriate  selections 
from  the  Scriptures.  A  fervent  and  impressive  prayer 
was  then  made  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Post,  after  which, 
the  Treasurer's  report  was  submitted,  and  the  follow- 
ing letter  read  by  Oliver  Johnson  from  Hon.  Gerrit 
Smith  :— 

LETTER  FROM   GERRIT  SMITH. 

Petbeboro',  April  16,  1862. 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  : 

My  Dear  Friend, — The  cordial  invitation  in  your 
letter  of  13th  inst,  to  attend  and  address  the  approach- 
ing Anniversary  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety, I  should  for  many  reasons  love  to  accept.  But 
I  have  many  labors  at  home;  and,  moreover,  I  am 
too  old  to  leave  home  unnecessarily.  You  will  have 
an  abundance  of  speakers,  and  will  not  need  my 
voice. 

I  trust  that  the  smiles  of  Heaven  will  be  upon  your 
meeting,  and  that  great  wisdom  will  characterize  all 
its  proceedings. 

I  shall  be  all  the  more  pleased  with  your  meeting, 
if  I  find  that  none  of  its  time  was  consumed  in  dis- 
cussing the  relations  of  the  Federal  Constitution  to 
slavery.  Whether  those  relations  be  or  be  not  pro- 
slavery,  so  it  is  that  the  American  people  persisted  in 
being  pro-slavery,  until  they  thereby  destroyed  the 
nation.  Destroyed  it  is  simply  by  being  pro-slavery  ; 
and  destroyed  it  is  no  less  by  the  pro-slavery  of  the 
North  than  of  the  South.  I  do  not  say  that  it  is  de- 
stroyed beyond  restoration.  I  hope  it  will  soon  be  re- 
stored ;  and  I  am  sure  it  will  be  ultimately. 

The  people  wore  infatuated  enough  to  be  pro-sla- 
very, whatever  might  be  the  character  of  the  Consti- 
tution; they  will  now,  I  trust,  be  anti-slavery,  what- 
ever its  character.  They  sacrificed  the  nation  to 
save  slavery  ;  they  will  now,  I  trust,  sacrifice  slavery 
to  save  the  nation.  If  they  fell  below  the  Constitu- 
tion before,  I  trust  that  they  are  now  willing,  if  need 
be,  to  rise  above  it. 

There  is  one  point  at  which  the  meeting  should,  in 
my  judgment,  put  forth  a  clear  defence  of  the  "  Gar- 
risonian  Abolitionist."  His  influence,  especially  in 
the  case  of  such  a  man  as  yourself  or  Wendell  Phil- 
lips, is  too  important  to  the  cause  of  freedom  that  in- 
justice should  be  allowed  to  impair  it.  The  "  Garri- 
sonian  Abolitionist"  was  formerly  a  Disunionist,  and 
is  now  a  Unionist ;  and  hence  he  is  charged  witli  being 
inconsistent,  or  at  least  with  being  a  convert.  He  is, 
however,  the  subject  neither  of  inconsistency  nor  con- 
version. This  nation,  whatever  it  was  in  theory  and 
in  its  laws,  was  practically  a  nation  of  kidnappers — of 
monsters.  The  "  Garrisonian  Abolitionist,"  despair- 
ing at  last  of  its  reformation,  held  that  it  ought  to  be 
broken  up.  But  such  a  change  has  taken  place  in  the 
nation  within  the  last  year,  that  its  reformation  is  no 
longer  to  be  despaired  of.  Moreover;  the  reformation 
can  be  carried  on  far  more  hopefully  in  the  union  than 
in  the  disunion  of  the  States.  Hence,  with  all  con- 
sistency, the  "  Garrisonian  Abolitionist"  is  now  a 
Unionist.  There  is  a  conversion.  It  is,  however,  to 
him,  and  not  of  him.  There  is  a  change  ;  but  it  is 
around  him,  and  not  in  him. 

Whether  he  was  right  in  holding  that  the  Constitu- 
tion is  pro-slavery  is  another  and  inferior  question. 
It  is  very  inferior,  because,  be  the  Constitution  pro- 
slavery  or  anti-slavery,  the  people. are  equally  bound 
to  be  anti-slavery.  The  Constitution  can  bind  none  to 
be  guilty  of  crime — can  excuse  none  for  being  guilty 
of  crime.  On  the  immeasurably  greater  question, 
whether  the  nation  was  pro-slavery,  he  was  emphat- 
ically right.  Whether  it  was  so  hopelessly  pro-slave- 
ry as  he  finally  believed  it  to  be  is  still  another  ques- 
tion. I  confess  that  I  lacked  but  little  of  being  as 
hopeless  as  he  ;  or,  in  other  words,  but  little  of  iden- 
tifying myself  with  his  policy,  and  of  going  with  him 
for  the  breaking  up  of  the  nation.  Surely,  it  is  better 
for  a  nation  to  be  broken  up  than  to  continue  to  wield 
its  mighty  national  powers  to  uphold  a  great  crime. 
Surely,  the  English  or  the  French  nation  had  better 
be  broken  up  than  held  together  by  the  policy  of  put- 
ting to  death  every  feeble-born  child.  That,  however, 
were  a  small  crime  compared  with  the  crime  of  crimes 
which  stains  our  nation. 

You  and  I  have  ceased  from  our  anxieties  about  the 
abolition  of  slavery.  We  must  not,  however,  accept 
too  much  credit  for  having  done  so.  We  could  well 
afford  to  cease  from  them  ;  for  we  saw  an  earnest  and 
a  mighty  effort  to  save  the  country,  and  wc  knew  that 
slavery  had  got  such  a  fast  and  deadly  hold  of  the 
throat  of  the  nation,  that  the  nation  could  not  be  saved 
without  shivery  was  killed.  Forty  years  ago,  and.a 
no  less  widely-extended  rebellion  could  have  been  put 
down  without  putting  down  slavery.  A  Hock  of  sheep 
may  be  saved,  and  the  suckling-wolf  which  has  got  in 
among  them  be  also  saved  ;  but  let  the  wolf  have  a 
year's  more  growth,  and  either  it  or  the  sheep  must 
die. 

Please  add  to  the  funds  of  the  Society  the  enclosed 
draft  for  fifty  dollars. 

With  great  regard,  your  friend, 

GERRIT  SMITH. 


The  President  then  stated  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  omission  of  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Society 
last  May,  he  would  read  the  following  Statement  in 
behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee,  instead  of  the 
series  of  resolutions  usually  submitted  on  the  occa- 
sion : — 

Statement  of   the  Executive   Committee  of  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society. 

For  the  first  time  since  the  formation  of  the  Ameri- 
can Anti-Slavery  Society  in  1833,  its  annual  meeting 
was  omitted  one  year  ago,  by  the  unanimous  judgment 
of  its  Executive  Committee,  in  order  that,  at  so 
critical  period  in  the  life  of  the  nation,  no  opportunity 
should  be  given  the  domestic  enemies  of  freedom 
to  make  a  mobocratic  outbreak,  whereby  the  traitors 
of  the  South  might  be  stimulated  to  a  more  vigorous 
prosecution  of  their  nefarious  designs,  instead  of  being 
perplexed  and  confounded  by  beholding  an  undivided 
North  in  the  maintenance  of  popular  institutions. 
Now  that  the  lines  are  distinctly  drawn,  and  vast 
armies  are  in  the  field  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebel- 
lion, and  all  sympathy  with  the  rebels  is  disavowed, 
this  Society  deems  it  advantageous  to  resume  the  ob- 
servance of  its  anniversary  meetings  in  the  usual 
manner. 

However  opposed  it  may  have  been  either  to  the 
Constitution  or  the  Union,  in  time  past,  the  Society 
has  countenanced  no  resort  to  violence,  acted  no  fac- 
tious part,  adopted  no  illegal  or  unjustifiable  measures, 
and  presented  no  other  than  a  moral  issue  in  vindica- 
tion of  the  sovereignty  of  God  and  the  sacred  rights 
of  human  nature,  against  provisions  or  agreements  re- 
garded by  it  as  cruel,  wicked,  and  utterly  indefensible. 
It  is  the  prerogative  of  all  citizens,  whether  in  an  in- 
dividual or  organized  capacity,  to  criticise  all  those 
laws  and  institutions  for  which  they  are  responsible,  or 
by  which  they  are  required  to  be  governed,  and  es- 
pecially that  Constitution  which  is  "the  supreme  law 
of  the  land."  And  it  is  equally  their  right  and  duty 
to^testify  against  whatever  they  conscientiously  be- 
lieve to  be  at  variance  with  the  principles  of  justice 
and  the  claims  of  humanity,  as  embodied  in  the  Con- 
stitution or  enforced  in  any  of  the  laws  under  it. 
Loyalty  to  God  forbids  their  being  dumb  in  such  an 
exigency.  Beyond  this,  the  Society  has  never  gone  a 
hair's  breadth.  Hence,  those  who  accuse  it  of  having 
pursued  an  incendiary,  unlawful,  treasonable  course, 
are  guilty  of  calumny. 

The  Society  was  organized  for  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very by  peaceful  and  moral  instrumentalities  :  it  has 
used  no  others.  It  professes  to  regard  the  act  of  mak- 
ing man  the  property  of  man  as  a  flagrant  sin  against 
God,  and  the  denial  of  all  human  rights  ;  and  the  slave 
system  as  "  the  sum  of  all  villanies."  In  this  convic- 
tion, it  is  sustained  by  the  verdict  of  the  civilized 
world  and  the  common  instincts  of  mankind :  it  is, 
therefore,  neither  fanatical  nor  mad.  The  charge  of 
fanaticism  and  madness  applies  to  those  who  advocate 
or  sanction  slavery,  not  to  those  who  plead  for  its  im- 
mediate abolition.  To  be  morally  consistent,  the  So 
ciety  could  not  but  deplore  and  reprobate  those  com- 
promises of  the  Constitution,  admitted  and  carried  out 
to  the  letter  by  the  nation  ever  since  its  formation,  by 
which  fugitive  slaves  are  permitted  to  be  hunted  and 
captured  as  freely  in  the  Free  States  as  in  the  Slave 
States — a  slave  representation  is  allowed  in  Congress, 
thereby  greatly  increasing  the  political  power  of  a  des- 
perate and  domineering  slave  oligarchy — and  the  na- 
tional government  is  bound,  in  an  emergency,  to  inter- 
fere -with  its  military  and  naval  power  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  a  slave  insurrection.  It  was  specially  with 
reference  to  these  universally  recognized  compromises 
— no  matter  in  what  phraseology  they  are  expressed 
or  concealed,— that  the  Society  has  felt  constrained  to 
pronounce  that  instrument  "a  covenant  with  death, 
and  an  agreement  with  hell,"  and,  consequently,  to 
predict  in  due  time  that  very  overthrow  which  has 
now  befallen  it,  through  the  treachery  of  those  win 
it  was  designed  to  conciliate  and  bind,  and  as  the 
righteous  retribution  of  Heaven. 

It  was  neither  a  sacrifice  of  principle  nor  an  abate- 
ment of  its  testimony,  in  this  direction,  on  the  part  of 
this  Society,  to  declare,  as  to  the  rebellion  itself,  that 
it  was  marked  throughout  by  high-handed  villany  and 
the  blackest  perfidy  ;  that  the  theory  on  which  it  was 
attempted  to  be  justified  was  wild  and  preposterous, 
finding  no  countenance  whatever  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  or  in  any  rational  theory  of  popular 
sovereignty  ;  that  its  object  was  as  diabolical  as  its 
measures  were  base  and  dastardly;  and,  therefore 
that  the  national  government,  having  done  no  wrong 
to  the  South,  nor  sought  to  exercise  any  unlawful 
power  over  it,  was  clearly  in  the  right,  and  impera- 
tively bound,  by  its  constitutional  obligations,  to  crush 
the  rebellion,  at  whatever  cost  to  slavery,  the  sole  pro- 
ducing cause  of  the  rebellion. 

Of  the  fifteen  Slave  States  that  were  in  the  Union 
eighteen  months  ago,  eleven  are  now  in  warlike  rebel- 
lion, and  confederated  together  for  the  overthrow  of 
the  government,  and  the  establishment  of  an  inde- 
pendent slavcholdiDg  empire.  The  other  four  are 
held  in  allegiance  only  by  the  presence  of  vast 
armies  upon  their  soil,  drawn  from  the  North,  and 
whose  withdrawal,  even  now,  would  bo  the  signal  for 
those  States  instantly  to  revolt,  and  to  join  the  South- 
ern Confederacy.  The  rebellion,  therefore,  virtually 
covers  the  whole  slaveholding  dominion,  includes 
ly  every  slaveholder,  and  has  no  other  object  than  the 
preservation  and  indefinite  extension  of  slavery,  and 
the  repudiation  of  all  connection  with  free  institutions. 
In  one  word,  rebellion  and  slavery  are  synonymous 
and  convertible  terms.  Whoever  would  see  the  re- 
bellion effectually  and  speedily  crushed  out,  must  de- 
mand the  immediate  and  total  abolition  of  slavery  by 
the  Government,  as  a  measure  equally  necessary  and 
lawful  under  the  war  power ;  and  whoever  is  for  guard- 
ing or  prolonging  the  existence  of  slavery,  on  any 
pretext  whatever,  is  directly  aiding  and  protracting 
the  rebellion.  Traitors  have  no  other  claim  upon  the 
Constitution  than  to  be  hanged  or  shot.  The  traitors 
most  deserving  of  this  fate  at  the  South  are  the  slave- 
holders as  a  class,  and  with  hardly  an  exception. 
They  are  the  instigators,  the  leaders,  the  gigantic 
criminals,  and  upon  their  heads  should  fall  an  ava- 
lanche of  retributive  justice.  Without  them,  and  the 
bloody  and  oppressive  system  to  which  they  madly 
cling,  there  had  been  no  rebellion,  but  in  all  the 
South,  as  in  all  the  North,  there  would  have  been  the 
spirit  of  loyalty  and  the  prevalence  of  peace.  Bad  as 
is  the  Constitution,  in  its  admitted  pro-slavery  compro- 
mises, it  no  longer  answers  the  purposes  or  needs  of 
this  nefarious  oligarchy;  and,  therefore,  they  trample 
it  under  their  feet,  and  cease  to  claim  any  advantage 
or  protection  from  it,  for  themselves  or  their  "peculiar 
I  institution."  By  so  doing,  they  not  only  vacate  all 
their  old  constitutional  rights,  and  utterly  preclude  all 
appeal  in  that  direction,  but  place  their  whole  slave 
system  at  the  mercy  of  the  Government,  which  should 
have  no  mercy  upon  it,  but  should  instantly  avail  itself 
of  this  magnificent  opportunity  to  smite  it  to  the  dust, 
and  so  in  righteousness  bring  the  rebellion  to  an  end, 
andgive  peace  and  repose  to  our  distracted  and  bleed- 
ing country. 

Under  these  altered  circumstances,  slavery  is  no 
longer  a  Southern  institution,  but  a  national  responsi- 
bility, for  the  further  continuance  of  which,  the  Gov- 
ernment and  people  are  to  be  held  amenable  before 
God  and  the  world.  On  no  consideration  must  they 
be  permitted  to  evade  the  duty  of  Iho  hour.  Theirs 
is  the  right,  theirs  is  the  power,  theirs  is  the  sacred 
obligation  to  proclaim  a  jubilee  to  all  who  are  pining 
in  bondage  in  our  land;  and  no  device  can  be  substitu- 
ted for  this,  without  involving  them  in  blood-guiltiness. 
If,  before  the  revolt  and  secession,  they  were  not  an- 
swerable for  the  existence  of  slavery  at  the  South, 
(though  their  complicity  has  been  constant  from  the 
beginning,)  still,  they  can  no  longer  avail  themselves 
of  such  a  plea.  They  stand  as  Pharaoh  stood  to  the 
Children  of  Israel,  and  can  let  the  bondmen  go' free  if 
they  choose;  and  if  they  shall  turn  a  deaf  ear  as  he 
did,  then  oilier  plagues  shall  assuredly  scourge  the 
land,  and  heavier  judgments  fail  upon  it.  "Now  is 
the  accepted  time,  and  now  is  the  day  of  salvation." 

To  encourage  and  strengthen  (ho  Government  in 

the  performance  of  this  legitimate  and  beneficent  work,  | 


multitudes  of  petitions,  signed  by  tens  of  thousands  of 
the  most  intelligent  and  moral  portion  of  the  people  of 
the  North,  have  been  forwarded  to  Uie  present  Con- 
gress, asking  for  a  decree  of  universal  emancipation. 
It  cannot  reasonably  be  doubted  that  such  a  decree 
would  sweep  through  the  rebellious  South  with  irre- 
sistible puwer,  and  electrify  with  indescribable  joy  the 
entire  North.  Why  should  there  be  any  doubt  or  de- 
lay *  If  there  are  no  constitutional  scruples  against 
sacking  the  towns,  ravaging  the  fields,  and  destroying 
the  lives  of  the  rebels  of  the  South,  why  should  there 
be  any  against  transferring  four  millions  of  slaves  from 
the  side  of  rebellion  to  that  of  the  Union,  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Government,  and  breaking  all  their  fet- 
ters ?  '  It  will  be  an  act  not  only  of  the  highest  politi- 
cal wisdom,  but  of  transcendant  glory  and  immortal 
renown  to  the  Administration  under  which  it  is  con- 
summated. Then  may  the  shout  go  up  from  the  At- 
lantic to  the  Pacific,  without  cant  or  hypocrisy,  "Lib- 
erty and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable ! " 

This  Society  rejoices  in  those  cheering  signs  of  the 
times  which  indicate  an  increasing  readiness  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  and  people  to  make  slavery 
and  the  war  terminate  together.  Among  these  are 
the  act  of  Congress,  prohibiting  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves  by  any  officers  in  the  army ;  the  proposition  for 
the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Hayti  and  Li- 
beria; the  motion  of  Senator  Wilson  for  a  material 
change  in  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  which  will  un- 
doubtedly prevail;  the  proposition  of  Senator  Sumner 
for  the  abolition  of  the  inter-State  slave  trade;  the 
treaty  concluded  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Uni- 
ted States  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign  slave 
trade;  the  recognition  by  the  President  of  the  incom- 
patibility of  slavery  with  the  safety  and  permanence  of 
the  Government,  in  his  message,  recommending  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  system  in  all  the  States,  and  prof- 
fering a  generous  cooperation  on  the  part  of  the  nation ; 
the  rising  discussion  of  the  question  in  the  Border 
States;  the  restoration  of  Gen.  Fremont  to  his  com- 
mand, in  spite  of  the  calumnies  of  his  enemies,  and  not- 
withstanding his  freedom-giving  proclamation  in  Mis- 
souri; the  growing  disposition  of  the  Government  to 
give  succor  and  protection  to  all  fugitive  slaves  coming 
under  our  flag,  as  evinced  especially  at  Port  Royal,  and 
to  employ  them  for  their  own  and  the  general  welfare ; 
the  orders  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Army  and  Navy  to 
arm  at  discretion  the  slaves  coming  within  our  lines ; 
and,  finally,  the  cleansing  of  the  National  District  from 
all  the  pollutions  of  slavery,  by  the  emancipation  of 
every  slave  within  its  limits. 

But,  cheering  as  are  all  these  signs,  they  do  not  lay 
the  axe  at  the  root  of  the  poisonous  tree,  which  ought 
to  be  cut  down  at  once,  and  destroyed  forever;  nor  do 
they  seal  up  or  exhaust  the  fountain  whence  these 
bloody  waters  of  rebellion  naturally  flow  forth,  which 
are  now  deluging  the  land.  The  subjugation  of  the- 
South  by  the  armies  of  the  North  is  not  reconciliation, 
is  not  the  re-formation  of  a  broken  Union,  is  not  peace, 
while  a  single  trafficker  in  human  flesh  finds  legal  pro- 
tection, or  a  single  slave  is  left  to  wear  the  yoke  and 
clank  the  chain ;  and,  therefore,  in  order  that  there 
may  be  an  abiding  peace,  and  a  perfect  Union,  and 
a  homogeneous  people,  and  all-abounding  prosperity 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  this  Society  will  earn- 
estly continue  to  enforce  the  duty  of  immediate  and 

UNIVERSAL   EMANCIPATION. 

Wm.  Wells  Brown  then  took  the  platform,  and  de- 
livered a  very  creditable  and  highly  satisfactory  speech 
on  the  question,  "  What  shall  be  done  with  the  slaves, 
if  they  are  all  set  free?"  Rev.  Mr.  Hatfield,  of  the 
Methodist  Church,  in  Brooklyn,  then  made  an  im- 
promptu speech  of  a  stirring  and  eloquent  character- 
followed  by  Wendell  Phillips  in  one  of  his  admirably 
instructive  and  telling  efforts  ;  the  services  terminating 
with  the  singing  of  the  doxology  by  the  whole  as- 
sembly. It  was  throughout  a  highly  interesting  occa- 
sion. 


TEUTH  AGAINST  FALSEHOOD, 

The  author  of  Jane  Eyre,  in  one  of  her  books,  re- 
ferred to  the  habitual  use  of  deceit,  wherever  interest 
or  convenience  prompted  it,  among  the  people  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  village  where  her  scene  was 
laid,  and  to  the  slight  account  habitually  made  of  that 
fault  by  the  spiritual  directors  to  whom  these  sins 
were  periodically  confessed.  We  Protestants  have  a 
sufficient  readiness  to  believe  such  charges  against 
the  votaries  of  an  opposing  faith,  and  yet  we  leave  a 
similar  fault  in  our  own  theological  household  entire- 
ly unregarded.  In  fact,  a  readiness  to  deceive  for 
the  benefit  of  one's  sect  or  party,  and  a  readiness  to 
calumniate  those  of  the  opposite  sect  or  party,  have 
become  habitual  in  our  periodical  press, .the  "reli- 
gious" (so  called)  as  much  as  the  commercial  and  po- 
litical; and  hearty  acquiescence  and  cooperation  in 
the  use  of  such  instruments  by  their  teachers 
has  become  habitual  with  the  people;  with  the  sup- 
porters of  the  "religious"  press,  (so  called)  as 
much  as  with  those  of  the  political  and  commer- 
cial. It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  people  of  the 
very  highest  repute  for  Protestant  piety  are  undis- 
turbed by  the  exposure  of  a  lie  in  the  editorial  col- 
umns of  their  favorite  paper,  if  that  lie  is  direct- 
ed against  their  opponents.  If,  then,  the  religion  of 
a  people  is  to  be  held  accountable,  as  it  must  be,  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree,  for  such  a  state  of  things,  the 
popular  Protestant  faith  of  this  country  must  share 
this  responsibility  with  the  Roman  Catholic  faith. 

To  mention  one  other  example  before  coming  to  the 
case  of  which  I  wish  particularly  to  speak,  the  National 
Tract  Society  and  the  Tract  Society  in  Boston  have, 
for  the  last  five  years,  made  grievous  complaints,  each 
of  disingctiuousncss,  trickery,  misrepresentation  and 
unfair  management  in  the  other.  These  charges  are 
true,  and  equally  true  on  each  side  ;  and  the  partisans 
of  each  consider  the  other  very  greatly  to  blame  ;  yet 
the  partisans  of  each  support  their  own  officials  in  tak- 
ing precisely  the  same  course. 

A  specimen  of  the  same  dishonesty  may  be  found, 
copied  from  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  m  the  first  col- 
umn of  the  first  page  of  Ibis  sheet.  A  gentleman  of 
New  York,  whose  position  in  society  secures  him  a 
place  in  that  paper,  having  refuted,  from  his  own 
knowledge,  some  of  the  calumnies  uttered'  by  the 
Journal  of  Commerce  against  the  Port  Royal  teachers 
and  their  employers,  the  editor  of  that  paper  returns 
to  the  charge,  and,  in  so  doing,  displays  his  friendli- 
ness to  slavery  in  a  very  instructive  manner. 

The  editorial  article  in  question  assumes  that  the 
colored  refugees  now  under  instruction  at  Port  Royal 
will  be  (and  its  letter  and  spirit  equally  assume  that 
they  ought  to  be)  "  restored  to  slavery,  unless  confis- 
cated, or  freed  by  some  process  of  law  whieh  will  be 
held  good  in  South  Carolina."  It  evidently  thinks 
there  is  more  risk  in  the  possibility  of  some  heterodox 
doctrine  iu  religion  being  communicated  to  some  of 
these  pupils,  by  some  of  their  teachers,  than  in  the 
whole  of  them  going  without  further  instruction.  But 
its  yet  greater  npprehension  is  of  political  heresy  ; 
of  the  danger  that  these  plantation  negroes  will  be 
taught  "disunionism."  This,  from  a  paper  which 
was  recently  compelled  to  a  change  of  editors,  through 
a  well-grounded  public  belief  in  its  own  disunionism, 
is  certainly  refreshingly  cool. 

Becoming  a  little  passionate  as  he  proceeds  in  the 
discussion,  the  new  editor  reveals  with  great  plainness 
his  substantial  agreement  with  the  old  one.  That 
whieh  he  now  chooses  to  stump  as  disunionism,  and 
which  ho  represents  as  most  highly  unsuitable  to  be 
taught  to  the  negroes  is,  "that  the  war  has  absolved 
the  Government  from  all  constitutional  obligation  to 
the  owners  of  slaves,  loyal  or  disloyal." 

We  need  not  even  glance  at  the  absurdity  of  the  sup- 
positions, on  the  one  hand,  that  these  poor  people,  who 
have  lived  all  their  lives  in  slavery  under  the  U.  S. 
Constitution,  have  any  reason  to  regard  or  venerate  it, 
or  on  theotheri  that  any  instructions,  pro  or  eon,  about 
that,  document,  would  enter  into  their  present  course 
of  education;  for  the  heated  editor  proceeds  to  put  his 
Bngar  upon  the  precise  doctrine  which  he  objects  to 
having  taught,  and  whieh  lie  had  dressed  up  for  dis- 
play  in  the  very  different  proposition  above  quoted. 
Ilisgivul  tear  is  thai  the  negroes  will  be  laught  "that 


they  were  born  free,  and  that  they  ought  to  escape 

from  their  masters  if  they  should  happen  ever  to  be 
restored  to  them." 

It  really  looks  as  if  this  pious  edilor,  amidst  the 
difficulties  of  trimming  his  political  course  between 
loyalty  and  rebellion,  had  neglected  bis  religious  read- 
ing, and  overlooked  the  May  number  of  the  American 
Messenger,  Even  the  American  Tract  Society  have 
now  discovered,  republished  in  their  official  organ  and 
emphasized  with  italics  and  small  capitals,  this  injunc- 
tion of  Paul  to  the  servants  he  was  instructing — "If 
thou  mayest  be  made  free,  use  it  rather."  And  now 
this  hearty  defender  of  their  accustomed  pro-slavery 
course,  for  want  of  keeping  his  eye  upon  the  tack  ihey 
last  made,  has  used  the  old  signal-book  in  a  point 
directly  opposed  to  the  new  one,  and  now  fortifies  his 
objection  against  telling  the  slaves  that  freedom  is 
better  for  them  by  saying — "What  political-  instruc- 
tion is  given  to  these  servants  should  be  strictly  of  the 
Pauline  sort."  Is  Paul  divided1?  Will  the  political 
and  commercial  editor  expurgate  the  Bible  of  his 
Nassau-street  brethren  1  They  had  better  send  him, 
without  delay,  a  colporteur,  bearing  an  extra  copy  of 
the  May  Messenger  in  one  band,  and  his  official  cer- 
tificate, signed  and  sealed,  in  the  other,  to  prevent  his 
being  turned  away  as  an  impostor. 

Would  the  employers  of  teachers  at  Port  Royal 
dismiss  a  teacher  (asks  the  Journal  of  Commerce)  be- 
cause he  taught  the  negroes  that  they  were  born  free, 
and  that  they  ought  to  escape,  if  reenslavedl  "If 
not,"  it  replies,  "  then  the  plans  are  wild,  nonsensical 
and  fanatical." 

Nobody  questions  the  right  of  the  editor  in  question 
to  hold  this  absurd  opinion,  or  to  recommend  it  to  his 
readers  by  any  honest  means.  But  he  proceeds  to 
back  it  by  a  lie,  representing  those  who  teach  the  pre- 
ferablencss  of  freedom  as  holding  "  that  anti-slavery 
and  Phifo-Negro-ism  is  all  of  religion  and  philanthropy 
that  is  necessary  for  any  man,  and  that  the  cardinal 
doctrines  of  Christianity  are  all  included  in,  or  ren- 
dered unnecessary  by,  this  new  creed." 

In  the  kindred  columns  of  the  New  York  Observer 
of  last  week,  appears  another  repetition  of  two  false- 
hoods common  with  papers  of  that  class.  Speaking 
of  a  new  book  published  in  Cincinnati,  called  "Pulpit 
Politics,"  the  Observer  says  it  shows  "  the  utter  failure 
of  West  Indian  Emancipation,  and  the  disastrous  in- 
fluences of  political  abolitionism  on  the  interests  of 
the  American  Union." 

Since  the  American  people  were  not  enlightened, 
humane  and  Christian  enough  to  follow  the  guidance 
of  abolitionism  proper,  whieh  would  have  extinguished 
slavery  by .  the  substitution  of  fairly  compensated 
labor,  without  either  war,  or  disorder,  or  commotion, 
or  any  change  of  residence  or  occupation  on  the  part 
of  the  great  mass  of  freedmen — since  they  would  not 
do  that,  there  remained  nothing  to  save  the  Northern 
people  from  themselves  becoming  slaves,  but  the 
"  political  abolitionism"  which  this  mendacious  par- 
son traduces.     So  much  for  the  latter  of  his  deceits. 

As  to  the  former,  although  Thome  and  Kimball's 
book  showed  the  safety  of  immediate  emancipation  at 
the  beginning,  and  the  books  of  Sewell  and  others 
its  manifold,  continuois  and  permanent  advantage, 
in  the  British  AVest  Indies,  and  although  these  facta 
and  others,  collated  in  Mrs.  Child's  admirable  little 
book,  "The  Right  Way  the  Safe  Way,"  have  been 
widely  spread  before  the  public,  still,  by  dint  of  re- 
petition among  people  who  will  not  read  these  things, 
the  falsehoods  of  the  pro-slavery  press  retain  an  ex- 
tensive currency.  The  continued  circulation  of  the 
work  last  named  is  the  best  antidote  to  these  lies.  Let 
it  he  largely  used  in  this  forming  period  of  our  future 
destiny. — c.  k.  w. 


THE   JUBILEE  MEETING. 

A  meeting  of  the  colored  people  of  New  Haven, 
Conn.,  was  held  in  Temple  Hall,  on  Monday  evening, 
April  28th,  iu  commemoration  of  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  was  largely 
attended,  and  passed  oft'  with  great  honor  to  those 
who  had  made  the  arrangements,  and  gratification  to 
those  who  attended.  The  house  was  called  "to  order 
by  Mr.  Mineas  Lyman;  whereupon,  Dr.  C.  V.  R. 
Creed,  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements, 
announced  the  following  gentlemen  as  officers  of  the 
meeting ; — 

President — Rev.  Amos  G.  Beman. 

Vice  Presidents — Richard  Green,  Mineas  Lyman, 
Richard  Wright,  William  Stevens,  Thomas  Prime, 
Edward  Galpin,  Robert  G.  Cromwell,  Wm.  Wilson, 
Robert  J.  Cowes,  Richard  Giles,  S.  V.  Berry. 

Secretaries — Wm.  W.  Quoun,  Chas.  E.  Cummings, 
Robert  W.  Evans,  Cornelius  II.  Gibbs. 

The  Throne  of  Grace  was  then  addressed  by  the 
Rev.  D.  L.  Ogden,  in  a  brief  but  appropriate  prayer. 

The  Chairman  briefly  addressed  the  meeting,  when 
the  following  preamble  and  resolutions  were  read  by 
Dr.  C.  V.  R.  Creed,  and  adopted  in  the  midst  of  loud 
cheers : — 

Whereas,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  have, 
in  a  noble  and  masterly  manner,  passed  an  act  eman- 
cipating the  slaves  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
removed  forever  this  long-cherished  institution  from. 
the  very  heart  and  centre  of  the  "  National  Govern- 
ment," thus  wiping  away  the  stain  which  for  years 
has  disgraced  the  "  nations  escutcheon,"  and  acknowl- 
edging the  great  Jeffcrsonian  principles,  embodied  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  of  the  freedom  aud 
equality  of  all  men — therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  colored  citizens  of  New 
Haven,  hail  with  feelings  of  intense  joy  and  thanks- 
giving the  recent  Act  of  Emancipation,  and  do  hereby 
return  our  sincere  thanks  to  those  philanthropic. 
Christian  statesmen — Messrs.  Hale,  Sumner,  Wilson 
and  Wade,  of  the  Senate — Messrs.  Lovejoy,  Potter 
and  Stevens,  of  the  House — and  all  others  lo  whom 
we  feel  indebted  ior  bringing  about  this  great  reforma- 
tory measure  in  behalf  of  our  oppressed  fellow-beings. 

Resolved,  That  in  our  honored  President,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  we  recognize  those  noble  trails  of  character 
which  have  ever  shone  resplendent,  through  an  un- 
sullied life — a  man  in  whom  we  have  the  most  implicit 
confidence,  and  whom  we  will  earnestly  sustain  in 
carrying  out  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution, 
.by  pledging  to  him  and  the  country  our  lives,  our  for- 
tunes, and  our  sacred  honor. 

Resolved,  That  as  American  Slavery  is  the  main- 
spring of  the  present  rebellion,  we  are  in  favor  of  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  until  the  irrepressi- 
ble conflict  between  Liberty  and  Slavery  is  forever 
settled,  in  the  complete  overthrow  and  abolition  of  this 
stupendous  wrong. 

Resolved,  That  in  this  righteous  edict  of  "national 
emancipation,"  and  in  the  glorious  developments  of 
Divine  Providence  by  which  so  many  thousands  of 
our  brethren  are  becoming  FREH  from"  their  loiifr  and 
cruel  bondage,  we  recognize  our  new  responsibilities 
and  obligations  lo  them  and  to  the  world,  to  develop 
in  ourselves,  and  to  teach  them  the  sacred  importance 
of  those  holy  principles  of  industry,  domestic  economy, 
temperance,  moral  and  intellectual  education,  civil  and 
religious  freedom,  upon  which,  under  God,  the  pros- 
perity and  happiness  of  all  mankind  depend,  welcom- 
ing our  labors  of  love,  and  rejoicing  in  the  hope  that 
soon  freedom  shall  be  declared  to  alt  the  inhabitants 
in  the  land. 

Resolved,  That  the  doings  of  this  meeting  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  gentlemen  embraced  iu  the  resolutions, 
and  to  the  daily  press  for  publication. 

The  meeting  was  then  addressed  by  Dr.  Creed,  the 
Rev.   William   T.  Calto,  Dr.  Bacon,  the  Rev.  J.  G. 

Smith,  and  the  Rev.  J.  S.  ('.  Abbott.  The  speeches 
were  received  with  repeated  bursts  of  applause,  and 
the  joyous  people  dispersed,  after  joining  in  the 
Doxology.  _ — 

METAYEES---  00RKE0TI0N. 

My  friend  "  C,"  whose  further  account  of  the  Me- 
tayer Culture  will  be  found  on  the  fourth  page,  repre- 
sents mo  as  "  beset  with  a  crochet  that  the  Metayer  ten- 
ure is  something  less  than  freedom."  lie  should  re- 
member that  this  idea  of  mine  came  from  his  own  re- 
presentation,    (fttoretor    of    Meh.    '21st)    where    he 

praised  the  Metayer  tenure  for  tin-  slaves  ta  the  pre- 
ferable alternative  of  their  being  "turned  adrift  in 
freedom."  To  be  turned  adrift  in  freedom  is  just 
what  I  wish  for  the  slaves;  and  any  persons  who 
really  wish  to  help  them  can  help  them  better  in  free- 
dom th.'tu  under  limitation*  {whether  of  law  or  custom) 
additional  to  those  borne  by  the  rest  of  the  eeniinunity. 
It  appears  that  a  nut   has   crept   into   the    but    para 

graph  but  one  of  C*a  present  article,  reversing  his 

meaning,  lie  says  that  Sismondi's  testimony  is  that 
of  a  resident  proprietor.— 0.  IE.  »  . 


MAY  9. 


THE    LIBERATO  R 


NEW   PUBLICATIONS, 

The  ChrISTIAH  Examinbb,  No.  231.  May,  1862. 
The  table  of  contents  is  as  follows  : 

1.  The  Best  Government.  2.  Spencer's  Reconcilia- 
tion of  Science  and  Religion.  8.  Alteration  of  Hymns. 
4.  After  Icebergs  with  a  Painter.  5.  Public  Prayer. 
6.  The  Ethics  of  Treason.  7.  The  Greeks.  8.  Auer- 
bach's  Writings.  !*.  Review  of  Current  Literature. 
New  Publications  Received,    Index. 

This  is  a  particularly  solid  ami  excellent  number. 
Its  leading  article,  suggested  by  the  recently  published 
"  Considerations  on  Representative  Government,"  by 
John  Stuart  Mill,  treats  ably  and  justly  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  best  government.  It  considers  the 
true  ends  and  functions  of  government  to  be,  1.  Pro- 
tection :  not  of  property  only,  but  of  all  the  natural 
rights  of  man;  including  education,  in  eo  far  as  it  is 
a.  means  of  protection  ;  and,  2.  Promotion  of  coopera- 
tion for  social  ends.  Otherwise  stated,  it  declares  the 
prime  end  of  civil  government  to  be  the  promotion, 
preservation  and  extension  of  individual  liberty.  It 
correctly  points  out  the  shortcomings  and  inconsis- 
tencies of  the  thing  called  Democracy  in  this  country, 
shows  the  right  of  suffrage  of  women  to  he  an  cssei 
tial  feature  of  true  democracy,  distinguishes  between 
liberty  and  equality,  and  insists  on  the  importance  of 
maintaining  the  rights  of  minorities. 

The  article  on  Public  Prayer  agrees  with  a  recent 
number  of  the  North  American  Review  in  considering 
preaching  the  first,  and  worship  only  the  secondary 
purpose  of  our  Sunday  gatherings.  It  gives  high 
praise  to  the  recently  published  volume  of  Prayers 
by  Theodore  Parker,  vindicates  that  excellent  man 
from  some  popular  misunderstandings,  and  comes  to 
the  conclusion,  in  regard  to  the  use  of  public  prayer 
In  our  community,  that  it  would  bear  considerable 
diminution,  without  any  detriment  to  the  interests  of 
religion. 

K.  G.  C.     A  full  exposure  of  the  Southern  Traitors, 
the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.     Their  Startling 
Schemes    Frustrated.      From   original    documents 
never  before  published.     Boston:  E.  II,  Bullard  & 
Co.,  II  Corn  hill. 
This  little  pamphlet  of  eight  pages  contains  let- 
ters purporting  to  be  from  George  Bickley,  K.  G.  C, 
"President  of  the  American  Legion,"  and  from  R.  C. 
Tyler  of  Maryland,  one  of  the  Colonels  of  that  Legion. 
These  are  presented  to  the  public  by  some  person 
whose  name  is  not  given,  but  who  seems  to  have 
gained  his  information  by  pretending  a  wish  to  join 
the  Society. 

It  is  represented  that  this  American  Legion  is  an 
association  of  Southern  and  other  pro-slavery  men, 
who  intended  a  conquest  of  Mexico,  with  the  design 
of  introducing  slavery  there,  but  who  were  diverted 
from  this  plan  by  the  more  congenial  one  of  effecting 
the  open  supremacy  of  the  Slave  Power  in  the  United 
States. 

I  Still  Live.  A  Poem  for  the  Times.  By  Miss  A. 
W.  Sprague.  Oswego,  1862.— pp.  19. 
Miss  Sprague's  poem  is  an  earnest  plea  for  liberty, 
urging  our  nation  and  its  official  servants  to  make  the 
present  crisis  a  means  of  securing  and  perpetuating 
truly  free  institutions. 

The  Eighteenth  Massachusetts  Regiment.  A 
Discourse  in  commemoration  of  Washington's 
Birthday,  delivered  in  Falls  Church,  Fairfax  Co., 
Va.,  on  Sunday,  Feb.  23d,  18G2.  By  Rev.  F.  B. 
De  Costa,  Chaplain  of  the  18lli  Massachusetts  Regi- 
ment.    Charlestown,  Mass.,  1802.     pp.  15.    . 

This  sermon  was  preached  to  a  Massachusetts 
Regiment  by  its  Chaplain,  not  only  in  Virginia,  but 
in  the  very  church,  nearMt.  Vernon,  where  Washing- 
ton was  accustomed  to  attend  public  worship.  Its 
hearers  were  urged  to  imitate  Washington's  patriotism 
and  piety.  The  necessity  of  acting  for  freedom  as 
against  the  rebellion,  is  strongly  urged,  but  the  danger 
we  are  in  from  the  system  of  Southern  slavery  is  only 
briefly  and  vaguely  alluded  to.  A  few  pages  are  oc- 
cupied witli  an  attempt  to  represent  that  war  is  not 
opposed  to  the  genius  of  Christianity. 

The  Prog'ressive  Annual  for  1862.      Comprising 
an  Almanac,  a  Spiritualist  Register,  and  a  General 
Calendar  of  Reform-    Published  at  the  office  of  the 
Herald  of  Progress.     New  York :  A.  J.  Davis  &  Co.f 
No.  274  Canal  St.    pp.  68.    Price  15  cts. :  10  copies 
for  §1. 
The  preface  to  this  little  Annual  declares  it  to  be 
designed  to  impart   information   concerning  principal 
persons  and  important  movements  in  the  different  de- 
partments of  thought  and  reform  ;  and  to  suggest,  and 
help  to  prove,  the  true  fraternity  of  all  reforms. 

The  work  presents,  first,  some  fundamental  ideas 
and  principles  of  "  the  progressive  Spiritualists  of 
America."  These  have  no  creed  as  the  basis  of  their 
association  or  action,  and  arc  confined  to  the  boundary 
of  no  sectarian  authority.  Fourteen  specifications, 
however,  are  given,  in  the  shape  of  resolutions,  "which 
may  be  regarded  as  an  embodiment  of  the  Harmonial 
Platform." 

The  pages  of  the  Calendar,  which  follow,  are  alter- 
nated with  pages  of  paragraphs  containing  facts,  sug- 
gestions and  ideas,  many  of  them  of  a  very  high  or- 
der of  excellence.  In  contrast  with  these  are  some 
weak  and  poor  things,  such  as  the  paragraph  at  the 
bottom  of  the  17th  page,  entitled  "  Vail  over  the  Face," 
where  a  vulgar  error  is  attempted  to  be  replaced  by  a 
theory  having  no  better  foundation  than  the  former  one. 
Next  come  "Laws  of  Life  and  Health,"  which 
seem  to  be  abbreviated  portions  of  "The  Harbinger 
of  Health,"  a  work  prepared  by  Andrew  Jackson  Da- 
vis. 

The  work  concludes  with  a  valuable  classified  list, 
such  as  has  not  before  been  published,  first  of  Writers, 
Speakers  and  Workers,  in  the  different  fields  of  hu- 
man progress,  and  next  of  various  progressive  Publi- 
cations, old  and  new,  periodical  and  other.  This  de- 
partment is  to  be  enlarged  and  improved  in  next  year's 
volume.  The  Progressive  Annual  is  a  very  useful 
addition  to  our  reformatory  literature,  deserving,  and 
no  doubt  destined  to  find,  a  wide  circulation. 

The  Monitor.  Albert  Stacy,  Publisher  for  Proprie- 
tors, Concord,  Mass.  Number  1,  April  19,  1862. 
This  handsome  quarto  paper  of  eight  pages,  with 
an  advertising  cover,  is  issued  weekly  from  Concord, 
Mass.,  and  is  to  be  bought  wherever  the  best  literature 
is  kept  for  sale.  Its  outside  and  inside,  its  form  and 
substance,  its  judicious  mixture  of  light  and  solid, 
grave  and  gay,  remind  you  of  the  various  names  that 
have  given  Concord  its  eminence  and  interest,  and 
justify  the  expectations  one  naturally  forms  from  them. 

The  contents  of  the  first  number  are — "To  You 
All. — The  Presidency  of  Harvard  College. — Fanat- 
ics.—  At  Home.  —  Abroad.  —  Sudbury  and  Assabet 
Rivers. — The  Queen  of  Hearts  and  the  King  of  Clubs. 
— Bine  Balls,  why  they  turn. — Abraham  Lincoln.— 
April  19th,  1861.— Reviews.— Art.— The  Theatre." 

The  second  number,  April  26th,  contains — "Philan- 
thropy.— The  Contrabands  of  Port  Royal. — The  Con- 
cord and  Sudbury  River  Meadows. — The  King  of 
Clubs  and  the  Queen  of  Hearts :  (Continued.) — The 
Stars  and  Stripes.  (A  Song.}— Vineta,  (From  the 
German.)— At  Home. — Abroad. — The  Art  of  War. — 
Washington  Irving.  — Sand  Paper.  — A  Handful  of 
Spring  Flowers.— Rifle  Balls.— The  Studio.— Music 
in  Boston. — Theatres  in  Boston."  A  concluding  line 
—"To  You  All,"  informs  us  that  "The  Monitor  is 
devoted  to  Universal  Progress." 

Verse  is  sprinkled,  with  judicious  sparingness, 
among  the  prose,  and  young  Concord,  as  well  as  old 
Concord,  is  fairly  represented.  Let  us  all  read  the  ad- 
monitions of  The  Monitor. — a.  k.  w. 

Last  Pobmb.  By  Elizabeth  Barrett  Browning.  With 
a  Memorial,  by  Theodore  Tilton.  New  York  : 
James  Miller. 

This  volume  completes  Mr.  Miller's  beautiful 
edition  of  Mrs.  Browning's  Poems,  and  is  published 
through  a  liberal  purchase  of  the  right  to  do  80  in  the 
UniLcd  States,  aa  is  acknowleged  by  her  husband.     It 


has  a  finely  engraved  and  accurate  portrait  of  her, 
which  adds  greatly  to  its  value.  Mr.  Tilton,  too,  has 
done  his  part  well,  in  his  graceful  and  appreciative 
"  Memorial"  of  Mrs.  Browning,  full  of  nice  discrimi- 
nation and  analysis  of  her  poetry  and  her  character. 
Altogether,  Mr.  Miller  has  given  us,  in  this  now  com- 
pleted set,  a  most  attractive  copy  of  the  works  of  this 
wondrously  gifted  woman. 

Ballads  op  the  War — March  to  the  Capital. 
No.  I.  By  Augustine  J.  II.  Duganne.  Splendidly 
and  profusely  Illustrated,  from  original  Drawings 
by  the  best  Artists.  New  York:  Published  by 
John  Robins,  37  Park  Row,  and  sold  by  all  Book- 
sellers,-News  Agents,  and  Canvassers. 

From  this  specimen  number,  we  infer  that  the 
whole  series  will  be  replete  with  interest  and  attrac- 
tion, and  quite  sure  to  obtain  many  subscribers  and 
purchasers.  It  is  beautifully  printed,  and  the  sketches 
are  made  in  a  very  artistic  and  graphic  manner. 

Thrilling  and  Instructive  Developments:  an 
Experience  of  Fifteen  Years  as  Roman  Catholic 
Clergyman  and  Priest.  By  M.  B.  Czechowski, 
Minister  of  the  Gospel.  Boston  :  Published  for  the 
Author.     1862. 

This  is  a  simple,  unvarnished  narration  of  an 
eventful  connection  by  its  author  with  various  Catho- 
lic monasteries,  whereby  he  was  led  to  perceive  the 
profligate  habits  of  many  of  the  priests ;  and,  astounded 
at  the  discovery,  he  made  his  way  to  Rome,  through 
many  difficulties  and  perils,  ingenuously  but  absurdly 
supposing  that,  by  revealing  to  the  Pope  the  facts  that 
had  come  to  his  own  knowledge,  he  would  meet  with 
sympathy,  and  induce  further  inquiry  into  the  matter. 
"But,  alas,  for  his  hopes!  Where  he  looked  for  con- 
solation, he  met  neglect  and  scorn.  He  arrived  in 
Rome  with  delightful  anticipations,  and  departed  dis- 
gusted, and  despairing  of  finding  a  perfection  which 
did  not  exist."  lie  was  subsequently  greatly  perse- 
cuted, and,  after  many  painful  visitations  and  narrow 
escapes,  at  last  succeeded  in  making  his  flight  to  this 
country.  He  appears  to  possess  a  humble  and  sweet 
spirit,  and  indulges  in  no  vituperative  language.  Of 
his  respectability  and  truthfulness,  there  are  many 
vouchers,  which  appear  in  the  appendix.  The  price 
of  the  work  is  75  cents.  Application  can  be  made  to 
John  F.  Cotton,  Box  1079,  Boston. 


J.  M. 


McEIM  AND    THE    PENNSYLVANIA 
ANTI-SLAVEEY  SOCIETY. 

A  copy  of  the  following  correspondence  has  been, 
at  our  own  request,  kindly  furnished  by  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety for  publication.  We  should  have  great  regret 
at  laying  it  before  our  readers,  were  it  not  for  the 
statement  which  we  are  permitted  to  append  to  it  by 
way  of  qualification.     See  remarks  subjoined. 

Anti-Slavery  Office,  January  22d,  1862. 
To  the  Executive   Committee  of  the  Pennsylvania   Anti- 
Slavery  Society: 

Dear  Friends — I  absent  myself  from  your  meet- 
ing this  afternoon  that  I  may  the  better  perform  a 
duty  which,  you  are  aware,  I  have  for  some  time 
had  in  contemplation.  I  propose  to  dissolve  my  offi- 
cial connection  with  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery 
Society  ;  and  to  this  end  I  hereby  tender  my  re- 
signation as  Corresponding  Secretary.  That  no 
inconvenience  may  arise  from  sudden  change  in  this 
matter,  I  desire  to  add  that,  with  your  approval,  I 
will  continue  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office  till 
you  shall  have  had  time  to  supply  my  place  with  a 
successor. 

I  need  hardly  say  that,  in  taking  this  step,  I  have 
not  acted  without  careful  consideration;  neither  need 
I  add  that  I  perform  the  duty  its  adoption  devolves 
upon  me  with  undisguised  reluctance.  A  tie  of  more 
than  twenty  years  standing,  even  though  it  be  but  an 
official  one,  is  not  to  be  severed  without  cost;  and  a 
relation  around  which  are  twined  the  best. associations 
of  a  man's  life  is  only  dissolved  after  painful  effort. 

It  is  now  twenty -two  years  since  I  entered  the  service 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery  Society  ;  and  more 
than  twenty-six  years  since  I  commenced  my  labors 
in  this  State  as  a  public  advocate  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
cause.  On  the  first  of  October,  1836,  actuated  by  a 
profound  sense  of  duty,  and  with  a  heart  panting  for 
the  work,  I  accepted  a  commission  from  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  labor  in  its  behalf,  in  this  my 
native  State,  as  a  travelling  lecturer.  I  continued  in 
this  service,  with  a  brief  interruption,  occasioned 
chiefly  by  ill-health,  till  the  first  of  January,  1840,  at 
which  time,  by  invitation  of  your  predecessors  in 
office,  I  entered  upon  the  duties  from  which  I  am  now 
about  to  retire. 

In  all  these  years,  nothing  has  occurred  to  make 
me  regret,  even  for  a  moment,  my  original  purpose  of 
self-devotion  to  the  cause,  nor  the  subsequent  manner 
in  which  I  was  led  to  carry  that  purpose  into  practice. 
My  labors  and  experiences  have  been  sources  tonne  of 
highly  prized  advantage ;  and  from  my  official  con- 
nection with  the  Society,  and  the  relations  in  which 
it  lias  placed  me  with  the  Executive  Committee,  I 
have  derived  some  of  the  purest  pleasures  of  my  life. 
I  leave  without  the  memory  of  a  grievance,  or  the 
drawback  of  a  single  unpleasant  recollection.  The 
cord  which  drew  me  to  the  cause  in  the  beginning  still 
binds  me  to  its  fortunes ;  and  the  ties  which  have  link- 
ed me  to  the  dear  friends  who  have  been  my  coad- 
jutors have  undergone  no  change  except  that  of  aug- 
mented vigor. 

I  retire  because  I  believe  that  my  peculiar  work,  in 
the  position  I  have  occupied,  is  done.  The  ultimate 
object  of  the  Society,  it  is  true,  has  not  yet  been  at- 
tained, neither  is  its  particular  mission  entirely  accom- 
plished. Slavery  still  exists ;  and  public  sentiment 
respecting  it  is  not  yet  wholly  rectified.  But  the 
signs  of  the  times  in  regard  to  the  former  warrant  the 
belief  that  its  overthrow  is  near,  and  the  progress  of 
change  in  the  character  of  the  latter  justifies  the  con- 
viction that  its  regeneration  will  soon  be  sufficiently 
complete  for  all  our  intended  purposes. 

The  Society  is  now  at  liberty  to  discontinue  the 
use  of  some  of  the  instrumentalities  heretofore  deem- 
ed indispensable.  The  travelling  lecturer  is  no  longer 
a  necessity,  and  the  agent  in  the  office  need  not  feel 
bound  to  his  place  by  a  sense  of  obligation.  This  lat- 
ter fact,  applied  to  my  own  case,  I  accept  as  an  indi- 
cation of  duty.  Taken  in  connection  with  other  signs 
pointing  in  the  same  direction,  it  has  brought  me  to 
the  conclusion  which  it  is  the  business  of  this  letter  to 
announce.  Having  performed  this  task,  and  having 
nothing  else  to  add,  except  that  I  hope  to  be  with 
you  at  your  next  meeting  as  usual,  I  am,  in  the  bonds 
of  fraternal  affection  and  anti-slavery  fellowship, 

to  the  end,  J.  M.  McKIM. 


Yours 


The  Recording  Secretary  to  Mr.  McKim. 

January  23d,  1862. 
Dear  Mu.  McKim  :  The  Executive  Committee  post- 
poned final  action  upon  your  resignation  until  the 
next  meeting.  In  the  meantime,  I  am  instructed  to 
hand  you  the  following  minute  adopted  by  the  Com- 
mittee : — 

"The  Committee  are  unanimous  in  regretting  the 
proposed  resignation  of  J.  M.  McKim,  feeling  that  his 
withdrawal  will  be  a  great  loss  to  the  cause;  and 
while  they  do  not  wish  to  step  between  him  and  his 
convictions  of  duty,  they  would  be  glad  if,  upon  fur- 
ther consideration,  he  could  feel  it  right  to  remain  in 
his  present  position." 

Yours,  sincerely, 

REUBEN  TOMLINSON,  Sec'ry. 


Mr.  McKim' s  Reply. 

Slavery  Office,  Jan.  24th,  1862, 

ilinSON:  Dear  Friend — Your  note   of 


An- 
Reuben  T 

the  2JJd,  in  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee,  was 
duly  received.  I  accept  it,  as  it  was  doubtless  intend- 
ed, not  as  a  serious  request  that  I  would  reconsider 
my  purpose,  but  as  an  expression  of  the  kindly  feel- 
ing which  the  Committee  arc  pleased  to  entertain  to- 
ward rue.  As  such,  it  is  very  acceptable,  and  I  am 
truly  grateful  to  the  CoiuuiiUec. 


As  for  the  apprehension  expressed  of  "loss  to  the 
cause  "  from  my  withdrawal,  I  have  only  to  say,  that 
our  cause  is  happily  beyond  the  reach  of  injury  from 
any  circumstance  of  such  comparative  unimportance. 

Presuming  that  you  will  take  an  early  opportunity 
to  act  on  my  letter,  I  am 

Yours,  truly,  J.  M.  McKIM. 

The  Executive  Committee  to  Mr.  McKim. 

Philadelphia,  Feb.  Oth,  1862. 
J.  M.  McKim  :  Dear  Friend — It  is  with  no  ordinary 
feeling  of  regret  that  we  receive  the  announcement  of 
your  resignation  of  the  office  of  Corresponding  Sec- 
retary of  the  Pennsylvania  Anti-Slavery  Society. 
Years  of  mutual  intercourse  and  labor  in  a  cause  with 
which  our  lives  have  been  inwrought;  create  the 
strongest  fraternal  bonds;' and  our  hearts  refuse  to 
consent  to  the  severance  of  even  the  official  ties  which 
bind  us  together,  until  the  jubilee  of  the  slave  shall 
announce  the  end  of  our  work.  If  any  word  of  oui 
could  change  your  decision,  we  would  gladly  speak 
that  word.  Our  work  is  not  yet  done,  and  the  portion 
which  yet  remains  to  be  accomplished  cannot  be  ac- 
curately measured  by  mortal  ken.  In  our  opinion, 
our  cause  still  needs  your  services  at  the  important 
post  which  you  have  so  long  occupied.  But  if  your 
decision  cannot  be  reversed,  all  that  remains  for  us  to 
do  is  to  accept,  with  most  sincere  reluctance,  your  re- 
signation ;  and  to  express,  at  parting,  our  high  appre- 
ciation of  the  services  we  are  about  to  lose.  It  is  not 
in  conformity  with  conventional  usage,  nor  in  the  hol- 
low forms  of  ceremonious  phraseology,  but  from  the 
strong  impulse  of  our  hearts,  that  we  testify  to  the 
fidelity  and  zeal  and  diligence  with  which  you  have 
served  the  Anti-Slavery  cause  through  all  its  vicissi- 
tudes, from  the  time  of  your  consecration  to  it,  in  its 
day  of  small  things,  to  the  present  hour,  when  it 
seems  about  to  be  crowned  with  victory. 

With  the  same  cordial  sincerity  do  we  reciprocate 
your  expression  of  fraternal  regard,  and  assure  you 
that  the  friendship  which  has  been  nurtured  by  the 
intense  experience  of  cooperative  anti-slavery  labor 
through  so  many  years,  will  long  survive  that  labor. 

Our  best  wishes  for  your  prosperity,  and  for  the 
abundant  success  of  all  your  efforts  to' bless  the  hu- 
man race,  will  ever  attend  you. 

JAMES  MOTT, 
LUCRETIA  MOTT, 
ROBERT  PURVIS, 
ABBY  KIMBER, 
MARY  GREW, 
BENJAMIN  C.  BACON, 
SARAH  PUGH, 
MARGARET  J.  BURLEIGH, 
REUBEN  TOMLINSON. 

REMARKS  BY    THE    EDITOR    OF    THE    A.    S.    STANDARD. 

We  are  pleased  to  learn  that  Mr.  McKim,  though 
not  persuaded  to  withdraw  his  resignation,  has  con- 
sented to  remain  in  his  present  position  till  some  other 
person,  equally  competent  to  its  duties,  shall  be  found 
to  take  his  place,  or  till  the  Committee  shall  be  satis- 
fied that  the  interests  of  the  cause  no  longer  forbid  his 
withdrawal.  Our  readers  will  probably  infer  from 
this,  as  we  do,  that  there  is  no  present  probability  of 
our  friend's  premature  abandonment  of  his  place.  He 
remains,  however,  with  the  understanding  that  his 
duties  will  not  be  precisely  the  same  as  they  have 
been  in  times  past.  The  old  routine  of  anti-slavery" 
work  is,  to  a  considerable  extent,  at  an  end.  Conven- 
tions, field  agencies  and  other  appliances  for  rousing 
as  well  as  converting  the  public,  will  not  hereafter  he 
as  necessary  as  they  have  been  hitherto.  The  friends 
of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  should,  it  seems 
to  us,  devote  much  of  their  time  and  means  hereafter 
to  tin.:  support  of  the  Standard.  Mr.  McKim  has  done 
much  for  this  object  heretofore,  not  only  by  his  con- 
tributions to  our  columns,  but  by  urging  the  claims 
of  the  paper  upon  the  friends  of  the  cause  in  his  field 
of  labor;  hut  we  understand  it  to  be  his  purpose  to 
do  still  more  in  time  to  come.  His  letters  have  for 
many  years  been  a  very  marked  and  valuable  feature 
of  the  paper,  and  its  readers  generally  will  rejoice  in 
the  assurance  that  they  are  to  be  not  less  frequent, 
as  they  surely  will  not  be  less  valuable,  hereafter. 
In  this  connection,  we  venture  to  print  an  extract 
from  a  private  letter  of  Mr.  McKim,  in  which  he  states 
with  great  distinctness  his  views  in  respect  to  the 
work  devolved  upon  Abolitionists  in  the  new  circum- 
stances by  which  they  are  surrounded.     He  says  : — 

"I  still  hold  to  the  convictions  expressed  in  my  let- 
ter of  resignation.  In  my  judgment,  the  old  anti-sla- 
very routine  is  not  what  the  cause  now  demands. 
Iconoclastn  has  had  Its  day.  For  the  battering-ram 
we  must  substitute  the  hod  and  trowel;  taking 'care, 
however,  not  to  '  daub  with  untempered  mortar.'  We 
have  passed  through  the  pulling-down  stage  of  our 
movement;  the  building-up — the  constructive  part — 
remains  lo  be  accomplished.  If  our  machinery  can 
be  adapted  to  the  new  exigencies — as  it  undoubtedly 
can — I  am  willing  to  stay  and  help  work  it.  But 
my  interest  in  the  old  appliances  and  old  watch-words 
is  pretty  much  all  gone.  Scarp  and  counter-scarp, 
big  guns,  and  '  Delenda  est  Carthago'  do  very  well 
when  the  citadel  stands  defiant  and  apparently  im- 
pregnable;  but  when  an  enemy  hoists  a  flag  of  truce 
and  proposes  negotiation,  it  is  time  to  change  our 
tactics. 

"  There  is  one  of  our  old  appliances,  however,  in 
which  my  interest  has  increased  rather  than  abated; 
I  mean  the  Standard.  That  is,  at  present,  in  my 
judgment,  the  instrumentality  of  our  movement — lite- 
rally our  si7ie  qua  non.  I  would  have  it  understood, 
even  more  distinctly  than  it  now  is,  that  the  Society 
spares  neither  pains  nor  expense  in  furnishing  for  the 
paper  a  staff  of  editorial  and  other  contributors,  whose 
knowedge  of  the  cause  and  experience  in  its  service 
qualify  them  to  say  the  word  which  its  exigencies  de- 
land." 

Some  of  our  readers  may  not  be  quite  prepared  to 
assent  to  all  that  Mr.  McKim  says  of  the  inapplicabil- 
ty  of  the  old  appliances  of  the  cause  to  its  present 
needs  ;  but  we  are  sure  that  they  will  all  heartily  re- 
pond  to  what  he  says  of  the  Standard,  and  rejoice  in 
the  assurance  that  his  best  energies  will  be  devoted  to 
the  work  of  increasing  its  value  and  enlarging  its  cir- 
culation.   ^__ 

ANTI-SLAVEEY  DEPUTATION  TO   THE 
AMERICAN;  MINISTEE. 

At  two  o'clock  on  the  16th  ult.,  His  Excellency,  C.  F. 
Adams,  United  States'  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James,  gave  audience  to  a  Deputation  of  the  members 
of  the-  Committee  of  the  British,  and  Foreign  Anti-Sla- 
very Society,  at  his  official  residence,  to  receive  an  Ad- 
dress from  the  Committee.  The  Deputation  consist- 
ed of  Mr.  Samuel  Gurney,  M.  P.,  Mr.  John  Ivatt 
Briscoe,  M.  P.,  the  Hon.  A.  Kinnaird,  M.  P.,  Messrs. 
Josiah  Forster,  Henry  Sterry,  Robert  Alsop,  William 
Thomas  Sargant,  Gerard  Ralston,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Car- 
lile,  and  L.  A.  Chamerovzow. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Address  : 

To  His  Excellency,   Charles  Francis  Adams, 

United  States'  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James. 

Sir, — The  Committee  of  the  British  and  For- 
eign Anti-Slavery  Society  are  gratified  at  being 
able  to  offer  an  address  of  cordial  welcome  to  an  Am- 
bassador from  the  United  States  of  America  to  this 
country,  who  holds  principles  in  harmony  with  their 
own. 

This  important  and  elevated  office  has  been  most 
appropriately  conferred  upon  you,  Sir,  whose  senti- 
ments on  the  subject  of  slavery  have  ever  been  in 
sympathy  with  those  of  the  British  nation,  and  who 
may  be  said  to  inherit  them,  in  direct  descent,  from 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  Presidents  of  the  Ameri- 
can  Republic. 

The  Committee  are  rejoiced  to  welcome  you,  as  the 
representative  of  the  first  Government  of  the  United 
States  which  has  taken  any  active  measures  towards 
the  removal  of  shivery,  and  they  desire  to  pay  it, 
through  you,  a  tribute  of  confidence  and  respect.  For 
many  years,  they  have  watched  with  the  deepest  in- 
terest, the  development,  in  the  Northern  States,  of  pub- 


75 


lie  opinion  through  all  its  phases,  and  anticipated  with 
anxious  solicitude,  the  day  when  a  predominance  of 
sentiment  against  the  extension  of  slavery  should  in- 
augurate a  new  and  a  memorable  era  in  the  history 
of  the  country. 

The  Committee  desire  to  express  their  unqualified 
satisfaction  at  the  avowed  determination  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  administration  to  put  down  the  African 
slave-trade,  and  consider  that  the  cause  of  humanity 
is  deeply  indebted  to  them  for  the  decided  attitude 
now  assumed  against  all  persons  implicated  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  most  infamous  traffic.  But  while 
the  measures  the  United  States  Government  is  adopt- 
ing are  evidences  of  a  resolution  which  cannot  be  too 
highly  commended,  the  Committee  respectfully  sub- 
mit, that  others  equally  decisive  are  imperatively  re- 
quired to  prevent  the  abuse  of  the  United  States  flag 
for  slave-trading  purposes.  It  is  notorious  that  the 
Trans-atlantic  African  slave-trade  is  carried  on  almost 
exclusively  under  cover  of  that  particular  flag ;  and 
the  Committee  would  therefore  venture  to  suggest, 
that  th'e  United  States  Government  should,  without 
delay,  concert,  with  that  of  Great  Britain,  the  means 
of  preventing  the  abuse  referred  to. 
The  Committee  feel  it  incumbent  upon  them  to  ex- 


Wednesday,  May  7.     The  hard  fought  action  of 

Monday  resulted  in  the  evacuation  of  Williamsburg 
by  the  rebels  on  the  same  evening,  and  its  immediate 
occupation  by  Gen.  McClellan.  The  former  left  their 
wounded,  to  the  number  of  150,  in  our  hands,  and  we 
have  upwards  of  1000  prisoners.  We  have  lost  Gen. 
James  B.  Ricketts,  killed.  He  was  taken  prisoner  at 
the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  afterward  exchanged. 
(Jen.  Hooker's  brigade  suffered  most  on  our  side.  The 
flight  and  pursuit  still  continue. 

We  have  news  from  other  parts  of  the  seat  of  war, 
confirming  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Butler  at  New  Orleans, 
the  capture  of  Baton  Rouge,  with  immense  seizures  of 
cotton  and  other  property.  Eleven  rebel  gunboats 
and  Hollins's  turtle  were  destroved  in  our  passage  up 
the  Mississippi.  The  Verona  {"federal;  and  Webster 
(Rebel)  sunk  each  other.  This  was  our  only  loss  in 
ships;  in  men,  150.  Contradictory  rumors  still  prevail 
about  the  evacuation  of  Corinth.  Gen.  Pope  has  cap- 
tured 2000  rebels  at  Farmington,  Tenn.  At  Frede- 
ricksburg, Va.,  Gen.  McDowell  is  organizing  "contra- 
band "  labor. 


REBEL  BARBARITIES  AT  MANASSAS. 
Report  of  the  Senate  Committee—The  Charges  Fully  Sus- 
tained—Most Horrible  Developments. 

Washington,  Wednesday,  April  30,  1862. 
The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  war  have 
.  made  a  report  in  regard  to  the  barbarous  treatment  by 
press  their  extreme  gratification  at  the  several  proposi-  |  the  Rebels  at  Manassas  of  the  remains  of  officers  and 


tions,  tending  towards  Abolition,  recently  introduced 
to  the  United  States  Legislature,  more  especially 
those  for  the  removal  of  slavery  from  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  for  according  Government  aid  to  any 
State  desirous  of  emancipating  its  slaves.  While 
these  measures  may,  indeed,  when  judged  of  from  the 
Committee's  point  of  view,  fall  short  of  actual  right  to 
the  oppressed  and  injured  slave,  the  Committee  re- 
joice in  them  and  hail  them  most  cordially,  as  full  of 
promise  for  the  future,  and  as  steps  approximating  to 
the  absolute  requirements  of  justice  and  humanity. 

The  Committee  view,  with  profound  sorrow,  the 
unhappy  contest  between  the  Northern  and  the  South- 
ern sections  of  the  Republic.  In  the  presence  of  so 
appalling  a  calamity,  they  can  (Mily  give  utterance  to 
the  fervent  hope  that  the  fratricidal  conflict  may  soon 
cease,  and  peace  be  restored  to  the  land  ;  and  that  with 
the  abolition  of  the  true  cause  of  strife,  a  common 
ground  of  Union  may  be  found,  and  a  divided  com- 
munity be  again  joined  in  tin*  bonds  of  brotherhood. 

In  conclusion,  the  Committee  would  assure  you,  Sir, 
of  their  personal  esteem  and  consideration,  and  of 
their  very  sincere  desire  for  the  welfare  and  the  pros- 
perity of  the  nation  you  represent. 
New  Broad  Street,  E.  C,  4th  April,  18G2. 
The  Address  having  been  read  by  Mr.  Chamerov- 
zow, His  Excellency  made  the  following  reply: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Committee — I  receive  your 
communication  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  made,  and 
with  every  desire  to  reciprocate  the  friendly  sentiments 
it  conveys,  as  well  to  your  country  generally  as  to 
yourselves  in  particular. 

The  desire  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  is  to 
extend  the  blessings  to  be  obtained  under  free  institu- 
tions as  far  as  possible,  consistently  with  the  preser- 
vation of  every  existing  obligation,  over  the  entire 
surface  of  their  territory.  Against  the  prosecution  of 
this  policy,  an  appeal  to  arms  has  been  taken  by  a 
misguided  portion  of  their  number.  The  ultimate  ef- 
fect can  only  be  to  accelerate  the  same  general  result, 
under  circumstances  rendered  needlessly  distressing 
to  all.  It  is  the  earnest  wish  of  the  Government  to 
see  the  end  so  brought  about,  as  to  avoid  all  the  de- 
plorable consequences  that  may  follow  wilful  and  vio- 
lent resistance.  I  trust  that  those  most  deeply  inter- 
ested in  the  issue,  may  avail  themselves  in  season  of 
the  means  left  open  for  their  restoration  to  safety,  and 
that  the  common  ground  of  a  re-union  may  be  as  you 
express  it,  the  voluntary  removal  of  the  true  and  only 
causo  of  strife. 

I  think  I  can  assure  you  that  the  President's  atten- 
tion is  closely  fixed  upon  the  subject  of  the  African 
Slave  Trade,  and  that  every  effort  will  be  made  by 
the  Administration,  so  far  as  it  is  possible  under  pres- 
ent circumstances,  to  co-operate  with  Her  Majesty's 
Government  in  putting  an  end  to  the  abuse  to  which 
you  allude.  I  am  not  without  hope  that  effective 
means  may  be  found  to  prevent,  for  the  future,  the 
desecration  of  the  national  flag  by  the  pirates  engaged 
in  the  nefarious  traffic. 

I  pray  you  to  receive  my  thanks  for  the  very  kind 
allusion  you  have  made  to  myself,  and  to  assure  you 
of  my  cordial  sympathy  with  you  in  the  arduous  la- 
bors in  which  yon  have  been  so  long  and  so  honorably 
engaged. 

The  Hon,  A.  Kinnaird,  Mr.  John  Ivatt  Briscoe,  and 
Mr.  Josiah  Forster,  having  addressed  the  Minister  on 
the  subject  of  the  Memorial,  the  Deputation  withdrew. 


The  Horse-Tamer.  John  S.  Rarey,  Esq.,  is  again 
delighting  the  citizens  of. Boston  with  exhibitions  of 
his  humanity  and  address  in  the  management  of  the 
horse.  Two  very  successful  performances,  with  the 
usual  accompanying  remarks,  have  already  been 
given  at  Music  Hall;  a  third  is  announced  for  this 
(Friday)  evening;  and  the  least  formal,  and  there- 
fore, doubtless,  the  most  instructive  of  all,  will  close 
the  series  to-morrow  afternoon.  Our  readers  arc  well 
aware,  from  his  previous  visit,  of  our  high  estimation 
of  Mr.  Rarey  and  his  system,  and  will  need  no  urging 
to  acquaint  themselves  with  both. 


jj^^  The  Annual  Prize  Declamation  of  the  English 
High  School  took  place  at  the  Tremont  Temple,  Bos- 
ton, last  Wednesday  forenoon.  The  Transcript  tells 
us  that  one  of  the  two  recipients  of  the  third  prize 
was  J.  C.  Francis,  a  colored  boy ;  and  it  adds  that  he 
received  the  highest  number  of  marks  for  the  day's 
performance  from  the  Committee.  The  subject  of  his 
declamation  was  "  The  Rendition  of  Fugitive  Slaves." 


g^=  We  regret  to  hear  of  the  death  of  Henry  D. 
Thoread,  of  Concord,  Mass.  He  was  esteemed  and 
beloved  by  many. 


£^"  From  a  letter  from  Washington,  dated  April  28, 
published  in  the  Anglo-African,  we  extract  the  follow- 
ing :— 

"  I  have  received  letters  from  New  York  and  other 
points,  making  inquiries  in  relation  to  a  memorial  pre- 
sented to  Congress  by  Hon.  Mr.  Lane  of  Indiana, 
purporting  to  come  from  colored  citizens  of  the  Dis- 
trict, asking  to  be  colonized  in  Central  America.  I 
am  pleased  to  state  that  no  such  document  has  ema- 
nated from  the  people  of  this  District.  ,  .  .  We  would 
like  our  friends  everywhere  to  understand,  that  every 
sensible  man  in  the  District  is  opposed  to  any  such 
petition,  from  whatever  quarter  it  may  come  ;  for  this 
is  our  home,  and  here  we  will  remain." 


YORKTOWN  EVACUATED  BY  THE  REBELS. 

Yorktown,  Sunday,  May  4th— 9  A.  M.  General 
McClellan  telegraphs  Secretary  Stanton  that  the  en- 
emy have  abandoned  their  position  at  Yorktown,  and 
are  now  in  full  retreat.  The  evacuation  was  learned 
to  have  been  ordered  by  Jeff'.  Davis  and  Generals  Lee 
and  Johnston  on  consultation.  The  rebels  distributed 
torpedoes  along  the  line  of  their  retreat,  and  many  of 
our  troops  have  suffered  fatally  by  their  explosion. 
Cavalry  and  infantry  are  pursuing  them  towards 
Williamsburg.  The  deserted  works  differ  greatly  in 
respect  to  strength. 

Monday,  May  5.  The  number  of  guns  deserted 
by  the  rebels  and  now  in  our  hands  amounts  to  about 
50,  ranging  from  S  inch  rifled  cannon  up  to  10  inch 
Columbiads,  with  carriages  and  implements  complete, 
and  76  rounds  of  ammunition  to  each  piece.  All  this 
exclusive  of  Gloucester  Point,  also  in  our  possession. 
A  hand  to  hand  encounter  took  place  yesterday  be- 
tween the  cavalry  of  the  enemy  and  ours  pursuing,  re- 
sulting in  the  capture  of  25  of  the  former  and  their  ut- 
ter discomfiture. 

Tuesday,  May  6.  Our  gun-boats  have  ascended 
the  York  river,  capturing  and  burning  many  rebel 
transports,  and  shelling  both  shores.  They  reached 
West  Point,  thirty  miles  above  Yorktown.  On  land, 
the  advance  under  Gens.  Hooker  and  Hointzclman 
was  engaged  yesterday  morning  by  the  rear  guard  nf 
the  rebels  at  Williamsburg.  The  fighting  was  desper- 
ate on  both  sides  for  about  two  hours,  but  the  enemy 
were  repulsed  at  all  points.  Our  loss  is  estimated  at 
30  killed  and  75  wounded;  Gen.  Hancock's  Brigade 
also  encountered  the  enemy's  left  wing  of  infantry  & 
cavalry  who  tied  at  the  first  bayonet  charge  leaving 
HO  killed  and  40  wounded.  21)1)  were  made  prisoners. 
They  lost  one  Colonel,  two  Lieut.  ColonclB,  and  a 
Major.  Our  loss  was  17  killed  and  40  wounded.  A 
derisive  stand  will  probably  be  made  by  the  enemy  at 
Williamsburg, 


soldiers  of  tne  United  States,  killed  in  battle  there. 
They  examined  a  number  of  witnesses,  whose  testi- 
mony is  submitted.  The  facts  disclosed  are  of  a  re- 
pulsive/shocking and  fearful  character. 
The  Committee  say  in  conclusion  : 
The  members  of  your  Committee  might  content 
themselves  by  leaving  this  testimony  to  the  Senate 
and  the  people  without  a  word  of  comment,  but  when 
the  enemies  of  a  just  and  generous  Government  are 
attempting  to  excite  the  sympathy  of  disloyal  men  in 
our  own  country  to  solicit  the  aid  of  foreign  Govern- 
ments by  the  grossest  misrepresentations  of  the  ob- 
jects of  the  war,  and  of  the  conduct  of  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Republic,  this,  the  most  startling  evi- 
dence of  their  insincerity  and  inhumanity,  deserves 
some  notice  at  our  hands. 

History  will  be  examined  in  vain  for  a  parallel  to  this 
rebellion  against  a  good  Government,  long  prepared 
for  by  ambitious  men,  who  were  made  doubly  sure  of 
success  by  the  aid  and  counsel  of  former  Administra- 
tions, and  by  the  belief  that  their  plans  were  unob- 
served by  a  magnanimous  people.  They  precipitated 
the  war  at  a  moment  when  the  General  Government 
had  just  been  changed  under  circumstances  of  astound- 
ing perfidy,  without  a  single  reasonable  ground  of  com- 
plaint, and  in  the  face  of  repeated  manifestations  of 
moderation  and  peace  on  the  part  of  the  President 
and  his  friends. 

They  took  up  arms  and  declared  that  they  would 
never  surrender  until  their  rebellion  had  been  recog- 
nized, or  the  institutions  established  by  our  fathers 
had  been  destroyed.  The  people  of  the  loyal  States, 
at  last  convinced  that  thev  could  preserve  their  liber- 
ties only  by  an  appeal  to  the  God  of  Battles,  rushed 
to  the  standard  of  the  Republic  in  response  to  the  call 
of  the  Chief  Magistrate.  Every  step  of  this  monstrous 
treason  has  been  marked  by  violence  and  crime.  No 
transgression  has  been  too  great,  no  wrong  too  start- 
ling, for  its  leaders.  They  disregarded  the  sanctity 
of  the  oaths  they  had  taken  to  support  the  Constitu- 
tion. They  repudiated  all  their  obligations  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Free'States.  They  deceived  and  betrayed 
their  own  fellow-citizens,  and  crowded  their  armies 
with  forced  levies.  They  drove  from  their  midst  all 
who  would  not  yield  to  their  despotism,  or  filled 
their  prisons  with  men  who  would  not  enlist  under 
their  flag.  They  have  crowned  their  rebellion  by  the 
perpetration  of  deeds  scarcely  known  even  to  savage 
warfare.  The  investigations  of  your  Committee  have 
established  this  fact  beyond  controversy.  The  wit- 
nesses called  before  us  were  men  of  undoubted  veraci- 
ty and  character.  Some  of  them  occupy  high  posi- 
tions in  the  army,  and  others  high  positions  in  civil 
life,  differing  in  political  sentiment. 

Their  evidence  presents  a  remarkable  concurrence 
of  opinion  and  of  judgment.  Our  fellow-countrymen, 
heretofore  sufficiently  impressed  by  the  generosity 
and  forbearance  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  by  the  barbarous  character  of  the  cru- 
sade against  it,  will  be  shocked  by  the  statements 
of  these  unimpeached  and  unimpeachable  witnesses; 
^and  foreign  nations  must,  with  one  accord,  however 
'they  have  hesitated  heretofore,  consign  to  lasting  odium 
the  authors  of  crimes  which,  in  all  their  details,  ex- 
coed  the  worst  excesses  of  the  Sepoys  of  India. 

Inhumanity  to  the  living  has  been  the  leading  trait 
of  the  rebel  leaders,  but  it  was  reserved  for  your  Com- 
mittee to  disclose,  as  a  concerted  system,  their  insults 
to  the  wounded  and  their  mutilation  and  desecration 
of  the  gallant  dead.  Our  soldiers  taken  prisoners  in 
honorable  battle  have  been  subjected  to  the  most 
shameful  treatment.  All  the  considerations  that  in- 
spire chivalrous  emotions  and  generous  considerations 
for  brave  men  have  been  disregarded.  It  is  almost 
beyond  belief  that  the  men  fighting  in  such  a  cause 
as  ours,  and  sustained  by.a  Government  which,  in  the 
midst  of  violence  and  treachery,  has  given  repeated 
evidences  of  its  indulgence,  should  have  been  subject- 
ed to  treatment  never  before  resorted  to  by  one  for- 
eign nation  in  a  conflict  with  another.  All  the  cour- 
tesies of  professional  and  civil  life  seem  to  have  becu 
discarded. 

Gen.  Beauregard  himself,  who  on  a  very  recent  oc- 
casion boasted  that  he  had  been  controlled  by  humane 
feelings,  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  coolly  proposed 
to  hold  Gen.  Ricketts  as  a  hostage  for  one  of  the  rii  ur- 
derous  privateers,  and  the  rebel  surgeons  disdained 
intercourse  and  communication  with  our  own  surgeons 
taken  in  honorable  battle.  Their  outrages  upon  the 
dead  will  revive  the  recollections  of  the  cruelties 
to  which  savage  tribes  subject  their  prisoners.  They 
were  buried  in  many  cases  naked,  with  their  faces 
downward. 

They  were  left  to  decay  in  the  open  air,  their  bones 
being  carried  off  as  trophies,  sometimes,  as  the  testi- 
mony proves,  to  be  used  as  personal  adornments  ;  and 
one  witness  distinctly  avers  that  the  head  of  one  of  our 
most  gallant^  officers  was  cut  off  by  a  secessionist, 
to  be  turned  into  a  drinking-cup  on  the  occasion  of 
his  marriage.  Monstrous  as  this  revelation  may  ap- 
pear to  be,  your  Committee  have  been  informed  that, 
during  the  last  two  weeks,  the  skull  of  a  Union  sol- 
dier has  been  exhibited  in  the  office  of  the  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  had 
been  converted  to 'such  a  purpose,  and  which  had 
beeu  found  on  the  person  of  one  of  the  rebel  prisoners 
taken  in  a  recent  conflict. 

The  testimony  of  Gov.  Sprague  of  Rhode  Island  is 
most  interesting.  It  confirms  the  worst  reports  against 
the  rebel  soldiers,  and  conclusively  proves  that  the 
body  of  one  of  the  bravest  officers  in  the  volunteer  ser- 
vice was  burned.  He  does  not  hesitate  to  add  that 
this  hyena  desecration  of  the  honored  corpse  was  be- 
cause the  rebels  believed  it  to  be  the  body  of  Col.  Slo- 
cum,  against  whom  they  were  infuriated  for  having 
displayed  so  much  courage  and  chivalry  in  forcing  his 
regiment  fearlessly  and  bravely  upon  them.  These 
disclosures,  establishing  as  they  incontestably  do  the 
constant  inhumanity  of  the  rebel  leaders,  will  be  read 
with  sorrow  and  indignation  by  the  people  of  the  loyal 
States. 

.  They  should  inspire  these  people  to  renewed  exer- 
tions to  protect  our  country  from  the  restoration  to 
power  of  such  men.  They  should,  and  we  believe 
they  will,  arouse  the  disgust  and  horror  of  foreign  na- 
tions against  this  unholy  rebellion.  Let  it  be  our  duty, 
nevertheless,  to  furnish  a  continued  contrast  to  such 
barbarities  and  crimes.  Let  us  persevere  in  the  good 
work  of-maintaining  the  authority  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  of  refusing  to  imitate  the  monstrous  practices 
we  have  been  called  upon  to  investigate. 

Your  Committee  have  to  say,  in  conclusion,  that, 
they  have  not  yet  been  enabled  to  gather  testimony 
in  regard  to  the  additional  inquiry  suggested  by  the 
resolution  of  the  Senate  whether  Indiairsavages  have 
been  employed  by  the  rebels,  in  military  service, 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  how 
such  warfare  has  been  conducted  by  said  savages,  but 
that  they  have  taken  proper  steps  to  attend  to  this  im- 
portant duty.  B«  F.  WADE,   Chairman. 

The  Reiiel  Barbarities.  Among  the  testimony 
offered  before  the  Senate  Investigating  Committee, 
Nathaniel  F.  Parker,  captured  at  Falling  Waters,  said 
that  the  prisoners  were  always  badly  treated,  many 
died  from  sheer  neglect,  anil  five  were  shot  by  sentries. 
Dr.  J.  M.  Homiston,  Surgeon  of  the  14th  New  York, 
was  refused  permission  to  attend  to  wounded  men. 
He  and  his  fellow  prisoners  received  no  food  for  twen- 
ty-four hours  at  Manassas,  and  inexperienced  Sur- 
geons performed  operations  in  a  manner  absolutely 
frightful.  Corporal  Prescott's  leg  was  so  unskillfully 
amputated,  that  the  operation  had  to  be  subsequently 
twice  repeated,  and  that  he  afterward  died  of  exhaus- 
tion. Water  was  refused  to  the  suffering  men.  and 
they  were  only  relieved  by  catching  rain  "water  as  it 
fell  from  the  roof.  Several  died  during  the  night  after 
the  battle  from  neglect.  Some  were  left  upon  the 
battle-field  until  Tuesday  night  and  Wednesday  morn- 
tag.  William  F.  Swalm,  Assistant  Surgeon  in  the 
same  regiment,  confirmed  the  testimony  of  Dr.  Ilomis- 
tou.    Gen,  James  B.  Ricketts,  when  lying  wounded 

on  the  field  of  battle,  heard  passing  Rebels  my, 
"  Knock  out  the  brains  of  the  d — d  Yankee."  lie  was 
told  the  next  day  by  Heanregard,  whom  he  knew,  that 
hit  treatment  depended  upon  the  treatment  received 
by  the  Rebel  privateers.  The  testimony  of  others,  as 
to  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  was  confirmed  by  Gen. 
Kicketts.  He  affirmed  that  a  number  of  our  men 
were  shot,  lie  mentioned  other  cases  of  unskilful 
amputation,  ami  heard  a  Rebel  doctor  say  he  "  wfahed 
he  could  take  out  the  hearfs  of  the  d— d  Yankees  as 
easily  as  he  could  take  off  their  legs."  lie  had  no  de- 
cent, food,  except  that  which  he  bought  with  his  own 
money.  Some  of  the  Southern  gentlemen  treated 
him  well,  especially  Wade  Ihiniplon,  who  called  to 
see  him.     His  wife  succeeded  in  reaching  him  in  four 


days  with  great  difficulty,  and  lay  by  his  si  le  in  the 
same  room  with  other  prisoners  for  two  weeks,  with- 
out a  bed.  They  were  huddled  together  in  one  room 
at  Richmond,  amid  an  intolerable  stench,  and  kept 
there  as  a  common  show.  Gen.  Johnson  took  his 
wife's  carriage  and  horses  away  from  her.  They  were 
never  returned.  Louis  Francis  was  bayoneted  while 
lying  on  his  bed.  Ilis  leg  was  twice  amputated.  Two 
operations  were  necessary  to  be  performed  after  his  re- 
lease. Daniel  Bixby,  Jr.,  of  Washington,  says  that  he 
heard  Mrs.  Pierce  Butler  say  that  she  had  seen  the 
Rebels  boiling  portions  of  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  to 
obtain  their  bones  as  relics,  and  had  seen  drumsticks 
made  of  "  Yankees'  shin-bones,"  as  they  called  them  ; 
and  that  she  saw  a  skull  that  one  of  the  New  Orleans 
Artillery  had,  which  he  said  he  was  going  to  send 
home  to  have  mounted,  and  that  he  intended  to  drink 
a  brandy  punch  out  of  it  the  day  he  was  married. 
Benjamin  Franklin  Lewis,  living  in  the  neighborhood, 
saw  many  bodies  stripped  naked  before  they  were 
buried.  Negroes  said  that  finger-rings  were  made  of 
the  bones,  and  that  the  Rebels  sold  them  in  their 
camps.  Gov.  Sprague  confirmed  much  of  this  testi- 
mony from  his  own  observation  when  he  went  to  re- 
cover the  bodies  of  Colonel  Slocum  and  Major  Bailou. 
He  found  a  trench  where  the  dead  were  buried  with 
their  faces  downward,  undoubtedly  as  a  mark  of  in 
dignity.  Much  other  testimony  was  taken  to  the  same 
effect. 

CanEi.TiES  of  the  Bekels.  The  Committee  on 
the  Conduct  of  the  War  have  been  taking  testimony 
in  relation  to  the  treatment  of  the  wounded  Union 
soldiers  that  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels  at  the 
Battle  of  Bull  Run.  In  relation  to  the  case  of  Cor- 
poral Prescott,  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  N.  Y. 
S.  M.,  (Brooklyn),  Dr.  Homiston  testified  that  on  the 
rebels  taking  possession  of  the  hospital  he  was  not  al- 
lowed to  operate;  that  he  particularly  requested  Dr. 
Darbee,  of  South  Carolina,  the  rebel  surgeon  in 
Charge,  to  allow  him  to  amputate  the  leg  of  Corporal 
Prescott,  telling  him  that  Prescott  was  a  particular 
friend  of  his,  and  he  attended  to  his  family.  Darbee 
said  that  under  those  circumstances  he  should  be  al- 
lowed to  perform  the  operation.  He  requested  Dr.  H. 
to  sit  down  while  he  procured  some  things  which 
Homiston  would  need.  He  sat  down  and  waited  some 
time,  when  he  heard  a  rebel  soldier  say — "They  are 

sawing  a  d d  Yankee's  leg  off,  up  stairs."     Dr.  H. 

rushed  up  to  the  room,  where  he  found  Dr.  Darbee  and 
two  young  men,  one  of  whom  had  just  taken  one  of 
Prescott's  legs  off  in  a  most  horrible  manner.  He  had 
left  no  flaps  to  cover  the  bones  and  form  a  stump,  and 
the  three  of  them  were  striving  by  force  to  draw  the 
flesh  over  the  bone  to  cover  it.  As  they  could  not  do 
it  they  cut  round  the  bone,  forced  the  flesh  back,  and 
again  sawed  off  the  bone.  They  then  sewed  the  flesh 
over  it,  but  in  consequence  of  there  not  being  enough 
to  cover  the  bone  properly,  when  it  swelled,  the  stitch- 
es drew  out  and  the  bone  protruded. 

During  the  operation  Dr.  Homiston,  a  skilful  sur- 
geon, was  not  allowed  to  do  anything. 

Dr.  Swalm  testified  that  he  attended  Prescott,  after 
his  leg  had  been  amputated,  found  the  bone  protruded, 
and  the  stump  a  mass  of  pus  and  maggots.  Darbee 
again  intended  to  operate  on  it,  but  about  an  hour  be- 
fore he  came  Dr.  Swalm  performed  the  operation, 
again  sawing  off  the  bone.  By  careful  treatment  he 
succeeded  in  almost  healing  over  the  stump,  when 
Darbee  ordered  all  the  wounded  to  be  removed  to 
Richmond.  Dr.  Swalm  earnestly  protested  against 
this,  and  begged  of  him  to  allow  Prescott  to  remain, 
but  to  no  purpose.  They  were  put  into  freight  cars, 
and  kept  twenty  hours  on  the  road.  The  effect  of  the 
jolting  of  the  cars  on  the  poor  wounded  Corporal  can 
be  imagined.  Before  their  arrival  at  Richmond  the 
wound  had  opened,  and  the  bone  again  protruded. 
He  died  that  night  in  awful  agony  with  the  lockjaw. 
Thus  perished  Corporal  Prescott,  of  the  Fourteenth 
Regiment,  a  young  man  of  fine  abilities  and  liberal 
education,  a  man  calculated  to  be  an  ornament  to  so- 
ciety, and  one  who  was  beloved  by  all  who  knew  him  ; 
and  his  death  under  such  infernal  cruelty,  will  form 
part  of  the  general  exhibition  of  Southern  cruelty,  for 
Inch  the  loyal  Unionists  will  take  vengeance  before 
this  struggle  is  ended. 

JSJT3  A  correspondent  of  the   New  York  Tribune 

in  Tennessee  says  : — 

HORRIBLE    OUTRAGES    OF    REBEL   OUTLAWS. 

Just  above  where  we  are  lying,  on  the  Tennessee 
diore,  in  Lauderdale  County,  resides  a  family  former- 
y  of  Iowa,  who  have  lived  there  for  the  past  four  or 
ive  years,  and  have  witnessed  the  workings  of  Seces- 
•ion  in  this  vicinity.  They  say  that  immediately  after 
.he  declaration  that  Tennessee  had  gone  out  of  the 
Union,  bands  of  armed  men  went  prowling  about  the 
country,  robbing  whomsoever  they  chose,  insulting 
women,  and  forcing  loyal  citizens  into  the  Rebel  ser- 
vice at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  They  committed 
the  greatest  outrages  everywhere,  and  the  family  of 
which. I  speak  were  deprived  of  everything  valuable 
in  the  house;  while  the  head  of  the  household  was 
compelled  to  fly  from  home,  and  hide  in  the  woods  at 
least  six  or  seven  times  to  avoid  impressment. 

LOYAL   CITIZENS    HANGED. 

A  number  of  Union  men  refused  to  embrace  treason 
even  when  threatened  with  death,  and  those  brave 
spirits  were  carried  off  and  executed  by  the  mob.  The 
wife  of  the  Iowa  man  says  a  great  many  were  hanged, 
and  that  she  herself  knows  six  who  were  suspended  from  a 
tree  within  two  miles  of  her  own  dwelling,  and  left  there  a 
prey  to  the  buzzards  and  the  crows.  Their  bodies  were 
afterward  taken  down  and  buried,  but  not  before  the 
Rebel  outlaws  were  at  a  safe  distance,  as  the  people 
were  fearful,  and  not  without  reason,  that  had  it  been 
known  the  rights  of  sepulture  were  given  to  the  poor 
martyrs,  those  who  performed  that  common  act  of 
charity  would  probably  have  shared  their  fate. 

CRUCIFIXION    OF    A    O'lOSIST. 

The  woman  says  that  one  of  the  Union  men  who  had 
been  impressed  and  afterward'  deserted,  more  perhaps  be- 
cause he  believed  his  family  were  starving  than  from  his  ab- 
horrence of  joining  so  unholy  a  cause,  was  captured  m 
Lauderdale  County  while  on  his  way  home,  and  was  actual- 
ly nailed  to  a  tree,  and  left  there  to  perish  by  inches.  The 
man  was  found  there  a  week  after,  merely  by  accident, 
as  he  had  been  gagged  to  prevent  his  outeries,  and 
thus  deprive  him  of  all  hope  of  release,  and  taken  to 
the  house  of  a  neighbor.  The  unfortunate  victim  was 
still  alive,  but  so  much  exhausted  from  exposure, 
famine  and  pain,  that  he  died  on  the  second  day  after 
his  release,  notwithstanding  every  effort  was  made  to 
save  his  life.  This  story  seems  most  improbable  ;  too 
horrible  for  belief;  but  the  woman,  who  has  no  motive 
for  misrepresentation,  declares  it  true,  and  I  can  see 
no  good  reason  for  discrediting  her  account  of  the  un- 
naturally cruel  and  entirely  monstrous  transaction. 

$3f  A  distinguished  gentleman  from  Nashville  in- 
forms us  that,  notwithstanding  the  exceeding  modera^ 
tion  and  kindness  exhibited  there  by  the  Federal  au- 
thorilies,  the  violence  of  some  of  the  rebel  women 
goes  beyond  all  bounds.  They  seem  less  like  women 
than  she  devils — or  we  may  as  well  say  he  devils,  for 
they  unsex  themselves.  They  wear  unconcealed  pis- 
tols and  dirks  in  the  streets,  and  not  unfrequeutly  they 
sit  or  stand  at  the  windows  of  their  houses,  and  spit 
upon  the  officers  as  they  pass  along. — Louisville  Journal. 

The  Jenxisox  Trouble  in  Kassas.  From  va- 
rious accounts  given  of  the  difficulty  between  Col.  Jen- 
nison and  Gens.  Denver  and  Sturgis  we  glean  the  fol- 
lowing to  have  been  the  cause  :  The  Kansas  regiments, 
among  whom  was  Col.  Jennison's,  were  impatient  be- 
cause of  their  inactivity,  when  Gen  Curtis  was  calling 
from  Missouri  for  help.  Not  being  able  to  satisfy  the 
desires  of  his  men.  Col.  Jennison  resigned — his  re- 
signation to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  May.  Six  weeks 
before  that.period  an  order  was  received  by  the  Lieu- 
tenant  Colonel  of  Jennison's  regiment,  from  General 
Sturgis,  instructing  him.  as  if  his  superior  officer  had 
not  been  in  command.  This  paper  Jennison  destroved, 
and  conlinued  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  his  rank  ;  butthis 
act  of  proper  respect  for  himself  and  his  position  was 
seizeil  as  an  excuse  for  his  arrest,  and  he  was  ordered 
to  prison  and  to  be  ironed  there.  Prominent  citizens 
of  St.  Louis  interposed  for  his  release,  and  became  se- 
curity for  him  ;  and  Denver  and  Sturgis,  as  is  already 
known,  have  been  removed. — Boston  Journal. 


MIDDLESEX  COUNTY. 

A  meeting  of  the  Middlesex  County  Anti-Slavery  Society 
will  bo  held  at  FELTONVILLE,  on  Sunday,  Way  18,  at 
the  usual  hours  of  meeting,  through  the  day  and  evening. 
A  preliminary  meeting  will  probably  bo  held  on  Saturday 
evening,  May  17. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  members  and  friends  of  the  Society, 
in  the  neighboring  towns,  will,  so  far  as  possible,  bo  pres- 
ent. 

Tarkkr  Piu-sihtry,  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Geobob  W. 
Stacy,  and  other  speakers  are  engaged  to  attend. 

SAMUEL   BARRETT,  President. 


W  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON,  of  Philadelphia, 
will  give  an  Address  upon  Slavery  and  the  War.  in  the. 
Meeting-house  al.  HOPEPAU;,  on  Sunday  next,  May  11, 
at  1  1-2  o'cloek,  P.  M.  A  ku  .'-—on  the  saiuoday,  in  .MU.- 
FORD  Town  Hall,  at  5  1-3  o'clock,  1'.  ,M. 

Miss    Dickinsnu  is    BXpwfed    to    speak  in  SAL£M,    on 
Sunday,  May  IS.     Partieulnrs  in  next  paper. 


%T  JOHN  S.  IUX'IC,  Esy.,  is  prepared  to  deliver  hla 
lecture,  "  A  Plea  for  my  Race,"  where  he  may  be  invited. 
His  address  is  No.  (J,  Troniont.  street,  Roston. 


MARRIED— In  this  city,  April  30,  by  Rev.  J.  Sella 
Martta,    Mr.  Hi-iium,  Svitii  Iq    MK-i  ClMttlU  Fmwux. 

Id  OharlMtown,  Bf*M.,  April  21,  Mr.  Sajii-kc  Fowlkii 
to  Mi...  Nancy  Fountain. 


(6 


THE     LIBERATOR, 


may  9. 


0  1 1  X  V 


For.tho  Liberator. 

THE  OLD  SLAVE'S  OUESE. 

An  old  slave  sat,  at  the  closo  of  day, 

Too  weary  for  slumber,  too  hopeless  to  pray  ; 

Iu  thankless  toil  had  his  lifo  passed  away. 

Many  a  crop  had  ho  wrung  from  the  soil  ; 

His  hands  were  largo,  and  horny  with  toil  ; 

lie  had  fought  Labor's  battle,— but  whoro  was  the  spoil  ? 

He  had  worked  in  the  garden,  picked  in  the  field, 

Raised  the  vine's  clusters,  the  harvest's  rich  yield  ; 

Loads  of  ripo  fruit  ho  had  carted  and  wheeled. 

All  his  food  was  hominy,  oft  without  salt ; 

But  the  minister  said  he  must  not  find  fault, 

And  ne'er  iu  the  path  of  his  duty  must  halt. 

And  what  were  his  wages  for  life's  weary  years? 

A  suit  of  blue  homespun,  hard  stripes  and  salt  tears, 

And  a  rod  for  his  soul  through  the  gospel's  stern  fears. 

His  wife, — companion, — was  torn  from  his  arms  ; 

For  rich  men  had  eyes,  and  could  pay  for  her  charms  ; 

And  the  Law  was  not  made  for  chattels'  alarms  ! 

His  children,— no,  animals,— they  lvero  sold  round, 

Uringing  "  massa"   high  prices,  if  warranted  sound  ; 

Regarded  by  "  massa"  like  racer  or  hound  ! 

The  old  slave  sat,  at  the  closo  of  day, 
Too  weary  for  slumber,  too  hopeless  to  pray, 
And  he  thought  of  his  life,  almost  passed  away  ; 
And  his  spirit  rose  up  from  his  long  life-time  wrong, 
And  broke  forth  in  words  by  the  winds  borne. along, 
Till  the  North,  East  and  West  heard  the  sorrowful  song  : 
Cursed  be  earth  !  when  the  man  that  sows  tho  grain, 
And  waters  the  furrows  with  blood  like  rain, 
May  never  a  competence  hope  to  gain  ! 
Cursed  be  the  earth  ! 

Cursed  be  earth  !  when  ho  that  raises  the  fruit 
Is  foddered  and  housed  like  the  meanest  brute, — 
With  hourly  threat'nings,  and  blows  to  suit ! 
Cursed  ba  the  earth  ! 

Cursed  was  earth  of  old,  when  the  first-made  bride 
Walked  forth  to  her  doom  by  her  husband's  side  : 
But  what  were  the  curse,  were  the  love  denied  ? 

Answer,  0  air ! 
Burdened  with  sighs,  and  groans,  and  wails  ! 
If  sound  be  photographed,  write  down  the  talcs 
Before  whose  record  humanity  quails. 

Keep  them,  0  air  ! 

Cursed  he  the  earth  !  may  the  locusts  of  old 
Encircle  green  fields  with  their  withering  fold, 
And  all  slaves  by  Famine  to  Death  be  sold  1 
Cursed  be  tbe  earth  ! 

Cursed  be  the  earth  !  may  Pestilence  stalk 
Through  hall  and  hovel  with  lordly  walk, 
And  life  no  more  with  its  sufferings  mock  ! 

Cursed  be  tho  earth  !  L.  l.  a.  V 


®bt  2Eit*tatflt. 


METAYEKS, 


for  the  Liberator. 

A  OLOUD   UPON   OUP,  COOTTKY. 

A  cloud  upon  our  country  !  and  it  lies 

Because  our  country  held  so  foul  a  wrong  ! 
A  wrong  that  burdened  every  breeze  with  sighs, 
Looked  up  unpitied  with  its  weeping  eyes, 

And  formed  the  minor  strain  in  Freedom's  song. 
A  cloud  upon  our  country  !    While  God  gave 

Blessings  of  plenty  with  a  bounteous  hand, 
We  saw  his  image  not  in  the  poor  slave, 
Sick  and  in  prison,  and  we  did  not  save  ; 

Scourged,  hunted,  burnedwithin  our  native  land  ! 
A  cloud  upon  our  country,  not  more  dark 

That  that  veiling  her  faee  so  many  years! 
Through  the  wide  world  was  heard  the  Idoodhound's  hark 
Making  her  name  an  ignominious  mark  ; — 

Not  all  unheeded  fell  her  bondmen's  tears. 

We  may  do  wrong  until  we  think  it  right; 

Familiarized  with  crime,  the  crime  defend  ;    - 
But  down-crushed  manhood  hath  resistless  might 
When  it  arouses  from  Oppression's  night, 
And  pent-up  fires  volcanic  streams  will  send. 


"LET  MY  PEOPLE  GO." 

THE  SOJSG  OF   THE  SLAVES'  HOPE. 


A  murmur  in  the  midnight !  Hark  ! 
The  whisper  of  a  tremulous  hope 
That  battle's  earthquake  tramp  may  ope. 

The  bondman's  dungeon,  deep  and  dark  ! 

Old  smothered  heart-heats  leaping  out 
Almost  to  utterance,  old  despair 
Catching  new  breath  in  quickened  air, — ■ 

The  indrawn  breath  of  Freedom's  shout ! 

A  quick  thought  gleaming  in  the  night, — 
Orion's  sword  by  daylight  sheathed  ! — 
A  voice  to  morning  never  breathed, 

The  lark-song  of  an  inward  light ! 

Long  ere  this  glow  of  lurid  dawn, 
One  sleepless  eye,  one  listening  ear, 
In  gloom  could  see,  in  silence  hear, 

Tho  whispered  hope,  and  sword  undrawn. 

By  broad  Missouri's  winding  wave, 
By  slow  Savannah's  heavy  Hood, 
On  fair  Potomac  dashed  with  blood , 
Sings  low  the  long-enduring  slave 
Old  songs,  the  heir-looms  of  old  time, 
-—^   The  awful  words  that  smote,  erewhile, 
The  crested  Dragon  of  the  Nile, 
Preluding  Israel's  march  sublime. 
I    plagues,  the  tenfold  scourge  of  God, 
Vermin  and  blight, — all  loathsome  things 
Commissioned  by  the  King  of  kings, — 
Obedient  to  the  prophet's  rod,— 
With  blood  and  hail  and  lightning-glow, 
And  darkness  deeper  than  the  tomb, 
Came  down  the  trumpet- voice  of  doom, 
"  Proud  monarch  !  let  my  people  go  !  " 
Not  till  the  robber's  land  was  shorn 
Of  all  her  glory  and  her  power, 
And  judgment  rang  its  final  hour 
In  death-groans  of  the  earliest  born  : 
Nor  till  tho  Bed  Sea's  refluent  wavo 
Boiled  in  eternal  overthrow 
The  pomp  and  pride  of  Pharaoh, — 
Came  full  deliverance  to  the  slave. 

The  fire  and  blood  and  reptile  swarm 
Are  on  the  land  of  bondage  now  ; 
The  Judgment  A n gel's  lowering  brow 

Portends  tlie  final  thunder-storm  ; 

While  mutters  in  the  sulphurous  cloud 
The  summons,  "  Let  my  people  go  !" 
Slaves  in  their  cabin  chant  it  low, 

And  red-mouthed  cannon  shout  it  loud. 

How  long,  avenging  God  !  how  long 
Must  rise  the  old  predictive  wail, 
Must  fall  the  lightning  and  the  hail, 

Ere  dance  the  freed  to  Miriam's  song? 

The  murmur  deepens  to  a  ery, 

Thought  leaps  to  utterance  like  a  sword 
©f  fire  unsheathing  for  the  Lord, 

And  Freedom  calls  to  do  or  die  ! 

The  slave  has  hope  !  then  hope  my  soul  ; 
No  steed  to  slaughter  drives  amain 
But  where  God  holds  the  bridle-rein  ; 

Ho  call*  from  battle's  thunder-roll, 

"Ere  all  the  first-born  feel  the  blow, 
And  War's  Red  Sea  for  ever  wbelms 
The  glory  of  your  banded  realms, 

Arise  !  and  let  my  people  go  !" 
^JV,   Y.  IJitlepcndnrtt. 


DAYBKEAK. 

Morn  in  the  East !     How  coldly  fair 

It  breaks  upon  my  fevered  eye  ! 
How  chides  the  calm  and  dewy  air  ! 

How  chides  the  pure  and  pearly  sky  ! 
The  stars  melt  in  a  brighter  fire — 

The  dew,  in  suushine,  loaves  tbe  flowers — 
They,  from  their  watch,  in  light  retire, 

While  we  iu  sadness  pasa  from  ours. 


I  had  intended  to  give  some  further  account  of  the 
Metayer  Culture,  when  I  fell  very  uneNpcetedly  into 
the  good-natured  controversy  with  your  contributor, 
C.  K.  W.,  upon  the  subject.     Let  me  do  so  now. 

The  system  is  not  in  thvor  with  English  authorities, 
if  we  except  John  Stuart  Mill.     The  reason  appears 
to  be,  that  they  judge  of  it  as  it  existed  in  France 
under  the  ancient  regime,  when  the  exemption  of  the 
noblesse  from  direct  taxation  threw  the  whole  burden 
of  the  fiscal  exactions  of  the  corrupt  and  despotic  gov- 
ernment upon  the  occupiers,  and  ground  the  Metayers 
to  dust.     The  better,  and  perhaps  the  only  fair,  type 
of  the  system  is  to  be  found  in  Italy.     The  fixity  of 
tenure,   which  is  indispensable  to  its  prosperity,  and, 
one  would  think,  to  its  existence,  is  stronger  in  Italy, 
as  I  have  before  stated,  than  a  leasehold  ;  but  is  not 
to  be  found  in  Prance,  where,   it  is  said  by  Arthur 
Young,  the  Metayers  are  considered   as  little  belter 
than  menial    servants,   removable  at    pleasure,    and 
obliged  to  conform  in  all  things  to  the  will  of  the  land- 
lords.    There  is  no  system   of  labor  that  would  not 
be  despoiled  and  emasculated  under  such   detestable 
tyranny  as  that  which    governed  France  before  the 
revolution.     Elvers  of  blood  were  necessary  to  wash 
away  the  corruption  of  the  old  monarchy,  and  oblite- 
rate the  titles  to  property  that  otherwise  could  not  be 
occupied  by  honest  labor,  except  from  cruel  and  legal- 
ized persecution ;  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that   Provi- 
dence vouchsafes  to  us  no  other  method  of  purification 
from  the  corruption  of  slavery,   and   tbe  removal  of 
titles  that  obstruct  tbe  progress  of  industry  and  civili- 
zation in  this  country.    No  argument  can  be  drawn 
from  tbe  example  of  France  against  the  Metayer  sys- 
tem in  the  true  and  better  form  as  it  is  presented  in 
Italy. 

Objection  may  be  made  to' the  conversion  of  slave 
to  Metayer  culture,  that  experience  is  wanting  of  the 
adaptation   of  the  latter  to   the   large  culture  of  the 
slave  States;    hut  the  fact  is,  experience  is  wanting 
altogether  in  respect  to  the  emancipation  and  civiliza- 
tion of  4,000,000  slaves  to  be  suddenly  placed  in  free- 
dom, without  capital,  and  with  no  organization  of  labor 
to  provide  them  with  employment  and  wages.     To  do 
right  is  what  we  want;  and  to  do  wisely  as  well  as 
right,  is  a  matter  that  requires  careful  and  earnest  con- 
sideration.   I  am  not  able  to  see  why,  if  profits  are 
to  be  divided,  there  is  not  a  wide  field  of  success  for 
metayers  in  the  expanded  and  profitable  culture  of  cot- 
ton, tobacco  and  rice  at  the  South.    It  seems  to  me 
that,  before  we  get  to  the  end  of  the  present  rebellion, 
the  necessity  will  be  apparent  of  dispossessing  the 
owners  of  a  large  portion  of  the  cotton  estates  of  the 
South,  to  dispossess  them  of  power  to  destroy  the 
government.    The  laborers  must  occupy  these  estates  ; 
they  cannot  buy  them  ;  and  I  cannot  conceive  of  any 
more  advantageous  and  practicable  organization  than 
for  the  government  to  place  tbe  estates  under  the  con- 
trol of  commissioners,  who  will  provide  for  the   labor- 
ers,   generally  direct    the  culture,   receive    and    dis- 
pose of  the  cotton,  rice  and  tobacco,  in  the  cities, 
and  divide  tbe  proceeds  between  the  laborers  and  the 
government.     Tbe  commodities  would  seem  to  be  of 
the  best  description  to  be  handled  and  divided  in  this 
manner  ;  and  as  the  government  can  have  no  object  in 
selecting  commissioners  who  would  not  feel  an  inter- 
est  in  the  welfare  of  the  blacks,  there  would  seem  to 
be  no  better  or  more  liberal  plan  to   bring  them  for- 
ward to  the  possession  of  capital,  and  to  the  rights  of 
citizenship  in  "  freedom  under  law."     As  they  acquire 
capital,  intelligence,   and  habits  of  self-reliance,  there 
can  be  nothing  in  their  condition  as  Metayers  to  pre- 
vent them   from   becoming  proprietors;    and   if  the 
privilege  of  the  Metayer  tenure  should  be  granted  to 
white  men,  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  large  num- 
bers, who  will  become  acquainted  with  the  South  dur- 
ing the  war,  will  avail  themselves  of  it  with  alacrity. 
Chateauvieux,  after  describing  tbe   convenient  ar- 
rangement of  their  farms,  says  of  the  Metayers  of  Ita- 
ly, and  especially  of  their  system  in  Fiedmont — "  The 
rotation  of  crops  is  excellent.     I  should  think  no  coun- 
try can  bring  so  large  a  portion  of  its  produce  to  mar- 
ket as  Piedmont."     The  soil  is  not  naturally  fertile, 
yet  "the  number  of  cities  is  prodigiously  great;"  and 
J.  S.  Mill  remarks — "  The  agriculture  must  .therefore 
be  eminently  favorable  to  the  net  as  well  as  the  gross 
produce  of  the  land." 

Of  the  valley  of  tbe  Arno,  in  its  whole  extent,  both 
above  and  below  Florence,  Chateauvieux  thus  speaks  : 
"Forests  of  olive  trees  covered  the  lower  parts  of 
the  mountains,  and  by  their  foliage  concealed  an  in- 
finite number  of  small  farms,  which  peopled  this  part 
of  the  mountains.  Chesnut  trees  raised  their  beads 
on  tbe  higher  slopes,  their  healthy  verdure  contrasting 
with  tbe  pale  tint  of  tbe  olive  trees,  and  spreading  a 
brightness  over  this  amphitheatre.  Tbe  road  was' 
bordered  on  each  side  with  village  houses,  not  many 

paces   from   each   other They  are  placed  at  a 

little  distance  from  the  road,  and  separated  from  it 
by  a  wall,  and  a  terrace  of  some  feet  in  extent.  On 
the  wall  arc  commonly  placed  many  vases  of  antique 
forms,  in  which  flowers,  aloes,  and  young  orange  trees 
are  growing.  The  house  itself  is  completely  covered 
with  vines.  .  .  .  Before  these  houses  we  saw  groups  of 
peasant  females,  dressed  in  white  linen,  silk  corsets, 
and  straw  hats  ornamented  with  flowers.  .  .  .  Almost 
every  farm  maintains  a  well-looking  horse,  which 
goes  in  a  small  two-wheeled  cart,  neatly  made,  ai\d 
painted  red ;  they  serve  for  all  the  purposes  of  draught 
for  tbe  farm,  and  also  to  convey  tbe  farmers'  daughters 
to  mass  and  to  balls.  Thus,  on  holidays,  hundreds 
of  these  little  carts  are  seen  flying  in  all  directions, 
carrying  the  young  women  decorated  with  flowers  and 
ribbons." 

Now,  nobody  expects  to  make  an  Acadia  like  this 
of  negro  South  Carolina.  Nobody  expects  the  fine 
culture  and  picturesque  beauty  of  the  small  farms  of 
Italy  can  be  reproduced  upon  the  broad  acres  of  the 
cotton  fields  of  the  South ;  but  I  suppose  the  income 
that  would  accrue  upon  the  Southern  plantations,  and' 
which  might  be  divided  between  metayers  and  propri- 
etors, is  vastly  greater  in  proportion  to  population 
than  the  income  of  Italian  estates  which  is  thus  di- 
vided. No  doubt,  a  metayer  income  of  our  Southern 
plantations  would  yield  capital  as  soon  as  the  negroes 
would  be  sufficiently  advanced  in  general  intelligence 
and  in  habits  of  self- reliance  to  profit  by  it,  and  the 
sooner  they  can  be  brought  to  this  condition,  and 
made  to  feel  the  responsibility  of  citizens,  the  safer 
it  will  be  for  the  Government  and  for  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  nation.  The  extracts  I  have  given  show 
that  society  among  metayers  is  as  free  to  all  sorts  of 
rational  enjoyment  as  that  of  any  other  class  of  far- 
mers. 

As  to  parting  with  the  laboring  population  of  the 
country,  as  proposed  by  the  colonization  scheme,  it  is 
simply  not  to  be  thought  of.  What  idea  of  political 
economy  enters  into  the  heads  of  those  who  favor  this 
scheme,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive.  I  am  bound  to 
think  they  arc  emply  of  economical  ideas,  and  filled 
only  with  partisan  politics.  It  has  cost  a  vast  deal  of 
capital  to  raise  tbe  slaves  of  this  country  to  their 
present  productive  capacity.  Every  laboring  man, 
whether  bond  or  free,  working  with  hand  or  head  for 
the  satisfaction  of  human  wants,  is  an  embodiment  of 
fixed  capital,  of  a  character  so  effective  and  so  much 
superior  to  brute  force,  that  political  economy  refuses 
to  estimate  it  as  capital  in  financial  statistics,  It 
grows  by  a  higher  law  than  the  organization  of  labor 
upon  inert  matter,  and  reaches  a  higher  purpose  j 
and  yet  every  individual  has  cost  a  certain  amount  of 
capital,  and  has  it  in  him  in  a  state  of  waste  or  profit, 
after  all.  I  forget  that  we  have  not  done  estimating 
men  by  money  value.  Political  economy  does  say 
that  the  four  million  men  and  persons  held  in  bondage 
in  this  country  are  worth  $860  per  head,  or  twelve 
hundred  millions  of  dollars ;  but  it  teaches  no  such 
nonsense  as  tho  throwing  away  of  this  vast  sum  of 
working  wealth. 

Tho  testimony  of  Sismondi  to  the  Metayer  system 
is  still  more  favorable  than  that  of  Chateauvieux,  and 


lias  the  advantage  of  being  specific,  and  from  accu- 
rate knowledge ;  his  information  being  not  that  of  a 
resident  proprietor,  intimately  acquainted  with  rural 
life."  It  would  exceed  tbe  limits  of  this  article  to  re- 
peat his  description  of  the  dwellings  and  mode  of  life 
of  the  metayers  of  his  district;  besides,  except  as  il- 
lustrating a  principle  of  success  in  the  system,  it 
would  have  but  little  application  to  any  state  of  society 
that  we  could  establish  in  our  Southern  States. 

Now,  a  word  to  your  contributor,  C.  K.  W-,  who  is 
beset  with  a  crochet  that  tbe  metayer  tenure  is  some- 
thing less  than  freedom ;  or,  as  he  expresses  it,  a  ten- 
ure that  I  wish  to  interpose  "between  enslavement 
and  perfect  freedom."  I  recommend  it  as  something 
between  poverty  and  wealth,  not  as  between  slavery 
and  freedom.  I  make  no  doubt,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  that  if  the  privilege  of  the  metayer  tenure  was 
extended  to  our  soldiers,  they  would  seize  upon  it 
with  avidity  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  without  quar- 
rel with  the  blacks,  would  help  them  to  form  an  im- 
proved society  in  the  Southern  States.  The  great 
want  of  the  poor  industrious  man  is  capital.  "  The 
rights  and  obligations  of  the  metayer  being  fixed  by 
usage,"  according  to  Sismondi,  "and  all  taxes  and 
rates  being  paid  by  the  proprietor,"  the  system  would 
give  him  the  use  of  capital  in  the  easiest  possible  way, 
and  with  the  least  possible  room  for  altercation  in  the 
settlement  of  accounts.  I  cannot  see  that  tbe  soldier 
or  the  white  citizen  would  fall  from  freedom  by  thus 
accepting  a  joint  account  interest,  and  becoming  a 
partner  of  the  proprietor  in  the  working  of  an  estate 
upon  conditions  "fixed  by  usage";  nor  can  I  see 
that  the  same  arrangement  in  the  case  of  the  black 
citizen  would  in  the  slightest  degree  encroach  upon  his 
freedom  under  law.  C. 


DIS0USSI0H  0K  SLAVEEY  AT  0INGOTATI. 

Mk.  Editor, — Every  Sunday  evening,  for  the  past 
two  or  three  months,  a,  debate  on  Slavery  lias  been 
going  on  at  the  Unitarian  Church  in  Cincinnati,  Ilev. 
M.  D.  Conway  presiding.  The  question  is,  "Would 
a  proclamation  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
emancipating  the  slaves  of  rebels,  put  an  end  to  the 
rebellion  1 "  Several  go«d  speakers,  pro  and  con,  have 
participated,  and  the  most  ultra  sentiments  on  both 
sides  are  listened  to  with  attention  by  large  and  re- 
spectable audiences.  The  greatest  degree  of  courtesy 
is  manifested  by  the  different  combatants  towards 
each  other,  and  it  is  believed  that  much  good  has  been 
accomplished  for  the  cause  of  human  freedom. 

The  following  speech  of  Mr.  M.  B.  Miller  was 
made  in  reply  to  the  remarks  of  Mr.  M.  F.  Pickles, 
one  of  the  pro-slavery  advocates,  who  had  made,  on 
the  Sunday  evening  previous,  an  elaborate  defence 
and  justification  of  human  bondage,  in  reply  to  a 
written  question  sent  up  to  him  by  a  gentleman  in 
the  audience  three  weeks  previously.  The  question 
was,  "Do  you  justify  one  race  of  human  beings 
holding  another  race  in  bondage  1  "  Mr.  P.  prom 
ised  at  the  time  to  answer  the  question  on  the  suc- 
ceeding evening,  but  failed  to  do  so,  and  he  was  again 
publicly  called  upon  to  fulfil  his  promise,  or  acknowl- 
edge that  he  was  incapable  of  doing  it.  Mr.  P.  there- 
upon, finding  himself  ■  cornered,  rather  reluctantly 
took  the  stand,  and  made  a  most  desperate  effort  to 
justify  human  bondage  upon  principle,  but  it  is  gene- 
rally conceded  that  he  made  a  grand  failure. 

At  the  opening  of  the  debate  on  the  following  Sun- 
day evening,  Mr.  M.  R.  Milleh,  being  invited  by  the 
Chairman,  made  the  following  speech  in  reply  to  Mr. 
Pickles,  which  I  have  reported,  and  forward  to  you 
for  publication,  if  you  should  think  it  worthy  of  a 
place  in  your  paper.  O.  P.  Q. 


SPEECH  OF  M.  R.  MILLER. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 
It  is  not  without  considerable  embarrassment,  I  as- 
re  you,  that  one  so  humble  as  myself  presumes  to 
address  so  large  and  intelligent  an  audience. 

During  the  past  week,  a  gentleman  remarked  to  me 
that  he  did  not  believe  that  this  discussion  would  effect 
much  good.  I  do  not  agree  with  him;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  firmly  believe  that  free  discussion,  if  con- 
ducted with  courtesy  and  candor  and  good  feeling  on 
both  sides,  is  essential  to  the  permanency  of  free  in- 
stitutions. This  free  government  of  ours  is  the  result 
of  free  discussion,  and  it  can  only  be  successfully 
maintained  by  encouraging  and  maintaining  free  dis- 
cussion. Eree  discussion  is  tbe  very  life-blood  of  the 
Republic.  As  well  stop  the  pulsation  of  the  heart, 
and  expect  life  to  continue,  as  to  stop  free  discussion, 
and  expect  liberty  to  continue.  As  well  blot  out  the 
sun  from  yonder  firmament,  and  expect  heat  and  light 
to  continue,  as  to  blot  out  free  thought  and  free  speech, 
and  expect  this  free  republican  government  to 
tinue.  Let  there  be  no  fear  of  free  discussion ;  the 
greatest  thing  to  be  apprehended  in  this  government 
is  the  suppression  of  free  discussion. 

It  has  been  over  and  over  again  asserted,  during 
this  debate,  that  the  discussion  or  agitation  of  the  sla- 
very question  was  the  prime  cause  of  this  fratricidal 
war.  But  never  was  greater  mistake  made  or  enter- 
tained. On  the  contrary,  the  very  reverse  is  the 
truth ;  instead  of  the  discussion  of  slavery  being  the 
cause  of  the  war,  the  truth  is,  it  has  been  the  want  of 
free  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  that  has  been 
the  cause  of  the  war.  [  Voice — "  That 's  so."]  Why, 
nti-slavery  men,  both  of  the  North  and  of- the 
South,  had  been  allowed  freely  to  discuss  thequestion 
of  slavery  everywhere  throughout  the  United  States — 
if  that  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  which  guaranties  free  discussion,  which  says 
that  "  the  citizens  of  each  State  shall  enjoy  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  citizens  of  the  several 
States,"  had  been  faithfully  observed,  I  verily  believe 
this  war  had  never  occurred.  If  free  discussion,  by 
speech  and  by  the  press,  bad  been  tolerated  and  de- 
fended, as  it  ought  to  have  been,  I  verily  believe  that 
anti-slavery  men  everywhere  could  have  persuaded 
our  Southern  brethren  to  have  placed  the  institution 
of  slavery  in  tbe  way  of  ultimate  extinction,  without 
injury  to  themselves.  I  believe  that  Abolitionists 
could  have  convinced  the  better  judgment  (if  slave- 
holders, that  their  own  happiness  and  prosperity  would 
have  been  promoted  by  the  emancipation  of  their 
slaves.  No,  sir,  it  was  not  the  free  discussion  of  sla- 
very at  the  mouths  of  Abolitionists,  but  it  was  the 
suppression  of  its  discussion  by  mob  violence  and 
otherwise,  which  has  resulted  in  the  present  discus- 
sion of  the  question  at  tbe  mouths  of  cannon.  (Ap- 
plause.) It  was  the  attempt  to  suppress  its  free  dis- 
cussion by  egg-shells,  which  has  inevitably  brought 
about  the  sad  necessity  of  now  discussing  it  with 
bomb-shells.   ( Laughter. ) 

The  free  discussion  of  slavery  in  this  church,  dur- 
ing the  present  winter,  is  one  of  the  most  cheering 
dgns  of  the  coming  of  a  better  feeling  on  the  sub- 
ject. A  thing,  perhaps,  not  often  witnessed  in  this 
country  since  the  dayB  of  Jefferson,  wc  have  present- 
ed to  us  hero  the  gratifying  spectacle  of  large  and  in- 
telligent audiences,  composed  of  citizens  entertaining 
antagonistic  sentiments  on  the  subject,  listening  with 
attention  and  decorum,  night  after  night,  to  tbe  dis- 
cussion of  slavery  in  the  abstract  and  in  the  concrete 
Our  pro-slavery  friends  here  have  had  a  fair  opportu- 
nity, unmolested,  to  defend  the  institution  to  their 
heart's  content.  This  I'act  furnishes  a  most  signifi- 
cant contrast  between  the  two  civilizations.  Here,  in 
the  North,  it  is  our  pride  and  glory,  not  only  to  invite, 
hut  to  tolerate  and  defend  free  discussion  on  all  sub- 
jects. Our  pro-slavery  friend,  Mr.  Pickles,  was  lis- 
tened to,  on  last  Sabbath  evening,  with  patience  and 
courtesy,  while  he  defended  and  justified  slavery  to 
the  best  of  his  known  ability;  but  he  knows  that  I 
would  not  be  permitted  unmolested  to  oppose  slavery 
in  a  public  audience  like  this  anywhere  in  the  South  ; 
he  knows  that  I  would  be  gagged,  tarred  and  feath- 
ered, and  perhaps  hung  to  the  nearest  lamp-post, 
"  without  the  benefit  of  clergy."  |  Voire—"  No  doubt 
of  it."|  My  friend  Pickles  must  be,  by  this  time, 
pretty  forcibly  struck  with  Hie  vast  difference  existing 
between  the  civilization  of  the  North  and  (hat  of  (he 
South.  Here,  any  man  may  defend  what  anil  whom 
In-  phases,  and  "there  is  none  to  make  him  afraid." 
1  desire  to  make  a  few   remarks  Ui  reply  to  the 


speech  which  my  friend,  Mr.  Pickles,  made  before 
this  audience  on  last  Sabbath  evening,   in   answer  to 
the  question  propounded  to  him   three   weeks  before, 
whether  he  would  justify  one  race  holding  another  in 
bondage.     He  attempted  to  justify  human  bondage  on 
principle;  hut  I  doubt  very  much   whether  he  made 
liis  case  out  to  his  own  satisfaction,  or  even  that  of  his 
friends,   who   were   expecting    something   from    llim 
more  than  mere  naked  assertion,  without  logical  proof. 
After  having  taken  three  weeks  to-  prepare  himself',  I 
must  confess  that  I  was   looking  for  something  more 
able  and  convincing;  but  with  due  deference  to  his 
acknowledged  ability  as  a  debater  on  other  subjects, 
he  made  a  most  signal  failure.     But  his  failure  was 
not  owing  to   the   weakness   of  the  man,  but  to  the 
weakness  of  the  cause  which  lie  espouses  ;  for  I  tell 
our  pro-slavery  friends   that  they  have  a  champion 
here.    He  has  failed  no  more  than  the  best  of  those 
who  ever  undertook  to  defend  slavery  have  failed,  and 
as  all  men   must  forever  fail.     My  friend  asked  for 
more  time,  and  I  hope  the  Chairman  will  allow  him 
more  time;   hut  I  tell  the  gentleman   that  a  whole 
eternity  will  be  far  too  short  for  him  to  make  a  ra- 
tional and  logical   defence  of  slavery.     No  man  can 
defend  that  which  is  indefensible.     Not  while  right 
and  wrong,  justice  and  mercy,  retain   their  present 
signification  can  human  bondage  be  justified. 

The  argument  advanced  by  my  friend,  Mr.  Pickles, 
to  justify  one  race  of  men  holding  another  in  bondage, 
instead  of  being  anything  new,  is  merely  a  repetition 
of  his  old  two-blade  of  grass  argument,  which  be  has 
so   often  advanced  during  this    discussion;   and,  for 
fear  it  has  not  yet  operated  to  his  satisfaction,  he  seems 
determined  to  repeat  the  dose  until  itdoes.     Well,  sir, 
what   is   the  sum  and  substance   of  his   oft-repealed 
two-blade  of  grass  argument  to  justify  slavery  1  Why, 
it  is  this  :  He  says — "He  who  makes  two  blades  of 
grass  grow  where  only  one  grew  before,  is  a  public 
benefactor,"  and   claims   that  slavery  has   done  this. 
I  most  emphatically  deny  that  slavery  has  done  it,   or 
is  such  a  public  benefactor,  and  I  defy  him  to  prove  it. 
But  even  granting  his  assumption,  for  the  sake  of  the 
argument,    if   by    "grass "    he    means    the    natural 
wealth  of  the  world,  such  as  cotton  and  sugar,  still  if, 
in  accomplishing  that  object,  slavery  has  caused  two 
groans  to  issue  from  anguished  human  hearts  where 
none  rose  before,  slavery  is  not  a  public  benefactor, 
but  the  worst  of  public  malefactors.     This  has  been 
tbe  bloody  record  of  slavery  in  all  ages  and  countries, 
and  such  it  continues  to  be.    Wherever  it  has  com- 
pelled men  to  raise  blades  of  grass,  it  has  manured  it 
with  human  blood,  and  watered  it  with  human  tears  ; 
and,  therefore,  the  end  accomplished  is  vastly  dispro- 
porlioned  to  tbe  means  employed.     As  our  eloquent 
colored  friend,  Peter  Clark,  remarked  the  other 
evening,  it  is  too  much  like  burning  down  St.  Peter's 
to  broil  a  beef-steak.  (Applause.) 

Nevertheless,  where  slavery  has  made  blades  of 
grass  grow,  let  it  have  the  credit  of  it,  by  ail  means. 
A  gentleman  lately  from  New  Orleans  told  me  that  he 
saw  grass  growing  in  the  streets  of  that  city  last  fall, 
where  it  never  grew  before,  and  I  suppose  slavery  is 
entitled  to  the  honor  of  causing  that  grass  to  grow, 
at  any  rate.  But,  whether  that  will  entitle  it  to  be 
called  a  public  benefactor  is  rather  questionable. 
(Laughter.) 

My  friend  Pickles  defends  and  justifies  slavery  on 
the  principle,  that  it  has  accomplished  the  "  greatest 
"good  to  the  greatest  number."  The  greatest  number 
of  whom1?  Does  he  claim  that  it  has  been  the  great- 
est good  to  tbe  greatest  number  of  those  who  have 
been  torn  from  their  native  homes  in  Africa,  and 
made  to  toil  all  their  lives  in  America,  untler  the  lash, 
without  wages  ?  Or  does  be  mean  that  it  has  been  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  of  those  who 
claim  to  own  human  beings  as  "  other  cattle"  1  Ski- 
very  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  1  Why, 
that  is  nothing  less  than  the  highwayman's  justifica- 
tion. That  is  precisely  the  justification  of  the  ma- 
rauding banditti  who  formed  a  league  to  rob  from  tbe 
rich,  and  give  to  the  poor.  Their  motto  was  tbe  same 
as  my  friend  P.  now  inscribes  on  the  banner  of  slave- 
ry, "  The  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number."  If 
successfully  practised,  it  would  overturn  the  very 
foundations  of  society,  and  drive  civilization  back  into 
the  dark  ages.  It  would  justify  the  citizens  of  Cin- 
cinnati in  seizing  upon  the  property  of  our  respecta- 
ble and  wealthy  fellow-citizen,  Mr.  Longworth,  and 
distribute  his  great  wealth  equally  among  the  two 
hundred  thousand  people  of  this  city,  in  order  that 
the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  of  its  inhab- 
itants might  be  accomplished.  Now,Iknow  my  friend 
Mr.  P.  would  not  approve  of  Buch  wholesale  robbery 
as  that;  but  then,  it  is  the  inevitable  consequence 
flowing  from  his  justification  of  slavery  upon  the 
principle,  that  it  is  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number.  If  there  is  any  difference  between  the 
highwayman's  doctrine,  and  the  doctrine  of  slavery, 
as  now  defended  and  justified  upon  this  floor,  it  is 
this,— that  while  it  was  the  doctrine  of  the  brigands 
in  ages  past,  that  it  was  right  to  rob  from  the  rich  and 
give  to  the  poor,  it  is  the  doctrine  of  slavery,  at  .the 
present  day,  that  it  is  right  to  rob  from  the  poor,  and 
give  to  the  rich.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  P.  sets  up  the  claim  that  slavery  has  conferred 
a  great  benefit  upon  the  slaves  in  tbe  South,  because, 
as  he  says,  it  has  made  their  condition  better  than  it 
was  in  Africa.  Now,  the  gentleman  ought  to  know  that 
the  slaves  of  the  South  never  were  in  Africa  at  all 
they  are  native  Americans,  born  on  the  soil;  and 
slavery  has  not  made  their  condition  better,  for  they 
were  born  slaves,  and  are  slaves  yet.  Besides,  the 
gentleman  must  have  forgotten  that  it  has  been  as- 
serted, over  and  over  again,  by  himself  and  friends, 
in  this  debate,  that  the  condition  of  the  slaves  has 
been  getting  worse  and  worse  ever  since  the  agitation 
for  their  emancipation  commenced. 

Now,  I  would  like  to  know  by  what  logic  Mr.  P.  can 
make  it  appear  that  the  condition  of  human  beings  can 
be  made  better  by  being  born  slaves,  and  afterwards 
intentionally  made  worse  to  spite  their  friends  in  the 
North,  because  they  want  to  make  their  condition 
better  ?     (Applause.) 

I  will  now  consider  some  of  the  ridiculous  asser- 
tions, called  arguments,  usually  advanced  by  our  pro- 
slavery  friends,  here  and  elsewhere,  whenever  the  sub- 
ject of  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  or  that  of  the  ele- 
vation of  tlie  negro  race  among  us,  is  introduced. 
They  entertain  such  profound  contempt  for  the  negro, 
that  they  will  not  permit  themselves  candidly  to  con- 
sider tbe  arguments  we  advance.  Their  prejudices 
against  the  race  are  so  deep-seated,  they  are  so  pre- 
determined not  to  hear  anything  said  in  their  favor  or 
against  the  "  peculiar  institution,"  that  they  are  in- 
competent to  form  a  just  and  rational  opinion  on  the 
subject. 

Senseless  and  sclf-cvidently  false  arguments  consti- 
tute their  whole  stock  in  trade.  Whether  you  are 
on  the  steamboat,  the  railroad  car,  in  the  bar-room  of 
the  hotel,  or  in  the  private  parlor,  wherever  the  sub- 
ject of  negro  slavery  is  introduced,  if  you  should  ad- 
vance the  idea,  that  it  is  an  outrage  against  the  eter- 
nal principles  of  justice  for  man  to  hold  property  in 
man,  and  compel  him  to  work  all  the  days  of  his  life 
without  wages,  some  pro-slavery  man  will  very  likely 
break  forth  with,  "Oh!  it  will  never  do  to  let  the 
slaves  go  free;  for  if  you  do,  they  can't  take  care  of 
themselves."  Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  man  wilh 
brains  sufficient  to  fill  this  glass  tumbler  must  see 
that  such  an  assertion  is  equally  false  and  ridiculous. 
Why,  the  fact  staring  us  right  in  the  faee  is,  thai 
Blaves  not  only  take  care  of  themselves,  but  they  take 
care  of  their  masters  at  the  same  time ;  and  if  our 
pro-slavery  friends  would  cruujuer  their  prejudices 
against  the  negro,  they  could  not  fail  to  see  it.  (Ap- 
plause.) They  ignore  tbe  plainest  teachings  of  histo- 
ry. Why,  let  me  ask  them,  do  not  the  llaytians,  whe 
gained  their  freedom  by  their  own  bravery  on  the  bat- 
tle-field, take  care  of  themselves  1  Do  not  the  man- 
umitted slaves  of  Jamaica,  of  Bnrbadoes,  and  of  the 
other  British  West  India  Islands,  take  care  of  them- 
selves'? They  hnve  no  masters  to  take  care  of  them, 
and  have  had  none  for  nearly  thirty  years,  Do  not, 
the  three  hundred  thousand  free  negroes  of  Ihe  North 
take  care  of  themselves  1  Do  not  the  free  negroes  of 
this  city  take  care  of  theiuuelvcs  1     Who  cImc  takes 


care  of  them  f  They  possess  property  to  the  amount 
of  two  or  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  most 
of  them  were  slaves  till  they  were  of  age.  Does  nut 
our  talented  colored  orator,  Peter  Clark,  take  care  of 
himself?  He  was  born  and  raised  a  slave  till  he  was 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  he  is  a  living  witness 
to  the  fact  that  slaves  can  lake  care  of  themselves 
when  set  free.  The  slave  oligarchs  of  the  South, 
who  have  made  that  argument  to  he  used  by  their 
pro-slavery  supporters  in  the  North,  really  do  not 
mean  by  it  that  they  arc  under  any  apprehension 
about  their  slaves,  if  set  free.  Their  apprehension 
is  only  with  regard  to  themselves.  The  real  mean- 
ing of  the  assertion  is  simply  this:  "Oh!  it  will 
never  do  to  let  the  slaves  go  free;  for  if  yon-do,  their 
masters  cun't  take  care  of  themselves!"  (Applause.) 
That  is  the  interpretation  thereof.  "That's  what's 
the  matter!"  (Laughter.) 

Again,  they  say — "  It  will  never  do  to  liberate  the 
slaves,  because  they  are  not  fit  for  freedom."  Slaves 
not  fit  for  freedom!  Why,  of  all  men,  it  seems  to 
me,  under  the  broad  canopy  of  heaven,  no  man  is  so 
fit  for  freedom  as  he  who  has  not  got  it.  (Applause.)  It 
would  be  as  absurd  to  contend  that  he  who  is  hungry 
not  fit  to  receive  food ;  that  he  who  has  toiled  all 
day  long  is  not  fit  for  rest;  that  a  man  prostrated  on  a 
bed  of  sickness  is  not  fit  for  health  ;  or  that  a  nation 
devastated  by  the  horrors  of  civil  war  is  not  fit  for 
peace,  as  to  contend  that  a  human  being,  born  with 
the  instinctive  love  of  liberty,  and  deprived  of  that 
inestimable  boon,  is  not  fit  to  receive  it.  (Applause.) 
Emancipated  slaves  hare,  in  every  instance,  proved 
themselves  eminently  fit  for  freedom.  In  all  the  va- 
rious modes  of  emancipation — immediate,  gradual, 
conditional  and  unconditional — they  have  improved 
their,  condition,  and  still  love  and  defend  their  free- 
dom. 

Our  pro-slavery  opponents  tell  you  that  they  have 
been  down  South,  and  seen  slavery  as  it  is,  and  they 
believe  that  the  slavesare  the  happiest  people  in  the  world. 
Now,  whenever  I  hear  one  of  them  make  that  dec- 
laration, I  always  ask  him  if  he  thinks  himself  the 
happiest  man  in  the  world,  and  he  invariably  replies 
that  he  does  not.  Then  I  ask  him  why  he  does  not 
go  down  South,  and  be  a  slave,  in  order  that  he  may 
be  the  "  happiest  man  in  the  world."  To  this  he  gen- 
erally replies,  "Oh!  I — of  course,  couldn't  be  hap- 
py as  a  slave."  Ah!  I  reply,  then  you  are  willing  to 
admit  that  a  negro  can  do  what  you  cannot  do.  If  he 
can  be  happy  as  a  slave,  a  white  man  can  be  ;  for  what 
ever  a  negro  can  do,  a  white  man  can  do.  But  nei- 
ther of  them  can  be  happy  as  a  slave,  so  long  as  hu- 
man nature  is  what  it  is.  (Applause.)  The  forty 
thousand  runaway  slaves  now  in  Canada  are  forty 
thousand  living  witnesses  that  slaves  are  wretched 
and  miserable.  Is  it  possible  that  the  happiest  men  in 
the  world  would  voluntarily  run  away  from  happiness  ? 
(Laughter.) 

Then,  again,  you  will  hear  our  pro-slavery  oppo- 
nents assert  that  "the,  slaves  of  the  South  are  better  off' 
than  the  free  negroes  of  the  North."  Why,  do  they  not 
know  that  a  slave  cannot  own  any  property,  not  even 
the  shirt  on  his  back  %  But  there  is  not  a  free  negro 
in  the  North  who  does  not  own  at  least  that  much, 
and  there  are  thousands  of  them  who  arc  rich,  who 
own  real  estate  and  other  property  to  the  amount  of 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars.  An  anecdote  is  told 
of  a  free  negro  who  once  sold  himself  for  five  hun- 
dred dollars,  and  put  the  money  into  his  pocket. 
His  master  then  said,  "Now,  Pompcy,  you're  mine, 
body,  soul,  breeches' pocket,  money,  and  all."  (Laugh- 
ter.) This  shows  the  inalienable  nature  of  human 
liberty.  It  is  absolutely  impossible  for  a  freeman  to 
sell  himself;  for  who  is  to  receive  the  money?  Nor 
is  it  any  more  possible  for  a  slave  to  own  anything, 
because  ali  the  slave  has  belongs  to  his  master.  The 
master  says  to  his  slave  what  a  man  once  said  to  his 
wife,  "  What's  yours  is  mine,  and  what's  mine  is  my 
own."  (Laughter.)  The  slave  of  the  South  is  not 
better  off  than  the  free  negro  of  the.Northt  No  more 
palpable  falsehood  was  ever  uttered.  There  is  not  a 
slave  but  knows  it  to  be  false.  A  man  must  first  own 
himself  before  he  can  own  anything  else.  No  man 
can  be  worse  off  than  he  who  does  not  own  himself. 
(Applause.)  No  man  who  owns  nothing  can  be  bet- 
ter off  than  be  who  owns  himself;  and  every  free 
negro  of  the  North  owns  himself,  and  more  besides. 
(Renewed  applause.) 

Again,  when  our  pro-slavery  friends  find  themselves 
hard  pushed  for  argument,  they  will  say,  "  Well,  we 
don't  believe  a  nigger  is  a  human  being,  anyhow." 
I  heard  a  learned  professor,  in  one  of  our  medical  col- 
leges in  this  city,  deliver  a  public  lecture  last  winter, 
and  he  argued  for  over  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  quoted 
Scripture  to  prove,  that  a  negro  was  not  a  human  be- 
ing. He  had  displayed  upon  the  walls  of  the  lecture- 
room  maps  of  the  heads  of  tbe  different  races  of  man- 
kind. There  was  the  head  of  the  Caucasian,  the  Mon- 
golian, the  Malayan,  the  Indian,  and  the  Ethiopian  or 
Negro.  He  said  that  God  never  made  but  one  race  of 
huiiian  beings  with  immortal  souls,  and  that  was  the 
white  race.  All  the  other  races,  he  said,  were  merely 
brutes  without  souls.  But,  what  was  remarkable,  this 
same  learned  pro-slavery  lecturer,  evidently  forgetling 
what  he  had.been  previously  arguing,  said  at  the  con- 
clusion, that  slavery  had  been  a  great  blessing  to  tbe 
negro  race ;  for  it  had  brought  them  all  the  way  from 
Africa,  and  civilized  and  Christianized  them  here. 
Slavery  had  Christianized  brutes  1 

The  doctrine,  that  negroes  are  only  brutes,  and 
have  no  souls,  places  our  pro-slavery  advocates  here 
rather  an  awkward  predicament  in  regard  to  the 
case  of  mulattoes.  Being  half  white  and  half  black, 
half  man  and  half  brute,  they  can  only  possess  half 
souls.  According  to  this,  our  eloquent  colored  friend, 
Peter  Clark,  has  only  half  a  soul,  and  can  never  be 
,ore  than  half  saved  or  half  damned.  (Laughter.) 
Our  pro-slavery  opponents  here  are  in  quite  a  quan- 
dary with  regard  to  our  eloquent  colored  friend,  Pe- 
ter Clark.  They  can't  exactly  fix  his  status.  When 
Peter  Clark  makes  his  appearance  upon  the  street 
railroad  car,  and  is  told  by  the  conductor  that  he 
ust  get  off,  the  rude  treatment  is  justified  on  the 
principle  that  Peter  Clark  represents  the  negro.  But 
hen  we  introduce  Peter  Clark  upon  this  stand,  and 
he  makes  before  this  intelligent  audience  a  better 
speech  than  has  been  made  on  either  side  during  this 
discussion,  (alwayB  excepting  our  learned  and  elo- 
quent friend,  the  Chairman;)  when  Peter  Clark 
stands  on  this  rostrum,  and,  like  Paul  before  Agrippa, 
defends  himself  and  the  cause  of  his  proscribed  race, 
with  a  learning  and  eloquence  worthy  a  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  or  any  other  legislative  body, 
why  then  our  pro-slavery  friends  say  that  Peter  Clark 
represent  the  white  man!  (Applause.)  It  is  thus 
our  opponents  blow  hot  and  cold,  just  as  the  pressing 
exigencies  of  their  desperate  cause  may  from  time 
to  time  demand.    (.Applause.) 

At  times,  when  you  have  driven  your  pro-slave- 
ry antagonist  to  the  wall,  he  will  become  irritable, 
ami  very  likely  one  of  his  old  fits  of  disgust  will  over- 
take him,  and  you  will  probably  hear  him  exclaim, 
"Well,  I  hate  a  nigger,  anyhow."  A  few  days  ago, 
while  in  conversation  with  a  pro-slavery  opponent,  lie 
said  to  me,  rather  pettishly,  "1  hate  a  nigger."  I 
asked  him  if  any  negro  had  ever  did  him  any  harm. 
"No,"  said  he.  Did  he  ever  injure  or  slander  any  of 
your  family  or  friends  ?  "No."  Well,  said  I,  what  has 
any  negro  done  to  you,  that  you  should  hate  the  whole 
race  ?  "  Why,"  said  he,  "  1  hate  a  nigger  because  he 
is  a  nigger."  Our  pro  slavery  friends  call  us  fanatics; 
hut  whenever  I  shall  profess  to  hate  a  man  who  never 
injured  me  nor  mine,  then  set  me  down  not  only  for  a 
fanatic,  but  for  a  fool.      (Applause.) 

When  you  have  completely  discomfited  your  pro- 
slavery  antagonist,  then  he  will  very  likely  turn  upon 
his  heel,  and  sneeringly  Bay,  "I  have  heller  U.siness 
than  to  waste  my  time  iu  talking  wilh  a  d—d  Aboli- 
tionist." This  is  proof  positive  that  he  has  entirely 
run  out  of  argument,  and  you  may  consider  thai  your 
vu-iuii  QV«*  him  is  complete;  for  hard  names  are  not 
hard  argument* 

Wh.il  is  an  Abolitionist  '  One  who  is  for  liberating 
those  who  are  hehl  in  slavery.  The  great  and  good 
Hum,  whose  hirlh-day  we  have  but.  lately  celebrated, 
Oeoi'ge  Washington,  died  an  Abolitionist !     Thai  was 


[he  crowning  act  of  his  illustrious  life  ;  and  if  all  slave- 
lolders  since  his  day  had  imitated  Washington,  in  bis 
loble  act  of  emancipating  his  slaves,  they  too  would 
uive  died  Abolitionists,  and  there  would  not  this  day 
be  a  slave  in  America. 

A  gentleman  who  had  travelled  South  once  told  me 
that,  while  rambling  through  a  grave-yard  near  a 
Southern  city,  he  saw  engraved  upon  a  tombstone,  as 
one  of  ilia  greatest  virtues,  the  fact  that  the  deceased 
had  liberated  all  his  slaves  by  will.  Now,  if  it  is  a 
noble  act  for  a  slaveholder  in  the  South  to  emancipate 
Ins  slaves,  how  can  it  he  an  ignoble  act  in  an  Aboli- 
tionist of  the  North  to  persuade  slaveholders  to  per- 
form noble  ads  worthy  of  being  recorded  upon  their 
tombstones  ?     (Applause.) 

There  are  several  other  pro-slavery  arguments 
which  I  bad  intended  to  notice;  but  my  time  has  ex- 
pired, and  1  give  way  to  others. 


PB0M   THE  ARMY   OF  GEN.   HALLECK. 

Dr.  Breck,  of  .Springfield,  who  went  with  a  broth- 
er of  the  late  Col.  Peabody  to  the  field  where  the 
battle  of  Pitlsfield  Landing  was  fought,  has  returned 
and  furnished  the  Springfield  RepvMiea/n  withethe 

following   account : — 

"Following  the  great  battle  of  the  6th  and  7th, 
until  the  arrival  of  General  Halleek  on  the  10th, 
disorder  and  demoralization  were  fearfully  prevalent. 
From  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  men  lined  the  river 
bank,  and  many  of  them  had  been  there  since  the 
Sunday  previous.  As  soon  as  Gen.  Ilalleck  entered 
the  field,  everything  underwent  a  change.  Men 
were  put  into  quarters  and  order  at  once  restored. 

Geo-  Ilalleck  is  the  idol  of  his  army,  and  is  as 
much  a  gentleman  as  a  soldier,  and  presents  the 
highest  type  of  bolh.  He  has  pitched  his  tent  in 
the  field  of  his  army,  about  a  mile  from  the  landing, 
and  come  rain  or  sunshine  he  shares  it  with  them. 
All  this  is  very  much  unlike  Gen,  Grant,  who,  on 
the  morning  of  the  memorable  Sabbath  day's  tattle, 
was  quietly  breakfasting  at  his  quarters  in  a  fine 
brick  house  in  Savannah,  ten  miles  from  the  scene 
of  conflict  and  carnage,  and  did  not  reach  the  field 
until  four  hours  after  the  battle  commenced. 

The  authority  for  this  statement  is  the  captain  of 
the  steamer  which  conveyed  him  from  Savannah  to 
Pittsburg  Landing.  During  a  stay  of  five  days  at 
Pittsburg,  in  constant  intercourse  with  officers  of  ev- 
ery grade,  the  doctor  did  not  hear  a  respectful  word 
spoken  of  Gen.  Grant. 

They  openly  charged  him  with  the  responsibility 
of  the  awful  sacrifice  of  life  ibat  had  taken  place — 
in  other  words,  for  Sunday's  surprise  and  defeat. 
Had  not  the  rebel  army  been  held  in  check  on  Sun- 
day night  by  the  gunboats  and  a  pair  of  siege  guns 
on  shore,  which  were  kept  firing  all  night,  and  the 
reinforcements  of  Buell  and  Wallace  came  in,  Grant's 
entire  command  would  inevitably  have  been  bagged 
—an  army  of  38,000  men. 

As  this  army  occupies  the  ground  on  which  the 
battle  was  fought,  there  are  to  be  seen  on  every 
hand  the  evidences  of  an  awful  conflict.  The  whole 
surface  is  covered  with  mounds  and  graves,  where 
the  dead  are  burie'd  to  a  vastly  greater  extent  than 
the  world  will  ever  know. 

The  almost  fabulous  accounts  given  by  the  burial 
parties  could  not  be  credited  without  a  view  of  this 
immense  charnel  house.  Often,  in  passing  over  the 
field,  one  comes  upon  a  grave  in  which  the  occupant 
is  so  slightly  covered  that  the  head,  or  one  or  more 
hands  are  seen  protruding. 

Bodies  are  still  brought  in,  every  day,  of  those  who 
have  lain  uncovered  since  the  battle — bodies  of 
those  who  had  crawled  away  wounded  to  die  in  se- 
cluded places.  There  are  a  thousand  dead  horses 
still  unburied.  The  almosphere  is  so  loaded  with 
the  fetor  of  animal  decomposition  as  to  be  almost  in- 
supportable. 

During  the  shelling  of  our  gunboats  on  Sunday 
night,  after  the  first  day's  fight,  a  piece  of  woods 
was  set  on  fire,  burning  over  a  surface  hardly  more 
than  half  an  acre,  on  which  were  afterwards  found 
the  charred  corpses  of  over  five  hundred  rebels. 
Some  of  these  doubtless  had  been  wounded,  but  the 
flames  closed  the  scene  over  them  all.  The  num- 
ber of  dead  upon  the  field  has  been  variously  esti- 
mated, and  will  probably  never  be  ascertained. 

Dr.  Breck  conversed  with  many  who  had  charge 
of  the  burial  parties,  and  they  all  agree  that  two- 
thirds  of  all  found  dead  upon  the  field  were  rebels. 
An  intelligent  and  truthful  officer,  an  acquaintance 
of  Dr.  Breck,  assured  him  that,  in  a  little  ravine 
which  he  pointed  out  to  him,  he  counted- three  hun- 
dred rebel  corpses,  and  fifty  of  our  men,  and  the 
doctor  estimates  the  number  buried  upon  the  field 
at  not  far  from  8000. 

Two  out  of  every  three  of  these  are  rebels,  and 
this,  it  must  be  remembered,  leaves  uncounted  tbe 
dead  they  took  with  them.  The  mortality  among 
the  wounded  is  very  large.  Of  six  hundred  and 
fifty  upon  one  boat,  two  hundred  died  before  they 
reached  Cairo.  The  wounded,  as  we  have  already 
said,  are' now  nearly  all  sent  away,  and  provided 
for  in  hospitals,  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers. 
Our  force  now  on  the  ground  is  large — probably 
large  enough.  Gen.  Pope  has  already  joined  the 
army  with  his  reinforcements.  There  seems  to  be 
no  question  about  the  superiority  both  of  our  men  and 
oiir  arms.  Our  Union  soldiers  were  all  wounded 
with  small  round  balls,  many  of  them  no  larger  than 
a  pea.  Several  who  were  shot  through  the  lungs 
with  these  balls  seem  to  be  doing  well. 

The  rebel  wounded  are  torn  pitifully  by  tbe 
Millie  balls,  and  this  partly  accounts  for  the  greater 
loss  of  life  among  the  enemy.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  battle  of  Pittsburg  Landing  is  the  greatest 
of  modern  battles." 


A  PHILOSOPHIC  NH3E0. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  writing 
from  the  Cumberland  river,  gives  the  following  hu- 
morous account  of  a  colloquy  with  a  philosophic 
negro : — 

1  noticed  upon  the  hurricane  deck  to-day  an  eld- 
erly negro  with  a  very  philosophical  and  retrospec- 
tive cast  of  countenance,  squatted  upon  his  bundle, 
toasting  his  shins  against  the  chimney,  and  apparent- 
ly plunged  into  a  state  of  profound  meditation.  Find- 
ing by  inquiry  that  he  belonged  lo  the  Ninth  Illinois, 
one.  of  the  most  gallantly  behaved  and  heavily  los- 
ing regiments  at  the  Fort  Donelson  battle,  and 
part  of  which  was  aboard,  I  began  to  interrogate 
him  upon  the  subject.  His  philosophy  was  so  much 
in  the  Falstatlian  vein  that  1  will  give  his  views  in 
his  own  words,  as  near  as  my  memory  serves  me: 

"  Were  you  in  the  fight  V" 

"  Had  a  tittle  taste  of  it,  sa." 

"  Stood  your  ground,  did  you  ?  " 

'■  Nn.  sa,  I  runs." 

"  Run  at  ihe  first  fire,  did  you  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sa.  and  would  ha'  run  soona  had  I  kuow'd 
it  war  eomin'." 

"  Why,  that  wasn't  very  creditable  to  your  cour- 
age." 

"  Dat  isn't  in  my  line,  sa— eonkin's  my  perfeshun." 

"  Well,  but  have  you  no  regard  for  your  reputa- 
tion ?  " 

'•  Reputation's  nufiln  to  me  by  de  side  ob  life." 

"  Do  you  consider  your  life  worth  more  than  oth- 
er people's?" 

"  It's  worth  more  to  me.  sa." 

"  Then  you  must  value  it  very  highly." 

"  Yes,  sa,  1  does— mora  dan  all  dis  wuld — more 
dan  A  million  of  dollars,  sa,  for  what  would  dat  be 
wuf  to  a  man  wid  de  bref  out  of  him  V  Self  perser- 
bashun  am  de  fust  law  wid  me." 

'•  Bui  why  should  you  ait  upon  a  different  rule 
from  oi  her  men  '•  " 

■■  Rucause  dillcront.  men  sel  different  values  upon 
dar  lives. — mine  is  not  in  de  market." 

••  Bill  if  you  lost  it.  you  would  have  Ihe  satisfaction 
of  knowing  that  yon  died  lor  your  country." 

•■  Whut'salist'ui'liou  would  Oat  be  to  me  when  de 
power  ob  feelin  was  gone  ?  " 

'•  Then  patriotism  and  honor  are  nothing  lo  yon  V" 

"  Nuffin  whatever,  sa      1  regard  deni  as  among  de 

vanities  j  Mid  den  de  goborument  don't  know  me  ;  I 
hab  no  rights;  may  be  sold  like  old   boss  any  \\^\, 
and  dal's  all." 
« If  our  old  soldiers  wore  like  you,  traitors  might 

Lave  broken  up  the  Government  without  resistance." 

«  Yes.  s.i.  dar  would  hub  been  no  help  for  it.      I 

wouldn't  put  my  file  in  de  stale  'ginst    any    Gobern- 

nient  dat  abet  existed]  tor  no  Gobernment  could  re- 
place de   loss  lo  me." 

■■  Do  VOU  Ultnk  any  of  your  company  would   have 

missed  ion  if  you  had  been  killed?" 

"Maybfl  not,  sa     a  dead  white  man  ain't  much  lo 

dese  sogers,  lei  alone  a  'io.nl  uigge    bat  I'd  a  missed 

myself)  ami  dat   was  do  pint  wid  me." 

It  is  safe  lo  su\  thai  the  dusky  corpse  of  that  At- 
ivan will  never  darken  ihe  field  of  carnage. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

IS    PUBLISHED 

EVEEY  FKIDAT  MOKJTING, 

—  AT  — 
221    WASHINGTON   STREET,    BOOM  No.  0. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  Grxeral  Agent 


ET"  TERMS'— Two  dollars  ami  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

EZT  Tivo  copies  will  bo  sent  to  ono  address  for  tex  dol- 
laus,  if  payment  ia.made  in  advance. 

'  411  remittances  nro  to  be  made,  and  all  letters 
relating  to  tho  pecuniary  concerns  of  tlia  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  paid)  to  the  General  Agent. 

E^~  Advertisements  inserted  at  tho  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

| .._/  "  'Mi.'  Agents  of  tbo  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receivo  subscriptions  for  The  Liberator. 

OT"  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  tho  Financial 
Committee,  but  aro  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
paper,  viz  :  —  ^Vexdell  Phillips,  En.vuxn  Quincv,  Ed- 
mund Jackson,  and  Williaji  L.  Harrison,  Jr. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  tbo  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  [lay  tbifl  down  a3  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  rail- 
j  itary  authority  taken,  for  tho  time,  tho  plaeo  of  ail  uronjp- 
ip:U  institutions,  and  ShAVERV  AMONG  THE  REST.; 
ami  that,  under  that  statu  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
truo  that  the  States  where  filavory  exists  have  tho  exclusive 
management  of  the  suhjoct,   not  only  tho  Puksidk.vt  of 

IBB    USITBO   SrATKS,  but    tho    COMJIANI.IIK    OF    THE   AjtMV, 

HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  TUB  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLATES;  f.  .  .  Prom  tho  in^nt 
that  the  slavekolding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  poweis 
of  ConattESS  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  ix  every  wait  in  which  it  CAS  eh  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  nay  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congreei 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  si  Bgi  ca  iihv  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  tile  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  iiaiitial  i>ower  takes  the 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  tho  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory. "~J.  Q.  Adaks. 


mx  <&qmU'\j  i$  m  mm,  mv  Qmfawm  m  ull  WLmkM. 


J.  B.  YEREDFTOff  &  SON,  Printers, 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    SO. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     M^Y    16,    1862. 


UfagC   0f   ©ppMSStOBe 


WHOLE    NO.    1638. 


ABOLITION    SEDITION  AGAIN    RAMPANT. 

We  are  told  that  Satan  sometimes  makes  his  ap- 
pearance in  the  garb  of  an  angel  of  light.  This 
explains  why  the  Abolition  orators  choose  religious 
anniversaries  and  houses  of  public  worship  as  the 
times  and  places  for  their  seditious  conversaziones. 
Last  year,  shrinking  into  their  boles  like  vermin  be- 
fore_  the  storm  of  popular  indignation,  the  Aboli- 
tionists did  not  dare  hold  their  anniversaries.  Since 
then,  however,  they  have  been  allowed  greater 
license,  have  been  invited  to  lecture  at  the  national 
capital,  anil,  generally  speaking,  have  basked  in 
comparative  sunshine,  disturbed  only  by  occasional 
showers  of  rotten  eggs  from  the  good  people  of  Cin- 
cinnati and  Burlington.  Consequently,  emboldened 
by  this. gleam  of  fortune,  the  Jacobin  ranters  have 
reappeared  in  this  city,  holding  high  festival  in  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans. 

Dressed  in  new  spring  suits — for  the  Anti-Slavery 
Societies  have  been  taking  up  large  contributions 
for  contrabands  recently— tiie  Abolition  "spouting 
■wretches "  made  their  appearance  upon  the  plat- 
form. Among  them,  the  Tribune  records  the  pres- 
ence of  Brigadier-General  Rufus  Saxton,  United 
States  Army.  What  a  loyal  brigadier  could-  be 
doing  in  such  company,  unless  he  had  a  file  of  sol- 
diers with  loaded  muskets  to  aid  him  in  dispersing 
the  assemblage,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  know.  Let  us 
charitably  suppose  that  General  Saxton  attended 
merely  from  curiosity,  or  from  a  desire  to  learn  fror 
the  Abolition  orators  what  lie  ought  not  to  do  i: 
South  Carolina.  At  any  rate,  he  made  no  speech, 
and  probably  left  early,  disgusted  with  the  whole 
affair,  and  wondering  why  he  was  to  be  sent  South 
to  put  down  a  rebellion,  when  the  Government  al- 
lowed sedition  to  disgrace  this  metropolis. 

The  church  was  crowded  with  a  large  audience, 
who  went  to  sleep  over  the  business  proceedings  of 
the  meeting,  and  loudly  applauded  a  chance  refer- 
ence to  York  town,  as  if  a  Union  victory  could  be 
appropriately  celebrated  in  a  disunion  convention! 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  remembering  flic  example 
of  "the  Devil's  quoting  Scripture,"  read  a  chapter 
and  the  Reverend  Post,  of  Jersey 


llu  pitnato*. 


TffjJNTY-NIiXTH 

ANNUAL     MEETING 

OP    THIS 

AMERICAN    ANTI-SLAVERY    SOCIETY. 


EEPORTED    : 


TERRINTON. 


of  the  Bible; 

City,  followed  in  a  prayer,  which  is  described  „„ 
«  rather  long,"  and  which  was  probably  as  effectual 
as  the  long  prayers  of  the  ancient  Pharisees.  A  re- 
port, exhibiting  a  favorable  condition  of  the  finances, 
was  next  read,  and  the  performances  then  be^an  in 
earnest.  It  is  a  remarkable  feature  of  these  Aboli- 
tion gatherings  that  they  begin  with  prayer  and  a 
financial  statement,  and  end  with  hymn's  and  the 
contribution  box. 

A  letter  was  read  from  Gerrit  Smith,  who  said 
nothing  important,  but  enclosed  iiCty  dollars.  The 
report  of  the  Executive  Committee  congratulated 
the  Society  upon  the  spread  of  Abolition,  and  ilun" 
hard  names  at  the  Southern  rebels,  whom  the  s£ 
ciety  had  fanatically  deluded  into  treason.  A  col- 
ored individual  named  Brown,  who  had  once  been 
a  slave,  then  attempted  to  tell  what  the  slaves 
thought  of  emancipation,  but  failed  most  dismally, 
having  apparently  forgotten  what  he  thought  as  z 
slave,  and  being  unable  to  think  very  clearly  as  a 
freeman.  One  of  Brown's  arguments,  in  favor  of 
emancipation  and  against  colonization,  was,  that 
the  negroes  were  idle  and  worthless,  they  might  just 
as  well  remain  here  at  the  North,  because,  of  course, 
they  could  not  enter  into  competition  with  indus- 
trious white  men.  Has  Brown  ever  heard  of  a 
poor-house  or  a  prison  ?  Does  he  know  that  indus- 
trious white  men  have  to  pay  taxes  to  support  such 
places?  Is  he  aware  that  idle,  worthless  niggers 
would  fill  them?  Theodore  Tilton,  a  second-rate 
Beecher,  then  passed  round  the  hat,  and  the  Rev. 
Robert  Hatfield,  of  Brooklyn,  followed  in  an  attack 
upon  God  or  the  Constitution,  whichever  authorized 
a nd_  permitted  slavery,  though  we  must  do  him  the 
iust'ice  to  say  that  he  rather  gave  the  Constitution 
the  credit  of  the  "  infamous  wrong."  The  Aboli- 
tionists are  very  fond  of  assailing  the  Constitution, 
because  they  think  it  "  a  covenant  with  death  and 
an  agreement  with  hell,"  and  can  find  in  it  no  sen- 
tence which  does  not  make  secessionists  and  Aboli- 
tionists equally  guilty  of  treason, 

Wendell  Phillips,  the  lion  of  the  occasion,  then 
followed  in  a  speech  which  savored  more  of  rotten 
eggs  than  any  of  his  previous  performances.  In  a 
couple  of  hours'  time,  he  managed  to  utter  enough 
treason  to  entitle  him  to  half  a  dozen  hangings. 
He  has  always  deserved  one.  He  ridiculed"  the 
President  and  his  colonization  schemes,  and  declared 
that  Fremont  was  the  virtual  dictator  of  the  Re- 
public. He  attacked  the  American  Church  and  the 
Supreme  Court.  Having  abused  everybody  in  this 
world,  Phillips  took  up  the  cause  of  his  dearest 
friend,  and  declared  that  "the  Devil  was  an  ass." 
This  is  very  unkind  and  ungrateful  of  Phillips,  and 
we  hope  that  his  friend  will  pay  him  off  for  it, 
sooner  or  later.  If  he  docs  not,  we  shall  agree  with 
Phillips,  for  once,  and  think  that  bis  opinion  of 
Pluto  is  perfectly  correct.  Certainly,  Satan  cannot 
be  accused  of  not  taking  care  of  his  own ;  for  these 
Abolitionists  still  survive.  We  advise  the  Govern- 
ment to  take  counsel  against  them  with  Parson 
Brownlow.  The  parson  is  a  loyal  man,  and  comes 
from  a  Slave  State.  He  has,  of  course,  been  abused 
by  Br.  Cheever  and  his  troupe.  Now,  Brownlow 
advises  that  Abolitionists  and  secessionists  shall  be 
hung  in  pairs.  Tho  idea  is  an  excellent  one.  Let 
the  Government  send  these  ranters  to  Fort  Lafayette 
a  while,  to  be  seasoned,  and  then  string  them  np 
with  the  rebels,  like  dried  haddock,  at  the  end  of 
the  war.  Thus  the  country  will  be  saved,  and  his 
Satanic  Majesty  be  enabled  to  settle  his  accounts 
with  Phillips  very  speedily.— N.  Y.  Herald. 


The  Axti-Slavkry  Society  Again.  The 
Anti-Slavery  Society  took  another  pull  at  the  bel- 
lows on  Wednesday  evening.  We  gave  an  abstract 
of  the  speeches  yesterday.  Mr.  Theodore  Tilton, 
one  of  the  editors  of 'the  independent,  and  noticeable 
only  for  his  evident  attempts  to  get  a  little  notoriety 
by  wearing  Henry  Ward  Beccher's  old  clothes,  and 
adopting  Henry  Ward  Beccher's  cast  off  opinions, 
made  a  very  silly  speech,  and  distinguished  himself 
by  quoting  a  Latin  sentence  without  Understanding 
its  meaning.  Wendell  Phillips,  who  is  good  for  any 
number  of  speeches  daily,  and  does  all  the  oratory 
of  the  Society  by  the  job,  followed  the  twenty-fifth 
rate  Beecher  in  a  spicy  lecture.  Phillips  attacked 
President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Seward,  and  Andy 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  and  wound  up  by  assaulting 
Parson  Brownlow.  Phillips  had  better  let  Brown- 
low alone.  The  Parson  is  a  rough,  ungainly,  coarse, 
tough,  vulgar,  honest,  Christian  man,  whose  good, 
loyal  heart  redeems  his  bad  language.  Phillips  is  a 
clever,  polished,  refined,  educated,  gentlemanly  fa- 
natic, whose  heart  is  as  black  as  the  negroes  he  pro- 
fesses to  love,  and  whose  treason  is  as  abhorrent  as 
his  eloquence  is  attractive.  Phillips  may  have  the 
advantage  of  Brownlow  in  manner  and'  elocution  ; 
but  if  the  comparison  is  extended  to  the  hearts,  the 
purposes  and  the  lives  of  these  two  men,  we  think 
Wendell  Phillips  will  find  it  very  odious.— Ibid. 


The  Twenty-Ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Ameri- 
can Anti-Slavert  Society  was  held  in  the  city  of 
New  York  on  Tuesday,  May  6th,  at  the  Church  of  the 
Puritans,  and  at  the  Cooper  Institute.  The  first 
meeting  took  place  at  the  Church  of  the  Puritans, 
(Dr.  Cheever's,)  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.M. 
A  very  large  and  highly  intelligent  audience  was  in 
attendance,  the  church  being  entirely  filled,  and  among 
them  were  many  who,  years  ago,  enlisted  for  the  war, 
and  have  been  spared  to  see  the  "  beginning  of  the 
end  "  for  which  they  have  so  long  and  so  faithfully  la- 
bored. On  the  platform  were  seated  the  President  of 
the  Society,  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Edmdnd  Quincy,  Wm.  Goodell,  Wm. 
Wells  Brown,  Theodore  Tilton,  Rev.  Mr.  Post, 
of  Jersey  City,  Rev.  R.  M.  Hatfield,  of  Brooklyn, 
and  other  well-known  friends  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
cause. 
OPENING  REMARKS  OF  MR.  GARRISON. 
At  the  hour  above  mentioned,  the  President  called 
the  meeting  to  order,  and  said  : 

I  congratulate  the  audience  on  the  day  and  the  oc- 
casion on  which  we  are  assembled  together.  I  con- 
gratulate you  upon  the  tidings  which  have  come  to  us 
from  Yorktown;  but  there  is  to  be  something  more 
glorious  than  any  retreat  of  the  enemy  either  from 
Yorktown  or  any  other  part  of  our  country  j  and  that 
is,  the  retreat  of  slavery  from  our  country  and  the 
world.  (Applause.)  I  congratulate  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society  on  being  permitted  to  enjoy  the 
privilege  of  holding  one  of  its  annual  meetings  in  this 
consecrated  house ;  and  had  the  same  generous  and 
Christian  spirit  been  exhibited  toward  it  from  the 
beginning  till  now,  there  had  never  been  any  con- 
troversy of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  with 
the  churches  or  the  clergy  of  the  land.  Our  move- 
ment is  emphatically,  radically,  thoroughly,  a  Chris- 
tian movement,  in  the  primitive  meaning  of  the  word. 
We  have  endeavored,  ever  since  its  organization,  to 
defend  the  Gospel  of  Christ  as  a  freedom -loving 
and  freedom-giving  Gospel,  and  to  disclaim  all  asser- 
tions as  false  and  blasphemous  which  would  attribute 
either  to  God  or  to  Christthe  responsibility  for  the  ex- 
istence or  continuance  of  slavery  in  our  land. 

Without  further  preliminary  remarks,  I  will  read  a 
few  selections  from  the  Scriptures,  which  seem  to  me 
peculiarly  applicable  to  the  present  state  of  the  coun- 
try. 

Mr.  Garrison  then  read  passages  of  Scripture  as 
follows  : — 


In  accordance  with  the  usages  of  the  Society,  an 
opportunity  was  given  to  any  one  who  wished  to  offer 
vocal  prayer,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Post,  nf  Jersey  City, 
earne  forward,  and  ottered  a  fervent  prayer  to  the  God 
of  the  oppressed  for  his  blessing  and  guidance. 

In  the  absence  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  Society,  Wm. 
I.  Bowditcii,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  his  report  was  read  by 
Oliver  Johnson,  as  follows  : — 

ANNUAL  ACCOUNT 
Of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society. 


To  publication    of    Standard,     for    Lecturing 

Agents    and   office    expenses, 
To  balance  to  new  account, 


80.  P! 


■m  ■:.-.> 


By  balance  from  old  account. 
By  donations,  subscriptions  to    Standard, 
sale  of  Tracts, 


$14,534  2d 

§1,086  98 
d 

13,447  26 


THE    SIN    AND    GUILT    OP    THE    NATION. 

Son  of  man,  say  unto  her,  Thou  art  the  land  that 
is  not  cleansed,  nor  rained  upon  in  the  day  of  indig- 
nation. There  is  a  conspiracy  of  her  prophets  in  the 
midst  thereof,  like  a  roaring  lion  ravening  the  prey; 
they  have  devoured  souls.  Her  priests  have  violated 
my  law,  and  have  profaned  mine  holy  things  :  they 
have  put  no  difference  between  the  holy  and  profane, 
neither  have  they  shewed  difference  between  the  clean 
and  the  unclean.  Her  princes  in  the  midst  thereof 
are  like  wolves  ravening  the  prey,  to  shed  blood,  and 
to  destroy  souls,  to  get  dishonest  gain. 

The  people  of  the  land  have  used  oppression,  and 
exercised  robbery,  and  have  vexed  the  poor  and 
needy  :  yea,  they  have  oppressed  the  stranger  wrong- 
fully. Therefore  have  I  poured  out  my  indignation 
upon  them;  I  have  consumed  them  with  the  fire  of 
my  wrath  :  their  own  way  haTe  I  recompensed  upon 
their  heads,  saith  the  Lord. 

THE    CAUSE    OF    THE    PRESENT    CIVIL   WAR. 

Thus  saith  the  Lord  :  Ye  have  not  hearkened  unto 
me,  in  proclaiming  liberty,  every  one  to  his  brother, 
and  every  man  to  his  neighbor :  behold,  I  proclaim 
a  liberty  for  you,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the 
pestilence,  and  to  the  famine. 

Thus  saith  the  Lord  :  A  sword,  a  sword  is  sharp- 
ened, and  also  furbished.  It  is  sharpened  to  make  a 
sore  slaughter;  it  is  furbished  that  it  may  glitter: 
should  we  then  make  mirth  ?  Cry  and  howl,  son  of 
man  ;  for  it  shall  be  upon  my  people :  it  is  made 
bright,  it  is  wrapped  up  for  the  slaughter. 

THE    SPECIAL   PUNISHMENT    OV    THE    SOUTH. 

Son  of  man,  set  thy  face  toward  the  south,  and  drop 
thy  word  toward  the  south,  and  prophesy  against  the 
forest  of  the  south  field  ;  and  say  to  the  forest  of  the 
south,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  God  :  Behold,  I  will  kin- 
dle afire  in  thee,  and  it  shall  devour  every  green  tree 
in  thee,  and  every  dry  try  :  the  flaming  flame  shall 
not  be  quenched,  and  all  faces  from  the  south  to  the 
north  shall  be  burned  therein.  And  all  flesh  shall 
see  that  I  the  Lord  have  kindled  it :  it  shall  nut  be 
quenched. 

Wherefore,  0  harlot,  hear  the  word  of  the  Lord  : 
Thus  saith  the  Lord  God  :  Because  thy  fillhincss  was 
poured  out,  and  thy  nakedness  discovered  through 
thy  whoredoms  with  thy  lovers,  and  with  all  the  idols 
of  thy  abominations,  and  by  the  blood  of  thy  chil- 
dren winch  thou  didst  give  unto  them  :  behold, 
therefore,  I  will  gather  all  thy  lovers,  with  whom  thou 
hast  taken  pleasure,  and  all  them  that  thou  hast  loved, 
with  all  them  that  thou  hast  hated  ;  I  will  even  gather 
them  round  about  against  thee;  and  will  discover  thy 
nakedness  unto  them,  that  they  may  sec  all  thy  naked- 
ness ;  and  I  will  give  thee  blood  in  fury  and  jealousy. 
And  I  will  also  give  thee  into  their  hand,  and  they 
shall  throw  down  thine  eminent  place,  and  shall  break 
■down  thy  high  places:  they  shall  strip  thee  also  of 
thy  clothes,  and  shall  take  thy  fair  jewels,  and  leave 
thee  naked  and  hare.  They  shall  also  bring  up  a 
company  against  thee,  and  they  shall  stone  thee  with 
stones,  and  thrust  thee  through  with  their  swords,  and 
they  shall  burn  thine  houses  with  fire,  and  execute 
judgments  upon  thee. 

THE    DUTY    OF    IMMEDIATE    KM ANCIPATION. 

Execute  judgment  in  the  morning,  and  deliver  him 
that  is  spoiled  out  of  the  hand  of  the  oppressor,  lest 
my  fury  go  out  like  tire,  and  burn  that  none  can 
quench  it,  because  of  the  evil  of  your  doings. 

Loose  the  bands  of  wickedness,  undo  the  heavy  bur- 
dens,  let  the    oppressed  go  free,   break  every  yoke. 

THE    BLESSED    CONSEQUENCES    OF    EMANCIPATION. 

Then  shall  thy  li»ht  break  forth  as  the  morning,  and 
thine  health  shall  spring  forth  speedily.  Then  Bhftlt 
thou  call,  and  tho  Lord  shall  answer;  thou  ehnlt  cry, 
and  he  shall  say,  Here  I  am.  And  the  Lord  shall 
guide  thee  continually,  and  satisfy  thy  soul  in  droughl 
and  make  fat  thy  bones:  and  thou  shalt  be  like  a  wa- 
tered garden,  and  like  a  spring  of  water,  whose  wa- 
ters fiiil  not.  And  they  that  shall  be  of  thee  shall 
build  the  old  waste  places  ;  thou  shall  raise  up  the  foun- 
dations of  many  generations;  and  thou  shall,  he  called, 
The  repairer  Of  the  breach,  The  restorer  of  paths  to 
dwell  in. 


§14,534  24 
(E.  E.)  May  1st,  1862.  Wm.  I.  Bowditcii. 

I  have  examined  the  above  account,  with  the 
vouchers,  and  find  the  additions  correctly  made,  and 
the  balance  on  hand  as  stated. 

Oliver  Johnson 
The  Report  was  laid  on  the  table,  to  be  taken 
at  the  business  meeting. 

The  President  then  said— It  was  the  desire  of 
the  Executive  Committee,  that  our  friend  Gerrit 
Smith,  of  Peterboro',  should  be  here  to-day,  and  be 
one  of  the  speakers  on  this  occasion ;  but  he  has 
written  us  a  letter,  stating  that  it  is  not  convenient 
for  him  to  he  with  us,and  expressing  his  sentiments  in 
regard  to  the  state  of  the  country  in  brief  terms  ; 
and  I  will  ask  Mr.  Johnson  if  he  will  read  the  let- 
ter to  the  audience. 

Mr.    Johnson,  in   compliance    with    this  request, 
read  the  letter.     [It  was  published  in  last  week's  Lib- 
■ator.] 

Mr.  Garrison  then  read  the  Statement  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee,  as  published  in  the  Liberator  of 
last  week;  the  reading  of  which  was  listened  to  with 
earnest  attention,  interrupted  only  by  the  applause 
which  some  of  the  passages  called  forth,  which  was 
especially  marked  at  the  reference  to  Fremont. 

The  President — There  are  a  great  many  peoph 
at  the  North  who  seem  to  be  exceedingly  troubled 
in  regard  to  the  disposal  of  the  slaves  when  they  shall 
be  emancipated.  What  shall  be  done  with  them  ? 
they  anxiously  inquire.  I  am  happy  to  introduce,  as 
the  first  speaker,  one  who  is  abundantly  qualified  to 
give  a  full  and  complete  answer  to  that  question  ;  for 
I  take  it  that  no  one  is  so  well  qualified  to  speak  on 
that  point  as  one  who  has  himself  been  a  chattel  slave ; 
and  that  we  are  to  ask  the  slaves  themselves  what  are 
their  ideas  of  justice,  and  what  they  want  at  our  hands, 
rather  than  undertake  to  dispose  of  them  without  any 
regard  to  their  views  or  feelings  whatever.  There 
are  two  questions— What  shall  be  done  with  the  slaves 
if  emancipated  1  and,  What  shall  be  done  with  the 
slaveholders,  whether  the  slaves  are  emancipated  or 


part  of  slaveholders  against  them.  They  have  felt 
that  the  revy  presence  of  a  colored  man,  looking  so 
gen  ted  -  and  in  such  a  prosperous  condition,  made 
the  sli*es  unhappy  and  discontented.  In  the  South- 
ern Rights  Convention  which  assembled  at  Baltimore, 
June  8th,  I860,  a  resolution  was  adopted,  calling  on 
the  Legislature  to  pass  a  law  driving  the  free  colored 
people  out  of  the  State.  Nearly  every  speaker,  Mr. 
President,  took  the  ground  that  the  free  colored  people 
must  be  driven  out  to  make  the  slave's  obedience  more 
secure.  Judge  Mason,  in  his  speech,  said,  "It  is  the 
thrifty  an'd  well-to-do  free  negroes,  that  are  seen  by 
our  slaves,  that  make  them  dissatisfied."  A  similar 
appeal  was  made  to  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee. 
Judge  Catron,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  in  a  long  and  able  letter  to  the  Nashville  Union, 
opposed  the  driving  out  of  the  colored  people.  He 
said  they  were  among  the  best  mechanics,  the  best  ar- 
tisans, and  the  most  industrious  laborers  in  the  State, 
and  that  to  drive  them  out  would  be  an  injury  to  the 
State  itself.  This  is  certainly  good  evidence  in  their 
behalf. 

The  State  of  Arkansas  passed  a  law  driving  the  free 
colored  people  out  of  the  State,  and  they  were  driven 
out,  three  years  ago.  The  Democratic  press  howled 
upon  the  heels  of  tho  free  blacks  until  they  had  all 
been  expatriated ;  but  after  they  had  been  driven  on 
the  Little  Rock  Gazette — a  Democratic  paper — made 
candid  acknowledgment  with  regard  to  the  character 
of  the  free  colored  people.     It  said : — 

"Most  of  the  exiled  free  negroes  are  industrious 
and  respectable.  One  of  them,  Henry  King,  we  have 
known  from  our  boyhood,  and  take  the  greatest  plea- 
sure in  testifying  to  his  good  character.  The  com- 
munity in  which  he  casts  his  lot  will  be  blessed  with 
that  noblest  work  of  God,  an  honest  man." 

Yet  these  free  colored  people  were  driven  out  of  the 
State,  and  those  who  were  unable  to  go,  as  many  of 
the  women  and  children  were,  were  reduced  to  slavery, 
and  there  they  are  toiling  in  chains  and  slavery  to-day. 

The  New  Orleans  True  Delta  opposed  the  passage  "of 
a  similar  law  by  the  Slate  of  Louisiana.  Among  other 
things,  it  said  ; — 


But  we  are  told  that  the  contrabands  are  flocking, 
even  now,  into  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Pennsylvania 


Legislature  Iws  K-wi  petitioiTed,  by  the  working  people 
of  Philadelphia  and  other  cilies,  to  pass  a  law  prohibit- 
ing their  settling  in  that  State.  Illinois  has  already 
passed  such  a  law.  Ohio  either  has,  or  is  trying  to  do 
so.  But  you  must  expect  that  the  slave,  running  away 
now,  will  seek  to  get  beyond  the  Border  Slave  States. 
His  liberty  is  in  doubt;  we  have  had  Generals  who 
have  sent  slaves  hack;   and 


?     My   friend  Wm.  Wells  Brown  will  now,  as" 
one  formerly  a  slave,  answer  those  .questions. 
SPEECH  OF  WM.  WELLS  BROWN. 

Mr.  President  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 
For  the  last  thirty  years,  the  colored  people  have  taken 
the  greatest  interest  in  the  agitation  of  the  abolition 
question,  as  carried  on  by  this  Society.  We  have 
watched  with  hope  and  fear  as  impediment  after  im- 
pediment has  been  thrown  in  the  way  of  its  progress. 
Among  the  many  obstacles  which  have  been  brought  to 
bear  against  emancipation,  one  of  the  most  formidable 
has  been  the  series  of  objections  urged  against  it  upon 
what  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  slave's  want  of  ap- 
preciation of  liberty,  and  his  ability  to  provide  for 
himself  in  a  state  of  freedom  ;  and  now  that  slavery 
seems  to  be  near  its  end,  these  objections  are  multiply- 
ing, and  the  cry  is  heard  all  over  the  land,  "What 
shall  be  done  with  the  slave,  if  freed  ?  "  I  propose  to 
use  the  short  time  allowed  me  this  morning  in  examin- 
ing these  phases  of  the  question. 

It  has  been  clearly  demonstrated,  I  think,  that  the 
enslaved  of  the  South  are  as  capable  of  self-support  as 
any  other  class  of  people  in  the  country.  It  is  well 
known,  that  throughout  the  entire  South,  a  large  class 
of  slaves  have  been  for  years  accustomed  to  hire  their 
time  from  their  owners.  Many  of  these  have  paid 
very  high  prices  for  the  privilege.  Some  able  me- 
chanics have  been  known  to  pay  as  high  as  ^600  per 
annum,  besides  providing  themselves  with  food  and 
clothing;  and  this  class  of  slaves,  by  their  industry, 
have  taken  care  of  themselves  so  well,  and  their  ap- 
pearance has  been  so  respectable,  that  many  of  the 
States  have  passed  laws,  prohibiting  masters  from  let- 
ting their  slaves  out  to  themselves,  because,  as  it  was 
said,  it  made  the  slaves  dissatisfied  to  see  so  many  of 
their  fellows  well-provided,  and  accumulating  some- 
thing for  themselves  in  the  way  of  pocket-money. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Nehemiah  Adams,  whose  antecedents 
have  not  been  such  as  to  lead  to  the  suspicion  that  he 
favors  the  free  colored  men,  or  the  idea  of  giving  to 
the  slaves  their  liberty,  in  his  "  Southside  View,"  un- 
consciously and  unintentionally  gives  a  very  valuable 
statement  upon  this  particular  point.  Dr.  Adams 
says: — 

"A  slave  woman  having  had  §300  stolen  from  her 
by  a  white  man,  her  master  wits  questioned  in  court 
as  to  the  probability  of  her  having  had  so  much  money. 
The  master  said  that  he  not  unfVequeutly  had  bor- 
rowed fifty  and  a  hundred  dollars  from  her  himself, 
and  added  that  she  was  always  very  strict  as  to  his 
promised  time  of  payment." 

There  was  a  slave  woman  who  had  not  only  kept 
every  agreement  with  her  master— paying  him'  every 
cent  she  had  promised— but  had  accumulated  $300  In- 
ward purchasing  her  liberty,  audit  was  stolen  from 
her,  not  by  a  black  man,  but,  as  Dr.  Adams  says,  by  a 
white  man. 

But  one  of  the  clearest  demonstrations  of  the  ability 
of  the  slave  to  provide  for  himself  in  a  state  of  free- 
dom is  to  be  found  in  the  prosperous  condition  of  the 
large  free  colored  population  of  the  Southern  States. 
Maryland  has  80,000,  Virginia  70,000,  and  the  other 
slave  States  have  a  large  number.  These  free  people 
have  all  been  slaves,-  or  they  are  the  descendants  of 
those  who  were  once  slaves  ;  what  they  have  gained 
has  been  acquired  in  spite  of  the  public  opinion  and 
laws  of  the  South,  in  spite  of  prejudice,  and  every- 
thing. They  have  acquired  a  large  amount  of  proper- 
ty ;  and  it  is  this  industry,  this  sobriety,  this  intelli- 
gence, and  this  wealth  of  the  free  colored  people  of 
the  South,  that  hits  created  so  much  prejudice  on  the 


"  There  are  a  large  free  colored  population  here,  cor- 
rect in  their  general  deportment,  honorable  in  their  in- 
tercourse with  society,  and  free  from  reproach  so  far 
as  the  laws  are  concerned,  not  surpassed  in  the  in- 
offensiveness  of  their  lives  by  any  equal  number  of 
persons,  in  any  place  North  or  South." 

That  I  consider  testimony  of  real  value.  I  produce 
this,  Mr.  Chairman,  because  there  is  nothing  entitled 
to  greater  weight  on  this  point  than  the  testimony  of 
the  people  of  the  slave  States  themselves. 

Dr.  Nehemiah  Adams,  whom  I  have  already  quoted, 
also  testifies  to  the  good  character  of  the  free  colored 
people;  but  he  does  it  unintentionally  ;  it  was  not  a 
part  of  the  programme ;  how  it  slipped  in  I  cannot  tell. 
Here  it  is,  however,  from  page  41  of  his  "  Southside 
View  "  : — 

"A  prosecuting  officer,  who  had  six  or  eight  coun- 
ties in  his  district,  told  me  that,  during  eight  years  of 
service,  he  had  made  out  about  two  thousand  bills  of 
indictment,  of  which  not  more  than  twelve  were 
against  colored  persons."     (Applause.) 

Hatred  of  the  free  colored  people,  and  abuse  of  them, 
have  always  been  popular  with  the  pro-slavery  people 
of  this  country  ;  yet,  an  American  Senator,  from  one 
of  the  Western  States— a  man  who  never  lost  an  op- 
portunity to  villify  and  traduce  the  colored  man,  and 
who,  in  his  last  canvass  for  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  argued  that  the  slaves  were  better  off  in  sla- 
very than  they  would  be  if  set  free,  and  declared  that 
the  blacks  were  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves, 
while  enjoying  liberty  — died,  a  short  time  since, 
?12,000  in  debt  to  a  black  man,  who  was  the  descend- 
ant of  a  slave.  (Applause.)  Thus,  those  who  have 
fattened  upon  us,  often  turn  round  and  traduce  us. 
Reputation  is,  indeed,  dear  to  every  nation  and  race"; 
but  to  us,  the  colored  people  of  this  country,  who  have 
so  many  obstacles  to  surmount,  it  is  doubly  dear. 
"  Who  steals  my  purse,  steals  trash  ; 

'Twas  mine,  'tis  his,  and  has  been  slave  to  thousands  ; 

But  ho  who  filches  from  ma  my  good  name, 

liobs  me  of  that  which  not  enriches  him, 

And  make  me  poor  indeed."'  (Applause.) 

In  the  District  of  Columbia,  since  the  abolition  of 
slayery,  it  is  found  that,  according  to  their  numbers, 
the  larger  proportion  of  the  property-holders  are 
among  the  negroes.  Figures,  though  we  are  told  that 
they  very  often  lie,  are  sometimes  found  to  tell  the 
truth.  The  Tammany  Hall  Young  Men's  Democratic 
Committee  of  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the  13th  of 
March,  1862,  passed  the  following  resolution  :— 

"llesolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  emancipating 
negro  slaves,  unless  on  some  plan  of  colonization, 
in  order  that  they  may  not  come  in  contact  with  the 
while  man's  labor." 

Now,  Mr.  President,  this  resolution  is  based  upon 
the  supposition  that  the  slaves,  if  freed,  will  all  flock 
to  the  North  ;  and  that  is  a  very  popular  cry  with  the 
prffSlavery  people  of  the  free  States,  because  they 
know  that  nothing  would  be  so  effective  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  their  ends  as  to  make  the  laboring  whites 
of  the  North  believe  that  they  will  be  overrun  by  the 
negroes,  if  slavery  is  abolished.  Now,  I  hold  to  the 
right  of  the  black  man,  whether  liberated  or  not,  to  go 
where  he  pleases,  to  make  himself  a  home  in  any  part 
of  the  country  he  chooses;  but  I  do  not  believe  that, 
if  slavery  is  abolished,  the  slaves  will  flock  into  the 
free  States.  I  do  not  believe  it,  because  I  have  a 
reason  for  not  believing  it.  Look  at  the  large  free 
colored  population  in  the  slave  States  1  See  how 
odious  are  the  laws  they  live  under  I  See  how  cruel- 
ly they  have  been  oppressed  !  Why,  the  State  of  Vir- 
ginia long  had  a  taw  on  her  statute-books,  and  has  now, 
unless  it  has  been  very  recently  repealed,  taxing  the 
free  colored  people  one  dollar  per  head,  over  and  above 
any  other  class  in  the  community,  by  which  the  State 
of  Virginia  put  into  her  treasury,  in  one  year,  $50,000, 
taken  from  the  colored  people.  Maryland  had  a  simi- 
lar law.  The  Gulf  States  have  been  still  more  severe 
on  this  class  of  their  population  ;  and  yet  the  free  col- 
ored people  have  remained  in  the  Southern  Males. 
Why  did  they  not  come  North  '<  Because  they  were 
unwilling  to  leave  the  congenial  climate  of  the  sunny 
South  for  the  snowy  hills  of  the  rugged  North  ;  and, 
where  you  have  found  ten  colored  persons  coming  from 
the  South  to  the  North,  nine  out  of  the  ten  have  been 
fugitive  slaves,  flying  from  the  South  because  they 
could  not  enjoy  liberty  there ;  not  the  free  colored  peo- 
ple, who  had  the  right  to  go  off  if  they  chose.  Now, 
Mr.  President,  what  has  kept  the  free  colored  people 
in  (he  Southern  States  will  prevent  the  slaves  coming 
here,  if  slavery  is  abolished. 


fter  getting  out  of  his 
master's  hands,  his  first  thought  is  to  get  further  North, 
where  his  liberty  is  secure.  If  you  were  there,  and 
in  his  position,  you  would  take  the  same  course  the 
contraband  takes  now.  He  feels  precisely  as  he  did 
before  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion  ;  he  wants 
to  get  out  of  the  way.  But  if  you  want  to  stop  the 
contraband  from  coming  into  the  free  States,  if  you 
want  to  stop  the  slave's  running  off  from  the  South, 
give  him  his  freedom  upon  the  soil.  (Loud  applause.) 
The  Tammany  Hall  Committee  is  opposed  to  abolition, 
unless  expatriation  shall  follow  it.  The  first  Napoleon 
as  waited  upon  by  a  Committee  of  the  old  planters 
of  St,  Domingo,  urging  him  to  send  an  army  to  Hayti 
to  reduce  the  emancipated  slaves  again  to  chains. 
After  the  Committee  had  withdrawn,  Napoleon  turned 
to  Gregoire,  and  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  the 
advice.  The  latter  replied :  "  If  those  planters  should 
change  their  color  to-night,  they  would  come  back  to- 
morrow, and  give  your  Majesty  different  advice."  So 
it  would  be,  Mr.  President,  with  the  Young  Men's 
Democratic  Committee  of  New  York.     (Applause.) 

Now,  everything  has  shown  that  the  slave  can  be 
trusted  in  slavery,  except  when  he  can  get  a  chance  to 
use  his  heels;  for  the  slaveholders  themselves  have 
testified  to  his  good  character.  You  know  we  were 
told  by  the  slaveholders,  just  before  the  breaking  out 
of  the  rebellion,  that  if  we  got  into  any  difficulty  with 
the  South,  their  slaves  would  take  up  arms,  and  fight 
to  a  man  for  them.  Mr.  Toombs,  I  believe,  threatened 
that  he  would  arm  his  slaves,  and  other  men  in  Con- 
gress from  the  slave  States  made  the  same  threat. 
They  were  going  to  arm  the  slaves,  and  turn  them 
against  the  North.  They  said  they  could  be  trusted ; 
nd  many  people  here  at  the  North  really  believed 
that  the  slave  did  not  want  his  liberty,  would  not  have 
't  if  he  could,  and  that  the  slave  population  was  a  very 
dangerous  element  against  the  North;  but  at  once, 
Mr.  President,  on  the  approach  of  our  soldiers,  the 
slaves  are  seen,  with  their  bundles  and  baskets,  and 
hats  and  coats,  and  without  bundles  or  baskets,  and 
without  hats  or  coats,  rushing  to  our  lines;  demon- 
strating what  we  have  so  often  said,  that  all  the  slave 
was  waiting  for  was  the  opportunity  to  get  his  liberty. 
Why  should  you  not  have  believed  this  ?  Why  should 
you  have  supposed  for  a  moment,  that,  because  a  man's 
color  diners  a  little  from  yours,  he  is  better  contented 
to  remain  a  slave  than  you  would  be,  or  that  he  has  no 
inclination,  no  wish,  to  escape  from  the  thraldom  that 
holds  him  so  tight  ?  What  is  it  that  does  not  wish  to 
be  free  ? 

"  Go,  let  a  cage  with  grates  of  gold, 
And  pearly  roof,  the  eagle  hold, 
Let  dainty  viands  be  its  fare, 
And  give  the  captive  tenderesfc  care  ; 
But  say,  in  luxury's  limits  pent, 
Find  you  the  king  of  birds  content? 
No,  oft  he'll  sound  the  startling  shriek, 
And  dash  the  cage  with  angry  beak  : 
Precarious  freedom's  far  more  dear 
Than  all  the  prison's  pampering  cheer." 
As  with  the  eagle,  so  with  man.    He  loves  to  look 
upon  the  bright  day  and  the  stormy  night;   to  gaze 
upon  the  broad  free  ocean,  its  eternal  surging  tides,  its 
mountain  billows  and  its  foam-crested  waves ;  to  tread 
the  steep  mountain  side ;   to  sail  upon  the  placid  river  ; 
to  wander  along  the  gurgling  stream  ;  to  tmce  the  sun- 
ny slope,  the  beautiful  landscape,  the  majestic  forest, 
the  flowery  meadow;   to  listen  to  the  howling  of  the 
winds  and  the  music  of  the  birds.     These  are  tin 
pirations  of  man,  without  regard  to  country,  clime,  or 
color.     (Loud  applause.) 

What  shall  we  do  with  the  slave  of  the  South  1 
"Expatriate  him,"  say  the  haters  of  the  negro.  Ex 
patriate  him  for  what  1  He  has  cleared  up  the  swamps 
of  the  South,  and  has  put  the  soil  under  cultivation  ; 
he  has  built  up  her  towns  and  cities  and  villages ;  lie 
has  enriched  the  North  and  Europe  with  his  cotton 
and  sugar  and  rice ;  and  for  this,  you  would  drive  him 
out  of  the  country!  "What  shall  be  done  with  the 
slaves,  if  they  are  freed?"  You  had  better  ask, 
"  What  shall  we  do  with  the  slaveholders,  if  the  slaves 
are  freed  1  "  (Applause.)  The  slave  has  shown  him- 
self better  fitted  to  take  care  of  himself  than  the 
slaveholder.  (Renewed  applause.)  He  is  the  bone 
and  sinew  of  the  South;  he  is. the  producer,  while  the 
master  is  nothing  but  a  consumer,  and  a  very  poor  con- 
sumer at  that.  (Laughter.)  The  slave  is  the  pro- 
ducer, and  he  alone  can  be  relied  upon.  He  has  the 
sinew,  the  determination,  and  the  will;  and  if  you  will 
take  the  free  colored  people  of  the  South  as  the  cri- 
terion, take  their  past  history  as  a  sample  of  what  tho 
colored  people  are  capable  are  doing,  every  one  must 
be  satisfied  that  the  slaves  can  take  care  of  themselves. 
But  it  is  said,  "  The  two  races  cannot  live  together 
in  a  state  of  freedom."  Why,  that  is  the  cry  that 
rung  all  over  England  twenty  years  ago— "If  you  lib- 
erate the  slaves  of  the  West  Indies,  they  can't  live 
with  the  whites  in  a  state  of  freedom."  Twenty 
years  have  shown  the  contrary.  The  blacks  and  the 
whites  live  together  in  Jamaica;  they  are  all  prosper- 
ous, and  the  island  in  a  better  condition  than  it  ever 
was  before  the  act  of  emancipation  was  passed. 

But  they  tell  us,  "If  the  slaves  are  emancipated,  we 
won't  receive  them  upon  an  equality."  Why,  every 
man  must  make  equality  for  himself.  No  society,  00 
government,  can  make  this  equality.  I  do  no!  expect 
the  slave  of  the  South  to  jump  into  equality;  all  I 
claim  for  him  is,  that  he  may  be  allowed  to  jump  into 
liberty, and  let  him  make  equality  for  himself.  (Loud 
applause.)  I  have  got  some  white  neighbors  around 
they  are  not  very  intellectual;  they  don't  asso- 
ciate with  my  family  (laughter  and  applause);  hut 
whenever  they  shall  improve  themselves,  and  bring 
themselves  up  by  thflir  own  intellectual  and  moral 
worth,  1  shall  not  object  to  their  coming  into  mv  so- 
ciety.    (Renewed  merriment.) 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  talk  about  not  letting  a 
man  come  to  this  place  or  that,  and  that  we  won't  do 
this  for  him,  or  won't  do  that  for  him,  is  all  idle.  The 
anli  -slavery  agistors  have  never  demanded  that  you 
ihall  take  the  colored  man,  any  more  than  that  you 
shall  take  the  uncullivaied  and  uneouih  white  m:m, 
and  place  him  in  a  certain  position  in  society.     All  I 


demand  for  the  black  man  is,  that  (he  white  people 
shall  take  their  heels  off  his  neck,  and  let  him  have  a 
chance  to  rise  l,y  his  own  efforts.  (Applause.)  One 
of  the  first  things  that  I  heard  when  I  arrived  in  the 
feet?  States— and  it  was  the  strangest  thing  to  me  that 
I  heard— was,  that  the  slaves  cannot  take  care  of  them- 
selves. I  came  off  without  any  education.  Society 
did  not  take  me  up;  I  took  myself  up.  (Laughter.) 
I  did  not  ask  society  to  take  me  up.  All  I  asked  of 
the  white  people  was,  to  get  out  of  the  way,  and  give 
me  a  chance  to  come  from  the  South  to  the  North. 
That  was  all  I  asked,  and  I  went  to  work  with  my 
own  hands.  And  that  is  all  I  demand  for  my  brethren 
of  the  South  to-day— that  they  shall  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  exercise  their  own  physical  and  mental  abili- 
ties. Give  them  that,  and  I  will  leave  the  slaves  to 
take  care  of  themselves,  and  be  satisfied  with  the  re- 
sult. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  I  think  that  the  present  con- 
test has  shown  clearly  that  the  fidelity  of  the  black 
people  of  this  country  to  the  cause  of  freedom  is 
enough  to  put  to  shame  every  white  man  in  the  land 
who  would  think,  of  driving  us  out  of  the  country, 
provided  freedom  should  be  proclaimed.  I  remember 
well,  when  Mr.  Lincoln's  proclamation  went  forth, 
calling  for  the  first  75,000  men.  that  among  the  first  to 
respond  to  that  call"  were  the  colored  men.  A  meet- 
ing was  held  in  Boston,  crowded  as  I  never  saw  a 
meeting  before;  meetings  were  held  in  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut,  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and 
throughout  the  West,  responding  to  the  President's 
call.  Although  the  colored  men  in  many  of  the  free 
States  were  disfranchised,  abused,  taxed  without  rep- 
resentation, their  children  turned  out  of  the  schools; 
nevertheless,  they  went  on,  determined  to  try  to  dis- 
charge their  duty  to  the  country,  and  to  save  it  from 
the  tyrannical  power  of  the  slaveholders  of  the  South. 
But  the  cry  went  forth— "  We  won't  have  the  nig- 
gers; we  won't  have  anything  to  do  with  them;  we 
won't  fight  with  them  ;  we  won't  have  them  in  the  ar- 
my, nor  about  us."  Yet  scarcely  had  you  got  into 
conflict  with  the  South,  when  you  were  glad  to  receive 
the  news  that  contrabands  brought.  (Applause.)  The 
first  telegram  announcing  any  news  from  the  disaffect- 
ed district  commences  with— "A  contraband  just  in 
from  Maryland  tells  us"  so  much.  The  last  tele- 
gram, in  to-day's  paper,  announces  that  a  contraband 
tells  us  so  much  about  Jefferson  Davis  and  Mrs.  Davis 
and  the  little  Davises.  (Laughter.)  The  nation  is 
glad  to  receive  the  news  from  the  contraband.  We 
have  an  old  law  with  regard  to  the  mails,  that  a  negro 
shall  not  touch  the  mails  at  all;  and  for  fifty  years 
the  black  man  has  not  had  the  privilege  of  touching 
the  mails  of  the  United  States  with  his  little  finger; 
but_  we  are  glad  enough  now  to  have  the  negro  bring 
the  mail  in  his  pocket !  The  first  thing  asked  of  a 
contraband  is—"  Have  you  got  a  newspaper  ?— what's 
the  news  ?  "  And  the  news  is  greedily  taken  in,  from 
the  lowest  officer  or  soldier  in  the  army,  up  to  the 
Secretary  of  War.  They  have  tried  to  keep  the  negro 
out  of  the  war,  but  they  could  not  keep  him  out,  and 
now  they  drag  him  in,  with  his  news,  and  are  glad  to 
do  so.  Gen.  Wool  says  the  contrabands  have  brought 
the  most  reliable  news.  Other  Generals  say  their  in- 
formation can  be  relied  upon.  The  negro  is  taken  as 
a  pilot  to  guide  the  fleet  of  Gen.  Burnside  through 
the  inlets  of  the  South.  (Applause.)  The  black  man 
welcomes  your  armies  and  your  fleets,  takes  care  of 
your  sick,  is  ready  to  do  anything,  from  cooking  up 
to  shouldering  a  musket;  and  yet  these  would-be  pa- 
triots and  professed  lovers  of  the  land  talk  about  dri- 
ving the  negro  out .' 

Now,  what  shall  you  do  with  the  slaveholders  ?  That 
is  the  other  question,  The  only  recommendation  I 
have  to  make  in  regard  to  that  is,  that  you  shall  take 
the  slave  from  the  slaveholder,  and  let  the  slaveholder 
go  to  work  and  labor  for  himself,  and  let  him  keep  out 
of  mischief.  (Applause.)  If  the  slaveholders  had  had 
the  opportunity  of  laboring  for  themselves,  for  the  last 
forty  years,  we  should  never  have  had  this  rebellion. 
It  is  because  they  have  had  nottwng  to  do  but  to  drink 
and  walk  about  and  concoct  mischief,  while  the  black 
man  was  toiling  for  their  support,  that  this  rebellion 
has  taken  place. 

Mr.  President,  I  must  bring  my  remarks  to  a  close. 
This  nation  owes  the  colored  people  a  great  debt. 
You,  the  people  of  New  York,  owe  us  a  great  debt. 
"\ou  have  kept  us  down,  helped  to  degrade  us  by  your 
odious  laws— the  fugitive  slave  enactments  and  oth- 
ers—you have  loved  to  keep  us  in  chains,  while  the 
slaveholders  have  deprived  us  of  our  liberty  and 
everything;  and  now  the  lime  has  come  for  you  to 
do  your  duty  in  this  matter.  You  see  that  this  has 
affected  you,  as  well  as  it  has  affected  the  blackmail, 
North  and  South;  and  now  the  world  is  looking  on, 
expecting  that  your  duty  to  the  negro,  to  the  cause  of 
freedom,  will  be  performed  ;  and  the  moral  sentiment 
of  the  world  will  hold  the  American  people  accounta- 
ble, if  this  rebellion  shall  close,  and  the  negro  be  still 
Kit  weltering  in  his  blood  and  chains.  There  is  no 
mistake  about  it :  the  nine  has  come  for  the  nation  to 
discharge  its  duty  to  the  black  man.  Now  is  the  time, 
and  I  hope  the  nation  will  have  the  moral  courage  to 
perform  its  duty.  That  the  slave  will  have  his  liber- 
ty, I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt.  These  black  men  in 
the  slave  States,  whom  Jefferson  Davis  and  Beaure- 
gard have  been  teaching  the  science  of  arms  on  tho 
one  hand,  and  the  contrabands  at  Port  Royal  and 
Fortress  Monroe,  to  whom  your  meu  and  women 
have  been  teaching  the  science  of  letters,  on  tho 
other  hand,  have  implanted  in  the  black  man's 
bosom  in  the  Southern  States  that  which  wilt  ulti- 
mately give  him  his  liberty,  if  you  do  not  give  it  to 
him.  (Applause.)  I  am  confident  that  the  tree  of  Lib- 
ei  ly  has  been  planted.  If  it  was  not  planted  bv  this 
Society,  Mr.  President,  it  lias  been  planted  by  the  re- 
bellion of  the  South,  and  it  is  growing— it  is  growing, 
and  its  branches  are  overshadowing  the  laud:  and, 
in  the  language  of  the  poet,  we  nutj  saj  i 
"  Our  plant  is  of  the  oedar, 
That  fenoweth  noi  dewty  ; 
Its  growth  shall  Mess  the  'mountain, 

Till  mountains  pass  viiti}  ■. 
Its  t,.|i  shall  greet  the  sunshine, 
Us  leaves  shall  drink  tho  rain, 

While  on  Its  lower  bratii-lios 

The  slave  shall  hamg  hia  qasja.'1 

(Loud  and  prolonged  applause.) 
REMARKS  ov  THBQDOBE  TILTON. 

Good  friends,  wo   have  just   itiis   moment  come  to 

die  moat  Interesting  period  of  the  meeting— the  tak- 
ing np  Of  the  eolleetiou  [UnghWrf.  1  BSl  Asked  l'v 
the  President,  i»  the  name  of  the  Society,  to  hold  out 


78 


THE     LIBEEATOE, 


IVE^Y  16 


he  palm  of  rrry  hand,  that  ybii  may  flrop  something 
into  it.  This  Society  is  no  beggar,  and  I  make  no  ap- 
peal ;  bnly  many  a  good  cause  goes  on  better  with  the 
•wheel  of  a  silver  dbllar  Unclorvl.  I  remember  that  it 
was  said  that  once  "Leigh  Richmond  looked  into  the 
Taces  of  working  men,  and,  disdaining  to  make  an  ap- 
peal to  their  liberality,  they  returned  him  a  collection 
■of  pennies  that  filled  a  peach  basket.  Now,  if  you  be- 
long to  the  working-class  of  the  anti-slavery  movement, 
I  hope  that  when  the  plates  go  round,  you  will  send 
them  back  so  filled  ;  and  if  you  have  not  a  copper  to 
fill  up  with,  you  may  put  in  silver  aud  gold  (laughter). 
I  will  tell  you  what  I  propose  to  do.  There  is  a  hat. 
It  is  the  hat  of  a  good  Christian— you  can  tell  it  by  its 
broad  brim  (laughter).  This  hat  covers  the  head  of 
an  old  man  who  has  helped  over  two  thousand  fugitive 
slaves  from  bondage  to  freedom.  (Many  Voices— 
"  Give  us  his  name  !  ")  Friends,  your  children  and 
grandchildren  will  have  no  need  to  ask  his  name— 
Father  Garrett,  of  Wilmington,  Delaware  (loud 
applause).  Now,  all  the  speech  I  am  going  to  make 
is  just  this —  I  propose  to  pass  round  among  the  audi- 
ence Father  Garrett's  hat;  and  do  you  see  that  you 
fill  it  as  full  as  Leigh  Richmond's  basket. 

While  the  hat  was  passed  round,  the  speaking  was 
continued,  the  President  introducing  Rev.  Robert 
M.  Hatfield,  of  Brooklyn,  who  spoke  as  follows  : 

SPEECH  OF  REV.  ROBERT  M.  HATFIELD. 
I  am  always  sorry  when  a  public  speaker  begins 
with  an  apology,  and  I  have  none  to  make;  I  have 
one  or  two  words  of  explanation,  only.  I  came  here 
with  no  speech,  with  no  preparation,  with  no  expec- 
tation of  saying  anything  at  this  time.  I  was  asked, 
a  year  ago,  to  attend  the  Anniversary  of  tins  Society  ; 
no  matter  why  I  had  not  been  asked  before;  no  mat- 
ter whether  I  Bhould  have  accepted  the  invitation  if 
it  had  come  five  or  seven  years  ago;  I  did  accept  it 
last  year,  but  after  the  appointment  was  made,  I  had 
no  opportunity  of  filling  it.  The  same  friends  sent 
me  an  invitation,  several  weeks  ago,  to  be  here  to-day 
and  make  a  speech,  and  I  very  positively,  and,  as  I 
thought,  reasonably  declined  to  do  it ;  and  I  will  tell  you 
■why,  sir.  I  had  been  for  the  last  year— for  full  twelve 
months— so  out  of  tune  with  many  of  my  anti-slavery 
friends,  that  I  really  feared  that,  coming  here,  I  should 
chill  your  ardor  rather  than  inspire  you.  I  was  afraid 
that  I  should  be  a  kind  of  croaker  among  you,  dispirit- 
ing those  men  who  ought  to  march  on  side  by  side, 
full  of  hope  for  the  victory  that,  as  you  tell  us,  you  are 
about  to  win.  I  have  not  been  able  to  take  that  hope- 
ful view  of  affairs,  nor  do  I  this  morning.  Though 
Yorktown  is  evacuated ;  though  the  General  leadinj 
our  armies  declares  that  he  is  about  to  "  drive  the  rebels 
to  the  wall,"  I  have  not  been  able  to  sympathize 
heartily  with  those  hopeful  views  that  so  many  of  our 
good  anti-slavery  friends  take  of  the  present  position 
of  affairs.  I  am  willing,  however,  to  stand  up  here, 
and  I  am  glad  of  the  opportunity,  to  express  my 
honest  and  thorough  conviction  that  this  trouble 
that  is  upon  us  now  is  God's  direct  judgment  on  this 
nation  for  the  sin  of  slavery  (applause);  and  I  am 
here  to  affirm,  sir,  that  whatever  differences  we  may 
have  on  other  subjects,  or  with  regard  to  the  treat- 
ment of  this  subject,  no  reasonable  man  who  has  faith 
in  God  has  any  right  to  be  surprised  that  we  are 
■volved  in  the  present  disasters  and  calamities,  that 
threaten  to  swallow  us  up.  There  has  been  great  dan- 
ger that,  in  Church  and  State,  among  all  classes  of 
people,  we  should  forget  that  divinely-enunciated 
truth — "  Whatsoever  a  man  sowetli,  that  shall  he  also 
reap."  For  three-quarters  of  a  century,  we  have  been 
sowing  seed  of  a  certain  kind;  it  has  taken  root;  it 
has  sprung  up;  the  harvest  waves  before  us  to-day; 
and  there  is  no  release,  there  is  no  escape— the  sickle 
must  be  thrust  in,  the  grain  must  he  gathered.  It  is 
that  terrible  harvest— a  harvest  of  carnage  and  blood 
and  desolation— that  waves  before  us  to-day. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  hoped,  and  do  hope,  that  God,  out 
of  this  confusion  and  disorder,  out  of  these  scenes  of 
strife  and  bloodshed,  will  evolve  peace,  harmony,  jus- 
tice, beauty,  and  order.  I  do  not  despair  of  the  Re- 
public; but  yet  my  hopes  are  mingled  with  many 
fears.  I  have  had  sad  and  terrible  apprehensions  lest 
there  should  not  be  enough  of  virtue,  enough  of  re- 
gard for  God  and  love  of  humanity,  to  save  the  nation. 
We  are  on  God's  threshing  floor  to-day ;  we  are  un- 
der the  flail.  We  are  in  the  mortar,  and  are  being 
pounded  ;  whether  it  shall  he  for  our  purification  and 
salvation,  God  alone  knows;  at  least,  I  have  no  power 
to  lift  the  veil,  and  look  in  upon  the  things  that  are  to 
be  in  the  future.  What  right  have  we  to  be  surprised, 
any  of  us,  at  the  trouble,  at  the  calamities,  that  have 
overtaken  us  ?  Have  we  not  been  taught,  does  it  not 
lie  at  the  very  foundation  of  our  belief  in  the  existence 
of  God,  that  He  is  a  God  that  doeth  justice  ?— that, 
sitting  upon  the  throne  of  His  glory,  He  looks  down 
upon  the  earth,  to  raise  np  the  down-trodden,  to  help 
the  poor  and  the  friendless,  to  save  the  outcast,  and  to 
punish  and  destroy  the  oppressor  and  wrong-doer'? 
And  we  have  been  in  great  danger,  as  a  nation,  of 
lapsing  into  Atheism  ;  of  coming  to  doubt  whether  God 
really  lives  and  rules— whether  he  sways  the  sceptre 
of  power  over  His  creatures.  Men  have  come  to  ques- 
tion whether  it  is  not  possible  for  a  nation  to  sow  to 
injustice  and  dishonor  and  corruption,  and  yet  reap 
prosperity  and  permanent  well-being ;  and,  sir,  though 
I  believe  that  God's  hand  has  been  in  the  history  of 
our  nation — though  I  believe  our  ancestors  were  guid- 
ed by  that  hand — though  it  seems  to  me  that  a  special 
Providence  watched  over  them,  and  guided  them  to 
the  land  where  they  first  planted  themselves— though 
I  believe  that  that  Providence  has  been  manifested 
every  year  of  our  history,  I  do  believe  that  it  is  of  so 
much  consequence  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  that  all 
men  should  believe  that  God  is  a  God  of  unchanging 
justice,  that  "  from  everlasting  to  everlasting  He  is 
the  Holy  One,"  that  He  would  sooner  this  nation  were 
blotted  out  of  existence  than  that  we  should  be  the 
cause  of  skepticism  among  the  nations  in  regard  to 
that  truth. 

Now,  sir,  is  there  any  truth  more  self-evident  than 
this — that  the  system  of  American  slavery  is  in  all 
time,  and  through  all  changes,  "the  sum  of  all  vil- 
lages "1  Has  the  heart  of  man  conceived  of  anything 
more  dishonoring  to  God,  more  essentially  unjust  and 
injurious  to  man,  than  the  system  that  transmutes  the 
bodies  and  souls  of  millions  of  human  beings  into 
chattels,  and  declares  that  they  shall  be  taken,  held 
and  adjudged  to  be  personal  property,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  whatsoever?  We  have  heard  apolog: 
for  this  system  and  vindications  of  it,  and  pleas  drawn 
from  perversions  of  God's  Word,  with  the  view  of  re 
conciling  the  nation  to  its  continued  existence,  and  to 
its  general,  to  its  universal  diffusion ;  and  there 
imminent  danger,  as  it  soemed  to  some  of  us,  that  the 
nation  would  accept  this  state  of  things,  and  come  to 
believe  that  God  really  connived  at  iniquity,  that  lie 
consented  that  human  slavery  should  be  perpetual 
and  so  I  say,  that,  though  the  nation  suffer  to  the  last 
extremity,  even  though  it  must  perish  with  the  system^ 
there  must  come  an  end  to  this  monster  abomination. 
I  do  not  know  much  about  the  questions  that  are 
discussed  here  and  elsewhere  pertaining  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  Constitution — whether  it  is  pro-slavery  or 
anti-slavery.  I  am  not  very  clear  in  my  convictions, 
and  I  have  not  very  great  confidence  in  my  judgment, 
with  regard  to  questions  of  that  sort;  and  to  tell  the 
honest  truth,  I  do  not  care  much  about  it,  one  way  or 
the  other.  If  injustice  is  in  the  Constitution,  God  is 
against  it,  and  every  one  of  his  attributes.  (Applause.) 
Men  cannot  build  any  sanctuary  for  wrong;  cannot 
make  any  holy  of  holies  for  injustice.  Call  it  law, 
call  it  the  Church,  call  it  the  Constitution,  call  it  what 
you  will,  where  injustice  is  to  be  safe,  God's  hand  will 
search  it  out,  God's  hand  will  bring  it  down,  So,  1 
say,  I  have  not  felt  any  great  interest  in  the  discussion 
of  these  questions,  I  have  not  had  great  confidence  in 
my  conclusions  with  regard  to  them  ;  but,  sir,  I  should 
deBpise  and  loathe  myself,  I  should  hate  my  scoundrel 
heart  to  its  very  centre,  if  I  ever  had  a  single  moment 
of  questioning  or  hesitancy  in  regard  to  the  infernal 
wickedness  of  slavery.  (Loud  applause.)  The  man 
who  has  a  man's  heart,  the  man  who  has  learned  to 
love  his  own  mother,  the  man  who  has  a  wife  and 
children  of  his  own,  and  who  can  look  in  their  faces, 


and  then  require  thirty  seconds  to  determine  whether 
it  is  right  for  somebody  else  to  own  and  possess  them, 
does  not  deserve  the  name  of  a  man,  much  less  of  a 
Christian,  (Loud  applause.)  I  do  not  know,  sir,  what 
our  government  is  going  to  do  with  this  question. 
I  have  great  confidence  in  Uncle  Abe — I  think  he  is 
an  honest  man.  (Applause.)  I  think  he  means  to  go 
just  as  fast  and  far  as  he  can  consistently  with  his 
views  of  his  obligations — obligations  that  he  has  re- 
cognized by  his  oath.  I  wish  he  was  in  the  way  of 
going  faster.  (Applause.)  I  wish  the  way  might  be 
opened  before  him  to  take  a  little  longer  strides  and 
be  a  little  quicker  in  his  motions  ;  yet,  God  bless 
Uncle  Abe  ! — I  believe  he  is  sound  In  the  licart.  (Loud 
applause.)  He  has  done  a  good  many  things  for 
which  I  thank  him  ;  and,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  there  has 
been  but  one  sad,  almost  irreparable  mistake  in  this 
war.  There  has  been  just  one  fact,  sir,  that  has  given 
me  trouble,  and  has  inclined  me  to  sit  down  alone,  and 
shut  my  mouth,  and  keep  my  tongue  still,  until  I  see 
what  God  is  going  to  do  in  this  affair,  and  how  it  is 
coming  out.  I  refer  to  that  strange  and  unfortunate 
interference  with  Fremont's  proclamation  in  Missouri. 
(Applause.) 


(Loud  ap- 


to  fortune." 
Very  much  in  the  history  of  every  individual  and  of 
every  nation  depends  upon  the  right  improvement  of 
those  salient  points  in  their  history  ;  and  it  has  seem- 
ed to  me,  almost  as  distinctly  as  if  God's  voice  had 
spoken  to  us  from  heaven,  that  that  proclamation  of 
the  "Pathfinder"  was  the  right  thing,  and  at  the 
right  time.  (Prolonged  applause.)  And,  sir,  if  any- 
thing were  wanting  to  confirm  me  in  this  opinion,  it 
would  be  found  in  the  fact,  that,  strangely,  unaccount- 
ably, the  people  of  this  country,  of  almost  all  classes, 
responded  to  that  proclamation.  I  refer  to  the  papers, 
as  the  exponents  of  the  popular  sentiment.  I  do  not 
read  them  all,  but  some  of  them  I  do  read.  Some  of 
them  I  can  hardly  stand.  I  do  not  read  the  New 
York  Obscri'er,  and  I  don't  know  what  The  Observer 
may  have  said  of  Fremont's  proclamation.  The  Herald, 
too,  is  rather  hard  meat  for  me,  but  The  Herald,  I  be- 
lieve, did  endorse  Fremont's  proclamation.  There 
were  no  party  lines,  no  party  distinctions,  in  the  com- 
mendation of  that  proclamation.  The  Democratic  and 
Republican,  the  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery  presses, 
with  strange  and  almost  unaccountable  unanimity, 
said  of  that  proclamation — "It  is  timely;  it  is  the 
voice  of  God  to  the  nation  "  ;  and,  sir,  if  it  could  have 
been  allowed  to  work  its  way  and  bring  forth  its  legiti- 
mate results,  I  cannot  resist  the  conviction  that,  to- 
day, the  whole  aspect  of  our  national  affairs  would 
have  been  changed.  The  bud  was  nipped  as  it  was 
about  unfolding.  The  stream  that  was  gushing  out 
of  the  fountain  was  dammed  up,  turned  back,  and 
turned  aside.  God  forgive  the  men  who  made  that 
mistake  !  I  believe  the  President  was  conscientious 
in  what  he  did,  but  it  seems  to  me  the  one  almost  ir- 
reparable blunder  of  the  war,  and  I  shall  be  devoutly 
thankful  to  God  when  anything  occurs  by  which  that 
mistake  can  be  corrected. 

I  say,  1  do  not  know  about  the  result  of  this  war. 
It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  a  Higher  Power  who  has 
it  under  control  and  under  direction.  I  believe  that 
we  are  approaching  the  end  of  American  slavery.  I 
believe  that  the  time  hastens,  that  it  draws  on  apace, 
when  liberty  shall  be  proclaimed  to  all  the  inhabitants 
of  this  land  ;  and  I  know  that,  if  we  havethe  wisdom 
to  accept  it,  to  accept  it  thankfully,  and  to  be  workers 
together  with  God,  beneficent  results  alone  can  come 
to  the  nalion.  But,  sir,  there  are  things  which  make 
a  man  sad  when  he  hears  or  reads  them.  The  discus- 
sion of  the  question,  "  What  shall  be  done  with  the 
emancipated  slaves  ?  "  and  the  declaration  made  again 
and  again  by  men  in  high  position  at  Washington  and 
elsewhere,  that  they  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  any 
scheme  for  emancipation  that  does  not  provide  for  the 
expatriation  of  the  liberated  slaves,  is  enough  to  sad- 
den any  man.  I  ask,  not  in  the  name  of  the  black 
man,  but  in  the  name  of  the  white  man,  I  ask  in  the 
name  of  a  God  of  justice,  what  business  have  you  to 
banish  four  millions  of  people  from  this  country  ?  (Ap- 
plause.) What,  I  ask,  have  the  slaves  of  the  South  or 
the  free  colored  men  of  the  North  ever  done,  that  we 
should  sit  down  even  to  the  consideration  of  this  ques- 
tion ?  Where  shall  we  send  them,  or  what  shall  we 
do  with  them  ?  We  might  as  well  sit  down  and  con- 
sider this  question — What  shall  we  do  with  all  the 
Methodists  or  Congregationalists  in  this  country  ?  Or, 
what  shail  we  do  with  all  the  men  who  dye  their 
whiskers  in  this  country  ?  Or,  what  shall  we  do  with 
all  the  men  who  have  sandy  hair  in  this  country,  or 
who  wear  false  teeth  ?  At  the  very  commencement 
of  this  matter,  at  its  very  inception,  we  are  stopped  by 
the  fact,  that  it  is  an  abominable,  a  God-insulting  and 
Heaven-defying  question  of  injustice  which  we  are 
proposing  to  consider.     (Applause.) 

Mr.  President,  there  are  a  great  many  things  about 
which  I  am  in  doubt,  but  I  thank  God  that  among  the 
uncertainties  and  fluctuations  of  this  world,  there  are 
a  few  things  that  are  sure.  I  am  not  so  certain  about 
a  good  many  things  as  I  was  twenty  years  ago.  I 
could  speak  witii  a  great  deal  more  emphasis  upon 
some  subjects  twenty  years  ago  than  I  can  now.  I 
could  preach  then  with  great  satisfaction  to  myself 
upon  some  matters  that,  upon  the  whole,  I  do  not  care 
about  discussing  now.  But  there  are  a  few  things 
that  come  to  be  more  and  more  verities  to  a  man  the 
longer  he  lives,  and  one  of  these  convictions,  to  my 
mind,  is,  that  it  is  always  safe  to  do  right.  (Applause.) 
Sir,  it  is  the  right  of  every  colored  father,  of  every 
colored  mother,  to  own  their  own  children  ;  it  is  the 
right  of  every  man,  without  regard  to  his  color,  to 
have  a  fair  chance  in  this  world,  to  use  the  hands,  and 
tongue,  and  head  that  God  has  given  him,  and  make 
the  most  of  them.  It  is  right  that  these  people  who 
have  been  trodden  under  foot  and  ground  under  the 
iron  heel  of  oppression  should  have  that  heel  taken 
off,  and  that  we  should  give  to  them  a  brother's  hand 
and  a  brother's  welcome — that  we  should  do  what  we 
can  toward  removing  Ihe  burden  that  has  been  heaped 
upon  them — that  they  be  permilted  to  go  out  with  us 
into  the  same  broad  field,  to  labor  under  the  eye  of  the 
Great  Master,  and  receive  a  reward  from  Him,  even 
as  we  do,  if  we  are  faithful.  And,  sir,  if  the  nalion 
would  come  to  that  conclusion,  and  would  do  right, 
God  in  His  providence  will  attend  to  these  other  matr 
ters.  What!  shall  we  banish  four  million  of  people, 
needed  in  the  country — needed  jn  every  view  of  the 
subject — most  important  to  the  whole  nation,  every 
quarter  and  corner  of  it !  Why,  sir,  if  we  seriously 
undertake  to  do  that,  as  the  Lord  God  liveth,  what  we 
suffer  now  is  but  a  drop  before  the  pelting  storm  that 
is  to  come  down  upon  this  people.  As  the  Lord  lives 
and  reigns,  if,  in  addition  to  all  our  other  sins,  this  na- 
tion shall  deliberately  proclaim  this  hard  alternative  to 
the  bondman,  to  clank  his  chains  and  lie  down  and 
smart  and  bleed  under  the  lash  of  the  task-master,  or 
tear  himself  away  from  the  land  of  his  birth  and  con- 
sent to  be  carried  to  a  strange  land — if,  I  say,  we  shall 
proclaim  this  alternative,  God  will  adjust  this  matter 
between  us  and  our  colored  friends  ;  and  I  say  again, 
the  fact  that  such  a  question  can  be  debated,  that  it 
can  be  considered  in  the  high  counsels  of  the  nation, 
gives  me  serious  apprehension. 

But  I  am  keeping  you  from  a  treat  from  which  you 
ought  not  to  bo  detained,  and  I  am  going  to  stop.  I 
have  one  thought  to  which  I  cling — it  is  an  anchor  to 
me  —  whether  we  get  news  of  success  or  defeat, 
whether  things  go  prosperously  or  adversely  with  us. 
It  is  this.  Frederick  Douglass  was  once  making  a 
speech — and  such  a  speech  as  few  men  in  this  country 
could  make — in  which  he  said,  "Friends,  there  is 
nothing  left  for  us,  there  is  no  hope  for  us,  but  in  our 
own  good  right  arms,  and  we  must  grasp  the  sword 
and  wield  it,  and  be  free,  because  we  determine  that 
we  will  be.  We  must  show  that  we  deserve  liberty 
by  achieving  it.  There  is  no  other  power  in  heaven 
or  on  earth  to  give  it  to  us."  There  was  an  old  col- 
ored woman  sitting  somewhere  in  the  audience — a 
quaint  old  woman,  Sojourner  Truth,  I  have  no  doubt 
many  of  yon  know  her— and  when  he  said  that,  she 
lifted  up  her  thin,  squeaking  voice,  and  said,  "Frede- 
rick! js  God  dead  3  "  (Applause.)  God  is  not  dead  ; 
and  because  He  is  not,  because  His  wisdom  is  higher 


than  ours,  I  have  faith  and  hope  in  Him 
plause.) 

The  President: — I  wish  to  express  the  gratification 
with  which  I  have  listened  to  the  speech  of  our  friend 
who  has  just  sat  down — a  gratification  that  has  been 
shared,  I  am  sure,  by  the  entire  audience.  It  is  true, 
as  he  said,  that  he  was  invited  to  address  this  meet- 
ing, and  wrote  us  a  respectful  letter  declining  to  do  so, 
on  the  ground  that  he  did  not  feel  exactly  in  the  right 
mood,  in  view  of  the  present  state  of  things  in  the 
country.  But,  being  here,  he  has  given  us  a  spon- 
taneous speech,  and  having  done  so  admirably  well 
without  premeditation,  I  shall  bargain  for  his  coming 
again,  thoroughly  prepared;  and  I  know  you  will  par- 
ticularly desire  to  hear  him  on  that  occasion  ;  for  "if 
such  things  are  done  in  the  green  tree,  what  will  be 
done  in  the  dry  "  ?     (Applause.) 

Mr.  Garrison  then  gave  notice  of  the  other  meet- 
ings of  the  Society,  for  the  afternoon  and  evening,  af- 
ter which  he  said  : — 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  Our  friend,  Mr.  Phil- 
lips, has  recently  been  to  Washington,  as  you  gener- 
ally know.  He  there  met  with  a  very  honorable  and 
flattering  reception;  but  I  hold  that  the  reception  he 
met  afterwards,  at  Cincinnati,  was  still  more  honorable 
and  mt>re  flattering  as  a  testimony  to  his  fidelity  to  the 
cause  of  human  liberty  (applause);  for  he  may  sus- 
pect some  slight  error  of  judgment,  some  degree  of 
partiality,  on  the  part  of  those  who  are  his  friends  ; 
but  when  cut-throats,  and  ruffians,  and  all  the  myrmi- 
dons of  slavery  conspire  as  one  man,  and  come  out  in 
mobocraiic  array,  with  brickbats  and  rotten  eggs,  to 
put  him  down  and  prevent  free  speech,  they  give  him 
a  crown  of  glory — no  man  can  desire  a  brighter  one. 
(Applause.)  Wendell  Phillips  will  now  address  you. 
SPEECH  OF  WENDELL  PHILLIPS,  ESQ. 
Mr.  Phillips  was  received  with  loud  and  prolonged 
applause.  When  quiet  was  restored,  he  spoke  as  fol- 
lows : — 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  was  delighted  to  hear 
the  remarks  of  our  friend  from  Brooklyn.  I  sympa- 
thize, to  a  great  extent,  with  some  of  his  views.  But, 
at  the  same  time,  I  have  not  sympathized  for  the  last 
twelve  months,  and  I  cannot  now,  with  his  anxiety  as 
to  the  fate  of  slavery  itself.  My  faith  is  firm — no  lack 
on  the  part  of  men,  no  seeming  change  in  the  nature 
of  events,  can  alter  it— that  the  events  of  the  last 
twelve  months  have,  in  the  essential  sense  of  the  word, 
abolished  the  system  of  slavery  in  this  country.  I 
do  not  believe  that  it  can  survive  many  years.  I  do 
not  believe  that  it  is  dead  today,  or  that  it  will  die  to 
morrow.  I  do  not  mean  that  it  may  not  give  us  great 
trouble  yet.  What  I  mean  is,  that,  in  a  national  point 
of  view,  five  years  or  ten  are  nothing.  When  you 
stand  at  the  source  of  the  Mississippi,  you  can  antici- 
pate the  Gulf.  What  I  believe  is  this :  we  have  open- 
ed in  our  national  history  the  chapter  which  is  to  re- 
cord the  freedom  of  every  man  under-  the  stars  and 
stripes.  Abraham  Lincoln  may  not  wish  it;  he 
not  prevent  it ;  the  nation  may  not  will  it,  but  the  na- 
tion can  never  prevent  it.  God  has  launched  us  upon 
an  ocean  in  which  the  great  laws  of  gravity  which 
govern  human  affairs  must  govern  our  course,  no  pilot 
of  our  own  selection.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  we  are 
not  here  to  discuss  to-day,  specifically,  the  abolition  of 
slavery;  that  is  a  settled,  foregone  conclusion.  I  do 
not  care  what  men  want  or  wish  ;  the  negro  is  the  peb- 
ble in  the  cog-wheel,  and  the  machine  cannot  go  on 
until  you  get  him  out.  The  problem  which  God 
forces  on  this  nation  is  to  eliminate  slavery  out  of  its 
institutions,  and,  after  that,  to  deal  with  the  dregs 
which  such  a  system  inevitably  leaves.  My  reason 
for  this  faith  is  based  upon  three  or  four  facts.  In  the 
first  place,  I  take  note  of  events  from  the  influence 
which  I  see  they  have  on  the  institutions  of  the  coun- 
try. For  the  first  time  in  our  history  for  seventy 
years,  the  government,  as  a  corporation,  has  spoken 
anti-slavery  words  and  done  anti-slavery  deeds.  It 
is  a  momentous  alteration  in  the  heart  that  governs 
the  government.  I  allude  to  that  fact,  not  because  I 
care  for  the  state  of  mind  of  Mr.  Lincoln  or  the  Cabi- 
net specifically  ;  I  view  them  as  mile-stones,  showing 
how  far  the  great  nation's  opinion  has  travelled.  For 
instance,  ever  since  1791,  we  have  had  a  Fugitive 
Slave  bill ;  we  have  had  the  civil  arm  of  the  govern- 
ment pledged  to  the  restoration  of  fugitives.  Daniel 
Webster  said,  "It  is  the  cement  of  the  Union;  it  is 
the  test  of  the  loyalty  of  the  North."  To-day  the  gov- 
ernment at  Washington,  by  an  article  of  war,  forbids 
the  army  to  execute  the  Fugitive  Slave  bill.  The  ar- 
my, for  the  present,  is  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  Civil  law  is  suspended.  The  government  acts 
militarily,  soldier-wise,  no  other,  for  the  present;  and 
the  government,  so  acting,  exclusively  in  that  func- 
tion, suspends  the  Fugitive  Slave  bill.  Is  not  that  a 
significant  proof  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind  ? 
When  could  that  have  been  achieved  before  ?  Then, 
again,  Mr.  Lincoln  turns  to  the  Border  States,  and 
says:  "Gentlemen,  lam  ready  to  buy;  I  know  the 
state  of  the  country  ;  if  you  want  to  sell  your  slaves, 
now  is  the  time  to  trade  ;  if  you  watt  a  year,  and  the 
swift  current  of  our  political  Niagara  sweeps  the  sys- 
tem from  beneath  you,  without  compensation,  never 
say  I  did  not  give  you  fair  warning."  He  then  goes 
on  to  say  :  "  Gentlemen,  I  am  trying  cannon  to  put 
down  this  rebellion  ;  it  may  not  succeed.  There  an 
other  efficient  means;  one  is  the  abolition  of  slavery 
If  I  find  cannon  do  not  succeed,  I  shall  use  other  effi- 
cient means."  In  other  words  :  "  If  you  arc  ready 
to  sell,  I  am  ready  lo  buy  ;  but  if  you  won't  sell,  I 
have  the  right  to  take."  (Applause.)  When,  since 
'89,  has  patriot  or  statesman  ventured  such  a  position  ? 
In  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  Republican  party, 
holding  the  majority,  profess  the  creed  that  govern- 
ment has  the  right  to  abolish  slavery  by  confiscation, 
and  they  have  spent  many  weeks  in  deciding — what? 
Not  whether  they  havethe  right,  but  whether  they 
will  exercise  the  right— whether  they  wilt  use  the 
power.  If,  ten  years  ago,  if,  one  year  ago,  the  Ameri- 
can people,  or  the  Abolitionists,  could  have  promised 
this,  that  in  twelve  months  the  majority,  or  its  leading 
men,  should  be  converted  to  the  doctrine  of  John 
Quincy  Adams  on  the  war  power,  would  you  not  have 
called  that  progress  enough  ? 

Again,  look  into  the  Border  States.  In  Missouri 
and  Maryland,  the  question  is  opened^-sides  are  be- 
ginning to  be  taken — great  parties  to  be  marshalled — 
whether  the  State  shall  abolish  the  institution  or  not. 
What  is  the  signification  of  that  act?  You  have  lo- 
cated the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society  in  the 
street  through  which  passed  the  Fifth  Regiment  of 
Massachusetts,  and  consecrated  with  its  blood  on  the 
19th  day  of  April.  (Applause.)  You  have  projected 
New  England,  with  its  anti-slavery  discussion,  fully 
into  Missouri  and  Maryland.  Is  not  that  progress? 
Does  it  not  show  that  the  "beginning  of  the  end" 
is  come  1 

But  you  go  a  little  further,  and,  for  the  first  time, 
the  dome  of  the  Capitol  rests  on  Liberty,  without  a 
chain.  (Loud  applause,)  Certainly,  when  these 
things  happen,  men  are  beginning  to  recognize  the 
manhood  of  the  negro.  But,  as  if  this  was  not  enough 
to  encourage  the  sublime  devotion  of  nineteen  million 
of  people,  the  two  departments  of  war  and  the  navy 
say  to  the  slave,  of  whom  the  question  has  hitherto 
been  whether  he  would  work,  whether  America  could 
afford  to  recognize  him  as  a  drudge,  whether  we  could 
give  him  a  spade,  and  let  him  own  it — to  him,  the 
departments  of  war  and  the  navy  say  to-day — "Take 
a  musket,  and  own  it!"  (Applause.)  The  nation 
which  enrols  and  arms  a  black  man,  touches  the  point 
of  liberty  for  every  man  that  shares  his  color. 

My  friend  (Rev.  Mr.  Hatfield)  regrets,  as  I  do, 
the  great  mistake,  I  think,  mude  by  the  government 
when  it  neutralized  the  proclamation  of  John  C. 
Fremont.  Could  it  have  permitted  that  proclama- 
tion to  stand,  unpledged  to  it  as  llio  Cabinet  was, 
public  opinion  would  have  crystalizod  round  it,  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  have  been  able  to  rely  confidently  on 
the  manifested  public  opinion  which  sustained  and 
endorsed  that  act  of  the  Major-General,  and  on  the 
sure  ground  of  such  a  conclusion,  the  government 
could  have  advanced,  in  ninety  days,  directly  to  uni- 
versal emancipation.  I  think  it  was  a  great  point 
.oat.     There  have  been  several  points  lost.     If,  when 


Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  lirst  issued  his  letters  of  marque, 
and  endeavored  to  cover  the  ocean  with  priva leers,  the 
President  had  said,  "  If  you  touch  our  property,  we 
take  yours,"  the  great  commercial  metropolis  of  the 
nation  would  have  snid  "Amen!"  and  the  country 
would  have  followed.  The  government  might  then 
have  inaugurated  emancipation.  But  notwithstanding 
these  mistakes,  there  is  very  little  loss.  This  question 
is  so  much  deeper  and  higher  than  men,  that  our  mis- 
takes are  but  scratches  on  the  surface.  My  friend 
mistakes  only  thus  much.  Abraham  Lincoln  simply 
rides;  John  C.  Fremont  governs.  (Loud  applause.) 
Judged  by  the  pulses  and  opinions  of  the  people,  the 
real  President  of  the  American  mind  does  not  live  in 
the  White  House;  he  leads  the  Mountain  Depart- 
ment of  Virginia,  and  history  will  regard  the  reali- 
ties, and  not  appearances,  of  the  present  day.  The 
reality  is,  that  although  the  votes  of  '66  omitted  Fre- 
mont, and  although  the  caucuses  of  '130  omitted  him, 
the  people  buried  him  in  their  hearts,  and  reproduced 
him,  when  the  emergencies  of  the  nation  required  it, 
on  the  prairies  of  Missouri,  and  elected  him  President 
of  the  crisis.  (Loud  applause.)  That  proclamation 
was  not  lost.  Oh,  no ;  that  is  the  wrong  word. 
The  beautiful  rivulet  which  disappeared  in  Greece, 
according  to  the  classic  legend,  reappeared  in  Sicily. 
The  proclamation  that  went  down  in  Missouri,  comes 
up  again  in  the  Carolinas,  with  Hunter's  name  at  the 
end.  (Prolonged  applause.)  Over  the  President  or 
through  him,  the  great  normal  purpose,  the  blind  in- 
stinct of  the  American  Samson  gropes  its  way  to  the 
upholdings  of  the  foul  temple  of  slavery,  and,  in  the 
end,  it  will  drag  it  down  to  ruin,  no  matter  who  says 
nay.    (Applause.) 

I  believe  that  the  heart  of  the  American  people  is 
set  on  the  abolition  of  slavery ;  and  I  believe  the  heart 
of  the  American  people  will  accomplish  its  purpose — 
if  not  through  the  Administration,  then  over  it,  and  in 
due  time.  I  wish  it  could  be  hastened ;  I  wish  it 
could  be  more  intelligently  led;  but  we  must  take  the 
nation  as  we  find  it.  It  is  wonderful  that  we  find  it  so 
well  prepared  as  it  is.  Why,  only  look  !  What  has 
produced  this  effect  ?  What  gave  us  that  sublime  up- 
rising of  the  year  1861  ?  Certainly  not  the  Church. 
As  Theodore  Parker  said,  six  years  ago,  to-day,  at 
the  Anniversary  of  this  very  Society  :  "  If  the  Ameri- 
can Church  had  dropped  through  the  continent  to  the 
other  side,  forty  years  ago,  the  anti-slavery  enterprise 
would  have  been  further  ahead  than  it  is  now."  He 
spoke  the  truth.  And  what  was  true  of  the  Church 
was  true  of  the  State.  The  same  indifference,  the 
same  hostility,  the  same  contempt,  informed  the  mind 
of  the  State  as  of  the  Church.  I  can  remember,  six- 
teen years  ago,  when  Francis  Jackson,  representing 
the  anti-slavery  of  Massachusetts,  asked  Abbott  Law- 
rence, the  representative  of  the  Eastern  section  of  the 
State  (he  was  then  a  candidate  for  Representative  to 
Congress  from  that  section),  "  Sir,  are  you  in  favor  of 
abolition  in  the  District  ?  "  and  the  haughty  millionaire 
would  not  even  condescend  to  answer  the  question — 
so  thoroughly  contemptible  was  the  anti-slavery  enter- 
prise. There  is  where  the  State  stood  towards  us; 
there  is  where  the  Church  put  us.  Prejudice  against 
race  had  locked  every  heart  and  mind  against  the  ar- 
gument of  the  Abolitionists.  They  had  no  appeal  but 
to  the  simple  conscience,  the  instinctive  sense  of  right 
of  the  masses  of  the  people.  We  have  been  blamed, 
again  and  again,  as  agitators,  because  we  did  no  rever- 
ence to  the  established  institutions  of  the  country — its 
wealth,  learning,  parties,  churches — but  laid  the  reins 
of  this  momentous  enterprise  on  the  necks  of  the  un- 
educated masses.  We  had  nowhere  else  to  lay  them 
and  God  gave  us  the  instrument  by  which  the  heart  of 
the  masses  could  be  reached.  There  is  an  old  play 
called  "The  Devil  is  an  Ass."  It  is  a  good  motto. 
He  always  is.  When  he  framed  the  United  States 
Constitulion,  he  put  the  Fugitive  Slave  clause  into  it; 
and  that  Fugitive  Slave  clause,  in  my  apprehension, 
has  been  the  weightiest  and  strongest  weapon  which 
the  Abolitionist  has  had  to  produce  this  uprising  of 
1861,  on  the  part  of  the  people.  Let  me  tell  you  a 
story :  A  girl  of  seventeen,  flying  from  her  own 
father,  who  also,  by  American  law,  was  her  master, 
reached  a  village  in  Wisconsin.  Standing  in  its  broad 
street,  she  said  to  the  first  comers,  "I  appeal  to  all 
Christian  men — save  me!"  They  were  two  young 
men.  They  listened  to  her  story,  dared  not  keep  her 
in  the  village,  and  hurried  her  to  Milwaukee.  The 
father,  in  pursuit,  was  so  near  that  the}'  hid  the  child 
beneath  one  of  those  hogsheads  in  which  we  move 
china.  The  pursuers  passed  by  her  covering  half  a 
dozen  times,  upon  the  public  highway.  In  an  interval, 
unobserved,  the  young  men  conveyed  her  to  the  next 
town ;  from  thence  she  went  to  Detroit,  and  soon  sat 
foot  on  English  soil,  and  received  the  protection  of 
rfjueen  Victoria.  She  sent  back  a  letter  to  the  young 
men,  telling  her  story.  They  read  it,  and  went  with 
it  to  a  clergyman,  and  got  him  to  draw  up  a  pledge 
that  they  would  not  vote  again,  except  an  abolition 
ticket.  That  year,  there  were  two  anti-slavery  votes 
cast  in  that  town — the  first  two  ever  cast  in  the  State 
on  the  anti-slavery  issue.  The  next  year,  there  were 
fifteen.  To-day,  Republicanism  holds  that  State  in 
both  its  hands,  and  gives  its  weight  in  the  Republican 
balance  in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 
(Applause.)  Four  years  ago,  the  Supreme  Court  of 
that  State — the  child  of  that  little  drop  of  rain — flung 
itself  against  Taney,  and  the  Supreme  Court,  on  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Bill;  and  the  first  act  of  Edward  M. 
Stanton,  when  he  was  made  Attorney-General  under 
Buchanan,  was  to  take  Booth,  its  victim,  out  of  an 
United  States  prison  in  the  State  of  Wisconsin.  That 
is  one  drop  of  the  sainted  influence  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  bill.  (Laughter.)  All  over  the  country,  it  has 
been  the  same.  Unheeded,  unnoticed,  this  sympathy 
with  man  has  made  its  way  down  into  the  obscure 
places  of  the  nation;  and  when  statesmen  doubted, 
when  Seward  wrote  to  Dayton,  and  told  him  to  tell 
Europe,  that  this  was  a  political  quarrel  and  not  a  war, 
and  that  it  would  be  over  in  ninety  days,  and  no  man 
find  his  position  changed  by  it,  the  nation  felt  its  way 
with  its  right  hand  to  the  neck  of  the  slave  system, 
and  has  not  unclasped  its  fingers  yet,  and  never  will, 
until  it  strangles  the  monster.     (Loud  applause.) 

That  is  my  faith  as  to  slavery.  Fellow-citizens,  I 
do  not  think  that  the  lesson  of  this  hour  is  what  to  do 
with  the  negro.  It  is  a  different  question — one  that 
holds  the  slave  question  in  it,  but  is  broader.  The 
question  is,  with  this  slave  question  to  decide,  in  the 
next  fifteen  years,  is  there  virtue,  intelligence,  purpose 
enough  in  the  North  to  absorb  the  barbarism  of  fifteen 
States,  neutralize  it,  and  survive  a  united,  free,  Chris- 
tian Republic?  To-day,  those  fifteen  States  are  bar- 
barous. I  have  a  letter  at  home — I  mean  to  read  it 
to-night  or  to-morrow — from  a  Beil-Everett  voter  in 
Missouri,  written  ten  days  ago,  to  a  Bell-Everett  mer- 
cantile correspondent  in  Boston,  in  which  he  says, 
"  Your  armies  have  driven  out  the  armies  of  secession 
from  Missouri.  You  think  you  have  clone  the  work. 
You  have  not  begun  it.  Two  of  my  friends  were  shot 
a  fortnight  ago,  outside  of  this  town  ;  three  of  my  ac- 
quaintances badly  wounded.  A  man  entered  my  store 
last  week,  and  shot  my  own  clerk,  at  my  desk.  I  my- 
self, a  Union  man,  dare  not  leave  the  streets  of  the 
city,  for  fear  of  assassination.  That  is  the  law  of  the 
county."  And  he  says,  "The  question  is,  Can  you 
save  the  unity  of  these  States  ? "  He  means,  Can 
you,  Northerners,'  supply  so  much  virtue,  purpose,  in- 
telligence, as  will  absorb  this  element  of  barbarism, 
neutralize  it,  and  leave  us  a  nation  ?  That  is  the  ques- 
tion. The  dregs  of  slavery,  the  slate  of  society  which 
it  will  leave,  can  we  deal  with  it,  and  save  the  nalion  ? 
If  the  news  of  this  morning  is  all  correct — if  we  have 
got  New  Orleans,  and  McClellan  has  really  scattered 
the  secession  army — I  think  the  South  has  ceased  to 
fight  for  slavery  in  the  old  sense;  she  has  ceased  to 
fight  for  conquest,  she  now  fights  for  terms.  She  will 
keep  her  army  of  200,000  men — she  has  got  so  many 
men  in  arms,  and  1  do  not  believe  she  ever  has  had 
over  300,000— she  will  keep  them  in  arms  until  the 
fever  months,  if  possible,  and  will  keep  them  in  arms 
as  long  as  there  is  any  hope  of  dictating  terms  to  the 
Cabinet.  While  the  war  goes  on,  we  must  keep  the 
whole  army  we  now  have,  in  order  to  preserve  the  po- 
sition! of  the  government;  and  when  the  contest  is 
over,  when  the  question  is  ostensibly  settled  (of  whiCh 


I  will  speak  in  a  moment),  we  must  have  an  army  half 
as  large  as  we  have  now,  as  an  army,  not  of  conquest, 
but  of  occupation.  There  arc  six  million  of  men  at 
the  Sooth  who  have  hated  us  for  thirty  years,  and 
hate  us  twice  as  much  now,  because  we  have  whipped 
them.  Men  are  asking  the  question,  Can  the  South 
fight?  I  do  not  think  it  a  question.  The  question, 
Can  the  South  fight  ?  answers  itself.  A  State  as  large 
as  the  South,  with  six  million  of  people,  with  the  yel- 
low fever  and  typhus  for  its  right  aud  left  hand,  can 
fight  if  she  will.  The  single  question  is,  Will  she 
fight  ?  I  answer  that  question  in  the  light  of  the  ex- 
perience   of  thirty   years.     Every    Southern    pulpit, 

every  Southern  political  officer,  has  been  the  champion  1  that  he  did  not  lend  it  to  Di 
of  slavery  for  thirty  years.     No  Northern  man  could      gage.  (Laughter  and  appli 
visit  the  smallest  village  of  the  South,  and  repeat  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  without  being  lynched. 
No  book  could  be  sent  there  that  was  not  expurgated. 
No  clergyman   could   preach   the  most  diluted  anti- 
slavery  gospel,  that  he  was  not  shown  the  steamer  on 
Monday  morning,  bound  for  the  North.    When  Brooks 
struck  Sumner  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  the  foul- 
est blow  known  to  Christendom  for  a  century,  the 
whole  North,  the  whole  world,  except  the  South,  cried 
"  Shame  !  "     The  whole  South  said  "Amen  I  "    Now, 
that  is  the  country  which  has  marshalled  itself  in  war 
against  us,  and  we  have  whipped  it.     We  have  beaten 
it  in  pitched  battle  ;  we  have  barred  it  from  communi- 
cation with  the  world;    we  have  made  it  so  infamous 
in  the-manifestation  of  its  purpose,  that  Europe,  more 
than  half  willing,   could   not  stretch  out  its  right  of 
recognition  to  it;   and  the  hate  of  thirty  years  is  em- 
bittered by  the  double-distilled  hate  of  the  conquered 
victim.     What  are  we  to  do  with  six  million  of  such 
people  ?     There  are  certain  lunatics  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  certain  other  lunatics  in  Congress,  at 
Washington,  who  are  proposing  to  the  American  peo- 
ple to  cut  their  own  throats,  only  they  express  them- 
selves thus:     They  say  that  we  should  export  four 
million  of  Unionists  from  these  very  States ;   that  the 
only  race  which  loves  us,  the  only  race  which  we  can 
bind  to  us  with  hooks  of  steel,  by  only  doing  them — 
not  justice;    I  would  not  desecrate  the  word.     Jus- 
tice !     Justice   to  the  negro   would    be  to  lay  the 
wealth  of  the  nation  at  his  feet.     Justice  to  the  negro 
would  be  for  the  white  race  to  put  on   sackcloth  and 
ashes,  and  sit  down  at  his  feet,  and  beg  pardon  for  the 
sins  of  six  generations.     Justice  !     It  is  that  every 
white  man  should  yield  up  every  printed  page,  every 
college,  every  mansion,  every  convenience  of  civiliza- 
tion, bought  by  the  blood  and  toil  of  the  negro,  and 
give  them  to  the  four  million  of  slaves,  using  only 
what  they  leave.     Justice  !     We  do  not  begin  to  give 
the  negro  justice  when  we  only  give  him  his  own 
right  hand.     My  explanation  of  compensation  is — I 
compensate  the  master,  because  he  is  helpless,  and 
cannot  take  care  of  himself;    I  let  the  slave  go  free, 
because  he  can.     But  the  insane  proposition  is,  that 
we  should  export  the  very  fulcrum  of  the  lever  by 
which  the  nation  is  to  be  restored — the  four  million  of 
people  who  are  the  only  hope  that  this  country  ever 
can   be    one   and  indivisible  again.     My  friend,  Mr. 
Brown,  said  that  the  negro  had  come,  to   us,  bringing 
important  information.     Yes;  he  has  shown  in  every 
way  that  he  recognizes  the  Union  as  indefeasibly  on 
his  side.     He  has  countervailed  the  blunders  and  igno- 
rance  and   insanity  of  our  commanders.      Sherman 
went  to   South   Carolina,   Northern  bred,  filled  with 
the  folly  that  the  slave  loves  his  master  to  death,  that 
he  could  not  be  drawn  to  liberty  with  cart-ropes,  that 
he  would  shoot  any  man  who  offered  it  to  him ;  and  he 
bolted  his  doors  with  ten  locks  against  the  black  man, 
and  cried  out  to  the  whites:    "Dear,  beloved  breth- 
ren I "    (Laughter.)     Not  a  white  man  came  near,  and 
twelve  thousand   negroes   burst  in  his  doors.     (Ap- 
plause.)    The  negro  race  has  shown,  from  the  very 
commencement  of  this  quarrel,  that  they  saw,  with 
the   instinctive  sagacity  of  self-interest — their  all  at 
stake — that  this  quarrel  on  our  part  could  mean  noth- 
ing but  liberty  to  them,  and  that  the  stars  and  stripes, 
although  we  might  not  know  it,  were  written  all  over, 
by  God's  own  hand,  with  emancipation,  and  that  the 
fire  of  this  convulsion  would  bring  the  letters  out  in 
living  light  to  the  conscious  knowledge  of  this  genera- 
tion.    (Loud  applause.)     They   saw  them,   with  the 
eye  of  faith,  on  the  banner,  when  it  seemed  to  us  to  be 
written  only  with  "Union." 

Now,  I  say,  I  want  these  four  million  of  people.  I 
want  them  as  a  breakwater,  an  anchorage,  a  fulcrum, 
against  the  barbarism  of  the  South.  I  want  them  as 
the  ballast  of  the  effort  to  make  this  one  nation.  The 
lesson  of  the  past  has  been  the  success  of  agitation; 
the  success  of  appealing  to  the  common  people  to  save 
their  own  institutions  when  their  statesmen  had  hot 
faith  enough  to  believe  in  them.  When  the  members 
of  Buchanan's  Cabinet  stood  face  to  face  with  Com- 
mittees of  the  House  of  Representatives,  before  the 
4th  of  March,  1861,  and  the  Chairman  of  those  Com- 
mittees threatened  them  with  arrest  as  traitors  ;  if  they 
had  executed  their  threats  and  hung  them,  the  slave 
would  have  cursed  their  vigilance,  for  they  would 
have  put  off  this  rebellion  fifty  years.  The  blood  of 
Toucey  could  have  saved  us  this  rebellion.  Thank 
God,  it  was  not  shed  !  For  South  Carolina  flung  down 
the  gauntlet,  and  when  she  did  it,  she  swept  fifty  years 
from  the  life  of  the  slave  system.  That  very  cannon, 
fired  at  Sumter,  God's  own  hand  forged  into  a  thunder- 
bolt, and  gave  it  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  saying — "  Hurl 
it  against  the  system  !  It  shall  be  victory  to-day,  and 
peace  forever  I  "  (Loud  applause.)  But,  I  say,  when 
those  Cabinet  officers  stood  face  to  face  wit!)  the  In- 
vestigating Committees,  why  did  not  the  Committees 
publish  the  secrets  that  had  been  revealed  to  them  to 
nineteen  million  of  people  ?  They  had  not  faith  to 
believe  that  there  were  virtue  and  intelligence  enough 
in  the  American  people  to  stand  up  against  fifteen 
slave  States;  and  to-day,  that  same  statesmanlike  dis- 
loyalty to  the  Democratic  idea,  that  same  statesman- 
like want  of  faith  in  the  masses,  keeps  them  from  pro- 
claiming the  righteousness  of  abolishing  slavery. 
Washington  is  full  of  only  one  flavor — you  must  get 
rid  of  slavery  as  a  necessity,  to  save  the  Union.  Do 
you  want  to  stir  up  the  North  ?  Carry  in  a  pilgrim- 
age the  bones  that  have  been  insulted  at  Manassas. 
Do  you  want  to  concentrate  the  North?  Publish 
throughout  its  borders  that  the  South  thinks  its  sol- 
diers "mud-sills."  But  that  is  nothing  but  temper; 
nothing  but  the  bitterness  of  sections;  nothing  but 
sectional  hate,  which  is  not  to  be  relied  upon.  When 
that  tax-bill  comes  down  like  an  avalanche  on  the 
heads  of  the  American  people,  there  will  be  two  ques 
lions  about  it.  The  Democrats  will  say,  "Put  an  end 
to  the  war,  anyhow  !  Compromise  to  any  extent  I 
Send  Davis  Minister  to  St.  James's,  give  Wiglall  a 
principality  on  the  prairies,  put  Beauregard  in  McClel- 
lan's  place  (laughter) — anything  to  save  the  taxes." 
That  is  what  the  Democrats  will  say  ;  and  if  the  basis 
of  Northern  feeling  is  only  hatred,  I  do  not  know  how 
long  it  will  prevail  against  the  pocket.  When  that 
tax-bill  comes  down  upon  the  people,  the  virtue  and 
anti-slavery  purpose  of  the  North  will  say,  "  Get  rid 
of  this  weight  and  burden  of  blood  and  money  by  a 
radical  cure  of  the  war — by  making  the  South  like  the 
North  ;  that  is,  by  ridding  it  of  slavery,  and  giving  to 
it  thrift,  education,  labor."  Which  way  shall  that 
hand  turn  ?  That  is  the  question  for  this  Society  next 
summer.  How  will  it  use  the  instrument  which  God 
gives  us  ?  That  is  the  question.  Shall  the  virtue  of 
the  people  recognize  the  right  and  wrong,  or  shall  the 
people,  filled  with  hate,  merely,  consider  whether  they 
will  not  surrender  to  Democratic  intrigue  ?  It  is  a 
dangerous  hour  that  wo  are  approaching.  I  do  not 
fear  much  from  colonization.  I  do  not  think  we  are 
in  any  danger  from  that.  We  are  none  of  us,  as  a  na- 
tion, fit  for  the  lunatic  asylum,  and  until  we  are,  we 
never  shall  colonize  four  million  of  workers.  We 
shall  much  sooner  colonize  (he  mouths  than  the  hands. 
Three  hundred  and  forty-seven  thousand  slaveholders 
are  the  mouths;  the  four  million  of  blacks  are  the 
hands  ;  and  it  would  be  much  cheaper  to  colonize  the 
mouths  than  the  hands.  I  believe  in  Vaukce  common 
sense,  and  therefore  I  do  not  fear  colonization.  Anoth- 
er thing  :  if  the  races  cannot  live  together,  it  will  only 
cost  one  or  two  million  lo  colonize  the  three  hundred 
and  forty-seven  thousand  whites — it  will  cost  a  great 
deal  more  to  colonize  four  million  of  blacks. 


Then,  there  comes  the  question:  Where  are  they 
to  go  ?     If  we  cannot  bear  them,  where  is  the  nation 
that  can  ?     If  you  choose  to  send  them  beyond  the 
mountains,   somewhere,    in    a  State   by  themselves, 
are  they  to  have  the  right  to  travel?     Will  Mr.  Gar- 
rett Davis  build  a  wall  round  their  Slate,  and  never 
let  them  look  over  into  Kentucky  ?     I  do  not  believe 
in  that  method.     My  friend   Brown   mentioned  that 
telling  fact,  which  ought  to   close  every  Democratic 
mouth,  that  Stephen  A.  Douglas  died  twelve  thousand 
dollars  in  debt  to  a  negro  of  the  District;  but  he  did 
not  mention  the  best  feature  of  the  fact — that  that 
colored  man  knew  so  well  how  to  take  care  of  himself, 
glas  until  he  got  a  mort- 
:.)     The  very  white  men 
ho  edit  the  papers  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
very    white   men    who   are   discussing   the   question 
whether  the  colored  people  can  take  care  of  themselves, 
are  not  yet  so  far  able  to  take  care  of  themselves  as 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  their  own  children's  education  ; 
they  filch,  they  steal,  in  the  shape  of  taxes,  six  hun- 
dred dollars  a  year  from  the  pockets  of  the  negroes  of 
the  District,  in  order  to  pny  the  expenses  of  their  own 
schools,  and  when  they  have   done  it,   they   bar  the 
the  doors  of  those  very  schools  against  the  black  man's 
children,  and  make  him  sustain  at  his  own  expense  in- 
dependent schools  for  his  children.  ("  Shame.")     And 
then  they  sit  down  and  write  articles,  and  print  them, 
declaring  that  the  colored  men  of  the  District  are  not 
able  to  take  care  of  themselves,  when  these  very  ed- 
itors would  never  have  got  the  A,  B,  C,  that  enabled 
them  to  write  the  articles,  if  the  colored  men  had  not 
educated  them  with  their  money.     (Applause.) 

The  devil  ought  to  have  a  good  memory — all  liars 
ought  to.  The  Democratic  Young  Men's  Committee 
of  this  city  say  they  are  opposed  to  emancipation, 
unless  the  blacks  are  expatriated,  because,  otherwise, 
they  will  kill  out  Northern  labor !  How  comes  that, 
if  they  will  not  work?  Garrett  Davis  says,  that  if 
you  emancipate  the  slaves  of  the  District,  you  will 
have  to  build  a  poor-house  as  large  as  the  Capitol  to 
hold  the  paupers.  Well,  if  they  are  all  to  be  kept  in 
a  District  poor-house,  as  big  as  the  Capitol,  how  are 
they  going  to  compete  with  Northern  labor?  (Ap- 
plause.) Liars  should  have  good  memories.  I  do 
not  believe  that  nineteen  millions  of  Northerners, 
their  brains  kindled  to  a  white  heat  on  a  great  finan- 
cial problem,  can  be  misled  by  such  chaff  as  that. 
Why,  it  is  nine  hundred  years  behind  the  times.  Col- 
onize the  blacks  !  The  man  that  should  propose  to 
give  up  railroads  because  a  man  was  killed  on  them 
last  year,  would  be  a  sane  man  in  comparison  with 
a  colonizationist.  We  have  drifted  infinitely'  beyond 
that  problem.  We  are  now  engaged  in  a  momentous 
struggle,  whether  this  nation  can  save  its  own  insti- 
tutions. God  is  demanding  an  atonement  of  this  gen- 
eration. We  have  had  two  systems  in  the  midst  of 
One  is  the  North — taking  every  child  in  the  cra- 
dle, and  giving  him  intellectual  education;  putting  at 
the  side  of  baby  footsteps  virtue  and  knowledge;  re- 
cognizing the  fact  that  every  man's  life  is  more  secure, 
and  every  man's  house  more  valuable,  the  more  in- 
telligent and  industrious  his  neighbor  is.  That  is  the 
North  ;  its  right  hand  is  industry,  its  left  hand  is  know- 
ledge. Now,  the  South  has  some  four  millions  of 
slaves,  held  by  some  hundred  thousand  active  men. 
The  slaves  are  mere  machines:  the  more  intelligent, 
the  less  valuable;  the  less  intelligent,  the  more  valua- 
ble. On  the  other  hand,  the  South  has  five  millions 
of  poor  whites.  They  must  not  be  allowed  to  labor, 
for  if  they  did,  as  our  friend  Brown  explained  to  us,  it 
would  make  the  slave  proud ;  they  must  not  be  taught, 
for  if  they  were,  it  would  make  the  aristocracy  inse- 
cure. A  friend  from  Alabama  once  said  to  me — "  The 
men  of  our  Northern  Counties  are  on  your  side,  if  you 
could  get  atthem.  They  labor  themselves;  if  they 
hold  slaves,  it  is  but  a  single  one.  They  have  but  one 
room  in  their  houses;  the  slave  sits  at  the  table  with 
them,  sleeps  with  them,  works  with  them.  They  are 
Free  Soil  Counties.  If  you  could  only  get  at  them, 
they  would  be  on  your  side.  We  don't  mean  you  ever 
shall.  They  never  hear  a  speech  but  what  we  make ; 
they  would  not  know  a  newspaper  from  a  necroman- 
tic trick;  their  wives  cannot  read;  their  children  are 
growing  up  in  ignorance.  The  poor  white  trash! 
The  right  hand  of  the  aristocracy  of  slaveholders  is 
four  millions  of  slaves  ;  the  left  hand  is  ignorance. 
These  institutions  have  attempted  to  cohere ;  they 
have  had  seventy  years  of  trial,  and  the  attempt  has 
failed.  Now,  the  question  comes  to  ns  in  the  shape 
of  God's  own  demand  for  atonement.  This  genera- 
tion which  thought  it  had  laid  up  so  much  money — U 
was  but  to  emancipate  that  race,  to  educate  the  other. 
The  railroad  had  been  going  sixty  miles  an  hour;  we 
thought  all  was  safe  ;  but  the  axles  are  hot,  and  God 
stops  us  in  this  generation. 

As  an  Abolitionist,  I  know  that  events  are  grind- 
ing out  the  freedom  of  the  negro;  but  the  question 
that  troubles  me  is — into  that  grave  into  which  sla- 
very is  entering,  are  freedom  and  free  institutions  to 
drop  with  it?  That  question  is  answered  when  you 
tell  me  how  you  are  to  get  rid  of  it.  That  holds  in 
its  circumference  the  fate  of  you  and  me,  of  our  na- 
tion, and  free  institutions.  I  want  you,  therefore,  to 
wake  up  this  people  to  two  questions  :  First,  the  right 
that  rebellion  has  given  us  to  crush  out  slavery,  and 
[I  am  not  going  to  stop  with  the  question  whether 
the  negro  will  work  or  not)  what  we  shall  do  with  ihe 
negro.  What  shall  we  do  without  him  ?  is  a  graver 
question.  What  shall  we  do  with  him !  I  am  a 
graduate  of  Harvard  ;  my  friend  here  (Mr.  Tiltox)  is 
a  graduate  of  some  other  college,  I  suppose;  en  every 
platform,  the  graduates  of  colleges  will  be  making 
speeches  this  week.  Shall  any  one  of  us  prove  that 
those  colleges  graduate  men  able  to  take  care  of 
themselves  one  whit  better  than  the  speech  of  that 
graduate  of  the  plantation  (Wir.  Wells  Brown) 
proves  that  his  fellow -laborers  are  able  to  take  care  of 
themselves?  (Loud  applause.)  If  any  blue-eyed 
Saxon  doubter,  graduate  of  a  New  England  college, 
stiil  cherishes  a,  doubt,  I  commend  to  him  the  task 
of  answering  that  speech.  (Renewed  applause.) 
But,  beyond  that  question,  the  American  people 
are  to  wake  up  to  an  understanding  of  the  right 
which  they  now  hold  in  their  hands  to  abolish  sla- 
very. It  is  a  constitutional  right.  People  are 
greatly  afraid — the  New  York  Herald  is  greatly- 
afraid — that  we  are  not  going  according  to  the  Con- 
stitution. Well,  what  is  the  Constitution  ?  It  says, 
"No  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  pro- 
perty without  due  process  of  law."  That  is,  I  cannot 
be  hung  without  a  grand  jury,  a  petit  jury,  and  a 
sheriff  That  is  peace.  But,  to-day,  Congress  says 
to  Erenk  Sigel,  "  Hang  McCulloch  I  "  There  is 
grand  jury,  petit  jury,  and  sheriff,  all  in  one. 
(Laughter,)  To-day,  Congress  says  to  Gen.  Grant, 
"Take  ten  thousand  lives  at  Pittsburg!  "  That  is 
due  process  of  war ;  that  is  the  war  power ;  the  other 
was  the  peace  power.  Il  is  equally  constitutional,  be- 
cause it  is  necessary.  Congress  says  to  the  govern- 
ment, "You  shall  put  your  hand  into  every  man's 
pocket  by  making  certain  pieces  of  paper  legal  tender  ; 
and  if  this  war  continues  ten  years,  you  shall  take 
one  dollar  out  of  every  ten,  from  every  man's  pocket." 
It  is  constitutional,  because  it  is  necessary.  The  gov- 
ernment says,  "  Go  down  to  Charleston,  and  (ill  that 
harbor  with  stones,  and  make  the  city  a  desert — 
sow  It  with  salt  if  you  please" — and  I  sometimes  wish 
they  would— (applause)— and  that  is  constitutional, 
because  it  is  the  war  power.  But  the  New  York 
llcmhi  says,  If  Congress,  having  shot  McCulloch.  by 
due  process  of  war,  executed  by  a  Minnie  rifle — hav- 
ing suspended  the  fwt'ais  wiihs — having  taken  every 
tenth  dollar  out  of  every  man's  pocket — having  rilled 
that  Charleston  harbor  with  stones,  goes  on  shore,  and 
with  the  sword  cuts  the  supposed  cobweb — it  is  only  a 
supposed  cobweb — that  binds  the  negro  to  his  master, 
that  is  unconstitutional !  In  other  words,  there  is  no 
right  now.  except  the  right  of  a  man  to  hie  negro, 
(Laughter  aud  applause-) 

But  there  is  another  principle — thank  South  Caro- 
lina for  it !  I  have  had  a  great  many  occasions  In 
my  life  to  thank  South  Carolinn.  She  initiated  the 
policy  of  lighting,  and  that  kills  slavery,  and  we  arc 
following  her  lead  ;  I  thank  her  for  thai.  Hut  she  has 
done  a  better  thing   than  that.     She  has  established 


M^Y  16. 


THE    LIBEEATOE, 


79 


the  principle — she  ami  Virginia — that  what  tlio  nation 
needs  iinil  does  is  law,  no  matter  whether  it  is  in  the 
parchment  or  not.  Fellow-citizens,  in  1801,  Jefferson 
wanted  ■  Louisiana — the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
Mr.  Tracy  said,  "  You  cannot  ha\?c  it — it  is  unconsti- 
tutional." "  I  know  it,"  said  Jefferson,  "  but  I  want 
it."  "You  cannot  pet  it,"  said  Adams;  "it  is  un- 
constitutional." "  I  know  that,  but  I  want  it" — and 
he  got  it;  and  Illinois  and  Wisconsin  are  going 
down  by  the  way  of  Pittsburg,  and  Boston  joins  them 
by  the  way  of  Ship  Island,  to  see  whether  we  shall 
keep  it  or  not.  {Applause.)  Some  years  after,  we 
wanted  Florida,  and  we  bought  it;  Hunter  is  seeing 
about  that.  (Renewed  applause.)  Some  years  later, 
the  South  said  she  wanted  Texas,  and  stole  it,  by  joint 
resolution,  and  we  mean  to  keep  it.  (Applause.) 
That  principle  of  law  which  the  South  established, 
may  we  not  use  it  for  freedom,  as  she  used  it  for  sla- 
very ?  Again,  do  you  remember  the  Embargo  times, 
when  Congress  declared,  in  time  of  peace,  that  no 
ship  should  leave  New  York  or  Boston — when  bank- 
ruptcy covered  your  city — when  grass  grew  in  Wall 
street — when  we  turned  our  cows  into  State  street — 
when  New  England  was  beggared,  and  nobody 
said  a  word  about  paying  her  a  dollar  of  compensa- 
tion— when  she  sent  her  first  lawyer  up  to  Washing- 
ton, to  ask  the  Supreme  Court,  "Is  this  constitution- 
al?** and  the  Supreme  Court  said,  "Yes;  anything 
to  save  the  Union  "  ;  and  New  England  sat  down  and 
starved?  She  commends  a  drop  of  the  same  comfort 
to  Carolina  to-day.  (Applause.)  She  says,  "  This  des- 
potism, which,  in  1807,  in  order  to  save  the  Union, 
beggared  me,  and  never  talked  of  compensation,  can 
it  not  take  your  slaves,  and  pay  you  for  them,  in  1862  V 
Why,  somebody  asked  Gen.  Cass,  the  other  day,  in 
Detroit — "General,  what  may  we  do  to  save  the 
Union  t  "  "  Anything."  "  May  we  abolish  slavery  V 
"  Abolish  anything  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  to 
save  the  nation."  (Applause.)  I  think,  when  Cass 
and  Adams  agree,  we  have  got  the  "  happy  medium," 
(laughter,)  and  may  sail  fearlessly  on  in  that  constitu- 
tional line.  I  want  the  American  people  to  recognize 
the  right  they  have  to  abolish  slavery.  I  do  not  care 
for  phrases.  I  would  like  to  go  directly  up  to  the 
issue,  but  if  you  do  not  like  that  isue,  it  does  not 
matter  to  me.  I  do  not  care  about  words.  "  Confis- 
cation," if  you  like  it  better.  I  observe  that  the  cau- 
tious, and  careful,  and  amiable,  and  good-natured 
President,  in  his  message  to  the  Border  States,  did 
not  speak  of  the  "abolition"  of  slavery — that  is  Gar- 
rison's phrase;  he  talked  of  "abolishment."  Well, 
it  is  no  matter,  if  he  likes  that  way  of  spelling  it  bet- 
ter. (Laughter.)  So,  if  you  like  a  Confiscation  bill, 
let  it  be  so.  But  my  programme  is  this  :  We  have 
got  fifteen  States  under  the  heel  of  the  North  ;  they 
are  subjugated — that  is,  if  the  news  of  to-day  proves 
true — if  the  summer  answers  the  winter — if  McClel- 
lan  really  means  to  hurt  somebody — if  we  have  got  a 
war,  and  not  a  quarrel — then  we  have  subjugated  the 
South.  Now,  what  are  we  going  to  do  with  six  mil- 
lion of  people,  hating  us  terribly  ?  We  have  got  to 
keep-  an  army  of  occupation  there.  We  must  con- 
fiscate— how  much  1  People  talk  of  making  the  South 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  war.  You  might  as  well  call 
upon  the  poor-house  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  town. 
(Laughter.)  Take  away  their  slaves,  and  they  have 
not  enough  left  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war.  The 
question  of  confiscation,  as  a  mere  question  of  contri- 
bution toward  paying  the  expenses  of  the  war,  is  not 
worth  talking  about.  One  month's  expense  of  this 
war  is  more  than  you  could  get  from  the  whole  South, 
until  the  blacks,  the  guardians  of  civilization,  make 
the  land  worth  something.  (Applause.)  But  I  want 
confiscation,,  for  all  that.  We  have  a  right  to  it,  on 
the  laws  against  treason  ;  we  have  a  right  to  it,  on  all 
historical  and  national  grounds.  We  want  it,  in  order 
to  tempt  the  army  to  remain  in  the  South  as  colonists. 
I  want  them  there  to  aid  the  blacks,  as  the  guard  and 
nucleus  of  free  institutions.  I  do  not  believe  in  the 
whites  of  the  South  for  the  next  ten  years.  I  believe 
that  the  blacks  of  the  South  do  not  need  an  appren- 
ticeship half  as  much  as  the  whites  do.  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  Honestly — I  am  not  saying  an  epi- 
grammatic thing — the  slave  is  much  more  fit  to  be  a 
free  laborer  than  Jefferson  Davis  is  to  be  the  master 
of  free  laborers.  The  four  million  of  blacks  are  in 
less  need  of  apprenticeship  to  fit  them  for  liberty, 
than  the  six  million  of  whites  are  of  an  apprentice- 
ship to  fit  them  to  live  where  liberty  is  granted.  That 
Jamaica  has  proved,  in  the  history  of  twenty  years. 
If  you  are  to  have  a  law  of  apprenticeship,  apprentice 
the  whites,  not  the  blacks.  Now,  I  go  a  shade  beyond 
my  friend,  Mr,  Brown  ;  I  shirk  no  difficulty  ;  I  ask 
nothing  more  for  the  .negro  than  I  ask  for  the  Irish- 
man or  the  German  who  comes  to  our  shores.  I  thank 
the  benevolent  men  who  are  laboring  at  Port  Royal— all 
right ! — but  the  blacks  at  the  South  do  not  need 
them.  They  are  not  objects  of  charity.  They  only 
ask  this  nation — "  Take  your  yoke  off  our  necks." 
They  do  not  ask  mercy  ;  they  do  not  ask  justice — or 
only  a  homoeopathic  dose — the  mere  flavor  of  justice; 
they  ask  their  hands — nothing  more;  they  will  ac- 
complish books,  and  education,  and  work.  They  have 
done  so  in  the  West  Indies.  The  white  planters  of 
Jamaica  set  all  the  wits  they  had  (it  was  not  much) 
at  work  to  outwit  the  black  men.  They  offered  them 
a  shilling  a  day.  The  blacks  said,  "  We  are  worth 
one  and  sixpence."  Than  the  whites  passed  three 
laws ;  one  was,  that  they  should  have  liberty  to  turn 
any  man  out  of  a  shanty  built  on  their  land  ;  the  sec- 
ond was,  that  any  man  without  a  house  was  a  vaga- 
bond ;  and  the  third  was,  that  any  legal  vagabond 
might  be  apprenticed  by  any  magistrate  to  his  next 
neighbor,  at  any  price  he  pleased.  Then  they  thought 
they  had  got  them.  They  turned  them  out  of  their 
houses,  made  them  vagabonds,  under  the  law,  and 
had  them  apprenticed  as  such.  But  the  blacks  sent 
the  laws  over  to  the  Privy  Council,  and  in  ten  months 
they  came  back  with  the  Queen's  disallowance.  Then 
the  black  men  said,  "  Gentlemen,  you  tried  to  cheat 
us,"  and  they  went  into  the  mountains  ;  fifty  thousand 
of  them  bought  an  acre  apiece,  supported  themselves, 
and  left  the  white  man  to  go  to  his  own  ruin.  When 
the  New  York  Herald  records  the  bankruptcy  of  Ja- 
maica, and  attempts  to  prove  from  it  that  the  blacks 
are  not  capable  of  taking  care  of  themselves,  it  only 
turns  the  fact  inside  out.  It  proves  that  the  negro 
knew  so  well  how  to  take  care  of  himself,  that,  hav- 
ing been  first  outraged  and  then  cheated,  lie  would 
not  be  treated  so  again  ;  and  thirty  years  have  not 
improved  the  white  man's  behavior  sufficiently  to  win 
the  negro's  confidence  ;  and  until  he  docs  win  it,  he 
will  be  left  to  his  fate. 

In  Barbadoes,  the  planters  acted  on  a  different 
policy.  They  said  to  the  blacks — "Here  are  your 
wages."  The  result  is,  Barbadoes  exports  twice  as 
much  as  she  did  before.  The  soil  of  Barbadoes  will 
sell  to-day  in  the  market  for  one-third  more  than  the 
soil  and  the  negroes  together  would  sell  for  before 
emancipation.  The  white  man  said  to  the  negro: 
"Here  is  my  right  hand;  help  me  save  the  island. 
Help  me — incompetent — never  did  a  stroke  of  work 
in  my  life — don't  know  how  to  .do  anything — help 
me  I "  and  the  negro  pledged  him  his  right  hand ;  and 
Barbadoes  is  a  paradise  to-day,  her  harbors  are  full  of 
ships,  and  her  granaries  full  of  wheat.  Look  at  the 
West  Indies!  The  N.  Y.  Herald  says  the  experi- 
ment in  the  West  Indies  is  a  failure ;  and  this  week, 
that  eminently  pious,  remarkably  sagacious,  and  in- 
expressibly sane  print,  the  Observer,  (laughter,)  says 
the  same  thing.  Let  us  look  at  it.  The  Herald  says, 
that  if  you  go  to  the  Wc3t  Indies,  you  will  find  the 
black  man  lying  on  his  back,  basking  in  the  sun, 
looking  up  at  the  beautiful  sky,  and  that  the  island  is 
going  back  to  barbarism.  How  do  they  draw  that  in- 
ference? In  this  way.  An  American  goes  to  King- 
ston, sees  a  man  standing  idle  on  the  wharf,  pulls  out 
his  book,  tin  1  makes  a  note;  goes  up  town,  and  Bees 
another — makes  a  second  note;  takes  a  carriage  and 
rides  out  to  a  plantation,  sees  two  more,  and  makes 
,-inolher  note;  writes  a  letter  to  {he.  Herald — "Bank- 
ruptcy !  "  Suppose  I  should  go  to  Illinois,  and  see  n 
dozen  men  lounging  about  at  the  great  station-house 
of  the  Chicago  and  Galena  Railroad,  and  note  it 
.  down ;  go  to  the  Briggs  House,  and  sec  a  dozen  more. 
and  note  that ;  go  to  Milwaukee,  and  sec  a  dozen  more, 


and  note  that;  come  home,  and  write  to  the  Herald: 
"Illinois  is  bankrupt  —  relapsing  into  barbarism!" 
Would  not  an  Illinois  man,  like  Lovejoy,  say  to  me, 
"Did  you  see  the  millions  of  bushels  of  wheat  at 
Chicago?  Do  you  know  that  wo  export  twice  as 
much  bread-stuffs  as  any  other  State  in  the  Union  ? 
If  you  don't,  go  home!"  So  I  am  going  to  judge 
the  West  Indies.  We  have  got  twenty  million  of 
thrifty,  industrious,  educated  Yankees — more  brains  in 
our  hands  than  other  men  have  in  their  heads,  Con- 
necticut vexes  every  drop  of  water  four  times  over 
before  she  lets  it  fall  into  the  ocean  ;  and  when  all  is 
done,  how  much  do  we  export — we  thrifty,  pains-tak- 
ing, industrious  Yankees  ?  Just  seven  dollars  a  head. 
Now  Jamaica,  with  80,000  whites  and  300,000  blacks, 
exports  thirteen  dollars  a  head ;  and  if  you  take  all 
the  British  West  Indies— 800,000  blacks  -and  150,000 
whites — the  blacks  "  lying  on  their  backs,  basking  in 
the  sun," — they  export  twice  as  much  now  as  they 
did  before  emancipation.  I  think,  if  the  New  York 
Observer  calls  that  failure— if  the  negro,  lying  on  his 
back  and  basking  in  the  sun,  exporls  twice  as  much  as 
the  Yankee,  standing  on  his  feet,  and  that  is  failure, 
what  will  it  say  of  us?  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  by 
next  week's  Observer,  what  New  England  is,  if  the 
West  Indies  are  a  failure. 

Then,  again,  how  much  do  they  buy?  That  is 
another  test  of  the  success  or  failure  of  a  nation. 
You  go  to  one  of  your  Fifth  Avenue  houses,  watch  it 
for  twenty  years,  and  if  the  owner  brings  to  it  pic- 
tures'and  plate,  velvet  and  damask,  year  after  year, 
you  Bay,  "He  is  rich."  How  much  do  the  West 
Indies  buy  1  The  negro,  "  basking  on  his  back  in  the 
sun,"  according  to  the  Herald,  pays  for  twice  as  many 
manufactured  goods  from  England  and  three  times  as 
many  manufactured  goods  from  America,  as  he  did 
when  he  was  a  slave,  driven  to  unpaid  toil  by  the 
white  man's  hand,  led  by  the  white  man's  brain.  That 
is  in  favor  of  "basking."     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Is  there  any  man  left  dull  enough  to  doubt  whether 
the  negro,  with  the  great  motive  power  of  civilization 
acting  upon  him,  will  work?  Pardon  me  if  I  quote 
William  Cobbett — somewhat  coarse,  but  eminently 
Saxon,  and  terribly  earnest,  and  remarkably  full  of 
common  sense.  In  analyzing  the  civilization  of  Eng- 
land, Cobbett  said,  "  The  basis  of  all  civilization  is  the 
stomach."  God  gave  to  man  the  necessity  of  eating; 
out  of  that  come  clothes,  out  of  that  come  books, 
out  of  that  come  colleges.  Now,  the  negro  has  the 
same  necessity  to  eat  that  all  other  races  have  ;  and  to- 
day he  holds  out  his  hands  to  the  North,  and  says, 
"  Use  me  to  save  your  liberty."  Those  six  million 
of  infuriated  foes  to  the  Union  and  to  free  institutions, 
we  want  to  hold  them  long  enough  to  convert  them. 
I  want  those  four  million  of  blacks  to  help  me.  I 
want  a  compensation — one  hundred  or  three  hundred 
millions — which  shall  go  to  the  loyal  slaveholders,  to 
establish  manufactures,  the  mechanic  arts,  and  mines, 
in  the  Southern  States.  I  want  the  loyal  slaveholder, 
if  such  a  man  can  be  found,  to  look  into  his  hand,  and 
see  United  States  bond,  and  say  to  himself,  "That 
represents  forty  slaves.  If  I  am  a  good  citizen,  it  is 
above  par.  If  McClellan  is  allowed  to  take  York- 
town,  and  Butler  to  take  New  Orleans,  it  is  above 
par.  If  I  fight,  or  am  factious,  it  is  eighty."  He  will 
be  a  good  citizen.     (Applause.) 

What  is  the  bond  of  Union?  Suppose  McClellan 
succeeds,  and  chains  Massachusetts  to  South  Carolina 
— two  angry  dogs — that  is  not  a  Union.  I  want  a 
General  who  loads  his  cannon  with  something  besides 
balls.  McClellan  uses  nothing  else:  Fremont  rams 
them  down  with  ideas.  (Applause.)  That  is  the  dif- 
ference between  the  two  Generals  :  one  conquers,  the 
other  converts.  One  puts  South  Carolina  under  the 
heel  of  Massachusetts  ;  the  other  puts  her  in  her  arms. 
The  one  makes  one  half  the  nation  conquered  terri- 
tory; the  other  makes  it  sister  States;  and  all  we 
have  got  to  do  is  to  wait  until  God  takes  to  himself, 
or  lets  down,  some  fifty  thousand  infuriated  slave- 
holders. (Laughter.)  Moses  left  a  generation  in  the 
desert,  and  we  shall  leave  one  generation  in  our 
desert.  We  shall  never  get  over  this  difficulty  in  less 
than  fifteen  or  twenty  years.  The  war  may  be  over 
next  fall ;  the  first  of  January,  we  may  celebrate 
peace;  but  the  difficulty  of  making  fifteen  States  sis- 
ter States  will  last  your. day  and  mine.  In  order  to 
do  it,  we  have  got  to  keep  the  negro  race  as  the  basis 
of  civilization  in  that  half  of  the  nation.  We  have 
got  to  put,  side  by  side  with  it,  the  poor  whites,  edu- 
cated by  the  millions  that  compensation  will  pour  into 
the  South.  We  have  got  to  proclaim  that  this  Union 
means  nothing  but  liberty  from  end  to  end ;  that  every 
race  under  it  is  to  be  protected,  and  every  man  free. 
(Applause.)  Whether  we  proclaim  it  to-day  or  a 
dozen  years  hence  does  not  matter.  We  are  in  for 
the  war,  and  this  Society's  present  object  is,  so  to 
manage  the  settlement  of  the  slave  question,  that 
when  the  negro  rises  into  liberty,  the  nation  may  sur- 
vive to  receive  him:  otherwise,  the  remark  of  your 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  when  he  entered  office, 
was  the  wisest  advice  ever  given  to  a  nation.  He  is 
said  to  have  remarked,  "  Better  far  let  them  go,  keep 
the  homogeneous  North  by  itself,  and  leave  them  to 
work  out  their  problem  of  civilization  before  we  re- 
ceive them  again."  That  is  statesmanship.  The 
only  thing  that  supersedes  it  is,  nineteen  million  of 
people  proclaiming  that  they  can  easier  work  out  that 
problem,  and  that,  laying  the  foundation  in  the  liberty 
of  all  races,  they  guarantee  to  South  Carolina  a  Re- 
publican form  of  government  to-day.  Until  that  time, 
never  let  there  be  a  government  in  South  Carolina  at 
all!  (Applause.)  This  is  the  message  which  Con- 
gress owes  to  the  people — "There  is  never  to  be  a 
government  south  of  the  Border  States,  unless  dic- 
tated by  the  Union,  until  that  government  is  the  re- 
sult and  the  expression  of  free  institutions."  Until 
then,  Mr.  Sumner's  and  Mr.  Conway's  theory  is  the 
only  safe  one— -Territory,  until  Freedom  creates  a 
government  in  the  Carolina?  !     (Applause.) 

Now,  let  me  say  one  word  as  a  citizen,  before  I  sit 
down  as  an  Abolitionist.  That  is  the  only  method. 
It  is  a  terrible  method  ;  it  is  a  momentously  perilous 
method ;  whether  you  or  I  are  to  live  to  see  that 
method  tried,  and  free  institutions  survive  it,  is  a 
doubtful  question.  I  am  by  no  means  certain,  as  our 
friend  (Rev.  Mr.  Hatfield)  expressed  himself,  that 
freedom  and  the  Union  will  outlive  this  struggle. 
The  habeas  corpus  suspended;  a  despotic  government 
for  the  next  fifteen  years  ;  an  army  of  seven  hundred 
thousand  men  disbanded ;  ten  thousand  officers  enter- 
ing the  political  arena — the  professions,  law,  medicine 
and  the  counting-house,  filled — where  are  they  to  go 
but  into  politics  ?  If  Hamilton  and  Aaron  Burr  had 
come  back,  after  the  Revolution,  and  found  no  space 
fur  them  in  the  courts  of  Albany,  where  would  they 
have  gone?  Could  this  Government  have  borne  the 
ambition,  and  popularity,  and  ability  of  those  men, 
and  survived  it?  I  doubt  it.  We  just  survived.  If 
Burr  had  been  landless,  and  without  business,  with 
the  army  behind  him,  the  Constitution  of  '80  might 
never  have  seen  our  day.  Ten  thousand  officers  are 
to  come  from  this  army  in  just  that  state ;  a  debt  of 
from  one  to  two  thousand  million  of  dollars  is  to  rest 
upon  the  people.  The  three  great  elements  that  make 
the  curse  of  republics — military  spirit,  debt,  and  des- 
potism— the  medicine  of  States — we  have  got  to  en- 
dure them  for  ten  or  fifteen  years,  in  order  to  civilize 
the  South.  I  trust  in  God  we  can  do  it,  and  yet  sur- 
vive. I  trust  we  have  got  intelligence  and  virtue 
enough  in  the  North  to  absorb  the  barbarism  of  fifteen 
States,  and  not  be  poisoned.  But  I  am  not  certain; 
and  every  man  who  can  shorten  the  time  of  peril  is  a 
public  benefactor.  If  you  lessen  it  one  year,  it  is  ex- 
cellent; if  you  lessen  it  five  years,  it  is  salvation. 
Everybody  in  Washington  looks  forward  to  ten  years 
of  military  despotism.  It  is  medicine;  lam  anxious 
to  go  back  to  common  diet.  I  am  anxiously  waiting. 
"Every  hour,"  as  Napoleon  said,  "is  an  opportunity 
for  misfortune."  Every  year  educates  us  in  despot- 
ism. Shorten  the  time  I  Summon  the  slave  of  the 
Carolinas  to  the  contest!  Give  your  army  emancipa- 
tion I  Announce  Liberty  as  the  normal  law  of  the 
Republic  at  once  !  (Applause.)  I  do  not  say  it  for  the 
negro's  sake;  his  fale  is  settled.  I  am  now  speaking 
as  a  citizen.  I  consider  that  the  negro  may  fold  his 
arms  on  the  safe  land,  and  watch  us,  as  wo  struggle 


in  the  ocean  of  difficulty.  Slavery  is  not  the  question 
today ;  but  the  question  is,  how  to  get  rid  of  slavery 
in  such  a  way  that  we  can  save  the  nation.  Go  out, 
therefore,  every  one  of  you,  into  your  circles!  Hold 
up  the  arms  of  the  Government  I  Say  to  Lincoln, 
"Amen  to  your  Message  to  the  Border  States  I  Go 
an  arrow's  flight  beyond  it,  and  we  shall  have  a  more 
devout  Amen!  "  Say  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  "God 
bless  you,  that  you  have  armed  the  black  at  last! 
Now  add  to  it  this  proclamation — that  to  every  negro 
who  takes  up  arms  on  the  side  of  the  Republic,  we 
pledge  liberty!"  (Applause.)  Hasten  the  Govern- 
ment, in  order  to  save  it.  There  is  no  doubt  of  events. 
The  fate  of  the  man  half-way  down  Niagara  is  certain 
— he  must  go  down.  We  shall  annihilate  slavery;  I 
am  not  questioning  that.  What  I  want  is  that  the 
Government  shall  so  act,  and  act  so  speedily,  as  to  rid 
us,  as  soon  as  "possible,  of  the  dangers  that  threaten 
the  triumph  and  unity  of  the  nation.  For  that  pur- 
pose, send  up  delegations  to  Washington  to  urge  the 
Government  forward.  Why,  I  found  delegations  in 
every  committee  room  at  Washington;  Willard's  was 
crowded  with  delegations;  the  streets  swarmed  with 
delegations,  anxious  to  know  whether  patent  medi- 
cines, scented  soaps,  silver  spoons,  were  to  be  taxed 
(laughter);  anxious  to  know  whether  printing  paper 
was  to  be  taxed;  but  there  was  not  a  man — not  one — 
who  had  gone  up  to  Washington  to  hurry  the  Cabinet, 
to  uphold  and  strengthen  it,  on  the  great  question  of 
the  liberty  of  a  race,  which  holds  within  its  circum- 
ference the  perpetuation  of  the  nation.  Montgomery 
Blair  says,  the  Post-Office  follows  the  flag.  Secretary 
Chase  says,  Trade  follows  the  flag.  The  nation  lis- 
tens to  hear  Lincoln  add,  Liberty  follows  the  flag! 
(Loud  and  prolonged  applause.) 

The  Doxology  was  then  sung,  "From  all  that  dwell 
below  the  skies,"  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 


BUSINESS    MEETINGS. 

The  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  met  for  the 
transaction  of  business  at  the  Lecture-Room  of  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans,  Fifteenth  street,  at  3  o'clock, 
P.  M.,  the  President  of  the  Society,  Wm.  Lloyd  Gar- 
rison, in  the  chair. 

Aaron  M.  Powelt.,  of  Columbia  Co.,  N.  Y-,  ad- 
dressed some  introductory  remarks,  arguing  the  ne- 
cessity of  still  adhering  to  all  our  old  methods  of 
moving  and  directing  the  public  mind  and  conscience, 
and  of  continuing  their  use  until  slavery  is  at  an  end. 

The  President  alluded  to  the  recent  resignation  of 
his  office,  as  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Anti-Slavery  Society,  by  J.  Miller  McKim. 
He  spoke  of  his  deep- regret  at  the  thought  of  losing 
Mr.  McKim  from  the  important  post  which  ho  has 
held  for  upwards  of  twenty  years,  and  the  duties  of 
which  he  has  ever  discharged  with  such  faithfulness, 
wisdom  and  success.  He  (the  President)  must  con- 
fess he  did  not  understand  why  Mr.  McKim  was  now 
resigning  his  place;  and  he  called  upon  Mr.  McKim, 
whom  he  was  glad  to  see  with  us,  to  explain  more 
fully  his  position. 

Mr.  McKim,  in  reply,  referred  to  the  changed  as- 
pects and  prospects  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Cause,  occa- 
sioned by  the  rebellion  of  the  Slave  Power  against 
the  Government,  and  by  the  war  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Union.  These  changes,  he  thought,  made  ad- 
visable and  even  needful  a  corresponding  change  in 
our  operations.  These  and  other  considerations  had 
led  him  to  think  it  his  duty  to  change  the  particular 
direction  of  his  labors,  and  hence  the  resigning  of  his 
office. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  referred  to  one  or  two  of  the 
reasons  given  by  Mr.  McKim  for  his  resignation  of 
his  office,  and  expressed  his  dissent  from  them  as  hav- 
ing no  force  in  the  case ;  and  hoped  that  Mr.  McKim 
might  yet  see  it  to  be  his  duty  to  resume  his  place  at 
the  Philadelphia  Anti-Slavery  Office. 

Mr.  McKim  said  that^by  a  recent  understanding  on 
the  matter,  no  immediate  change  would  be  made. 

Mr.  Garrison  spoke  of  the  relation  of  the  Society 
to  the  Port  Royal  and  other  Missions  for  the  education 
of  the  freedmen.  He  regarded  these  movements 
with  deep  interest  and  respect,  but  the  work  is  not  the 
Abolition  of  Slaver)/.  It  is  a  popular  work,  as  com- 
pared with  ours,  and  we  may  safely  leave  it  to  the 
support  of  the  community  at  large,  giving  it  all  the 
incidental  help  in  our  power,  hut  not  making  it  our 
special  work.  He  spoke  of  the  need  of  our  holding 
public  meetings,  frequent  meetings,  for  the  discussion 
of  the  very  questions  now  occupying  and  agitating  the 
public  mind — questions  of  Emancipation,  Coloniza- 
tion, Confiscation,  etc.,  etc. — upon  the  right  settle- 
ment of  which  so  much  is  depending  for  the  future 
peace  and  welfare  of  this  country. 

Oliver  Johnson  spoke  of  one  failure  of  this  So- 
ciety and  its  friends,  viz.,  to  take  the  necessary  means 
to  extend  the  circulation  of  the  Standard,  and  other 
anti-slavery  journals. 

Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose,  of  New  York,  urged 
the  duty  of  the  Abolitionists  to  stand  firm  to  their 
principles  and  methods  of  action. 

Mr.  Lasar,  of  New  York,  related  some  encouraging 
facts,  showing  the  progress  (and  in  some  cases  the  su- 
premacy) of  anti-slavery  principles  in  the  city  of  New 
York. 

Edward  Gilbert,  of  New  York,  spoke  of  the 
distinction  between  the  Anti-Slavery  Cause  proper, 
and  the  various  local  and  occasional  operations  for  the 
relief  and  education  of  the  so-called  "  contrabands." 

Theodore  Tilton,  of  New  York,  replied  to  some 
remarks  of  Mr.  Gilbert  in  regard  to  the  Independent 
newspaper,  and  proceeded  to  point  out  what  he  deem- 
ed necessary  for  the  extension  of  the  circulation  of  the 
Standard. 

Aaron  M.  Powell  explained,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Til- 

n,  some  of  the  reasons  which  led  him  to  dissent 
from  Mr.  T's  conclusions  in  regard  to  the  increased 
circulation  of  the  Standard. 

On  motion,  Samuel  May,  Jr.  and  Anna  R.  Pow- 
ell were  appointed  Assistant  Secretaries. 

The  following  Committees  were  nominated  by  the 
Chair,  and  unanimously  confirmed   by  the  Society  : — 

Business  Committee — Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Thomas 
Garrett,  Wendell  Phillips,  J.  Miller  McKim,  Parker 
Pillsbury,  Oliver  Johnson,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  Robert 
Purvis,  Sarah  J.  Nowell,  Lucy  Stone, 

Committee  to  Nominate  Officers — Edmund  Quiucy, 
Boston ;  Joseph  Post,  Long  Island  ;  James  M.  AI- 
drich,  Fall  River,  Mass.;  Ebenezer  D.  Draper,  Hope- 
dale,  Mass.;  Susan  B.  Anthony,  Rochester,  N,  Y. ; 
Mahlon  B.  Linton,  Bucks  Co.,  Pa. ;  Micah  Pool,  Ab- 
ington,  Mass.;  Lauren  Wetmore,  Wolcottsville,  Conn. ; 
William  Wells  Brown,  Cambridge,  Mass.;  Reuben 
Tomlinson,  Philadelphia. 

Finance  Committee — Susan  B.  Anthony,  E.  D.  Dra- 
per. 

Adjourned  to  following  day,  at  10,  A.  M, 

Wednksday  Morning-.  The  Society  reiissembled 
for  business  at  the  Lecture-Room  of  the  Church  of 
the  Puritans,  at  10  o'clock  ;  and  was  called  to  order  by 
Thomas  Garrett,  of  Delaware,  one  of  the  Vice- 
Presidents. 

The  Business  Committee  was  summoned,  by  their 
Chairman,  Mr.  Garrison,  to  a  conference  in  the 
Committee  room. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  as  Acting  General  Agent  of  the 
Society,  presented  a  statement  of  the  operations  of 
the  Society  during  the  two  past  years,  in  respect  to 
Lecturing  and  Local  Agencies,  Tracts,  and  other  pub- 
lications. 

Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose  urged  the  publication  in 
pamphlet  form  of  William  Wells  Brown's  speech, 
made  at  the  public  meeting  yesterday.  She  consid- 
ered tt  the  most  important  speech  of  the  day — excel- 
lent as  were  the  others — and  she  wished  it  published 
and  laid  upon  the  desks  of  Members  of  Congress,  and 
others,  who  may  still  be  troubled  with  the  absurd 
idea  that  the  slaves,  if  set  free,  cannot  take  care  of 
themselves.  Mrs.  Rose  offered  a  contribution  for  the 
purpose. 

The  motion  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Ilolton. 

Geohue  T.  Downing  referred  to  the  efforts  now 
making  for  the  colonization  of  such  staves  as  may  ho 
freed  by  the  war.     He  denounced  all  measures  and 


schemes  for  expatriating  men  born  on  the  soil,  whose 
rights  are  here,  and  whose  labor  is  needed  here. 

E.  S.  TrLER,  Esq.  of  New  York,  President  of  the 
New  York  and  Nicaragua  Colonization  Association, 
concurred  with  those  who  censured  the  scheme  of'en- 
forced  colonization.  He  said  there  was  a  large  region 
of  valuable  land  in  Nicaragua,  etc.,  which  now  was 
open  to  free  men  and  women,  both  white  and  colored, 
on  the  basis  of  freedom  and  the  absolute  exclusion  of 
slavery;  and  he  invited  attention  to  this  project, 
which  offered  land  of  the  best  quality,  at  merely  nom- 
inal rates,  to  such  persons  as  he  had  described — there 
being  no  better  land  in  the  world,  he  said,  for 
the  culture  of  cotton  and  the  sugar-cane.  Mr.  T.  said 
that  he  himself  had  been  a  personal  friend  and  asso- 
ciate of  Capt.  John  Brown  in  Kansas,  and  had  helped 
more  than  a  hundred  slaves  into  freedom  through  that 
State. 

The  hour  assigned  having  arrived,  the  question  of 
the  support  of  The  Standard,  and  of  the  financial 
conditiou  of  the  Society,  was  taken  up. 

Mr.  McKim  of  Philadelphia  spoke  generally  of  the 
Standard's  value  as  a  paper,  and  of  its  indispensable 
necessity  to  the  Society  and  the  Anti-Slavery  cause. 

S.  S.  Foster  said  he  had  come  to  this  meeting  as 
the  most  important  meeting  of  the  Society,  in  his  esti- 
mation, that  had  been  held  for  many  years.  He  had 
thought  there  were  signs  of  dissolution  in  the  Society, 
but  believed  that  the  Society's  work  was  not  any- 
where near  being  done,  nor  likely  to  be  done  at  pre- 
sent. He  urged  the  support  of  The  Standard  as  es- 
sential:  but  the  maintenance  of  the  Lecturing  Agen- 
cies is,  he  said,  indispensable  to  The  Standard. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.  andE.  D.  Draper  spoke  to  the 
question  of  finances,  and  a  generous  pecuniary  support 
of  the  Anti- Slavery  Society. 

Parker  Pillsbury,  of  N.  H.,  spoke  of  the  fact  of 
the  smallness  of  our  numbers  as  in  truth  our  highest 
honor.  And,  though  thus  small,  our  number  to-day 
being  only  the  Apostolic  company  of  old  as  related  in 
the  Book  of  Acts,  "about  one  hundred  and  twenty," 
yet  shall  we  be  mighty  in  power,  if  the  true  spirit  of 
justice  and  freedom  be  in  us.  He  expressed  the  hope 
that  we  should  never  see  slavery  abolished  "by  the 
War  Power,"  as  it  "  would  be  no  benefit  to  the  slave," 
and  "  a  curse  to  the  coward  who  should  do  it." 

Mr.  Powell  thought,  there  was  another  practical 
matter  which  should  be  considered — the  continuance 
of  lecturing  agents.  The  expression  of  the  Society 
should  be  given  to  increase  every  effort  we  could  pos- 
sibly employ, 

J,  M.  McKim  inquired  as  to  the  amount  needed  to 
sustain  the  Society  and  Standard  the  current  year. 

W.  L.  Garrison  replied,  generally,  to  Mr.  McKim's 
nquiry.  He  spoke  of  the  probable,  almost  certain, 
fact  that,  for  some  time  to  come,  our  usual  contribu- 
tions from  friends  in  Great  Britain  would  be  greatly 
diminished,  if  not  cut  off  entirely.  Mr.  Garrison  re- 
ferred to  the  fact  that  so  many  of  our  English  friends 
in  doubt  as  to  our  present  position  and  course,  and 
cannot  see  how,  having  been  once  disunionists,  we  are 
not  so  now ;  but  who  yet,  notwithstanding  tins  per- 
plexity of  mind,  have  not  withdrawn  their  kind  sym- 
pathies, and  still  manifest  their  confidence  that  we, 
their  American  associates,  will  never  intelligently  con- 
sent to  any  compromise  with  slavery.  He  wished,  for 
one,  to  express  his  earnest  thanks  to  them  for  all  they 
had  done  in  the  past  to  aid  us  in  our  work. 

Mr.  Garrison,  from  the  Business  Committee,  offered 
the  following  preamble  and  resolutions  : — 

Whereas,  by  the  treasonable  revolt  of  the  South 
against  the  National  Government,  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  a  hostile  Confederacy,  the  corner-stone  of 
which  is  avowedly  and  truly  the  eternization  of  chat- 
tel slavery,  all  the  recognized  pro-slavery  compromises 
of  the  Constitution  are  abrogated,  and  the  whole  slave 
system  is  placed  within  the  grasp  and  may  be  abolished 
by  the  government,  at  any  moment  it  chooses  to  exer- 
cise the  power;  therefore, 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  dread  responsibility  for  the 
further  prolongation  of  this  treacherous  and  bloody  sys- 
tem, resting  as  it  now  does  with  absolute  completeness 
on  the  people  and  government,  the  present  one  great, 
paramount  anti-slavery  duty  is  to  hold  them  to  the  im- 
mediate discharge  of  that  responsibility,  by  proclaim- 
ing liberty  throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof;  and  any  other  device  or  proposition,  as 
a  substitute  for  this,  should  be  strongly  reprobated  as 
fraught  equally  with  guilt  and  danger. 

2.  Resolved,  That  this  Society  would  earnestly 
recommend  to  the  friends  of  impartial  liberty,  in  every 
part  of  the  North,  the  holding  of  public  meetings  for 
the  purpose  of  enforcing  this  duty  upon  the  govern- 
ment, and  by  this  expression  of  the  public  sentiment 
inspire  the  government  with  courage  to  perform  this 
duty  without  delay. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  said  he  thought  that  Dr.  Chee- 
ver,  last  evening,  had  not  quite  correctly  stated  the 
demand  which  we,  as  Abolitionists,  make  of  the  gov- 
ment  in  regard  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  under 
the  War  Power.  Dr.  Cheever  was  understood  to  say 
that  the  proposal  was  to  exalt  the  military  power  above 
the  civil,  above  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the 
land.  Not  so.  We  call  upon  the  President  and  Con- 
gress to  use  the  power,  the  constitutional  power  now  in 
their  hands,  to  abolish  slavery;  and  to  use  the  Army 
and  Navy  as  their  subordinates,  as  the  servants  of  the 
government  and  people, -to  do  their  work;  but  never 
exalt  the  military  power  above  the  civil. 

Mr.  Garrison  said  he  would  not  ask  any  man,  from 
President  downward,  to  do  a  single  act  in  violation  of 
conscience  and  duty,  even  to  promote  so  good  a  work 
as  to  abolish  slavery.  Two  years  ago  he  could  not  and 
would  not  have  asked  the  President  officially  to  abolish 
slavery.  But  now,  in  the  change  of  circumstances, 
the  President  has  the  power  and  the  right  to  abolish 
slavery;  and,  therefore,  we  do  demand  the  exercise 
of  it. 

Mr.  Treadwell  inquired  if  anything  in  this  Socie- 
ty's Constitution  committed  its  members  to  disunion 
sentiments. 

Mr.  Garrison  explained  that  there  was  no  such  re- 
quirement. 

Mr.  Foster  seconded  the  resolution  read  by  Mr. 
Garrison  ;  and  addressed  the  meeting  in  support  of  his 
own  views  of  the  general'subject.  He  also  offered  the 
following: — 

Resolved,  That,  after  a  careful  and  impartial  survey 
of  the  whole  action  of  the  Federal  Government,  since 
our  last  Annual  Meeting,  we  can  see  no  just  grounds 
for  any  change  in  our  position  towards  it;  for,  although 
from  purely  selfish  motives  it  has  done  many  acts 
favorable  to  the  freedom  of  the  slaves,  it  has  in  no  in- 
stance evinced  a  genuine  regard  for  their  rights  as  citi- 
zens, or  any  disposition  to  trust  them  as  such  ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  still  in  league  with  slaveholders,  recap- 
turing their  fugitives,  threatening  to  suppress  slave  in- 
surrections ;  and  in  all  other  ways  faithfully  executing 
all  the  pro-slavery  provisions  of  the  United  States 
Constitution ;  we  therefore  earnestly  counsel  our 
friends  to  abstain  from  giving  it  their  support  under 
the  mistaken  belief  that  they  are  thereby  aiding  the 
anti-slavery  cause. 

The  resolutions  numbered  1  and  2,  with  preamble, 
were  adopted. 

Edmund  Quincy,  from  the  Committee  on  the  Nom- 
ination of  Officers,  made  a  Report,  as  follows  : — 

President— WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Mass. 

Vice  Presidents — Peter  Libbey,  Maine;  Luther  Me- 
lendy,  John  M.  Hawks,  New  Hampshire;  Jehiel 
Claflin,  Vermont;  Edmund  Quincy,  Andrew  Robe- 
son, Massachusetts;  Asa  Fairbanks,  Rhode  Island; 
James  B.  Whitcomb,  Connecticut;  Samuel  J.  May, 
Cornelius  Bramhall,  Amy  Post,  Pliny  Sexton,  Lydia 
Mott,  Henry  A.  Hartt,  New  York ;  Lucretia  Mott, 
Robert  Purvis,  Edward  M.  Davis,  Thomas  Whitson, 
Joseph  Moore,  Pennsylvania;  Rowland  Johnson,  Al- 
fred Gibbs  Campbell,  New  Jersey ;  Thomas  Garrett, 
Delaware ;  Thomas  Donaldson,  Benjamin  Bown. 
Ohio;  William  Hearn,  William  Hopkins,  Indiana! 
Joseph  Merritt,  Thomas  Chandler,  Cyrus  Fuller, 
Michigan;  Carver  Tomlinson,  Illinois;  Caleb  Green, 
Minnesota;  Georgina  B.  Kirby,  California;  George 
W.  Benson,  Kansas. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Charles  C.  Burleigh,  Plain- 
fleld,  Ct. 

Recording  Secretary — Wendell  Phillips,  Boston. 

Treasurer — William  I.  Bowditch,  Boston. 

Executive  Committee — William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Ed- 
mund Quincy,  Maria  Weston  Chapman,  Wendell  Phil- 
lips, Anne  Warren  Weston,  Sydney  Howard  Gay, 
Samuel  May,  Jr.,  William  I.  Bowditch,  Charles  K 


Whipple,  Henry  C.  Wright,  Charles  Follcn,  Edmund 
.Jackson. 

On  motion,  the  Report  was  adopted,  and  the  persons 
named  elected  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

The  Business  Committee  presented  the  following 
resolution  : — 

Resolved,  That  this  Society  renews  its  oft-repeated 
testimony  against  every  ncheme  or  proposition  for  the 
expatriation  or  colonization  of  the  free  colored  or  slave 
population  of  this  country,  on  the  ground  of  their  com- 
plexion or  race. 

Adopted  unanimously. 

The  resolution  offered  by  S.  S.  Foster,  for  want  of 
time  to  discuss  it,  was  laid  on  the  table. 

The  Treasurer's  Report,  as  audited  by  Oliver 
Johnson,  was  accepted. 

The  Society  then  unanimously  agreed  to  the  fol- 
lowing resolution,  in  memory  of  their  deceased  friend 
and  associate1,  Francis  Jackson  : — 

Resolved,  That  the  death  of  our  honored  and  be- 
loved associate,  Francis  Jackson,  of  Boston,  a  mem- 
ber of  this  Society  for  a  full  quarter  of  a  century,  and 
its  Treasurer  for  many  years,  has  left  a  vacancy  in 
'  not  to  be  soon  filled.  But,  while  sensible 
of  our  great  loss,  we  rejoice  to  remember  that  he  was 
so  long  with  us,  and  to  know  that,  faithful  among 
the  first,  he  was  faithful  also  to  the  last.  We  cherish 
his  memory  as  a  most  valued  treasure,  a  mighty  en- 
couragement, and  an  assurance  of  certain  triumph. 
His  sincere  devotion  to  the  Anti-Slavery  Cause,  his 
fearless  support  of  it  in  dark  and  perilous  times,  his 
kindly  sympathy  and  help  for  so  many  of  slavery's 
victims,  must  ever  remain  an  example  and  motive  to 
all  who  knew  him  ;  and,  being  dead,  he  yet  speaketh 
to  us,  and  for  our  good  cause. 

The  Society  then  adjourned,  sine  die. 

WM.   LLOYD  GARRISON,  President. 
amuel  May,  Jr. 


or  pennsylvXnI a  yearly   meeting   of 

I  PROGRESSIVE  FRJENDF*— The  tenth  Yearly  Meeting 
of  Progressive  Friends  will  convene  At  Longwood,  Chester 
County,  Penntrylvania,  on  FIFTH  DAY,  (Thursday,)  thsf 
fifth  of  Sixth  month,  (June,)  1862. 

Tim  annual  assemblage  is  held  for  religious  communion, 
for  mutual  interchange  of  thought  and  opinion,  for  the 
perpetuation  of  old  friendships  and  the  formation  of  new  ; 
in  brief,  for  a  festival  of  two  or  three  days  of  social,  intel- 
lectual, and  spiritual  fellowship  and  profit.  Tbe  members 
of  this  Religious  Society  do  not  bold  their  membership  by 
virtue  of  any  ecclesiastical  vowaor  bonds,  or  of  any  real 
or  supposed  unity  of  theological  belief.  Their  common 
faith,  if  it  were  written,  would  be  simply  and  only  the  es- 
sential principle  of  love  to  God— a  love  to  be  exhibited, 
not  through  devotion  to  creeds  and  forms,  but  in  lives  of 
purity  and  beneficence,  in  the  recognition  and  defence  of 
the  equal  rights  of  mankind,  in  efforts  to  break  the  chains 
of  the  oppressed,  and  in  a  firm  resistance  to  every  form  o 
iniquity  and  wrong. 

Such  being  the  spirit  and  aims  of  tbe  Progressive  Friends, 
the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  its  causes  and  conseqnences,and 
the  means  by  which  alone  it  can  be  effectually  put  down, 
will  naturally  engage  no  small  share  of  the  attention  of 
the  Yearly  Meeting  ;  and  it  cannot  be,doubted  that,  with 
an  earnestness  and  solemnity  worthy  of  the  crisis,  it  will 
seek  to  persuade  the  people  and  tbe  government  to  avert 
the  calamities  of  civil  war,  and  open  up  the  only  path  to 
permanent  peace  and  prosperity,  by  "  proclaiming  liberty 
throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 

To  all  persons  who  cherish  tbespiritandprineiplesabove 
set  forth,  we  extend  a  cordial  invitation  to  meet  and  co- 
operate with  the  Society. 


Anna  R.  Powell, 


\  Assist.  Secretaries. 


NEW   ENGLAND  ANTI-SLAVEET  CONVEN- 
TION. 

The  New  England  Anti-Slaveky  Convention 
for  1862  will  be  held  in  the  city  of  Boston,  on  Wednes- 
day and  Thursday,  May  28th  and  29th,  in  the  MEL- 
ODEON,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  of 
Wednesday. 

The  New  England  Convention,  annually  held  for  the 
past  thirty  years,  (with  but  a  single  exception,)  has 
been  one  of  the  most  effective  instrumentalities  for 
arousing  the  people  of  this  land  to  a  just  sense  of  the 
great  Abomination  of  Slavery.  Its  yearly  sessions 
have  always  been  largely  attended,— not  only  all  the 
New  England  States  being  represented  therein,  but 
usually  several  of  the  Western  and  Middle  States  also. 
Never  before  was  it  called  to  meet  under  such  cheer- 
ing circumstances.  The  work  of  the  Convention  is 
far  from  being  done,  nor  can  any  opponent  of  slavery 
safely  slacken  hand  or  zeal  at  this  critical  hour.  But 
God  is  now  vouchsafing  such  signs  to  this  nation, 
such  tokens  of  his  power  and  presence,  as  should 
serve  mightily  to  encourage  every  friend  of  Freedom, 
and  bring  us  all  to  the  great  crowning  labors  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause  with  redoubled  energy  and  in 
redoubled  numbers. 

Let  the  anti-slavery  men  and  women  of  New  Eng- 
land, then,  gather  once  more  in  their  Annual  Conven- 
tion. Once  more  let  them  indicate  to  the  long-slum- 
bering but  now  awakening  land,  to  a  guilty  but  hap- 
ly a  repenting  people,  the  only  Way  of  Peace,  of 
Safety,  andjaf  National  Honor.  Once  more  let  the 
words  of  Justice,  and  Freedom  for  all,  he  echoed 
from  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New  England,  until 
they  join  the  swelling  voices  of  the  Centre  and  the 
Great  West;  and  the  trembling,  hoping  slave  shall 
hear  the  glad  tidings,  proclaiming  his  deliverance,  his 
redemption,  and  his  acknowledged  manhood. 

All  friends  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  in  every  part 
of  the  country,  are  invited  to  attend. 

In  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society, 

EDMUND   QUINCY,    President. 

Robert  F.  Waiacut,  Rec.  Sec'y. 


Anti-Sla very  Anniversary  at  New  York.  To 
the  numerous  friends  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause  in 
various  parts  of  the  land,  who,  unable  to  give  their 
personal  attendance,  are  all  the  more  desirous  to  know 
in  what  manner  the  Anti-Slavery  anniversary  passed 
off  at  New  York,  it  gives  us  peculiar  gratification  to 
announce  that  this  anniversary,  for  the  first  time  since 
1834,  was  unaccompanied  by  any  sign  of  disapproba- 
tion or  dissent  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  numerous 
throng  of  hearers.  On  the  contrary,  the  strongest 
and  most  vital  utterances  were  the  loudest  applauded  ; 
and  though  it  is  not  to  be  assumed  that  no  dissentients 
were  present,  nevertheless,  there  was  manifestly  a 
universally  diffused  sympathetic  feeling,  and  a  thor- 
oughly cooperative  and  catholic  spirit. 

The  opening  session,  at  the  Church  of  the  Puritans, 

is  a  crowded  one,  remarkable  for  its  solid  moral 
worth  and  general  intelligence;  and  the  speeches 
made  on  the  occasion  by  William  Wells  Brown,  Rev. 
R.  M.  Hatfield,  and  Wendell  Phillips,  were  admirably 
adapted  to  the  present  state  of  the  times.  Our  readers 
can  judge  of  this  by  perusing  ffiese  speeches,  as  re- 
ported by  Mr.  J.  M.  W.  Yerrinton,  (who  has  no  peer 
for  accuracy  and  skill  in  his  phonographic  profes- 
sion,) and  printed  in  preceding  columns ;  and  they 

ill  also  be  able  to  perceive  how  mendacious  and  vil- 
lanous  is  the  report  of  the  proceedings  by  that  pre- 
eminently satanic  sheet,  the  New  York  Herald,  as 
published  in  the  "  Refuge  of  Oppression." 

The  closing  public  meeting  of  the  Society  was  held 
in  the  evening,  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  to  a  large 
and  highly  intelligent  audience.  The  speakers  were 
Rev.  Dr.  Cheeveb,  and  Miss  Anna  E.  Dickinson 
of  Philadelphia.  The  former  strongly  urged  upon 
the  Government  the  duty  of  proclaiming  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  not  merely  because  it  might  be  done  under 
the  war  power,  but  as  an  act  of  righteousness  required 
by  the  God  of  heaven  and  earth.  The  speech  of  Miss 
Dickinson,  on  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  duty 
of  the  hour,  was  listened  to  with  marked  attention, 
and  elicited  frequent  applause.  The  proceedings  con- 
cluded with  singing  by  the  Hutchinson  family,  (John 
and  his  two  sons,}  the  audience  calling  for  the  "John 
Brown  Song,"  which  was  also  sung  in  a  stirring  man- 
ner, nearly  all  present  uniting  in  the  chorus. 


Oliver  Johnson, 
Joseph  A.  Dugdale, 
Elizabeth  Jackson, 
Sumner  Stebbins, 
William  Barnard, 
Hannah  Cox, 
Dinah  Mendenhall, 
Josiah  Wilson, 
Ruth  Dugdale, 


Isaac  Mendenhall, 
Sarah  Marsh  Barnard, 
Lydia  Irish, 
Jennie  K.  Smith, 
Ellen  Angier, 
Aaron  Mendenhall, 
Sallie  Howell, 
Samuel  B.  Underbill, 
Philena  Heald, 


Annie  M.  Stambeaeb,     EllieH.  Mendenhall, 
Mary  P.  Wilson,  Eusebius  Barnard. 


%3T  AN  ADDRESS  will  he  delivered  at  the  Twelfth 
Baptist  Church,  Southac  Street,  on  Tuesday  evening,  May 
20th,  by  Charles  II.  Erainard,  Esq.  Subject — "The 
City  of  Washington  before  the  Rebellion,  and  since  Eman- 
cipation.'' Tbe  public  arc  invited.  Exereises  to  com- 
mence at  1-4  to  8  o'clock. 

After  the  address,  a  Social  Entertainment  will  be  held 
in  the  Vestry. 

Tickets  25  cents,  to  be  obtained  at  the  door.  The  pro- 
ceeds for  a  benevolent  purpose. 


MIDDLESEX  COUNTY. 

A  meeting  of  the  Middlesex  County  Anti-Slavery  Society 
will  be  held  at  IELTONVILLE,  on  Sunday,  May  18,  at 
the  usual  hours  of  meeting,  through  the  day  and  evening, 
A  preliminary  meeting  will  probably  be  held  on  Saturday 
evening,  May  17. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  members  and  friends  of  the  Society, 
in  the  neighboring  towns,  will,  so  far  as  possible,  be  pres- 
ent.    The  meetings  will  be  held  in  Lawrence  Church. 

Parker  Pillsbury,  Sasiuel  May,  Jr.,  George  W. 
Stacy,  and  other  speakers  are  engaged  to  attend. 

SAMUEL    BARRETT,  President. 


^-  MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON,  of  Philadelphia, 
will  give  an  Address  upon  Slavery  and  the  War,  in  SA- 
LEM, on  Sunday  next,  May  18.  For  particulars,  see  lo- 
cal papers. 

^"MISS  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON  will  apeak  in 
PORTSMOUTH,  (N.  H.)  on  Sunday,  May  25,  afternoon 
and  evening,  upon  topics  connected  with  the  War,  and  its 
influence  on  Slavery. 


G^-  MISS  DICKINSON  will   (it  is  expected)  lecture 
next  week  in  Essex  County,  as  follows  : — 

Georgetown,  Tuesday  evening,  May  20. 

Grov  eland,  Wednesday     "         "      21. 

Newburyport,  Thursday       "  "      22. 

"  or  Friday,  "         "      23. 


Eggf3  We  have  a  number  of  communications  on  file 
for  insertion  as  soon  as  we  can  find  room  ;  but  we 
must  give  precedence  to  the  interesting  proceedings  at 
the  Anti-Slavery  anniversaries  at  New  York,  which 
occupy  so  large  a  portion  of  our  present  number,  and 
will  occupy  considerable  space  in  our  next.  Those 
who  would  like  to  obtain  these  proceedings  complete, 
ip  a  single  paper,  can  be  gratified  by  procuring  a  copy 
of  the  Anti-Slairri/  Standard  of  this  week — Saturday, 
May  7 — which  will  be  sent  to  their  post-office  address, 
if  they  will  enclose  a  three-cent  stamp  to  Oliver 
Johnson,  Editor  of  the  Standard,  -18  Bookman  Street, 
New  York. 


^^"The  meeting  at  Feltonville,  next  Sunday,  as 
will  be  seen  by  the  Notice,  has  a  special  interest  for 
the  members  and  friends  of  the  Middlesex  County 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  all  of  whom,  within  convenient 
distance,  we  hope  wilt  be  present.  The  time  is  one 
in  which  to  "rejoice  with  trembling,"  and  the  duty 
of  every  true  Abolitionist  to  be  active  and  earnest 
never  seemed  more  imperative  than  at  this  hour.  Let 
the  meeting  be,  in  numbers,  zeal,  and  courage,  com- 
mensurate, with  the  importance  of  the  subject  and  the 


EEjj^  Victory  perches  upon  the  Federal  standard  in 
every  direction.  The  evacuation  of  Yorktown  has 
been  quickly  followed  by  the  surrender  of  Norfolk, 
and  the  retreat  of  the  rebel  army  toward  Richmond — 
Gen.  McClellan  and  his  forces  being  in  swift  pursuit, 
and  within  only  seventeen  miles  of  the  capital.  At 
Norfolk,  200  cannon  have  been  taken,  with  a  large  a- 
mount  of  stores ;  hut  the  rebels  conflagrated  an  im- 
mense amount  of  property  at  the  Gosport  navy  yard. 
They  also  blew  up  the  iron-clad  monster,  the  Merri- 
mac.  The  stars  and  stripes  also  wave  over  New  Or- 
leans, which  is  occupied  by  Mnj.  Gen.  Butler's  forces. 
The  rebels  burnt  a  costly  amount  of  cotton. 


OT  THE  REJECTED  STONE.— The  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Rev.  M.  D.  Conway,  is  now  ready. 

Copies  may  bo  obtained  for  gratuitous  distribution  as  low 
as  twenty  cents  a  copy,  in  cloth,  -provided  ten  or  more 
copies  are  taken  at  once.  Those  who  wish  the  book, 
for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  let- 
ter, to  Henry  G.  Denny,  Esq.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

The  attention  of  our  friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolition 
of  United  States  slavery. 


|^"  NOTICE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  the 
American.  Anti-Slavery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 

EF"  Many  of  the  best  and  most  recent  publications  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  are  for  gratuitous  dis- 
tribution. Application  for  them  to  be  made  as  above, 
which  should  be  accompanied  with  directions  how  to  send 


EF  NOTICE.— Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  the  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 

§3T  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.— Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D-,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D.,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  bour3,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  1 
o'clock,  P.  M.  3m  March  28. 


JEg^  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.  D.,  has  removed  to 
695  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.  Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References.— Luther  Clark,  M.  D.;  David  Thayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  i,  P.  M. 


A    GOOD   CHANCE 

TO  LEASE  A    SMALL   FARM  FOR   ONE, 
OR  A  TERM  OF  YEARS. 

A  MIDDLE  aged  or  young  man,  with  a  small  fami- 
ly, with  no  other  capital  than  a  pair  of  willing 
bands,  frugal  aud  industrious  habits,  intelligent  mind,  a 
good  moral  character,  somewhat  acquainted  with  agricul- 
tural pursuits,  will  find  a  rare  chance  to  lease — on  the  most 
favorablo  terms — a  small  farm,  with  all  the  stock  and  tools, 
and  household  furniture,  situated  in  Pcpperell,  3-4  mile 
from  the  district  school,  nearly  three  miles  from  the  post- 
oflice,  stores,  ohurches,  and  a  flourishing  academy,  under 
the  management  of  an  accomplished  preceptor,  four  miles 
from  the  railway  station,  aud  two  hours'  ride,  by  rail,  from 
the  city  of  Boston, — by  making  immediate  application  to 
the  subscriber,  on  the  premises.  For  particulars,  inquire 
of  WM.  SPAURELL,  Architect,  No.  il  State  Street,  or  at 
tho  Anti-Slavery  Office,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston, 
where  ainlirotype  views  of  the  buildings  may  bo  seen. 

No  person  need  apply,  who  cannot  furnish  satisfactory 
references  as  to  nil  the  above  qualifications,  or  who  uses  in- 
toxicating drinks,  moderately  or  immoderately,  or  is  pas- 
sionately fond  of  dogs,  sinoo  the  lessor  is  drsirous  of  ma- 
king his  homo  with  the  lessee,  and  could  not  tolerate  such 
nuisances.  A.  II.  WOOD. 

Oiik  Hall,  Peppercll,  Mass.,  Mav  12. 


THE    PVLT1T    AND     ROSTRUM. 

Three  dilt'erent  men — Wm.  LxOTD  Garrison,  of 
Massachusetts,  Garkktt  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  Ai.- 
KxiNinii;  11.  Stki'ukns.  oi'  Georgia — are  represented 
in  the  Pulpit  and  Rostrum,  Nob.  86  and  27,  (double 
number,  two  in  one,  priee  SO  cents. 1  as  follows  : — 

The    Abolitionists,   and   their  Relations  to    th,      11 
A  Lecture  t>v   William   Lloyd   Garrison,  delivered  at 
the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York.  January   11,  L868. 

The  War  not  for  Confiscation  or  Emancipation ;  A 
Speech  by  Hi'ii.  Garrett  Dftvls,  delivered  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate.  January  23.  1&>2. 

African  Smtry,  the  GtmtrSbtm*  of  m» 
Confrderarif :  A  Speech  by  Hon.  Alexander  II.  Ste- 
phens, Yire  President  of  the  Confederacy,  in  which 
the  speaker  holds  that  "African  slavery,  ns  it  exists 
aiming  us,  is  the  proper  Status  of  the  negro  in  our  form 
Of  eivili/aiion ; "  and  "our  new  Government  |tbe 
Southern  Confederacy]  is  the  first  in  the  history  of 
the  world  bused  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophy 
.::\[  and  moral  truth." 

15.  D.  RARKKR,  PVSUMHt, 

186  Grand  8t»  New   York, 


80 


THE     LIBEEATOE, 


tftiXV 


SPEING-TIME. 

BY   THOMAS    UACKELLAR. 

The  sovereign  Sun  unbars  the  ioy  gates 

To  let  the  Spring  with  all  hor  train  come  in  ; 
But  timidly  the  bashful  maiden  waits, 

Or  flees  affrighted  from  the  stormy  din 
And  elemental  strife.     White  sho  doth  stand 
In  hesitance,  the  soft,  warm  southern  breeze 
Steals  from  the  isles  of  limo  and  orange  trees, 
And  blithely  Spring  trips  o'er  the  smiling  land. 
Hurrah  !  the  buds  grow  big  ; 
They  burst  their  swaddling-bands  ; 
The  spiral  sprout 
Is  shooting  out, 
And  grass  is  creeping  o'er  tbo  meadow-lands. 
Hurrah  !  ten  thousand  rills 
Are  hurrying  down  the  hills  ; 
And,  sparkling  as  they  run, 
They  symbolize  the  hoy 
So  over-full  of  joy 
His  very  eyes  aro  scintillating  fun- 
Hurrah  !  a  fly,  a  real  fly  ! 
"With  legs  so"  slim  and  will  so  strong, 

So  impudent  and  sly, 
So  busily  idle  all  day  long  ; 
Where  didst  thou  hide,  the  freozing  winter  through? 
Hadst  thou  a  cozy  cell 
"Where  thou  didst  dwell 
When  the  snows  fell 
And  the  north  winds  blew? 

Ah  !  have  a  care,  gay  chap  ! 
For  many  a  snare, 
In  earth  and  air, 
Is  hidden  in  a  silken  trap. 

How  genial  is  the  ray 
Of  this  luxurious  day, 
That  vivifies  the  bosom  like  a  thought 
Of  other  days  with  happy  memorios  fraught ! — 
The  young-life  days  that  seem 
But  a  delicious  dream 
That  flitted  o'er  a  brain  whose  vision 
Glimpsed  upon  a  sceue  elysiun, 
Too  unreal  for  a  world 
By  manhood  into  chaos  hurl'd, 
A  tear  !  why,  sure,  there's  still 
A  living  rill 
Beneath  tho  rubbish  piled  upon  the  heart, 
That  bubbles  up, 
And  yields  a  cup 
Of  healing  for  a  bosom-smart. 

Let's  forth,  my  friend,  and  wander  alow 
Over  the  fields  of  tender  green, 

Where,  as  we  go, 
The  earlier  flowers  are  seen, 
With  bluish  eyes, 
Up-peering  to  the  skies, 
Like  childhood  looking  up  to  God 

From  bended  knees. 
How  fragrant  is  the  sod, 

Where  no  o'ershading  trees 
Prevent  the  blessing  of  the  sun 

From  coming  down, 

With  odorous  plants  to  crown 
The  lea  that  erst  was  desolate  and  dun  ! 

Companion  mine  ! 
Thou  of  the  musing  race  ! 
Seest  thou  tho  beams  that  round  as  shine 
Of  Heaven's  premeditated  grace? 
Oh  !  speak  ;  for  thou  'rt  a  master  in  the  speech 
That  to  the  soul's  remotest  depths  can  reach  : 

A  place  there  is  within  thy  poet  heart 
Where  heavenly  thoughts  like  holyangels  bide  ; 
Thou  drawest  at  times  the  hiding  veil  aside, 
And  from  its  home  thou  causest  to  depart 
A  living  verse  to  go  around,  and  bo 
A  missioner  of  good  to  cur  humanity  : 
So  speak  thou  now  in  this  love-moving  hour, 
When  new-born  Nature  wakes  in  mystic  power. 
Ah  !  silent  still !  I  see  !  I  see  ! 
I  find  a  key 
That  opes  to  me 
The  mystery 
Of  thy  deep  silence  now  :  I  see 
The  cloud  that  hangs  above  thy  joy  ; 
Thy  memory  rests  on  thine  angelic  boy 
Who  held  thy  hand  when  on  thy  evening  walk, 
And  by  his  little  talk 
Beguiled  thee  so 
That  life  without  him  seemed  an  utter  wo. 
Thy  Iamb  is  safely  gather'd  in  the  fold, 
The  fold  eternal,  in  the  better  land  ; 
His  hand  is  in  the  gentle  Shefherd's  hand, 

And  by  His  side  he  walks,  as  once  of  old 
He  walk'd  with  thee  along  this  beauteous  earth. 
Bis  eye,  that  glisten'd  with  a  sinless  mirth, 

Is  brighter  now  :  his  voice, 
Excelling  in  its  sweetness  any  bell, 
Is  sweeter  now  in  its  harmonious  swell, 

In  that  grand  hymn  wherewith  the  blest  rejoice. 
He  cannot  come  to  thee  ;  hut  thou, 
When  God  shalt  change  thy  brow, 
And  make  thy  vision  dim, 
Shalt  go  to  him.        ft 
What  though  we  turn  to  clay — 
A  spring-time  resurrection  day, 
Remember,  shall  be  his  and  thine 
And  mine, 
And  every  soul's  that  loves  our  Lord 
In  this  brief  time  : 
Immortal  prime 
Is  theirs  who  trust  the  Master's  word. 

Let's  homeward  now  :    thy  face  again  is  bright ; 
The  spring-time  shadows  soon  resolve  in  light. 


WASTED    TIME. 

[    Alone  in  the  dark  and  silent  night, 

With  the  heavy  thought  of  a  vanished  year  ; 
When  evil  deeds  come  back  to  sight, 

And  good  deeds  rise  with  a  welcome  cheer  ; 
Alone  with  tho  spectres  of  the  past, 

That  come  with  the  old  year's  dying  chime, 
There  gleams  one  shadow  dark  and  vast, 

The  shadow  of  Wasted  Time. 

The  chance  of  happiness  cast  away, 

The  opportunities  never  sought, 
The  good  resolves  that  every  day 

Havo  died  in  the  impotence  of  thought  ; 
The  slow  advance  and  the  backward  step 

In  tho  rugged  path  wo  havo  striven  to  climb  ; 
How  they  furrow  the  brow  and  pale  the  lip, 

When  we  talk  with  Wasted  Time  ! 

What  are  we  now  ? — what  had  we  been, 

Had  wo  hoarded  time  as  tho  miser's  gold, 
Striving  our  coveted  meed  to  win, 

Through  the  summer's  heat  and  tho  winter's  cold  ; 
Shrinking  from  nought  that  tho  world  could  do  ; 

Fearing  nought  but  the  touch  of  crime  ; 
Laboring,  struggling,  all  seasons  through, 

And  knowing  no  Wasted  Time  ? 

Who  shall  recall  the  vanished  years? 

Who  shall  hold  back  this  ebbing  tide 
That  leaves  us  remorse,  and  shame,  and  tears, 

And  washes  away  all  things  beside? 
Who  shall  give  us  the  strength  e'en  now 

To  leave  forever  this  holiday  rhyme, 
To  shake  off  this  sloth  from  heart  and  brow, 

And  battle  with  Wasted  Time  ! 

The  years  that  pass  come  not  again, 

The  things  that  die  no  lifo  renew  ; 
But  e'en  from  the  rust  of  his  cankering  chain 

A  golden  Uuth  is  glimmering  through  ; 
That  to  him  who  learns  from  errors  past, 

And  turns  away  with  strength  sublime, 
And  makes  each  year  outdo  the  last, 

There  is  no  Wasted  Time. 


MA.Y  16 


gtltttiout. 


JOY  AND  SOEEOW. 

Joy  is  but  a  sunny  level, 

Bliss  a  flowery  plain  ; 
Sorrow  is  a  rugged  summit, 

Scaled  with  tears  and  pain. 

To  the  flowery  meads  and  valleys, 
Balm  and  peace  are  given  ; 

Tet  tho  rugged  mountain  summit 
Lieth  nearer  Heaven. 


WASHINGTON  IS  TREE. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  this  Govern- 
ment, tho  Capital  stands  upon  free  soil! 

After  a  long  and  gloomy  storm  has  chilled  and 
dispirited  men,  how  full  of  gladness  and  hope  is  the 
first  faint  blue  spot  that  shines  in  the  heaven  1  That 
hand's  breadth  of  blue  is  mightier  upon  our  spirits 
than  all  the  waste  and  wilderness  of  black  clouds 
that  fill  the  whole  heavens  1  It  tells  lis  what  is  be- 
hind the  storm.  It  shows  that  clouds  are  growing 
thin,  and  moving  off.  That  spot  of  prophetic  blue 
has  at  last  shone  through  at  Washington  I  The 
District  of  Columbia  holds  no  slaves!  Emancipa- 
tion has  been  effected.  The  slaves  to  be  set  free 
were  few.  If  there  had  been  but  ten,  the  joy  would 
have  been  as  great.  It  is  the  nation  that  is  freed. 
It  is  our  Government  that  has  been  emancipated. 
Tins  is  the  first  act  of  legislative  emancipation  per- 
formed in  this  nation  since  the  Revolutionary  im- 
pulse ceased,  and  a  reactionary  movement  for  sla- 
very set  in !  The  Congress  of  the  United  States 
are  deliberating  for  the  first  time  since  Washington's 
day  on  free  soil  I  The  foundations  of  the  Capitol 
are  on  free  soil ! 

The  President  walks  upon  free  soil  as  he  strolls 
through  the  grounds  of  the  White  House.  The  birds 
will  sing  sweeter.  The  grass  will  grow  greener. 
Flowers  will  yield  a  better  fragrance.  Every  Chris- 
tian man  upon  this  continent  should  offer  one  prayer 
of  devout  thanksgiving.  Men  should  meet  each 
other  with  gratulations.  Those  long  separated 
may  welt  make  this  event  an  altar  of  recon- 
ciliation. It  is  a  far  higher  reason  for  national 
thanksgiving  than  any  event  in  the  campaign.  Will 
not  the  President  ask  this  Christian  nation  to  join 
in  a  day  of  thanksgiving  ?  But  we  ought  not  to 
wait  for  that.  Public  meetings  should  be  called  in 
city  and  village,  and  citizens,  without  respect  to 
party  or  religion,  should  unite  in  expressions  of  pa- 
triotism and  congratulation  over  this  memorable 
event ! 

That  terrible  code  of  slave  laws  lies  dead  in  the 
District  of  Columbia .'  Those  dreadful  offices  which 
it  created  are  sunk  to  eternal  infamy !  Human 
flesh  is  not  merchantable  in  the  Capital  of  a  Free 
People!  Mothers  own  their  daughters  !  Men  own 
their  wives!  Love  binds  together  households  insep- 
arably, that  yesterday  could  be  put  asunder  for  gold. 
New  songs  will  rock  hundreds  of  cradles.  God  is 
glad  for  his  own  poor     Let  us  be  glad  !    * 

To  every  just  and  honorable  soul  that  loves  right 
and  hates  wrong,  we  send  greeting — Washington  is 
free  ! 

To  all  who  have  long  silently  prayed,  and  waited 
the  sure  hand  of  God,  with  unfaltering  trust,  we 
send  greeting — Washington  is  free  ! 

To  those  long-tried  men  who  have  given  their 
lives  to  the  great  work  of  national  renovation,  and 
who  happily  live  to  see  the  beginning  of  national 
emancipation,  we  send  joyful  greetings — Washing- 
ton is  free  ! 

Could  our  voice  go  forth  out  of  this  sphere  to  that 
land  of  the  blessed,  where  are  the  beautiful  spirits 
of  those  who  early  labored  for  liberty  but  died  with- 
out the  sight,  we  would  cry  to  them,  "  Give  nobler 
thanks  to  God  and  higher  praise  !  The  Capital  of 
the  Nation  is  free  ! " — New  York  Independent. 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE  DIS- 
TRICT OP  OOLTOBIA, 

The  movement  of  public  affairs  is  so  rapid,  and 
such  momentous  events  are  constantly  transpiring, 
that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  pause  in  our  thought 
long  enough  to  realize  fully  the  moral  and  political 
triumph  involved  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  Yet  it  is  an  event  of  the 
greatest  beneficence  and  of  the  highest  significance. 
It  has  apparently  attracted  but  little  attention.  The 
gratifying  vote  by  which  both  houses  of  Congress 
consummated  this  just  and  honorable  measure  has 
been  duly  recorded  in  the  newspapers,  and  duly 
read  by  the  people.  But  it  has  caused  no  deep  sen- 
sation in  the  public  mind.  Yet  no  intelligent  and 
generous  American,  we  take  it,  can  have  failed  to 
experience  an  emotion  of  patriotic  joy  that  our  na- 
tion has  done  so  noble  a  thing,  and  that  our  nation- 
al capital  is  no  longer  to  be  a  den  of  slaveholders. 
We  are  no  longer  to  be  shamed  at  home  and  dis- 
graced abroad  by  the  prosecution  of  the  man  traffic 
under  sanction  of  the  national  authority.  Hence- 
forth, thank  God,  the  capital  of  the  "home  of  the 
free  "  is  to  be  free  soil ! 

A  year  ago,  merely  to  propose  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  political 
heresy.  To  petition  Congress  for  such  an  act  would 
have  been  the  height  of  absurdity.  But  to-day  all 
parties  acquiesce  and  glory  in  a  deed  so  honorable 
to  our  people.  But  little  is  said  about  it ;  the  na- 
tion is  too  earnestly  engaged  in  the  great  struggle 
with  slavery  in  its  own  interior  fastnesses  to  stop  to 
moralize  or  rejoice  over  incidental  triumphs.  The 
destruction  of  slavery  in  the  national  capital  is  ob- 
served as  a  matter  of  course,  and  it  is  because  the 
people  are  prepared  for  much  more  decisive  blows 
at  the  rebel  institution  that  they  manifest  so  little 
feeling  about  this.  The  people  of  the  country  arc 
not  wasting  all  this  blood  and  treasure  to  accomplish 
no  good.  They  do  not  propose  to  endure  the  sor- 
rows and  horrors  of  this  war,  and  then  permit  the 
rebels  to  achieve  in  the  end,  by  political  action  or 
legal  sufferance,  the  very  objects  which  they  sought 
and  have  failed  to  accomplish  by  the  bloody  sword. 
The  domination  of  the  slave  owner  in  the  national 
councils  is  at  an  end,  and  the  people  will  insist  that 
slavery  shall  be  put  where  it  will  no  longer  vex,  dis- 
turb and  destroy  the  nation. 

Abroad,  the  effects  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  will  be  most  salutary.  This  act,  in  con- 
nection with  the  President's  Emancipation  Message, 
will  dignify  and  exalt  the  country,  and  will  draw 
more  closely  towards  us  the  sympathies  of  all  liberal 
minds.  The  rebel  Confederacy  will  henceforth 
stand  out  conspicuously  and  alone  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth  as  only  a  Brotherhood  of  Thieves. 
— Salem  Observer. 


EMANCIPATION. 


That  the  question  of  Emancipation  with  compensa- 
tion will  enter  largely  into  our  next  elections,  no 
one  can  doubt  who  looks  at  the  course  to  which 
political  events  are  and  have  been  tending  since  the 
rebellion.  Indeed,  it  will  form  the  main  feature, 
the  controlling  principle  of  the  party  of  the  Union, 
throughout  the  States,  and  will  swallow  up  all  other 
party  questions  and  creeds  in  the  magnitude  of  its 
importance  and  bearing  upon  the  interests  of  the 
country  at   large. 

The  question  of  slavery  has,  more  or  less,  entered 
into  almost  every  campaign — national  and  local — 
for  many  years  past,  but  in  a  somewhat  limited  or 
partisan  sense.  Then,  those  who  dared  to  advocate 
emancipation — no  matter  how  honest  or  conscien- 
tious may  have  been  their  convictions — were  called 
"  Abolitionists,"  "  Union-Splitters,"  "  Fanatics,"  and 
other  vile  names  hunted  out  from  the  prolific  vocab- 
ulary of  Loco- Focoism  ;  and  all  manner  of  evil  in- 
tentions against  the  Constitution  and  peace  of  the 
Union  were  charged  upon  them ;  but  now  a  change 
is  visible  in  this  respect.  Abolition  has  ceased  to 
be  the  scare-crow  of  politicians.  The  people  have 
learned  from  the  rebellion  to  examine  a  little  closer 
for  themselves,  and  not  trust  so  much  to  demagogues 
for  their  knowledge  of  political  ethics.  They  have 
seen  that  while  fanaticism  and  disunion  have  been 
charged  upon  Northern  Statesmen  and  States,  trea- 
son has  been  nurtured  and  cultivated  in  the  South 
by  the  slave-driving  lords  of  cottondom,  until  it  has 
at  length  culminated  in  a  sanguinary  war,  which,  for 
ferocity  and  barrenness  of  substantial  purpose,  is 
without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  world.  They 
have  seen,  too,  that  those  who  have  uniformly  been 
charged  with  disloyalty,  and  a  disposition  to  break 
up  the  Government,  are  the  true  friends  and  sun- 

Eorters  of  the  Union,  while  those  whose  office  it  has 
een  these  many  years  past  to  cry  out,  "  The  Union 
is  dissolved  by  Northern  fanatics,"  are  the  real  and 
only  foes  of  the  peace,  happiness,  and  prosperity  of 
the  Republic. 

The  people  have  learned  to  appreciate  the  real 
force  and  meaning  of  the  terms  "Abolitionist," 
"  Black  Republican,"  and  other  mean  epithets  whi<  ff 
have  been  systematically  and  persistently  heaped 
upon  those  who  refused  to  bow  the  knee  to  slavery, 
and  subserve  its  ambitious  designs  upon  the  liber- 
tics  of  the  country.  Such  slang  nicknames  will  no 
longer  serve  to  cheat  honest  men  out  of  their  votes, 
but  aro  passed  by  as  meaningless  and  insulting  de- 
ceptions, calculated  to  cover  up  the  real  objects  of 
their  inventors,  and  assist  them  the  more  readily  to 
slip  into  power  and  partake  of  the  luxury  of  public 
plunder,  which  they  so  well  know,  from  long  expe- 
rience and  practice,  how  to  enjoy.     Partisan  rancor 


and  sectional  malevolence  arc  gradually  but  surely 
passing  away,  and  a  purer  current  of  popular 
thought  and  investigation  has  engaged  the  minds  of 
the  people.  They  begin  to  realize  the  fact  that  sla- 
very, and  not  Abolition,  is  the  perfidious  parent  of 
all  our  national  troubles.  That  it  is  the  forging  of 
chains  for  human  limbs  to  wear  in  perpetual  bond- 
age, and  not  tho  pleadings  of  liberty  in  behalf  of  all 
her  children,  which  has  to-day  deluged  the  land  in 
blood,  and  desolated  a  large  portion  of  the  country. 
That  it  is  the  dark  shadow  of  a  barbarous  and  cruel 
age  hanging  like  a  sable  pall  over  the  hopes  and  hap- 
piness of  a  large  portion  of  our  people  in  this  nine- 
teenth century,  instead  of  the  humanity,  truth,  and 
light  of  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence,  that  now  impedes  their  progress 
to  prosperity  and  usefulness.  The  thinking  masses 
are  alive  to  these  facts;  they  recognize  their  im- 
portance and  influence  upon  the  social  and  political 
interests  of  the  nation,  and  therefore  are  deter- 
mined to  take  hold  of  the  slavery  question  with 
a  resolution  and  zeal  that  will  forever  set  at  rest 
the  disturbing   elements  of  which  it  is  made  up. 

Men  aro,  to-day,  willing  to  be  called  Abolitionists, 
who,  one  year  ago,  would  have  felt  insulted  at  even 
a  distant  intimation  of  any  such  idea.  The  word 
has  lost  its  evil  spell ;  and  thousands  of  honest,  pa- 
triotic, loyal  hearts  are  ready  to  inscribe  Emanci- 
pation on  their  banners,  and  bear  it  on  to  triumph 
through  the  storm  of  bullets  or  the  more  calm  battle 
of  the  ballot-box.  The  time  for  this  has  come.  The 
North  is  ready.  The  South  must  be:  and  in  this 
great  moral  revolution  where  will  our  own  State  be 
found  ?  In  the  ranks  of  treason  ?  No,  no,  no ! 
Delaware  must  and  will  be  on  the  side  of  Liberty. 
She  cannot  step  aside  from  the  path  of  patriotism  ; 
she  must  not  refuse  to  do  her  duty ;  she  will  not  lag 
behind  her  sister  States  in  the  forward  march  of  hu- 
man greatness  and  Christian  charity  ;  she  will  be 
free.  Free  from  all  taint  of  disloyal! 'y.  Free  from 
any  suspicion  of  complicity  with  treason  or  traitors. 
Free  from  further  legal  sanction  of  that  gigantic 
curse  which  has  so  long  bound  her  to  sluggish  inac- 
tivity, and  limited  her  power  and  influence  as  a 
State.  And  as  she  emerges  from  the  blackness  of 
the  cloud  in  which  all  her  local  interests  have  so 
long  been  buried  well  nigh  in  oblivion,  she  will 
be  free  to  declare,  in  all  the  pride  and  majesty  of 
her  redemption,  that  henceforth  and  forever  she  will 
give  full  and  entire  recognition  and  scope  to  those 
inalienable  rights  of  man,  "Life,  Liberty,  and  the 
Pursuit  of  Happiness."  Thus  will  glorious  little 
Delaware  be  found.  No  other  position  in  the  mo- 
mentous struggle  will  become  her. — Delaware  State 
Journal  and  Statesman. 


A  VOICE  PROM   MISSOURI. 

_  On  the  27th  of  April,  1862,  the  people  of  Frank- 
lin County,  Missouri,  gave  their  response  to  the 
Emancipation  Message  of  the  President,  in  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions : — ■ 

"  The  people  of  Franklin  County,  Missouri,  in  mass 
meeting  assembled,  appreciating  the  blessings  of  Lib- 
erty, as  we  have  enjoyed  and  received  them  under 
the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  United 
States,  do  resolve : 

I.  That  we  will  neither  vote  nor  give  our  influence 
for  any  man,  for  any  office,  who  we  know  or  believe 
is  now,  or  ever  has  been,  in  favor  of  a  dissolution, 
nor  who  has  not  been  at  all  times  of  unshaken  and 
outspoken  loyalty,  nor  who  has  ever  hesitated  to  ac- 
knowledge the  supremacy  of  the  authority  of,  and 
the  duty  of  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government, 
as  paramount  to  all  other  authority  or  allegiance ; 
nor  will  we  submit,  until  we  have  exhausted  our  con- 
stitutional and  legal  means  of  resistance,  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  civil  authority  over  us  by  any  man  who  has 
ever  counseled,  aided,  or  abetted  the  crime  of  treason 
against  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  or  resistance  to  the  exercise  of  lawful  au- 
thority by  the  President,  or  other  officers  legally  in- 
vested with  authority,  under  the  Constitution"  and 
Laws  of  the  United  States. 

H.  That  the  people  of  Missouri  are  the  sole  judges 
of  what  local  and  domestic  institutions  they  require 
for  their  peace,  happiness,  and  prosperity  as  a  peo- 
ple ;  and  in  the  exercise  of  that  right,  we  declare  our 
solemn  conviction  that  negro  .slavery  is  destructive  of 
all  these  blessings.  We  therefore  pledge  ourselves  to  a 
hearty  support  of  any  practical  metis urc  for  the  grad- 
ual emancipation  and  colonization  of  the  slaves  now 
in  Missouri,  which  may  be  just  and  fair  toward  the 
present  loyal  owners,  and  which  the  law-makers  of 
our  State  may  be  able  to  devise  in  harmony  with  the 
policy  of  President  Lincoln,  as  announced  in  his  an- 
nual and  recent  Messages  to  Congress. 

III.  That  the  intimate  alliance  if  treason  with  sla- 
very in  Missouri  is  a  sufficient  reason  for  all  loyal 
citizens  to  oppose  the  perpetuation  of  the  latter  with 
the  same  vigor  they  seek  the  eradication  of  the  for- 
mer; and  it  is  a  duty  we  owe  ourselves,  our  posteri- 
ty, and  the  cause  of  Free  Government,  to  demand 
such  legal  enactments  as  will  place  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  Missouri  upon  a  footing  that  the  public 
mind  will  rest  satisfied  of  its  gradual  extinction. 

IV.  That  we  will  neither  vote,  nor  give  our  in- 
fluence, for  any  man  for  Governor,  or  for  the  Legisla- 
ture, who  is  not  pledged  to  the  support  of  a  proposi- 
tion having  for  its  object  the  erection  of  a  legal  bar- 
rier to  the  further  immigration  of  slaves  into  this 
State,  nor  who  is  not  pledged  to  the  support  of  a 
practical,  just  and  fair  proposition  for  the  emancipa- 
tion and  colonization,  outside  of  the  Union,  of  all 
the  slaves  in  the  State. 

V.  That  the  doctrines  and  policy  enunciated  by 
President  Lincoln,  in  his  recent  and  annual  mes- 
sages for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  meet  our 
hearty  and  undivided  support;  and  while  we  depre- 
cate civil  war,  and  desire  the  smile  of  peace  to  il- 

ne  our  country  again,  we  feel  that  the  "  Union 
must  be  preserved,"  and  the  war  should  not  cease 
until  the  national  authority  is  practically  re-acknowl- 
edged. 

VI.  That  we  recommend  Samuel  T.  Glover,  Esq., 
of  St.  Louis,  to  the  loyal  people  of  the  State  as  a 
candidate  for  Governor,  and  invite  them  to  join  with 
us  in  soliciting  him  to  become  a  candidate. 

Which  were  adopted  unanimously,  amid  shouts  of 
approval." 

Franklin  County,  Mo.,  is  situated  about  twenty 
miles  from  the  Mississippi  and  the  western  boundary 
of  St.  Louis  and  Jefferson  Counties.  It  is  one  of 
the  largest  and  most  flourishing  Counties  in  the 
State,  and  has  a  population  of  18,000  (being  an  in- 
crease of  7,000  since  1850),  of  whom  about,  one-tenth 
are  slaves.  At  the  last  Presidential  election,  one- 
fourth  of  the  votes  of  this  County  were  cast  for  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Hermann  is  within  its  limits.  The  popu- 
lation is  largely  composed  of  Germans.  Union,  the 
county  town,  is  43  miles  south-west  of  St.  Louis. 

Let  Free  Speech  cross  the  Border,  and  Slavery 
will  fall  before  it  like  the  harvest  ripe  for  the  sickle. 

■New  York  Tribune. 


WS.  0AEET  ON  HANGING  ABOLITIONISTS. 

It  does  not  diminish  our  disgust  of  this  fashionable 
slang,  that  even  General  Carey  should  endorse  it. 
In  his  speech,  at  the  Opera  House,  last  Friday  night, 
he  said : — 

"  Brother  Brownlow  mentioned  in  his  remarks  the 
advantage  which  would  have  accrued  to  the  country, 
had  one  or  two  hundred  Abolitionists,  and  an  equal 
number  of  Southern  Secession  agitators,  been  hung 
together,  and  buried  in  a  common  ditch  ;  and  t  most 
cordially  agree  with  him.  I  agree  with  the  freedom  of 
the  press  and  free  speech,  and  believe  them  to  be  two 
of  the  greatest  blessings  we  enjoy  ;  hut  I  have  no  sym- 
pathy with  Wendell  Phillips,  and  I  think  that  when 
any  man  stretches  out  Ins  hand  to  endeavor  to  shake 
the  pillar  of  this  sacred  fabric  of  our  Government,  he 
should  be  cut  down  where  he  stands.  (Immense  ap- 
plause.) " 

We  do  not  ask  General  Carey,  or  anybody  else, 
to  have  sympathy  with  Wendell  Phillips.  We  do 
not  agree  with  Mr.  Phillips's  sentiments;  but  wo 
most  heartily  abhor  the  doctrine  that  a  man,  plead- 
ing for  the  rights  of  man,  even  the  rights  of  a  ne- 
gro, and  even  though  he  should  state  his  views 
strongly,  and  urge  measures  which  we  deem  unwise, 
is  to  be  ranked  with  Secessionists  who  have  waged  a 
war  against  the  Government,  and  aro  hanging  and 
murdering  innocent  Unionists.  The  implication,  that 
Mr.  Phillips  ever  stretched  forth  his  hand  to  endeav- 
or to  shake  the  pillars  of  this  sacred  fabric,  is  unjust. 
He  has,  indeed,  ably  and  eloquently  denounced  our 
subserviency  to  the  Slave  Power,  and  he  has  speci- 
fied conditions  on  which  he  would  see  the  Union  dis- 
solved. We  do  not  ask  General  Carey  to  agree  that 
the  provocation  was  sufficient.  We  do  not  say  that 
it  was ;  but  one  whoso  words  of  burning  eloquence 
have  been  heard  so  oilen,  counselling  tlie  setting 
aside  of  law  and  legal  redress,  when  law  fails  to  ren- 
der protection  to  individual  rights,  as  General  Carey, 
is  the  last  man  to  counsel  the  hanging  of  men  lor 
entertaining  and  inculcating  sentiments  not  palata- 
ble to  the  masses. 


Iiow  we  have  seen  him  thrill  audiences,  as  he  has 
Urged  them  to  hold  the  health  and  happiness  of  then- 
families  more  sacred  than  law — to  rise  above  law — 
to  break  over  law— to  shoot  liquor  sellers  and  demol- 
ish their  business  houses — and  we  have  said  Amen  ! 
And  shall  he  now  hang  Wendell  Phillips,  because  he 
holds  liberty  as  more  sacred  than  the  Constitution  ? 
When  General  Carey  shall  have  given  the  subject 
of  slavery  as  much  thought  as  he  has  the  subject  of 
temperance,  he  will  possibly  not  think  that  an  anti- 
slavery  man  is,  per  se,  a  felon,  deserving  to  die. 

Just  now,  more  than  for  years  past,  the  slang 
against  Abolitionism  is  becoming  popular.  Be  it  so. 
We  shall  not,  however,  let  go  our  conviction  that, 
however  unwise  many  Abolitionists  may  have  been 
in  their  speeches  and  in  their  plans,  they  yet  have 
been  of  the  best  and  purest  men  of  our  times.  Nor 
will  we  dismiss  our  hopes  that  this  war  may  continue, 
until  it  shall  no  longer  be  considered  an  elegant 
spice  to  a  speech  to  demand  that  such  men  as  Phil- 
lips, and  Sumner,  and  Seward,  and  Beeeher  shall  be 
hanged,  and  sent  to  hell,  along  with' Davis,  and  Ma- 
son, and  Yancey,  because,  forsooth,  they  have  main- 
tained that  a  soul  in  ebony  was  nevertheless  a  hu- 
man soul!  We  are  not  surprised,  though  we  aro 
grieved,  to  find  our  friend  Carey  following  this  fash- 
ion. His  anti-slaveryism  has  always  been  of  the 
most  conservative  type. — Indiana  American. 


REV.  W.   (1  BROWNLOW. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Pioneer  Association  on  Satur- 
day evening,  Parson  Brownlow  is  reported  to  have 
used  the  following  language: — 

"If,  fifty  years  ago,  we  had  taken  one  hundred 
Southern  fire-eaters  and  one  hundred  Abolitionists, 
and  hanged  them  up,  and  buried  them  in  a  common 
ditch,  and  sent  their  souls  to  hell,  we  should  have  had 
none  of  this  war." 

We  sympathize  with  Mr.  Brownlow  in  his  suffer- 
ings, and  we  admire  the  courage  with  which  he  has 
defended  himself,  and  his  firm  endurance  under  his 
bitter  trial.  For  a  Union  zvith  slavery  and  for  the 
protection  of  slavery,  he  has  fought  well.  But  such 
vulgar  blackguardisms  as  that  quoted  above,  is  fit 
only  for  the  ruffianism  of  the  South  ;  and  that  such 
sentiments  and  such  language  could  be  vociferously 
cheered  by  a  Northern  audience,  only  shows  how  far 
we  have  sunk  towards  seeessionism  itself.  The  sen- 
timent is  the  same  which  moved  men  to  mob  Mr. 
Phillips,  and  the  cheer  was  the  echo  of  the  yell  of 
the  Opera  rioters. 

Mr.  Brownlow  has  shown  that  he  has  no  more  con- 
ception of  the  true  nature  of  the  American  conflict 
than  a  babe  in  the  cradle, 

Every  sneer  against  an  Abolitionist,  and  every 
approving  shout  for  such  sentiments  as  Mr.  Brown- 
low uttered,  are  worth  more  to  Jeff.  Davis  than  men 
in  arms.  Secession  lives  now  on  just  such  speeches 
and  cheers  as  those.  The  Knights  of  the  Golden 
Circle  would  not  desire  more  efficient  helpers  than 
just  such  meetings  and  speakers. — Free  Nation. 


A  RAMELE  ABOUT  ALEXANDRIA. 

Washington,  D.  C,  April  16.  18S2. 

Yesterday  I  went  down  into  Virginia.  Tak- 
ing the  road  at  King  street,  we  passed  through 
the  dirty  town— which  seems  to  be  as  lavish  of  filth 
as  it  is  of  treason — out  into  the  country,  now  begin- 
ning to  look  green.  Some  peach  trees  were  in  blos- 
som. But  soldiers  were  everywhere;  and  as  they 
pay  little  respect  to  Virginia  vegetation,  nature  will 
have  little  to  do  here  this  season  except  to  check  it- 
self. It  is  all  secession  ground,  the  soldiers  say, — 
and  they  don't  intend  it  shall  be  fruitful.  The 
fences  and  forests  serve  for  firewood,  and  the  grass 
for  forage.  *  *  * 

Returning,  I  turned  aside  to  take  a  look  at  the 
infamous  old  slave  pen  and  jail  that  for  many  years 
has  filled  a  square  in  the  dirty,  shabby  city  of  Alex- 
andria. It  is  now  only  used  as  a  guard-house.  The 
pen  to-day  only  contained  one  drunken  soldier,  who 
was  silently  luxuriating  upon  the  unswept  brick 
floor.  One  wing  is  being  covered  in  and  filled  up 
with  small  dungeon  cells,  for  refractory  persons— a 
horrid  place.  It  has  many  marks  of  violence  upon 
its  walls  and  windows — as  though  the  memory  of 
the  outrages  committed  within  them  had  recoiled 
upon  them.  Doors,  walls  and  blinds  are  broken 
and  defaced,  and  filth  and  vermin  breed  there.  It 
is  a  horrid  place;  one  wishes  to  walk  on  tip-toe 
through  its  dingy  portals.  This  morning  the  Pro- 
vost guard  had  captured  a  large  number  of  nymphs 
and  cyprians,  and  confined  them  in  the  chamber. 
They  appeared  at  the  windows,  in  great  wrath,  and 
addressed  the  soldiers  lying  about,  as  only  a  depraved 
woman  can — sung  secession  songs,  and  did  other 
things  not  unpleasing  to  the  "  boys  "  neither  polite 
nor  patriotic.  What  an  unfathomable  depth  there 
is  to  low  vice  1  Who  is  accountable  for  all  the  frail- 
ty there  is  in  the  world  ? 

This  old  slave  pen,  whose  walls  are  symbolic  of 
most  atrocious  oppression,  now  bears  upon  its  ruin- 
ous front,  in  defaced  letters,  the  monolith  of  "  Price, 
Burch  &  Co.,  Dealers  in  Slaves."  But  Price,  Burch 
&  Co.  no  longer  deal  in  slaves — like  the  Bastile,  the 
place  has  now  to  render  it  infamous  only  the  mem- 
ory of  its  grinding  oppressions.  I  met  here  before 
'ts  walls  a  gentleman,  long  resident  of  the  place,  who 
during  thirty  years  had  never  before  entered  its 
portals,  though  living  near  enough  to  hear  the  wails 
and  shrieks  of  the  former  victims.  He  knew  it  by 
history  and  the  fate  of  those  who  bought  and  sold 
slaves.  It  has  had  several  owners,  whose  special 
fate  had  the  same,  termination.  It  was  built  by 
Franklin  and  Armfield,  who  became  rich  : — the  lat- 
ter courteous,  liberal,  and  gentlemanly,  built  him  a 
palace,  and  fitted  up  his  grounds  with  all  the  luxu- 
ries and  delicacies  that  could  make  life  desirable, 
then  married  a  beautiful  girl,  and  thought  to  be 
happy.  But  men  who  recognized  his  occupation  as 
a  necessity,  marked  him  as  infamous.  Even  in  Al- 
exandria, where  treason  and  slavery  are  as  black  as 
ink,  the  courteous  and  liberal  slave-dealer  could  not 
rise  above  his  trade.  He  was  passed  by,— his  beau- 
tiful wife  sat  lonely  in  her  luxurious  halls,  until, 
wearied  with  her  social  neglect,  she.  left  her  home 
and  returned  to  her  father.  Her  husband  continued 
his  business  for  a  while  ;  then,  disgusted,  sold  his 
place  and  left  the  vicinity. 

He  was  succeeded  by  a  man  named  Bruin — like 
Armfield,  courteous,  liberal  and  intelligent,  who 
strove  by  these  qualities  to  overcome  the  corpse-like 
aversion  that  hung  over  the  head  of  the  dealer  in 
slaves.  But  he  struggled  in  vain.  Even  his  bene- 
factions were  sometimes  refused,  and  the  social  ban 
fell  upon  him  like  a  heavy  cloud.  He  abandoned 
the  trade,  and  was  glad  to  seek  an  obscurity  where 
he  could  not  see,  but  only  feel  the  odium  that  hung 
so  darkly  over  him.  What  became  of  "  Price,  Burch 
&  Co."  the  record  says  nothing— but  their  vile  den 
has  lost  nothing  of  its  previous  reputation  by  being 
transmuted  into  a  guard  house  for  Union  prisoners. 
and  secession  prostitutes. 

Leaving  my  newly  found  friend,  I  turned  down 
King  street  again,  towards  tho  Marshall  House,  now 
a  loyal  dirty  lager  beer  saloon,  and  listened  a  mo- 
ment to  the  explosions  of  one  of  the  natives.  He 
had  applied  to  the  Provost  Marshal  for  license  to 
sell  goods ;  and  was  informed  that  it  was  necessary 
for  him  to  swear  allegiance  to  Federalism  before-  he 
could  trade  legally.  This  he  declined  most  emphat- 
ically. "  He'd  be  d d  if  he'd  ever  swear  allegi- 
ance to  a  foreign  government.  He  was  a  free  Vir- 
ginian, and  he'd  rot  and  burn  before  he  would  pay 

tribute  to  the  d d  Lincolnites.     He  knew  the 

streets  were  full  of  Union  soldiers,  but  he  wished  he 
had  the  power  to  send  them  all  to  hell."  Long  he 
continued  in  this  strain,  refusing  to  be  comforted, 
even  when  assured  that  he  would  thus  draw  down 
upon  himself  the  provisions  of  the  confiscation  act. 

Such  is  the  blind  fanaticism  of  these  dupes  of 
base.  men.  One  almost  despairs  of  restoring  a  Union 
sentiment,  when  so  near  the  Capital,  and  where  all 
the  motions  of  the  Government  are  daily  seen  and 
understood,  such  bitter,  implacable  hostilities  are 
kept  alive. 

The  passage  home,  through  that  fleet  of  crowded 
transports,  filled  my  mind  with  many  sad  thoughts 
of  the  future. — Correspondent  of  the  Independent 
Democrat. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SHIL0H. 

PAINFUL  SCENES — AN    AIIMV    OF    -SKXTONS — TIJR 
DEAD   AND    WOUNDKD. 

On  Thursday  it  was  impossible  to  move  without, 
caution,  as  dead  men  were  lying  thickly  everywhere 
for  miles — sometimes  a  dozen  in  a  space  of  as  niauv 
feefc.  No  such  scene  was  ever  before  witnessed  in 
America.  The  opponents  lay  as  they  hail  fallen,  of- 
ten the  body  of  one  heaped  upon  that  of  the  other. 
Wounded  men,  mangled  horses,  crushed  bodies,  ex- 
truded BO  interminably  that  it  was  impossible  to  pass 
through  them,  and  the  visitor  would  finally  be  com- 
pelled to  turn  and  retrace  htfl  slips. 

Rains  had  soaked  tho  ground  and  covered  it  with 


pools  of  water,  and  sometimes  the  wounded    could 

be  seen  crawling  on  to  the  dead,  and  lying  there  to 
keep  off  from  tbe  damp  earth.  Many  had  died  in 
that  position,  and  not  a  few  of  the  deaths  were 
caused  by  exposure.  Physicians  were  busy,  labor 
ing  nobly,  but  instruments  became  blunted  and  use- 
less, and  surgeons  dropped  with  fatigue  at  their 
posts  before  a  fiftieth  part  of  their  work  had  been 
done. 

Numbers  were  drowned  by  being  unable  to  crawl 
away  front  the  places  where  they  had  fallen,  and  ir 
which  the  waters  rapidly  collected.  Your  city  read 
ers  can  form  some  idea  of  the  carnage  by  picturing 
a  walk  as  far  as  from  St.  Louis  to  the  Fair  grounds 
among  dead  and  dying,  stretched  away  out  of  sight 
on  either  side.  The  woods  far  beyond  our  picket 
guards  are  being  now  explored,  and  hundreds  of  in- 
jured, abandoned  by  the  enemy  on  their  retreat, 
were  brought  in.  Every  house  between  here  and 
Corinth  is  a  hospital.  We  visited  several  of  them, 
and  found  the  floors  covered  with  poor  wretches,  ly- 
ing in  pools  of  blood,  their  arms  or  legs  torn  off. 
Days  passed  without  any  nourishment,  and  in  half 
the  cases  death  had  outstripped  the  physicians,  and 
was  coming  to  their  relief  Certainly,  a  greater 
scene  of  wide-spread  misery  never  existed.  The 
first  day  or  two,  the  air  was  filled  with  groans,  sobs 
and  frenzied  curses,  but  uow  the  sufferers  are  quiet 
not  from  cessation  of  pain,  but  mere  exhaustion. 

We  frequently,  a  little  to  one  side,  where  first  the 
ambulances,  afterwards  the  dead  carts,  had  failed  to 
find  them,  came  across  the  bodies  of  men  who  had 
bled  to  death.  Around  them  the  grass  was  stained 
with  blood,  and  often  their  hands  were  clasped  con- 
vulsively on  a  few  leaves,  with  which  they  had  en- 
deavored to  stop  the  lite-tide,  until  growing  fainter 
and  fainter,  they  had  given  up  in  despair,  and  laid 
back  to  die.  One  poor  fellow,  a  boy,  who  could 
not  have  been  over  fourteen,  was  lying  against 
tree,  a  knife  in  his  hand,  with  which  he  had  carved 
the  letters,  John  Dan .  The  N  was  but  par- 
tially finished,  when  death  had  compelled  him  to 
give  up  the  gloomy  task  of  writing  his  own  epitaph. 
The  terrible  destruction  caused  by  cannon  balls  was 
evidenced  in  the  sight  of  three  bodies  mangled  by 
the  same  shot.  Tlie  latter,  a  twelve-pounder,  had 
struck  a  fourth  man,  while  he  was  evidently  in  a 
stooping  posture,  hitting  immediately  on  the  top  of 
the  head,  and  driving  the  fragments"  of  skull  down- 
ward into  the  body,  the  shot  remaining  half  hidden 
between  the  shoulders.  I  saw  in  three  houses  near 
our  outer  pickets,  and  two  miles  from  the  battle- 
ground, four  wounded  rebel  captains,  and  thirty  or 
forty  privates.  Beauregard,  as  he  retreated,  bore 
back  with  him  his  wounded,  leaving  them  in  houses, 
barns,  and  fence-corners  by  the  way.  It  J3  thus 
they'  were  strewn  over  so  great  a  space.  One  of 
the  officers  was  being  carried  to  a  wagon  as  we 
stopped,  and  in  the  height  of  delirium'" waved  his 
arm  above  his  head,  cheering  imaginary  companies 
on  to  attack. —  Correspondence  of  the  St.  Louis  Re- 
publican. 

PEEE  EVENING  SCHOOL. 

The  following  report,  touching  the  rise  and  pro- 
gress of  the  free  evening  school  in  this  city,  will,  we 
are  sure,  be  read  with  interest.  That  this  beneficent 
public  charity  has  met  with  so  large  a  measure  of 
success  is  a  matter  of  gratulation,  evincing  as  it  does 
the  general  desire  that  is  felt  among  a  large  class 
to  obtain  the  rudiments  of  an  education,  of  which 
they  have  been  deprived,  in  their  earlier  years,  per- 
haps, by  circumstances  beyond  their  control.  We 
trust  and  believe  that  the  enterprise  will  be  renew- 
ed, the  coming  autumn,  under  still  more  encouran- 
ing  auspices,  and  that  the  means  of  those  engaged 
in  tlie  good  work  will  be  increased  by  the  donations 
of  the  benevolent,  and  their  means  of  usefulness  be 
thereby  extended.  Much  credit  is  due  to  those  who 
originated  and  have  had  this  matter  under  their 
charge,  and  we  trust  they  will  receive  that  en- 
couragement from  our  citizens  which  the  work  they 
have  undertaken  deserves.  Their  generous  and  self- 
sacrificing  spirit  is  worthy  of  all  praise. — Lynn  Re- 
porter. 

EVENING  SCHOOL  KEPORT. 

When,  last  autumu,  the  Fraternity  Association  re- 
solved upon  tho  establishment  of  a  free  evening 
school,  the  committee  to  whom  the  enterprise,  was 
intrusted  were  instructed  to  render  an  account  of 
their  success  to  the  Fraternity,  at  the  first  re^ 
meeting  which  should  be  holden  after  the  close  of 
the  school.  On  Monday,  the  31st  of  March,  after  a 
prosperous  session  of  six  months,  the  school  termi- 
nated ;  and  in  accordance  with  our  instructions,  the 
accompanying  is  respectfully  submitted.  Much 
herein  contained  will  be  familiar  to  you,  having 
been  published  in  partial  reports  while  the  experi- 
ment was  pending;  but  the  necessity  of  a  complete 
report  compels  its  repetition. 

On  Monday,  Oct.  7th,  1861,  Buffum's  Hall,  on 
Broad  Street,  was  opened  for  the  purpose  of  offer- 
ing free  instruction  in  reading,  writing  and  arith- 
metic to  that  class  of  persons  in  the  community  de- 
barred, either  by  advanced  age  or  by  forced  occu- 
pation, from  attending  our  public  schools.  As  no 
test  had  ever  been  applied  to  ascertain  the  need  of 
such  an  institution  in  Lynn,  we  were  at  first  per- 
plexed about  the  scale  upon  which  we  ought  to  com- 
mence ;  some  fearing  we  should  not  attract  more 
than  twenty  scnolars,  and  the  most  sanguine  not  ex- 
pecting over  forty.  Taking  the  mean  between  the 
two  estimates,  we  provided  tables. and  seats  for  thir- 
ty, and  awaited  the  result.  Following  the  example 
of  Mr.  Barnard,  of  Boston,  we  deemed  it  advisable 
to  charge  each  pupil  an  entrance  fee  of  twenty-five 
cents,  in  order  to  exclude  the  indifferent,  and  to  in- 
crease the  earnestness  and  regular  attendance  of 
the  pupils. 

The  first  evening,  sixteen  applied,  and  were  ad- 
mitted,— fourteen  girls  and  two  boys.  On  the  next 
Thursday  evening,  seven  more  were  admitted,  and 
on  the  succeeding  evening  came  an  increase  of  six- 
teen. Ever}r  school  night  our  number  was  augment- 
ed, till,  on  the  11th  of  November,  the  fifth  week  of 
the  school,  having  admitted  one  hundred  and  two 
scholars,  we  were  obliged  reluctantly  to  turn  away 
many  deserving  people  who  sought  admittance. 
With  ample  accommodations,  your  committee  do 
not  doubt  that  the  school  could  have  been  doubled, 
and  even  trebled. 

To  classify  and  arrange  this  assemblage  of  men 
and  women,  differing  not  less  in  age  than  in  degrees  of 
advancement,  was  no  easy  matter.  Fortunately,  a 
ufficient  number  of  tcachers'bad  volunteered  their 
ervices — some  of  them  already  experienced  in  leadi- 
ng— and,  after  a  few  nights,  order  was  educed  from 
lonfusion  and  our  pathway  smoothed.  The  interest 
and  appreciation  which  the  pupils  evinced  lightened 
the  duties  of  the  teachers,  and  made  their  task  a 
pleasurable  rather  than  an  irksome  one,  and  it  was 
gratifying  to  see  the  confidence  and  friendly  feeling 
which  this  new  relation  developed. 

Necessarily,  out  of  so  large  a  number,  there  was 
a  certain  proportion  of  absences,  which  we  found  to 
be  about  twenty-five  per  cent.,  or  one-quarter  of 
the  entire  number  each  night.  This  enabled  us  to 
receive  more  pupils  than  we  otherwise  could  have 
done;  and  while  there  _were  actually  only  ac- 
commodations for  eighty,  we  admitted  one  hundred 
and  sixteen.  The  statistical  statement  of  the  school 
is  as  follows: — Total,  116  pupils;  76  females  and 
■10  males.  Average  age  of  females,  19  1-4  years; 
of  males,  18  4-11  years.  Our  oldest  pupil  was  a 
colored  man,  54  years  of  age;  the  youngest,  12. 
There  were  85  of  Irish  birth,  25  Americans,  5  En- 
glish, and  1  Portuguese.  85  were  Catholics  and 
31  Protestants.  Two  were  colored  men.  The  av- 
erage attendance  of  the  scholars  was  70,  of  the  teach- 
ers, 20.  When  we  take  into  consideration  the  ordi- 
nary inclemency  of  the  season,  and  the  fact  that 
two-thirds  of  the  pupils  were  females,  a  commenda- 
ble degree  of  zeal  is  shown.  The  largest  number 
present  at  one  time  was  85  :  the  smallest,  29.  This 
was  on  February  27th,  when  one  of  the  severest 
storms  of  the  winter  was  raging. 

The  total  expenses  of  the  school  amount  to  $1 12,50. 
The  contributions  and  entrance  fees  of  the  scholars 
exactly  equal  this  outlay,  although  a  two  months' 
gas  bill  is  yet  to  be  settled.  The  items  of  the  ac- 
count may  be  seen  by  consulting  the  record-book. 
The  actual  running  expenses  have  not  exceeded 
thirty  dollars — -tlie  main  cost  being  for  the  furniture 
of  the  room,  which  will  lie  available  should  another 
school  be  established  next  autumn.  Owing  to  the 
generosity  of  Mr.  Bull'iuu,  our  rent  cost  us  nothing. 

While  the  school  was  in  contemplation,  your  com- 
mittee were  advised,  by  teachers  conversant  with 
schools  of  this  kind,  to  have  separate  evenings  for 
the  men  .and  the  women.  Believing,  however",  I  hat 
such  a  distinction  Would  be  unnecessary,  ami,  if  any- 
thing, derogatory  to  tho  success  of  the  school,  the 
advice  was  disregarded,  and  no  distinction  of  sex 
was  made.     The  wisdom  of  (his  has  made  itsolffullv 

manifest.    We  are  satisfied  that  the  general  ordur 

has  been  promoted  by  this  course,  and  that  the  iii- 
Ihienees  arising  from  (bis  association  of  the  men  and 
women  have  been  of  benefit. 


Another  pleasing  fact  was  the  absence  of  any 
manifestation  of  prejudice  against  color.  Some 
of  uj  bad  feared  that  t  hi-  feelings  of  pur  colored  pu- 
pils might  be  hurl  by  thoughtless  actions  or  remarks 

of  their  fellow  learners.  The:  e  fears,  we  rejoice  to 
say,  were  groundless;  and  your  committee  were  un- 
able lo  distinguish  any  shade  of  difference  made  in 
their  treatment,  on  account  of  complexion.  We  re- 
gret that  adverse  circumstances,  or  flagging  zeal,  de- 
E rived  us  of  both  these  pupils,  two  or  ihree  months 
efore  the  school  ended,  and  we  hope  that  next 
year  a  larger  proportion  of  their  race  will  feel  an 
ambition  lo  educate  and  improve  themselves. 

In  concluding  this  report,  the  Committee  would 
bear  witness  to  the  faithful  efforts  of  the  teachers 
who  so  disinterestedly  contributed  their  time  and 
services  to  the  good  work.  Patient,  self-sacrificing 
and  constant,  they  showed  how  interesting  and  val- 
uable a  school  may  be  made  when  the  labors  are 
those  of  love  and  friendship.  "Surely  learninp," 
says  old  Thomas  Fuller  "is  the  greatest  alms  that 
can  be  given."  Be  certain  that  the  recipients  of  the 
little  learning  wo  have  been  fortunate  enough  lobe- 
stow  will  ever  remember  the  gift  with  gratitude  ;  for 
it  is  something  permanent  and  abiding. 

Though  undertaken  by  the  Fraternity,  the  school 
has  been  sustained  by  the  aid  of  kind  friends  in  va- 
rious parts  of  the  town,  and  regardless  of  religious 
associations.  Our  sincere  thanks  are  due  lo  Mr. 
JAMES  N.  Buitum,  for  his  liberality  in  furnishing 
us,  without  charge,  bis  excellent  hall;  to  Peter.  M. 
Neai.,  Esq.,  for  his  valuable  assistance  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  school ;  to  Amos  P.  Tapley,  Esq., 
for  his  generous  and  timely  donation  of  money  ; 
and  to  all  who  have  in  any  way  contributed  to  the 
success  of  the  enterprise. 

Wh.  L.  Garrison,  Jr.,     ) 


IIei.ex  M.  Ireson, 
James  Edward  Oliver,) 
Lynn,  Saturday,  April  12,  18G2. 


Committee. 


NORTHERN  CITIES  OF  REFUGE. 

PniLADELniiiA,  April  23,  1802. 

The  great  cities  of  the  North  are  fast  becoming  cit- 
ies of  refuge,  into  which  fugitives  from  all  the  multi- 
plied forms  which  oppression  takes  in  the  South  are 
running  for  safety  and  repose.  Recent  events  have 
,  sent  them  thronging  over  the  railroads  in  greater  num- 
bers than  ever.  As  blow  after  blow  has  been  struck 
at  the  rebellion  in  its  remote  strongholds,  where  Union 
men  were  hemmed  in  by  a  military  cordon,  or  fearful, 
under  the  reign  of  terror,  to  attempt  escaping,  the  bar- 
riers which  shut  them  in  have  been  broken  down,  the 
avenues  for  escape  have  been  opened,  and  to  the  peace- 
ful, undesolatcd  North  they  come,  squalid  and  deso- 
late, but  even  in  their  desolation  praising  God  at  be- 
ing thus  liberated  by  Union  bayonets  from  the  scene 
of  their  intolerable  bondage.  Fugitives  of  this  descrip- 
tion are  daily  reaching  this  city,  some  in  so  destitute  a 
condition  as  to  make  one's  heart  ache  to  witness  it. 
Many  of  them  bring  families  of  children,  thin  and 
gaunt  from  famine,  and  dollied  in  mean  and  ragged 
garments.  A  year  ago,  they  were  in  comfortable  cir- 
cumstances— now  they  are  dependent  on  charity. 
They  bring  nothing  but  the  clothes  on  their  backs — 
farms  and  bouses  have  been  all  abandoned — rebellion 
had  stripped  them  of  live  stock,  provisions,  crops,  and 
everything  by  which  life  was  to  be  sustained.  Some 
of  the  mothers  and  daughters  of  these  families  are  ob- 
jects of  profound  sympathy.  Whole  households  have 
found  their  hungry  way  to  our  Soldiers'  Refreshment 
Saloon,  to  be  there  publicly  fed  by  charity.  They 
have  given  me  pitiable  pictures  of  the  robbery,  the 
outrages,  the  terrorism  under  which  they  have  suffer- 
ed for  nearly  a  year  past,  and  now,  thanking  God  for 
their  escape,  they  look  round  from  one  meal  to  an#h- 
er,  doubting  where  it  is  to  come  from.  Such  as  have 
friends  are  taken  home  and  cared  for ;  but  many  are 
among  total  strangers.  This  new  phase  of  ostracism 
imposes  a  new  tax  on  the  public  sympathies  as  well  as 
on  private  purses.  But  it  is  promptly  and  generously 
met.  If  new  victories  are  to  liberate  other  crowds  to 
seek  refuge  hither,  the  North  will  have  large  demands 
made  on  its  liberality. 

But  there  are  fugitives  of  a  darker  complexion,  such 
as,  instead  of  having  endured  terrorism  tor  but  a  sin- 
gle year,  have  cowered  under  it  for  a  life-time.  These 
reach  our  city  singly,  sometimes  in  pairs  and  small 
squads,  and  occasionally  in  what  may  be  called  droves. 
As  many  as  a  hundred  have  arrived  in  a  single  week. 
Talk  of  the  destitution  of  the  white  fugitives  !  Some 
of  these  black  ones  reach  our  borders  without  shoes, 
their  feet  torn  and  bloody  by  tramping  over  frozen 
roads — no  hats  for  some,  no  shirts  for  others ;  emaciated 
from  anxiety  and  famine,  for  they  had  travelled  by 
night,  and  had  no  money  with  which  to  purchase  food. 
Among  these,  I  saw  and  conversed  with  the  chattels 
of  Mason,  the  author  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  The 
capture  of  Winchester  broke  down  their  prison  doors 
and  let  them  go  free,  never  to  be  re-enslaved.  They 
were  part  of  a  large  body  of  fugitives  liberated  hy  the 
extension  of  our  lines  beyond  Manassas.  But  these 
destitute  creatures  find  quite  as  many  friends  as  the 
whites.  When  they  reach  the  city,  they  are  received 
into  the  families  of  the  colored  residents,  whence  they 
are  speedily  taken,  mostly  into  the  country  by  farmers 
who  need  help.  Here,  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives, 
they  receive  wages.  If  families  are  thus  separated,  it 
is  voluntary.  But  privation  is  submitted  to  with  he- 
roic fortitude  by  these  poor  victims  of  oppression — 
nothing  being  counted  such  when  beyond  reach  of  the 
plantation  lash.  All  classes,  colors,  and  ages  thus 
come  and  go.  One  woman  of*near  a  hundred  years 
old  was  among  them.  Women  bring  with  them  mere 
babies  at  the  breast.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  as  our 
armies  penetrate  further  South,  so  do  the  fugitives  ar- 
rive from  greater  distances.  Thus  without  proclaim- 
ing themselves  to  be  liberating  armies,  they  must  be 
practically  such. — [Corr.  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


A  Fkeedman's  First  Act.  On  the  return  march 
of  Col.  Mjx's  3d  New  York  Cavalry  from  Winchester 
to  Washington,  a  large  number  of  male  contrabands 
followed  the  regiment.  They  were  not  permitted  to 
be  turned  back  or  molested  by  the  commanding  officer. 
Col.  Mix.  They  built  camp  fires  and  groomed  horses 
for  the  troops,  who  in  return  fed  them  from  their  ra- 
tions. Lieut.  Chamberlain,  of  Rochester,  adopted  one 
of  them,  a  fine  looking  boy  of  about  twenty  years,  as 
his  servant.  On  reaching  Washington,  he  gave  him 
money  to  purchase  an  extra  supper  out  of  camp.  The 
negro  went  without  the  supper,  and  invested  the  mon- 
ey in  a  spelling  book.  He  has  studied  this  intently 
every  leisure  hour,  and  although  perfectly  ignorant 
of  the  alphabet  one  week  agtf,  he  is  now  master  of  his 
letters. 

j£3P=='  The  Union  troops,  as  they  advanced  to  take 
possession  of  Fort  Pulaski,  after  the  surrender,  sane; 
the  "John  Brown"  song  and  "The  Star-Spangled 
Banner." 

EST5"  John  S.  Rock,  Esq.,  a  colored  lawyer  nf  Bos- 
ton, delivered  his  lecture,  "  A  Plea  for  my  Race,"  in 
Shiloh  Church,  last  evening.  The  lecture  was  both 
interesting  and  instructive,  and  was  listened  to  with 
deep  attention.  It  was  handled  in  a  masterly  man- 
ner.— Phila.  Press,  April  1, 

A  Diamond  Wedding,  Mr.  Asa  Raymond  and 
wife,  of  Shutesbury,  Franklin  county,  Mass..  respec- 
tively ninety-seven  and  ninety-six  years  of  age,  who 
had  been  man  and  Wife  for  the  long  period  of  seventy- 
five  years,  held  the  "Diamond  Wedding"  festival 
recently.  We  understand  the  old  folks  are  both  in 
excellent  health,  and  that  a  large  number  nf  their  de- 
scendants and  relatives  were  present  ou  the  extraor- 
dinary occasion. 

Died — In  Duxbury,  1st  ult.,  Mrs.  Susannah  Hunt, 
widow  of  the  late  Mr.  Thomas  Hunt,  aged  one  hun- 
dred years  and  ten   months.     She  was.  says  the   Old 

Colony  Memorial,  the  mother  of  nine  children.  Only 
three  survive  hor.  Her  oldest,  aged  eighty,  and  her 
youngest,  aged  sixty,  followed  her  to  the  grave. 
She  had  thirty -seven  grand-children,  seven  ty-i'uiir 
great  grand-children,  and  twelve  of  the  fifth  genera- 
tion. 

Not  Bad.  The  Boston  Advertiser  prints  the  follow- 
ing suggestion  furnished  by  a  gentleman  abroad,  re- 
specting the  disposition  of  the  Fort  Donelson  prison- 
ers: "  I  propose  that  they  be  exchanged  lor  slaves,  on 
thfl  principle  of  Southern  representation,  live  siecs- 
tionisls  for  three  slaves,  reversing  the  order  of  value." 

jjEjf"*  The  Senate  Committee  on  the  inquiry  into  the 
charges  of  disloyalty  against  Mr.  Stark,  of  Oregon, 
have  made  a  report,  rinding  those  charges  proven. 

SELECT    SCHOOL. 

rril'IE  subscriber  will  be  pleased  to  receive  a  few  Young 
_|_  Ladies  into  her  charge  IW  purposes  of  instruction  in 
English  Branob.es,  Music  and  French,  A  Term  of  Tea 
Weeks  will  oouimenoQ  Wednesday,  Mm  1,  186S. 

I'W  pniln-uliw-s,  iuUress  ABB  IB    B.    HK\  WOOD, 

Hcpedale,  .Minor.!,  31  ass.,  April  Ki,  L865J. 

THE    PEOGRESSIVE    AGE. 

Devoted  to  all  Reforms, 


|  Ur van  .1.  Butts  mill  Harriet  \.  Qraem,  hit  wife,  Bum. 
dale,  iMivsjj.  u  QommrwOTs  its  fourth  volvnmia  May,  \$t<2  ; 
and  the  friends  of  w  unqualifiedly  free  paper  are  invited, 
duly  tn  consider  its  elidme  on  their  pnl.rimiigo.  ^ju-eituou 
opies  sent  W  any  address. 

iKttirB, — Single  ooplei,  50  cents  a  yenr  ;  elitbs  of  twenty 
names,  $6,00, 

Address  B.J.  BUTTS  *  It.  Iff.  9BBBWB, 
K6j|o<lftlo,  April  L6.  2w 


THE     LIBERATOR 

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221    "WASHINGTON    STREET,    HOOM    No.  0. 


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E^*  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Committee,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
paper,  viz :_-  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
mund Jackson,  and  William  L.  Gaeiuson,  Jh, 


WM.  LLOYD  GAREISON,  Editor. 


©uv  mmm  u  nu  mm$,  mix  ^kmtm  m  m  wimiM, 


"Proclaim  Libert/  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
tho  inhabitants  thoreo£" 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  tho  law  of  nation*.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  tho  place  of  ail  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  whore  slavery  exists  have  tho  exclusive 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  the  Pkesident  of 
the  United  SrATEB,  but  the  Commander  of  the  Aimr, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  ?.  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
L.  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  evert  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- ' 
Btroyed,  to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  tho  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  Blares  in  the  invaded  territory.  *W.  ft.  Adam. 


J.  B.  YEKEDTTON  &  SON,  Printers. 


VOL. 


NO.    31. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     M^Y    23,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.   1639. 


8f  tltttinus. 


EXTRACTS    EEOM    THE  SPEECH   OE  HOff. 

BENJAMIN"   F.   WADE, 

Delivered  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  Friday, 

May  2. 

This  speech  was  one  of  the  most  trenchant  ami 
earnest  that  has  yet  been  made  on  the  confiscation 
bill,  and  was  pronounced  with  the  fire  and  visor  so 
characteristic  of  the  indomitable  Senator  Wade. 
The  following  extracts  will  be  read  with  interest: 

WHO  VIOLATES  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION? 
Talk  to  me,  sir,  aqout  violating  the  Constitution  ! 
I  do  not  like  to  hear  it.  I  have  heard  too  much  of 
it !  Every  man  who  was  here  a  year  or  two  a^o 
knows  that  this  same  idea  was  inculcated  then  by 
those  who  are  now  open  traitors.  They  sought  to 
tie  and  fetter  our  limbs  by  the  cry  of  a  violated  Con- 
stitution, that  its  enemies  might  stab  it  to  death. 
There  is  not  a  man  now  in  what  are  called  the  Ci 
federate  States,  levying  arms,  coercing  men  into 
this  accursed  rebellion  to  overthrow  tins  glorious 
Constitution  of  ours,  but  harped  upon  the  same 
string  that  Senators  have  harped  upon  in  this  debate. 
The  arm  of  the  Constitution  was  too  short  to  defend 
itself  from  aggression.  These  were  the  doctrines 
that  they  announced;  and  then  they  went  off  and 
formed  an  organization,  and  implored  foreign  na- 
tions, yea,  and  agreed  to  become  the  vassals  of  for- 
eign despots,  if  they  would  only  aid  and  assist  them 
in  overturning  this  Constitution  of  ours.  First,  they 
claimed  that  we  had  no  constitutional  power  to  de- 
fend the  Constitution— a  very  cheap  way,  if  they 
could  succeed  in  it,  to  get  along  with  their  rebellion. 
We  must  lie  right  down  in  our  tracks,  because,  if 
we  undertook  to  form  an  army  to  go  forth  to  con- 
quer the  rebellion,  we  were  acting  without  constitu- 
tional authority.  Was  not  that  what  they  harped 
upon  ?  Did  they  not  say  of  the  Administration 
what  Senators  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber  are 
saying  every  morning,  now  ?  Did  not  the  former 
colleague  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Pow- 
ell) accuse  the  Administration  of  tyranny  and  des- 
potism ?  It  is  the  old  tune  that  was  harped  upon 
by  every  traitor  who  is  now  an  open  enemy  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  They  undertook 
to  show  that  the  Constitution  was,  somehow,  felo  de 
se;  that  it  did  not  contain  any  power,  or  it  restrict- 
ed us  from  using  any  power  for  its  preservation.  Sir, 
these  arguments  will  not  do. 

WHAT  SHALL  BE  DONE  WITH  THE  SLA  YES  ? 
Why,  sir,  the  South  consider  slaves  just  as  other 
property.  1  do  not  concede  it;  I  never  did  concede 
it.  All  I  conceded  was,  that  in  times  of  peace,  when 
they  let  our  institutions  alone,  I  would  let  them 
alone  in  the  States;  that  I  would  not  touch  a  hair 
of  their  head.  Abhorrent  as  slavery  is  to  man  and 
God,  I  had  agreed  that  in  their  States  they  might 
have  it,  provided  they  would  keep  it  there,  and  let 
us  alone;  but  when  they  repudiated  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  when  they  waged  violent 
war  against  it,  when  they  made  use  of  those  very 
slaves  as  the  fulcrum  by  which  to  overturn  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  country,  I  lost  all  my  veneration- 
no,  not  veneration,  for  I  never  had  any  veneration 
for  slavery;  I  repudiate  the  idea;  but  it  absolved 
roe  from  all  my  sense  of  duty  in  that  regard,  and  al- 
lowed me  to  give  full  scope  to  my  sense  of  justice  in 
dealing  with  slaves  and  their  masters.  They  have 
repudiated  me ;  they  have  repudiated  you  ;  they 
have  used  these  very  slaves  to  murder  your  brethren 
and  mine,  and  to  rob  us  of  our  property.  Bein°-now 
withdrawn  from  ail  obligation  in  their  behalf,  I  say 
to  every  traitor  who  holds  a  slave,  "  So  far  as  my 
hand  can  reach,  that  slave  is  free,  and  a  much  better 
man  than  you.  You  ought  to  thank  God  if  you  es- 
cape the  gallows ;  your  slave  is  remitted  to  his  rights." 

SLAVERY  AND  PROGRESS. 

I  have  said  that  in  the  progress  of  nations,  after 
certain  advance  in  civilization  and  the  arts,  slavery 
becomes  impossible.  Deeply  rooted  as  this  institu- 
tion of  slavery  was,  every  invention  of  a  useful  char- 
acter for  a  thousand  years  has  tended  to  make  it  im- 
possible. Once  it  might  work  the  galley  slave  with 
profit.  War-like  nations  formerly  put  slaves  aboard 
of  their  armed  ships  to  row  them 'to  the  enemy,  and 
made  them  labor  in  that  way.  Could  that  system 
be  continued  now?  Slavery  might  then  be  useful 
in  war  when  nobody  knew  any  better,  and  when 
the  nation  having  the  most  slaves  to  man  its  galleys 
was  the  strongest  a$d  most  powerful.  How  is  it 
when  you  put  the  galley  slave  against  the  steam  en- 
gine ?  Was  it  any  Abolitionist  that  rose  up  and  ar- 
gued down  the  institution  ?  Can  you  work  a  naked 
savage  or  a  negro  against  a  steam  engine  ?  If  you 
cannot,  your  system  is  at  an  end.  Every  labor-sav- 
ing machine  is  an  abolitionist.  Every  puff  of  the 
engine  upon  a  railroad  is  an  abolition  sermon,  more 
potent  and  effective  than  was  ever  preached  by 
mouth  of  abolitionist.  Can  you  work  a  slave,  carry- 
ing his  bundle  on  his  back,  against  the  tremendous 
power  and  energy  of  your  railroad?  Can  you  put 
the  one  against  the  other  ?  How  is  it  with  the  reap- 
er we  have  introduced  into  our  fields  to  harvest  our 
grain,  the  tremendous  power  of  our  mowing-machines, 
power-looms,  and  spinning-jennies  ?  I  might  count 
over  from  now  till  to-morrow  the  instrumentalities 
that  have  renderedsyour  system  absolutely  impossi- 
ble ;  and  yetagainst  the  laws  of  God  and  nature, 
you  arc  hanging  on  with  pertinacity  to  a  system 
that  has  passed  away,  and  can  never  be  renewed. 

SLAVES  USED  TO  .MURDER  WHITE  FREEMEN. 

Sir,  if  you  are  not  able  to  make  head  against  its 
in  the  field,  it  is  not  because  you  are  not  equally 
brave  and  enterprising;  it  is  not  even  for  the  lack 
of  numbers;  but  it  is  because  slavery  has  impover- 
ished you,  emasculated  you,  and  now  without  our 
appealing  to  the  force  you  feel  would  be  most  potent 
to  put  you  down,  you  are  still  on  the  declining  side. 
I  do  not  invoke  it;  but  when  I  see  black  regiments 
put  forward  to  shoot  down  my  sons  who  are  in  the 
war  and  your  relatives,  when  I  see  these  black  chat- 
tels thrust  forth  in  front  of  the  chivalrous  owners 
to  shoot  down,  murder  and  destroy  our  men  who 
have  gone  to  the  fields  only  in  defence  of  our  insti- 
tutions,  I  am  strongly  tempted  to  make  the  appeal, 
and  say  to  your  bondsmen  :  "  Stand  forth  invested 
with  the  rights  wherewith  God  Almighty  has  clothed 
you  :  come  to  our  side  :  help  to  fight  the  battles  of 
freedom,  and  you  shall  be  t'rue."  It  would  only  be  a 
righteous  retribution  to  those  who  have  held  them 
against  common  right.  Suppose  we  should  do  it; 
what  would  become  of  you,  my  friends?  Where 
would  you  be?  Talk  to  us  of  prosecuting  the  war 
in  a  vindictive  spirit!  You  may  thank  your  God 
that  we  have  been  as  forbearing  as  we  have. 


view  you  prosecuted  the  war  :  I  knew  slavery  was  J  with  Gabriel  at  their  head,  should  come  to  edit  the 


gone,  whatever  your  views  might  be.  I  warned 
gentlemen  of  it  in  that  famous  committee  of  thirteen. 
I  was  a  member  of  that  committee,  which  contained 
almost  every  high  officer  of  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  wilh  Mr.  Davis  at  their  held.  Month 
after  month  we  discussed  this  principle.  I  told 
those  gentlemen,  "  I  rely  infinitely  more  upon  you 
to  abolish  slavery  than  upon  all  the  Garrisons  and 
Fosters  and  Phillipscs  on  earth.  They'are  theorists; 
they  are  right  in  theory,  but  they  never  will  harm 
a  hair  of  your  head:  but  you  attempt  this  Secession, 
and  the  first  blast  of  civil  war  is  the  death-war- 
rant of  your  institution."     It  was  so. 

LUT  THE  REBELS  FIGHT  FOR  ETERNAL  SLAVERY. 

Sir,  if  there  was  anything  wrong  in  our  position, 
the  whole  tenor  of  this  argument  would  be  changed  ; 
but  there  is  not.  What  have  we  done?  What 
have  those  of  us  who  stand  here  for  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws  done  that  should  provoke  these  scoun- 
drels to  this  position  of  rebellion  ?  They  have  made 
it  incumbent  upon  us  to  defend  ourselves  or  die. 
For  what  purpose  ?  For  no  other  or  better  pur- 
pose than  to  establish  a  Government  founded  upon 
eternal  slavery.  Sir,  we  have  indices  by  which  we 
know  what  the  traitors  sought. 

It  was  despotism  against  freedom.  Mr.  Stephens, 
who  is  the  very  brain  of  the  Southern  rebellion,  in 
his  inaugural  address,  undertook  to  set  forth,,  the 
principles  on  which  this  Southern  Confederacy  was 
to  be  founded :  and  he  went  on,  philosophically,  to 
state  that  the  purpose  of  it  was  to  make  slavery  the 
basis  of  their  institutions,  which  would  be  eternal. 
He  believed  it  was  the  will  of  God  and  the  Order  of 
Providence  that  some  men  were  born  to  rule,  and 
some  to  be  their  slaves  and  servants.  He  took 
great  credit  to  themselves  that  they  of  the  South 
had  made  this  grand  discovery,  which  had  escaped 
all  men  up  to  that  period.  This,  sir,  is  the  principle 
on  which  this  war  is  prosecuted.  If  you  want  to 
know  the  organization  of  that  Government,  and  the 
principle  on  which  it  is  founded,  read  that  exposition 
of  it  as  laid  down  by  their  chief  expositor,  and  see 
for  what  purpose  they  sought  to  erect,  upon  the 
ruins  of  our  glorious  institutions,  this  Southern  Con- 
federacy. They  fight  for  eternal  slavery,  and  I 
fight  for  eternal  freedom.  That  is  the  difference. 
Knowing  my  cause  to  be  just,  knowing  that  I  stand 
where  the  fathers  stood  when  they  framed  the  Gov- 
ernment, I  will  stand  here  with  a  strong  hand,  and, 
with  every  instrumentality  that  God  Almighty  has 
given  me,  I  will  labor  to*  put  down  this  accursed 
rebellion  and  defend  free  institutions,  not  only  for 
ourselves,  but  for  all  mankind. 


THE  WAR  NOT  PROSECUTED  TO  ABOLISH  SLAVERY. 

This  war,  you  say,  should  not  be  prosecuted  for 
the  purpose  of  abolishing  slavery.  I  grant  it.  Af- 
ter we  got  in  It — perhaps  it  is  not  very  honorable 
to  make  the  admission,  but  it  is  so — we  did  pass  a 
resolution  here  that  we  would  not  prosecute  this  war 
with  the  idea  of  abolishing  slavery.  I  believe  1 
voted  for  that  resolution.     I  did  not  care  with  what 


THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  ANNIVERSARY. 

It  is  not  quite  so  clear  as  it  used  to  be,  it  is  said, 
which  was  the  anti-slavery  anniversary  this  year.  It 
formerly  meant  the  anniversary  of  the  Garrison  abo- 
litionists, as  they  were  called: 'the  pestilent  fellows 
who  insisted  that  anti-slavery  action  should  be  taken 
by  the  government  and  the  churches  ;  that  the  enor- 
mous sin  of  oppression  should  be  instantly  destroyed  ; 
a  society  originated  for  the  purpose  of  agitating  the 
subject  of  abolishing  slavery,  in  contradistinction  from 
those  societies  which  either  entirely  forbade  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  subject,  or  touched  it  so  lightly  as  to 
amount  to  nothing.  Last  year,  the  meeting  of  the 
Society  was  omitted,  that,  as  the  public  mind  was 
undergoing  a  transformation  in  the  right  direction, 
no  imaginary  obstacle  should  be  placed  in  the  way 
of  its  progress.  Having  for  many  years  led  pnblic 
opinion,  they  now  dropped  behind  to  watch  and 
see  that  it  went  aright,  ready  to  step  to  the  front 
again  if  necessary — a  noble  act  of  self-abnegation. 
This  year  public  sentiment  was  sufficiently  advanced 
to  warrant  a  gathering  to  rejoice  over  the  glorious 
change  which  twelve  short  months  of  war  had  effect- 
ed. The  altered  appearance  of  things  was  striking. 
Dr.  Cheever's  large  church  was  filled  on  Tuesday 
morning  to  listen  to  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Brown,  for- 
merly a  slave ;  Rev.  Mr.  Hatfield,  Wendell  Phillips 
and  Win.  Lloyd  Garrison.  On  Tuesday  evening  a 
good  audience  was  gathered  to  listen  to  Dr.  Cheev- 
er  who  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  followed  bv 
Miss  Anna  Dickinson;  and  on  Wednesday  evening 
Cooper  Institute  was  crowded  to  hear  Theodore  Tit 
ton  and  Wendell  Phillips  before  the  New  York 
City  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  Songs  from  the 
Ilutchinsons. 

In  by-gone  days,  the  Herald  could  raise  a  mob, 
and  send  its  serpents  to  hiss.  People  staid  at  home 
from  fear  of  a  riot,  or  attended  with  uneasy  appre- 
hensions of  great  danger.  Policemen  not  long  since 
stayed  away  to  allow  the  meeting  to  be  disturbed, 
and  more  recently  were  present  in  large  numbers 
to  protect  the  assembly;  but  this  year  all  was 
changed.  The  meetings  were  not  hooted  before- 
hand ;  were  not  considered  a  place  of  danger,  or 
dangerous  to  society.  The  people  came  out  in  large 
numbers,  and  no  police  were  needed,  for  not  a  soli- 
tary hiss  was  heard.  Tbe  most  severe  denunciations 
of  slavery  and  slaveholders  is  the  most  popular  form 
of  speech  among  the  very  people  who,  two  years  at* o, 
would  not  have  allowed  a  ivord  to  be  said  against 
either.  Two  new  classes  of  attendants  were  seen 
at  the  meetings;  those  who  were  abolitionists  at 
heart,  but  did  not  dare  to  say  so,  lest  some  master- 
ful spirit  should  smite  them  ;  and  those  who  but  re- 
cently were  slavery's  fast  defenders,  and  cursed  the 
abolitionists  as  the  most,  insane  disturbers  of  the  pub- 
lic peace.  From  all,  the  applause  was  enthusiastic. 
It  is  a  new  era  for  Mr.  Phillips  to  find  himself  ap- 
plauded so  vociferously  for  the  very  sayings  for 
which  he  recently  expected  to  be  stoned  and  insult- 
ed. Even  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  generals  could  be 
criticised  without  any  ugly  demonstrations,  and  the 
name  of  Fremont  was  welcomed  by  a  storm  of  ap- 
plause. _  Mr.  Phillips  said  Mr.  Lincoln  occupied 
tho  chair,  but  Mr.  Fremont  governed;  ami  there 
can  be  no  question  that  Fremont's  proclamation 
struck  the  harmonic  chord  in  the  popular  heart.  The 
people  do  not  see  the  necessity  for  keeping  slavery 
to  the  advantage  of  the  rebels,  both  while  they  fight 
and  after  it.  It  can  only  be  seen  by  those  who  hate 
negroes,  or  have  done  a  large  southern  hade,  or 
hold  some  position,  ministerial  or  political,  which 
makes  it  necessary  to  keep  an  influential  supporter. 
Mr.  Brown  showed  that  there  was  little  danger  of 
the  blacks  injuring  white  labor  by  competition,  if 
they  were  as  worthless  as  represented.  Mr.  Phillips 
gave  a  most  convincing  account  of  the  progress  of 
events  in  the  British  West  Indies,  after  slavery  was 
abolished. 

At  the  business  meeting  in  the  afternoon  of  Tues- 
day, among  other  topics  the  manner  of  increasing 
the  circulation  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard  was 
discussed.  Oliver  Johnson  and  Theodore  Tilton 
thought  that  ten  thousand  dollars  put  into  the  hands 
of  a  shrewd  business  man,  appointed  to  use  it  in  the 
various  ways  by  which  the  Independent  has  made  it- 
self a  subscription  list  so  large,  would  secure  the 
Standard  from  15,000  to  25,000  subscribers.  Mr. 
Powell,  S.  May,  Jr.  and  Garrison  thought  otherwise ; 
that  nothing  could  give  the  paper  a  large  circulation 
while  it  retained  its  radical  principles.  Mr.  Garri- 
son did  not.  believe  that  if'all   the  angels   who 


Standard,  it  would  gain  five  hundred  new  subscrib- 
ers. A  gentleman  sitting  by  us  suggested,  "  unl< 
it  had  the  devil  for  a  business  agent."  This  is  ei 
phatieally  true  of  all  radical  papers.  To  make 
these  as  popular  as  others,  you  must  not  only  have 
the  business  agent,  but  change  the  principles.  The 
Tribune  cannot  compete  with  the  Herald  in  this  city, 
not  for  want  of  a  business  agent  or  money,  but  for 
lack  of  lying  and  immoral  principles.  Since  this 
war,  many  Here  who  formerly  had  the  Tribune, 
have  abandoned  it  for  the  Herald,  simply  because  it 
took  too  high  ground  for  them  on  Fremont's  procla- 
mation and  slavery,  and  its  strictures  on  McClellan. 
To  secure  the  patronage  of  Democrats,  you  must 
publish  a  Democratic;  paper ;  to  gain  conservatives, 
you  must  be  conservative  Thus  the  Independent 
not  and  is  not  a  radiealist,  but  a  conservative; 
and  as  it  was  the  best  paper  of  the  kind  it  seeuredj 
that  class  of  readers  throughout  the  country.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  for  fifteen  years  the  Inde- 
pendent was  not  a  paying  concern,  and  thousands  of 
dollars  were  expended  to  obtain  for  its  correspon 
dents  the  finest  writers  in  the  country.  Besides,  ii 
is  the  ofgan  of  the  Congregational  denomination.  It 
has  been  a  moderate  paper,  and  was  taken  by  moder- 
ate men.  Had  it  taken  as  high  ground  and  censured 
as  severely  all  who  winked  at  human  slavery,  as  did 
the  Standard,  its  list  would  have  dwindled  as  fast 
it  grew  under  the  conservatism  which  ruled  it.  The 
American  Baptist,  Standard,  and  Liberator  can  never 
have  such  a  circulation  as  some  others,  until  they 
take  popular  ground,  or  the  popular  mind  comes  up 
to  them.  Admirers  of  Drs.  Kendrick.  Hackett  and 
Richard  Fuller's  views  would  never  take  the  Bap- 
tist. _  All  the  money  and  business  ability  of  the 
world  could  not  make  our  principles  acceptable,  un- 
til our  opponent's  principles  are  changed,  be  the  ed- 
torial  and  general  reading  ever  so  superior.  As 
Mr.  Garrison  said,  they  are  bound  to  be  small  while 
they  are  radicalists.  Should  the  war  close  and 
leave  slavery  a  blagted  institution,  radical  papers 
would  increase  their  lists,  unless,  as  would  doubtless 
be  the  case,  the  conservatives  would  keep  up  with 
the  march  of  the  public  mind. 

The  other  anniversaries  show  a  decided  alteration 
in  their  tone.  The  war  has  relieved  the  Bible,  Mis- 
sionary and  Tract  Societies  of  their  bone  of  conten- 
tion, and  we  hear  of  no  objections  now  to  anti-sla-' 
very  talk  and  action.  There  are  few  dear  slave- 
holding  brethren  but  have  gone  into  the  unpardon- 
able sin  of  secession,  and  hence  no  resolutions  need  be 
shaped  to  suit  their  tastes.  Shooting  negroes  was 
no  wrong  of  which  these  pious  bodies  could  take  no- 
tice until  white  blood  mingled  with  it.  At  the  old 
American  Tract  Society,  the  strongest  anti-slavery 
speeches  were  made,  and  no  reply  was  elicited  from 
brethren  or  other  old  defenders  ofthe  South.  H.  W. 
Beecher  said  at  the  Boston  Tract  Society,  the  old 
Society  was  going  so  fast,  the  Boston  Society  would 
have  to  play  conservative,  and  hold  it  back.  Ob  ! 
if  we  could  only  see  these  Societies  acting  from  mor- 
al principle,  we  should  have  a  jubilee  ;  but  we  have 
little  confidence  in  death-bed  repentances. — N.  Y. 
American  Baptist. 


Ballimore,  praying  that  slavery  may  be  abolished  in 
the  District.— Journal  U.  S.  Senate,  1828-29,;).  24. 

In  1829,  Charles  Miner,  of  Pennsylvania,  pre- 
sented numerously  signed  petitions  for  abolition  in 
the  District,  and  made  an  able  speech  in  favor  of 
the  measure.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1829,  the 
House  of  Representatives,  by  114  to  66,  passed  a 
resolution  :  "  That  the  Committee  on  the  District  of 
Columbia  be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  expedi- 
ency of  providing  by  law  for  the  gradual  abolition 
of  slavery  within  the  District,  in  such  manner  that 
the  interests  of  no  individual  shall  be  injured  there- 
by." 

March  5,  1830,  Mr.  Washington  presented  a  me- 
morial of  "inhabitants  of  Frederick,  Md.,  praying 
that  provision  be  made  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District.— Journal  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  1829-30,;?.  358. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  subject  was  repeated- 
ly brought  before  Congress,  all  along  from  seven  to 
thirty-three  years  earlier  than  Mr.  SJade's  motion  in 
the  House,  and  that  almost  nine  years  earlier,  the 
House  went  so  far  as  to  instruct  the  Committee  on 
the  District  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  abol- 
ishing slavery  therein. 

Yetanother  "proposition  on  the  subject"  was 
made  in  the  House,  nearly  two  years  earlier  than 
that  of  Preston  King,  mentioned  by  "  Many  Read- 
ers," in  the  Tribune.  On  the  10th  of  January, 
1849,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  a  gentleman, 
whose  name  is  somewhat  familiar  to  newspaper  read- 
ers in  these  days,  intimated  a  wish  for  the  reconsid- 
eration of  a  vote  by  the  House,  looking  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  slave  trade  in  the  District,  that  he 
might  introduce,  as  an  amendment,  a  bill— which  he 
had  prepared— for  the  abolition  of  slavery  there. 
— Northampton  Free  Press. 


EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OP  CO- 
LUMBIA. 

WHO    MADE    THE    FIRST   PROPOSITION. 

We  see  that  correspondents  of  the  New  York 
Tribune  are  trying  to  settle  the  question  as  to  when 
and  by  whom  the  first  movement  toward  emancipa- 
tion in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  made  in  Con- 
gress. On  the  28th  of  April,  "Many  Readers" 
claimed  that  "the  first  proposition  ever  made  in 
Congress  upon  the  subject"  was  by  John  P.  Hale, 
in  the  Senate,  June  23,  1848;  and  the  first  in  the 
House,  by  Preston  King,  Sept.  24,  1850.  But,  in 
Monday's  Tribune,  "Justice"  replies,  that  "more 
than  ten  years  prior  to  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Hale, 
the  question  was  brought  before  the  House  by  Wil- 
liam Slade,  of  Vermont.  On  the  18th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1837,  Mr.  Slade  presented  to  the  House  peti- 
tions upon  the  subject,  and  on  the  20th  he  moved  to 
■efer  the  memorials  to  a  Select  Committee,  with  in- 
structions to  report  a  bill  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
and  _tu*e  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
"This  motion,"  Justice  believes,  was  "the  first 
ever  made  upon  the  subject." 

You  must  try  again,  gentlemen,  and  begin  a  good 
deal  farther  back.  An  ably  written  pamphlet,  on 
the  power  of  Congress  over  the  District,  published 
by  the  Ameriean  Anti-Slavery  Society,  in  1838, 
states  that  "  the  following  record  stands  on  the  jour- 

als  of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  1804,  p. 
225  :  '  On  motion  made  and  seconded  that  the  House 
do  come  to  the  following  resolution  :  Resolved,  That 
from  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1805,  all  blacks 
and  people  of  color  that  shall  be  born  within  the 
District  of  Columbia,  or  whose  mothers  shall  be  the 
property  of  any  person  residing  within  said  District, 
shall  be  free,  the  males  at  the  age  of  — ,  and  the  fe- 
males at  the  age  of  — .  The  main  question  being 
taken,  that  the  House  do  agree  to  said  motion  a° 
originally  proposed,  it  was  negatived  by  a  mojority 
of  46.' "^  So  far  as  we  have  at  present  any  means 
of  knowing,  this  was  the  first  movement  toward  the 
end  which  has  at  last  been  happily  attained,  after' 
disgraceful  delay  of  fifty-eight  years.  We  regret 
that  the  record  does  not  enable  us  to  give  "  honor 
to  whom  honor  is  duo,"  by  naming  the  author  of  this 
motion. 

But  even  this  is  not  the  only  one  anterior  to  those 
mentioned  in  the  Tribune.  In  March,  1816,  the 
House  of  Representatives  adopted  a  resolution,  in- 
troduced, wc  believe,  by  John  Randolph,  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  appoint  a  committee  to  report  whether  any 
and  what  measures  are  necessary  for  putting  a  stop 
to  the  "  inhuman  and  illegal  traffic  in  slaves,  carried 
on  in  and  through  the  District;" — which  though  not 
a  measure  of  emancipation,  it  is  true,  may  neverthe- 
less be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  movement  towards  that 
measure. 

January  14,  1822,  Mr.  Rhea,  of  Tennessee,  pre- 
sented a  memorial  of  citizens  of  that  State,  praying 
"that  provision  may  be  made,  whereby  all  slave's 
hereafter  born  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  shall  be- 
free  at  a  certain  period  of  their  lives." — Journal  of 
the  Home  of  Representatives,  for  1821-22,  p.  142. 

December  12,  1827,  Mr.  Barney,  of  Maryland, 
presented  a  memorial  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District,  and  moved  that  it  be  printed.  Such  a 
memorial,  signed  by  1,100  citizens  of  the  District, 
was  presented  to  Congress,  March  24,  1827.  Chiot 
Justice  Cranch,  Judge  Van  Ness,  and  others  of  the 
'most  influential  citizens  were  among  the  signers. .  It. 
has  been  asserted  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  and  never 
denied,  that  more  than  half  the  property  ofthe  Dis- 
trict was  owned  by  the  signers  of  tliii 


us  petition. 
March  30,  1828,  Mr.  A.  II.  Shepard,  of  North 
Carolina,  presented  a  memorial  of  citizens  of  that 
State,  "  praying  Congress  to  take  measures  for  tho 
entire  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia." 

December  16,  182S,  Mr.  Barnard  presented,  in 

sang    the  Senate,  l.h"  memorial  of  Hi,-  American  Conven- 

peacc  and  good  will  to  men  at  the  birth  of  Jesus,  |  tion  for  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  held  in 


WHAT  A  L0TAL  TENNESSEE  AH"  THINKS. 

The  following  letter,  (says  the  Salem  Reghler,) 
addressed  by  Capt.  William  Driver,  of  Nashville,  to 
one  of  his  brothers  in  this  city,  we  are  permitted  to 
publish.  It  is  interesting  as  presenting  the  views  of 
onewho  has  passed  through  the  fiery  furnace  of 
bellion  seven  times  heated,  and  whose  memorable 
baptism  of  the  flag  he  so  loves  as  "  Old  Glory"  has 
been  universally  accepted.  It  will  please  his  old 
townsmen  to  learn  that  th^re  is  a  prospect  that  he 
may  soon  revisit  his  native  city  after  an  absence  of 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  that  they  will 
have  the  pleasure  of  taking  the  true  and  tried  pa- 
triot by  the  hand  again  : — 

'Nashvilxe,  May  1,  1862. 
Brother  George  :  *  *  *  Never  was  a  greater 
mistake  made  by  man  than  to  hope  by  mild  means 
to  "  kill  treason,"  particularly  a  treason  like  the 
present  one,  the  offspring  of  luxury,  indolence,  and 
insanity.  The  hot  sun  of  the  South  is  not  the  gen- 
erator of  noble,  glorious,  God-like  charities.  The 
lion,  the  tiger,  the  anaconda,  the  constrictor,  and  the 
asp,  are  peculiar  creations  of  the  torrid  zone,  where 
man  is  a  creature  of  fiery  passions  or  hateful  indo- 
lence. Heaven-born  charity  is  of  the  temperate 
zone,  where  man  is  free  ;  e'en  though  "  in  the  sweat 
of  his  brow  he  doth  eat  bread,"  no  table  of  his  is 
loaded  with  tear-stained  food.  Glorious!  glorious 
liberty  1   I  love  thee  1  oh,  how  I  love  thee  ! 

Excuse  me,  brother,  this  is  no  place  for  me.  I 
scorn  this  heritage  ;  it  is  no  place  for  me.  I  am  a 
New  Englander;  the  blood  of  the  Puritan  is  in  my 
veins,  and  no  change  of  place  or  circumstances  caii 
root  it  out.  The  spirit  of  our  fathers  seems  to  hover 
around  me.  I  cannot  be  a  traitor  if  I  would.  I 
cannot  say  Amen  to  oppression  e'en  though  it  would 
fill  my  purse  with  gold.  I  love  to  stand  poor  and 
almost_ alone,  as  I  have  here,  amid  the  storm  of  mad 
men  ;  it  gives  wings  and  muscles  to  the  soul,  and  fits 
it  for  its  home  with  God.  Brother,  we  shall  meet 
there  at  last,  and  then  hear  the  songs  of  ransomed 
millions,  made  doubly  free  by  the  desolating  storm 
which  now  howls  around  our  hearthstones.  The 
hand  of  God  is  in  it,  and  His  right  hand  directs  it. 
Ethiopia,  the  oppressed,  will  soon  "  lift  up  her  hands 
to  God."  My  dim  eyes,  piercing  through  the  mist 
of  coining  time,  catch  a  gleam  of  light  along  the 
lark  horizon  of  our  country.  My  ears  catcii  the 
listant  swelling  notes  which  once,  of  old,  filled  heav- 
en with  their  thrilling  sound:  "Sound  the  loud 
imbrel  _o'er  Egypt's  dark  sea— Jehovah  has  fcri- 
iniphed,  his  people  are  free." 

It  is  more  than  useless  to  think  this  war  will  end 
intil  the  cause  thereof  is  removed.  That  cause  is 
oo  plain  to  need  comment  here;  'tis  slavery,  "  the 
nuzzling  of  the  mouth  of  the  ox,  which  treadeth 
<ut  the  corn."  The  cry  ofthe  hireling  whose  wages 
lave  been  kept  back  has  reached  the  throne  of  God, 
md  the  hour  of  retribution  is  come.  The  gold  of 
he  North,  which  is  accessory  to  wrong,  is  sunk  in 
he  Red  Sea  of  war.  The  South  will  be  desolate  - 
ndeed.  Not  even  the  Union  men  on  whose  lintels 
.nd  door-posts  is  found  the  blood  of  past  afflictions 
or  conscience's  sake,  will  escape  the  common  ruin  ; 
.11  have  sinned,  and  a  common  ruin  will  fall  on  all. 
Ierc  is  no  "  Goshen  land  ;  "  the  few  who  abode  here 
nd  defied  the  fiery  traitor  blast,  will  die  of  poverty 
nd  neglect,  whilst  skulking  cowards  who  ran  away 
rill  fill  every  place  of  bread.  Be  it  so.  I  say 
Amen,  if  a  people  are  thereby  made  free. 

Your  brother,  WILLIAM  DRIVER. 


their  enemies.  You  naturally  pause  to  inquire  of 
what  heinous  offence  they  have  been  guilty  V  The 
answer  is  easy.  The  lips  are  scarcely  parted  with 
the  utterance  of  the  interrogatory  before  the  re- 
sponse is  heard  :  They  loved  the  country  in  which 
they  were  born;  they  embraced  the  Constitution 
which  their  fathers  taught  them  to  revere,  and  they 
obeyed  the  laws  which  so  long  had  given  them  pro- 
tection ;  they  were  unwillingto  follow  after  strange 
gods;  but  the  teachings  of  their  early  infancy  be- 
came the  precious  lessons  of  their  ripened  manhood. 
This  is  the  "head  and  front  of  their  offendin"-; " 
nothing  more. 

For  this  picture,  we  have  not  drawn  upon  the  im- 
agination ;  it  is  not  dyed  in  the  hues  of  taney ;  but 
the  frame-work  and  finishing-touches  of  confessed 
facts,  vauntingly  promulgated  in  the  Knoxville  Reg- 
ister, the  organ  of  the  Secession  party  of  East  Ten- 
nessee. If  any  one  doubts,  let  him  read.  If  there 
is  so  much  upon  the  stage,  what  must  be  behind  the 
es  ?  If  the  Knoxville  Register  unblushingly  pub- 
lishes these  facts  to  the  world,  what  sad  tales  of  woe, 
wretchedness  and  misery  would  the  experience  of 
the  victims  tell  1 

But,  thank  God,  the  day  of  their  deliverance  is  at 
hand.  The  thunder  of  the  artillery  of  the  Union  is 
heard  approaching,  and  already  its  echoes  and  re- 
verberations resound  through  their  mountain  fast- 
nesses, informing  them  that  succor  is  at  hand.  And 
ere  long  that  old  familiar  flag,  from  which  they  have 
been  too  long  separated,  will  rise  like  a  rainbo' 
of  hope  over  the  highest  tops  of  their  romanti 
mountains.— Nashville  Union,  May  1st. 


perfectly  bare.  He,  too,  soon  goes  to  his  long  home, 
Ins  final  and  last  resting  place.  Then  again,  the  va- 
riety of  wound  and  mutilation  which  are  met  with 
in  the  legs,  and  number  and  variety  of  operations 
which  are  needed  and  performed,  would  take  vol- 
umes, and  not  letters,  to  describe.  It  is  out  of  my 
power  to  give  a  graphic  view  of  what  has  come  un- 
der my  notice  and  care. 

The  estimate  I  gave  you  the  other  dav,  of  the 
number  of  our  killed  and  wounded,  5,000  killed  and 
15,000  wounded,  is  really  below  the  fact.  I  have 
yet  been  in  no  battle,  but  have  seen  a  great  deal  of 
ifs  horrors.  Paducah  is  at  the  junction  of  the  Ten- 
nessee with  the  Ohio  Rivers.  It  is  the  first  point  of 
any  kind  of  size  that  is  reached  from  the  field  of  bat- 
tle, and  is  the  first  point  where  a  general  hospital  is 
located.  All  the  boats  first  stop  here,  and  all  the 
worst  cases  are  taken  off,  hence  the  great  number 
and  variety  of  our  operations. 

I  cut  off  forty-one  limbs  in  one  single  night.  At 
first  I  felt  really  nervous;  at  last  I  really  liked  it. 
So  the  feelings  of  poor  human  nature  can  become 
blunted. 


JEEP.    DAVIS'S    COACHMAN. 


SAVAGE    WARFARE, 


H.  J.  Raymond,  editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Times,  writ- 
ng  from  Yorktown  under  date  of  the  8th  inst., 
iays:  "I  cannot  close  this  without  mentioning  one 
ncident  which  will  brand  forever  in  history  the 
character  ofthe  foe  with  whom  we  have  to  deal. 
Gen.  Butterfield  was  General  of  the  trenches  on 
Sunday,  and  in  charge  of  Yorktown  after  its  evacua- 
tion. The  troops  found  scattered  about — not  at 
random,  but  carefully  placed  so  as  to  be  the  most 
destructive,— great  numbers  of  torpedoes,  charged 
with  explosives,  and  so  arranged  with  wires  that  on 
being  handled  or  stepped  on,  they  would  explode. 
A  large  tree,  around  which  horsemen  would  natural- 
ly gather  for  shelter,  was  completely  surrounded  by 
them.  They  were  placed  in  narrow  portions  ofthe 
road— at  or  near  wells,  and  wherever  individuals 
were  most  likely  to  go.  They  were  found  in  car- 
pet-bags, in  flour  barrels,  in  corn  and  coffee  sacks. 
in  officer's  trunks,  &c,  &c.  One  was  placed  just 
where  the  telegraph  wire,  which  had  been  cut,  en- 
tered the  ground,— and  exploded  as  the  new  tele- 
graph operator  went  to  take  possession,  killing  him 
instantly.  Seven  or  eight  of  our  men  have  lost 
their  lives  already  from  this  cause.  The  entrance 
to  the  magazines  has  been  so  arranged  as  to  make 
it  almost  certain  that  an  explosion \vill  follow  any 
attempt  to  open  them;— they  have,  therefore,  been 
placed  under  guard,  and  have  not  yet  been  disturb- 
ed. I  saw  to-day  a  statement  made  by  a  man  named 
Grover,from  Western  New  York,  who  has  been  in 
the  rebel  army  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  but 
who  was  lately  taken  prisoner,  or  who  surrendered 
voluntarily,  I  do  not  remember  which.  He  says  (un- 
der oath,)  that  the  construction  and  planting  of  these 
torpedoes  has  been  the  special  work  of  Bng.  Gen. 
Rains,  who  goes  among  the  rebel  soldiers  "by  the 
soubriquet  of  "  Sister  Rains,  "  on  account  of  his  de- 
votion to  the  doctrines  of  Free  Love  and  Spiritual- 
ism. He  asserts  that  Rains  had  given  a  great  deal 
of  time  and  labor  to  the  preparation  of  these  torpe- 
does,—that  he  superintended  the  "  planting "  of 
them  himself,  and  that  he  had  seen  him  goin-About 
in  connection  with  a  man  named  Gray,  with  awagon 
load  of  them  to  be  placed  in  particular  spots,  (fro- 
ver  says  that  he  knows  where  very  many  of  them 
have   been   placed,  and  to-morrow  Gen.    Andr 


1  orter,  the  Provost-Marshal,  intends  to  send  a  squad 
of  rebel  prisoners  under  Grover's  guidance  to  dig  out 
all  these  infernal  machines  at  their  own  proper  risk 
and  peril.  No  one  can  complain  of  a  retaliation 
such  as  this,  which  merely  compels  the  rebels  to 
take  the  chances  of  the  assassinations  they  had 
planned  for  our  troops." 


Fredericksburg,  May  7,  1862. 
By  far  the  most  interesting  arrival  we  have  had 
in  this  department  for  several  days  was  that  of  Wm. 
Jackson,  the  negro  coachman  of  the  Hon.  JefF. 
Davis,  who  came  within  our  lines  a  few  evenings 
since.  The  news  that  so  important  a  personage  bad 
reached  us  spread  with  great  rapidity  through  the 
camps,  and  was  the  theme  of  conversation  until  a 
late  hour.  Thefact  cannot  be  questioned  that  the 
most  important  information  we  receive  of  the  ene- 
my's movements  reaches  us  through  the  contra- 
bands. The  wisdom  of  the  poficy"sii  tefig^advo^^ 
cated  by  the  Tribune  has  been  more  thanD  estab- 
lished by  the  commanding  General  of  this  depart- 
ment. Almost  every  movement  of  the  enemy*  is  in- 
stantly known  to  him  through  these  invaluable  aids. 
Instead  of  being  driven  back  from  our  lines  until 
they  touch  the  rebel  bayonets,  and  compelled  to  en- 
.  dure  hardships  ten-fold  greater  than  the  labors  of  the 
corn  or  rice-fields,  they  are  taken  by  the  hand  as 
brothers,  their  simple  story  heard  and  trusted,  and 
not  unfrequently  made  the  basis  of  important  mili- 
tary movements.  In  this  instance  of  Jackson,  his 
arrival  created  as  much  excitement  as  that  of  a  rebel 
Brigadier-General.  Generals,  Colonels  and  Majors 
flocked  around  him  in  great  numbers,  and  had  not 
the  commanding  General  himself  sent  for  him, 
would  have  absorbed  the  better  portion  of  the  night 
in  listening  to  his  narrative.  Indeed,  so  valuable 
did  General  McDowell  consider  his  information, 
that  he  immediately  telegraphed  it  to  the  War  De- 
partment. 

The  old  plea,  that  a  mulatto  may  have  a  soul 
and  be  intelligent  on  account  of  the  white  blood 
m  his  veins,  while  a  pure  negro  is  nothing  but  an 
overgrown  monkey  minus  the  caudal  appendage, 
will  not  hold  true  in  this  instance.  Jackson  is  as 
black  as  a  Congo  negro,  and  much  more  intelli- 
gent than  a  good  many  white  folks.  Your  corres- 
pondent doubts  very  much  whether  any  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  rebel  Congress,  or  even  the  rebel  Gene- 
rals, were  more  thoroughly  informed  of  the  move- 
ments of  their  own  army  than  this  negro.  After 
passing  through  the  ordeal  of  a  severe  cross-examin- 
ation from  Major- Generals,  Brigadier-Generals,  &c., 
and  three  or  four  correspondents,  not  a  flaw  could 
be  detected  in  his  story,  and  all  parties  pronounced 
it  a  truthful  narration,  and  the  narrator  a  remarka- 
bly intelligent  person— not  a  thing.  His  memory  is 
especially  in  retaining  drawing-room 


remarkable, 


gossip,  and  before  he  left  us  for  Washin^- 


HOSEITAL  EXPERIENCES. 

The  Wounded  at  Paducah,  Ky.  —  Great  Variety  of 
Wounds  —  Horrors  of  ike  Battle-Field. 

The  following  extract  (says  the  Detroit  Free 
Press)  is  from  a  private  letter  from  an  armv  surgeon 
at  Paducah: — 

Paducah,  Ky.,  April  17. 
Do  not  upbraid  me  for  the  very  hard  work 


EAST  TENNESSEE. 

If  there  can  be  found  on  earth  a  people  more  de- 
erving  the  heartfelt  sympathies  of  every  true  pa- 
riot  than  East  Tenncsseeans,  wc  do  not  know  it. 
Their  patience,  their  fortitude,  their  deep  devotion 
o  the  Union,  attachment  to  the  people,  Constitu- 
ion,  and  laws,  under  the  most  trying  difficulties  and 
evere  persecutions,  rival  the  YVahlenses  or  the  mar- 
yrs  of  early  Christianity.     The  picture  of  the  suf- 
enngs  and  afflictions  of  St.  Paul,  inflicted  for  opin- 
on's  sake,  as  drawn  by  himself,  form  an  almost  exact 
oortraiture  of  the  condition  of  this  unfortune  peo- 
)le.     They  are  torn  from  their  families,  and  forced 
nto  a  military  service  against  their  friends  and  coun- 
trymen which  in  their  souls  they  abhor,  and  from 
whirli   (hey  shrink  with  instinctive  horror.     Nor  in 
this  resistless  compulsion  are  heeded  the  cries  of  un- 
protected infancy,  the  lamentations  of  tender  wives. 
ior  the  pressing  necessities  of  poverty.     Their  groans 
ire  answered  with  scorn,  and   their" sorrows  treated 
with  contempt.     Their  complaints  are  passports  to 
mprisonmetit,  and  their  resistance  a  pathway  to  the 
:;df:-vs.     I[:im!ity  and  :d:s;  unl.y,  :>rpi-:tlly  with  honor 
ind  distinction,  are  made  the  fatal  marks  ..fa  South- 
ern despotism.     Their  corn-cribs  and  smoke-houses 
are   made  tributary   to  the  commissary  of  the  army 
whose  sworn  fluty  is  their  subjugation.     Their  field's 
are  deBOlflted,  their  fences  made,  fuel  for  camp-fires, 
and  their  houses  razed  to  the  ground. 

Ii'  I  hey  seek  personal  safety,  not  by  resistance  but 
by  Bight,  they  are  hunted  down  by  cavalry,  caught 
and  carried  through  towns  and  villages,  like  prison- 
ers at  the  chariot  of  some  Roman  conqueror,  and 

made  a  spectacle  and  a  show,  for  the  dnuhlc  purpose 
of  wounding  and  humiliating  their  friends  and  "rati- 
fying the  insatiate  vengeance  and  ravage  cruelty  of 


I  have  done,  for  how  is  it  possible  for  a  man  of  my 
temperament  to  do  other  than  work,  when  you  enter 
a  room  where  a  hundred  or  two  of  our  brave  boys 
lie  in  pain,  in  agony,  and  in  mutilation  ;  and  hear 
them  cry  out,  in  the  most  piteous  and  beseeching 
tones,  "  Dear  Doctor,  for  heaven's  sake,  do  help  me 
next."  Others  will  say,  "I  know  you  do  all  you 
can,  but  if  I  die,  oh,  my  poor  wife  and  my  little  chil- 
dren !  What  will  become  of  them  ?  Do,  for  God:s 
sake,  fix  me  next."  Then,  again,  to  look  into  the 
anxious,  beseeching  eye— put  your  hand  upon  the 
feeble  pulse,  or  on  the  fevered  cheek,  or  on  the  cold 
and  already  clammy  brow,  I  ask  you,  where  is  the 
man  who  has  a  single  particle  of  love  for  his  race  or 
Ins  country  and  countrymen,  who  will  not  be  nerved 
up  to  work,  tired  and  weary  as  he  may  be  ? 

The  variety  of  wounds  we  have  are  almost  as  nu- 
merous as  the  wounded  themselves.  First  look  at 
the  head.  A  cannon  ball  or  portion  of  shell  has  car- 
ried away  all  the  skin  and  scalp  from  a  whole  side 
oi  the  head  and  face ;  a  Minie  ball  has  entered  the 
back  part  of  the  head,  coming  out  through  the  nose 
or  the  check  bone,  carrying  away  all  the  bonv  and 
fleshy  substance  of  the  face,  and  leaving  the*  most 
horrid  mutilation  you  can  imagine.  Another  is  shot 
through  the  temples,  one  or  both  eves  torn  out  and 
lying  on  the  check;  another  with 'the  lower  jaw  all 
shot  away,  and  the  poor,  dry  ami  fevered  tongue 
swelled  as  large  as  a  man's  arm.  Again  turn  down 
the  coarse  but  bloody  woolen  blanket  from  the  poor 
man's  breast;  a  bullet  has  gone  through  the  chest; 
the  bloody  serum  and  the  bubbles  of  aii:  press  or  ooze 
out  of  each  wound  at  every  labored  breath ;  his  lips 
are  blue,  his  skin  is  cold,  sweat  oozes  out  at  every 
pore;    he,  too,  with    the    utmost,   difficulty,    breathes 

I,  "  Do  Mp  me."     But  all   we  can  sav  or  do  is  to 

assure  the  poor  sufferer  that  his  only  relief  is  in  a 
dose  of  morphine,  and  his  only  rest  the  grave. 
Another  has  a  shoulder  or  an  arm  pierced  <>r  ear- 
ned away.  [I"  the  shoulder  is  curried  away,  wash 
and  dress,  cover  up,  assuage  the  pain,  and  wait  the 
fata  moment.;  if  the  arm  be  only  badly  shattered, 
knife  and  the  saw  soon  do  (heir  work  ;  the  poor 
>w  is  maimed  for  life,  whether  it  he  short  or  long, 
...  is  laid  away  as  best  he  can  be,  Id  run  hiseliane'e 
Another  is  shot  through  the  bark,  and  an  entire  pa-' 
ralySlB  Of  the  whole  lower  part,  of  the  bodv  has  en- 
Wi\.      He  breathes   a   few    hours    or    days  ";il    most. 

Another  is  shot  through  the  hips,  leaving  the  bones 


and  table  ^ 

ton,  we  were  almost  as  well  informed  of  the  social 
life  and  habits  of  Jeff.  Davis  as  if  we  had  been  in- 
mates of  his  family. 

Jefferson  Davis,  according  to  Jackson,  will  hard- 
ly live  to  see  the  chief  corner-stone  (slavery)  of  his 
Confederacy  "laid  upon  the  Kock  of  Ages."  Al- 
ready, "coming  events  cast  their  shadowl  before." 
Says  Jackson,  "  His  countenance  is  pale  and  hag- 
gard, he  sleeps  but  little,  and  eats  nothing— is  very 
irritable,  and  continually  complaining  of  his  Gene- 
rals. He  plans  advances,  but  they  execute  master- 
ly retreats.  He  would  have  Washington,  Philadel- 
phia and  New  York,  but  they  are  content  with  the 
great  cities  of  the  cotton  States." 

And  Mrs.  Davis,  too,  from  the  refined  and  elegant 
lady  who  would  have  adorned  the  White  House  with 
grace  surpassing  that  of  Mrs.  Madison,  has  become 
the  termagant  and  the  scold,  and  the  terror  of  all 
who  are  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  under  her  rod. 
Says  Jackson,  "Mr.  Davis  treated  me  well,  but 
Mrs.  Davis  is  the  d — 1," 

One  cannot  converse  with  Jackson  an  hour  with- 
out being  convinced  that  the  rebel  Confederacy  has 
collapsed— dissension  is  paramount  in  court  and 
camp.  The  machinery  of  this  model  government  is 
all  ajar.  Confederate  notes  seem,  all  at  once,  to 
have  lost  their  lubricating  property.  Thev  arc  con- 
sumed by  the  friction,  instead  of  soothing  it. 

But  it  is  said,  all  contrabands  are  not  as  intelligent 
AVell,  what  if  they  are  not?  Thank  God,  the  ex- 
periment whether  the  nc-rro  is  more  valuable  to  the 
country  m  building  fortifications  for  our  enemies 
than  in  constructing  railroads  for  out  friends  is  bein" 
daily  tested  in  the  Department  ofthe  Rappahannock" 
Gen.  McDowell  is  determined,  that  as  the  rebels 
have  forced  the  negroes  to  play  a  part  in  this  war, 
they  shall,  if  they  so  choose,  play  it  on  our  side. 
And  how  they  arc  deciding,  no  one  can  long  be  at 
a,  loss  to  determine,  who  will  visit  the  valley  of  the 
Rappahannock.  Your  correspondent  has  sp'eut  two 
weeks  here,  and  has  yet  to  find  the  first  rebel  negro. 
They  are  all  with  us,  from  the  little  piccaninny  fast 
beginning  to  lisp  "  massa,"  to  the  tottering  old  field- 
hand,  who  would  have  nothing  to  gain  but  the  hos- 
pital by  emancipation. 

\Xhi\t  if  we  may  be  compelled  to  support  a  few 
of  these  unfortunate  human  beings  tW  a  short 
time,  it  will  not  cost  as  much  as  the  continuance 
of  this  way  one  week.  If  rebels  are  to  be  punish- 
ed, there  is  no  punishment  so  severe  as  the  eman- 
cipation of  (heir  slaves.  Savs  one  of  the  wealthi- 
est planters  in  (Ins  valley  in  me.  (a  violent,  seces- 
sionist, and  the  owner  of  two  hundred  no^ioes,) 
"lou  may  take  mv  horses  and  my  mules  and 
empty  my  corn-crib,  but,  for  God'a  sake,  send  me 
back  my  negroes— we  shall  all  starve  without  them." 
IcouM  not  understand  his  logic,  and  on  my  way 
from  his  mansion,  asked  the  few  remaining  field- 
haml,  if  they  could  live,  ami  work  without,  corn  and 
horses  and  mules?  -  Golly,  massa.  we  de  corn  and 
horses  ami  mules,  and  got  to  live  :uiv  how,"  was  the 
reply,  p.  is  natural  for  (he  negro  to  steal  say 
many  :  so  it  is  for  the  white  man  when  he  reeeive's 
nothing  from  one  year's  end  to  the  oilier  but  a  few 
Oasl  oil  rags  to  cover  his  back,  live  ounces  of  pork, 
and  a  quart  ol    eoni  per  dav. 

To  be  frank,  when  I  hear  that  negroes  steal  under 

raoh  circumstances,  I  thank  Cod  that  all  mantia 

has  not  yet  been  crushed  oli;  oflhem.  and  thai  thev 

have    vitahty    enough    let,    to  steal.      reMerday, 

while  missing  the  pontoon  bridge  from  Falmouth  to 

i-redcnekshm-.oue  ol  the  poor  white  trash  stopped 

""',  and  asked  .1  1  thought  he  could  recover  his  slave 


8^ 


THE     IL  I  B  E  !R  A.  T  O  H 


MA.Y   23. 


■who  run  away  tbc  day  before  by  going  to  Gen.  political  sucklings,  Abolition.  Their  programme 
McDowell,  i  tokl  liim  that  was  something  Gen.  |  of  "  restoration "  is  brief.  After  urging  the  rcstora- 
Milhiwell    had  notliing  to  do  with— that  he  would 


probably  find  it  very  ditlicult  to  recover  his  slave, 
unless  ho  could  assure  him  that  his  labor  would  be 
paid  for,  his  freedom  guaranteed,  and  his  manliness 
recognized.  This  reply  was  followed  by  a  volley  of 
oaths  and  curses  from  the  miserable  slave-owner 
which  I  have  not  the  taste  to  repeat. — Tribune. 


A  HEW  CONSTITUTION  TOE  THE  MODEL 
KEPUBLIO. 

The  experience  of  recent  events,  and  the  dangers 
with  which  they  have  been  fraught  to  the  existence 
of  the  republic,  compel  every  true  friend  of  Ins  coun- 
try to  the  conviction,  that  the  Constitution  wlneli 
establishes  political  regulations  for  the  collective  life 
of  the  nation  as  well  as  for  the  separate  States,  must, 
spite  of  its  great  excellences,  be  defecUvo.  In  order, 
therefore,  to  secure  on  all  sides,  by  an  active  gener- 
alization {formulirung),  the  various  rights  and  du- 
ties whose  protection  and  performance  are  the  solo 
lastin"  bond  of  union,  the  National  Convention  of 
Conservate  Patriots  submits  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  for  their  acceptance,  the  following  out- 
line of  a  New  Constitution  : — 

I.  Classification. 
The  United  States  shall  be  divided,  1,  into  sover- 
eign States  and  the  sovereign  Confederacy ;  2,  into 
South  and  North. 

U.  Rights  of  the  Soyfreign  States  and  of 
the  Confederacy. 
The  States  may  manage  their  internal  affairs 
to  suit  themselves,  provided  that  by  these  are  un- 
derstood barbarous  statutes,  beastly  manners,  and 
cannibal  actions.  With  these  the  government  ot 
the  Confederacy  is  not  to  intermeddle  ;  for  what  is 
not  forbidden  by  the  Constitution  is  permitted,  and 
State  sovereignty  transcends  national  in  matters  ot 
barbarism.  But  should  single  States  decree  regula- 
tions for  the  defence  of  freedom  and  humanity, 
these  shall  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  nation- 
al government. 

III.  Rights  and  Duties  of  the  South. 
The  South  shall  have  all  rights  that  are  conve- 
nient, and  all  duties  that  are  agreeable,  to  her,  pro- 
vided she  cherishes  and  perpetuates  slavery.     _ 

The  inhabitants  of  the  South  shall  have  especially 
the  ri»ht  to  employ  at  pleasure  and  to  destroy  two- 
legged  property,  as  well  as  to  annihilate  whatever 
is  dangerous  to  the  same.  They  may,  therefore, 
not  only  sell  their  own  children,  but  also  Hog  their 
slaves  to  death,  and  burn  them  alive,  and  tar  and 
hang  abolitionists. 

Those  who  own  the  most  slaves  shall  bo  the  lords 
of  the  slaveless,  and  called  to  the  dominion  of  the 

Should  they  believe  their  dominion  threatened, 
tbey  may  rebel,  steal  the  arms  of  the  country,  plun- 
der its  public  chests,  and  begin  war.  If  they  con- 
quer, they  shall  subjugate  the  whole  country ;  if  they 
are  beaten,  they  shall  return  as  "  brothers  "  to  their 
previous  position,  and  try  their  luck  again  at  the 
fitting  time. 

The  more  they  steal,  play  vandals,  and  murder, 
the  greater  claim  they  shall  earn  to  forgiveness  and 
respect,  and  the  better  security  for  their  privileges, 
amon«  which  shall  be  especially  the  following  : 

They  shall  shoot  down  every  one  who  makes  use 
ot  free  speech  and  a  free  press  in  behalf  of  liberty, 
and  allow  none  to  abide  in  the  South  who  do  not 
suit  them. 

They  shall  enjoy  the  postal  service  _ 
have  the  first  claim  to  the  best  positions  in  the  army. 
^-Bavyrand  administration. 

They  shall  so  construct  the  tariff  as  to  secure  the 
interests  of  their  own  productions  at  the  expense  01 
the  North. 

They  shall  cut  off  the  heads  of  Northern  captives, 
make  'of  their  skulls  drinking-cups  wherewith  to 
toast  the  weal  of  the  republic,  and  watch-chains  ot 
their  bones  to  be  worn  on  patriotic  holidays. 

They  shall  beat  down  Northern  pillars  of  the  peo- 
ple in  Conm-ess  with  bludgeons,  and  receive  for  the 
same  especial  consideration. 

They  shall  discharge  no  debts  and  keep  no  pro- 
mises. ,       3        . , 

They  may  practise  high  treason  abroad  as  at  home. 
If  they  get  aid  from  foreigners,  they  shall  receive  a 
reward  Tor  their  patriotic  policy  :  if  none,  then  they 
shall  receive  indemnification. 

IV.  Rights  and  Duties  of  the  North. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  North  shall  have,  above  all, 

the  ri»ht  and  the  duty  to  be  agreeable  and  service- 
able to  the  South.  If  the  Southerner  has  no  rug, 
his  Northern  fellow-citizen  shall  stretch  himselt  on 
the  "round,  and  beg  him  not  to  feel  constrained. 

Attacks  on  slavery  shall  be  regarded  and  punish- 
ed as  treason.  . 
Fugitive  slaves  shall  be  hunted  with  hearty  de- 

'°Abolitionists  who  employ  free  speech  and  a  free 
press  shall  be  mobbed,  while  Southerners  shall  ev- 
erywhere write  and  speak  as  they  please. 

If  the  South  begins  war  on  the  North,  the  latter 
shall  pay  the  costs  thereof.  In  consideration  ot 
which  Northern  soldiers  shall  be  permitted  to  load 
their  weapons  as  soon  as  they  feel  the  Southern 
bullets  in  their  bodies. 

If  the  North  catch  Southern  pirates  and  traitors, 
it  shall  treat  them  as  guests,  and  send  them  back  on 
their  promising  to  entertain  the  greatest  respect  for 
her  stupidity. 

Should  the  South  steal  and  destroy  her  money 
arms,  ships,  and  forts,  she  shall  repair  everything 
out  of  the  pockets  of  her  children,  and  her  chil- 
dren's children.  ' . 

Should  the  South  not  accomplish  enough  in  her 
treason,  the  North  shall  put  traitors  at  the  head  ol 
her  troops,  and  lead  her  sons  to  slaughter  by  appoint- 
ment. .  -         ^ 

The  more  slaps  the  North  receives  from  the 
South  on  the  left  cheek,  the  more  readily  shall  she 
present  the  right  cheek  also. 

She  shall  buy  or  conquer  for  the  South  new  ter- 
ritories, whenever  the  latter  has  not  dominion  enough 
for  the  expansion  of  slavery. 

■  Should  a  rebellion  in  the  South  be  suppressed, 
sthe  North  shall  rebel  for  her.  . 

If  slavery  cannot  ruin  the  North,  she  shall  rum 
herself  for  slavery. 

T.  Rights  £  Duties  of  the  Sovereign  People. 
The  sovereign  people  exists  for  this — to  elect  re- 
presentatives and  officers  who  may  govern  and  com- 
mand at  pleasure.  It  shall  pay  for  what  they  squan- 
der, bleed  when  they  open  its  veins,  and  sacrifice  it- 
self when  they  betray  it.  For  it  is  sweet  to  pay  for 
one's  country,  sweeter  to  die  and  perish  for  the  same. 
VI.  Duties  of  Office-holders. 
Office-holders,  the  President  at  their  head,  have 
the  duty  of  guarding  the  rights  of  the  Commonalty 
and  of  securing  the  interests  of  the  Republic,  m  de- 
fault of  which  they  shall  be  cashiered  or  imprisoned. 
Therefore,  above  all,  they  shall  cause  to  be  incarcer- 
ated without  trial  whoever  displeases  them ;  subvert 
the  free  press  by  confiscation  and  closing  of  the  mails  ; 
steal  and  defraud  as  they  may  bo  able ;  treat  traitors 
as  "brothers";  humble  the  republic  abroad,  and  en- 
danger its  security  by  transactions  with  despots. 

They  shall  act  as  lords  of  the  people  that  chose 
them  for  servants,  and  need  trouble  themselves  about 
no  one  else,  if  they  only  have  on  their  side  the  priests, 
the  slaveholders,  and  the  despots. 

They  shall  be  entitled  to  re-election,  if  they  are 
as  stupid  as  possible,  and  to  a  national  reward, 
they  are  as  wicked  as  possible.  Should  they  suc- 
ceed in  utterly  ruining  the  State,  they  shall  be  reck- 
oned among  the  "  Fathers  of  the  Republic."— Trans 
hied  for  the  Liberator  from  the  (German)  "  Pwmer.' 


tion  of  the  democratic  party  to  power  as  the  infalli 
ble  road  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  they  lay 
down  their  specific  thus: — 

These  men  speak  the  dialect  of  that  same  "  latter 
day  democracy,"  under  whose  auspices  forts,  ships- 
of-war,  navy  yards,  mints  and  custom-houses  were 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  conspirators  and  rebels. 
They  propose  to  appease  the  rage  of  Jeff.  Davis  and 
his  accomplices  by  offering  up,  under  the  odious 
name  of  "  Abolitionism,"  whatever  there  is  in  the 
North  of  manhood,  of  principle,  of  hostility  to  the 
diffusion  among  themselves  of  the  institution  of  sla- 
very. They  would  yield  to  every  arrogant  de- 
mand of  armed  and  bloody  insurgents,  prostrate 
themselves  in  the  dust,  and  cry,  "  Great  is  slavery ; 
may  its  sway  be  universal,  and  its  reign  perpetual !" 
Those  who  refuse  the.  like  humiliation  they  would 
brand  as  Abolitionists,  execrable  and  accursed. 
This,  according  to  the  fourteen,  is  the  democratic 
mode  of  restoring  the  Union.  The  country  has  had 
some  experience  of  that  kind  of  democracy. 

As  we  have  remarked,  these  apostles  of  peace  on 
rebel  terms  are  full  of  denunciations  of  the  admin- 
istration, They  say  not  a  syllable  of  the  democratic 
treason  which  ruled  in  the  Executive  Councils  in 
the  days  of  Buchanan — not  a  word  of  the  dispersion 
of  arms,  and  army  and  navy,  to  make  easy  to  the 
rebels  the  seizure  of  the  public  property,  the  Capi- 
tol, and  the  archives.  All  this  is  ignored,  and  the 
scrupulous  restorationists  strain  their  optics  to  dis- 
cern, in  the  struggles  of  the  executive  to  defeat 
those  schemes,  some  technical  deviation  from  the 
letter  of  the  law.  The  turpitude  of  the  rebellion 
moves  not  their  abhorrence  ;  the  plots  and  perjuries 
of  the  conspirators  are  peccadilloes  unworthy  of  no- 
tice. All  their  invective  is  reserved  for  others — for 
the  President,  and  those  who  will  not  bow  the  knee 
to  Baal  1 

They  dwell  upon  the  enormous  taxes,  the  levying 
of  which  is  rendered  inevitable,  if  the  rebellion  is  to 
be  suppressed,  and  demand  the  restoration  of  the 
democratic  party  to  power  as  the  remedy  for  that. 
No  intimation  is  given  that  that  party  would  not  fol- 
low the  policy  of  Buchanan's  administration,  and 
make  peace  with  the  rebels  in  the  same  way  that  he 
preserved  it,  by  giving  them  absolute  and  supreme 
control  of  every  department  of  the  government. 

On  the  contrary,  a  careful  reading  of  this  Demo- 
cratic Address  leaves  the  inevitable  conviction,  that 
these  self-styled  "  democrats,"  and  those  who  sus- 
tain them,  are  those  "  allies  in  the  Free  States  "  on 
whose  assistance,  pledged  and  assured,  they  relied 
in  the  beginning  of  their  wicked  revolt.  There  is 
every  reason  to  believe  that  this  democratic  move- 
ment is  in  understood  co-operation  with  Davis  and 
his  Confederate  government  in  this  time  of  their  ex- 
tremity.— SI.  Louis  Democrat. 


®IU  ^»fc**i»t01,. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders  I 


BOSTON.  FRIDAY,  MAY  23,  IS 


yc. 


NEW  ENGLAND  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVEN- 
TION. 
Tlie  New  England  Anti-Slaveky  Convention 
for  1862  will  be  held  in  the  city  of  Boston,  on  Wednes- 
day and  Thursday,  May  28th  and  29th,  in  the  MKL- 
ODEON,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  of 
Wednesday. 

Let  the  anti-slavery  men  nnd  women  of  New  Eng- 
land, then,  gather  once  more  in  their  Annual  Conven- 
tion. Once  more  let  them  indicate  to  the  long-skim- 
hering  but  now  awakening  land,  to  a  guilty  but  hap- 
ly a  repenting  people,  the  only  Way  of  Peace,  of 
Safety,  and  of  National  Honor.  Once  more  let  the 
words  of  Justice,  and  Freedom  for  all,  be  echoed 
from  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New  England,  until 
they  join  the  swelling  voices  of  the  Centre  and  tlie 
Great  West;  and  the  trembling,  hoping  slave  shall 
hear  the  glad  tidings,  proclaiming  bis  deliverance,  his 
redemption,  and  his  acknowledged  manhood- 
All  friends  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause,  in  every  part 
of  the  country,  are  invited  to  attend. 

Among  the  expected  speakers  are  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy, 
Parker  Pillsbury,  Andrew  T.Foss,  Wm.  Wells 
Brown,  Susan  B.  Anthony,  of  New  Tork,  Anna  E. 
Dickinson,  of  Philadelphia,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  of 
New  York,  William  H.  Fish,  E.  H.  Heywood,  &e. 
In  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Massa^ 
chusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society, 

EDMUND  QUINCY,    President. 
Kobert  F.  Wallcut,  Rec.  Sec'y. 


THE  "  DEMOCEATIO "  PEONUNOIAMENTO 
AT  WASHINGTON. 
This  is  a  labored  eulogy  of  the  democratic  party, 
anS  an  attack  upon  the  present  administration.  In 
a  time  of  civil  war  when  the  whole  country  is  con- 
vulsed by  the  insurrection,  which  was  concocted  in 
the  "democratic"  cabinet  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  it 
mi"ht  be  expected  that  fourteen  democratic  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  addressing  the  people  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  would  indicate  their  opinions  of  this  gi- 
f  antic  treason,  and  would  declare  what  specific  mea- 
ures  they  advise  (or  its  suppression.  We  look  in 
vain  for  anything  of  the  kind  in  this  address. 

They  are  sticklers  for  the  Constitution  ;  over  and 
over  they  declaim  upon  that  topic.  They  are  pro- 
fuse in  their  charges  against  the  administration. 
They  arc  exhaustive  in  eulogy  upon  the  principles 
and  policy  of  the  democratic  party.  But  of  this  re- 
bellion which  their  party  brethren  have  set  on  foot, 
aimed  at  tlie  very  life  of  the  Government  and  the 
Constitution,  they  have  no  sharper  word  of  exclama- 
tion than  "this  unhappy  civil  war."  Of  course, 
they  are  not  forgetful  of  that  old  image  of  terror  to 


GENERAL  HUNTER'S  ORDEE. 

On  the  7th  of  November  last — more  than  six 
months  ago— Com.  Dupout  thoroughly  routed  the 
rebel  forces  defending  the  entrance  to  Beaufort  har- 
bor, S.  C,  dismounting  or  silencing  their  guns,  chas- 
ing off  all  of  them  he  did  not  kill,  and  capturing 
their  forts.  A  strong  volunteer  force  under  Sher- 
man thereupon  took  possession  of  the  adjacent  sea 
islands,  and  has  since  held  them  without  dispute, 
working  its  way  gradually  to  Fort  Pulaski,  within 
sight  of  Savannah,  Ga.,  on  the  one  side,  and  within 
a  few  miles  of  Charleston,  S.  C,  on  the  other.  The 
Military  Department  confided  to  Gen.  Sherman 
t;  ft  comprises  the  maritime  States  of  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  and  Florida,  and  their  sea-coast  and  islands 
may  be  said  to  bi^  now  in  our  possession.  If  there 
be  any  point  of  that  coast  now  held  by  the  rebels,  it 
is  because  it  is  deemed  not  worth  holding  by  the 
Unionists. 

Gen.  Sherman,  so  soon  as  he  had  firmly  establish- 
ed himself  on  shore,  issued  a  Proclamation.  Though 
a  bad  one,  it  was  rather  better  than  the  average  of 
our  Generals'  proclamations.  Gen.  S.  ha'd  passed 
years  in  South  Carolina,  supposed  himself  a  favorite 
there,  and  laid  himself  out  on  au  effort  to  conciliate 
her  white  aristocracy,  whom  he  saw  fit  to  style  the 
"  natural  guardians  "  of  the  negroes.  He  tried  hard 
to  persuade  them  to  return  to  the  protection  of  the 
National  flag,  and  thus  secure  their  slave  property 
from  peril.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  "conser- 
vative" than  this  proclamation — and  nothing  more 
futile.  He  could  not  induce  a  South  Carolinian 
even  to  take,  much  less  to  read  it.  "  There  are  none 
such  as  you  call  loyal  men  among  us,"  was  the  re- 
buff his  flag  of  truce  received  from  those  on  whom 
his  emissary  tried  to  foist  a  copy.  One  white  man, 
it  was  said,  was  found  in  Beaufort  when  our  troops 
reached  that  place — there  because  he  was  too  drunk 
to  get  away.  We  believe  he  has  since  sobered  and 
cut  stick.  Up  to  this  hour,  though  a  few  Northern 
mechanics  and  laborers  who  had  been  impressed 
into  the  rebel  service  have  deserted  to  us,  we  be- 
lieve no  single  white  South  Carolinian  or  Georgian 
has  sought  the  protection  of  our  flag.  And  not  one 
foot  of  the  main  land  of  either  of  those  States  is  now 
under  the  national  jurisdiction. 

Gen.  Hunter  was  recently  sent  down  to  replace 
Gen.  Sherman.  Gen.  H.  is  an  old  soldier,  an  officer 
of  the  Federal  army,  who  knows  very  little  of  poli- 
tics. He  was  badly  wounded  at  Bull  Run,  and  has 
been  in  active  service  in  Missouri  and  Kansas  ever 
since  his  wound  healed  sufficiently  to  allow  of  such 
service.  He  believes  in  putting  down  the  rebellion, 
with  small  regard  to  rebel  feelings  or  those  of  their 
sympathizing  friends  in  the  loyal  States.  With  him 
the  paramount  question  is — How  to  do  it. 

The  whites  of  his  Military  District,  so  far  as  he 
can  judge  of  them,  are  incorrigible  rebels.  Those 
who  are  not  heartily  so  are  too  timid  to  say  a  word 
for  the  old  cause.  No  journal,  no  speech,  no  move- 
ment, no  utterance  of  any  kind,  has  been  heard  of 
among  them  for  more  than  a  year  past,  which  is  not 
intensely,  diabolically  "  Secesh."  Rebel  victories, 
rebel  invincibility  are  the  theme  of  every  press  and 
every  tongue.  You  cannot  speak  a  word  of  the 
Union  so  that  it  will  reach  them,  and  if  you  could, 
they  would  stop  their  ears  against  it. 

The  blacks,  on  the  other  hand,  are  instinctively 
Unionists.  As  they  wait  at  table  or  listen  at  key- 
holes, they'hear  the  master  race  cursing  Abe  Lincoln 
as  an  Abolitionist,  and  charge  the  North  with  mak- 
ing war  on  the  South  in  order  to  upset  slavery.  Ig- 
norant and  misinformed  as  these  poor  negroes  are, 
they  know  that  the  "  Lincolnites,"  the  "  invaders," 
the  "  Northern  scum,"  are  hated  and  cursed  by  their 
life-long  oppressors,  and  jump  to  the  conclusion  that 
what  their  owners  so  dread  must  involve  good  to 
them.  As  one  of  them  told  our  troops  on  landing, 
"  Massa  told  'em  the  Yankees  would  send  them  all 
to  Cuba  and  sell  'em,"  but  they  didn't  believe  Cuba 
"  could  be  any  worse  than  they  were  used  to,  and 
they  concluded  to  risk  it."  So,  when  our  ships 
sailed  up  Beaufort  Sound,  after  their  triumph,  scores 
of  the  poor  creatures,  who  had  refused  to  accompany 
their  fleeing  masters,  came  down  to  the  water's  edge 
with  their  little  all  tied  up  in  a  handkerchief,  and 
begged  to  be  taken  aboard  :  they  did  not  ask  whith- 
er they  would  be  taken,  believing  any  change  must  be 
an  improvement. 

The  three  States  composing  Gen.  Hunter's  depart- 
ment are  peopled  as  follows : 

Slaves.        Free  Persons. 

South  Carolina- 402,541  301,271 

Georgia 462,232  695,007 

Florida- 61,753  78,686 

Total 926,496  975,054 

Excess  of  Free  over  Slave 48,558 

Excluding  the  Free  Blacks,  the  numbers  of  Whites 
and  of  Slaves  is  probably  just  about  equal. 

Gen.  Hunter  has  a  small  army — we  are  not  at  lib- 
erty to  say  how  small — wherewith  to  confront  these 
two  millions  of  practically  hostile  people,  _lbr  the 
slaves  do  the  bidding  of  the  whites,  who  are  intense- 
ly and  in  effect  universally  rebel.  He  is  too  weak 
to  advance,  and  the  region  to  which  he  is  confined 
is  unhealthy  for  Northern  troops.  It  is  not  possible 
just  now  to  spare  him  more  regiments,  and  he  is 
sick  of  doing  nothing.  All  the  negroes  on  the  islands 
are  willing  to  work  and  many  of  them  to  fight  for 
the  Union  cause,  provided  that  cause  means  freedom 
for  themselves.  Otherwise,  why  should  they  be  ? 
He  has  long  enough  bidden  the  whites  to  his  feast, 
and  they  have  stubbornly  refused  to  come ;  so  he 
goes  out  into  the  highways  and  ditches,  and  asks  the 
poor  and  despised  to  take  their  places.  Say  it  is  a 
bold  step  if  you  will,  but  can  you  intelligently  pro- 
nounce it  a  rash  one  ?  Who  among  us  all  can  even 
pretend  to  understand  the  circumstances  of  Gen. 
Hunter's  department,  or  the  probablo  effect  of  this 
Order  upon  it,  so  well  as  that  General  himself? 

Our  neighbors,  who  have  so  vehemently  insisted 
that  the  Generals  in  the  field  should  be  allowed  to 
deal  with  negroes  and  negro  questions  as  they 
should  see  fit,  do  not  seem  to  relish  this  dose;  yet  it 
is  one  of  their  own  prescription.  Ought  they  not 
to  intermit  their  ludicrously  wry  faces,  and  gulp  it 
down  V — New  York  Tribune- 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  VETO  OF  GEN.  HUN- 
TEE'S  EMANCIPATION  0EDEE. 

A  few  days  since,  the  popular  enthusiasm  was  kin- 
dled into  a  wide-spread  flame,  in  consequence  of  the 
order  of  General  Hunter,  declaring  the  en  tire  abolition 
of  slavery  within  the  three  States  of  Georgia,  South 
Carolina  and  Florida,  comprising  his  Military  Depart- 
ment of  the  South.    This  was  equivalent  to  the  libe- 
ration of  one  fourth  of  the  entire  slave  population  of  the 
country.    Of  course,  with  the  joy  every  where  felt 
and  expressed  by  the  friends  of  impartial  liberty, 
and  the  uncompromising  enemies  of  Secession,  there 
was  some  anxiety  felt  as  to  what  would  be  the  course 
of  the  President   in  relation  to  this  Order.     It  was, 
however,  generally  supposed  that  General  Hunter  had 
not  acted  without  having  had  at  least  a  carte  blanche 
in  his  hand,  to  be  used   against  slavery  according   to 
the  exigencies  of  his  position.     They  were-not  allow- 
ed by  the  President  to  remain  long  in  doubt  upon  this 
point.     With   undignified  haste,— without  waiting  to 
hear  officially  from  General  Hunter,  as  he  was  in 
courtesy  and  fairness  bound  to  do,  as  to  whether  such 
Order  had  been  really  issued,  and,  if  so,  on  what 
grounds,— the  President,  on  Monday  last,  issued  a 
proclamation,  putting  his  veto  on  the  Order  aforesaid,  even 
while  admitting  that  he  had  not  at  the  time  "  any  au- 
thentic information  that  the  document  was  genuine  "  ! 
Was  any  thing  ever  more  weak  or  more  pitiable  than 
tins';     What  right  had  he  thus  to  prejudge  General 
Hunter,  or  with  what  propriety  could  he  commit  the 
government  in  so  grave  a  matter  with  such  precipi- 
tancy ?     His  plea  is,  the  Emancipation  Order  was 
"producing  some  excitement  and  misunderstanding." 
Yes,  glorious  excitement  in  the  bosoms  of  angels,  and 
of  "  the  spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect,"  in  a  higher 
sphere ;  thrilling  excitement  in  every  upright,  manly, 
liberty -loving  breast  in  the  land;  furious  excitement 
in  the  regions  of  the  damned,  and  among  the  traitors 
of  the  South  and  their  Northern  abettors  !    As  to  any 
"  misunderstanding"  about  it,  nothing  could  be  plain- 
er than  the  language  or  meaning  of  the  Order :— "  Sla- 
very and  martial  law  in  a  free  country  are  altogether  incom- 
patible "  t    Neither  the  rebels  nor  their  slaves  will  have 
any  difficulty  in  understanding  a  declaration  so  true 
and  sensible  as  this.     General  Hunter,  being  compe- 
tent to  declare  martial  law,  is  also  competent  to  decide 
hat  that  law  requires  in  his  Department ;  and  finding 
the  States  comprised  therein  in  hot  rebellion  against 
the  government,  with  no  evidence  of  a  particle  of 
loyalty  existing  in  them,  and  an  immense  slave  popu- 
lation made  use  of  in  every  possible  manner  to  defeat 
the  federal  arms,  and  give  victory  to  the  rebels,  he 
very  sensibly,  and  with  the  highest  justification  con- 
ceivable, proclaims  that  "the  persons  in  these  three 
States,  Georgia,  Florida  and  South  Carolina,  hereto- 
fore held  as  slaves,  are  therefore  declared  forever 
free."    Noble  words,  uttered  never  more  timely  ! 

All  honor  to  General  Hunter,  and  cheer  upon  cheer 
until  the  welkin  rings  ;  and  shame  and  confusion  of 
face  to  the  President  for  his  halting,  shuffling,  back- 
ward policy  !  By  his  veto,  he  has  disgusted  and  alien- 
ated the  truest  friends  of  freedom  universally,  and 
gratified  the  malignity  of  the  enemies  of  his  adminis- 
tration who  are  at  heart  traitors,  and  represented  by 
such  papers  as  Bennett's  Herald,  the  New  York  Ex- 
press, the  Journal  of  Commerce,  the  Boston  Courier  and 
Post,  and  other  journals  of  the  same  satnnic  stripe. 
By  his  veto,  he  has  helped  to  prolong  the  present 
bloody  strife,  to  sacrifice  needlessly  thousands  of 
Northern  lives,  to  augment  indefinitely  the  present 
frightful  national  debt,  to  dispirit  the  army,  and  to 
encourage  the  rebels  in  arms,  whose  hopes  of  success 
are  found  only  in  being  allowed  to  retain  their  slaves 
as  their  most  efficient  laborers  in  the  work  of  rebel- 
lion. By  his  veto,  he  has  made  the  danger  still  more 
imminent  that  the  European  powers  will  Irasten  to  in- 
terfere for  the  independence  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy, seeing  no  end  to  a  struggle  carried  on  in  so  be- 
sotted and  impotent  a  manner  by  our  government. 

President  Lincoln  should  not  only  have  endorsed, 
as  justified  by  the  exigencies  of  tlie  case,  the  Order  of 
General  Hunter,  but,  long  ere  this,  he  should  have  de- 
clared every  slave  in  rebeldom  free.  In  such  an  act, 
the  country  will  enthusiastically  applaud  him.  The 
people  will  stand  by  him,  while  the  growling  and  se- 
ditious spirits  who  threaten  all  manner  of  evil  will  be 
crushed    at  a  blow.      Four  millions  of   people  are 

FORCED    TO    AID    REBELLION    AT    THE    SOUTH,    and  to 

struggle  to  prevent  the  success  of  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, solely  because  they  are  slaves  !  Every  one  of 
them  is  loyal  in  heart,  or  would  be  if  he  could  be  as- 
sured that  he  may  recover,  under  "the  stars  and 
stripes,"  his  long  withheld  liberty.  Who  but  North- 
ern traitors,  (for  Southern  ones  do  not,)  impudently 
wearing  the  mask  of  loyalty,  doubt  or  deny  the  right 
of  the  President,  at  a  crisis  like  this,  as  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  to  declare  universal 
emancipation ">  The  greater  includes  the  less.  The 
invasion  of  a  slave  country  carries  with  it  tbc  right  to 
liberate  every  slave  upon  its  soil.  If  General  Hunter 
may  rightfully  take  a  hostile  army  with  him,  and  de- 
clare himself  military  dictator  over  Georgia,  Florida 
and  South  Carolina,  thus  denying  the  actual  existence 
of  those  States  as  such,  why  may  he  not  proceed  to 
turn  nine  hundred  thousand  slaves  coerced  to  act  as 
rebels,  into  nine  hundred  thousand  freemen,  ready  to 
lay  down  their  lives  in  support  of  the  government  $ 
The  pages  of  history  may  be  searched  in  vain  for  a 
parallel  to  the  infatuation  which  prevails  at  Washing- 
ton on  this  subject. 

The  President  is  still  disposed  to  treat  the  dragon 
of  slavery  as  though  it  was  only  a  wayward  colt.  In 
vain  has  he  seen  every  overture  of  kindness  and  good 
will  rejected  with  scorn  and  contempt,  and  with  added 
insults  and  fresh  atrocities,  by  the  revolted  States ;  he 
refers  with  marked  complacency  to  his  absurd  mes- 
sage to  Congress  in  March  last,  proposing  to  propitiate 
the  rebels  by  buying  their  slave  property,  and  he  re- 
news tbc  overture,  with  honeyed  accents — soothingly 
assuring  them  that  "  tbc  change  it  contemplates  would 
come  gently  as  the  dews  of  heaven,  not  rending  nor 
wrecking  any  thing  " — and  he  enticingly  asks,  "  Will 
you  not  embrace  it?"  President  Lincoln  1  "canst 
thou  draw  out  leviathan  with  a  hook  1  Will  he  make 
many  supplications  unto  thee  1 " 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS. 

Our  Family  op  States — Oration  delivered  before 
the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  in  Amherst  College,  by 
Nehemiah  Adams,  D.D.  Boston:  James  Munroe 
&  Co.    1861. 

This  Oration  was  delivered  as  long  ago  as  Au- 
gust, 1858,  and  printed  more  than  a  year  since.     The 
publishers  (at  whose  request  it  was  given  to  the  pub- 
lie)  arc  certainly  tardy  in  sending  us  a  copy  of  it ;  but 
having  done  so,  we  have  simply   to  sny  of  it,  that  it 
is  a  very  common-place   glorification  of  the  country, 
its  author  being  as  blind  as  a  bat  to  any  evil  affecting 
the  safety  or  honor  of  the  republic,  and  utterly  ignor- 
ing the  whole  question  of  slavery,  though  the  system 
was  at  that  time  beginning  tb  show  symptoms  of  that 
terrific  volcanic  explosion  which  has  since  taken  place. 
"  We  should  be  hopeful  and  cheerful,"  sayB  the  "gay 
and  festive  "  parson  ;  and  none  the  less  so  because 
there  are  four  millions  of  slaves  in  the  land,  who  have 
"  no  rights  that  white  men  are  bound  to  recognize  and 
respect !  "     "  Instead  of  borrowing  trouble,"  be  adds, 
"  let  us  borrow  largely  of  tbc  future  for  joy  and  glad- 
ness, even  at  the  risk  of  appearing  a  little  fanatical." 
So  said  the  false  prophets  of  old :  "  Let  us  cry,  Peace, 
peace,"  when  there  was  no  peace.   "Let  us  fiddle  while 
Rome  is  burning,"  said  Nero — and  he  fiddled,  "  even 
at  the  risk  of  appearing  a  little  fanatical."     But  think 
of  the  author  of  "A  South-Side   View  of  Slavery" 
running  such  a  risk  as  that !     "  We  have  no  inquisi- 
tions," he  continues,  "nor  laws  against  freedom  of 
speech  ;  we  suffer  men  to  speak  as  they  please,  if  so 
be  that  they  stop  this  side  of  blasphemy" — &c,  &c. 
Yet  slaves  are  annually  burnt  alive  at  the  South,  and 
upon  its  soil  no  man  speaks  against  slavery,  except  at 
the  peril  of  his  life  !    Any  form  of  blasphemy,  ex- 
cept that  against  slavery,  may  be  safely  indulged  in, 
but  that  "hath  noforgivenesB."     Still  burning  incense 
to  the  national  vanity,  the  defender  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  and  the  eulogist  of  slavery  complacently 
says — "  This  land  seems  to  be  made  for  the  human 
mind  to  exult  in  the  fullest  religious  and  civil  liberty, 
unimpeded  by  proscriptions  of  birth,  or  any  private 
or  social  position."     Does  it  indeed  1     Then  how  im- 
pious it  is  to  enslave  any  of  the  inhabitants  thereof! 
Not  less  than  a  hundred  thousand  new  victims  are  an- 
nually doomed  to  atrocious  "proscriptions  of  birth," 
and  to  be  an  abhorred  and  outcast  race  ;  and  for  these 
Dr.  Adams  has  no  regard  whatever.    He  utters  his 
boastful  platitudes  precisely  as  though  he  had  no  be- 
lief in  the  common  human  nature  of  the  slave  popu- 
lation, and  therefore  saw  no  inconsistency  between 
precept   and  practice.     He   is  particularly   delighted 
with  the  slave-breeding,  slave-driving,  and  now  re- 
bellious States  of  the  South,  and  airs  his  rhetoric  in 
this  manner: — 


"The  State  which  was  like  a  rampart  of  cotton 
bales  to  the  British  cannon,  with  old  Hickory's  arm 
over  her,  is  Louisiana.  The  brave  advocate  and  ex- 
ample of  toleration  on  a  large  scale,  the  daughter  of 
Lord  Baltimore,  is  crowned  with  the  name  of  Mary- 
land; Florida,  with  flowing  garb,  and  a  certain  Semi- 
nole air  of  beauty,  and  the  Carolinas, — all  these  be- 
long to  our  household." 

They  neither  "  belong  to  our  household  "  now,  nor 
have  they  done  so,  except  as  a  matter  of  form,  at  any 
time.  We  commend  to  Dr.  Adams,  for  his  special 
meditation,  the  28th  chapter  of  Isaiah,  from  the  14th 
to  the  22d  verse  inclusive ;  and  also  the  6th  chapter  of 
2d  Corinthians,  from  the  14th  to  the  18th  verse  inclu- 
sive ;  and  then  to  indulge  in  no  further  boasting  about 
this  "free  land"  until  every  yoke  is  broken,  every 
boudman  set  free. 

The  Master.  By  Mrs.  Mary  A.  Denison.  Boston: 
Walker,  Wise  &  Co.  1862. 
As  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  press,  Mrs.  Den- 
ison is  widely  known  for  her  literary  ability.  The 
present  work  is  a  very  creditable  performance,  in- 
genious in  the  plot,  and  well  sustained  in  interest  from 
the  first  to  the  last  chapter.  The  characters  are  al- 
most exclusively  musical,  and  defined  with  marked 
individuality ;  so  that  those  of  that  profession  will,  in 
special,  be  attracted  to  "The  Master,"  while  others 
outside  of  it  will  be  scarcely  less  absorbed  in  the  pe- 
rusal.   

The  Continental  Monthly, — devoted  to  Litera- 
ture and  National  Policy, — for  raciness,  independence, 
variety  and  tact,  is  without  a  peer  among  the  month- 
lies. Its  treatment  of  the  slavery  question  is  hold  and 
trenchant,  giving  the  system  no  quarter,  and  making 
its  extinction  essential  to  national  unity  and  peace. 

CONTENTS   OP  NO.   IV.   FOE  APRIL. 

The  War  in  Missouri.  Beaufort,  Past,  Present  and 
Future.  The  Ante-Norse  Discoverers  of  America. 
I.  The  Mythical  Era;  II.  The  Chinese  Discoverers 
of  America  in  the  Fifth  Century.  The  Spur  of  Mon- 
mouth. Tho  Fatal  Marriage  of  Bill  the  Soundser. 
Columbia  to  Britannia.  General  Lyon.  Macaroni 
and  Canvas.  Howe's  Cave.  Potential  Moods.  The 
True  Interest  of  Nations.  Among  the  Pines.  South- 
ern Aids  to  the  North.  The  Molly  O'MolIy  Papers. 
Sketches  of  Edinburgh  Literati.  The  Huguenot  Fam- 
ilies in  America.     Literary  Notices.     Editor's  Table. 

The  Publisher  asks  attention  to  "  The  War  between 
Freedom  and  Slavery  in  Missouri,"  the  first  chapter 
of  which  is  given  in  this  number  of  the  Continental. 
The  Materials  for  this  history  are  furnished  by,  and 
the  work  is  prepared  under  the  direction  of,  one  of 
the  most  eminent  statesmen  of  the  West,  himself  a 
prominent  actor  in  the  events  recorded.  It  will  form 
one  of  the  most  valuable  series  of  papers  ever  pub- 
lished in  an  American  Magazine. 

CONTENTS     OF   NO.    V.    FOR    MAY. 

What  shall  we  do  with  it?  A  Philosophical  Bank- 
rupt. The  Molly  O'MolIy  Papers.  AU  Together. 
A  True  Story.  Macaroni  and  Canvas.  Fairies. 
John  Bright.  The  Ante-Norse  Discoverers  of  Amer- 
ica. State  Rights.  Roanoke  Island.  A  Story  of 
Mexican  Life.  Changed.  Hamlet  a  Fat  Man.  The 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.  Columbia's  Safety. 
Ursa  Major.  Fugitives  at  the  West.  The  Educa- 
tion to  be.  Guerdon.  Li  terary  Notices.  Editor's  Table. 

J.  R.  Gilmore,  110  Tremont  Street,  and  Crosby  & 
Nichols,  117  Washington  Street,  Boston. 


NOETHEEN   TREASON. 

The  laughter  of  the  Courier,  of  late,  has  the  aspect 
of  coming  from  "the  other  side  of  the  mouth."  Its 
mirth  has  a  certain  deadly-lively  air,  reminding  you 
of  him  who  "grinned  horribly  a  ghastly  smile."  It 
seems  confused  as  well  as  exasperated  by  the  recent 
series  of  defeats  of  its  Southern  brethren,  and  strikes 
out  indiscriminately  on  all  sides,  as  the  harpooned 
whale  docs  "in  his  flurry."  It  proposes  impeachment 
of  the  President,  if  he  shall  venture  any  further  inter- 
ference with  the  slave  properly  of  the  rebels.  It  pro- 
poses mutiny  to  the  army,  if  it  shall  receive  orders 
looking  like  hostility  to  the  peculiar  institution.  It 
turns  up  its  nose  in  scorn  at  those  who  would  associate 
with  a  negro,  except  in  his  proper  capacity  as  a  ser- 
vant; and  it  rolls  up  its  eyes  in  devoutly  indignant 
petition  that  whoever  shall  commit  this  enormity  may 
meet  with  speedy  disaster  and  defeat. 

Since  this  state  of  mind  brings  out  from  its  unfor- 
tunate subject  those  truths  which  his  cooler  reason 
would  conceal,  the  Courier's  ravings  just  now  are  worth 
noting.  Reading  in  the  Tribune  a  notice  of  the  enrol- 
ment of  loyal  blacks  under  General  Hunter,  and  of 
their  equipment  with  uniforms  and  muskets,  it  imme- 
diately "sees  red,"  like  Chourineur,  and  splutters  out 
— "Loyal  blacks!     What  an  outrage  upon  common 

sense  ! Loyal  blacks,  forsooth  !  "    And  after  the 

partial  relief  gained  by  these  ejaculations,  it  proceeds 
to  comfort  itself  as  follows  : — 

"  We  see  that  the  House  refused  to  entertain  an  or- 
der for  inquiring  into  these  doings  of  General  Hunter, 
introduced  by  Mr.  Wicklifle,  and  no  doubt  they  would 
refuse  to  listen  to  one  to  inquire  by  what  authority  the 
War  Department  furnishes  the  muskets  and  red  trou- 
sers. The  only  patience  which  a  reasonable  man  can 
have  with  such  doings,  must  come  from  the  reflection 
that  they  hasten  the  inevitable  crisis,  when  such  things 
must  come  to  an  end.  Upon  any  turn  of  fortune,  tlie 
muskets,  of  course,  would  go  into  the  hands  of  the 
masters  of  the  negroes." 

What  unheard  of  audacity  !  A  General  who  wants 
more  men  actually  proceeds  to  enlist  them  !  The  War 
Department  takes  upon  itself  to  furnish  muskets  and 
uniforms  toMoyal  troops,  without  asking  leave  to  do  it ! 
And  when  a  spirited  sympathizer  with  the  rebels  pro- 
poses a  committee  of  inquiry,  to  discover  "  by  what 
authority "  these  persons  discbarge  their  regular 
official  function,  the  House  thinks  that  matter  so  plain 
that  it  refuses  to  inquire  !  What  are  we  coming  to  ? 
The  Courier,  after  having  its  little  flurry,  finds  a 
contingent  comfort  in  this  state  of  things.  These 
black  recruits,  it  thinks,  cannot  be  very  good  soldiers ; 
they  may,  therefore,  soon  be  beaten  by  the  rebels ; 
and  then  (happy  day!)  these  muskets  will  go  "into 
the  bands  of  the  masters  of  the  negroes."  Is  not  this 
a  rich  development,  from  one  who  is  constantly  accu- 
sing the  abolitionists  as  traitors  1 

The  Courier  returns  to  the  same  subject  in  another 
article,  and,  this  time,  tries  the  effect  of  a  pious  dia- 
lect. Its  editor  has  had  occasional  spasm  of  tongue- 
piety  ever  since  his  speech  to  the  Boston *Tract  Socie- 
ty in  favor  -of  the  policy  of  his  friend  South-side 
Adams ;  and  he  gravely  makes  trial  of  it  on  this  occa- 
sion.    In  his  judgment,  it  required  a  very  bad  heart, 


as  well  as  a  very  bad  head,  to  design  or  execute  the 
project  of  arming  the  slaves  at  Port  Royal.  "Noth- 
ing could  be  more  mischievous,  or  more  indefensible, 
on  any  moral  or  Christian  grounds."  He  proceeds  to 
intimate  that  no  one  who  has  an  ounce  of  wit  can  sup- 
pose that  white  men  will  fight  by  the  side  of  negroes, 

xcept  as  the  latter  in  their  proper  capacity  fight  with 
and  for  their  masters."  And,  after  insisting  that  there 
a  great  moral  difference  "  in  the  two  cases  just  re- 
ferred to,  he  winds  up  in  the  following  strain  of  moral 
elevation  : — 

"  It  is  enough  to  disgust  an  honest  man  with  every- 
thing which  pretends  to  be  a  government,  if  this 
tawdry  and  malicious  foolery  is  allowed.  The  indig- 
nant remonstrance  of  every  Christian  person  in  the 
land  will  go  up  to  Heaven  against  this  abominable  pro- 
ceeding—and we  have  faith  that  the  prayer  will  be 
beard." 


Faith,  no  doubt,  can  work  wonders.  And  the  prayer 
of  a  righteous  man  availeth  much.  Poor  blacks ! 
They  will  have  a  hard  time  when  the  Courier's  prayer 
is  answered.  It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that  Jeff. 
Davis  has  gone  to  praying,  in  the  South,  just  about 
the  time  his  pro-slavery  friend  was  uttering  his  soul's 
sincere  desire,  as  above,  in  the  North. — c.  k.  w. 


PEOF.  CLAEEBOE  BTJTLEE, 

Dear  Sir, — I  am  an  extreme  enemy  of  hypocrisy, 
and  when  any  man  is  sailing  under  false  colors,  will 
go  as  far  as  the  farthest  in  efforts  to  strip  from  him 
his  disguise,  and  reveal  his  true  character.  I  was 
pained,  a  few  weeks  since,  to  see  in  the  Liberator  a 
paragraph  impugning  the  integrity  of  Prof.  Clarence 
Butler;  for,  during  his  brief  stay  in  this  city,  I  was 
much  interested  in  his  public  labors,  for  they  indi- 
cated talents  of  a  high  order,  such  as  Fbould  be  de- 
voted to  the  furtherance  of  the  cause  of  reform.  Hia 
public  lectures  were  very  popular,  and  there  are  but 
few  men  who  wield  so  powerful  mental  artillery- 
Your  paragraph  was  not  very  specific — not  enough  to 
satisfy  me;  for  if  I  am  to  condemn  a  man,  I  choose 
to  have  evidence,  plain  and  irrefragible.  Such,  that 
paragraph  does  not  furnish.  If  Prof.  Butler  is  to  be 
condemned,  should  not  the  evidence  be  given  the  pub- 
lic, rather  than  the  conclusions  of  any  individual,  based 
on  what  may  perhaps  have  been  false,  or  unduly  and 
highly  colored  ?     So  it  seems  to  me. 

"Junius,"  of  Springfield,  in  the  last  number,  throwi 
a  spear,  but,  unfortunately,  it  is  made  of  his  own  con- 
clusions, rather  than  the  facts.  "  I  believe,"  "  I  ques- 
tion," "I  doubt,"  are  poor  evidences  to  give  the 
public  on  such  a  question.  Why  did  not  "Junius" 
give  us  the  facts  in  the  case?  Then  we  might  judge 
of  the  gentleman  in  question  with  fairness.  Further, 
by  did  he  write  anonymously  *  Why  did  he  not  affix 
to  his  communication  bis  own  sign-manual?  Charac- 
ter is  too  grave  a  subject  to  be  blackened  anonymous- 
ly; and  if  Prof.  Butler  is  as  represented,  "Junius" 
certainly  should  not  have  hesitated  to  give  the  public 
the  benefit  of  the  responsibility  which  attaches  to  a 
known,  tangible  signature. 

I  have  written  this  communication  because  I  know 
that  Professor  Butler  was  lied  about  in  this  city.  I 
use  this  term  without  any  qualification.  He  was  rep- 
resented as  having  run  away  from  England,  having 
murdered  his  wife,  and  to  have  married  again  in  this 
country,  leaving  this  wife  after  a  while.  This  story 
was  false.  It  originated  with  a  loco-foco,  pro-slavery 
Democrat,  who  was  mad  because  Professor  Butler,  in 
his  opening  lecture,  so  truthfully  handled  the  slavery 
question,  and  dissected  in  a  masterly  manner  the  con- 
duct of  those  who  affiliated  with  it,  and  paved  the 
way  for  the  rebellion.  This  has  made  me  suspicious 
that  a  plot  may  have  been  concocted.  And  the  allu- 
sion to  England  by  "Junius"  appears  to  be  a  Provi- 
dence ear-mark.  If  any  gentleman  has  facts  compro- 
mising the  integrity  of  Professor  Butler  in  any  par- 
ticular, I  for  one^should  be  glad  to  see  them  given  to 
the  public.  Give  us  the  facts,  and  we  will  make  our 
own  conclusions.  W.  FOSTER,  Jr. 

Providence,  May  5, 1862. 

Remarks.  This  defence  of  Prof.  Butler  is  credi- 
table to  the  kindness  of  heart  of  the  writer  of  it,  but 
it  only  proves  that  Mr.  Foster,  like  many  others, 
was  greatly  interested  in  Prof.  B.  as  a  lecturer,  and 
desires  more  light  in  reference  to  his  unworthiness. 
We  stated,  that  we  bad  seen  a  copy  of  a  letter  writ- 
ten for  publication  in  the  Banner  of  Light,  by  Prof. 
B.,  in  which  he  acknowledged  that  lie  had  acted  very 
basely,  and  expressed  great  loathing  of  himself;  and 
said  that  he  should  withdraw  from  the  lecturing  field, 
and  strive  to  make  atonement  for  the  past.  We  trust 
he  will  do  so ;  but,  certainly,  Ins  own  confession  of 
wrong-doing  should  be  satisfactory  to  Mr.  Foster. 
The  letter  referred  to  was  suppressed  by  the  editor 
of  the  Banner  of  Light— whether  from  fear  of  bringing 
Spiritualism  into  disrepute,  or  for  what  reason,  we  do 
not  know.  Mr.  Foster  should  consider  that  Prof.  B., 
so  far  as  ability  is  concerned,  is  abundantly  competent 
to  defend  himself;  and  if  he  eould  have  cleared  him- 
Belf  of  the  charges  brought  against  him,  he  would, 
unquestionably,  have  been  heard  from  long  ere  this. 
We  will  only  add,  that  the  suspicion  that  the  letter  of 

Junius"  came  from  Providence  is  wholly  ground- 

ss. — [Ed.  Lib. 


TEACT  DISTEIBUTI0N. 

Dear  Mr.  Garrison,— You  will  be  glad  to  hear 
that  your  old  friend,  Prudence  Ceandall  Philleo, 
is  still  active  in  Anti-Slavery  work.  I  lately  sent  her 
a  box  of  tracts,  books  and  papers  for  distribution,  and 
have  just  received  a  first  report  of  the  use  made  of 
them,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: — 

"  Mendota,  La  Salle  Co.,  El.,  May  10, 1862. 

"The  box  and  its  contents  arrived  safely  on  Thurs- 
day the  7th,  and  since  that  time  I  have  been  busily 
engaged  in  distribution.  You  said,  '  send  them  broad- 
east,  and  give  them  to  soldiers.'  This  I  am  endeavor- 
ing to  do.  I  got  liberty  to  set  the  box  into  the  front 
room  of  a  shoemaker's  shop,  (as  we  live  2£  miles  from 
town,)  and  I  think  you  would  laugh  to  see  me  perform 
the  duty  of  giving.  I  go  into  the  streets  and  ask  the 
women  I  meet  (and  also  some  of  the  men)  if  they  live 
the  country;  if  they  say  yes,  I  am  sure  to  give 
them  some,  as  that  will  scatter  them  far  apart.  The 
ler  of  the  shop  is  Mr.  James  Pilkington,  an  Eng- 
lishman who  has  helped  off  many  a  slave  to  Canada, 

id  the  present  occupant,  Mr.  W.  H.  Ashton,  was  en- 
gaged in  the  Chartist  agitation  in  England  in  1848, 
and  was  a  delegate  to  the  Chartist  Convention,  and 
was  one  of  the  sixty  who  volunteered  from  Illinois, 
and  joined  John  Brown,  Jr.,  in  Kansas.  They  both 
have  hearts  as  great  as  Big  Thunder.  Mr.  Pilkington 
left  yesterday  for  another  part  of  Illinois,  and  took  a 
lot  to  distribute  on  the  cars,  and  at  his  place  of  destina- 
tion. Capt.  John  Phillips,  Co.  A.,  57th  Reg.  111.,  came 
in  yesterday,  and  I  gave  him  a  lot  to  take  to  the  sol- 
diers. .He  said  reading  matter  was  scarce  with  them. 
Inclosed,  I  send  you  a  note  which  I  received  to-day." 


"  2^=  A.  Williams  &  Co.,  100"  Washington  Street, 
Boston,  have  for  sale  Number  One  of  "  The  Ballads 
of  the  War,"  by  A.  J.  II.  Duganne,  noticed  in  a 
late  issue.  Messrs.  A.  W.  &  Co.  are  Special  Agents 
for  the  sale  of  Harper  &  Brothers'  publications,  besides 
keeping  constantly  on  hand  all  current  popular  litera- 
ture, illustrated  newspapers,  foreigu  and  domestic,  pe- 
riodicals, &c,  &c. 

Deed  of  Emancipation.  The  following  is  an  of- 
ficial copy  of  the  free  papers  issued  to  tbc  blacks  by 
Gen.  Hunter,  under  the  terms  of  his  proclamation. 
The  deed  of  emancipation  reads  as  follows  : — 

"  It  having  been  proven,  to  the  entire  satisfaction 
of  the   General  commanding  the  Department  of  the 

South,  that  the  bearer,    named ,  heretofore 

held  in  involuntary  servitude,  has  been  directly  em- 
ployed to  aid  and  assist  those  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States  of  America: 

Now,  be  it  known  to  all,  that,  agreeably  to  the  laws, 
I  declare  the  said  person  free,  and  forever  absolved 
from  all  claims  to  his  services.  Both  he  and  his  wife, 
and  children,  have  full  right  to  go  North,  East,  or 
West,  as  they  may  decide. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  Headquarters  of  the 

Department  of  the    South,   this    nineteenth   day  of 

April,  1862.  D.  HUNTER, 

Major-General  Commanding. 


Parson  Brownlow,  the  notorious  slang-whanger, 
is  to  give  to-night  at  Music  Hall,  (admission  ticket  50 
cents,)  an  account  of  bis  sufferings  in  Tennessee  at  the 
hands  of  the  Secessionists.  The  following  i3  a  speci- 
men of  his  style,  taste  and  spirit : — 

"If,  fifty  years  ago,  wo  had  taken  one  hundred 
Southern  fire-eaters  and  one  hundred  Abolitionists, 
and  hanged  them  up,  and  buried  them  in  a  common 
ditch,  and  sent  their  souls  to  hell,  we  should  have  had 
nunc  of  this  war." 


This  note  \ 


s  follows  :- 


,  1862. 
.  to  you 


jgp"  A  rejoinder  to  the  letters  of  Messrs.  Chamber- 
lain and  Allen,  by  William  Carlos  Marlyn,  is  unavoid- 
ably deferred  till  next  wu^k.  We  trust  the  contro- 
versy will  here  terminate. 


Mendota,  May 
Mrs.  Philleo, — I  am  very  much  oblige 
for  having  placed  in  my  way  this  little  book,  "The 
Right  Way  the  Safe  Way,"  as  it  has  disproved  what 
I  have  been  forced  to  take  for  granted  as  true,  regard- 
ing British  emancipation  in  the  West  India  Islands 
having  been  a  failure.  In  all  my  reading,  I  have  never 
happened  on  anything  that  so  plainly  contradicts  the 
assertions  of  the  enemies  of  emancipation  as  this  little 
work,  and  I  have  taken  the  greatest  pleasure  in  read- 
ing it.  Yours,  truly,  Chas.  M.  Higgins. 

No  doubt  many  of  the  Western  papers  keep  repeat- 
ing, like  our  Post  and  Courier,  and  the  New  York  Ob- 
server and  Journal  of  Commerce,  the  stale  falsehood  of 
"  the  utter  failure  of  West  Indian  Emancipation." 
People  who  take  these  papers,  and  who  do  not  see  the 
books  and  articles  that  have  demonstrated  the  thor- 
ough success  and  the  immense  advantages  of  West  In- 
dian Emancipation,  will  of  course  be  deceived.  For 
these  persons,  nothing  can  be  better  than  Mrs.  Child's 
excellent  little  work,  above  referred  to ;  since  it  not 
only  gives,  in  moderate  space,  the  important  facts  re- 
specting the  working  of  freedom  in  the  British  West 
Indies,  but  refers  those  who  have  time  for  further  in- 
vestigation to  the  fuller  original  documents. 

The  note  of  Mrs.  Phillco's  correspondent  shows  the 
effect  of  "  The  Right  Way  the  Safe  Way  "  upon  a  can- 
did mind.  Many  more  of  them  ought  to  be  circulated 
here ;  and  those  who  are  disposed  to  aid  in  this  work 
can  be  supplied  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Office  ;  and  funds 
to  print  more,  left  at  the  same  place,  will  greatly  help 
this  very  important  department  of  anti-slavery  labor. 


Union  Meeting.  We  are  requested  to  say,  that 
there  will  be  an  Union  Meeting  in  tlie  Tremont  Tem- 
ple, on  Tuesday,  27th  inst.,  at  3  o'clock,  P.  M.,  at 
which  Gov.  Andrew  is  expected  to  preside.  Addresses 
will  he  made  by  Rev.  H.  11.  Heats,  D.  D.,  Rev.  J.  M. 
Manning,  Rev.  E.  O.  Haven,  D.  D.,  Rev.  A.  B. 
Fuller,  from  Fortress  Monroe,  nnd  Rev.  W.  C.  Pat- 
terson, from  Hilton  Head.  Singing  by  the  choir  of 
tho  Twelfth  Bnptist  Church.  There  will  also  bo 
present  a  number  of  contrabands  reccnlly  from  tlH 
South. 

Admission,  15  cts. ;  two  tickets,  26  cts. ;  to  be  had 
at  the  bookstores  and  at  the  door. 

The  meeting  promises  to  be  of  great  interest,  and 
no  doubt  will  attract  a  largo  audience. 


A  PRO-SLAVEEY  TEAP. 

Washington,  D.  C,  May  8th,  1862. 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  : 

I  believe  you  are  a  friend  of  the  slave,  and  there- 
fore I  take  the  liberty  of  asking  you  to  expose  a  trap 
which  has  been  set  to  enslave  a  few  citizens  of  your 
State. 

When  the  three  months'  men  went  home  to  New 
England  from  Washington,  a  few  slaves  improved  the 
opportunity  to  leave  their  friends  and  relatives,  and 
all  tbey  held  dear,  to  obtain  that  dearest  boon,  freedom. 
"  Honest  old  Abe's  "  enterprising  officials  caught  hun- 
dreds of  panting  fugitives,  and  sent  them  back  to 
their  rebel  masters.  Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  of 
our  Republican  slave-hunters,  a  few  did  get  away. 
Not  long  since,  Northern  sentiment  fairly  drove  Con- 
gress to  make  a  move  towards  freedom,  and  slavery 
was  abolished  in  the  District.  Now  that  slavery  is 
abolished  in  the  District,  many  fugitives  would  be  glad 
to  get  back  here  among  their  relatives.  They  are  en- 
couraged to  come  back  by  their  former  owners,  and 
when  they  get  as  far  as  Baltimore,  they  are  met  by 
our  United  States  Marshal,  and  taken  and  sold  in  Mary- 
land, for  the  benefit  of  their  owners. 

A  slave  woman,  with  her  three  children,  escaped 
last  spring  with  a  Connecticut  Regiment.  She  is  now 
anxious  to  get  back  to  her  husband,  since  her  children 
cannot  be  sold  away  from  her.  The  owner  of  this 
woman  said  to  me,  (with  the  vindictive  hate  which 
marks  the  expression  of  the  slaveholder  whenever 
speaking  of  a  fugitive,)  "  I  have  heard  from  my  slave 
woman  and  her  children  ;  she  is  in  Connecticut,  and 
wants  to  come  back;  but  I  shall  see  that  she  gets  no 
further  back  than  Baltimore,  for  there  I  intend  to  have 
her  arrested  and  sold."  This  trap  is  being  laid  for  the 
unfortunate,  and  the  bait  is,  freedom  without  exile. 
Expose  it ! 

Let  me  here  add,  that  the  blacks  are  the  most  home- 
loving  people  in  the  world.  Give  them  freedom  and 
justice,  and  they  have  no  disposition  to  trouble  the 
North.  Yours,  truly, 

D.  D.  CONE. 


A  EADICAL  CONVERSION, 

Shelbyvillb,  111.,  May  9th,  1862. 
Samuel  May,  Jr.  : 

Dear  Sir, — I  live  in  Egypt.  Of  course,  anti-sla- 
very sentiments  have  not  received  much  growth  as 
yet;  but  now  the  soil  seems  in  first-rate  order  to  sow 
seed.  Therefore,  I  am  moved  to  ask  of  you  a  number 
of  the  best  and  most  practical  anti-slavery  tracts  for 
gratuitous  distribution. 

At  twenty-one,  I  voted  for  James  Buchanan,  be- 
cause all  my  relations  were  "Democrats."  Next  I 
voted  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  because  I  had  heard  Gar- 
rison and  Phillips,  and  because  I  read  the  Liberator. 
Then  I  made  earnest  speeches  to  the  public,  and  de- 
clared, ",I  am  not  au  Abolitionist,  only  anti-slavery  ;  " 
but  now  I  will  proclaim  it  from  the  house-tops,  "/ 
ant  an  uncompromising  Alwlitionist." 

Yours,  for  the  right, 

J.  L.  DOUTHIT. 


FREEDOM  OF  THE  CAPITAL. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Philadelphia  Female  Anti-Sla- 
very Society,  held  May  8th,  1862,  the  following  reso- 
lution was  unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  we  hail  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  as  the  first  ripe  sheaf  of  our 
harvest;  joyfully  and  gratefully  accepting  it  as  am- 
ple recompense  for  our  thirty  years  of  anti-slavory  la- 
bor ;  nnd  that  we  wait  with  increased  faith  and  confi- 
dent hope  for  the  perfect  consummation  of  the  glori- 
ous enterprise  to  which  the  American  Abolitionists 
have  dedicated  their  lives. 

SARAH   PUGII,  President. 

GUUBMCA  M-.1-M-,  |  . 

MUsi   Gbjsw,  I  ■  ' 


A  SrKKcn  fob  tui1:  Tutus— The  Speech  of  Wen- 
dell Phillips,  on  our  his!  page,  delivered  at  the  Qoopei 
Institute,  N.  Y.     lvcud,  and  ponder  it  well. 


M^Y  23. 


THE    LIBERATOR 


83 


LETTEK  FROM  MRS.  OUTLER.  ■ 

Pohtiao,  Livingston  Co.,  111.,  May,  1882. 
Dear  Libbraiob  : 

For  a  long  lime,  it  had  seemed  to  mc  that  in  this 
part  of  tlie  land,  the  fields  were  white  for  the  harvest, 
and  I  had  impatiently  awaited  necessary  preliminaries 
to  begin  the  work.  The  war  now  upon  us  has  aroused 
the  West  from  its  dreamy  tranquillity,  and  the  cry  of 
many  an  anxious  heart  has  long  been,  "How  can  we 
bring  to  a  successful  termination  a  strife  that  is  rob- 
bing us  of  our  choicest  young  men,  and  making  many 
a  home  desolate  1  " 

The  faithful  efforts  of  the  Chicago  Tribune,  more 
than  any  other  paper,  has  given  shape  to  the  unex- 
pressed feelings  of  all  who  had  before  distrusted  slavery 
as  a  good.  Still,  the  old  fear  of  the  negro,  grounded 
on  the  nurse's  assurance  that  if  Johnny  went  out  after 
dark,  he  would  be  seized  and  carried  off  by  the  black 
man,  or  some  other  whim  quite  as  unreasonable, 
keeps  many  from  demanding  emancipation,  direct  and 
unconditional.  They  do  not  see  what  can  be  done 
with  the  negro;  he  will  swarm  up  like  the  locust, 
and  our  land  will  be  devoured.  Such  are  the  idle 
whims  that  still  afflict  people  who  ought  to  be  sensi- 
ble. Still,  they  are  glad,  even  eager,  to  hear,  and, 
late  as  the-  season  is,  it  is  not  difficult  to  obtain  crowd- 
ed audienees, 

Friday  afternoon,  I  went  to  Lexington,  M'Lane  Co., 
a  flourishing  little  town  on  the  Chicago,  Alton  and  St. 
Louis  Railroad.  I  had  made  no  previous  arrange- 
ments for  this  place,  as  I  expected  to  have  been  oc- 
cupied here  ;  but  other  arrangements  conflicting,  I 
went  on  to  Lexington,  procured  the  use  of  a  church, 
gave  notice  in  the  schools,  and  turned  to  find,  as  I 
supposed,  a  generous-hearted  friend.  I  called  at  the 
house  of  one  Dr.  F.,  and  learned  that  he  was  not  the 
individual  I  had  supposed,  though  bearing  the  same 
name.  I  apologized  to  his  wife,  explaining  the  object 
of  my  visit.  She  was  formerly  from  Ohio,  but  had 
a  sister,  as  I  learned,  connected  by  marriage  with 
the  "domestic  institution."  This  was  enough,  so 
fatal  is  the  virus  of  this  disease,  and  her  whole  soul 
was  corrupted  by  it.  She  said  the  colored  people 
were  a  degraded,  miserable  race,  unfit  for  anything 
but  slavery,  and  they  ought  to  remain  where  they 
were.  I  replied,  that  my  acquaintance  with  colored 
people  was  limited,  but  so  far  as  I  had  known  them, 
they  manifested  the  same  capacity  for  improvement 
as  the  white  race ;  that  they  were  docile,  easily  edu- 
cated by  good  example,  and  capable  of  acquiring  the 
elements  of  science,  whenever  permitted  the  oppor- 
tunity of  schools.  In  Oberlin,  I  said,  I  had  seen  col- 
ored people  as  truly  educated  and  accomplished  as  any 
of  their  fairer  fellow-students.  At  this,  all  the  bitter- 
ness of  her  nature  was  stirred,  and  she  poured  out 
the  vials  of  her  wrath  upon  Oberlin  jn  quite  tragic 
style.  Said  she,  "  Ohio  ought  to  blush  with  shame 
at  having  such  a  degrading  institution."  I  asked  her 
if  she  had  any  personal  acquaintance  there.  No,  she 
had  not,  and  she  was  glad  she  was  not  so  disgraced. 
I  assured  her  I  knew  Oberlin  well,  and  it  was  the 
pride  and  glory  of  the  State,  and  had  done  more  for 
the  true  advancement  of  the  world  than  any  other  in- 
stitution of  learning  in  the  land.  With  a  proud  wave 
of  the  hand  she  said,  "  We  will  dismiss  the  subject." 
But  she  could  not  refrain  from  abusing  the  negro,  and 
"l  reminded  her  that  the  love  of  Christ  was  over  all, 
even  the  lowliest.  She  replied  that  the  negroes  were 
all  a  poor,  degraded  race,  and  ought  to  be  kept  down 
and  despised.  I  rose  to  leave,  remarking  as  I  left,  by 
way  of  parting  benediction,  "  If  you  despise  even  the 
lowliest  of  these,  God  will  despise  you."  I  turned 
my  steps  to  the  house  of  a  real  friend  of  the  cause, 
and  there  learned  that  the  doctor  and  his  wife  had 
been  so  strongly  suspected  of  Southern  sympathies, 
that  his  neighbors  had  compelled  him  to  raise  a  flag 
over  his  house,  and  cheer  the  stars  and  stripes  as  they 
were  given  to  the  breeze.  They  had  not  got  over  the 
humiliation. 

A  good  house-full  of  earnest  listeners  gathered  for 
the  evening,  and  though  I  gave  them  strong  doctrines, 
they  were  able  to  receive  them.  I  found  that  those 
who,  a  year  ago,  were  only  moderate  Republicans, 
were  now  as  radical  as  the  Liberator  itself.  They 
begged  me  to  stay  another  evening  or  two,  but  I  had 
appointments  for  Saturday  and  last  evening,  and  had 
to  return  here. 

A  few  years  ago,  we  could  only  get  a  little  handful 
of  listeners  upon  this  question,  and  all  the  earnest 
anti-slavery  people  were  looked  upon  with  utter  con- 
tempt. Once,  a  fugitive  had  been  arrested  here,  and 
delivered  up  to  his  captives  with  shameless  eagerness. 
He  was  even  loaded  with  chains  in  the  court-room, 
and  for  want  of  a  suitable  jail  for  such  a  felon  as  one 
who  desired  liberty,  he  was  fastened  by  a  great  staple 
to  the  floor,  and  there  carefully  guarded  through  the 
night.  Now,  I  found  the  new  court-house  thronged 
with  eager  listeners,  to  whom  I  talked  of  our  great 
national  sins  and  God's  inevitable  judgments. 

Sabbath  evening,  I  spoke  to  a  crowded  audience  on 
the  Christian  policy  of  Emancipation.  Ten  years 
ago,  I  should  in  all  probability  have  been  mobbed, 
had  I  spoken  as  boldly  as  I  did  last  night,  but  now 
they  are  able  to  bear  it.  I  tried  to  show  them  that  the 
negro  had  never  attempted  the  lives  of  his  benefac- 
tors, but  had  shown  the  same  gratitude  for  favors  that 
more  privileged  races  show.  The  conduct  of  the 
freedmen  of  the  District  of  Columbia  is  furnishing  a 
text  for  the  friends  of  emancipation  that  should  be 
freely  used.  This  begin'ning  gives  me  great  courage 
to  go  forward. 

Tours,  truly, 

H.  M.  TRACT  CUTLER. 


QUARTERLY  MEETING  OF  THE  MIDDLESEX 
COUNTY  A,  S.  SOCIETY. 

The  Middlesex  County  Anti-Slavery  Society  held 
a  quarterly  meeting  at  Feltonville,  on  Saturday  eve- 
ning and  Sunday,  May  17th  and  18th.  The  meetings 
on  Sunday  morning  and  afternoon  were  held  in  the 
new  and  beautiful  "Lawrence  Churcfi,"  in  connec- 
tion witli  the  Society  occupying  the  same,  and  were 
seasons  of  true  refreshing  to  many,  and  we  hope  to 
all,  present.  The  evening  meetings  were  held  in  the 
vestry  of  the  same  church.  Samcbl  Barrett,  of 
Concord,  the  President  of  the  County  Society,  pre- 
sided, and  other  members  and  friends  were  present 
from  neighboring  towns.  George  W.  Stacy,  the 
minister  of  the  Feltonville  Society,  1'arker  Pills- 
bory,  of  Concord,  N.  II.,  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  General 
Agent  of  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
and  A.  II.  Wood,  of  Pepperell,  each  made  addresses, 
earnest  and  fervent,  appealing  to  the  people  to  consider 
well  the  crisis  of  the  nation,  to  look  fully  at  its  causes 
and  its  only  remedy,  and  to  gird  themselves  for  the 
great  work  yet  remaining  to  be  done.  The  most  en- 
tire attention  was  given  to  the  appeals  and  arguments 
of  the  several  speakers,  and  we  have  never  been  in  a 
meeting  where  a  more  general  and  hearty  agreement 
in  the  highest  truths  of  the  Anti-Slavery  reform  was 
apparent. 

The  following  resolutions  were  offered  and  fully  dis- 
cussed : — 

Resolved,  That  the  momentous  demands  of  the 
present  hour,  when  a  death  conflict  is  waging  between 
Slavery  and  Freedom,  involving  the  existence  of  one 
nation,  and  the  cause  of  Republican  institutions  every 
where,  must  impress  on  all  genuine  Abolitionists  the 
importance  of  a  faithful,  persistent  adherence  to  all 
former  testimonies  against  the  terrible  slave  system, 
and  the  danger  of  any  cessation  oe  adjustment  of  the 
hostilities  between  North  and  "South,  until  the  very 
last  vcslige  of  it  is  forever  exterminated  from  our  soil. 

And  whereas,  the  laws  of  war  have,  beyond  all 
question,  placed  the  immediate  and  entire  abolition  of 
slavery  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  President,  of 
Congress,  and  of  the  Generals  in  command  of  the  army 
in  their  respective  districts;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  failing  to  do  at  once  what  the  law  of 
God  and  justice  have  always  commanded,  and  the 
laws  of  men  now  so  plainly  authorize,  and  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country  now  so  imperiously  demands,  we 
are  forfeiting  all  right  to  the  sympathy  of  other  na- 
tions, forbidding  all  hope  which  the  consciousness  of 
a  righteous  cause  would  inspire,  and  are  justly  doom- 
ing ourselves,  as  a  nation,  to  that  inevitable  overthrow 
from  which  no  nation,  great  or  small,  has  ever  es- 
caped, that  based  its  institutions  on  injustice,  cruelty 
and  crime. 

Resolved,  That  to  arrest  the  present  hostilities,  by 
any  compromise  or  arrangement  which  should  give 
to  slavery  a  longer  fife  in  the  nation,  now  that  it  is 
the  acknowledged  cause  of  our  calamities,  would  be 
at  once  so  blind  a  policy,  as  well  as  reckless  disregard 
of  all  the  laws  of  Justice  and  Righteousness,  as  to 
make  our  ultimate  overthrow  as  a  nation  as  inevitable 
as  it  would  be  deserved,  whatever  temporary  peace 
we  might  purchase  at  such  fearful  cost. 

At  the  close,  a  vote  was  taken  on  these  resolutions, 
and  they  were  adopted  unanimously,  not  a  single  hand 
or  voice  being  raised  in  opposition.  Aud  it  should  be 
said  that  the  majority  of  the  persons  present  and  vot- 
ing were  not  professed  Abolitionists  or  members  of 
any  Anti-Slavery  Society.  The  vote  may  be  consid- 
ered an  index  of  the  prevailing  opinion  in  the  commu- 
nity where  the  meeting  was  held — a  populous,  indus- 
trious and  intelligent  community  as  can  be  found  in 
any  part  of  New  England. 

A  number  of  subscribers  were  obtained  to  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Standard,  and  a  liberal  spirit  manifested  in  be- 
half of  the  cause. 

SAMUEL  BARRETT,  President. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Secretarypro  tern. 


LETTER  FROM  A.  T.  FOSS. 

Ashtabula,  (Ohio,)  April  28,  1862. 
Dear  Ma.  Garrison:  The  second  great  event  of 
this  century  has  just  occurred.  The  first  was  the 
emancipation  of  eight  hundred  thousand  slaves  in  the 
British  West  India  Islands,  in  1834;  the  second,  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  National  Capital  at  Wash- 
ington. 

If  some  great  battle  had  been  fought,  and  the  rebels 
subdued,  and  the  Union  reconstructed  on  the  old  ba- 
sis, and  peace  proclaimed,  with  renewed  assurances  of 
protection  to  the  slaveholders  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  peculiar  institution,  no  one  can  doubt  that  the 
clergy  and  the  church  would  have  been  particularly 
demonstrative,  in  their  gratitude  and  joy,  at  such  an 
event.  Some  day  would  be  set  apart,  and  their  tem- 
ples filled  with  sounding  praise.  They  will  not  be 
likely  to  notice,  to  any  great  extent,  this  triumph  of 
freedom  and  eternal  justice.  The  thing  is  not  to  their 
taste. 

If  noticed  at. all,  it  must  be  by  the  Abolitionists  ; 
and  I  really  hope  some  suitable  notice  will  be  taken 
of  this  blessed  triumph  of  our  work  in  a  public  man- 
ner. I  would  not  wish  to  stop  one  moment  from  the 
great  work  which  still  remains  to  be  done,  to  rejoice 
over  that  already  accomplished  ;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  a  suitable  recognition  of  this  event  would  be  an 
excellent  way  of  doing  the  great  work  yet  to  be  ac- 
complished. 

Last  evening,  I  spoke  in  the  Congregational 
church  in  this  beautiful  village  to  a  \ery  large  and  ap- 
parently a  deeply  interested  audience.  I  dwelt  upon 
the  magnitude  of  the  war  as  it  regards  the  powers  in 
motion  and  the  interest  at  issue — of  the  war  as  the 
result  of  the  religious  culture  and  political  huckstering 
of  the  last  seventy-five  years— of  the  conduct  of  the 
war  aa  weak  and  imbecile — of  the  result  of  the  war  as 
certain  to  unfetter  the  slave.  I  noticed  no  dissatisfac- 
tion with  my  most  radical  utterances  ;  on  the  contrary, 
those  seemed  the  best  relished.  And  the  same  is  true 
of  all  the  places  I  have  visited  during  my  present 
term. 

Our  ever-faithful  friends,  the  Kings,  formerly  of 
Cherry  Valley,  are  residents  in  this  village,  and  their 
influence  is  strongly  felt,  and  will  be  likely  to  work 
great  good  for  humanity  here. 

The  cloud  of  war  hangs  dark  and  heavy  over  the 
land,  but  the  bow  of  hope  is  upon  its  bosom. 
Yours,  in  a  blessed  hope, 

A.  T.  FOSS. 


Friend  Garrison,— The  quarterly  meeting  of  the 
Middlesex  Co.  A.  S.  Society,  held  last  Sunday  at 
Lawrence  Church,  Marlboro',  was  truly  a  refreshing 
season.  Although,  I  doubt  not,  you  will  have  an  ac- 
count of  our  gathering  from  another  pen,  I  cannot 
refrain  from  bearing  my  testimony,  and  expressing 
the  profit  and  satisfaction  experienced  by  the  friends 
of  God's  suffering  children. 

Our  ever  faithful  and  veteran  brother,  Parker  Pills- 
bury,  did  most  effective  service.  Never,  I  think,  has 
he  spoken  with  more  solemnity  and  power  ;  and  never 
did  the  people  see  and  feel  more  vividly  the  peril  of 
this  trial-hour  to  our  cause.  As  the  voice  of  one  of 
the  old  prophets,  he  magnified  the  eternal  law  of 
God's  justice,  which  can  never  be  circumvented  by 
man.  Enough  if  I  say,  our  lesson  may  not  be  prac- 
tised, but  cannot  soon  be  forgotten.  I  pray  our  friend 
Pillsbury  may  have  strength  to  go  up  and  down  the 
land,  calling  for  justice  man  to  man,  in  the  name  of 
the  living  God,  ere  the  hopeful  hour  is  past,  that  it 
may  not  be  said — "  The  summer  is  ended,  the  harvest 
is  past,  and  we  are  not  saved." 

Brother  May  was  with  us,  and  gave  the  people 
words  of  faithftnV  exhortation  and  encouragement. 
The  choir  offered  sweet  and  acceptable  strains  of  ap- 
propriate music;  the  people  of  Feltonville  were  hos- 
pitable to  strangers,  and  found  themselves  thrice 
blessed  in  what  they  received  by  a  season  of  "  re- 
freshing from  the  presence  of  the  Lord." 

In  fine,  it  was  a  good  and  successful  meeting  ; 
giving  new  strength  to  thejiberal,  and  we  hope  pro- 
gressive Society,  who  have  erected  a  new  and  beauti- 
ful house,  in  which  we  assembled.  We  all  felt  it  was 
"  good  to  be  there,"  and  that,  instead  of  laying  aside 
our  weapons  of  "truth  and  righteousness,"  now  is 
the  time — emphatically  more  so  than  ever — to  urge 
the  primary  work  of  the  Anti-Slavery  cause.  We 
must  not,  for  a  moment,  be  flattered  or  bewildered 
into  the  idea,  that  either  by  the  whirlwind  or  the  tem- 
pest, or  by  anything  but  "  the  still,  small  voice,"  is 
our  work  to  be  fully  done.  No  truce  must  be  made 
now  with  the  guilty  conscience  of  priest  or  politician; 
not  even  the  appearance  of  compromise  with  those 
who  rest  on  their  arms,  waiting  for  a  millennium  of 
liberty.  The  logic  of  events  may  aid  us — the  re- 
mainder of  man's  wrath  may  be  restrained — but  our 
work  can  never  cease  while  man  is  hated  for  the  color 
of  his  skin.  G.  W.  S. 


oping  those  moral,  social  and  intellectual  qualities 
which  will  command  for  them  the  respect  of  all  un- 
prejudiced men* 

The  resolutions  were  supported  by  John  S.  Rock, 
Win,  Wells  Brown,  Leonard  A.  Grimes,  John  Oliver 
and  others,  and  were  adopted  by  a  unanimous  stand- 
ing vote,  amidst  great  cheering. 


THE  LATE  EMANCIPATION  ACT. 

There  was  a  public  meeting  held  by  the  people  of 
color  at  the  A.  M.  E.  Church  in  the  city  of  Terre 
Haute,  Indiana,  on  Wednesday  evening,  May  7th, 
1862,  for  the  purpose  of  returning  a  tribute  nf  thanks 
to  Almighty  God  for  the  late  act  of  emancipation  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Rev.  T.  Strotlier  was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  Wm.  J.  Greenly  was  appointed 
Secretary.  The  Chairman  called  the  house  to  order, 
and  opened  the  exercises  by  reading  a  portion  of  the 
llt)>  chapter  of  the  prophecy  of  the  prophet  Daniel, 
and  singfug  and  prayer.  The  object  of  the  meeting 
was  then  stated  by  the  Chairman,  after  which  a  com- 
mittee of  three  was  appointed  by  the  Chairman  to 
draw  up  a  set  of  resolutions,  expressive  of  the  senti- 
ments of  the  audience.  The  Chairman  appointed 
Wm.  Johnson,  Wm.  J.  Greenly,  and  Alfred  Cole,  as 
said  Committee,  who  subsequently  repo'rted  the  fol- 
lowing preamble  and  resolutions  : — 

Whereas,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  at  its 
present  session,  has  passed  an  Act,  which  has  also 
been  signed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
on  the  16th  of  April,  1862,  freeing  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia from  the  curse  of  human  slavery,  and  thereby 
emancipating  and  setting  free  all  of  our  brethren  in 
said  District  of  Columbia;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  colored  people  of  Terre 
Haute,  do  most  heartily  return  our  sincere  thanks  to 
God,  in  behalf  of  our  brethren  thus  freed  in  said  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  for  the  inestimable  boon  of  liberty 
thus  given  them. 

Resolved,  That  we  also  feel  grateful  to  the  mem- 
bers of  Congress  for  their  untiring  zeal  in  battling 
for  the  downfall  of  slavery  and  the  triumph  of  free- 
dom ;  that  we  invoke  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty 
upon  them  and  their  labors,  hoping  that  their  days 
may  be  many  and  useful  in  the  cause  of  humanity, 
that  their  numbers  may  increase  rapidly,  and  that  the 
time  may  not  be  far  distant  when  the  result  of  their 
labors  may  be  seen  in  the  final  extinction  of  slavery 
throughout  these  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  view,  in  the  person  and  charac- 
ter of  His  Excellency,  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  in  all  his  actions  since  his 
nauguration,  and  through  the  war  which  is  going  on 
n  our  country,  up  to  the  present  time,  a  man  acting 
vith  discretion,  and  aiming  to  do  what  is  just  and 
ight  to  all  men,  and  having  the  fear  of  God  before 
dm;  therefore,  we  pray  God  to  bless  him  in  his  office, 
is  the  chief  magistrate  of  this  nation,  with  a  long 
and  useful  life,  and  with  all  that  pertains  to  make  men 
happy  in  this  world,  and  with  a  happy  immortality 
beyond  the  grave. 

Resolved,  That  we,  having  been  born  on  Ameri- 
can soil,  ("  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the 
brave,")  feel,  as  a  natural  consequence,  that  this  is 
our  home,  and  therefore  we  feel  an  attachment  to  this 
country,  and  will  be  loyal  to  its  Government;  though 
we  have  been  deprived  of  many  rights  anil  privileges 
which  are  ours  by  nature,  yet  we  feel  disposed  to 
persevere  in  the  cultivation  of  every  branch  of  lite- 
rature which  is  calculated  to  make  us  useful  and  intel- 
ligent. 

T.   STROTHER,  President. 

W.  J.  Gbeenlt,  Secretary. 


REJOICING  OVER  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLA- 
VERY IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

On  Friday  evening  of  last  week,  a  large  and  en- 
thusiastic meeting  of  our  colored  citizens  was  held 
in  the  12th  Baptist  Church,  Southac  street,  to  rejoice 
over  emancipation  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  meeting  was  temporarily  organized  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  Rev.  Mr.  Grimes  as  President,  The 
Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  reported  the 
name  of  John  S.  Rock,  Esq.,  as  President,  some 
twenty-five  Vice  Presidents,  and  four  Secretaries.  A 
Business  Committee  was  appointed,  who  reported  the 
following  resolutions: — 

Whereas,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has 
passed  an  act  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  thus  acknowledging  the  truth  embodied  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  declares  that 
all  men  are  created  free  and  equal ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  colored  citizens  of  Boston 
and  vicinity,  would  take  this  opportunity  of  offering 
our  sincere  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  this  manifes- 
tation of  his  Divine  pleasure,  in  causing  the  rulers 
of  the  nation  to  do  justice  to  a  portion  of  his  oppressed 
and  outraged  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  Congress  and  the 
President  our  heartfelt  thanks  for  tins  act  which  frees 
the  National  Capital  from  the  curse  and  sin  of  sla- 
very. 

Resolved,  That  Messrs.  Wilson,  Sumner,  Wade 
and  Hale  of  the  Senate,  and  others  who  cooperated 
with  them,  and  Messrs.  Lovejoy,  Stevens  and  Potter 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  have  our  heartfelt 
thanks  for  their  untiring  labors  in  behalf  of  this  act. 
Resolved,  That  we  extend  to  our  emancipated 
brethren  our  most  cordial  sympathy  in  their  new  sit- 
uation, and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  them  in  devel- 


EMANCIPATION  JUBILEE. 


The  colored  people  of  New  Tork  and  the  surround- 
ing towns  united  in  celebrating,  on  Monday,  May  12th, 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
We  avail  ourselves  of  the  Tribune's  report  of  what  was 
said  and  done  : — 

"  The  exercises  of  the  day  began  by  a  well-attended 
prayer-meeting  in  Shiloh  Presbyterian  Church,  at  5 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  Throughout  the  day,  every 
arriving  conveyance  from  the  adjacent  towns  poured 
in  contributions  of  colored  people  coming  to  join  in  the 
celebration. 

At  3  o'clock  the  National  flag  was  raised  on  the 
Shiloh  Presbyterian  Church  in  Prince  street,  in  pres- 
ence of  several  thousands  of  the  citizens  generally. 
Eloquent  speeches  were  made  on  the  occasion  by  the 
Rev.  H.  H.  Garnet,  the  Rev.  John  Dungy,  of  Sing 
Sing,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Berry,  recently  from  Tennessee, 
and  others.  As  the  flag  was  thrown  to  the  breeze, 
thirteen  newly  arrived  contrabands  from  Virgina  were 
taken  under  its  protection. 

In  the  evening,  about  3,500  ladies  and  gentlemen 
assembled,  or  rather  crowded  into  the  great  hall  of  the 
Cooper  Institute.  Mr.  John  Peterson  occupied  the 
chair,  and  was  supported  by  seventy-six  Vice  Presi- 
dents and  twelve  Secretaries.  The  people  were  from 
Brooklyn,  Williamsburg,  Harlem,  Astoria,  Jamaica, 
Flushing,  Sing  Sing,  Tarrytown,  Hudson,  Catskill, 
Albany,  Troy,  Newark,  Paterson,  Jersey  City,  and 
other  places." 

On  the  platform  were  observed  the  Rev.  Dr  Chee- 
ver,  the  Rev.  Alfred  Oookman,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davis, 
Dexter  Fairbank,  E.  D.  Culver,  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Joee- 
lyn,  the  Rev.  II.  H.  Garnet,  the  Rev.  John  T.  Ray- 
mond, the  Rev.  H.  W.  Wilson.  James  McCune  Smith, 
M.  D.,  George  T.  Downing,  John  jfZuille,  the  Hon. 
C.  C.  Leigh,  the  Rev.  C.  B.  Ray,  Patrick  H.  Reason, 
Peter  S.  Porter,  Ransom  F.  Wake,  the  Rev.  John 
Dungy,  of  Sing  Sing,  the  Rev.  Theodore  D.  Miller 
and  Stephen  Myers,  of  Albany,  and  the  Rev.  E.  J. 
Adams,  of  Newark. 

The  exercises  were  opened  by  the  Rev.  John  T. 
Raymond  in  an  appropriate  and  earnest  prayer. 

Mr.  Peterson,  the  Chairman,  spoke  at  some  length, 
setting  forth  the  object  of  the  meeting. 

Mr.  John  J.  Zuille  offered  a  preamble  and  resolu- 
tion, expressing  gratitude  for  the  act  of  emancipation 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  recognizing  it  as  the 
first  dawning  of  liberty  ;  the  redemption  of  the  Capi- 
tal of  the  United  States ;  the  advance  of  public  opin- 
ion, and  the  downfall  of  the  Slave  Power.  They  also 
deprecated  any  appropriation  of  the  public  money  for 
the  purpose  of  colonization,  believing  that  the  country 
could  not  at  the  present  time  spare  it,  and  that  in  it- 
self it  was  gratuitous  and  uncalled  for. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Highland  Garnet  was  received 
with  great  applause.  After  referring  to  the  object  of 
the  meeting,  he  paid  a  lofty  tribute  to  the  worth  and 
the  honesty  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  He 
said  they  had  reason  to  be  grateful  for  the  power  of 
petition,  as  it  had  succeeded  both  with  God  and  with 
the  government.  It  was  good  cause  for  rejoicing  that 
slavery  was  no  longer  national,  but  sectional,  and  that 
freedom  had  become  national  by  the  Congressional 
Act,  purging  the  District  of  Columbia  of  slavery. 
They  bad  also  cause  for  rejoicing  for  the  passage  of 
Mr.  Lovejoy's  bill,  prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  Ter- 
ritories of  the  United  States.  (Tremendous  cheering. ) 
The  speaker  then  referred  to  the  new  beauty  which 
the  stars  and  stripes  now  assumed  before  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth  ;  the  folly  of  entertaining  the  slight- 
est thought  of  colonizing  the  emancipated  slaves.  He 
said  that  new  duties  would  present  themselves  for  the 
colored  people  from  that  time  henceforward,  and  they 
must  be  ready  to  answer  the  call  of  their  country  to 
stand  up  for  the  promotion  of  its  interests,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  human  liberty.  In  concluding,  he  paid 
a  high  tribute  to  the  great  champions  of  freedom  who 
had  long  since  gone  to  their  rest ;  also  to  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Cheever  and  the  hero  of  Harper's  Ferry,  John  Brown. 
He  proposed  three  cheers  for  the  Union,  the  President, 
the  Congress,  and  John  Brown,  "while  his  soul  is 
marching  on,"  respectively.  The  cheers  were  given 
in  each  case  with  a  hearty  vehemence  seldom  sur- 
passed at  any  of  our  largest  public  meetings.  The 
effect  of  these  cheers  and  the  waving  of  the  snow- 
white  handkerchiefs  was  electric  upon  those  who  oc- 
cupied seats  upon  the  platform. 

George  T.  Downing  briefly  reviewed  the  dark 
days  of  the  past,  and  the  hopes  of  the  colored  people 
through  an  age  of  prejudice  and  oppression.  Those 
days  were  now  vanished,  and  they  could  rely  upon 
justice  and  law.  When  the  history  of  the  present  war 
shall  he  written,  it  will  record  of  the  colored  men  of 
every  loyal  State  in  the  Union  that,  when  the  national 
existence  was  threatened,  they  sprang  to  their  feet  and 
volunteered  their  services  to  their  country.  That 
their  offer  was  spurned  was  the  fault  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  warned  the  government  that,  should  they 
fail  to  abolish  slavery  throughout  the  length  and 
brendth  of  the  land,  the  nation  would  hold  them  re- 
sponsible for  any  future  misfortune  which  might  befall 
the  Southern  States. 

Wm.  J.  Wilson  characterized  the  men  who  came  to 
these  shores  in  the  Mayflower  as  men  of  principle  and 
purpose;  and  those  who  landed  in  Virginia  as  men 
whose  principle  was  acquisition  and  power. 

Dr.  JAMBB  MoCUKU  SMITH  delivered  an  able  and 
eloquent  speech  upon  the  fallen  plans  and  purposes  of 
the  slaveholders,  and  the  rising  hopes  of  the  people! 
who  love  good  government.     One  prop  after  another 


had  been  knocked  away  from  the  support  of  slavery, 
and  in  the  general  crash,  the  strength  of  the  Church, 
a  power  which  it  had  always  quoted  and  had  long  held, 
had  yielded  to  the  great  popular  sentiment,  which  de- 
manded an  unbroken  Union,  a  strong  government,  and 
the  abolition  of  slavery. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  ChbbtBB,  being  loudly  called  for, 
rose  and  delivered  a  brief  address,  congratulating  the 
colored  people  on  the  grand  success  which  hud  attend- 
ed their  demonstration  in  honor  of  that  noble  act  of 
Congress  which  had  introduced  3,000  immortal  beings 
into  a  new  system — which  had  made  them  the  children 
Of  Freedom,  lie  was  glad  to  unite  with  them  in  their 
rejoicing,  and  trusted  to  the  government  for  further 
steps  in  the  inarch  of  liberty. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Cooper  Institute  meet- 
ing, a  large  number  of  the  young  people  transferred 
themselves  to  the  Metropolitan  Assembly  Rooms, 
where  mirth  and  dancing  abounded  till  the  morning. 

Another  portion  of  the  audience  retired  to  the  La- 
dies' Bazaar  in  Bund  street,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Col- 
ored Home. 

Altogether,  the  dny  was  made  worthy  of  the  great 
vent  which  it  was  intended  to  commemorate." 


PROCLAMATION    BY    THE   PRESIDENT   OF 
THE   UNITED   STATES. 

Whereas,  there  appears  in  the  public  prints  what 
purports  to  be  a  proclamation  of  Major  General  Hun- 
ter, in  the  words  and  figures  following,  to  wit: — 

"HEAnQUAUTKHS  DEPARTMENT  OP  TUG  SOUTH,  ) 

Hilton  Head,  S.  U.,  May  9,  1862.  y 
General  Orders  No.  11.  The  three  States  of  Georgia, 
Florida  and  South  Carolina,  comprising  the  Military  De- 
partment of  the  South,  bavh.g  deliberately  declared  them- 
es no  longer  under  the  protection  of  the  United  .States 
of  America,  and  having  taken  up  arms  against  the  said 
United  States,  it  becomes  a  military  necessity  to  declare 
them  under  martial  law.  This  was  accordingly  done  on  the 
2"itb  duy  of  April,  1862.  Slavery  and  martial  law  in  a 
free  country  are  altogether  incompatible.  The  persons  in 
these  three  States,  Georgia,  Florida  and  South  Carolina, 
heretofore  held  as  slaves,  are  therefore  declared  forever  free. 
[Official]  DAVID  HUNTER,  _ 

Major  General  Commanding. 
Ed.  W.  Smith,  Ac/.iny  Assistant  Adjutant  General." 

And  whereas  the  same  is  producing  some  excitement 
and  misunderstanding,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States,  proclaim  and  declare 
that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  no 
knowledge  or'  belief  of  an  intention  on  the  part  of 
General  Hunter  to  issue  such  a  proclamation,  nor  has 
it  yet  any  authentic  information  that  the  document  is 
genuine;  and  further,  that  neither  General  Hunter 
nor  any  other  commander  or  person  has  been  author- 
ized by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  make 
proclamation  declaring  the  slaves  of  any  State  free, 
and  that  the  supposed  proclamation  now  in  question, 
whether  genuine  or  false,  is  altogether  void  so  far  as 
respects  such  declaration.  I  further  make  known  that 
whether  it  be  competent  for  me  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  to  declare  the  slaves  of 
any  State  or  States  free,  and  whether  at  any  time  or 
in  any  case  it  shall  have  become  a  necessity  indispen- 
;able  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Government  to  exer- 
cise such  supposed  power,  are  questions  which,  under 
my  responsibility,  I  reserve  to  myself,  and  which  I 
cannot  feel  justified  in  leaving  to  the  decisions  of  com- 
manders in  the  field.  These  are  totally  different  ques- 
tions from  those  of  police  regulations  in  armies  and 
camps. 

On  the  6th  day  of  March  last,  by  a  special  message, 
I  recommended  to  Congress  the  adoption  of  a  joint 
resolution  to  be  substantially  as  follows: — 

"Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate 
ith  any  State  which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of 
slavery,  giving  to  such  State,  in  its  discretion,  compensa- 
tion for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  private,  produced 
by  sueh  change  of  system." 

The  resolution,  in  the  language  above  quoted,  was 
adopted  by  large  majorities  in  both  branches  of  Con- 
ss,  and  now  stands  an  authentic,  definite  and  sol- 
emn proposal  of  the  nation  to  the  States  and  people 
most  immediately  interested  in  the  subject  matter. 
To  the  people  of  these  States  I  now  earnestly  appeal. 
I  do  not  argue — I  beseech  you  to  make  the  argument 
for  yourselves.  You  cannot,  if  you  would,  be  blind  to 
the  signs  of  the  times.  I  beg  of  you  a  calm  and  en- 
larged consideration  of  them,  ranging,  if  it  may  be,  far 
above  personal  and  partisan  politics.  This  proposal 
makes  common  cause  for  a  common  object,  casting  no 
reproaches  upon  any.  It'acts  not  the  Pharisee.  The 
change  it  contemplates  would  come  gently  as  the  dews 
of  heaven,  not  rending  or  wrecking  anything,.  Will 
you  not  embrace  it  1  So  much  good  has  not  been  done 
by  one  effort  in  all  past  time  as,  in  the  providence  of 
God,  it  is  your  high  privilege  to  do.  May  the  vast 
future  not  have  to  lament  that  you  have  neglected  it. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  19th  day  of 
May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1862,  and  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  the  eighty-sixth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President : 

Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  PENSACOLA  BY  THE 
REBELS. 

TIIE    MONTGOMERY    RAILROAD    TORN    UP. 

Before  Corinth,  May  18.  The  Mobile  Advertiser 
and  Register  contains  the  following  special  despatches  : 
■  Pensacola,  May  10.  At  12  o'clock  last  night,  the 
Pensacola  Navy-  Yard  and  forts  were  set.  on  firee,  and 
destroyed.  When  the  enemy  discovered  what  was 
going  on,  Fort  Pickens  opened  a  furious  bombard- 
ment, and  kept  it  up  during  the  conflagration,  but 
without  doing  any  damage  to  any  one.  At  Pensacola, 
all  the  public  property  except  the  Custom-House  (in- 
capable of  being  burned)  was  moved,  but  all  the 
movable  Confederate  property  has  been  saved. 

The  railroad  track  leading  out  of  the  city  toward 
Montgomery  was  torn  up  this  morning.  Federal 
vessels  with  a  flag  of  truce  came  up  to  the  city  to-day, 
demanding  its  surrender.  Mayor  Bolibe  refused  to 
comply  with  the  demand,  and  said  all  the  military 
forces  had  left,  and  he  had  no  power  to  oppose  them. 
The  Federal  officers  replied,  that  they  would  occupy 
the  city  to-morrow,  but  that  the  inhabitants  need  not 
be  alarmed. 


properly  in  said  cities  owned  by  persons  of  color; 
which  sum  received  for  taxes,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be 
appropriated  for  the  purpose  of  initiating  a  system  of 
primary  schools  for  the  education  of  colored  children 
residing  in  said  cities. 

Sec.  2.  Anil  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  hoards  of 
trustees  of  public  schools  in  said  cities  shall  have  sole 
control  of  the  fund  arising  from  the  tax  aforesaid,  as 
well  as  from  contributions  by  persons  disposed  to  aid 
in  the  education  of  the  colored  race,  or  from  any  other 
source,  which  shall  he.  kept,  its  a  fund  distinct  from,  the.gen- 
eral  srhool  fund ;  and  it  is  made  their  duty  to  provide 
suitable  rooms  and  teachers  lor  such  a  number  of 
schools  as,  in  their  opinion,  will  beat  accommodate  the 
colored  children  in  the  various  portions  ot  said  cities. 

Sec.  3.  And  be.  it  further  enacted,  That  the  board  of 
trustees  nloresiiid  shall  possess  all  the  powers,  exorcise 
the  same  functions,  and  have  the  same  supervision 
over  the  schools  provided  for  in  ibis  act  as  are  now  ex- 
ercised by  them  over  the  public  schools  now  existing 
in  saiil  cities  by  virtue  of  the  laws  and  ordinances  of 
the  corporation  thereof. 

Sec.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  persons  of 
color  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  in  the  corporate 
limits  of  the  cities  of  Washington  and  Georgetown, 
shall  be  subject  and  amenable  to  the  same  laws  and  or- 
dinances to  which  free  white  persons  are,  or  may  be 
subject  or  amenable;  that  they  shall  be  tried  for  any 
offences  against  the  laws  in  the  same  manner  as  free 
white  persons  are,  or  may  be  tried  for  the  same  of- 
fences ;  and  that  upon  being  legally  convicted  of  any 
crime  or  offence  against  any  law  or  ordinance,  such 
persons  of  color  shall  be  liable  lo  the  same  penalty  or 
punishment,  and  no  other,  as  would  be  imposed  or 
inflicted  upon  free  white  persons  for  the  same  crime 
or  offence ;  and  all  acts  or  pans  of  acts  inconsistent 
with  the  provisions  of  this  act  are  hereby  repealed. 

Passed  the  Senate,  May  9,  1862. 

Passed  the  House,  May  15,  1862,  without  amend- 
ment. 

THE  NEGROES  OF  PORT  ROYAL. 

To  the.  Editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune. 

Sir:  While  fresh  assaults  are  made  by  some 
presses,  from  day  to  day,  on  the  negro,  and  on  every 
ffort  made  to  relieve  his  necessities,  produced  by  the 
acts  of  the  white  people,  let  me  give   an   extract  from 

letter  received  by  me  to  day,  irom  POrt  Royal,  iroui 
a  young  scholar  and  soldier  of  Massachusetts,  who 
has  seen  life  in  schools  and  life  in  camps,  and  who  is  a 
Superintendent  in  the  Sea  Islands.  He  says  of  the 
negroes  :  "They  are  not  lazy,  but  anxious  to  work. 
The  Northern  people  want  facts.  Let  them  wait  till 
the  harvest,  and  we  will  furnish  them  with  indisputa- 
ble facts,  notwithstanding  everything  but  a  kind  Prov- 
idence seems  to  be  against  them — no  tools,  no  teams, 
no  food,  no  clothes — nothing  but  their  hands.  I  have 
commenced  school,  and  have  two  sessions  daily.  I 
have  ten  Primers  and  one  Card,  for  125  people.  For 
books  1  have  substituted  a  black-board,  though  with- 
out any  board  and  without  any  paint,  for  the  walls  of 
my  school-room  being  green,  I  have  marked  letters 
on  them  with  crayons.  The  first  sentence  I  put  up 
to  be  learned  was,  '  God  gives  liberty  to  all.'  In  my 
experience  as  a  teacher,  I  have  seen  nothing  like  the 
zeal  of  these  poor  hungry  souls.  They  are  greedy 
for  knowledge,  and  when  they  come  to  me  for  primers, 
'"  *  .  pititul  to  see  their  sorrow  that  I  have  none  for 
them.  We  find  that  the  greatest  punishment  we  can 
inflict  is  to  send  them  out  of  school,  telling  them  we 

U  not  teach  them  unless  they  mind.  Two  days 
ago,  a  man  knelt  down  beside  me,  and  scarcely  moved 
for  two  hours,  so  intent  was  he  on  learning  to  read. 
I  thought  I  would  see  how  long  he  could  bear  it,  but 
he  tired  me  out.  He  reads  a  piece  until  he  knows 
every  word.  They  learn  quite  as  easily  as  our  white 
children.  I  found  one,  yesterday,  that  could  read 
anything  in  the  primer,  and  could  write  a  little,  also." 

Such  people  can  take  good  care  of  themselves,  if 
common  justice  is  done  toward  them.  K. 

May  7,  1862. 


REPULSE  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GUNBOATS. 
Washington,  May  17. 
The  following  dispatch  has  just  been   received    at 
the  War  Department,  11  o'clock,  P.  M,: 

Williamsburg,  May  11. 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stantm,  Secretory  of  War  : 

The  gunboats.  Galena,  Monitor,  Aroostook,  Nan- 
gatuckand  Port  Royal  were  repulsed  from  Fort  Dar- 
ing, seven  miles  below  Richmond,  yesterday.  A  por- 
tion of  them  have  returned  to  Jamestown  Island, 
near  this  place,  in  James  Uiver. 

Lieut.  Morris,  commanding  the  Port  Royal,  sent 
overland  to  me  this  morning  forintelligence  regarding 
the  condition  of  the  forces  below  the  island,  and  also  to 
assist  in  burying  the  dead,  which  he  brought  down 
with  him.  Seventeen  have  been  interred  on  the 
banks  of  the  river,  and  there  are  a  number  of  wound- 
ed on  board,  including  Lieut.  Morris.  The  100-pound- 
erofthegunof  the  Naugatuck  exploded  at  the  first 
fire. 

(Signed,)  DAVID  CAMPBELL, 

Colonel  bth  Cavalry. 
By  authority  of  Gen.  G.  II.  McClellan. 

Philadelphia,  May  19.  The  Bulletin's  Fortress 
Monroe  letter  contains  the  following  : — 

The  repulse  of  the  gunboats  is  generally  regarded 
as  a  very  serious  affair.  Seventeen  are  reported  killed 
on  the  Naugatuck  by  the  explosion  of  a  gun,  and  the 
boat  rendered  useless  and  withdrawn.  The  Galena 
was  riddled  with  shots,  and  the  loss  of  life  on  board  of 
her  is  supposen  to  be  heavy.  The  Monitor  was  struck 
repeatedly,  but  is  said  to  be  uninjured. 

Affairs  are  quiet  at  Norfolk.  Several  attempls  have 
been  made  to  assassinate  Union  soldiers.  Col.  Brown 
of  the  20th  Indiana  regiment,  stationed  at  Portsmouth, 
went  out  yesterday  morning,  and  his  horse  soon  after 
returned  wounded,  riderless." 


The  Running  Away  ov  the  Rebel  Steamer 
Planter.  The  Port  Royal  correspondent  of  the  Com- 
mercial Advertiser  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
escape  of  the.  negro  man  Small  with  the  tug  steamer 
Planter,  from  Charleston,  S.  C,  with  her  cargo  and 
the  families  of  the  crew  ; — 

The  steamer  Planter  which   was  run  away   from 

the  rebels  by  her  pilot,  Robert  Small,  is  a  new  tug 
boat  employed  about  Charleston  harbor,  which  was 
seized  by  the  Confederate  government  and  converted 
into  a  gunboat,  mounting  a  rifled  gun  forward  and  a 
siege  gun  aft.  She  has  been  in  the  habit  of  running 
out  to  sea  to  reconnoitre,  and  was  therefore  no  unusual 
appearance  near  the  forts  guarding  the  entrance. 
Small,  the  helmsman  and  pilot,  conceived  the  idea  of 
running  away,  and  plotted  with  several  friends,  slaves 
like  him,  to  take  them  off. 

On  the  evening  of  May  11,  her  officers  left  the  ship, 
then  at  the  wharf  in  Charleston,  and  went  to  their 
homes.  Small  then  took  the  firemen  and  assistant  en- 
gineers, all  of  whom  were  slaves  in  bis  confidence,  had 
the  fires  banked  up,  and  everything  made  ready  to 
start  by  daylight. 

At  quarter  to  four  on  Saturday  morning,  the  lines 
which  fastened  the  vessel  to  the  dock  were  cast  off, 
and  the  ship  quietly  glided  into  the  stream.  Here  the 
harbor  guard  hailed  the  vessel,  but  Small  promptly 
gave  the  countersign,  and  was  allowed  to  pass. 

The  vessel  now  called  at  a  dock  a  distance  below, 
where  the  families  of  the  crew  came  on  board. 

When  off  Fort  Sumter,  the  sentry  on  the  ramparts 
hailed  the  boat,  and  Small  sounded  the  countersign 
with  the  whistle,  three  shrill  sounds  and  one  hissing 
sound.  The  vessel  being  known  to  the  officers  of  the 
day,  no  objection  was  raised,  the  sentry  only  singing 

out :  '  Blow  the  d d  Yankees  to  hell,  or  bring  one 

of  them  in.'  'Aye,  Aye,'  was  the  answer,  and  every 
possible  effort  was  made  to  get  below. 

Hardly  was  the  vessel  out  of  range  when  Small  ran 
up  a  white  flag,  and  went  to  the  United  States  fleet, 
where  he  surrendered  the  vessel.  She  had  on  board 
seven  heavy  guns  for  Fort  Ripley,  a  fort  now  building 
in  Charleston  harbor,  which  were  to  be  taken  thither 
the  next  morning. 

Small,  with  the  crew  and  their  families — sixteen 
persons — were  sent  to  the  flag  ship  at  Port  Royal,  and 
an  officer  placed  on  board  the  Planter,  who  took  her 
also  to  Commodore  Du  Pont's  vessel.  Small  is  a 
middle-aged  negro,  and  his  features  betray  nothing  of 
the  firmness  of  character  be  displayed.  He  is  said  to 
be  one  of  the  most  skillful  pilots  of  Charleston,  and  to 
have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the  ports  and  inlets 
on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina." 


REBEL    STEAMERS    AND    SCHOONERS   DE- 
STROYED. 
Headquarters  op  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  ) 
White  House,  May  17, 10,  P.  M.      J 
A  combined  naval  and  army  expedition,  tinder  Capt. 
Murray  of  the  navy,  with  troops  and  artillery,  under 
Major   Willard   and  Capt.   Ayres  of  the  army,  went 
twenty-five  miles   up  the  Pamiink  to-day,  and   forced 
the   rebels   to  destroy  two  steamers  and  twenty  schoo- 
ners.    The  expedition  was  admirably  managed.     We 
have  advanced  considerably  to-dav.    Koads  improving.. 
(Signed,)  GEO.  B.  McCLELLAN, 

Major  General. 


THE  COLORED  POPULATION  OF  THE  DIS- 
TRICT OF  COLUMBIA. 

The  following  is  the  bill  for  the  education  of  colored 
children  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  passed  the 
Senate  on  the  9th  inst.,  was  reported  in  the  House  by 
Hon.  E.  H.  Rollins,  from  the  Committee  on  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  passed  that  branch  on  the  15th. 
It  has  probably,  ere  this,  been  signed  by  the  Presi- 
dent :— 
A  Bill  providing  for  the  education  of  colored  children 

in  the  city  of  Washington,  District  of  Columbia. 

lie  it  enacted  by  the  Semite  and  House  of  lie/ii-es,n/a- 
tiveS  of  the  United  States  <\f  America  in  Coiuirrss  assem- 
tiled.  That  from  anil  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  municipal  aulhorilies  of  the 
cities  of  Washington  and  (ieoii/tlawn,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  to  set  apart  ten  per  centum  of  the  amount 
received  from  taxes  levied  on  the  real  and  personal 


Enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in 
the  District.  Quite  an  excitement  was  created  in 
the  city  yesterdaj',  by  the  arrest  and  return  to  slavery 
of  a  woman  and  her  three  little  children,  who  were  de- 
manded by  her  master,  under  the  odious  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  The  claimant  was  Dr.  Duvall  of  Mary- 
land. 

Slave  owners  and  slave  stealers   are  now  quite  nu- 

erous  in  the  city,  and  prowl  around  the  contraband 
depots  like  so  many  ravenous  hyenas.  As  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law  has  now  been  enforced  in  this  District, 
there  will  be  a  large  number  of  writs  placed  in  the 
hand  of  Marshal  Lamon,  who  has  no  discretionary 
power,  but  is  obliged  to  execute  the  law.  The  claim- 
ant may  be  in  rebellion  against  the  Government,  still 
the  law  gives  him  his  slave. 

There  are  two  means  by  which  this  nefarious  busi- 
ness can  be  arrested,  and  they  are,  either  to  repeal  the 
law,  or  suspend  its  operation  during  the  continuance 
of  the  rebellion.  We  urge  the  immediate  considera- 
tion of  this  matter  upon  Congress,  and  hope  they  will 
act  so  promptly  that  no  more  scenes  like  those  enacted 
yesterday  will  be  witnessed  in  the  capital  of  the  na- 
tion.—  Washington  Republican, 

"  The  Circuit  Court  to-day  appointed  three  Commis- 
sioners for  the  adjudication  of  cases  arising  under  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Several  arrests  were  made  to- 
day. There  seems  to  be  concurrent  jurisdiction  claim- 
ed by  the  military  authorities,  regarding  the  fugitives 
under  their  protection.  Therefore  it  cannot  be  said 
the  law  has  free  course. 

This  afternoon,  about  fifty  of  the  citizens  of  the  ad- 
joining counties  in  Maryland  proceeded  to  the  White 
House,  accompanied  by  Messrs.  Crisfield,  Calvert, 
Webster  and  Leary,  Representatives  in  Congress  from 
that  State,  who  had  a  conversation  with  the  President 
regarding  the  interests  of  their  constituents,  as  in- 
volved in  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  They  say  the 
President  promised  a  response  on  some  other  occa- 
sion."—  Washington  coricspondent. 

2^°  The  slave-owners  on  our  border  here  have 
been  in  great  tribulation,  owing  to  the  fact  that  most 
of  their  slaves  are  escaping  into  the  District  since  the 
passage  of  the  emancipation  act.  They  had  in  vain 
endeavored  to  enforce  the  fugitive  slave  law,  until  the 
President  firmly  decided  that  it  should  be  carried  out 
for  the  benefit  of  loyal  owners.  This  is  now  being  done 
quite  rapidly,  and  many  of  the  contrabands  who'  have 
been  wandering  around  our  streets  in  a  half  starved 
condition  are  being  returned  to  their  masters  in  Mary- 
land.—  Washington  correspondent. 

jj^=- How  shocking  and  humiliating  are  facts  like 
these  I     A  curse  still  rests  upon  the  Capital  I 


The  Rebels  at  West  Point,  Va. — More  Atroci- 
ties. Mr.  De  Witt  Simonton,  a  private  in  one  of  the 
New  Jersey  regiments  at  the  buttle  of  West  Point, 
writes  to  the  Paterson  Registtr  that  the  advance  of  the 

rebels  was  four  regiments  of  negroes,  who  killed  most 
of  our  men.  We  lost  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing, 
three  hundred.  It  was  an  awful  sight  as  wo  mlvaiuvd 
next  day  to  see  our  dead  that  we  were  unable  lo  get 
the  day  before.  Every  one  had  been  bay O netted  after 
being  shot.  One  had  bis  head  nearly  cut  off,  and  all 
of  them  had  their  pockets  cut  out. 

jjj^  Beauregard's  soldiers  at  the  Pittsburg  battle 
actually  cut  the  throats  of  sick  Federal  soldiers  as  they 
lay  in  their  tents. 


!E^"  PENNSYLVANIA  YEAKLY  MEEriJJU  Utf 
PROGRESSIVE  FRIENDS.— The  tenth  Yeariy   Meeting 

fjf  Progressive  Friends  will  convene  at  LongWood,  Cbesfer 
County,  Pennsylvania,  on  FIFTH  DAY,  (Thursday,)  the 
fifth  of  Sixth  month,  (June,)  1862. 

This  annual  assemblage  is  held  lor  religious  communion, 
for  mutual  interchange  of  thought  and  opinion,  for  the 
perpetuation  of  old  friendships  and  the  formation  of  new  ; 
in  brief,  for  a  festival  of  two  or  three  days  of  social,  intel- 
lectual, and  spiritual  fellowship  and  profit.  The  members 
of  this  Religious  Society  do  not  hold  their  membership  by 
virtue  of  any  ecclesiastical  vows  or  bonds,  or  of  any  real 
or  supposed  unity  of  the  dogiea!  belief.  Their  DominuB 
faith,  if  it  were  written,  would  be  simply  and  only  t.ie  es- 
sential principle  of  love  t<>  God—  n  love  to  be  exhibited, 
not  through  devotion  to  creeds  and  forms,  but  in  lives  of 
purity  nod  beneficence,  in  the  recognition  and  defence  of 
the  equal  lights  o!  mankind,  in  effiifU  to  break  the  chains 
of  the  oppressed,  and  ins  firm  resietttoes  to  every  ferfu  'f 
iniquity  and  wrong. 

Such  being  the  spirit  and  alma  of  the  Progressive  Frii  di  p, 
the  Slaveholders'  Hebellion,  its  causes  and  consiqiicoce.-.iind 
tht,  means  by  which  alone  it  can  be  e.ftrCtually  put  di-wn, 
will  naturally  engage  no  small  share  of  the  att  iti  •  I 
the  Yearly  Meeting  ;  and  it  caom.t  be  doubted  tout,  will, 
an  earnestness  and  solemnity  worthy  of  the  crisis,  it  will 
seek  to  persuade  the  people  and  the  government  to  avert 
the  calamities  of  civil  war,  and  open  up  the  only  path  to 
permanent  peace  and  prosperity,  by  "  proclaiming  liberty 
throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 

To  all  persons  who  cherish  tin:  ,-pirit  ami  principles  above 
set  forth,  we  extend  a  cordial  invitation  to  meet  and  co- 
operate with  the  Society. 

EJ^*  Wm.  Lloyd  Gaiuuson  and  Thkodobe  iilton  have 
engaged  to  be  present,  with  other  speakers. 


Oliver  Johnson, 
Joseph  A.  Dugdale, 
Elizabeth  Jackson, 
Sumner  Stebbins, 
William  Barnard, 
Hannah  Cox, 
Dinah  Meodenhall, 
J os lab  Wilson, 
Ruth  Dugdale, 
Annie  M.  Stambeacb, 
Mary  P.  Wilson, 


Isaac  ilendenball, 
Sarah  .Marsh  Barnard, 
Lydia  Irish, 
Jennie  K.  Smith, 
Ellen  Angier, 
Aaron  Mendenball, 
Sal  lie  Howell, 
Samuel  R.  Underhill, 
Philena  Heald, 
EllieH.  Mendenhall, 
Eusebins  Barnard. 


S^*  FRIENDS  OF  HUMAN  PROGRESS.— The  four- 
teenth Yearly  Meeting  of  the  Friends  of  Human  Progress 
will  be  held  in  Friends'  Meeting-House,  neai  the  village  of 
Waterloo,  in  the  county  of  Seneca,  N.  Y.,  on  Friday,  the 
30th  day  of  May  instant,  commencing  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M., 
and  continuing  through  Saturday  and  Sunday. 

To  this  meeting  all,  without  distinction  of  creed,  sect  or 
name,  are  invited  to  come,  especially  all  earnest  friends  and 
well  wishers  to  the  human  race,  all  who  aspire  for  enfran- 
chisement and  elevation  of  life,  the  attainment  of  clearer 
light,  higher  freedom,  and  greater  excellence. 

Gifted  speakers  from  abroad  will  be  present,  who  will 
enrich  and  refresh  with  their  words  of  admonition  and 
cheer. 

Communications  to  the  meeting  should  be  addressed  to 
I.  Lisk,  Waterloo,  N.  Y. 

By  order  of     COMMITTEE  OF  ARRANGEMENTS.. 
Waterloo,  N.  Y.,  May  1,  1862. 


J^-MIS3  ANNA  E.  DICKINSON  will  speak  in 
PORTSMOUTH,  (N.  H.)  on  Sunday,  May  25,  afternoon 
and  evening,  upon  topics  connected  with  the  War,  and  its 
influence  on  Slavery. 


I^- WM.  WELLS  BROWN  will,  speak  at  Hopedale, 
Sunday,  June  1st,  on  the  Progress  of  Freedom.^— ^— — ■ 

At  Milford,  in  the  evening.  Subject — "  What  shall  be 
done  with  the  Slaves,  if  they  are  liberated  ?  " 


^WORCESTER.  COUNTY  NORTH— The  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  Worcester  County  North  Division  A7iti-Sla- 
very  Society  will  be  held  on  Sunday,  June  1st.  [The  place 
of  the  meeting  to  be  announced  next  week.] 

Members  of  the  Society  are  particularly  requested  to 
attend,  and  all  true  friends  of  freedom  and  of  their  coun- 
ty are  invited. 

Parker  Pillbtjrt,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  and  other  spea  k- 
ers  will  attend  the  meeting. 

JOSHUA  T.  EVERETT,  President. 


&•  REMOVAL.  —  D1ISEASE3  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.— Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D-,  and  Wm. 
Symington  Brown,    M.  D-,    have    removed  to  No.   23, 

Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  where  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M.,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M.  3m  March  28. 


DIED — In  Farmington,  (Michigan,)  April  21,  Ethan 
Laphah,  aged  80  years. 

A  pioneer  in  the  West,  a  man  of  decided  energy  and 
high  integrity,  he  was  long  an  active  member  of  the  Socie- 
ty of  Friends,  (Hicksite. )  In  the  last  ten  years,  while 
retaining  the  better  features  of  Quakerism,  he  had  grown 
to  a  more  catholic  charity,  a  clearer  and  more  impartial 
searching  for  truth,  and  an  earnest  interest  in  the  reforms 
of  the  day.  He  was  a  true  Iriend  of  freedom.  The  spirit  - 
life  was  to  him  a  reality.  Not  long  before  his  departure, 
lid  to  a  friend,  "  I  am  too  feeble  to  talk  much  now, 
but  by-and-by  we  shall  have  great  satisfaction  together." 

His  last  years  were,  as  be  said,  his  happiest,  and  his 
last  days,  even  amidst  bodily  suffering,  sweetly  cheerful 
and  serene.  At  the  funeral,  a  brother,  (Eli  Lapham  of 
Battle  Creek,  a  veteran  reformer,)  spoke  with  great  feeling 
and  power,  and  others  added  their  testimony.      G.  B.  S. 


THE    PVLP1T    AND    ROSTRUM. 

DOUBLE     NUMBER. 

Three  different  men — Wm.  Lloy/d  Garrison-,  of 
Massachusetts,  Garrett  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  Al- 
exander H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia — are  represented 
in  the  Pulpit,  and  Rostrum,  Nos.  26  and  27,  (double 
number,  two  in  one,  price  20  cents,)  as  follows  : — 

The  Abolitionists,  and  their  Relations  to  the  War : 
A  Lecture  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  delivered  at 
the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  January  14,  1862, 

The  War  not  for  Confiscation  or  Emancipation:  A 
Speech  by  Hon.  Garrett  Davis,  delivered  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  January  23,  1862. 

African  Slavery,  the  Corner-Stone  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy:  A  Speech  by  Hon.  Alexander  H.  Ste- 
phens, Vioe  President  of  the  Confederacy,  in  whieh 
the  speaker  holds  that  "African  slavery,  as  it  exists 
among  us,  is  the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form 
of  civilization ;  "  and  "our  new  Government  [the 
Southern  Confederacy]  is  the  first  in  the  history  of 
the  world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophi- 
cal and  moral  truth." 

Et|f='  Referring  to  these  speeches,  Dr.  Orestes  A. 
Brownson,  in  his   Quarterly  Review  for  April,  says  : 

"  These  three  speeches  are  well  placed  in  juxtaposition. 
Mr.  Garrison  is  no  favorite  of  ours,  but  he  is  an  honest, 
outspoken  man.  Ho  was  nlmostthe  first  among  us  toopen 
tho  war  for  the  liberation  of  the  slave,  and  ever  since  1829, 
bo  has  labored  incessantly  and  unflinchingly  in  the  Aboli- 
tion cause,  through  no  little  obloquy  and  reproach.  He 
deserves  respect,  if  for  nothing  else,  for  the  firmness  with 
which  he  has  stood  by  his  principles,  and  the  masterly 
courage  and  ability  with  which  he  has  defended  them.  We 
are  no  Abolitionist  of  his  type,  but  we  honor  tho  man  who 
can  wed  himself  for  life  or  death  to  a  great  and  just  causa, 
plead  for  the  defenceless  when  there  are  noue  to  help,  and 
speak  out  for  tho  dumb  when  all  arc  silent.  Say  what  you 
will,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  the  Newburyport  printer, 
will  li^o  in  history  as  one  of  the  moral  heroes  of  Amoriean 
history,  when  we,  and  men  far  greater  than  wo,  shall  be 
forgo  tten." 

E.  D.  BARKER,  Fi-hhsher, 
135  Grand  St.,  New   York. 


A    GOOD   CHANCE 

TO  LEASE  A    SMALL   FARM  FOR    ONE, 
OR  A  TERM  OF  YEARS. 

A  MIDDLE  aged  or  young    man,   with  a  small    fami- 
ly, with    no    other   capital    than    a  pair  of  willing 

hands,  frugal  aud  industrious  habits,  intelligent  mind,  a 
good  moral  character,  somewhat  acquainted  with  agricul- 
tural pursuits,  "ill  find  a  rare  chance  to  lease — ou  tho  most 
favorable  tonus—  a  small  farm,  with  all  the  stock  and  tools, 
and  household  furniture,  situated  in  Pepperell,  3-*  nitla 
from  the  district  school,  nearly  three  miles  from  the  post- 
offlM,  storm,  churches,  and  a  flourishing  academy,  under 
the  management  of  an  accomplished  preceptor,  four  miles 
from  tho  railway  station,  and  two  hours'  ride,  by  rail,  from 
the  city  of  Boston,— by  making  immediate  application  to 
the  BUUOribw,  on  tho  premises.  For  particulars,  inquire 
,.f  WM.  S1WRKKLI..  Architect,  No.  y  State  Street,  or  at 
the  Anti-Shivery  Office.  221  Washington  StriTi. 
whoro  ambrotypf  views  of  the  buildingi  may  be  seen, 

\o  person  need  Rpplj,  who   cannot  furnish   sat'stni'iory 
ii'tVi'cii.'.'s  utofttl  the  above  ipnililiciitions,  or  who  uses  in- 

toxtoaUag  drinks.  rnqduiMy  or  [mnodtrnta);,  or  is  pa*- 

sioniitcly  fond  of  dogs,  siiuv  the  taow  is  desirous  ol"  ma- 
king his  home  ivith  the  leasMj  and  ooold  Dot  tolerate  sueh 
nuisances.  A.  II.  WOOD. 

Oak  Hftll,  Pepperell,  Mass.,  Mny  IS, 


84 

®b*  \ 

jf  ifo*otin. 

THE     LIBERATOR 


may  23. 


For  the  Liberator. 

The  following  linos,  with  tho  acoompanying  note,  as  the 
(lute  shows,  wore  written  sotno  time  ago,  and  during  the 
life  of  tho  good  and  noble  man  they  attompt,  in  part,  to 
illustrate.  They  are  now  offered,  for  the  first  tiaic,  for 
publication  to  tho  Liberator,  a  journal  which  tho  dooeased 
highly  valued  lor  its  untiring  devotion  to  the  oauso  of  tho 
slave,  and  tbo  oppressed  everywhere. 

Henry  D.  Tuokeau  died  at  his  home  in  Concord,  Mass., 
May  6th,  1SG2,  in  the  45th  year  of  his  age. 

Hew  Bedford,  May  11,  1862. 

.       WALDM. 

Here,  once  a  poet  most  serenely  lived, 

A  poet  and  philosopher,  forsooth, 
For  in  hiui  both  have  joined,  and  greatly  thrived, 

And  found  content  before  the  God  of  Truth. 

A  plain  set  man,  a  man  of  culture  rare, 
Who  left  an  honor  on  old  Harvard's  walls  ; 

An  honest  man,  in  search  of  Nature's  fate, 
The  spot  more  rich  where'er  his  shadow  falls. 

If  ear  by  tho  shore  his  cabin  reared  its  head, 
"With  his  own  hands  ho  built  the  simple  dome, 

And  here,  alone,  to  thought  and  study  wod, 
He  found  a  genial,  though  a  humble  home. 

From  the  scant  produce  of  a  neighboring  field, 
Tilled  by  his  hands,  he  got  his  honest  bread  ; 

But  Nature,  for  him,  greater  crops  did  yield, 
In  rich  abundance  daily  for  him  spread. 

The  woods,  tho  fields,  the  lake,  and  all  around, 
Both  man,  and  beast,  and  bird,  and  insect  small, 

In  his  keen  mind  a  shrewd  expression  found — 
For  truth  and  beauty  ho  discerned  in  all. 

A  jurist  learned  in  Nature's  court  supreme, 
A  wise  pb3'sician,  priest,  and  teacher  too, 

For  whom  each  sphere  reveals  a  ready  theme, 
And  wisdom  is  exhaled,  both  old  and  new. 

While  others  wnto  foreign  lands  have  gone, 
And  in  old  footsteps  travelled  far  and  wide, 

This  man  at  home  a  richer  prize  hath  won, 
From  fresher  fields,  unknown  to  wealth  and  pride. 

His  own  good  limbs  have  borne  him  well  about, 

"Whose  constant  use  hath  made  him  stanch  and  strong, 

As  many  a  luckless  wight  hath  proven  out  ; 
And  Concord  soil  in  him  hath  found  a  tongue. 

Henceforth  her  hills,  her  gently  flowing  stream, 
Her  woods  and  fields,  shall  classic  ground  become, 

And  e'en  the  village  street  with  interest  beam, 
Where  one  so  nobly  true  hath  found  a  home. 

To  Walden  pond  th'  ingenuous  youth  shall  hie, 
And  mark  the  spot  where  stood  the  hermitage  ; 

But  ye  who  seek,  'mid  glittering  scenes  to  vie, 
Let  other  haunts  your  vanity  engage. 

Go  on,  brave  man  !  in  thy  own  chosen  way — 
How  many  ills  of  life  thou  dost  escape  ! 

Thy  brave  example  others  shall  essay, 
And  from  thy  lessons  happier  lives  mny  shape — 

Shall  learn  from  thee  to  find  a  ready  store 

Of  choicest  treasures  spread  before  their  eyes  ; 
For  Nature  ever  keeps  an  open  door, 

And  bids  a  welcome  to  the  good  and  wise. 
New  Bedford,  Jan.  17,  1860.  D.  B. 


*  Henry  D.  Thoreau,  of  Concord,  Mass.,  author  of  "  A 
Week  on  the  Concord  and  Merriiuae  Rivers,"  "  Walden,  or 
— Eife  in  the  Woods,"  works  whoso  titles  give  but  little  inti- 
mation of  the  fresh  and  vigorous  thought  and  rare  learn- 
ing contained  within  them  ;  besides  of  various  papers,  sci- 
entific and  literary — and,  withal,  a  good  abolitionist. 
Walden  pond  lies  about  one  mile  south  of  Concord. 


HENEY  DAVID  THOEEAU. 

H  ush  the  loud  chant,  ye  birds,  at  even  and  morn, 

And  something  plaintive  let  the  robin  sing  ; 
Gone  is  our  Woodsman,  leaving  us  forlorn, 

Touching  with  grief  the  glad  aspect  of  Spring. 
Tour  whispering  alleys  he  for  other  groves 

Forsakes,  and  wanders  now  by  fairer  streams, — 
Ye  t  not  forgetful  of  his  earlier  loves, — 

Ah,  no  !  for  so  Affection  fondly  dreams. 
Thoreau  !   'twere  shame  to  weep  above  thy  grave, 

Or  doubting ly  thy  soul's  far  flight  pursue  ; 
Peace  and  Delight  must  there  await  the  brave, 

And  Love  attend  tho  loving,  wise  and  true. 
Thy  well-kept  vows  our  broken  aims  shall  mend, 
Oft  as  we  think  on  thee,  great-hearted  Friend ! 

Concord,  May  6,  1862.  F.  B.  S. 


SPEECH  OP  WENDELL  PHILLIPS,  ESQ., 

AT    THE 

Anniversary  of  the  New  York  City  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
held  in  the  Cooper  Institute,  May  1th,  1862. 

REPORTED   BY   J.    M.    W.   YERRIXTON. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — I  take  it  that  the  mis- 
sion of  the  Abolitionists,  this  summer,  is  to  endeavor 
to  guide  the  nation's  steps  in  the  untried  path  of  the 
use  of  its  war  powers.  We  have  had  a  Constitution 
for  seventy  years.  We  have  passed  through  most  of 
the  phases  of  a  life  of  peace.  We  have  exhausted 
discussion,  almost,  in  regard  to  the  powers  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  of  Congress,  in  times  of  peace.  We  have 
never  had  a  moment  when,  in  any  broad  sense,  the 
war  power  of  Congress  was  called  into  existence, 
with  any  direction  toward  home  affairs.  Its  foreign 
powers  were  exercised  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  in  the 
Mexican  war;  but  we  have  now  a  new  phase  of  the 
question — civil  war — one  half  of  the  nation  against 
the  other  half;  and  it  has  taken  us,  as  a  people,  about 
twelve  months  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  is 
a  war.  (Laughter.)  Mr.  Seward  did  not  wake  up  to 
the  conviction  that  we  are  at  war  for  some  three  or 
four  or  six  months.  His  statement  to  the  European 
governments,  that  this  difficulty  would  subside  in 
ninety  days,  or  sixty,  and  that  the  condition  of  no  in- 
dividual, in  the  Territories  or  the  States,  would  be  al- 
tered by  the  war,  whatever  tiie  result  might  be,  was 
based  on  the  supposition  that  this  is  not  a  war,  but 
merely  a  political  dilFerence,  such  as  we  had  when 
Jefferson  was  elected,  in  1801 — such  as  we  had  in 
Hartford  Convention  times,  1812  or  '14 — such  as  we 
had  in  Missouri  Compromise  times,  1819 — such  as  we 
had  when  Texas  sent  Adams  and  some  score  of  coad- 
jutors into  one  wing  of  the  Capitol,  to  proclaim  to  the 
North  that  the  time  had  come  which  justified,  and,  in 
their  opinion,  called  for,  a  division  of  the  Union — such 
as  we  had  in  1850,  when  the  compromise  measures 
were  finally  passed.  In  the  cabin  of  one  of  the  na- 
tional ships  sent  down  to  Norfolk  to  destroy  the 
Navy  Yard,  there  was  a  foreign-bred  officer,  who, 
when  he  heard  they  had  a  year's  munitions  of  war, 
six  months'  food,  and  two  thousand  cannon  planted,  and 
strong  bulwarks,  offered  to  take  command  of  two  com- 
panies, and  keep  that  Navy  Yard  at  least  three  months; 
to  save  six  millions  of  dollars,  and  all  the  cannon 
the  South  has,  that  will  not  burst  at  the  first  discharge. 
(Laughter.)  The  West  Point  bred  officer  to  whom 
he  was  speaking — the  son-in-law  of  a  distinguished 
American — took  him  down  into  the  cabin,  and  said, 
in  French — "  You  don't  understand  this  matter;  yon 
are  a  stranger.  This  is  no  war,  it  is  only  a  political 
difference.  We  shall  settle  it  in  a  month  or  two.  It 
will  gratify  the  South  to  be  allowed  to  see  this  de- 
struction— a  point  of  honor  yielded  to  her.  We  had 
better  surrender  this  yard  ;  burn  and  scuttle  wiiat  we 
need  ;  we  shall  the  sooner  settle  it."  "  Oh,"  said  the 
foreign  officer,  "  I  thought  you  were  fighting ;  it  was 
a  mistake  ;  very  well."  That  was  the  mistake  under 
which  the  whole  nation  rested  for  six  or  eight  months. 
Well,  we  ran  away  from  Manassas.  Wo  gathered 
another  army,  and  we  fought  some  bloody  and  gallant 
fights,  such  as  the  world  cannot,  of  late  years,  show 
many  like.  This  continent  was  almost  virgin  soil — 
hardly  a  dozen  spots  marked  by  the  hoof  of  the  demon 
of  war.  At  last,  we  have  anchored  it  alongside  of  Eu- 
rope and  South  America.  Hundreds  of  its  valleys 
and  mountains  are  marked  with  the  progress  of  battle 
or  its  actual  conflict;  and,  battle-stained,  blood-soaked, 
we  are  to  go  down  to  posterity  like  all  other  nations, 
emerging  from  battle.  The  Anti-Slavery  enterprise 
was  launched  on  the  idea  that  we  were  a  civilized 
people — that,  as  in  the   mother   country,  argument 


could  decide  the  question— that  nineteen  millions  of 
Americans  could  lift  the  slave  into  liberty  as  easily 
as  England  did,  without  a  drop  of  blood.  In  that 
day,  orators  spoke  of  peace,  and  poefs  sung  of  it. 
Sumner  was  first  launched  from  a  lawyer  into  a 
statesman  by  preaching  peace  on  the  fourth  day  of 
July  to  astounded  Boston.  Longfellow's  exquisite  verse 
was  given  to  the  Springfield  Armory,  wishing  that  its 
swords  might  be  beaten  into  ploughshares-  You  re- 
member it.  We  trusted  in  pulpits,  school-houses  and 
books;  we  believed  that  the  millennium  of  brains  had 
come,  not  bullets.  We  were  right,  so  far  as  the 
north  of  the  Potomac  was  concerned ;  but  wc  forgot 
that  this  live  North,  this  nineteenth  century,  with  its 
types  and  its  ideas,  was  linked,  like  the  man  in  the 
classic  legend,  to  the  dead  carcass  -of  the  sixteenth 
century — with  the  barbarism,  the  half-development  of 
the  other  side  of  the  Potomac.  The  Jesuit  said  in 
Paris,  two  hundred  years  ago,  "  The  only  light  fit  to 
instruct  the  erring  is  the  auto-da-fe  of  a  man  burnt  for 
his  heresy  in  opinion."  We  laughed  at  it,  as  a  pic- 
ture of  the  Sorbonne— dead  and  buried  for  two  cen- 
turies. But  a  Northerner  needed  to  travel  only  five 
hundred  miles,  any  time  within  the  last  thirty  years, 
to  see  his  brother  burned,  for  heresy  of  opinion,  under 
the  stars  and  stripes.  The  same  barbarism,  the  same 
picture  ;  and  it  is  because  we  are  tied  to  that  barba- 
rism, that  we  are  ohligcd  to  abide  to-day  the  arbitra- 
ment of  battle — brute  force.  Brains  can  argue  with 
brains,  but  brains  cannot  argue  with  brutes.  When 
the  bulls  of  the  prairies  rebel  against  man,  he  shoots 
them.  So,  when  the  brutes  of  the  cane-brakes,  or 
of  the  tobacco  lands,  or  of  the  cotton  islands,  rebel 
against  the  men  of  the  North,  they  cannot  meet  them 
with  pulpit  nor  school-house;  they  can  only  meet 
them  with  armies;  and  that  is  where  the  nation  has 
been  pushed  by  the  necessity  of  the  struggle. 

I  say,  this  new  life  needs  that  men  should  guide 
the  nation's  idea  carefully  in  the  new  time  and  new 
crisis.  The  President  is  a  very  slow  man  ;  an  honest 
man,  but  a  slow-moving  machine.  (Laughter.)  On 
the  4th  day  of  March,  1861,  he  gave  us  his  inaugural, 
based  on  the  idea  of  universal  conciliation ;  based  on 
the  idea,  as  Conway  of  Cincinnati  said,  that 
would  like  to  have  the  Lord  Almighty  on  his  side, 
but  he  must  have  the  State  of  Kentucky."  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  Then  we  waited  a  year — a  whole 
twelve-month— till  the  7th  of  March,  18S2— and  he 
took  one  step.  That  was,  "  I  can  do  without  the 
State  of  Kentucky.  I  advise  you  to  emancipate,  be- 
cause I  can  do  without  you."  That  is  the  Border 
State  Message.  Now,  I  express  my  sincere  convic- 
tion, with  no  disrespect  to  the  President,  when  I  say 
that  I  believe  he  will  wait  until  next  March,  if  left 
to  himself,  before  he  takes  another  step.  He  steps 
by  years!  (Great  merriment.)  Yon  see  there  is  a 
reason  for  it.  The  President's  policy  is,  that  the 
Border  States  must  bold  out  their  bands  to  him.  He 
has  held  out  his  hand  to  them,  and  said,  "  Gentlemen, 
there  is  the  money;  will  you  take  it?"  They  have 
got  to  meet  in  January,  and  debate  whether  they  will 
take  it.  That  debate  will  last  two  months — till 
March.  He  will  judge  then  whether  they  will  ac- 
cept or  not.  If  lie  thinks  they  will  not,  perhaps  he 
will  have  anew  step  to  take;  but  yon  see  he  must 
wait  a  year  before  he  takes  another  step.  The  Border 
States  have  not  had  the  magnanimity  to  summon 
special  sessions  of  their  Legislatures  to  consider  that 
Message.  Perhaps  that  was  not  possible.  They  must 
ripen  a  public  opinion  for  it.  But,  at  any  rate,  I  be- 
lieve President  Lincoln,  at  this  moment,  means  to 
wait  until  next  March  before  advancing  another  step. 
That  is  very  slow  progress.  I  think,  if  we  can 
nudge  him  ahead  a  little,  it  will  be  of  great  ad  van 
(Merriment.)  I  think,  in  the  meantime,  we  should 
ripen  public  sentiment,  so  that,  if  we  cannot  move  the 
centra!  body,  we  can  make  a  flank  movement,  if  you 
please;  we  can  move  our  pickets  ahead,  if  we  cannot 
move  our  main  body. 

You  see,  here  is  Johnson,  military  Governor 
Tennessee;  and  a  gentleman  who  honored  us  with 
his  presence  yesterday  morning,  Gen.  Saxton,  I  am 
told,  is  to  go  to  South  Carolina,  as  military  Governor 
of  that  State.  How  does  he  go  ?  He  goes  as  the 
representative  of  the  military  power  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  the  first  time  in  our  his- 
tory that  it  has  ever  been  exercised.  This  sending 
a  military  Governor  into  a  sister  State,  what  does  it 
mean  1 — what  power  has  he  1 — how  shall  he  use  it 
You  and  I  are  to  exercise  our  fair  share  of  influence 
in  deciding  what  the  power  is,  and  how  he  shall  i 
it.  Let  me  suggest  one  or  two  considerations  to  yi 
How  does  Gen.  Saxton  go  there  1  If  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  exists,  he  has  no  right  there.  If  there 
he  a  corporation  known  by  the  name  of  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  to-day  in  existence.  Brig. -Gen.  Saxton 
has  no  right,  in  the  capacity  in  which  the  President 
sends  him,  to  stand  on  her  soil.  Why  does  he  go? 
He  goes  on  the  theory  of  the  Government,  that  there 
is  no  corporation  known  to  the  law  called  and  styled 
the  State  of  So.  Carolina;  that  there  is  no  corporation 
there  competent  to  do  an  act,  competent  to  pass  a  law. 
competent  to  record  a  judgment,  competent  to  initiate 
an  election.  You  know,  in  the  Dorr  case,  Mr.  Webster 
argued  that  the  people  of  Khode  Island  could  not  meet 
and  vote,  could  not  even  vote  the  State  intoexistem 
unless  some  recognized  legislative  body  existed  in  the 
State  to  initiate  and  inaugurate  the  movement.  That 
is  the  theory  of  American  institutions.  Now,  if  there 
exists  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina  a  body  capable  of 
a  political  act,  Gen.  Saxton  has  no  right  to  go  there. 
He  goes  on  the  theory  that  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment owns  the  land,  and  that  the  United  States 
Government  holds  the  people  as  its  subjects;  that 
there  is  nothing  else  there  but  land  and  people,  and 
therefore  we  send  a  Governor,  in  the  shape  of  a 
Brigadier-General.  Well,  if  he  goes  there  a  Briga- 
dier General,  Military  Governor  of  a  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  what  does  he  carry  ?  He  carries  the 
Republican  platform  of  Chicago — that  the  Territories 
of  the  United  States  ignore  slavery.  He  carries  the 
pledge  of  the  fifteen  hundred  thousand  voters  who 
sent  Abraham  Lincoln  to  Washington,  that  a  Repub- 
lican Brigadier  General  has  not  spectacles  keen  enough 
to  see  a  slave  on  the  territory  of  South  Carolina.  (Ap- 
plause.) He  has  no  glass  that  can  tell  him  the  differ- 
ence between  white  and  black.  He  sees  only  a  man, 
created  in  the  image  of  God,  competent  to  vote  in  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  taxa- 
tion and  the  laws  of  the  Federal  Government.  I 
think  we  are  entitled  to  demand  of  the  Republican 
party,  now  in  possession  of  the  Government,  whose 
corner-stone  was  that  they  would  annihilate  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  who  leapt  into  the  saddle  from  the 
horse-block  of  Taney's  bad  law — we  are  entitled  to 
demand  of  that  party,  that  when,  by  military  power, 
it  takes  possession  of  Tennessee  and  South  Carolina, 
it  shall  carry  there  the  only  plank  in  its  platform 
which  had  any  value,  that  in  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  the  Federal  Government  can  neither 
make  a  king  nor  a  slave.  (Applause.)  I  criticise 
Andrew  Johnson,  therefore,  because,  when  he  goes  to 
Tennessee,  he  recognizes  slavery.  I  hope  that  Brig- 
adier-General Saxton,  if  he  goes  to  South  Carolina, 
wilt  know  nothing  but  citizens,  black  and  white.  (Ap- 
plause.) If  he  does,  it  is  our  duty  to  arraign  the 
Government;  it  is  our  duty  to  criticise  the  Adminis- 
tration which  makes  this  fatal  mistake  in  the  theory 
of  its  powers.  Either  the  States  exist,  or  they  do  not 
exist.  If  they  exist,  we  have  one  work  to  do ;  if  they 
do  not  exist,  we  have  another.  We  are  proceeding 
on  the  principle  that  they  do  not  exist.  The  Com- 
mander-in-Chief takes  military  possession  of  the  lands, 
in  the  name  of  the  Government,  and  puts  State  law 
under  his  feet — it  has  no  existence.  Whenever  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  is  to  exist,  he  must  call  it 
into  being.  I  would  like  to  see  the  United  States 
Government,  under  Republican  auspices,  call  a  slave 
State  into  being ! 

Now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  this  seems  to  be  the 
channel  (our  friend  [Theodore  TiltonJ  has  ad- 
verted to  it)  in  which  the  Government  chooses  to 
move — that  in  case  the  President  take  possession  of 
the  territory,  he  shall,  as  the  military  chief,  exercise 
the  war  power  of  the  Government.  .Grant  it  I  No 
matter  whether  it  is  exercised  by  Congress  or  the 


President,  but  whichever  does  exercise  it,  we  must 
demand  that  it  be  exercised  consistently;  and  the  path 
is  perfectly  clear.  We  do  not  need  a  Confiscation 
bill.  If  the  President  will  only  use  the  power  that  he 
n  its  full  breadth,  there  is  no  need  of  adverting 
to  the  distinction  which  our  friend  made  in  his  speech 
in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  blacks.  The  United 
States  Government  cannot  make  a  slave  nor  a  king, 
and  everything  south  of  the  Potomac  belongs  to  the 
Government,  not  to  the  States.  (Applause.)  We  have 
conquered  it,  and  it  is  ours.  (Renewed  applause.) 
Ours  by  the  blood  of  Pittsburg  and  Roanoke;  ours 
by  the  conquest  of  Yorktown  and  New  Orleans  ;  ours 
by  a  thousand  million  of  taxes;  ours  by  the  names  of 
Ellsworth  and  Lyon,  and  Winthrop  and  Baker. 
(Great  applause,)  I  do  not  think  we  have  any  claim 
to  govern  this  country  on  the  "ground  that  we  have 
more  cannon,  more  men,  and  more  money  than  the 
South.  That  is  a  bald,  brutal  superiority.  The  claim 
of  the  North  to  govern  must  be  founded  on  the  ground 
that  our  civilization  is  better,  purer,  nobler,  higher, 
than  that  of  the  South.  Our  civilization  is  ideas, 
rights,  education,  labor.  This  is  my  doctrine  :  I  hold 
that  the  South  is  to  be  annihilated.  I  do  not  mean 
the  geographical  South.  That  is  not  the  sense  in 
which  we  have  used  the  word  of  late.  The  map  will 
still  show  the  inlets  of  Roanoke  and  Ship  Island. 
But  when  we  have  used  the  word  "  South,"  of  late, 
wc  have  used  it  to  mean  the  intellectual,  social,  aris- 
tocratic South — the  thing  that  represented  itself  by 
slavery  and  the  bowie-knife,  by  bullying  and  lynch 
law,  by  ignorance  and  idleness,  by  the  claim  of  one 
man  to  own  his  brother,  by  statutes  making  it  penal 
for  the  State  of  Massachusetts  to  bring  an  action  in 
the  courts,  by  statutes,  existing  on  the  books  of  Geor- 
gia to-day,  offering  five  thousand  dollars  for  the  head 
of  William  Lloyd  Garrison.  That  South  is  to  be  an- 
nihilated. (Loud  applause.)  The  totality  of  my  com- 
mon sense — or  whatever  you  may  call  it — is  this,  all 
summed  up  in  one  word  :  This  country  will  never 
know  peace  nor  union  until  the  South  (using  the 
word  in  the  sense  I  have  described)  is  annihilated,  and 
the  North  is  spread  over  it.  I  do  not  care  where 
men  go  for  the  power.  They  may  find  it  in  the 
parchment — I  do.  I  think,  with  Patrick  Henry,  with 
John  Quincy  Adams,  with  Gen.  Cass,  we  have  got 
ample  constitutional  powers;  but  if  we  had  not,  it 
would  not  trouble  me  in  the  least.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  I  do  not  think  a  nation's  life  is  locked  up 
in  a  parchment.  I  think  this  is  the  momentous  strug- 
gle of  a  great  nation  for  existence  and  perpetuity. 
We  have  been  planted  as  one ;  the  normal  idea  of 
the  nation  is  that  it  is  to  be  one  and  indivisible.  The 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  belongs  as  much  to  Illi: 
as  to  Louisiana.  A  Massachusetts  farmer,  who  sold 
out  his  hundred  acres,  took  his  five  thousand  or  fifty 
thousand  dollars,  went  out  and  bought  prairie  land, 
cast  in  his  lot  with  Illinois,  gave  his  children  to  that 
civilization,  and  his  twenty  years  of  labor  to  that  soil, 
on  what  faith  did  he  do  if? — on  what  conditions  did 
he  do  it?  That  Illinois,  locked  up  among  the  lakes 
and  the  mountains,  was  to  be  his  home,  and  the  field 
of  his  labor,  and  the  boundary  of  his  trade  ?  No ;  he 
read  the  history  of  this  people,  since  1801,  and  saw 
them  pour  out  their  wealth  by  millions  at  the  feet 
of  the  French  Emperor,  to  buy  access  to  the  ocean, 
and  believed  that  we  owned  it.  When  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire  sent  out  their  farmers  by  thou- 
sands to  Illinois  and  Iowa,  they  went  with  the  ex- 
pectation, under  the  pledge,  that  they  should  have  a 
highway  to  the  ocean  on  the  surface  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  fulfilment  of  that  pledge  New  England  owes  to 
her  sons  to-day;  and  Illinois  may  well  rise  up  and 
say,  "When  you  sold  me  this  land  from  the  Land 
Office  at  Washington,  you  sold  it  with  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi  as  a  part  of  the  bargain  ;  and  Louisi- 
ana lias  no  right,  for  any  cause  that  she  can  show,  to 
take  it  from  me.  If  she  can  show  that  we  have  vio- 
lated the  Declaration  of  Independence,  if  she  can 
show  that  we  have  failed  to  secure  her  the  ends  of 
government,  liberty  and  happiness,  she  has  a  right  to 
secede.  Without  it,  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  be- 
longs to  Illinois." 

I  use  that  illustration  to  show  that  we  are  one,  as 
a  nation.  That  being  taken  for  granted  at  the  outset, 
which  civilization  is  to  govern  1  The  best.  For  thirty 
years,  the  North  flung  clown  the  gauntlet  of  the  print- 
ing-press, and  said,  "  I  will  prove  that  mine  is  the 
best."  The  South  accepted  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  securing  a  free  press,  and  took  the  risk. 
She  said,  "  There  is  my  slavery.  I  believe  it  will 
abide  discussion.  I  am  willing  to  put  it  into  the 
cauldron."  And  Massachusetts  put  in  her  land  and 
property,  and  we  made  a  "  hodge-podge,"  as  the 
English  landlord  says,  a  general  mess,  a  bowl  of 
punch,  (laughter,)  of  all  the  institutions  of  the  nation, 
and  we  said,  "  There  is  the  free  press  on  the  top,  and 
the  one  that  cannot  bear  it  goes  to  the  bottom." 
(Applause.)  For  two  generations,  the  experiment 
went  on  ;  and  when  Lincoln  went  to  AYashington, 
South  Carolina  saw  the  handwriting  on  the  wall — 
the  handwriting  as  of  old — that  the  free  press  had  con- 
quered, and  that  slavery  was  sinking,  like  a  dead 
body,  to  the  bottom;  and  she  said,  practically,  "I 
know  I  made  the  bargain,  but  I  cannot  abide  it. 
I  know  I  agreed  to  put  myself  into  the  general  part- 
nership, and  now  comes  the  demand  for  my  submis- 
sion to  the  great  laws  of  human  progress — I  cannot 
submit."  So  she  loaded  her  guns,  and  turned  them, 
shotted  to  the  lips,  against  the  Federal  government, 
saying,  "  There  is  a  fortification  behind  the  printing- 
press — it  is  the  Minie  rifle."  "All  well,"  said  the 
North;  "  now  we  will  try  that.  (Applause.)  I  of- 
fered you  tho  nineteenth  century,  with  books;  you 
chose  to  go  back  to  the  fifteenth,  with  armies  ;  try 
it!"  She  flung  down  the  gauntlet ;  the  North  raised 
it,  and  has  flung  it  back  into  the  Gulf.  (Applause.) 
Beaten  in  both  ways,  conquered  on  both  issues,  our 
civilization  triumphant  in  brains,  and  still  more  em- 
phatically triumphant  in  bullets,  (applause,)  the 
question  now  comes  up — which  shall  rule  this  one 
and  indivisible  country?  The  South  said,  "I  load 
my  cannon,  in  order  that  I  may  annihilate  Massa- 
chusetts." "  I  accept  it,"  said  the  Bay  State,  and  her 
cannon  being  the  largest  and  the  strongest,  she  an- 
nihilates the  South  instead.  (Renewed  applause.) 
That  is  the  argument.  We  should  have  gone  to 
the  wall  had  she  beaten.  One  nation! — she  goes  to 
the  wall  when  we  beat.  That  is  common  sense;  that 
is  fair,  sound  policy. 

Now,  what  do  I  mean  when  I  say,  she  goes  to  the 
wall?  Imean  this:  To-day,  some  of  you  have  read 
in  the  'Tribune  the  letter  I  referred  to  yesterday,  from 
a  merchant  of  Missouri  to  a  mercantile  correspondent 
in  Boston.  A  merchant;  not  an  abolition  lecturer, 
not  a  fanatic,  but  a  man  coolly  sitting  down  to  his 
desk,  and  taking  out  a  thousand  dollars  to  send  to  his 
friend,  as  part  payment  of  a  debt,  and  adding  these 
ideas,  more  valuable  than  the  money.  His  precedents 
were,  that  he  voted  the  Bell-Everett  ticket.  He  is 
not  to  be  suspected  of  fanaticism.  (Great  merriment.) 
As  his  great  candidate  never  had  a  hot  drop  of  blood 
in  his  body,  this  man  probably  never  had  one  in  his. 
More  than  that,  you  know  it  is  said  that,  in  letter- 
writing,  a  man  has  forty  sides,  and  he  shows  one  side 
to  each  correspondent.  This  man  is  writing  to  a  Bell- 
Everett  voter,  and  he  showed,  therefore,  his  icy  side 
in  that  direction.  What  does  he  say?  The  letter  is 
written  from  the  line  of  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph 
railroad.     He  says  : 

,  Missouri,  March  4,  1862. 

GfcOBQE  C.  Richardson,  Esq.:  Dear  Sir — I  send 

you  §1000.  I  regret  it  is  not  more.  I  will  send  you 
more  in  a  abort  time.  Our  Union  army  isprogressing 
finely,  and  to  outsiders  it  appears  that  the  rebellion  is 
crushed  out  in  Missouri,  but  it  is  far  from  it.  Two  of 
my  good  Union  friends  were  shot  dead  in  the  coun- 
try— one  about  six,  and  the  other  twelve  miles  from 
here — for  being  outspoken  Union  men;  and  three 
more  were  shot  dead,  and  three  badly  wounded, 
two  days  ago,  on  our  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  rail- 
road. Private  assassination  will,  I  fear,  be  the  or- 
der of  the  clay.  About  three  weeks  ago,  a  seces- 
sionist came  into  my  store,  and  attempted  to  assassin- 
ate one  of  my  clerks  in  tho  middle  of  the  afternoon, 
and  then  got  on  his  horse  and  rode  off;  and  we  have 
never  yet  been  able  to  arrest  him.  The  poor  fellow, 
the  clerk,  has  been  lying  at.  my  house.,  perfectly  pros- 
trate.  His  name  is  Win.  It.  Loop,  a  very  correct,  in- 
telligent, loyal  man.    His,  brother  is  cashier  of  the 


Wyoming  Bank,  Pennsylvania.  His  only  crime  was 
outspoken  Union  sentiments. 

I  mention  these  tilings  to  show  you  how  complete- 
ly slavery  and  secession  have  barbarized  and  destroy- 
ed society  in  the  slave  Slates;  and  my  opinion,  after 
twenty-five  years  of  personal  observation  and  close 
contact  with  it,  is,  that  now  is  the  lime  to  put  the  great 
disturbing  element  in  such  a  position  that  we  are  sat- 
isfied it  is  in  a  way  of  extinction,  and  that  beyond  ail 
possible  doubt.  If  we  go  back  to  the  old  status  in  re- 
gard to  slavery,  and  revive  the  enforcement  of  tho 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  up  rise  old  slave-traders,  slave- 
breeders,  and  slave-bullies,  at  every  election  precinct 
in  every  slave  State,  and  slave-bullies  in  Congress 
and  everywhere.  You  can  never  compromise  with 
slavery.  It  will  rule  and  destroy  you,  or  you  must 
destroy  it.   (Applause.) 

I  know  your  conservative,  charitable  and  generous 
sentiments  toward  your  slave-breeding  countrymen; 
but  they  are  terribly  in  earnest  in  their  endeavors  to 
divide  and  destroy  this  great  Republic,  or  make  us 
one  great  slave- trading,  slave-breeding,  slave-catch- 
ing, and  slave-extending  people  ;  and  this  cannot  be 
entertained  by  the  descendants  of  the  Puritans,  nor  by 
any  great  and  just  people.  Now  is  the  time  to  lay 
the  foundation  for  the  unity  of  the  great 
Republic. 

I  am  informed  by  my  ultra  secession  acquaintances 
that  tho  Southern  Commissioners  in  France  and  Eng- 
land have  been  peddling  or  hawking  around  to  those 
governments  the  proposition  to  gradually  abolish  sla- 
very, if  they  will  acknowledge  their  independence 
and  assist  them.  All  slaves  now  alive,  to  be  slaves 
for  life,  and  all  born  after  the  treaty,  to  be  freed  after 
twenty-one  years  of  age;  and  free  trade  for  fifty 
years  with  the  South. 

Let  us  force  them  to  that  proposition  with  us,  or  if 
they  still  '  rebel,  declare  universal  emancipation. 
Your  Senator  Sumner  is  fully  ten  years  ahead  of  his 
countrymen,  but  he,  on  this  question,  is  all  right. 
(Loud  applause.)  I  am  afraid  I  have  bored  you  with 
what  you  may  call  an  Abolition  letter,  but  I  have  had 
a^dear  honorable  friend  shot  dead  in  the  presence  of 
his  wife  and  three  children,  for  no  other  crime  than 
that  he  was  a  straight  outspoken  Union  man,  and  my 
clerk  has  been  near  death's  door,  and  we  go  armed 
with  pistols,  and  with  a  good  disposition  to  use  them, 
and  I  have  seen  a  handsome  competency  vanish 
quickly  before  this  secession  crime.  We  dare  not 
go  out  into  the  country  yet,  but  hope  to  soon. 

Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  has  two  hundred  thousand  men 
in  arms  to-day.  I  do  not  believe  he  ever  had  over 
three  hundred  thousand.  Great  is  brag,  and  they 
have  bragged  three  hundred  thousand  into  six,  and 
wooden  guns  into  iron  ones.  He  has  got  two  hun- 
dred thousand  in  arms  to-day,  and  there  is  a  strong 
probability  that  he  will  fight  desperately  somewhere, 
before  he  allows  that  army  to  disband.  Before  this 
body  retreats  into  Mexico— before,  like  his  great  fa- 
ther in  the  Gospel,  he  goes  "  violently  down  a  steep 
place  into  the  sea,"  (loud  laughter  and  applause) — 
he  will  fight  a  great  battle  somewhere.  Let  me  grant 
you  that,  after  the  summer  13  over,  after  the  yellow 
fever  and  typhus  are  quieted,  we  crush  that  army  out, 
scatter  it,  demoralize  it,  conquer  it — where  is  it  to  go  ? 
What  will  become  of  its  materials  ?  What  brought 
it  together?  Hatred  of  us.  Will  being  beaten  make 
them  love  us  ?  Is  that  the  way  to  make  men  love 
you?  Can  you  whip  a  man  into  loving  you?  Yon 
whip  him  into  a  bitterer  hate.  Where  will  that  army 
go  ?  Into  a  state  of  society  more  cruel  than  war — 
whose  characteristics  are  private  assassination,  burn- 
ing, stabbing,  shooting,  poisoning.  The  consequence 
is,  we  have  got  not  only  an  army  to  conquer,  that, 
being  beaten,  will  not  own  it,  but  we  have  got  a 
state  of  mind  to  annihilate.  You  know  Napoleon 
said,  the  difficulty  with  the  German  armies  was, 
they  didn't  know  when  they  were  beaten.  We  have 
got  a  worse  trouble  than  that.  The  South  will  not 
believe  itself  beaten,  but  the  materials  that  make  up 
its  army  will  not  retire  back  to  peaceful  pursuits. 
Where  are  they  going  to  retire  ?  They  don't  know 
how  to  do  anything.  You  might  think  they  would 
go  back  to  trade.  They  don't  know  how  to  trade  ; 
they  never  did  anything.  You  might  think  they 
would  go  back  to  their  professions.  They  nevei 
had  any.  You  might  think  they  would  go  back  to  tilt 
mechanic  arts.  They  don't  know  how  to  open  a  jack 
knife.  (Great  merriment.)  There  is  nothing  for 
them  to  go  to,  unless  we  send  them  half  a  million  of 
emancipated  blacks,  to  teach  them  how  to  plant 
cotton.  There  is  nothing  for  them  to  go  to.  Why, 
to  the  North,  war  is  a  terrible  evil.  It  takes  the  law 
yer,  the  merchant,  the  mechanic,  from  his  industrious, 
improving,  inspiring  occupation,  and  lets  him  down 
into  the  demoralization  of  a  camp;  but  to  the  South, 
war  is  a  gain.  The  young  man,  melted  in  sensuality, 
whose  face  was  never  lighted  up  by  a  purpose  since 
his  mother  looked  into  his  cradle — the  mere  wreck  of 
what  should  have  been  a  man — with  neither  ideas,  nor 
inspirations,  nor  aspirations,  was  lifted  by  the  war  to  a 
higher  level.  Did  you  ever  look  into  the  beautiful 
faces  of  those  Roman  young  men,  whose  ideas  were 
bounded  by  coffee  and  the  opera  —  till  Garibaldi's 
bugle  waked  them  to  life — beautiful,  because  human 
still?  Well,  that  was  the  South.  Over  those  wrecks 
of  manhood,  breathed  the  bugle-note  of  woman  and 
politics,  calling  upon  them  to  rally  and  fight  for  an 
idea — Southern  independence.  It  lifted  them,  for  the 
moment,  into  something  that  looked  like  civilization; 
it  lifted  them  into  something  that  was  a  real  life ;  and 
war  to  them  is  a  gain.  They  go  out  of  it,  and  they 
sink  down  a  hundred  degrees  in  the  scale  of  civiliza- 
tion. They  go  back  to  bar-rooms,  to  cprner- groceries, 
to  plantation  sensuality,  to  chopping  straw,  and  calling 
it  politics.     (Laughter.) 

Now,  that  South,  angry,  embittered,  having  arms  in 
its  hands,  what  is  it  going  to  do  ?  Shoot,  burn,  poison, 
vent  its  rage  on  every  side.  The  letter  I  have  read 
shows  but  the  first  drops  of  the  shower — the  first  patter- 
ing drops  of  the  flood  of  barbarism  that  is  to  sweepover 
those  Southern  States,  unless  our  armies  hold  them. 
When  England  conquered  the  Highlands,  she  held 
them,  and  held  them  until  she  could  educate  them, 
and  it  took  a  generation.  That  is  just  what  we  have 
got  to  do  with  the  South;  annihilate  the  old  South, 
and  put  a  new  one  there.  Some  men  say,  begin  it  by 
exporting  the  blacks.  If  you  do,  you  export  the  very 
fulcrum  of  the  lever;  you  export  the  very  best  mate- 
rial to  begin  with.  My  friend  (Mr.  Tii/ton)  said 
something  about  the  Alleghanies  moving  toward  the 
ocean  as  the  symbol  of  colonization.  Let  me  change 
it.  The  nation  that  should  shovel  down  the  Alle- 
ghanies, and  then  build  them  up  again,  would  be  a 
wise  nation  compared  with  the  one  that  should  export 
four  million  blacks,  and  then  import  four  million  of 
Chinese  to  take  their  places.  To  dig  a  hole,  and  then 
fill  it  up  again,  to  build  a  wall  for  the  purpose  of  beat- 
ing out  your  brains  against  it,  would  be  Shakesperian 
wisdom  compared  with  such  an  undertaking.  I  want 
the  blacks  as  the  very  basis  of  the  effort  to  regenerate 
the  South.  They  know  every  inlet,  the  pathway  of 
every  wood,  the  whole  country  is  a  map  at  night  to 
their  instinct.  When  Burnside  unfurled  the  stars  and 
■  stripes  in  sight  of  Roanoke,  he  saw  a  little  canoe  pad- 
dling off  to  him,  which  held  a  single  black  man  j  and 
in  that  contraband  hand,  victory  was  brought  to  the 
United  States  of  America,  led  by  Burnside.  He  came 
to  the  Rhode  Island  General,  and  said  :  "  This  is  deep 
water,  and  that  is  shoal;  this  is  swamp,  that  is  firm 
land,  and  that  is  wood;  there  are  four  thousand  men 
here,  and  one  thousand  there;  a  cannon  here,  a  re- 
doubt there."  The  whole  country  was  mapped  out,  as 
an  engineer  could  not  have  done  it  in  a  month,  in  the 
memory  of  that  man.  And  Burnside  was  loyal  to  hu- 
manity, and  believed  him.  (Applause.)  Disloyal  to 
the  Northern  pulpit,  disloyal  to  the  prejudice  of  race, 
ho  was  loyal  to  the  instincts  of  our  common  nature, 
knew  that  man  would  tell  him  the  truth,  and  obeyed 
him.  The  soldiers  forded  where  the  negro  bade  them, 
the  vessels  anchored  in  the  deep  waters  he  pointed 
out,  and  that  victory  was  planned,  if  there  was  any 
strategy  about  it,  in  the  brain  of  that  contraband  (ap- 
plause) ;  and  to-day  ho  stands  at  the  right  hand  of 
Burnside,  clad  in  uniform,  long  before  Hunter  armed  a 
negro,  with  the  pledge  of  the  General  that,  as  long  as 
he  lives  and  has  anything  to  eat,  the  man  that  gave 
him  Roanoke  shall  have  halt' a  loaf.  (Enthusiastic  ap- 
plause.) Do  you  suppose,  that  if  I  could  multiply 
that  instance  by  four  million,  the  American  people  can 
afford  to  give  up  such  assistance  ?  Of  course  not. 
We  want  to  take  military  possession  of  the  territory  ; 
we  want  to  work  out  the  great  problem  of  unfolding  a 
nation's  life.  We  want  the  four  million  of  Macks— a 
people  instinctively  on  our  side,  ready  and  skilled  to 
work;  tho  only  clement  the  South  has  that  belongs 


to  the  nineteenth  century.  You  never  can  mistake 
them.  It  used  to  he  said,  in  old  anti-slavery  timeB, 
that  if  a  fugitive  negro  saw  a  Quaker  coat,  his  heart 
beat  easy— he  knew  he  was  safe.     I  think  the  Btars 

nd  stripes  can  float  lazily  down  and  kiss  the  standard, 
all  over  the  South,  when  a  black  face  is  in  sight.  I 
want  it  there,  therefore. 

I  am  not  speaking  for  the  negro  ;  I  am  not  asking 
for  his  rights;  I  am  asking  for  the  use  of  him.  I 
want  him  for  the  future.  We  have  to  make  over  the 
State  of  South  Carolina,  and  we  have  not  a  white  man 
in  i^  Did  you  observe  that  significant  telegram  of 
McClellan  from  Yorktown — and  it  was  only  the  repe- 
tition of  a  dozen  telegrams  that  preceded  it—"  To  the 
Secretary  of  War :  Sir,  we  have  taken  Yorktown; 
only  one  single  white  man  in  it."  He  does  not  think 
it  necessary  to  say  there  were  some  thousands  of  ne- 
groes. Of  course  there  were.-  They  stayed  where 
liberty  was  coming,  and  ideas,  and  civilization,  and 
men  who  worked  with  their  hands  and  their  brains,  as 
they  did.  They  recognized  in  the  Yankee  a  brother 
mechanic.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  They  said: 
"Here  are  men  who  don't  know  how  to  do  anything 
but  eat,  and  they  are  going.  The  people  who  are 
coming  are  men  who  know  how  to  manufacture,  to 
create,  and  we,  the  creators  of  the  South,  stand  to  wel- 
come the  creators  of  the  North."  (Applause.)  But 
that  one  poor  solitary  white  man,  who  always  remains 

(laughter) — just  like 

"  The  last  rose  of  summer 
Left  blooming  alone  " 

[great  merriment] — 

he  is  only  suggestive  of  that  other  kindred  and  friendly 

ce  which  never  flies. 

Well,  I  believe  in  Saxton.  I  think  that  when  he 
gets  on  the  soil  of  South  Carolina,  with  Hunter  for  his 
right  hand,  we  shall  hear  good  news ;  but  I  do  not  be- 
lieve (and  here,  perhaps,  you  will  not  agree  with  me) 
in  our  Generals.  I  do  not  believe  we  shall  do  much 
until  we  get  rid  of  several  of  them.  Not  but  that  ihey 
are  very  good  Generals,  for  aught  I  know.  I  obey  the 
Herald,  and  the  Express,  and  the  Observer,  who  say 
that  peaceable  men  are  not  to  criticise  military  ma- 
nceuvres.  I  do  not  know  anything  about  fortifications, 
and  Gen.  Scott  says  that  McClellan  docs  understand 
them,  and  I  wish  we  had  found  out  that  that  is  what 
he  does  understand.  (Laughter.)  But  that  is  what 
the  old  General  says.  I  have  no  doubt  he  does  under- 
stand them.  I  am  happy  that  he  does ;  but  that  is  not 
the  question.  The  question  is,  whether  he  has  yet 
travelled  up,  in  the  course  of  his  education,  to  the  con- 
viction that  this  is  not  a  political  squabble,  but  a  war. 
In  political  squabbles,  we  do  not  hurt  anybody ;  we 
turn  them  out  of  office.  In  war,  we  kill  them.  There 
is  the  difference.  Now,  whether  Jefferson  Davis  is  in 
office  or  not  does  not  matter,  if  another  man,  like  him, 
is  to  hold  it.  Put  the  South  back  just  where  she  was 
before  the  rebellion,  as  Mr.  Joel  Parker  recommends, 
in  the  North  American  Review,  who  shall  we  have  in 
Congress  ?  We  shall  not  have  Toombs  and  Davis, 
but  "a  rose  by  any  other  name  will  smell  as  sweet." 
(Laughter.)  We  shalL  have  just  such  men.  Like 
causes  will  produce  like  effects.  The  same  spirit  will 
send  the  same  men.  I  want  different  men.  I  want  a 
North  wind.  I  want  the  waves  setting  North  ;  there- 
fore, I  want  a  North  wind.  I  do  not  want  that  class 
of  men,  but  a  different  class.  We  have  tried  that  class 
of  men  by  logic  and  by  battle,  and  they  have  failed  in 
both.  I  claim  the  right  of  having  the  Northern  idea 
represented  all  over  the  Union.  The  South,  for  sixty 
years,  beat  us  at  the  ballot-box.  She  had  all  the  Presi- 
dents, all  the  ambassadors,  two-thirds  of  the  Judges, 
and  all  the  fat  offices.  Grant  it!  She  beat  us,  and 
there  was  an  end  of  it.  If  we  could  not  beat  her,  the 
majority  rule,  and  we  submitted  to  our  fate.  Now, 
the  tables  are  turned  ;  the  government  is  on  our  side ; 
and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  say  now — what  the  gov- 
ernment will  say  in  three  years,  or  fifteen — that  there 
ought  never  to  be  a  government  in  South  Carolina  un- 
til it  is  the  result  of  free  institutions,  and  the  expres- 
sion of  them.  (Applause.)  Never  until  that  time  can 
there  be  a  Union ;  never  until  that  time  can  there  be  one 
nation.  I  want  to  impress  that  idea  upon  your  minds, 
because  I  would  like  to  carry  you  back  to  revolution- 
arytimes.  Webster  said  our  fathers  went  to  war  for 
a  preamble.  They  did  not  wait  for  the  government  to 
he  annihilated,  for  great  rights  to  be  jeoparded.  Now, 
we  have  not  yet  risen  to  their  level.  The  North  is 
very  much  excited  by  the  news  of  the  barbarities  at 
Manassas — that  is  not  principle.  The  Senate  is  dis- 
cussing whether  they  will  confiscate,  as  a  method  of 
punishment;  you  hear  nothing  of  the  negro — nothing 
of  righteousness — nothing  of  right  and  wrong — noth- 
ing of  the  security  for  the  future  that  we  are  to  take. 
Men  say,  "  If  it  is  a  military  necessity,  in  order  to 
conquer  Carolina,  take  her  blacks."  I  say,  if  it  is  a 
civil  necessity,  in  order  to  keep  her  quiet  for  thirty 
years,  take  her  blacks."  (Applause.)  The  men  who 
have  been  making  money  for  thirty  years,  and  lost  it 
within  a  year — do  they  want  to  go  on  for  another  thir- 
ty years,  build"  up  another  fortune,  and  then  have,  as 
Mr.  Tilton  says,  another  earthquake?  No;  we  will 
destroy  that  system,  in  order  to  build  our  fortunes  in 
future  upon  the  granite  of  absolute  security.  That  is 
the  motive.  In  order  that  it  maj^  be  done,  see  to  it 
that  you  urge  the  government  forward.  I  wish  to 
take  back  what  I  said  of  Secretary  Welles  some  time 
ago,  that  he  was  not  wise  and  alert  in  the  matter  of 
the  Monitor.  I  did  him  injustice,  and  I  am  glad  to 
say,  that  I  think  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  deserves 
to  stand  next  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  (Applause.) 
I  believe  he  has  never  done  an  act  that  acknowledged 
slavery  since  he  has  been  in  office,  and  every  voice 
that  has  been  heard  from  the  Navy  Department  has 
been  one  that  indicated  a  thorough  fathoming  of  tho 
nature  of  our  institutions.  More  than  that ;  it  is  cer- 
tainly due  to  tho  navy  to  say,  that  wherever  it  has 
shown  itself  in  any  battle,  it  has  done  its  duty  ;  and 
in  almost  every  great  battle,  we  have  owed  one-half  of 
our  success  to  the  navy.  Now,  I  cannot  go  behind 
these  facts  to  criticise  individuals;  I  do  not  know 
where  the  merit  rests.  All  I  say  is,  that  the  navy  has 
got  its  heart,  its  prow,  turned  in  the  right  direction, 
and  I  am  willing  to  believe,  that  while  Connecticut 
gives  us  a  Secretary,  we  have  got  our  Monitor,  with  a 
steel  prow,  and  that  she  will  beat  back  the  Merrimac, 
if  she  does  not  sink  her,  wherever  they  meet.  I  mean 
to  say,  that  I  think  the  navy  will  supply  itself  with 
sufficient  material,  and  be  led  by  energetic  orders  from 
head-quarters,  and  will  do  its  duty.  I  wished  to  say 
so  much,  because,  once  or  twice,  I  have  done  injustice 
to  Mr.  Secretary  Welles. 

But  it  is  not  in  the  Cabinet,  it  is  in  public  opinion 
that  we  are  to  find  the  strength  of  our  cause  this  sum- 
mer. We  may  have  a  lull  this  June.  In  the  winter 
months,  in  Kentucky  and  Virginia,  we  lost  2,300  sol- 
diers a  month  from  disease — more  than  two  regiments. 
Out  of  600,000  men,  in  a  time  of  absolute  peace,  wc 
may  say — no  battles  being  fought — in  the  cool  middle 
belt  of  the  country,  in  winter,  we  have  buried  2,300 
men  a  month.  How  many  shall  wo  bury  when,  ad- 
vancing southward,  in  summer  time,  those  000,000 
men  meet  nothing  but  the  climate  7  Six  thousand — 
eight  thousand — ten  thousand.  We  are  approaching 
that  summer;  audit  is  this  that  sends  bitterness  to 
Western  and  Northern  homes.  Taxes,  descending  on 
Northern  business  and  trade,  will  move  self-interest  to 
cure  this  evil  as  rapidly  as  possible.  Political  in- 
triguers will  endeavor  to  settle  it  anyhow  ;  will  be  will- 
ing that  Johnson,  in  Tennessee,  shall  get  peace,  no 
matter  how  ;  that  the  President  shall  exercise  his  mili- 
tary power.  We  cannot  avert  it;  we  ought  not  to 
avert  it.  But  we  ought  to  claim,  in  behalf  of  the  ne- 
gro, and  in  behalf  of  the  nation,  as  a  great  matter  of 
future  security,  that  the  President  shall  exercise  his 
power,  as  a  Republican — as  an  Abolitionist,  if  you 
please — on  the  principles  of  the  platform  that  lifted 
him  into  office.  I  fear  it  will  not  he  done,  until  wo 
get  rid  of  the  leading  influences  in  the  army.  1  have 
nothing  to  say  of  Ilalleck,  aa  a  soldier;  nothing  to  BRy 
of  McClellan ;  and  little  to  say  of  Grant.    All  I  know 

that  they  do  not  believe — neither  does  Anderson,  of 
your  city,  fresh  from  Sumter— that  the  root  of  this 
difficulty  is  slavery ;  and  nut.  hclievim;  it.  they  do  not 

mean  to  touch  it.  [  believe  that  when  OUvm  Crom- 
well was  asked,  "  Would  you  shoot  the  king,  if  you 


saw  him  ?  "  and  old  Noll  replied,  "  Yes,  quicker  than 
anybody  else,"  he  touched  the  nucleus  of  the  difficul- 
ty in  the  English  Commonwealth.  Now,  if  you  were 
to  ask  McClellan,  "Would  you  shoot  slavery  7  "  he 
would 'say,  "No;  I  am  for  settling  this  quarrel  on  the 
old  basis."  On  the  contrary,  if  you  asked  Frank 
Sigcl,  or  Hunter,  or  Saxton,  or  Fremont  (applause), 
the  answer  would  he,  "Yes,  quicker  than  anything 
else,  and  thank  God  for  the  chance."  (Loud  applause.) 
When  our  army  comes  under  the  command  of  such 
Generals,  we  shall  have  just  such  successes  as  the 
Parliamentary  army  had  in  England  when  it  got  under 
Cromwell  and  Ireton— men  who  understood  the  depth 
of  the  chasm  that  threatened  to  engulph  the  nation, 
and  were  willing  to  bridge  it. 

We  are  passing  to-day  through  the  first  phase  of  the 
struggle.  Let  us  not  blame  McClellan  too  much. 
The  crisis  came  upon  him  before  he  was  educated. 
He  is  a  soldier,  and  does  not  know  anything  more. 
Halleck  said— was  it  not  he  ? — "  I  know  how  to  fight, 
and  that  is  all  I  know."  Well,  let  him  fight.  The 
great  difficulty  with  our  Generals  is,  that  they  do  not 
have  brains  as  well  as  swords.  Now,  every  army  is 
of  immense  potency,  when  the  State  is  abolished ; 
and,  as  our  friend  (Mr.  Tilton)  showed  you,  it  is  a 
military  government  that  exists  to-day.  It  takes  its 
flavor  from  the  purposes  of  the  Major-Generals;  and  I 
shall  believe  in  Union  when  I  sec  Major- Generals  at 
the  head  of  the  army  willing  to  shoot,  not  Jefferson 
Davis — a  chip — hut  slavery,  the  reality  he  floats  on. 
(Applause.)  Slavery  can  create  hundreds  of  Jefferson 
Davises.  She  could  bribe  a  thousand  Jefferson  Davises 
out  from  the  purlieus  of  this  very  city,  in  twelve 
months,  (Laughter.)  Do  you  suppose  that  an  institu- 
tion that  represents  a  thousand  million  of  dollars,  bul- 
warked by  the  sympathy  of  six  million  of  people, 
shaded  by  the  Sanctions  of  Church  and  State,  as  they 
call  themselves,  in  half  the  nation,  cannot  get  scoun- 
drels to  lead  it,  and  able  scoundrels  too  ?  Of  course 
it  can.  It  is  not  the  men  we  should  resist — it  is  the 
state  of  society  that  produces  them.  He  would  be  a 
fool  who,  having  a  fever,  scraped  his  tongue  and  took 
no  medicine.  Killing  Davis  is  only  scraping  the 
tongue;  killing  slavery  is  taking  a  wet-sheet  pack, 
destroying  the  very  system  that  caused  the  disease. 
But  when  we  have  done  it,  there  remains  behind  the 
stili  greater  and  more  momentous  problem,  whether 
we  have  got  the  strength,  the  balance,  the  virtue,  the 
civilization,  to  absorb  six  million  of  ignorant,  embit- 
tered, bedeviled  Southerners,  and  transmute  them 
into  honest,  decent,  educated,  well-behaved.  Christian 
mechanics,  worthy  to  be  the  brothers  of  New  Eng- 
land Yankees.  (Applause.)  That  is  the  real  prob- 
lem. To  that  this  generation  should  address  itself. 
You  know  that  men  take  their  floating  capital,  and 
fund  it  in  a  permanent  investment.  Now,  the  float- 
ing virtue  of  forty  thousand  pulpits,  the  floating 
wealth  of  those  nineteen  million  of  people,  the  float- 
ing result,  big  or  little,  of  Tract  Societies,  is  to  be 
funded — like  sensible  heat,  is  to  be  transformed  into 
invisible,  latent  heat;  it  is  to  pass  away  into  the 
Southern  capacity  of  being  educated.  The  water  is  to 
sink  to  its  level.  Harvard  College.whose  men  can  think, 
is  to  go  down  half  way,  and  meet  South  Carolina,  say- 
ing her  A,  B,  C.  That  is  what  yo'u  are  to  do.  And,  in 
order  to  do  it  quickly,  in  order  to  save  as  much  of  the 
original  impulse  and  impetus  of  the  national  life  as 
possible,  you  are  to  hurry  up  President  Lincoln,  and 
not  let  him  wait  until  next  March  before  he  takes  his 
next  step  forward.  You  are  to  educate  the  nation  to 
demand  of  Saxton  in  South  Carolina,  and  Johnson* 
in  Tennessee,  that  they  adhere  to  the  Republican 
platform  of  Chicago.  You  are  to  say  to  President 
Lincoln — "  Go  and  listen  to  Stanton — he  talks  quicker 
than  you  do."  (Laughter  and  applause.)  You  are  to 
put  the  vigorous  will  of  the  Secretary  of  War  into  the 
maehiner)'  of  the  President,  and  make  an  energetic 
man  of  him.  Oh,  that  we  could  roll  these  two  worthy 
gentlemen  into  one  !  If  we  could  but  unite  the  vigo- 
rous will  of  the  one,  and  the  honest  purpose  of  the 
other,  and  make  them  into  one  live  President,  and 
then  overshadow  him  with  the  divine  inspiration  of 
the  spirit  of  Fremont,  (applause,)  we  should  have  a 
government  that  would  float  this  Ship  of  State  into 
calm  waters  in  half  a  dozen  years;  that  would  show 
to  Europe  the  strength  of  democratic  institutions,  and 
the  common  sense,  stronger  than  education,  of  nine- 
teen million  of  people;  who  would  say  to  Earl  Rus- 
sell— a  better  answer  than  Seward  made — "  We  un- 
derstand our  own  institutions,  and  do  not  ask  your  in- 
struction as  to  what  they  mean  "  ;  would  say  to  Pal- 
merston — "  Thirty-four  States  undertake  to  own  from 
the  Lakes  down  to  the  Gulf;  and  when  they  cannot 
fill  their  harbors  with  frigates,  they  will  fill  them  with 
stones,  and  no  business  of  yours.  (Loud  applause.) 
These  domestic  institutions  of  ours  we  mean  to  settle 
by  the  vigor  of  our  own  right  hands."  England  re- 
spects one  thing,  and  one  thing  only — success  ;  and 
we  have  had  so  much  of  it  of  late  that  we  shall  have 
more  respectful  treatment  from  that  quarter.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  have  not  a  doubt  of  it.  We  have  gained 
one  thing  at  Yorktown  and  Pittsburg,  and  that  is,  the 
certainty  that  we  are  to  settle  tins  quarrel  at  our 
leisure.  Neither  the  French  Emperor  nor  the  English 
Foreign  Minister  will  put  his  finger  into  it,  for  tobacco 
or  anything  else.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  All  we 
want  is,  to  lead  the  minds  of  the  people  into  the  new 
channel  of  national  rights.  War  is  despotism;  but  I 
believe  (with  only  now  and  then  an  hour  of  doubt) 
this  of  New  England  schools,  and  New  York  pulpits, 
and  Western  labor — that  they  will  be  able  to  survive 
despotism,  exercised  by  Abraham  Lincoln.  We  shall 
let  him  suspend  habeas  corpus;  we  shall  let  him  tax 
us  to  any  extent;  we  shall  give  him  the  choice  of  his 
Major-Gencrals,  until  he  is  satisfied ;  and  yet  these  ed- 
ucated people,  these  sons  of  Puritans  and  Dutchmen, 
who  are  planted  hence  to  the  Mississippi,  will  prove 
that  their  civilization  is  potent  enough  to  save  liberty, 
to  redeem  it;. and  the  men  who  stand  in  our  places, 
seventy  years  hence,  as  we  stand  in  the  places  of  our 
fathers  who  built  the  Constitution,  I  trust,  yes,  I  be- 
lieve, will  see  one  Empire,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  South  Caro- 
lina and  Massachusetts  hand  in  hand — two  sister 
States,  alike  in  ideas  and  civilization  ;  and  then,  for  the 
first  time,  a  New  England  or  a  New  York  born  man 
may  take  the  Declaration  of  Independence  on  his 
lips,  and  proclaim  it  as  he  goes  along  the  sea-shore  to 
Texas,  and  not  fear  of  being  lynched  in  any  State  of 
the  Union.  (Applause.)  But  until  that  can  be  done — 
and  it  wilt  never  be  done  until  you  make  over  South 
Carolina — I  laugh  at  the  idea  of  a  Union.  Wherever 
a  Northern  man  cannot  go,  sheltered  by  the  ;egis  of 
the  nation,  that  is  no  part  of  our  country.  That  ban- 
ner could  protect  a  naturalized  citizen  in  the  waters  of 
Austria  ;  that  banner  can  protect  an  American  on  tho 
other  side  of  the  globe;  there  is  not  a  Christian  nor 
a  heathen  government  on  the  face  of  the  globe,  under 
which  a  citizen  of  New  York  would  not  be  safe  be- 
neath the  stars  and  stripes  :  and  if  one,  only  one,  be 
injured  under  Mussulman  rule,  Seward  can  stretch  his 
long  arm  to  relieve  and  avenge.  All  this  is  true,  ex- 
cept in  the  fifteen  slave  States.  ("  Hear,"  "  hear,") 
And  in  neither  of  them,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  Has 
that  flag  anything  but  an  empty  piece  ol  banting,  for 
the  protection  of  n  Northern  man.  You  called  that  a 
nation ;  I  did  not.  The  soil  that  was  too  hot  tor  a 
free  man  to  tread  did  not  deserve  from  my  lips  the 
name  of  my  country.  (Applause. 1  To-day,  the  ques- 
tion is  not.  whether  the  negro  shall  be  free.  Specifically; 
not,  certainly,  whether  New  York  and  Massachusetts 
shall  dictate  to  sister  States  ;  but  it  is,  whether  tho 
free  lips  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts  shall  be  pro- 
tected by  the  laws  of  the  nation,  wherever  the  stars 
mill  stripes  float;  whether  this  great  iVee,  model  State, 
the  hope  of  the  nations  and  their  polar  star,  this  ex- 
periment oi'  sell' government,  this  uonmil  school  Of 
God  lor  the  education  of  the  masses,  shall  survive, 
,  just,  entire,  in  full  force,  a  strength  and  :i  bless 
ing,  at  home  and  abroad,  buoyant  with  lite,  and 
rejoicing,  like  a  strong  man,  to  run  its  beiiefiecnt 
race.  In  order  to  thai,  demand  of  President  Lincoln 
that,  when  the  South  has  put  a  sword  into  his  very 
hands,  to  Mil  the  oeoh  ofthal  system  which  has  hith- 
erto made  her  alien  anion;;  her  BJatora,  he  shall  use 
it,  in  the  name  of  Justice  and  of  God.   (Applause.) 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  19    PUBLISHED 

EVERY  FRIDAY  MORNING, 

AT 

SSI    WASHIBTGTOM"    STREET,    BOOM    No.   6. 

ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  GrnjShal  Agent. 


OT  TERMS  — Tiro  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  advance. 

|^"  Fivo  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  for  tes  dol- 
i.aus,  U  payment  is  made  in  advance. 

5EF"  All  remittances  aro   to  bo  made,  and  nil  letters 
relating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  tbo  paper  aro 
dirocted  (post  paid)  to  tho  General  Agent. 

tS3T  Advertisements  inserted  at  tho  rate  of  fivo  centa 
per  line. 

|J^"  The  Agents  of  the  Ameriean,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  aro 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  This  Liberator. 

E^"  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  tho  Financial 
Committee,  but  aro  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
^paper,  via  :  —  Wexdell  Phillips,  Edmund  Quincy,  Ed- 
mnuj  Jacksox,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


'Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  tho  laud,  to  all 

the  inhabitants  thereofi" 

"I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  tho  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  JiKST  ; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far  from  it.s  being 
true  that  tho  States  where  slavery  exists  have  tho  exclusive* 
management  of  tho  subject,  not  only  tho  Pkksidext  o* 
the  United  Status,  but  tho  Commas;.™  of  the  Arky, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES,  f.  .  .  prom  the  instant 
that  tho  slaveholding  States  become  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  tho  war  powers 
of  Conorbbs  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  j.v  eveky  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  bo  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection.  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  lawb  op  war  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  'war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  tho  board,  and  martial  power  takes  the 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  botrmrmies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  tho  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory. "~J.  Q.  Adams. 


®nx  m\ntx\j  it  tfce  WmU,  m  t&mntxxjwM  mt  »tt  fgtomfeiitf. 


J.  B.  YERRINTON  &  SOI,,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    23. 


BOSTON",     FRIDAY,     MAY    SO,    1862. 


Wiwp  of  ©ppMssiott* 


"WHOLE    NO.    1640. 


OPINIONS    OP   THE   PRO-SLAVERY  PEESS. 

The  President  bas  given  the  country  and  the 
■world  another  evidence  of  that  firmness  and  moral 
courage  for  which  he  is  so  distinguished.  Although 
he  had  no  official  evidence  that  the  proclamation  at- 
tributed to  Gen.  Hunter  was  genuine,  he  saw  that  it 
was  doing  mischief,  compromising  his  own  and  the 
position  of  the  Government,  and  increasing  the  ir- 
ritation already  sufficiently  violent  upon  the  ques- 
t  tion  of  slavery.  As  in  the  case  of  General  Fremont, 
lie  took  counsel  of  his  own  good  judgment  and  sense 
of  duty,  and  nipped  the  growing'  danger  in  the  bud 
— Albany  'Evening  Journal. 

The  President  has  rebuked  an  assumption  far  less 
dangerous,  by  removal.  He  has  declared  against 
the  Federal  right  of  Emancipation  in  the  States. 
Both  Houses  are  pledged,  by  a  solemn  resolution, 
against  such  interference.  This  General,  who  has 
fought  no  battlesand  won  no  position,  assumes  to 
set  aside  the  policy  of  the  President  and  the  pledges 
of  Congress,  by  blowing  this  windy  blast  of  an  emp- 
ty proclamation  through  his  camp. — Albany  Argus. 

The  President's  proclamation  respecting  Gen. 
Hunter's  order  is  admirable  in  letter  "and  in  spirit. 
That  Gen.  Hunter  should  have  taken  the  step  he 
did  without  consulting  the  government,  without  even 
intimating  to  them  the  possibility  of  his  desiring  to 
take  it,  is  surprising  and  well  nigh  incomprehensible. 
— Providence  Journal. 

Our  readers  will  see  from  our  despatches  that  we 
were  right  in  telling  them  in  the  Journal,  that  Gen. 
Hunter's  abolition  order  was  without  the  slightest 
authority.  That  gallant  officer  must  be  mad- 
least  upon  some  subjects.— Louisville  Journal 

President  Lincoln  has  again  shown  his  own  good 
sense,_his  consistency  and  steady  adherence  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws,  by  repudiating  Gen.  Hun- 
ter's recent  emancipation  proclamation.— PHladel 
jshia  Ledger. 

"What  could  hare  impelled  so  good  a  general  to 
make  a_  proclamation  so  wild  in  its  statement  of  facts 


and  so  impolitic  as  to  its  probable  effects,  and  so 
violently  opposed  to  the  officially  declared  policy  of 
both  the  National  Executive  and  the  National  Leg- 
islature, surpasses  comprehension.— Phil.  Inquirer? 

We  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that,  for  this  monstrous 
usurpation  of  power,  for  this  inconceivable  folly  and 
recklessness,  so  totally  uncalled  for  and  umUstifiable 
by  every  consideration,  Gen.  Hunter  should  be  per- 
emptorily and  ignominiously  suspended.  AVe  need 
some  decisive  dealing  with  such  cases  to  put  -a  stop 
to  them.  Congress,  especially,  owes  it  to  its  own 
dignity  to  vindicate  its  prerogatives  from  such  im- 
pudent and  arrogant  invasion,  and  to  set  its  seal  of 
condemnation  upon  one  of  the  most  audacious  acts 
perpetrated  by  any  General  of  the  United  States 
armies  in  the  course  of  this  war.— Phil.  N.  American. 

It  is  at  variance  with  the  whole  policy  of  the  ad- 
ministration, and  is,  therefore,  calculated  to  embar- 
rass it  extremely.  Unless  the  proclamation  has  been 
issued  under  special  instructions,  which  the  Presi- 
dent does  not  consider  applicable  to  other  parts  of 
the  rebel  region,  we  shall  expect  to  see  him  direct 
that  it  be  modified,  as  was  General  Fremont's  pro- 
clamation.— Philadelphia  Bulletin.. 

If  this  infamous  policy  has  been  adopted  by  Gen- 
eral Hunter,  we  shall  look  for  the  President  to  re- 
call him,  just  as  he  overruled  Cameron  on  a  similar 
issue. —  Cincinnati  Enquirer. 

General  Hunter's  episode  having  been  safely  fin- 
ished, the  country  is  upon  the  whole  to  be  congratu- 
lated that  it  has  occurred.  So  complete  is  the  suc- 
cess with  which  the  President  has  improved  the  oc- 
casion for  his  own  purposes,  that  but  for  his  denial 
of  any  knowledge  or  belief  of  Gen.  Hunter's  inten- 
tion to  issue  his  order,  one  might  almost  credit  the 
suggestion  that  the  order  was  issued  for  the  purpose 
of  being  declared  void  by  this  proclamation.  How- 
ever the  hopes  of  a  limited  class  maj  have  been  dis- 
appointed, the  President  has  to-day  a  stronger  hold 
than  ever  upon  the  confidence  of  the  majority  of 
the  people.  The  praises  of  his  wisdom,  moderation, 
sincerity  of  purpose  and  independence,  are  upon  ev- 
ery tongue,  and  more  than  ever  do  the  people  now 
rally  about  him,  as  the  chief  stay  of  our  hopes  at 
this  moment.  *  *  *  * 

It  is  surprising  that  any  general  in  the  field  should 
take  the  responsibility  of  a  step  of  such  vast  conse- 
quence as  this,  without  instructions  from  the  Presi- 
dent. It  will  be  remembered  that  General  Fremont 
was  obliged  to  modify  a  proclamation  far  less  sweep- 
ing than  this,  in  accordance  with  orders  from  Wash- 
ington ;  and  we  apprehend  that  no  other  officer  is 
likely  to  expose  himself  to  similar  risk,  even  if  he 
failed  to  see  that  such  a  step  involves  matters  of 
policy,  respecting  which  no  officer  lower  than  tho 
highest  can  well  judge. 

In  short,  if  General  Hunter  has  really  issued  this 
proclamation,  which,  as  we  have  hinted,  we  are  al- 
most tempted  to  doubt,  we  suspect  that  he  will  have 
occasion  to  modify  it  quite  materially  at  an  early 
date. — Boston  Advertiser. 

The  recent  proclamation  of  the  President  is  ef- 
fectual to  relieve  the  public  mind  to  this  extent, 


the  President  himself— that  is,  by  the  voluntary  ac- 
tion of  each  individual  State,  at  "its  own  time  anil  in 
its  own  manner.  Whatever  laws  may  be  passed  by 
Congress  of  a  different  character  will  be  merely  null 
and  void  ;  and  whatever  course  of  proceeding  might 
at  any  time  by  the  Executive  would  be  equally  so. 
Emancipation  can  only  take  effect  so  far  as  the 
power  extends  to  enforce  it.  A  certain  number  of 
negroes,  as  it  has  already  happened  to  an  insignifi- 
cant extent,  might  be  induced  to  run  away, — and,  as 
our  armies  penetrate,  the  Southern  country,  these 
numbers  might  be  increased — though  we  think  there 
is  far^less  reason  to  expect  it  in  the  extreme  South- 
ern States  than  on  the  border.  But  suppose  a  State 
either  voluntarily  to  resume  its  former  relations  to 
the  Union, — which  no  one  ever  will,  with  an  eman- 
cipation system  hanging  over  it — or  even  to  come 
back  compulsorily— of  what  validity  or  avail  would 
such  a  system  be  in  such  a  State  ?  The  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  then  resumes  its  sway,  and 
the  courts  will  set  aside  all  laws  or  proceedings  in- 
consistent with  it:  and,  as  for  undertaking  to  take 
possession  and  to  hold  landed  property  in  such 
States,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  people  there 
— why,_ Ireland  in  its  worst  days  would  be  a  Para- 
dise to  it.  The  whole  idea  of  any  such  emancipa- 
tion would  be  of  all  illusions  the  most  unreal,  of  ev- 
ery species  of  self-deception  the  most  pernicious. 
****** 
Gen.  David  Hunter's  proclamation,  declaring  all 
the  slaves  free  in  the  States  of  Georgia,  Florida  and 
South  Carolina,  is  enougli  to  make  him  a  saint  for- 
ever in  the  abolition  calendar  ;  and  it  will  be  rich  to 
see  that  delectable  print,  the  Liberator,  which  holds 
to  "no  Union  with  slaveholders,"  and  that  "the 
Constitution  is  a  covenant  with  death  and  an  agree- 
ment with  hell,"  rejoice  over  this  abolition  spread. 
And  then  the  logic  of  it !  What  splendid  absurdity  ! 
He,  David,  declares  martial  law  ;  then  reasons  that 
martial  law  and  slavery  are  incompatible  in  a  free 
country;  ergo,  vamose  slavery!  Was  ever  any- 
more direct  ?     This  General  must  learn  that 


5 1  it 1 1 i 0 n & . 


thing 

the  military  has  its  line  of  duty,  to  transcend  which 
in  this  way,  is  a  huge  blunder."  The  idea  that  Gen- 
eral David  Hunter,  by  such  snap  logic  and  stroke  of 
pen,  can  remould  the  institutions  of  three  States,  is 
ridiculous.  *  *  *  * 

Major  General  Hunter's  silly  order  relative  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and 
Florida  is  effectually  squelched.  The  President  has 
issued  his  proclamation,  which  not  only  settles  this 
particular  case,  but  defines  the  position  of  the  ad- 
ministration on  this  important  point,  and  on  the 
compensation  principle  of  March  last. 

After  the  unwavering  line  of  policy  of  the  Presi- 
dent, from  the  firing  of  the  first  gun  at  Fort  Sumter 
to  the  present  day,  we  have  had  no  reason  to 
expect  any  other  course  ;  and  now,  that  the  rebuke 
administered  to  General  Fremont  has  been  repeat- 
ed, even  more  emphatically,  to  General  Hunter,  the 
public  will  be  rejoiced  that  we  have  so  conservative 
a  statesman  at  the  the  helm  of  the  nation,  and  one 
who  is  determined  to  adhere  to  the  rights  of  the  re- 
spective States  as  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution. 
— Boston  Post. 

We  need  only  say  of  Gen.  Hunter's  proclamation 
that  we  believe  it  totally  unauthorized  by  the  Gov- 
ernment— we  do  not  say  by  every  member  of  the 
Administration— for  the  New  York  World  intimates 
broadly  that  it  is  probably  a  trick  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  acting  on  his  own  responsibility,"  to  which  "it 
will  be  traced.  It  is  the  act  of  a  madman.— Boston 
Courier. 

A  surer  mode  of  prolonging  the  war  indefinitely 
could  hardly,  in  our  opinion,  have  been  devised.  It 
will  inflame^  the  Southern  mind  beyond  measure, 
and  if  General  Hunter  be  sustained  by  the  President, 
we  abandon  all  hope  of  a  reunion.  This,  we  observe, 
is  the  view  generally  taken,  save  by  the  ultra  Abo- 
lition journals.  The  principle  herein  foreshadowed 
may,  indeed,  be  pushed  into  practice  by  the  superior 
military  power  of  the  Free  States;  but  it  must  end 
in  total  ruin  of  the  South,  accompanied,  on  the  part 
of  the  North,  by  the  necessary  maintenance  of  im- 
mense garrisons,  prodigious  disbursements,  financial 
crises,  heavy  taxation,  and  final  disarrangement  of 
trade.  The  North  is  rich,  young,  vigorous.  It  can 
stand  much.  It  could  not  prosper  with  a  Hungary 
or  a  Venetia  gnawing  at  its  vitals.  Is  it  true,  as 
suggested,  that  the  object  of  the  Abolitionists  is  to 
prolong  the  war?— New  York  (English)  Albion. 

The  conservative  sentiment  of  the  country  will  be 
with  the  President  as  against  the  radicals.  It  is  strong- 
er than  cabinets.  Hunter's  proclamation,  in  any 
case,  will  be  the  means  of  injuring  the  national  cause 
immensely.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  people 
of  the  South  will  be  allowed  to  read  the  proclama- 
tion, who  will  never  have  a  chance  of  seeing  the 
President's  disavowal  of  it,  providing  it  be  disavowed. 
We  are  in  possession  of  information,  which  it  is  not 
proper  to  publish,  which  renders  it  certain  that  Gen- 
eral Hunter  should  be  at  once  recalled,  if  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  department  of  the  South  is  to  be  kept 
up.  The  interest  of  the  good  cause  demands  the 
President's  immediate  interference,  and  we  look  for 
it. — Brooklyn  Eagle. 

The  intelligence  that  the  President  does  not  sus- 
tain and  did  not  authorize  General  Huuter's  procla- 
mation gives  great  satisfaction.  It  proves  that  he 
has  not  surrendered  to  the  extremists,  and  dispels 
the  misgivings  which  have  recently  existed  as  to  his 
purposes.     No  calamity  could  be  greater  at  this  pe- 


SUKRENDEPu.OP   SLAVES  BY  THE  ARMY, 

SPEECH   OF   HON.   CHARLES    SUMNER. 

Delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate  on  Thursday, 
May  1,  18G2. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  the 
Senate  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  following 
resolution,  submitted  by  him  on  the  3d  of  April : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs 
and  the  Militia  be  directed  to  consider  and  report 
whether  any  further  legislation  is  necessary  to  prevent 
persons  employed  in  the  military  service  of  the  United 
States  from  aiding  in  the  return  or  control  over  per- 
sons claimed  as  fugitive  slaves,  anil  to  punish  them 
therefor." 

The  pending  question  being  on  the  amendment  of 
Mr.  Grimes,  to  add  to  the  resolution  :— 

"  And  to  report  what  reorganization  of  the  Army, 
in  its  personnel  or  otherwise,  may  be  necessary  to  pro- 
mote the  public  welfare,  and  bring  the  rebellion  to  a 
speedy  and  triumphant  end." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Some  time  has  elapsed  since  we 
listened  to  the  persuasive  speech  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa,  [Mr.  Grimes,]  but  the  subject  is  "fresh  still. 
The  character,  if  not  the  efficiency,  of  our  armies 
is  concerned  in  the  complete  enforcement  of  the  late 
legislation  with  regard  to  slaves.  If  this  legislation 
be  set  at  defiance  or  evaded,  I  think  that  our  mili- 
tary strength  will  be  impaired,  and  I  am  sure  that 
our  good  name  will  suffer. 

I  am  grateful  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa  for  the 
frankness  with  which  he  exposed  and  condemned 
the  recent  orders  of  several  of  our  Generals. 

One  of  these  officers,  though  recently  of  Cali- 
fornia, was  originally  of  Massachusetts.  He  served 
honorably  in  the  Mexican  war,  and,  I  believe,  is'an 
excellent  soldier.  His  present  position  as  a  General 
is  due  partly  to  my  exertions.  I  pressed  his  appoint- 
ment. But  had  I  for  a  moment  imagined  he  could 
do  what  he  has  just  perpetrated,  he  would  never 
have  had  my  support.  When  an  officer  falls  brave- 
ly in  defence  of  his  country,  there  is  an  honest  pride 
which  mingles  with  the  regret  that  we  feel.  But 
hen  an  officer  falls  as  General  Hooker  has  now 
fallen,  there  is  nothing  but  regret.  He  has  fallen, 
although  not  dead.  I  say  this  with  pain ;  but  I  can- 
not say  less. 

The  order  of  General  Hooker  lias  been  quoted  by 
the  Senator  from  Iowa,  [Mr.  Grimes.]  1  ask  leave 
to  read  part  of  a  letter  which  I  have  received  from 
his  camp : — 

"  I  take  the  liberty  of  forwarding  to  you  the  en- 
closed order  of  General  Hooker,  with  a  report  of  its 
results,  thinking  that  you  will  be  interested  to  know 
how  the  late  act  of  Congress  forbidding  the  rendition 
of  slaves  by  Army  officers  is  violated ;  and  hoping  that 
some  effort  may  be  marie  to  prevent  such  unjust  and 
outrageous  measures  on  the  part  of  superior  officers. 

Our  moral  and  humane  feelings  have  been  violated 
by  having  been  compelled  to  witness  the  attempts  of 
slaveholders,  known  to  bo  of  secession  proclivities, 
coining  into  our  camps  and  searching  our  private  quar- 
ters for  their  slaves,  under  the  cover  of  a  protecting 
order  from  a  General  who  exceeds  his  authority. 

If  such  unjust  orders  are  to  be  issued,  and  such  op- 
pressive measures  enforced,  all  order  and  discipline  in 
our  ranks  will  be  lost. 

It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  restrain  the  indignation 
of  our  soldiers,  who  are  learning  more  and  more  to 
sympathize  with  the  poor  slave,  as  an  oppressed  labor- 
er, and  who  feci  a  righteous  antipathy  towards  tho 
slave  masters  whose  loyalty  they  have  every  reason  to 
question. 

Is  there  to  be  no  end  of  such  offences  against  the 
moral  sense  and  the  patriotic  feelings  of  our  officers 
and  soldiers  ?  Are  we  still  to  be  made  the  protectors 
:Iefenders  of  slave-hunters,  who  surround  and  in- 
fest our  camps,  by  authority,  with  deadly  weapons  to 
employ  in  the  recovery  of  their  fugitive  slaves  1 " 


Cs-j  wc  listen  to  such  a  statement,  and  not  feel  in- 
<'- ■.:•■  fihl  at  (he  levity  with  which  human  freedom  is 
treated  ? 

But  similar  eases  multiply.  There  is  the  provost 
marshal  of  Louisville,  who  seems  to  be  a  disgrace  to 
our  Army,  if  we  may  believe  the  following  report: 
"  Louisville  has  been  noted  as  being  one  of  the  best 
Southern  cities  for  privileges  toward  our  people,  but 
it  has  undergone  many  changes  for  several  years — for 
the  worst.  When  the  rebellion  broke  out,  we  were 
worshipping  every  Sabbath  and  once  through  the 
week,  in  our  churches,  and  when  the  legions  of  the 
North  made  Louisville  their  headquarters,  it  seemed 
that  a  new  reign  was  instituted,  and  we  worshipped  in 
our  splendid  churches  almost  ad  libitum,  and  nothing 
said  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

But,  lo  !  a  sad  change  has  taken  place,  the  Northern 
army  has  proceeded  southward,  forcing  its  passage 
into  the  'land  of  Dixie.'  Kentucky  has  been  re- 
deemed; 'her  white  people  are  free'  and  her  'free 
blacks  are  enslaved,'  and  they  have  no  more  'rights 
that  white  men  are  bound  to  respect.*  Our  condition 
so  far  is  worse  than  before  the  war.  Our  churches  are 
closed,  and  a  free  man  cannot  walk  after  dark,  though 
he  has  his  free  papers,  with  the  great  seal  of  the  State 
and  county,  and  owns  thousands  of  dollars'  worth  of 
property,  (which  some  do,)  and  pay  taxes,  and  sup- 
port the  war,  and  be  also  loyal  to  the  Government. 
All  this  has  been  brought  about  by  a  slaveholder  anil 
a  negro  hater,  the  provost  marshal,  whose  name  is 
Dent,  he  having  control  of  the  city  since  the  removal 
of  the  headquarters  of  Gen.  Buell  to  Nashville  ;  and 
instead  of  hunting  rebels,  as  there  are  thousands  in 
the  city,  he  has  made  the  colored  people  his  subjects 
of  oppression  and  inhuman  treatment.  He  commenced 
his  cruel  operations  by  ordering  his  provost  guards, 
the  cavalry  men,  to  flog  all  colored  persons  out  after 
dark,  free  or  slave ;  so  we  were  then  pounced  upon 
with  the  cowhide  and  cat-o'-nine-tails  in  old  'planta- 
tion style '  without  hinderance,  for  his  order  was  su- 
preme. He  had  many  visitors  the  next  day  to  inquire 
into  his  order:  he  replied,  it  was  a. 'military'  order, 
and  must  be  respected. 

Mr.  Editor,  these  are  some  of  the  ordeals  we  are 
passing  through  in  the  'neutral  State  of  Kentucky,' 
and  we  have  yet  to  see  the  first  remonstrance  raised 
against  it  by  the  press. .  Our  daily  editors  are  dumb; 
they  open  not  their  mouths.-  From  their  silence,  I 
judge  it  is  approved  by  them.  I  think  that  if  the 
Government  has  any  loyal  people  in  her  midst,  it  is 
the  colored  people,  and  they  have  done  good  service 
even  in  this  city  towards  detecting  smugglers  and  trai- 
tors; and  the  marshal  has  at  times  been  suspected  of 
secession  proclivities.  I  judge  that  he  is  now  being 
revenged  on  the  colored  people  for  their  faithfulness 
to  the  Union  cause,  as  his  guards  have  dispensed  with 
fire-arms  and  formed  into  'patrols/  and  instituted  the 
cowhide  and  cat-o'-nine-tails,  which  seem  to  please 
them  well,  for  they  are  very  nimble  and  dexterous  in 
chasing  the  blacks  after  dark  through  the  streets,  on 
the  pavements,  down  lanes  and  alleys,  as  though  they 
were  riding  down  wild  bulls,  and  when  caught,  then- 
cries  and  screams  are  heart-rending;  but  no  one  dare 
interfere,  for  the  patrol  are  dressed  in  'Uncle  Sam's 
livery.'     Some  have  been  whipped  unmercifully. 

Our  churches  have  suffered  much  since  this  barbar- 
ous treatment.  He  bas  told  them  to  open  on  Sunday ; 
but  some  have  had  the  flogging  meted  out  to  them 
after  benediction  ;  so  many  have  concluded  to  stay  at 
home,  since  old  Satan  has  been  loosed,  but  we  trust 
( only  for  a  little  season.'  Now  you  see  the  effect  of 
the  war  in  this  direction.  This  is  considerably  worse 
than  the  old  status,  and  if  it  is  to  continue,  I  think  of 
all  men  we  will  be  the  most  miserable." 


General  Halleck.     I  have  it  in  my  hands,  and  quote  I 
these  words : — 

"  We  will  prove  to  them  that  we  come  to  restore 
not  to  violate,  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  *  *  * 
The  orders  heretofore  issued  from  this  department  in 
regard  to  pdlaging,  marauding,  and  the  destruction  of 
private  property,  and  stealing  and  the  concealment  of 
slaves,  must  be  strictly  enforced.  It  does  not  belong 
to  the  military  to  decide  upon  the  relation  of  master 
and  slave.  Such  questions  must  he  settled  by  the 
civil  courts.  No  fugitive  slave  will  therefore  be  admitted 
within  the  lines  or  camps,  except  when  specially  ordered  by 
tin',  general  commanding." 


that  emancipation  is  not  hereafter  to  be  left  at  the     ™<?d  tifaA  vacillation  on  his  part  as  to  any  of  the 


sition  of  military  commanders.  While  the 
ccssity  which  called  for  the  proclamation  shows  in 
what  an  uncertain  state  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  reputed  to  be,  and  wc  must  remark 
that  it  is  not  creditable  so  to  have  left  it,  yet  we 
must  congratulate  ourselves  that  all  this  is  now  at  an 
end,  so  far  as  any  present  thought  of  emancipation 
is  contemplated.  Mr.  Lincoln  does  indeed  announce 
that  he  reserves  to  himself  the  consideration  of  the 
question, — whether  it  may  be  competent  for  him,  as 
Commander-in-Chief,  under  any  future  circumstan- 
ces of  necessity,  "to  execute  any  such  supposed 
power  "  as  was  assumed  by  Gen.  Hunter,  without 
authority^  _  And  since  Mr.^Lincoln  proposes  only 
the  possibility  of  a  contingency  which  might  lead 
him  to  consider  whether  any  such  power  resides  in 
him,  we  may  safely  leave  the  matter  until  it  cornea 
up,  fully  confident  that  it  never  can  come  up  in  any 
shape  to  obtain  an  affirmative  decision.  Any  care- 
ful review  of  the  subject  will  satisfy  Mr.  Lincoln, 
that  he  can  have  no  more  authority  to  emancipate 
slaves  than  Gen.  Hunter  has,  except  in  some  capac- 
ity very  different  from  that  of  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  or  of  Commander-in-Chief  of  tho  armies 
of  the  United  States,,  under  tho  Constitution — and 
to  act  outside  of  either  of*  those  capacities  would  be 
to  institute  a  revolution,  and  to  assume  a  jurisdiction 
quite  inconsistent  with  an  allegiance  which  citizens 
owe  to  the  Government  de  jure,  and  not  to  another 
Government,  however  it  might  assume  to  be  one  de 
facto. 

It  must  be  evident,  wc  think,  to  the  plainest  ca- 
pacity, that  no  system  of  emancipation  can  ever  he 
instituted,  except  precisely  in  the  way  provided  for 
by  the  Congressional  resolution  recommended    by 


great  measures  of  policy  in  whieh  the  mass  of  the 
people  have  acquiesced.  Indeed,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  would,  by  approving  Hunter's  wild 
and  illogical  announcement,  offend  the  sense  of  jus- 
tice of  the  great  majority  which  now  sustains  the  Gov- 
ernment against  the  rebellion. — Detroit  Free  Press. 

If  Gen.  Hunter  has  issued  this  proclamation  with- 
out the  sanction  of  the  President,  as  we  presume  is 
the  case,  it  is  a  stretch  of  authority  which  is  lo  be 
deprecated.  It  is  certainly  to  be  regretted  that  the 
Administration  has  had  no  definite  policy  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  arm  v, 
but  has  left  the  question  to  bo  dealt  with  entirely  by 
the  commanding  generals  in  the  field.  While  Hal- 
leck at  the  West  keeps  all  slaves  without  his  lines, 
not  even  giving  those  of  the  rebels  a  chance  to  free 
themselves,  Gen.  Hunter  declares  the  freedom  of 
slaves  who  are  beyond  his  actual  jurisdiction.  Thus 
there  are  two  extreme  ideas  prevailing  in  the  treat- 
ment of  slavery,  which  might  be  harmonized  by  the 
promulgation  of  some  simple,  well-defined  plan  for 
guidance  of  the  Union  forces.— Boston  Journal. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  last  proclamation  has  one  good  fca- 
l:n\  it  cf(..ctu;t!ly  kills  -u*  this  rotttn  business  of 
military  proclamations,  many  of  which  have  proved 
weak  and  ridiculous.  We  employ  these  men  to  do 
our  lighting,  and  pay  them  for  it;  when  they  have 
done  that,  Jhcir  business  ceases.  We  no  more  want 
their  officious  unpolitical  questions— of  which  they 
may  know  less  than  some  of  the  privates  in  the  ranks 
— than  wo  should  want  the  opinion  of  the  ahoe-mas> 
■■)■  we  employ  upon  our  hats,  the  advice  of  our  baker 
UpQrj  gardens,  or  the  talk  of  our  minister  on  politics. 
Each  man  to  his  trade— Newburyport  Herald. 


This  letter  expresses  feelings  that  are  natural  to 
every  humane  bosom.  In  contrast  to  the  conduct  of 
General  Hooker,  I  desire  to  call  attention  to  the 
course  of  General  Doubleday,  whose  headquarters 
are  here  in  Washington.     I  read  his  order: — 

"  Headquarters,  Military  Defences 
North  of  the  Potomac, 

Washington,  April  6,  1862. 

Sir, — I  am  directed  by  General  Doubleday  to  say, 
in  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  ad  instant,  that  all  ne- 
groes coming  into  the  lines  of  any  of  the  camps  or 
forts  under  his  command  are  to  be  treated  as  persons, 
and  not  as  chattels. 

Under  no  circumstances  has  the  commander  of  a  fort 
or  camp  the  power  of  surrendering  persons  claimed  as 
fugitive  slaves,  as  it  cannot  be  done  without  determin- 
ing their  character. 

The  additional  article  of  war  recently  passed  by 
Congress  positively  prohibits  this. 

The  question  has  been  asked,  whether  it  would  not 
be  better  to  exclude  negroes  altogether  from  the  lines. 
The  General  is  of  the  opinion  that  they  bring  much 
valuable  information,  which  cannot-  be  obtained  from 
any  other  source.  They  are  acquainted  .with  all  the 
roads,  paths,  fords,  and  other  natural  features  of  the 
country,  and  they  make  excellent  guides.  They  also 
know  and  frequently  have  exposed  the  haunts  of  se- 
cession spies  and  traitors,  and  the  existence  of  rebel 
organizations.     They  will  not,  therefore,  be  excluded. 

The  Genera]  also  directs  me  to  say  that  civil  process 
cannot  be  served  directly  in  the  camps  or  forts  of  his 
command,  without  full  authority  he  obtained  from  the 
commanding  officer  for  that  purpose. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

E.  P.  Halsted,  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 
Lieutenant   Colonel    John   D.    Shaul,    Commanding 

Seventy-Sixth  Regiment.  New  York  Volunteers." 

General  Doubleday  acted  bravely  at  Fort  Sumtei 
but  he  did  not  render  a  truer  service  to  Ins  country 
on  that  occasion  than  he  has  now  done  in  issuing  this 
order.  If  this  example  were  followed  evcrywher 
in  our  camps,  we  should  at  least  save  ourselves  from 
shame,  even  if  we  did  not  secure  victory. 

There  are"  other  Generals  at  the  West  who  think 
they  do  their  duty  best  when  they  serve  slavery. 
There  is  General  McCook,  of  whom  wc  have  the 
following  sad  report,  on  the  authority  of  a  paper  at 
Nashville,  which  recounts  the  visit  of'  a  slave-hunter 
to  his  camp: — 

"  lie  visited  the  camp  of  Genera]  McCook,  in  Maury 
county,  in  quest  of  .a  fugitive,  and  that  officer,  instead 
of  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way,  afforded  him  every 
facility  for  the  successful  prosecution  of  his  search. 
That  General  treated  him  in  the  most  courteous  and 
gentlemanly  manner,  as  also  did  General  Johnson  and 
Captain  Blake,  the  brigade  provost  marshal.  Their 
conduct  toward  him  was  in  all  respects  that  of  nigh- 
toned  gentlemen,  desirous  of  discharging  their  dunes 
promptly  and  honorably.  It  is  impossible  for  the  army 
to  prevent  slaves  from  following  them  ;  but  whenever 
the  fugitives  come  into  the  lines  of  General  McCook, 
they  aro  secured,  and  a  record  made  of  their  names 
ami  the  names  of  their  owners.  All  the  owner  has  lo 
do  is  to  apply  either  in  persnn  or  through  an  ftgewtj 
examine  the  record,  or  look  at  the  slaves,  and  if  he 
finds  any  that  belong  to  him,  take  them  away." 


Mr.  DAVIS.     Will  the  Senator  from  Massachu- 
setts favor  me  with  his  authority  for  that  statement  ? 
Mr.  SUMNEtt.     It  is  a  statement  from  a  relig- 
ious newspaper  published  in  New  York. 
Mr.  DAVIS.     I  have  no  doubt  it  is  false. 
Mr.  WILSON,  of  Massachusetts.    I  have  no  doubt 
it  is  substantially  true. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  You  do  not  know  anything  about 
it,  Bir. 

Mr.  WILgON,  of  Massachusetts.  Quite  as  much 
as  you  do. 

Mr.  DAVIS.     No,  sir. 

Mr.  SUMNEK.  My  colleague  says  he  has  no 
doubt  it  is  true.  It  was  put  in  my  hands  by  a  trust- 
worthy person,  who  assured  me  it  eould  be  relied 
upon  as  true ;  but,  of  course,  I  cannot  pretend  to 
vouch  for  it  myself  from  any  personal  knowledge. 

Mr.  WILSON,  of  Massachusetts.  If  my  colleague 
will  allow  me,  I  will  simply  say  that  I'bave  ot'her 
testimony,  not  so  full,  not  so  complete  as  this,  going 
to  show  that  the  grossest  oppressions  exist  there! 
That  is  all  I  mean  to  say  about  it.  I  do  not  mean 
to  say  that  this  in  all  its  details  is  correct ;  but  that 
under  our  Army  the  grossest  abuses  exist  there,  I 
"have  no  doubt,  for  I  have  the  best  testimony  to  that 
effect. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  But,  sir,  there  is  an  incident 
which  has  occurred  under  General  Buell's  command, 
which  cannot  be  read  without  a  blush.  Here  it  is, 
as  described  in  the  letter  of  a  soldier,  who  was  more 
than  a  witness,  even  a  party  to  it.  I  find  this  letter 
in  a  newspaper;  but  I  have  also  had  it  furnished  to 
me  in  manuscript  by  the  person  to  whom  it  is  ad- 
dressed : — 

"  Camp  Andy  Johnson,  near         ) 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  March  8,  18G2.  ) 
My  Dear  Parents  :    *    *    *    *    A  great  outrage 
was  perpetrated  in  our  camp  yesterday,  as  follows  : 

A  black  boy,  named  Henry,  has  been  at  work  for 
the  Colonel  for  some  days.  His  owner  came  after  him 
while  wc  were  camped  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
but  the  boys  hooted  him  out  of  camp.  The  negro  said 
he  would  sooner  be  killed  on  the  spot  than  go  back 
with  Ids  master,  even  if  he  knew  he  would  not  he 
punished.  His  master,  he  said,  was  a  Secessionist, 
anil  had  kept  him  {the  boy)  on  some  fortifications 
down  the  river  at  work  for  four  months. 

Nothing  more  transpired  concerning  his  return  until 
yesterday.  While  the  greater  part  of  the  regiment 
we're  out  on  picket,  the  boy's  owner  came  with  two 
sentinels  of  the  provost  guard  from  the  city,  and  after 
chasing  the  poor  frightened  boy  through  the  camp 
several  times — he  drawing  a  knife  once,  and  the  senti- 
nel knocking  him  down  with  his  musket— they  cap- 
tured and  delivered  him  to  his  owner,  who  stood  wait- 
ing outside  the  lines.  The  hitter  paid  the  catching 
sentries  fifteen  dollars  each,  and  led  'Henry'  away 
wilb  him  unmolested,  flourishing  a  pistol  at'his  head 
as  ho  wont.  They  had  no  order — at  least  showed 
none— for  ibe  boy  from  headquarters,  and  the  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  of  our  regiment,  who  was  in  command, 
need  not  have  delivered  him  up  without  such  an  order, 
yet  allowed  him  to  be  caught,  and  the  Major  forbade 
our  hoys  from  giving  him  any  assistance.  One  of  the 
sentinels  was  from  a  Kentucky  and  one  from  an  In- 
diana regiment.  *  *  * 

The  former  master  of  our  boy 'will  not  get  him  with- 
out an  order,  and  an  imperative  one,  1  believe;  ami  il 
one  is  given  for  him,  his  master  having  been  a  strong 
and  active  Secessionist— a  quartermaster  for  the  South- 
ern  army,  in  fact-*- 1  have  about  concluded  to  follow  it 
by  immediate  resignation,  and  this,  wlu-ther  the  order 
be  for  him  or  any  other  negro.  The  order  would  make 
it  an  official  act.  What  do  you  think  my  duty  would 
be  in  the  premises  1" 

Of  General  Buell  I  know  nothing  personally  j  bul 
such  an  incident  must  fill  us  with  distrust.    He  may 

possess  military  talent.  II, ■  may  he  a  thunderbolt 
of  war;  but  it  is  clear  thai  he  wauls  that  |U8l  eom- 
prehension  nf  the  times  and  thai  sympathy  with  hu- 
manity without  which  no  officer  can  do  his  complete 
duly. 

But  General    Blisll    may   perhaps  shelter   himself 

behind  the  instructions  of  his  superior  officer;  ami 

this  brings  me  lo  the  famous  order  No.  3  of  Major 


In  this  order,  so  strangely  inconsistent,  absurd,  un- 
constitutional, and  inhuman,  the  General  has  per- 
versely persevered.  In  every  aspect  it  is  bad.  It 
wants  common  sense  as  well  as  common  humanity. 
It  is  unworthy  a  man  of  honor  and  a  soldier. 

It  is  inconsistent  with  itself,  inasmuch  as  the  Gen- 
eral proclaims  that  he  "  comes  to  restore,  not  to  vio- 
late, the  Constitution  and  laws,"  and  then  proceeds 
direct  violation  of  them.  In  the  same  order,  he 
says  :  "  It  does  not  belong  to  the  military  to  decide 
upon  the  relation  of  master  and  slave.  Such  ques- 
tions must  be  settled  by  the  civil  courts."  And 
then,  in  tho  face  of  this  declaration,  he  proceeds  to 
say  that  no  fugitive  slaves  are  to  be  admitted  in  our 
lines  or  camps.  But  pray,  sir,  how  can  such  persons 
be  excluded  from  the  lines  or  camps  without  decid- 
ing that  they  are  fugitive  slaves?-  Here  is  a  flat 
and  discreditable  mconsistcnc}'. 

But  worse  than  its  inconsistency  is  its  absurdity. 
This  watchful,  prudent  General  proposes  to  exclude 
all  fugitive  slaves  from  his  camps.  In  other  words, 
he  shuts  out  from  his  camps  all  those  opportunities  of 
information  with  regard  to  the  condition  of  rhc  ene- 
my which  may  be  afforded  by  this  class  of  deserters. 
They  may  come  charged  with  knowledge  of  the 
movements  and  plans  of  the  enemy,  but  the  General 
will  not  receive  them,  because  they  are  slaves.  They 
may  be  able  to  disclose  the  secret  of  a  campaign,  but 
the  General  will  not  have  it,  because  they  are'slaves. 
If  we  have  failed  thus  far  in  knowledge  of  the  de- 
signs of  fife  enemy,  it  has  been  because  this  absurd 
policy  has  prevailed. 

General  Halleck  may  be  instructed  by  General 
McDowell,  whose  opposite  conduct  appears  in  a  dis- 
patch published  in  the  papers  : — 

"  Catlettsville  Station,  Virginia, 
Fifteen  Miles  South  op  Manassas  Junction, 

April  13. 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War : 

An  intelligent  negro  has  just  come  in  from  Stafford 
county,  and  says  his  master  returned  this  morning 
from  Fredericksburg  to  his  home,  and  toTd  his  wife,  in 
this  negro's  presence,  .that  all  the  enemy's  troops  had 
eft  Fredericksburg  for  Richmond  and  Yorktowu,  the 
ast  of  them  leaving  on  Saturday  morning.  This  last 
has  just  been  confirmed  by  another  negro. 

Irwin  McDowell,  Major  General." 
Here  are  two  negroes  who  have  come  into  the 
camp  with  important  information,  both  of  whom 
General  Halleck's  order  would  repel  and  drive  back 
to  bondage.  And  he  may  be  instructed  by  the  dis- 
patch of  General  Wool,  just  received,  announcing 
our  success  at  New  Orleans,  the  news  of  which  came 
by  a  "  fugitive  black."  Genefal  Wool  adds,  "  the 
negro  bringing  the  above,  reports  that  the  rebels 
have  two  iron-clad  steamers  nearly  completed,  and 
that  it  is  believed  that  the  Merrimac  will  be  out  to- 
morrow." But  all  this  information  would  be  shut 
out  by.  General  Halleck.  Can  absurdity  be  mor 
complete  ? 

But  worse  than  its  inconsistency  or  absurdity  L 
its  positive  unconstitutionality.  What  riirht,  under 
the  Constitution,  has  this  General  to  set  himself  up 
as  the  judge  in  cases  of  human  freedom  ?  Where 
does  he  find  his  power  ?  By  whom  has  he  been  in- 
vested with  this  attribute  ?  It  is  the  boast  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  that  all  are  "  per- 
sons." The  Constitution  so  regards  everybody,  and 
surrounds  everybody  with  the  safeguards  of  f  per- 
sons," even  to  the  extent  of  declaring  that  "no  per- 
son shall  be  deprived  of  liberty  without  due  process 
of  law  ; "  and  yet  the  Army  is  gravelv  told  to  treat 
certain  persons  as  slaves.  Of  course,  this  cannot  be 
done  without  sitting  in  judgment  most  summarily  on 
human  freedom.  How  does  the  General  know  that 
they  are  slaves  V  On  what  evidence  ?  Because 
they  are  black  ?  Why  may  they  not  be  free  blacks  ? 
Genera]  Halleck  would  reverse  the  true  presump- 
tion. He  assumes  slavery  when  he  ought  to  assume 
freedom.  _  In  the  eye  of  the  Constitution  all  are  free- 
men until  proved  to  be  slaves,  no  matter  of  what 
color  or  race.  The  only  question  to  be  asked  is  as 
to  loyalty.  Are  you  loyal  or  rebel  ?  If  loyal,  theu 
welcome  to  the  hospitality  and  protection  of  our 
camps.  If  rebel,  then  surrender  to  our  arms.  Let 
these  be  the  inquiries  and  let  this  be  the  rule,  and 
the  Union  which  we  seek  to  restore  will  not  be  in- 
definitely postponed. 

But  worse  than  its  unconstitutionality  is  the  inhu- 
manity of  this  order,  so  shocking  to  the  moral  sense. 
This  General,  who  professes  to  light  the  battle  of  the 
Constitution  with  the  commission  of  the  Republic, 
speaks  of  tho  _u  concealment  of  slaves"  in  the  same 
class  with  "pillaging,  marauding,  and  stealing."  I 
complain  of  this  confusion  of  language,  showing  an 
insensibility  to  human  rights.  It  is  like  those  shame- 
ful advertisements  which  garnish  Southern  news- 
papers, where  "  the  boy  Tom  "  and  "  the  girl  Sally  " 
are  to  be  sold  in  the  same  lot  with  "  horses,  mules, 
cattle  and  swine."  That  such  an  order  should  be 
put  forth  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  may  just- 
ly excite  our  indignation. 

On  these  various  grounds  I  object  to  this  order. 
In  my  criticism  which  I  make  with  sincere  sorrow,  I 
do  not  travel  out  of  the  order.  General  Halleck  is 
said  to  be  an  able  officer,  and  I  think  also  an  able 
lawyer.  I  do  not  intend  to  question  his  talents,  lint. 
I  do  protest  against  his  perverse  violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution in  order  to  carry  out  a  miserable  and  dis- 
graceful pro-slavery  policy;  and  I  protest  against 
his  being  allowed  to  degrade  the  character  of  our 
country.  Sir,  we  are  making  history  now.  Every 
victory  adds  something  to  that  history;  but  such  an 
order  is  worse  for  us  than  a  defeat    'More  than  any 


PKOOLAMATIOff  OF  GEN.  HTJKTER, 

The  proclamation  of  General  Hunter  is  a  move 
in  the  right  direction.  The  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  in  the  military  district  over  which  his  authori- 
ty  extends  is  the  necessary  and  natural  result  of  the 
efforts  made  by  the  slaveholders  to  dissolve  the 
Union.  The  war  has  reached  that  state  when  mili- 
tary necessity  can  no  longer  hesitate  to  strike  the 
blow  that  shall  end  it.  The  necessity  of  the  mea- 
sure—of  which  the  military  authoritie's  are  the  pro- 
per judges— makes  the  act  of  emancipation  perfect- 
ly justifiable  and  valid.  No  act  of  Congress. defines 
the  limits  of  military  necessity,  and  martial  law  "as- 
serts its  supremacy  over  all  restraints. 

Some  timorous  persons  have  made  up  their  minds 
that  President  Lincoln  will  repudiate  the  proclama- 
tion of  Gen.  Hunter.  President  Lincoln  will  do  no 
such  thing.  Those  who  argue  from  the  case  of  Fre- 
mont, that  Hunter  will  be  overruled,  do  not  bear  in 
mind  the  altered  circumstances  and  the  new  facts 
under  which  the  question  is  now  to  be  decided.  The 
President  does  not  by  too  much  haste  permit  him- 
self to  be  mastered  by  events :  he  calmly  awaits 
their  development,  and  then,  by  adapting  himself  to 
the  emergencies  which  they  create,  shows  himseif  at 
all  times  equal  to  the  occasiou.  lie  did  not  sustain 
Fremont;  neither  did  he  condemn  him;  for  be  gave 
him  another  important  command.  He  had  the  sa- 
gacity to  foresee  that  a  measure,  at  first  deemed 
perilous  and  injudicious,  might,  at  another  time  in 
the  progress  of  events,  be  the  best  that  could  be 
adopted.  The  war,  since  Fremont  dealt  his  first  ap- 
palling blow  at  slavery,  has  made  great  progress, 
and  the  views  of  the  people  as  to  the  best  means  of 
putting  an  end  to  it  have  made  great  progress  also. 
When  the  idea  of  freeing  the  slaves  of  rebels  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  war  power  was^s^cted 
upon,  the  true  character  of  the  rebels  -wS^^^'idly; 
understood:  they  were  not  then  supposed  to  be  ca-  " 
pable  of  committing  crimes,  from  the  atrocity  of 
which  a  Sepoy  would  shrink  :  and  it  was  still  hoped 
that  they  were  not  beyond  the  reach  of  conciliation 
and  pardon.  The  revelations  of  the  last  three 
months  have  made  the  civilized  world  better  ac- 
quainted with  these  people.  They  must  be  put 
down  at  all  hazards — and  the  least  hazard,  in  the 
quarter  in  question,  is  that  of  substituting  freedom 
for  slavery  I 

In  the  case  of  Fremont,  there  was  this  embarrass-  ■ 
ment— there  were  many  loyal  slaveholders  in  his 
district.  In  the  case  of  Gen.  Hunter,  there  is  no 
drawback  of  that  nature.  His  military  department 
is  composed  of  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Geor- 
gia and  Florida..  There  are  some  loyal  men  in  the 
latter  two  States — but  none  of  them  are  slaveholders, 
and  hence  will  not  be  injured  by  the  decree  of  eman- 
cipaiion.  South  Carolina  is  an  unbroken  waste  of 
disunionism.  "  There  is  no  individual  in  this  State," 
said  the  rebel  officers  at  Port  Royal,  to  Com.  Bogers, 
when  he  handed  them  General  Sherman's  proclama- 
tion, ."whom  you  would  call  loyal."  When  Gen. 
Hunter,  therefore,  says,  as  he  virtually  does  say  in 
his  proclamation,  that  he  can  only  suppress  the  re- 
bellion within  the  limits  of  his  department  by  sup- 
pressing slavery,  we  believe  him,  and  hope  that  the 
Administration  and  the  people  will  sustain  him  in 
the  course  he  has  taken. 

P.  S.  Since  our  paper  was  put  to  press,  we  learn 
that  the  President  has  revoked  the  order  of  Gene- 
ral Hunter.  Notwithstanding,  we  print  our  com- 
ments on  the  order  as  a  matter  for  record  as  the  re- 
bellion progresses.— Norristoum  Free  Press. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  PROCLAMATION. 


pc 


id  with 

itions. 


defeat,  it  will  discredit 

the  friends  of  liberal  institution 

I  have  s&id  that  General  Halleck  is  reputed  to  be  an 

able  officer;  bui:  must  perversely  he  undoes  with  one 

hand  what  he  does  with  the  other.  He  undoes  by 
his   orders   the   good   he   does  as  a  General.      While 

profesSinff  to  make  war  upon  the' rebellion,  he  sus- 
tains its  chief  and   most  active  power,  and  degrades 
his  gallant  army  to  be  the  constables  of  slavery. 
Slavery  is  I  he  constant  rebel  and  universal  enemy. 

tt  is  traitor  and  belligerent  toaethsr,  and  is  always 

to  be  treated  accordingly.  Tenderness  lo  slavery 
nov,  isprutk  ildisln  ,ill\  indpraa-aUlbunY  v,ilh 
the  enemy. 

Against  these  officers  to  whom  I  have  referred  to- 
day I  have  no  personal  unkindriess.  l  should  much 
prefer  to  speak  in  their  praiae;  but,  sir,  I  am  in 
earnest.  While  1  have  the  honor  of  a  seat  in  the 
Senate,  no  success,  no  viotory,  shall  be  any  apology 
or  any  shield  io  a  General  who  undertakes  to  insult 
human  nature.  From  the  midst  of  his  triumphs  1 
-,vill  drag  bun  f<.r.vi:d  to  recsrvo  the  condemnation 

which  such  Conduct  deserves. 


Closely  upon  the  heels  of  Gen.  Hunter's  Order, 
proclaiming  liberty  to  the  slaves,  and  to  the  three  en- 
slaved States,  within  his  military  department;  and 
closely  upon  the  heels  of  the  instantaneously  mani- 
fested good  effects  of  that  act,  comes  the  President's 
Proclamation  for  annulling  it,  and  rendering  it  of  no 
value ! 

Deeply  do  we  deplore  the  deleterious  influences 
that  have  prevailed  with  the  President  on  this  occa- 
sion. He  has  grieved  and  weakened  his  best  friends. 
He  has  gladdened  and  strengthened  his  worst  ene- 
mies—the worst  enemies  of  the  country.  His  Pro- 
clamation is  directly  calculated  to  reduce  the  spirit 
of  liberty,  which  is  the  life-blood  of  loyalty,  of  de- 
votion to  the  Union,  of  fidelity  to  our  free  Constitu- 
tion. It  is  equally  calculated  to  encourasre  and 
stimulate  the  spirit  of  slavery,  whichis  the  spirit  and 
animus  of  the  rebellion.  Considering  the  President's 
surroundings,  and  the  appliances  brought  to  bear 
upon  him  from  men,  who,  either  in  or  out  of  Con- 
gress, are  in  the  daily  habit  of  uttering  ill-concealed 
or  unconcealed  threats  of  joining  the  rebellion,  unless 
their  policy  of  conducting  the  war  and  treating  the 
rebels  can  be  carried  out  by  the  Government",  the 
Presidential  compliance,  alter  two  or  three  days' 
hesitancy  and  suspense,  carries  too  much  the  appear- 
ance of  that  servile  submission  to  the  Slave  Power 
that  reigned  supreme  in  the  Kxceutive  Mansion  dur- 
ing several  successive  Administrations,  previous  to 
(lie  present.  We  fear  it  will  be  so  understood  and 
interpreted,  by  friends  and  enemies,  at  home  and 
abroad. 

_  We  do  not'overlook  that  feature  of  the  Proclama- 
tion which  apparently  anticipates  the  possibilitv  of 
future  action  by  the  President  in  the  same  dn\vt-.>M 
with  the  Order  of  General  Hunter,  on  a  wider  Scale, 
should  the  rebel  States  fail  to  respond  to  the  Presi- 
dent's beseeching  appeal.  The  eilec '.-s  of  that  ap- 
peal, coupled,  as  it  seems  to  he.  with  an  aeknowdedg- 
ment  of  the  high  and  sacred  claims  of  slavery,  that 
must  not.  except  in  the  extremity  of  national"  neces- 
sity, he  touched,  will  not  be  likely  to  be  such  as  the 
President,  desires.  Submissions,  on  the  part  of  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  to  the  Wieklill'es  and  Critteiulens  and 
Davises  of  the  Capital,  with  whose  presence  the 
White  House  is  daily  infested,  are  not,  in  our  judg- 
ment, (he  precursors  of  submission  from  the  Davises 
and  Siephensons  and  Johnsons  of  this  Confederacy, 
to  President  Lincoln.  The  portents,  to  our  vision, 
are  precisely  the  reverse. 

Hut,  be  it  so  that  at  some  future  period,  the  Pres- 
ident may  be  driven,  by  stress  of  weather,  to  attempt 
running  the  ship  of  Slate  into  the  harbor  of  abolition 
rather  than  founder.  Is  it  quite  certain  that  the. 
lides  and  the  pilotage  will  be  as  safe  then  as  now  ? 
Can  the  nation  all'ord  to  remain  at  sea,  adrift,  with- 
out chart,  rudder,  or  compass,  at  the  expense  of 
three  millions  of  dollars  a  day  V 

If  the  President  intends  that  Abraham  Lincoln, 
raihar  than  another,  shall  have  the  honor  of  liberat- 
ing the  nation  North  and  South,  ho  has  no  lime  to 
lose.  The  day  of  deliverance  will  have  passed,  or 
will  have  been  improved  bv  another,  it'  much  longer 
he  hesitates  and  delays.       The  I'll  . 

GEN.   HUNTER'S   ORDER. 

Gen.  Hunter's  order  is  •.••nc  of  the  must,  imperlaif!. 
of  an\  issued  since  the  war  began,  Nor  is  its  impor- 
tance lesl  because  it  has  been  annulled.  Gen.  Hun- 
ter has  always  been  one  of  the  "  Conservatives " — 
always  opposed  lo  -  abolition  "  and  anti-slavery  men 

ami  was   ill-    vory    general   who  superseded    Pre- 


86 


THE     LIBEEATOE. 


MLA.Y   30, 


moot  last  SeMs  in  Missouri.     Fremont's  order  was     crate  with  them  in  abolishing  slavery,  and  warns 
amply  to  tree  the  slaves  of  rebels  active  against  the  j   them  of  the  probable  effects  of  neglecting  to  do  so. 
government. 


Now  General  Hunter  has  been  ptftc 
Ssisg  this  same  kind  of  emancipation  in  his  depart- 
ment for  some  time,  without  "  modification  "  irom 
anv  quarter,  and  with  but  very  little  opposition  even 
in  the  Border  States.  And  now  this  conservative 
(general,  free  from  the  taint  of  •'  abolition,"  having 
Seen  plaeed  in  command  of  a  department  in  which 
existed  the  very  quintessence  of  slavery— this  gen- 
eral, for  reasons  at  least  satisfactory  to  himself,  finds 
it  necessary  to  free  all  the  slaves  within  bis  district. 
In  South  Carolina,  the  slaves  are  over  one  hundred 
thousand  in  the  majority,  Gen.  Sherman,  when  he 
went,  there,  gave  the  whites  all  the  nice  and  tender 
assurances  which  any  L'  conservative  "  General  could 
dish  up;  and  yet  there  is  not  a  loyal  white  to  be 
found  there  that  we  have  heard  of.  Of  the  loyalty 
of  the  blacks  there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  witness  a 
host  of  instances,  and  especially  the  case  of  Rob- 
ert Small,  a  colored  seaman,  who  has  just  taken  a 
rich  prize  from  Charleston  to  Port  Royal.  We 
think  it  strange  that  such  a  man  as  Gen.  Hunter 
should  have  issued  such  an  order,  without  something 
solid  on  which  to  found  it.  What  was  "  modified  " 
in  Fremont  last  year,  is  now  sanctioned  by  all  the 
departments  of  the  government.  It  took  less  than 
a  year  to  educate  the  country  up  to  that  point.  It 
will  take  even  less  time  to  bring  it  up  to  Gen.  Hun- 
ter. We  can  well  afford  to  wait  and  abide  the  time. 
—Bellows  Falls  f Ft)   Times. 

HUNTER. 

The  greatest  act  of  this  war  .has  been  performed 
■with  the  pen,  and  the  General  from  whom  it  has  pro- 
ceeded has,  to  our  knowledge,  but  once  had  a  chance 
to  spill  blood,  and  that  at  Bull  Run.  The  theatre 
of  his  action  was  the  writing-room  ;  and  yet  he 
has  exhibited  a  courage,  from  which  all  masters  ot 
bloodshed  have  hitherto  shrunk  with  trembling.  The 
hero  of  whom  we  speak  is  General  Hunter,  Com 
mander  of  the  chief  slaveholding  department,  sta- 
tioned at  Port  Royal:  and  his  deed,  a  proclamation 
in  which  he  decrees  martial  law  in  his  department, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida; 


COmpnSlllg      OOUlll    ViUUima,    vjiiui^i 

and  under  this  right  of  war  he  declares  forever  free 
the  entire  slave  population. 

Gen.  Hunter  thus  goes  still  farther  than  Fremont. 
He  does  not  confine  himself,  in  accordance  with  the 
well-known  law  of  Congress,  to  those  slaves  who  have 
served  the  rebels  in  war,  and  whom  he  has  hitherto 
declared  free  by  special  order  in  every  single  case  ; 
nor  like  Fremont,  to  those  slaves  who  "  belong  "  to 
rebels ;  but  he  makes  at  once  the  most  extensive  use 
of  the  war  power,  cuts  out  the  cancer  from  its  roots, 
and  cleanses  the  augean  stalls  at  a  stroke  and  for 
evep.  And  in  order  that  practical  measures  may 
straightway  attend  his  proclamation,  he  begins  to 
exercise  the  freed  negroes  in  the  use  of  arms,  and, 
under  white  officers,  to  form  them  into  regiments. 

From  the  past  of  Gen.  Hunter  whom  all  know  as 
a  West-Pointer,  and  not  for  any  anti-slavery  sen- 
timents, it  cannot  be  inferred  that  a  long-cherished 
"  abolition  "  idea  has  led  him  to  this  bold  step.  We 
must  suppose  that  he  has  recently  learnt  from  a 
purely  military  stand-point  the  necessity  of  suppress- 
ing the  rebellion  by  freeing  the  blacks,  and  the  im- 
possibility without  these  auxiliaries  of  carrying  on 
the  war  down  there  with  Northern  troops  during  the 
summer.  On  this  theory  it  would  be  not  the  "  sun 
of  liberty,"  but  simply  the  sun  in  heaven,  that  has 
ripened  the  seed  of  emancipation  in  the  very  nest 
of  slavery.  However,  let  us  render  to  General 
Hunter  the  highest  acknowledgments,  because  he 
had  the  moral  courage  to  attempt  a  measure .  by 
which  he  knew  he  would  inflame  with  hatred  against 
him  not  merely  all  his  former  friends,  but  the  whole 
"coMM(Kii'e"  fraternity  of  the  North  as  of  the 
South.  Yes~  he  must  have  expected  to  be  condemn- 
ed and  removed  from  his  command  by  the  man  who 
once  "corrected"  the  proclamation  of  Fremont. 
All  this  did  not  deter  him  from  taking  a  step  which, 
in  his  conviction,  was  necessary,  and  in  which  no 
other  General  dared  to  anticipate  him.  He  has  had 
the  daring— he  has  with  a  bold  hand  broken  the  way. 
and  for  that  let  him  be  honored.  He  has  shown 
what  a  soldier  can  do  who  possesses  a  loftier  courage 
than  that  of  bullets ;  he  has  raised  himself  to  that 
level  on  which  the  might  of  ideas  overtops  the  might 
of  cannon,  and  has  ennobled  the  rude  war  power  by 
its  employment  for  moral  ends. 

It  is  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  in  the  highest  degree 
incensed  at  this  courageous  procedure,  of  which  he 
knew  and  suspected  nothing  in  advance;  others  as- 
sert that  he  will  not  interfere,  because  he  has  confi- 
dence that  the  Commanding  General  must  know 
best  what  is  necessary  for  the  place  and  the  occa- 
sion. The  majority  of  the  Cabinet  are  reported  in 
favor  of  the  measure.  But  should  the  President  and 
the  Cabinet  too  condemn  it,  we  are  persuaded  that 
it  cannot  be  reversed,  but  that  it  will  and  must  be 
carried  out. 

The  consequences  cannot  be  too  highly  estimated. 
According  to  the  latest  intelligence,  they  were  ex- 
pecting a  negro  insurrection  at  Charleston.  Yet 
that  is  not  the  main  point,  which  is,  that  Gen.  Hun- 
ter cannot  be  left  unsupported,  that  elsewhere  he 
must  be  imitated,  and  that  slavery  in  the  whole 
Union  is  destroyed,  if  it  be  thoroughly  swept  from 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  the  ancient  foci  of 
slaveholding  and  rebellion. 

Now  may  the  friends  of  freedom  again  take  cour- 
age. The  fulfilment  of  their  desires  has  at  length 
become  a  necessity.  However  shameful  it  is,  that 
outward  necessity  and  the  "  logic  of  events,"  not 
premeditated  resolution  and  moral  motives,  have 
given  the  impulse,  the  way  has  once  been  broken, 
the  denouement  presses  after  uncontrollably,  and 
the  regulating  Idea  shall  conquer  the  now  disposable 
Matter.  _ 

In  conclusion,  one  pious  ejaculation  :  O  that  Gen- 
eral Hunter  were  a  German  Major-General ! 

Postscript.  Abraham  Lincoln  has  nullified  the 
proclamation  of  General  Hunter,  so  far  as  it  abolish- 
es slavery.  At  the  same  time,  he  announces  that 
he  reserves  to  himself,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Army,  the  right  to  free  the  slaves,  anil  has  not  en- 
trusted it  to  any  General.  In  concluding,  he  ex- 
horts the  slave  States  to  avail  themselves  of  his  prop- 
osition, sanctioned  by  Congress,  for  the  buying  out 
of  slavery,  and  giving  them  to  understand  that  some 
day  they  will  encounter  a  "  too  late." 

Mr.  Lincoln  may  declare  what  he  pleases.  For 
his  wisdom,  that  "too  late"  has  long  since  appear- 
ed ;  and  the  sun's  heat,  and  the  finances,  and  the 
pest,  and  the  opposition  of  the  rebels,  and  the  perils 
from  abroad,  will  drive  him  to  the  road  from  which 
he  has  crowded  first  Fremont,  and  then  Hunier.  We 
mi»ht  await  this  moment  with  tranquillity,  if  the  de- 
lay which  Mr.  Lincoln  needs  for  the  acquirement  of 
sagacity,  resolution  and  pluck  were  not  costing  us 
daTly  three  million  dollars  and  a  hundred  human 
lives. 

The  proclamation  of  Gen.  Hunter  is  nullified  by 
Abraham  Lincoln  ;  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  nul- 
lified by  events.  Vive  Hunter ! — Translated  for  the 
Liberator  from  the  Boston  (German)  "  Pionier." 


The  anxiety  of  the  President  on  this  subject  does 
him  the  highest  honor.  It  is  indeed  most  ardently 
to  be  desired  that  emancipation  shall  be  voluntary. 
By  making  it  so,  the  American  people  would  remove 
the  only  ground  of  sectional  difference  between 
them,  and  would  facilitate  the  great  change  from 
slavery  to  freedom  so  as  to  alleviate  in  a  great  de- 
gree the  necessary  embarrassments  of  that  change. 

But  we  have  not  the  slightest  idea,  there  appears 
not  the  slightest,  probability,  that  the  people  of  the 
Gulf  States  will  pay  the  least  attention  to  this  prop- 
osition. They  are  wedded  to  their  Idol.  They  are 
determined  to  rule  or  ruin.  They  care  not  what 
they  bring  upon  themselves,  if  so  be  they  can  in- 
volve others  in  the  crash  of  their  own  fall.  They 
would  enjoy  with  fiendish  malignity  the  suffering  oc- 
casioned both  in  this  country  and  Europe  by  their 
course.  There  is  no  hope  of  them,  and  no  hope  for 
the  nation,  except  in  the  entire  reconstruction  of 
Southern  society,  and  no  prospect  that  this  recon- 
struction will  be  undertaken  voluntarily,  except  per- 
haps in  the  ease  of  three  or  four  of  the  border  States. 
Meanwhile  the  war  is  dragging  on  far  into  its  se- 
cond year,  and  into  the  heats  of  a  Southern  summer, 
one  month  of  which  is  more  fatal  than  a  dozen  bat- 
tle-fields. We  have  made  some  progress,  but  are 
still  in  a  critical  position.  Our  advance  is  slow,  and 
this  is  the  policy  of'the  enemy  to  bring  about.  They 
seek  only  to  delay  the  invasion  of'the  Gulf  States  a 
month  longer,  when  they  will  have  the  yellow  fever 
and  the  malaria.  Our  troops  occupy  only  the  ex- 
terior and  the  most  unhealthy  portion  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, just  the  portion  that  is  most  fatal  to  them._  The 
mass  of  our  forces  ought  to  spend  the  summer  in  the 
elevated  and  more  salubrious  regions  of  the  South, 
and  to  enable  it  to  do  this,  it  ought  to  have  the 
black  population  on  its  side.  The  recent  gallant  ex- 
ploit of  the  black  pilot  who  recently  ran  away  from 
Charleston  shows  what  this  population  can  do  for 
us,  and  it  is  folly  to  reject  it. 

We  believe  Gen.  Hunter  was  fully  aware  of  the 
emergencies  of  his  position,  and  acted  with  wisdom 
in  view  of  all  the  circumstances.  He  aimed  a  strik- 
ing blow  at  the  rebellion,  and  such  his  proclamation 
gave  it.  We  believe  that  blow  will  seal  the  fate  of 
secession,  and  that  it  will  not  be  long  before  the 
President  himself  will  be  convinced  of  it.  We  only 
fear  that  the  delay  will  be  at  the  expense  of  more 
millions  of  money  and  more  thousands  of  the  lives  of 
our  Northern  soldiers,  thus  sacrificed  out  of  a  mis- 
placed tenderness  for  an  institution  which  has  al- 
ready brought  so  much  suffering  to  the  nation. — 
Neiv  Bedford  Republican  Standard. 


®&*§Ei&*t»t0** 


OHUROH   ANTI-SLAVERY   SOCIETY. 


BOSTON,  FItlDAY,  MAY  30,  18 \%. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  PROCLAMATION. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  GEN.  HUNTER, 

We  suppose  all  our  readers  have  seen  the  ex- 
periment, so  astonishing  to  the  juveniles,  of  blow- 
ing out  a  candle,  and  then  rekindling  it  by  placing 
a  li"ht  in  the  ascending  current  of  gas  from  the 
smoking  wick.  The  President  has  performed  this 
experiment,  and  has  rekindled  the  candle  of  slavery 
blown  out  by  Gen.  Hunter,  declaring  the  proclama- 
tion issued  by  hitn  to  have  been  issued  without  his 
consent,  and  to  be  void. 

We  are  not  surprised  at  this  action  of  the  Presi- 
dent. We  know  too  well  the  strength  of  slavery  in 
this  country.  It  exists,  not  so  much  in  the  Presi- 
dent's own  mind,  as  in  the  public  opinion,  as  evinced 
by  the  general  outbreak  of  disapproval  by  the  press 
of  Gen.  Hunter's  course.  The  North  has  submitted 
with  almost  unanimous  assent  to  the  abrogation  of 
its  constitutional  rights  for  the  purpose  of  saving  the 
unity  of'the  nation,  to  the  suspension  of  the  freedom 
of  the  press,  to  the  arbitrary  arresting  of  individuals, 
to  the  refusal  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  military  governors  over  independent 
States,  and  other  acts ;  but  that  opinion  which  re- 
sents or  fears  direct  interference  with  slavery  is 
still  Strong,  and  the  President  is  still  under  its  influ- 
ence, still  hesitates,  still  withholds  his  approbation 
from  acts  which  experienced  generals  declare  to  be 
necessary.  We  regret  it.  We  think  the  proclama- 
tion of  General  Hunter  ought  to  have  been  sustained, 
or  that  the  President  ought,  without  further  delay, 
to  exercise  the  right  which  he  prefers  to  retain  ex- 
clusively to  himself,  instead  of  entrusting  it  to  subor- 
dinates. 

,  Yet  the  tone  of  the  President's  proclamation  shows 
that  he  is  almost  at  the  turning  point.  He  indicates 
plainly  'hat  the  necessity  may  arrive  for  proclaim- 
ing the  freedom  of  the  slaves,  and  again  appeals  ear- 
nestly to  the  people  of  the  slave  States  to  accept  the 
proposition  solemnly  adopted  by  Congress  to  co-op- 


We  see  nothing  in  the  President's  Proclamation  to 
justify  the  obloquy  and  condemnation  that  have 
been  heaped  upon  Gen.  Hunter.  Those  who  have 
abused  that  loyal  and  able  officer  will  look  in  vain 
for  the  passage  in  this  latter  proclamation,  that  se- 
conds their  unjust  and  unwarranted  attack.  Gen. 
Hunter  is  in  the  very  midst  of  the  horrors  of  slavery, 
and  he  acted  upon  the  necessities  and  requirements 
of  his  own  position.  It  is  easy  for  a  man  here  at 
home,  in  his  slippers  and  dressing-gown,  perhaps,  to 
sit  and  write  epithets  and  expletives  of  abuse  of  Gen. 
Hunter  for  taking  the  hydra-headed  iniquity  by  one 
of  its  throats,  and  giving  it  a  twist  that  was  felt 
through  all  its  ramifications,  although  he  had  not  the 
power  to  strangle  it  entirely.  But  we  would  like 
to  see  these  same  writers — so  sensitive  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  that  they  cannot  hear  it  spoken  of 
too  harshly  without  a  homily — in  the  field  themselves, 
and  feeling  some  of  the  horrors  of  this  war.  We 
presume  they  would  soon  learn,  as  many  others  have, 
to  be  less  tender  of  the  accursed  institution.  They 
would  come  to  the  conclusion,  as  many  others  have, 
that  there  are  other  interests  that  need  protection 
besides  those  of  slavery  and  slaveholders. — Kenosha 
Telegraph. 

EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

A  great  step  has  been  taken  in  the  march  of  lib- 
erty within  a  few  days,  which  has  astonished  and 
delighted  the  friends  of  freedom,  while  it  has  sur- 
prised and  chagrined  the  hunkers,  and  alarmed  the 
timid.  The  Cahawba,  from  Port  Royal,  brought 
news  of  the  publication  by  Gen.  Hunter,  now  in 
command  ot  the  Southern  Department,  of  a  procla- 
mation, emancipating  under  martial  law,  and  as  a 
military  necessity,  all  the  slaves  in  Georgia,  Florida 
and  South  Carolina. 

This  is  decidedly  a  bold  stroke,  and  its  very  bold- 
ness is  brilliant  and  dazzling  to  friends  and  foes.  Its 
right  none  can  deny  ;  though  its  policy  is  made  the 
gravest  of  questions  among  the  politicians.  The 
Miss  Nancies  and  Mrs.  Grundies  at  Washington  are 
totally  nonplussed;  and  the  telegraph  reports  all 
kinds  of  rumors — all  colored  by  the  wishes  and  fears 
of  the  reporters  and  gossips. 

The  great  question  is,  whether  it  will  be  counter- 
manded or  sustained.  It  is  said  the  President  dis- 
avows it,  and  says  Hunter  acts  without  authority. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  said  the  Cabinet,  or  a  ma- 
jority of  them,  will  stand  by  Hunter.  For  our  part, 
we  rejoice,  hope  and  fear.-  We  rejoice,  because  it  is 
the  beginning  of  a  work  that  must  progress,  though 
it  may  meet  with  many  backsets,  and  because  many 
slaves  have  been  already  freed  under  it,  and  anoth- 
er blow  has  been  given  to  the  institution.  We  hope, 
because  there  is  a  probability  that  Hunter  will  be 
sustained,  and  the  Government  cannot  well  recede 
from  this  step.  We  fear,  because  the  pro-slavery 
party  and  the  half-hearted,  time-serving  politicians 
at  Washington  will  bring  to  bear  on  the  President 
the  most  powerful  pressure  they  can  exert.  A  com- 
bined effort  will  be  made  that  it  will  be  almost  im- 
possible to  resist.  Still,  the  administration  may 
withstand  the  clamor  of  the  southern  sympathizers, 
We  look  with  great  interest  and  anxiety  to  the  ac- 
tion of  the  government,  and  wait  with  impatience 
before  we  shout  forth  the  full  joy  we  feel  in  contem- 
plating this  greatest  act  of  the  war. — Ashtabula  Sen- 
tinel. ^ 

THE   SUPPORT   OF  SLAVERY  TREASON. 

To  labor  in  behalf  of  slavery,  now  it  has  made  itself 
an  outlaw,  and  become  the  enemy  of  our  constitution- 
al nationality,  is  to  help  the  dark  work  of  treason. 
We  care  not  under  what  plea  cabinet  ministers  and 
legislators  may  shelter  themselves,  every  man  that 
now  takes  the  part  of  the  nation's  great  enemy, 
Slavery,  is  a  traitor,  and  should  be  unmasked.  We 
have  no  other  enemy  than  slavery ;  the  pretence  that 
slavery  is  not  the  foundation  of  this  war  is  a  disgrace- 
ful subterfuge.  We  have  seen  the  march  of  that  en- 
emy, open  and  undisguised,  through  every  step 
the  career  of  rebellion,  and  know  well  that  the  pro- 
curing cause  of  all  our  troubles  is  the  one  solitary 
<n<*anfic  Crime.  We  know,  too,  that  if  this  en- 
emy is  now  scotched  but  not  killed,  it  will  again 
raise  its  crest  and  expand  its  hood,  to  strike  the 
hand  that  has  spared  it.  Its  very  essence  is  lawless 
violence;  the  spirit  that  animates  it  is  a  spirit  of 
treason.  Carhle  and  Crittenden,  Holt  and  the 
rest  of  the  Kentucky  dictators  to  the  President,  are 
every  one  of  them  fostering  treason,  aiding  and  abet- 
ting the  enemy,  and  striking  more  effectively  in  be- 
half of  slavery  than  Jefferson  Davis  himself.  Shall 
we  say  that  the  men  who  organized  this  rebellion  are 
our  enemies,  but  not  the  system  which  made  them 
what  they  are  ?  Away  with  such  miserable  sophis- 
try 1  If  it  is  treason  to  serve  Davis  and  Beauregard, 
much  more  is  it  treason  to  serve  the  king  to  whom 
they  owe  their  allegiance.  Slavery  has  arrayed  itself 
against  the  Constitution,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the 
Constitution  has  driven  our  rulers  into  war  with 
slavery.  These  two  grand  combatants,  slavery  on 
the  one  side,  and  the  Constitution  on  the  other,  are 
now  in  the  open  field,  waging  a  contest  that  can 
only  end  with  the  death  of  one  or  the  other.  Such 
being  the  nature  of  the  strife,  let  us  first  ascertain 
who  among  us  are  the  traitors,  the  go-betweens,  that 
would  hold  off  our  hands  from  the  enemy,  and  give 
pledges  that  slavery  shall  come  out  of  this  war  safe 
and  intact  as  when  it  went  in.  Such  men  should 
be  expelled  from  camp  and  cabinet,  and  placed  on 
the  other  side  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  It  has 
been  a  boast  of  the  rebels  that  there  are  enough  of 
the  old  officers,  that  sympathize  with  the  South,  still 
left  in  our  army  to  prevent  us  from  ever  gaining  the 
victory;  and  the  doings  of  some  of  our  generals  go 
far  to  prove  it. — American  Baptist. 


THE  CALL  UPON  MASSACHUSETTS  FOR 

MORE  TROOPS. 

gov.  Andrew's  iiefly  to  the  war  department. 

The  New  York  Tribune,  of  Friday   last,  prints  the 

following  letter  from  Gov.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts, 

which  has  been  received  at  the  War  Department. 

Boston,  May  19,  1862. 
To  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: 

Sir, — I  have  this  moment  received  a  telegram  in 
these  words,  viz: — 

"  The  Secretary  of  War  desires  to  know  liow  soon  you 
can  raise  and  organize  three  or  four  more  Infantry  Regi- 
ments, and  have  tlitmi  ready  to  bo  forwarded  here,  to  bo 
armed  and  equipped.    Plense  answer  immediately,  and  state 
e  number  you  ean  raise. 

[Signed]  L.  Thomas,  Adjutant  Gene 

A  call  so  sudden  and  unexpected  finds  me  without 
aterial  for  an  intelligent  reply.  Our  young  men  are 
preoccupied  with  other  views;  still,  if  a  real  call  for 
three  regiments  is  mude,  I  believe  we  can  raise  them 
in  forty  days.  The  arms  and  equipments  would  need 
to  be  furnished  here.  Our  people  have  never  marched 
without  them.  They  go  into  camp  while  forming  into 
regiments,  and  are  drilled  and  practised  with  arms  and 
muskets  as  soldiers. 

To  attempt  the  other  course  would  dampen  the  en- 
thusiasm, and  make  the  men  feel  that  they  were  not 
soldiers,  but  a  mob.  Again,  if  our  people  feci  that 
they  are  going  into  the  South  to  help  fight  the  rebels, 
who  will  kill  and  destroy  them  by  all  the  means  known 
to  savage,  as  well  as  civilized  war,  will  deceive  them 
by  fraudulent  Mags  of  truce  and  lying  pretences,  as 
they  did  the  Massachusetts  boysat  Williamsburg,  will 
use  their  negro  slaves  against  them,  both  as  laborers 
and  fighting  men,  while  they  themselves  must  never 
fire  at  the  enemy's  magazine,  I  think  they  will  feel  the 
draft  is  heavy  on  their  patriotism.  But  if  the  Presi- 
dent will  sustain  Gen.  Hunter,  and  recognize  all  men, 
even  black  men,  as  legally  capable  of  that  loyalty  the 
blacks  are  waiting  to  manifest,  and  let  them  fight  with 
God  and  human  nature  on  their  side,  the  roads  will 
swarm,  if  need  be,  with  multitudes,  whom  New  Eng- 
land would  pour  out  to  obey  your  call. 

Always  ready  to  do  my  utmost,  I  remain,  most 
faithfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  ANDREW 

Nothing  could  be  better  conceived  Or  better  i 
pressed  than  this  letter  of  Gov.  Andrew  ;  and  it  is  as 
timely  as  it  is  touchingly  admonitory  and  truly  pa- 
triotic. As  a  matter  of  course,  "  the  satanic  press" 
denounces  it  in  the  bitterest  terms ;  and  the  pseudo 
Republican  Boston  Journal  perverts  its  meaning  in  a 
manner  contemptibly  base.  They  would  have  it  al- 
tered to  read  thus : — "  If  our  people  feel  that  they  are 
going  into  the  South  to  help  fight  the  rebels,  who  will 
kill  and  destroy  them  by  all  the  means  known  to  sav- 
age, as  well  as  civilized  war,  wilt  deceive  them  by 
false  flags  of  truce  and  lying  pretences,  as  they  did 
the  Massachusetts  boys  at  Williamsburg,  will  use  their 
negro  slaves  against  them,  both  as  laborers  and  fight- 
ing men,  while  they  themselves  must  never  fire  at 
the  enemy's  magazine,  /  think  they  will  volunteer  with 
all  the  more  alacrity,  and  stand  by  the  government  in  pur- 
suing such  a  murderous  policy  all  the  more  firmly  and  joy- 
fully" !  Rather  than  have  the  foul  and  brutal  slave 
system  overturned,  they  prefer  to  subject  the  brave 
soldiers  of  the  North  to  be  shot  down,  assassinated, 
poisoned,  mutilated  while  living,  and  their  dead  bodies 
dishonored  and  outraged  in  the  most  revolting  man- 
ner— the  war  indefinitely  prolonged — the  national 
debt  needlessly  and  enormously  increased — and  tens 
of  thousands  of  Northern  lives  destroyed  by  malaria 
and  disease  in  their  multitudinous  forms  on  the  South- 
ern soil !  Will  the  people  longer  countenance  such 
journals  ?  Or  will  not  their  indignation  burn  like  fire 
against  them  1 


Tlie  following  startling  Proclamation  calling  for  more 
volunteers  from  this  State  was  issued  by  Governor 
Andrew  on  Sunday  evening: — 

A  PROCLAMATION, 
By  the    Governor  and    Commander-in-Chief 

The  wily  and  barbarous  horde  of  traitors  to  the 
people,  to  the  government,  to  our  country  and  to 
liberty,  menace  again  the  National  Capital.  They 
have  attacked  and  routed  Major-General  Banks,  are 
advancing  on  Harper's  Ferry  and  marching  on  Wash- 
ington. 

The  President  calls  on  Massachusetts  to  rise  once 

ire  for  its  rescue  and  defence.  The  whole  active 
militia  will  be  summoned  by  a  General  Order  issued 
from  the  office  of  the  Adjutant-General,  to  report  on 
Boston  Common  to-morrow.  They  will  march  to  re- 
lieve and  avenge  their  brethren  and  friends,  to  oppose 
with  fiery  zeal  and  courageous  patriotism  the  progress 
of  the  foe. 

May    God  encourage   their  hearts  and  strengthen 

eir  arms,  and  may  He  inspire  the  Government  and 
all  the  people! 

Given  at  Headquarters  in  Boston,  at  11  o'clock  of 
this  Sunday  evening,  May  25th,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1882.  JOHN  A.  ANDREW. 

The  following  General  Orders  have  been  issued: 
Headquarters,  Boston,  May  26,  1862. 
General  Order,  No.  13. 

The  Battalion  at  Fort  Warren  will  be  raised  imme- 
diately to  a  Regiment,  and  placed  under  command  of 
Major  Francis  J.  Parker  as  Colonel.  All. who  are  de- 
sirous of  embarking  forthwith  in  the  volunteer  ser- 
vice, with  a  view  to  departing  at  once  for  Washing- 
ton, are  invited  to  report  themselves  to-day  for  enlist- 
ment.. 

Lieut.  Col.  T.  L.  D.  Perkins  is  authorized  to  act 
as  Recruiting  Agent,  his  Headquarters  at  Hancock 
House,  Court  Square. 

All  who  would  join  this  corps  must  enlist  without 
delay. 

The  enemy  has  repulsed  Major-General  Banks,  and 
are  marching  in  force  on  Washington. 

Massachusetts  will  repeat  the  patriotism,  enthu- 
siasm and  glory  of  April,  1861. 

By  command  of  His  Excellency, 

JOHN  A.  ANDREW, 
Governor  and  Commanded -in- Chief. 

William  Brown,  Assistant  Adjutant- General. 

In  obedience  to  the  patriotic  summons  of  Gov.  An- 
drew, troops  and  volunteers,  from  every  quarter,  came 
pouring  into  Boston,  and  were  forthwith  on  their  way 
to  Washington.    But  it  has  turned  out  "  a  big  scare. 


PROPOSED  CONSTITUTION  IN   ILLINOIS. 


We  are  happy  to  find,  and  the  conservative  men 
of  the  country  will  rejoice  to  know  that  the  Presi- 
dent maintains  a  firm  and  unwavering  position. — 
Trenton  True  American. 

President  Lincoln's  proclamation,  overruling  the 
late  ambitious  edict  of  Gen.  Hunter,  fulfils  the  ex- 
pectations and  will  command  the  hearty  approval  of 
the  loyal  masses  of  our  country. — Boston  Journal. 

j^=*For  illustrations,  see  ''Refuge  of  Oppression." 


Rev.  Samuel  J.  Mat.  We  hoped  to  see  this  true 
man  and  genuine  Christian  minister — "ever faithful 
among  the  faithless  found  " — at  the  New  England 
Convention  this  week ;  but  a  philanthropic  mission 
Southward  prevented  his  affording  his  many  cordial 
friends  this  pleasure.  The  women  of  Syracuse  and 
vicinity — among  them  the  noble  women  of  his  own 
Society — have  lately  prepared  anil  collected,  in  addi- 
tion to  previous  donations,  six  large  boxes  and  two 
barrels  full  of  clothes,  and  other  comforts,  for  the  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers  of  the  Union  army  ;  and  he 
has  been  selected  to  accompany  them,  and  see  that 
they  are  judiciously  distributed.  He  will  visit  Balti- 
more, Washington,  Fortress  Monroe,  Yorktown, 
Williamsburg,  and,  probably,  Richmond  ;  and,  wbere- 
ever  he  goes,  his  presence  will  be  a  real  benediction 
to  the  suffering  and  sorrowing ;  especially  to  those  of 
them  from  Central  New  York  and  his  own  immedi- 
ate vicinity.  His  countenance  itself,  as  his  friend 
Theodore  Parker  used  to  say,  "  is  a  perpetual  May  "  ; 
and  the  blessings  of  hundreds  that  have  been  ready  to 
perish  are  upon  him,  in  return  for  his  great  benevo- 
lence— a  benevolence  proverbial  throughout  the  re- 
gion in  which  he  lives,  and  as  refreshing  as  prover- 
bial. 

We  are  glad,  then,  that  Mr.  May  has  gone  on  such 
a  mission  at  such  a  time,  though  we  so  much  re- 
gret that  he  could  not  be  with  us  at  our  various  anni- 
versary meetings.  Tlie  journey,  we  trust,  will  do  him 
good — if  his  humanely  sensitive  spirit  be  not  too 
much  pained  by  what  he  will  see — and  much  good, 
we  doubt  mot,  will  result  from  it  in  various  ways. 
We  understand  he  purposes  being  absent  at  least  two 
weeks  ;  and  if  his  health  will  justify,  we  hope  he  will 
be  absent  still  longer,  both  for  the  sake  of  the  suf- 
fering, and  for  the  general  cause  of  freedom  and  hu- 
manity, We  are  glad  that  such  a  man  has  such  a  So- 
ciety to  sustain  him  in  his  many  good  works — a  Soci- 
ety able  and  willing — willing  to  a  considerable  extent, 
at  least.  And  long  may  the  union  and  co-operation 
between  them  continue  !  It  will  be  a  good  while,  we 
fear,  before  Syracuse  will  have  another  such  minis- 
ter;  and  so  we  pray  God  to  preserve  him,  both 
ubroad  and  at  homo  1  We  hope  to  see  a  report  of  his 
mission  after  his  return.  *.  *.  ***#. 


The  anniversary  of  this  Society  was  held  at  the 
Tremont  Temple  on  Tuesday  evening,  May  27th. 

Rev.  J.  C.  Webster,  of  Hopkinton,  President  of 
the  Society,  presided,  and  the  exercises  were  com- 
menced by  reading  of  Scriptures,  and  a  prayer  by 
Rev.  Mr.  Thurston,  of  Litchfield,  Me.  The  President 
then  read  a  few  letters  from  gentlemen,  regretting 
their  necessary  absence,  among  whom  were  Prof.  Cal- 
vin E.  Stowe,  of  Andover,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Wolcott,  of 
Cleveland,  Ohio.  He  continued  in  a  brief  address. 
stating  the  objects  of  the  Society,  and  remarking  that 
President  Lincoln,  in  his  opinion,  really  desired  to  lib- 
erate the  slaves  if  he  was  confident  of  being  sustained 
by  the  people. 

The  following  resolutions,  offered  by  Rev.  Henry  T. 
Cheever,  of  Jewett  City,  Conn.,  were  then  read,  and 
finally  adopted: — 

I.  Resolved,  That  in  common,  we  believe,  with  the 
great  body  of  true  Christians  throughout  this  country, 
(and  the  same,  we  are  satisfied,  will  be  found  to  hold 
throughout  all  Christendom,}  this  Society  regards  with 
inexpressible  grief  the  late  repudiation,  by  President 
Lincoln,  of  the  wise  and  necessary  Army  Order  No.  11 
of  Major  General  Hunter,  in  the  Department  of  the 
South.  And  we  cannot  withhold  the  conviction,  that 
if  the  President's  repudiation  of  said  Emancipation 
Order  prevails,  history  will  hold  him  mainly  responsi- 
ble for  the  protraction  of  this  unparalleled  war;  and 
not  the  anti-slavery  Governors  of  loyal  States,  like 
Massachusetts,  whose  "  roads  swarm  with  men  "  eager 
to  fight  "  with  God  and  human  nature  on  their  side," 
and  to  fire  the  hitherto  tabooed  "  MAGAZINE  "  of 
the   Rebel  Enemy. 

II.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  judgment  of  this  Socie- 
ty— while  the  manifest  advance  of  anti-slavery  senti- 
ment in  the  country,  during  the  last  year,  is  matter  of 
devout  thanksgiving;  and  while  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,  for  which  we  both 
congratulate  the  nation,  and  praise  God,  is  worth  !o 
the  country  all  the  cost  of  such  a  dreadful  war,  seeing 
that  it  was  not  to  be  had  peacefully — there  is,  at  the 
present  time,  more  need  than  ever  in  the  nation  of 
thorough  Christian  principle  and  activity,  to  counter- 
act the  influence  of  a  timid  and  temporizing  expedi- 
ency, which  has  so  long  been  acted  upon  in  Church 
and  State  that  it  has  become  the  habit,  both  of  the  na- 
tional politics  and  the  national  religion. 

III.  Resolved,  That,  in  our  view,  National  Emanci- 
pation of  the  enslaved,  because  such  National  Emanci- 
pation is  both  just  and  constitutional,  is  the  only  evi- 
dence of  national  repentance  of  the  iniquity  of  slave- 
holding  which  a  righteous  God  can  accept,  and  there- 
upon lift  His  scourge  from  the  suffering  nation  ;  and, 
therefore, 

IV.  Resolved,  That  it  is  now  more  than  ever  the 
duty  of  the  Church  and  of  the  Ministry  to  urge  such 
immediate  repentance  upon  the  Nation  and  the  Gov- 
ernment, as  being  both  right  in  itself,  and  necessary 
for  the  successful  closing  up  of  the  war — independent- 
ly of  any  proposition  of  expatriation  or  of  colonization, 
which  are  only  to  be  resorted  to  at  the  request  of  the 
emancipated  themselves,  and  in  conformity  with  a 
wise  plan  of  Christian  benevolence  and  justice,  that 
shall  acknowedge  the  nation's  debt  to  the  entire  body 
of  itsfreedmen. 

V.  Resolved,  That  for  teachers  of  religion  and  mo- 
rality to  argue,  as  some  are  at  this  time  argu- 
ing, that  "what  territory  slavery  now  has,  slavery 
may  keep  and  curse  if  it  will,  but  it  shall  snatch  no 
more,"  is  essentially  anti-christian,  and  incompatible 
with  loyalty  to  the  Great  Head  of  the  Church  and 
King  of  nations  :  and  if  the  same  principle  were  act- 
ed upon  with  reference  to  other  evils  and  crimes  in  the 
world  than  slavery,  there  would  be  an  end  to  all  pro- 
gress and  reform  whatever. 

VI.  Resolved,  That  unanimity  among  Christians, 
in  regard  to  the  policy  to  be  now  pursued  by  the  Na- 
tional Government  toward  the  still  enslaved  and  re- 
cently emancipated,  is  so  important,  that  a  National 
Convention  of  American  Christians,  irrespective  of 
school  or  sect,  at  Washington  or  elsewhere,  is  to  be 
greatly  desired,  in  order  to  lay  before  the  Govern- 
ment what  is  the  present  requisition  of  Christianity 
in  reference  to  unconditional  emancipation,  anil  in 
order  also  to  give  expression  to  our  well-matured  con- 
victions concerning  the  position  which  the  Church 
should  occupy  in  the  present  glorious  hour  of  oppor- 
tunity offered  by  God  to  a  guilty  nation. 

VII.  Resolved,  finally,  That  there  is  no  propriely 
in  discussing  the  question,  what  shall  we  do  with 
emancipated  slaves  or  the  nation's  freedmen,  since  it 
is  clear  that  God  and  their  own  brawny  arms  of  indus- 
try, under  the  stimulus  of  wages,  and  the  need  which 
the  country  has  of  their  labor,  are  satisfactorily  settling 
that.  But,  as  justly  put  by  an  eloquent  advocate  of 
the  rights  of  man,  and  a  broad  Christian  statesman,  the 
question  is,  "Is  there  virtue, "intelligence,  purpose, 
enough  in  the  North  to  absorb  the  barbarism  of  fit' 
teen  States,  neutralize  it,  and  survive  a  united,  free. 
Christian  Republic?  " 

Rev.  Mr.  Trask,  of  Fitehburg,  seconded  the  reso- 
lutions, and  was  for  prosecuting  the  war  to  the  over- 
throw of  slavery.     He  liked  Hunter's  proclamation. 

Rev.  Mr.  Manning,  who  next  followed,  also  spoke 
of  it  in  high  terms,  and  thought  the  Hunter  stock  was 
rapidly  rising. 

Hon.  Amasa  Walker,  of  West  Brookfield,  the  next 
speaker,  said  we  could  never  whip  the  South  until  sla- 
very was  abolished,  and  he  hoped  we  would  not,  and 
did  not  believe  God  would  let  us. 

Aaron  M.  Powell,  of  Ghent,  N.  Y.,  arose  after 
Mr.  Walker's  speech,  and  denounced  an  address  de- 
livered by  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  before  the  New 
England  branch  of  the  American  Tract  Society,  at 
New  York,  in  this  building,  as  infamous  and  traitor- 
ous. 

At  the  close  of  his  remarks,  the  Secretary,  Rev. 
Henry  T.  Cheever,  offered  the  following  resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  we  congratulate  the  country  upon 
the  discovery  made  by  the  Managers  of  the  New  York 
American  Tract  Society  during  the  last  year,  that 
the  publication  of  tracts  and  books  on  slavery  is  "not 
inconsistent  with  the  catholic  basis  of  said  Society." 
Such  a  discovery,  though  made  only  by  the  lurid 
light  of  the  flames  of  war  waged  in  the  interests  of 
slavery,  warrants  the  expectation  that  it  will  soon  be 
found  out  also  that  publications  on  the  duty  of  imme- 
diate emancipation  "are  calculated  to  receive  the  ap- 
probation of  all  evangelical  Christians." 

The  resolution  was  laid  over  for  discussion  at  the 
Business  Meeting  of  the  Society  in  the  Meionaon,  on 
Wednesday  morning,  May  28th,  when  it  was  unani- 
mously adopted. 

The  following  resolution  was  then  submitted  by 
the  Secretary,  seconded  in  a  vigorous  and  eloquent 
speech  by  Dr.  West,  of  Boston,  and  adopted : — 

Resolved,  That  this  Society  hereby  offers  its  warm 
sympathy  to  Rev.  George  Gordon,  of  Iberia  College, 
Ohio,  unjustly  sentenced  for  alleged  violation  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  to  six  months'  imprisonment  in 
Cleveland  Jail ;  and  we  commend  his  refusal  to  accept 
a  reprieve  from  President  Lincoln  in  terms  that  im- 
plied him  to  have  been  guilty  of  a  crime  In  doing  to  a 
brother  man  as  he  would  be  done  by ;—  and  this  Soci- 
ety fervently  prays  that,  in  the  annals  of  the  United 
States,  the  name  of  Mr.  Gordon  may  be  written  as 
the  last  of  the  martyrs  under  the  most  unjust  statute 
that  has  ever  disgraced  a  Christian  State. 

A  resolution  was  also  passed,  instructing  the  Com- 
mittee of  award,  lor  the  best  tract  on  the  question, 
How  shall  Northern  Christians  absolve  themselves 
from  all  responsible  connection  with  Slavery  1  to 
offer  the  same  for  publication  to  the  Publishing  Coni- 
mitte  of  the  Boston  American  Tract  Socity. 

After  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  choir  of  Rev.  Mr. 
Grimes's  (colored  Baptist)  Church,  for  their  very  ac- 
ceptable singing,  and  the  reelection  of  the  officers  of 
last  year,  the  Society  adjourned. 


JJ^=- A  very  forcible  and  highly  satisfactory  dis- 
course on  the  state  of  the  country  was  delivered  in 
Music  Hall,  on  Sunday  laBt,  by  Tukodorio  Tilton, 
Esq.  of  the  New  York  Independent. 


Earlville,  (La  Salle  Co.,)  III.,  May  15,  1862. 
Mv  Dear  Mr.  Garrison: 

Several  letters  from  friends  in  Massachusetts  have 
recently  been  addressed  to  me,  inquiringahout  the  new 
Constitutioirof  this  State,  and  the  probability  of  its 
being  adopted  by  the  people.  Thinking  that,  perhaps, 
an  answer  to  these  inquiries,  through  the  columns  of 
the  Liberator,  would  not  be  uninteresting  to  its  readers, 
I  address  this  letter  to  you,  for  publication  therein,  if 
you  think  it  wilt  pay. 

At  the  last  regular  session  of  our  Legislature,  an 
act  was  passed,  and  approved  by  the  Governor,  Janu- 
ary 81st,  1861,  providing  that  "a  convention  to  alter 
or  amend  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Illinois  "  be 
called  to  meet  at  the  State  House  in  Springfield,  on 
the  first  Tuesday  in  January,  A.  D-,  1862.  The  Leg- 
islature was  Republican  by  a  small  majority,  and  this 
a  Republican  measure,  necessary  and  desirable; 
for  the  State  was  sadly  in  need  of  a  new  organic  law, 
adapted  to  its  present  stage  of  development,  her  popu- 
lation having  more  than  doubled  since  1850,  and  near- 
ly trebled  since  the  adoption  of  her  Constitution  in 
1848.  In  1850,  the  population  of  Illinois  was  851,470. 
In  1860,  1,711,753.  Doubtless,  our  population  to-day 
is  three  times  as  great  as  in  1848.  The  increase  in 
wealth  and  public  improvements,  and  the  development 
of  the  natural  resources  of  the  State,  have  been  co- 
extensive with  the  increase  of  population.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  specify  wherein  our  present  Constitution 
is  unsuited  to  our  present  wants;  but  it  is  about  as 
well  suited  to  the  body  politic  of  to-day  as  the  short 
jacket  and  trowsers  of  the  boy  of  ten  years  are  to  the 
full  grown  man  who  measures  six  feet  in  his  stockings. 
The  Republican  Legislature,  aiming  in  good  faith  to 
legislate  for  the  interests  of  the  people,  provided  for 
the  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  never  for  a  mo- 
ment anticipating  that  events  were  soon  to  happen, 
which  would,  by  means  of  such  legislation,  place  the 
State  in  the  hands  of  a  bloated  and  reckless  party, 
more  dangerous  to  the  State  and  the  nation  than  the 
rebels  themselves.  Yet  this  in  part  has  already  taken 
place,  and  will  be  finally  consummated  at  the  election 
to  take  place  in  June. 

The  election  of  delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention  was  held  in  June  last — (when  Abolitionists 
held  their  breath  in  agony  of  suspense,  fearing  that  the 
last  hope  and  vestige  of  liberty  was  to  perish — and  Re- 
publicans struck  down  party  lines,  hoping  thereby  to 
win  disloyal  Democrats  to  the  support  of  the  Union, 
and  oppose  a  united  North  to  the  gathering  hosts  of 
rebellion) — and  the  result  was,  the  Republicans  were 
treacherously  cheated  in  the  Republican  counties,  and 
aconvention  to  frame  the  new   Constitution   elected; 
a  large  majority  in  which  were  Democrats  and  traitors. 
The  Convention  met  and  passed  resolutions  of  sympa- 
thy with  the  South,  and  proposed  to  elect  a  Senator  to 
fill  the  seat  of  their  great  leader  Douglas,  notwith- 
standing the  Governor  had  appointed   Mr.  Browning 
to  fill  the  vacancy.     An  elaborate  eulogy  upon  Doug- 
las was  pronounced  before  the   Convention  by  John 
Wcntworth,  only  a  few  months  before  the  boldest  anti- 
slavery  editor  in  the   State   (as  Mr.  Douglas  said  of 
Lincoln,  "  he  wanted  my  place.")     It  proposed  to  as- 
sume general  legislative  powers,  and  acted  or  proposed 
to  act  upon  almost  every  matter  which  it  had  no  right 
to  meddle  with,  and  for  a  long  time  neglected  to  act  at 
all  upon  the  only  subject  which  it-had  a  right  to  act 
upon,  to  wit,  "  to  alter  or  amend  the  Constitution  of 
the  State  of  Illinois."     The  Convention  even  proposed 
to  usurp  the  powers  of  the  Executive  of  the  State,  to 
assume  the  care  and  control  of  the  Illinois  volunteers, 
and  appointed  a  committee  to  take  the  subject  into 
consideration,  and  report.     It  called  authoritatively 
upon  the  Treasurer  of  the  State,  to  report  to  the  Con- 
vention how  he  had  disbursed  the  funds  of  the  State, 
and  the  condition  of  the  treasury.     It  proposed  when 
it  should  have  finished  its  labors  in  preparing  a  Con- 
stitution, and  calling  an  election  for  the  people  to  vote 
upon  it,  to  adjourn  until  after  the  election,  and  then  re- 
assemble to  see  what  might  be  done  to  place  its  mem- 
bers permanently  in  power  in  the  State.     But  I  need 
not  enumerate  its  traitorous  scheming  further.     Suf- 
fice it  to  say,  that  a  more  thoroughly  disloyal  body  of 
men  have  not  assembled  in  any  Southern  State  since 
the  rebellion  was  inaugurated,  than  this  Rump  Con- 
stitutional  Convention   of    Illinois.      While   seventy 
■thousand  of  our  brave  volunteers  were  fighting  against 
the  traitors  of  the  South,  the  seventy-five  members  of 
this  Convention  were  plotting  treason  and  discord  at 
home.    Finally,  on  the  28th  of  March,  the  Convention 
adjourned  ;   and  now  we  have  in  pamphlet  form,  (a 
copy  of  which  I  forward  to  you  with  this,)  not  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Convention, — it  took  good  care  not  to 
publish  these, — but  the  result  of  its  doings — to  wit,  a 
new  Constitution,  with  a  sugar  coating  in  the  shape  of 
an  Address  to  the  People  attached  thereto. 

In  all  offences  less  than  felony,  the  grand  jury  is  dis- 
pensed with;  thus  making  prosecutions  and  persecu- 
tions, to  the  party  in  power,  easy  and  effectual;  and  a 
county  _"  loge,  without  the  presentment  of  a  grand 
jury,  is  to  try  all  eases  not  extending  to  death,  or  im- 
prisonment in  the  penitentiary.  County  judges  were 
elected  when  the  delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
dition were  and  are  almost  to  a  man  Democratic,  in 
consequence  of  the  cheat  practised  upon  the  unsus- 
pecting Republicans,  before  referred  to. 

The  Convention  of  traitors,  in  order  to  tie  up  the 
hands  and  feet  of  the  Republican  and  administration 
party  effectually  for  all  time  to  come,  usurped  the 
power  belonging  to  the  Legislature  alone,  and,  hither- 
to, never  in  this  State  or  elsewhere,  it  is  presumed, 
exercised  by  a  Constitutional  Convention,  of  incor- 
porating into  the  proposed  Constitution  a  State  Sena- 
torial and  Representative,  as  well  as  Congressional  ap- 
portionment, by  which,  if  the  Constitution  shall  be 
adopted  by  the  people,  a  large  Democratic  majority  is 
secured  in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature,  until  at 
least  light  shall  break  forth  in  "Egypt." 

As  an  example  : — in  ten  Democratic  counties,  with 
a  population  of  71,516,  five  representatives  are  allowed. 
In  eight  Republican  counties,  with  an  aggregate  popu- 
lation of  225,362,  only  twelve  representatives  are  al- 
lowed. The  eight  Republican  counties  have  more 
than  10,800  more  than  three  times  the  population  of  the 
ten  Democratic  counties ;  yet  the  eight  Republican 
counties  have  three  representative  less  than  three  times 
the"  number  allowed  to  the  Democratic  counties. 
Which  is  equal  to  about  four  representatives  filched 
from  the  Republican  party  in  eight  counties  ! 

Again : — Sangamon  county  is  Democratic,  with  a 
population  of  32,272,  and  gets  two  representatives; 
while  La  Salle  county  is  Republican,  with  a  population 
of  48,382,  and  gets  only  two  representatives.  These 
arc  samples  of  the  way  the  Republican  party  has  been 
or  is  to  be  bound  and  delivered  over  to  its  enemies  in 
this  State. 

But  the  way  this  Rump  Convention  fixed  things,  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  their  infamous  scheme  by  the 
people,  beats  all  the  tricks  of  all  the  jugglers  of  India, 
and  of  all  the  traitors  of  the  South.  It  is  provided 
"that  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall  appoint 
three  commissioners,  to  proceed  within  twenty  days 
from  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention,  to  visit  the 
various  camps,  barracks,  hospitals,  and  localities  of 
the- volunteers  from  this  State,  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  and  beyond  the  limits  of  this  Stnti>,  for  the 
purpose  of  receiving  the  votes  of  said  volunteers  for 
or  against  this  Constitution." 

The  act,  calling  the  Convention,  provides  that  "each 
voter  shall  vote  only  in  the  election  district  in  which 
he  shall  at  the  time  reside  and  be  entitled  to  vote,  and 
not  elsewhere." — [Lam  of  1861,  page  84,  sec.  5. 

It  wih  be  seen  that  not  only  is  this  scheme  of  the 
Convention,  in  going  into  a  ludf  dozen  States  to  poll 
votes,  unheard  of  and  unconstitutional,  but  expressly 
violative  of  the  act  of  the  Legislature  calling  the  Con- 
vention. To  induce  this  flagrant  and  illegal  act,  there 
must  have  been  a  very  strong  motive  on  tin-  part  of 
Hie  Convention  ;  and  this  motive  is  apparent  upon  the 
face  of  the  facts.  The  President  of  the  Conventl  D  is 
a  notorious  half  "seeesh"  Democrat,  and,  of  course. 
he  would  and  did  appoint  commissioners  of  like  feath- 
er, who  are  not  sworn  in  any  manner.  The  volun- 
teers, it  is  true,  are,  by  a  large  majority,  Hepublicnn  ; 


but  they,  knowing  that  the  movement  to  amend  the 
Constitution  was  initiated  by  Republicans,  and  not 
having  had  the  opportnnity  of  knowing  anything 
about  the  action  of  the  Convention,  never  having  BeeB^' 
the  Constitution  to  be  voted  for,  would  be  likely,  if 
they  voted  at  all,  to  vote  for  it;  and  as  the  method  of 
taking  the  vote  of  the  soldiers  is  not  presented,  these 
unscrupulous  Democratic  commissioners,  not  acting 
under  oath  at  all,  can  do  it  viva  voce,  by  companies  or 
regiments,  and  return  the  vote  unanimous  for  the  Con- 
stitution, although  half  having  no  opportunity  of  vot- 
ing in  the  negative  might  not  vote  at  all.  Thus,  with 
70,000  votes  to  be  placed  for  the  Constitution  at  the 
option  of  the  leaders  in  this  mischief,  it  will  not  be 
strange  if  it  is  adopted,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  hon- 
est men  against  it.  Thus  having  secured  the  Constitu- 
tion of  their  own  manufacture,  wilh  the  infamous  ap- 
portionment as  a  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the  State, 
they  will  control  the  Legislature  for  a  generation  I 
And  by  the  terms  of  this  new  instrument,  two-third* 
of  the  Legislature,  in  joint  ballot,  is  requisite  to  call 
another  Constitutional  Convention.  The  Republicans 
cannot  hope  to  get  that  number  under  the  apportion- 
ment; therefore,  if  the  Constitution  shall  be  adopted 
by  the  people,  the  Republican  party  is  forever  power- 
less in  the  State. 

The  Convention,  not  satisfied  with  "damning  the 
Abolitionists,"  (these  slave  hounds  call  all  Republi- 
cans Abolitionists,)  have,  of  course,  to  the  full  extent 

of  their  desires,  "  d d  the  niggers."     Only  white 

males  can  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage.     "Negroes, 
mulattoes  and  Indians  are  excluded  from  the  militia," 
jvell  as  from  the  State.    The  following  is  Article 
XVIII.  entire  :— 


Section  1.  No  negro  or  mulatto  shall  migrate  to 
or  settle  in  this  State,  after  the  adoption  of  this  Con- 
stitution. 

Sec.  2.  No  negro  or  mulatto  shall  have  the  right  of 
suffrage,  or  hold  any  office  in  this  State. 

Sec  3.  The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  all  laws 
necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  this 
article." 

After  the  adoption  of  this  article  by  the  Convention, 
a  Republican  member  proposed  that  "  No  negro  or 
mulatto  shall  hereafter  be  brought  into  this  State,  to  be 
held  or  used  in  labor,  either  temporarily  or  permanent- 
ly."    This  proposition  was  voted  down — 40  to  21 ! 

Thus  it  is  proven  by  the  record  left  by  these  cut- 
throats, that  they  are  opposed  to  negroes  only  ae  free 
men.  They  must  not  "migrate  to  or  settle  in,"  but 
may  be  ''brought  into,  and  held,  and  used  in  labor,"  in 
this  State.  How  black  the  negroes  are  !  bow  they 
smell !  how  woolly  their  heads  !  what  a  degradation 
to  the  whites !  what  horrible  amalgamation,  when  they 
"migrate"  into  the  State!  But  how  inoffensive  in- 
deed, and  sweet  smelling,  when  they  are  "brought" 
into  the  State  ! 

Here  we  have  in  a  nut-shell  a  key  -to  the  character 
of  the  Convention,  anil  its  work.  This  is  Democracy 
n  Illinois.  Such  an  exhibition  of  unblushing  scoun- 
drelism  can  scarcely  be  found  in  all  history.  Yet  it  is 
greatly  to  be  feared  that  the  iniquity  will  be  foisted 
pon  the  people  against  their  will,  and  that  we  shall  be 
obliged  to  submit  to  it  for  a  long  period  of  time  to 
come. 

What  can  be  done  is  being  done  by  those  who  are 
not  bribed  to  silence  by  the  promise  of  office,  or  the 
hope  of  reward.  John  Wentworth  is  said  to  have  sold 
out  to  the  enemy,  in  consideration  of  being  elected  to 
the  Senate.  The  Democrats,  it  will  be  seen,  are  to 
get  the  consideration  on  their  part  before  John  can  get 
his,— as  the  Legislature  elected  under  the  new  Con- 
stitution, if  adopted,  are  to  elect  him,  in  consideration 
of  his  having  helped  to  secure  a  majority  for  the  Con- 
stitution. John  is  very  foxy;  but  he  is  surely  bound 
to  be  caught  in  this  trap,  if  reports  are  true. 

The  Democrats  here  are  making  a  desperate  effort 
to  crush  out  Abolitionists,  and  to  poison  the  public 
mind  against  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War. 
They  are  determined,  cost  what  it  may,  to  seize  the 
Government  at  the  next  election,  restore  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  compromise  with  the  South; 
enslave  or  expatriate  all  free  negroes,  prohibit  free 
speech  and  a  free  press,  and  welcome  Slidell,  Mason, 
Davis  and  Wigfall  back  to  Congress  and  the  Cabinet. 
They  are  desperately  opposed  to  any  and  all  confisca- 
tion bills,  or  any  and  every  measure  of  the  army  and 
Congress,  calculated  to  injure  their  "  dear  brethren  " 
of  the  South.  Such  is  their  desire,  and  such  their 
programme.  But  they  will  be  ignominiously  defeated, 
as  a  national  party.  It  cannot  be  possible  that  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  are  soon  again  to  permit  the 
traitors,  who  have  well  nigh  destroyed  the  Govern- 
ment, to  try  their  hand  at  the  helm  of  State.  No  ! 
These  desperate  efforts  of  the  Democratic  party  are 
but  the  spasmodic  contortions  of  a  dying  maniac,  who 
will  soon  struggle  and  gasp  for  the  last  time. 

A.  J.  GROVER. 


LETTEE  PEOM  MKS.  H,  M.  T.  CUTLER. 
El  Paso,  (111.)  May  20,  1862. 

After  writing  to  you  last  week,  I  pursued  my  way, 
hoping  to  find  appointments  made  through  parties  to 
whom  I  had  written.  In  only  one  instance  did  I  find 
this  to  be  the  case;  and  I  concluded  that  henceforth 
1  should  find  it  wisest  to  attend  in  person  to  my  own 
announcements. 

At  Eureka,  a  town  on  the  Peoria  and  Logansport 
railroad,  I  found  an  appointment  made,  and  Prof.  John- 
son, of  the  College  located  there,  was  ready  to  receive 
me.  This  College  is  under  the  care  of  the  Christian 
or  Disciple  Church,  and  I  was  gratified  to  learn  that 
at  least  three-fourths  of  their  ministering  brethren 
were  becoming  decidedly  anti-slavery  in  sentiment. 
After  the  lecture,  a  petition  was  placed  in  the  hand 
of  a  committee,  praying  the  Government  to  use  all  its 
legitimate  power  to  abolish  slavery. 

At  Washington,  I  met  a  most  kind  reception  from 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Andrews  of  the  New  School  Presbyte- 
rian Church.  He  assisted  me  to  get  the  church,  and 
to  make  arrangements,  and  though  aged  and  infirm, 
he  honored  me  with  his  attendance,  and  provided  me 
a  kind  reception  in  the  most  estimable  family  of  one  of 
the  Elders  of  the  church. 

The  town  was  in  mourning  for  one  of  its  much-loved 
citizens,  (Col.  Mills,)  slain  at  Pittsburg  Landing  in  a 
recent  reconnoisance.  The  remains  were  brought 
home  for  interment,  and  as  I  left.the  place  formy  ap- 
pointment here,  a  vast  concourse  of  people  were  gath- 
ering together  to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  to  tho 
hero  who  had  so  recently  gone  forth  in  the  pride  of 
his  manhood  to  sustain  the  Government-  He  had 
been  a  strong  supporter  of  Douglas,  but  had  seen 
enough  to  convince  him  of  the  desperate  nature  of  the 
rebellion  to  be  willing  to  sacrifice  even  his  national 
idol,  slavery.  Such  testimonies  do  good  to  the  masses, 
who  have  not  thought  profoundly  on  this  subject. 
At  this  place,  the  evening  was  unfavorable,  and  the 
attendance  was  small,  so  1  arranged  for  a  meeting  this 
evening,  and  went  on  to  Uloomington,  where  the  Rev. 
C.  G.  Ames  had  kindly  offered  me  the  use  of  bis  ih'sk 
for  the  Sabbath  evening,  and,  with  bis  usual  generosi- 
ty, bad  seen  to  all  the  necessary  preliminaries, 

The  room,  a  hall  hired  by  Mr.  A's  congregation, 
was  tilled  at  an  early  hour  with  intelligent  and  en- 
thusiastic listeners,  whose  earnest  interest  in  the  cause 
made  ample  amends  for  any  short-comings  of  the 
speaker.  At  the  close  of  the  address.  Mr.  Ames  added 
a  few  words  of  burning  eloquence  and  zeal,  and  a  com- 
mittee was  nppointed  to  make  nriangements  for  a  cit- 
iaens'  meeting,  to  express  their  approval  of  the  order 
of  Ceo.  Hunter  in  South  Oirolimi,  and  urged  that 
similar  measures  be  advised  in  all  the  military  de- 
partments of  the  government    This  is  a  movement 

io  the  rtght  direction.  The  President  needs  to  lu:ir 
the  voice  of  the  people,  commending  every  good  and 
true  movement.  In  his  character,  there  is  a  deep 
feeling  of  loyalty  to  the  will  of  the  nmjonty.  and 
though  anxious  to  advance,  be  waits  to  know  that  his 
positions  will  all  bo  sustained.  Though  we  may  be 
impatient  of  ail  such  delays  as  grow  out  of  this  defe- 
rence to  the  people,  yet.  in  the  end  it  will  doubtless  ho 
productive  Of  great  good,  for  it  compels  the  people  to 
do  the  work  that  belong*  »  them  by  Divine  Right. 
I  trust  that  the  example  of  the  people  of  lMwiningtnn 
may  be  followed  throughout  the  laud,  ami  thai  speed- 
ily. 11.  M.  TRACY  CUTLER. 


MAY  80. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


87 


"IT  HAS   HAD  SOME  OF  THE  BAOON." 


Mft.  "Editor  — Why  it  is,  when  it  is  so  palpable 
that  SLAVERY  1ms  been  the  cause  of  the  terrible 
war  which  is  now  scourging  us,  that  the  Government 
should  adopt  its  present  temporizing  policy  in  its  treat- 
ment of  those  who  have  plunged  us  into  it,  is  more 
than  many  can  divine.  Why  It  should  measure  with 
euch  care  every  word  it  utters  in  favor  of  human  free- 
dom, and  against  a  system  which  has  caused  us  more 
trouble,  and  done  more  to  demoralize  us  as  a  nation, 
than  all  other  crimes,  and  which  now  threatens  to 
whelm  us  in  a  "red  sea"  of  divine  wrath,  compara- 
tively few  are  able  to  understand.  Please  allow  me, 
therefore,  to  throw  into  the  thick  darkness  which  en- 
velopes this  subject  a  ray  of  light,  by  introducing  an 
incident  whieh  will  help  to  clear  away  the  fog,  so  that 
any  one,  who  is  not  wilfully  blind,  can  easily  compre- 
hend why  it  is  that  the  President  and  his  advisers  are 
unwilling  to  obey  the  voice  of  God,  by  "proclaiming 
liberty  throughout  the  land,  to  all  the  inhabitants  there- 
of.** This  incident  so  clearly  illustrates  the  present 
policy  of  this  Christian  (?)  Government,  that  we  hope 
all  who  are  in  sympathy  with  it  will  ponder  it,  till,  in 
its  light,  they  shall  see  themselves  as  God  and  all  good 
men  see  them.     But  to  the  incident : 

A  certain  man,  who  was  supposed  to  have  a  strong 
predilection  for  ham,  once  stole  a  leg  of  bacon.  He 
was  at  length  detected,  and  his  guilt  made  clear.  He 
was  seized  by  the  arm  of  the  law,  brought  before  one 
of  the  courts,  and,  after  the  hearing  of  witnesses,  his 
case  was  given  to  the  jury  as  one  of  guilt,  and  a  ver- 
dict in  keeping  with  the  facts  was  expected.  But,  to 
the  great  surprise  of  many,  the  jury,  after  a  brief  con- 
sultation, rendered  a  verdict  of  acquittal,  upon  the 
ground  of  insufficient  evidence  to  warrant  his  convic- 
tion. 

Several,  among  the  disappointed,  gathered  around 
the  culprit,  and  inquired — "  How,  sir,  is  this  ?  How 
could  the  jury  acquit  you  when  the  proof  of  your  guilt 
was  so  clear  ?  "  The  rogue,  with  a  waggish  shake  of 
the  head,  responded — "0,  that  is  easily  explained. 
Eleven  of  the  jurymen  have  had  some  of  the  bacon." 
[Just  about  the  same  proportion  (eleven-twelfths)  of 
the  American  people  have  been  in  complicity  with  the 
sin  of  slavery,  and  they  constitute  the  jury  which  is 
now  sitting  upon  the  case  of  the  "rebels."]  The  mys- 
tery in  which  the  action  of  the  jury  had  been  involved 
was  thus  satisfactorily  solved.  In  the  same  manner 
can  the  action  of  the  Government,  in  relation  to  the 
crime  of  slaveholding,  which  it  has  always  taken 
special  pains  to  foster  and  encourage,  be  accounted  for. 
How  can  it  be  expected,  when  its  own  hands  are  red 
with  the  blood  of  4,000,000  of  its  subjects,  who  are 
equally  with  others  the  children  of  God,  to  bring  in  a 
righteous  verdict  against  a  class  of  sinners  who  are  less 
culpable,  because  less  intelligent,  than  itself?  It  is  not 
easy  for  a  man  who  has  been  guilty  of  murder  to  pass 
sentence  of  death  upon  one  who  has  been  guilty  of 
murder  in  a  less  degree.  How  can  a  man  say  to  the 
thief  it  is  wicked  to  steal,  when  he  is  in  the  daily 
habit  of  stealing  himself?  He  ever  hears  a  voice 
thundering  in  his  ears — "Thou  that  sayest,  A  man 
should  not  steal,  dost  thou  steal  ?  "  Never  can  this 
Government  rebuke  the  sin  of  slaveholding,  or  con- 
sistently require  its  abettors  to  release  their  hold  upon 
their  victims,  till  it  shall,  itself,  cease  all  connection 
with  that  vile  system  which  has  made  it  "a  stench  in 
the  nostrils  of  God,"  and  of  all  good  men  throughout 
the  civilized  world.  JUSTITIA. 

Boston,  May  24,  1862. 


OUB,   "W0EX   NOT  YET  DONE. 

Rochester,  {N.  Y.)  May  20, 1862. 

W.  L.  Garrison — In  a  private  letter  to  the  Stand- 
ard, Mr.  McKim  says — 

"  Iconoclasm  has  had  its  day.  *  *  *  We  have  pass- 
ed through  the  pulling  down  stage  of  our  movement; 
the  building  up — the  constructive  part — remains  to  be 
accomplished.  *  *  *  There  is  one  of  our  old  appli- 
ances in  which  my  interest  has  rather  increased  than 
abated.  I  mean  The  Standard.  That  is,  at  present, 
the  instrumentality  of  our  movement — literally  our 
sine  qua  non." 

While  "  slavery  still  exists,"  every  means  and  all 
vigilance  are  needed.  The  work  of  the  Abolitionists 
is  to  educate  the  public  mind  and  heart  up  to  the  light 
and  love  of  the  Divine  Law  of  Liberty;  and,  hope- 
ful as  are  the  signs  of  the  times,  I  can  see  no  power 
in  the  stern  lessons  of  war  to  work  a  miracle  of  instant 
regeneration,  albeit  they  may  and  do  rouse  the  indif- 
ferent, and  stir  the  hard  of  heart. 

The  end  of  slavery  may  be  near,  but  the  great 
question  of  today  is,  shall  it  drag  us  down  to  death 
and  blood  in  its  decay  ;  or  shall  its  death  be  so  ordered 
that  the  nation  may  rise  to  new  safety  and  power,  to 
a  higher  life  and  a  nobler  future  above  ils  grave  ? 

Surely,  the  Abolitionists,  with  tongue  and  pen,  can 
help  to  the  right  answer.  Never  were  their  words 
so  earnestly  and  widely  heard  as  now.  I  have  just 
closed  a  three  months'  lecturing  tour  in  Michigan,  with 
excellent  bearing,  and  manifest  increase  of  hearty 
sympathy.  Why  seal  our  lips  when,  more  than  ever,  the 
people  hear  and  ponder  our  words  ? 

"  Iconoclasm  "    was  ever  more  apparent  than  real : 

"  'Twos  but  the  ruin  of  the  bad, 

Tbe  wasting  of  the  wrong  and  ill  ; 
Whate'er  of  good  the  old  time  had, 

Is  with  ua  still." 

And,  granting  that,  in  the  fiery  zeal  of  young  reform- 
ers, in  years  gone  by,  the  destructive  work  was  too 
much  pressed  to  the  neglect  of  the  constructive  that 
should  ever  go  with  it,  experience  should  have  given, 
ere  this,  a  finer  temper  to  our  zeal,  a  wider  breadth 
to  our  vision. 

But,  it  is  said,  "  We  have  passed  the  pulling  down 
stage  of  our  movement;  the  building  up  remains." 
"  I  thank  thee  for  that  word,"  so  applicable  now.  The 
problem  before  this  nation  is,  the  building  up  of  a 
shattered  and  dismembered  S,tate.  Shall  it  be  based 
on  Liberty,  as  on  a  rock,  or  .founded  on  the  shifting 
quicksands  of  compromise,  to  be  sunk  in  ruin  at  the 
first  storm  of  a  new  rebellion  ?  Here  is  "  the  con- 
structive "  work  of  the  Abolitionists,  and  the  lecturing 
agent,  with  his  larger  circle  of  earnest  hearers,  has  a 
part  in  it  of  growing  importance. 

The  Standard  and  the  travelling  lecturers  help  each 
other.  Is  not  their  work  the  same?  Personal  pres- 
ence and  communion  with  distant  friends  is  an 
important  means  of  keeping  up  a  living  interest.  Has 
the  Standard's  list  of  readers  largely  increased  in  the 
last  year,  that  it  should  be  the  "  sine  qua  non"?  I 
hope  so,  really,  and  I  know  that  the  hearing  gained 
by  the  speakers  in  the  field  has.  The  same  argument 
that  adds  to  the  importance  of  the  pen  does  to  that  of 
the  living  voice.  So  far  as  possible,  then,  it  is  of  high- 
est moment  that  all  means  should  be  used,  all  instru- 
mentalities at  work.  Events  are  preaching,  but  they 
need  wise  interpreters  as  ever.  When  the  harvest 
is  at  hand,  all  are  busy,  lest  the  ripened  grain  waste 
and  the  year's  labor  be  lost.  Now  is  the  golden  houi 
for  work.  Yours,  truly,        G.  B.  STEBBINS. 


above  facts,  and  many  more  that  might  be  mentioned, 
Mr.  Brown  argued  that  the  slaves,  when  secured  their 
inalienable  right  to  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness, would  show  to  the  world  their  ability  to  take 
care  of  themselves.  All  that  he  asked  for  his  people 
was,  that  this  nation  should  take  its  heel  from  their 
necks,  repeal  all  unjust  and  unequal  laws,  and  leave 
them  to  find  their  equality  under  the  laws  which  gov- 
ern the  Anglo  Saxon  race. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Buckingham  of  Cambridge,  now  sup- 
plying the  pulpit  for  the  Unitarian  church,  (formerly 
occupied  by  the  Kev.  Mr.  Babbage,)  came  to  the 
platform  at  the  close  of  the  lecture,  and,  taking 
Mr.  Brown  by  the  hand,  sincerely  thanked  him 
for  his  able  and  interesting  lecture,  saying  that  he  had 
answered  to  his  perfect  satisfaction  several  points  that, 
to  his  mind,  had  never  before  been  fully  met  and  an- 
swered. 

Suffice  it  to  say,  should  friend  Brown  ever  visit  us 
again,  he  will  receive  a  hearty  welcome  by  the  best 
portion  of  this  community. 
Yours,  for  freedom  to  all, 

J.   W.  SPAULDING. 


INTERESTING  LETTER. 

Dear  Mr.  Garrison  :— Please  make  room  in  the 
Liberator  for  Mr.  Quint's  correction  of  his  language 
upon  which  I  commented  in  the  Liberator  of  April  25th. 
His  testimony  seems  to  me  highly  valuable,  both  in 
regard  to  his  own  new  views  of  slavery,  the  views  of 
it  gaining  ground  in  the  army,  his  anticipations  of  the 
approaching  downfall  of  that  wickedness,  and  his  clear 
understanding  of  the  folly  and  danger  of  any  compro- 
mise between  slavery  and  freedom. — c.  k.  w. 

Harrisonburg,  (Va._)May  4, 1862. 
Charleb  K.  Whipple,  Esq. : 

Dear  Sir— In  the  Liberator  of  April  25th,  (the  pa- 
per is  sent  me  regularly  by  a  friend,)  I  find  some  al- 
lusions to  a  paragraph  of  mine  over  your  well-known 
initials.  I  see  your  object,  of  course, — to  talk  to  the 
Tract  Society  with  my  words  as  a  text.  The  Tract 
Society  can  take  care  of  itself  without  my  help,  and  I 
feel  no  concern  there.  But  I  want  to  correct  a  very 
careless  sentence  of  mine,  and  thereby  knock  the  un- 
derpinning out  of  some  of  your  allusions  as  to  my 
views.  The  sentence,  "  I  would  deal  tenderly  with 
those  thus  perverted,"  should  be  eliminated  of  the 
"  thus."  Writing  in  haste,  in  camp,  often  with  paper 
on  one's  knee,  mistakes  may  be  pardoned,  I  hope.  I 
had  no  reference  to  the  Republican  voters,  but  to  de- 
fenders of  slavery ;  but  wrote  very  inaccurately,  as  is 
evident.     I  see  better  than  you  judged. 

As  to  the  position  to  be  taken  in  regard  to  publica- 
tions on  slavery,  I  would  deal  tenderly  with  the  slave- 
holders, but  none  the  less  decidedly.  I  think  that  all 
sinners  should  be  dealt  with  in  a  spirit  of  kindness. 
But  slaveholding  seems  to  be  an  undeniable  tin,  and  to 
be  treated  as  such.  As  a  crime  against  fellow-men,  it 
should  be  prevented  wherever  we  have  the  rightful 
power. 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  only  true  ground  to  take  is 
that  of  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  existence  of 
slavery.  No  half-way  measures  will  do  any  good. 
You  cannot  reform  the  institution,  if  you  try ;  you 
ought  not,  if  you  could. 

That  the  policy  of  contenting  ourselves  with  pub- 
lishing on  the  "#oral  duties  which  grow  out  of  the 
existence  of  slavery,  as  well  as  those  moral  evils  which 
it  is  known  to  promote,"  would  be  wrong,  I  agree  with 
you.  It  would  be  at  least  a  tacit  acknowledgment  that 
slaveholding  may  be  right,  which  is  not  to-  be  allow- 
ed, even  by  inference.  The  Tract  Society  made  a 
great  advance  in  going  so  far  as  to  publicly  declare 
what  it  did.  Doubtless  the  policy  is  practically  not 
limited  in  any  such  way  as  a  strict  construction  of 
the  vote  might  allow.  But  I  am  not  in  its  secrets; 
I  am  only  a  member,  not  an  officer.  I  know  it  is  doing 
avast  work  for  our  gallant  soldiers,  and  I  rejoice  at 
it.  If  I  were  to  vote  in  it,  I  should  vote  for  a  dec- 
laration that  the  Society  assumes  slaveholding  to  be 
sinful.  But  I  am  engaged  far  off,  in  trying  to  be  a 
true  friend  to  our  brave  fellows  of  the  Second ;  and 
the  allusions  to  slavery  which  have  appeared  in  my 
letters  were  incidental  matters  forced  upon  my  at- 
ten tion,— especially  as  I  see  that  the  government  and 
slavery  cannot  co-exist  for  any  great  length  of  time. 

People  in  this  valley  are  very  extensively  discharg- 
ing their  slaves.  They  might  as  well;  otherwise, 
the  slaves  will  discharge  their  masters.  The  blacks 
are  all  Union.  I  pity  the  masters ;  for,  really,  I  do 
not  see  how  they  can  take  care  of  themselves ;  they 
are  lazy  and  shiftless,  most  of  them. 

If  you  think,  for  a  moment,  that  the  work  of  reform 
is  becoming  needless,  you  are  mistaken.  The  great- 
est danger  is  approaching  now  :  it  is  that  of  compromise. 
Conciliation  is  the  existing  nuisance.  As  well  try  to 
conciliate  a  wild  boar  as  the  Slave  Oligarchy.  Proud, 
presumptuous,  tyrannical,  full  of  hate,  half-civilized,— 
that  is  its  character. 

I  have  seen,  however,  a  great  change  in  public  man- 
agement. Once— that  is,  last  summer— rebel  armies 
were  allowed  to  reclaim  from  our  camps  their  "  chat- 
tels." Now,  blacks  go  where  and  when  they  will. 
Once,  a  large  part  of  our  forces  were  "  conservative." 
Now,  the  bulk  of  them  detest  and  loathe  the  system 
of  slavery.         Very  truly  yours, 

A.  H.  QUINT. 


LECTURE  OF  WM.  WELLS  BROWN. 

East  Pefperell,  May  24,  1862. 
Friend  Garrison — Our  highly  esteemed  friend, 
Wm.  Wells  Brown,  visited  Pepperell,  and  gave  his 
lecture  on  the  subject,  "  What  shall  wedowith  the  skive, 
if  liberated  ?  "  A  large  and  intelligent  audience  was 
gathered  in  the  vestry  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Smith's  (Or- 
thodox) meeting-house,  on  Sunday  evening,  18th  inst. 
Mr.  Brown  answered  the  question,  by  alluding  to  the 
fact  that  a  great  many  slaves  purchased  their  time  of 
their  masters,  and  in  this  way  not  only  earned  enough 
to  pay  their  masters  the  stipulated  sum,  but  laid  up 
enough  overplus  to  purchase  their  own,  and  in  sortie 
instances  the  freedom  of  their  families,  lie  also  re- 
ferred to  the  large  free  population  of  the  Southern 
States,  who,  with  all  the  odious  and  unjust  laws  op- 
erating against  them,  were  enabled  to  overcome  and 
rise  above  those  obstacles  to  affluence  and  respecta- 
bility. Allusion  was  made  to  the  fact,  that  a  late  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency  died  indebted  to  a  colored 
man  twelve  thousand  dollars,  which  was  secured  by 
mortgage  of  his  house  in  Washington.      From    the 


From  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  June, 

ASTR.EA    AT    THE    CAPITOL. 

ABOLITION    OF    SLAVERY   IN   THE   DISTRICT   OF 
COLUMBIA.     1862. 

BY     JOHN      G.      WHITTIER. 

When  first  I  saw  our  banner  wave 

Above  the  nation's  council-hall, 

I  beard  beneath  its  marble  wall 
The  clanking  fetters  of  the  slave  ! 

In  the  foul  market-place  I  stood, 

And  saw  the  Christian  mother  sold, 

And  childhood  with  its  looks  of  gold, 
Blue-eyed  and  fair  with  Saxou  blood. 

I  shut  my  eyes,  I  held  my  breath, 

And,  smothering  down  the  wrath  and  shame 
That  set  my  Northern  blood  aflame, 

Stood  silent — where  to  speak  was  death. 

Beside  me  gloomed  the  prison-cell 

"Where  wasted  one  in  slow  decline 

For  uttering  simple  words  of  mine, 
And  loving  freedom  all  too  well. 

The  flag  that  floated  from  the  dome 

Flapped  menace  in  the  morning  air  ; 

I  stood,  a  perilled  stranger,  where 
The  human  broker  made  his  home. 
For  crime  was  -virtue  :  Gown  and  Sword 

And  Law  their  threefold  sanction  gave, 

And  to  the  quarry  of  the  slave 
Went  hawking  with  our  symbol-bird. 

On  the  oppressor's  side  was  power  ; 

And  yet  I  knew  that  every  wrong, 

However  old,  however  strong, 
But  waited  God's  avenging  hour. 

1  knew  that  truth  would  crush  the  lie, — 
Somehow,  sometime,  tb6  end  would  be  ; 
Yet  scarcely  dared  I  hope  to  see 

The  triumph  with  my  mortal  eye. 

But  now  I  see  it !     In  the  sun 

A  free  flag  floats  from  yonder  dome, 
And  at  the  nation's  hearth  and  homo 

The  justice  long  delayed  is  done. 

Not  as  wo  hoped,  in  calm  of  prayer, 

The  message  of  deliverance  comes, 

But  heralded  by  roll  of  drums 
On  waves  of  battle-troubled  air  ! — 

'Midst  sounds  that  madden  and  appal, 

The  song  that  Bethlehem's  shepherds  knew  ! — 
The  harp  of  David  molting  through 

The  demon  agonies  of  Saul  I 

Not  as  wo  hoped  ;  but  what  are  wo  ? 
Above  our  broken  dreams  and  plans 
God  lays,  with  wiser  hand  than  man's, 

T.io  oornor-Btoncs  of  liberty. 


I  cavil  not  with  Him  :  the  voice 
That  freedom's  blessed  gospel  tolls 
Is  sweet  to  ine  as  silver  bells, 

Rejoicing  !— yea,  I  will  rejoice  1 

Dear  friends  still  toiling  in  the  sun, — 
Ye  dearer  ones  who,  gone  before, 
Are  watching  from  tli"  eternal  shore 

The  slow  work  by  your  hands  begun, — 

Rejoice  with  me  !     The  chastening  rod 
Blossoms  with  love  ;  the  furnace  heat 
Grows  cool  beneath  His  blessed  feet 

Whose  form  is  as  the  Son  of  God  ! 

Rejoice  !    Our  Marah's  bitter  springs 
Are  sweetened  ;   on  our  ground  of  grief 
Rise,  day  by  day,  in  strong  relief, 

The  prophecies  of  better  things. 

Rejoice  in  hopo  !    The  day  and  night 
Are  one  with  God,  and  one  with  them 
Who  see  by  faith  the  cloudy  hem 

Of  Judgment  fringed  with  Mercy's  light. 


DETAILS    OF    KKCENT    EVENTS    AT  NEW 

ORLEANS. 
The  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Times  says  as 
the  fleet  went  up  to  New  Orleans,  above  the  forts, 
judging  from  the  demonstrations  which  were  made  as 
we  approached  the  scattefted  plantation  houses,  or 
passed  by  a  group  of  laborers  hoeing  in  the  fields,  we 
were  looked  upon  as  welcome  visitors.  The  negroes 
stopped  their  work,  and  watched  our  progress  with 
more  than  curiosity.  Hats  and  aprons  were  jerked 
olF,  and  waved  frantically;  little  children,  streaming 
like  ants  out  of  the  orange  groves,  toddled  comically 
to  the  river  bank  to  see  the  big  ship  filled  with  men, 
and  the  steamer  so  different  from  those  to  which  they 
were  accustomed ;  old  women,  with  the  uemonstra- 
tiveness  of  their  race,  knelt  upon  the  ground  and  ex- 
tended their  hands  as  they  prayed  God's  blessing  on 
us;  old  men,  worn  with  age  and  infirmity,  tottered 
from  ther  cabins  upon  crutches,  to  hail  our  advent. 

But  these  constant  expressions  of  gladness  were 
not  entirely  confined  to  the  negroes.  Occasionally  a 
white  man,  dressed  in  loose  garments,  and  wearing 
the  conventional  broad-brimmed  hat  of  a  Southern 
planter,  came  down  to  wave  his  greetings,  and  his 
wife  and  daughters,  standing  on  the  verandah  or  in 
the  garden  path,  seemed  none  the  less  rejoiced.  All 
the  way  from  the  forts  to  the  city  there  was  an  air  of 
pastora"!  quietness — of  the  husbandman  laboring,  undis- 
turbed by  the  discordant  elements  of  war — that  it  wa3 
difficult  to  realize  where  we  were,  and  the  object  of 
our  coming. 

On  reaching  the  city,  a  different  spirit  was  found  to 
be  in  the  ascendant. 

I  saw  several  instances  of  the  bitter  spirit  of  the 
rabble,  and  even  of  people  whom  one  might  have 
taken  from  their  appearance  to  be  respectable.  The 
levee,  for  the  whole  length  of  the  river  front  of  the 
city,  was  constantly  crowded  by  a  turbulent  throng, 
and  whenever  a  boat  belonging  to  the  fleet  passed 
them,  its  occupants  were  jeered  at  and  hooted.  It 
was  impossible  to  get  any  other  impression  than  that 
this  wall  of  human  beings  stood  there  as  enemies  to 
bar  our  entry  to  the  city,  but  restraining  open  ex- 
pressions of  their  hatred  by  the  knowledge  of  their 
helplessness.  In  the  afternoon,  a  number  of  trans- 
ports came  up  and  landed  seven  thousand  troops. 
While  the  soldiers  were  debarking,  the  crowd  in- 
creased immensely,  and  it  had  to  be  driven  back  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

It  is  certain  that  there  are  many  Union  people  in 
New  Orleans,  and  wheti  the  newspapers,  which  have 
done  so  much  to  keep  the  public  mind  excited,  have 
been  suppressed,  under  the  protection  of  bayonets, 
this  dormant  sentiment  will  have  a  chance  of  devel- 
oping itself. 

They  have  on  board  the  Richmond,  an  old  gentle- 
man named  Somers,  who  had  been  Recorder  of  New 
Orleans  two  terms.  He  had  always  been  a  persistent 
advocate  of  the  Union,  and  was  under  surveillance. 
When  some  of  our  officers  went  on  shore,  be  extended 
courtesies  to  them,  at  whieh  the  mob  was  enraged, 
and  threatened  him  with  violence.  He  therefore  ap- 
pealed to  our  officers  for  protection,  and  was  taken  on 
board. 

While  the  Mississippi  was  opposite  the  city,  she  put 
her  bows  into  the  levee  at  Algiers,  the  tide  having 
swung  her  ashore  as  she  was  turning  in  the  river.  A 
large  and  boisterous  crowd  collected,  and  sought  to 
provoke  the  officers  and  men  by  their  remarks-  The 
captain,  to  drown  their  noise,  called  the  band  and  bade 
them  strike  up  Hail  Columbia.  Involuntary,  as  it 
were,  the  rabble  ceased  howling,  and  instinctively 
some  of  the  old  men  in  the  throng  raised  their  hats  in 
acknowledgment  of  the  strains  which  from  their 
youth  had  inspirited  them. 

appearance  op  the  city. 

I  was  impressed  with  the  remarkably  desolate  ap- 
pearance of  the  city.  All  the  warehouses  were  shut, 
and  there  was  not  a  vessel,  save  those  of  the  squad- 
ron, to  be  seen  anywhere.  As  soon  as  the  fleet,  in  its 
victorious  advance,  swept  away  the  defences  at  La 
Chalmette,  a  few  miles  below,  and  appeared  before 
the  city,  the  deluded  people  burned  all  the  shipping, 
and  quantities  of  sugar,  tobacco  and  cotton.  The 
work  of  destruction  was  complete.  -More  than  forty 
vessels — steamers,  schooners,  ships — and  immense 
piles  of  cotton,  were  fired  at  the  same  time,  and  the 
levee  was  a  line  of  flame. 
DESCRIPTION   of  .the  unfinished  rebel   steam 

FRIGATE   MISSISSIPPI. 

Among  the  things  destroyed  was  a  formidable  iron- 
clad steam  frigate,  the  Mississippi,  upon  which  the 
rebels  had  founded  high  hopes  of  success  to  their 
cause.  She  had  been  seven  months  in  course  of  con- 
struction, employing  five  hundred  men  the  whole 
time,  and  would  have  been  finished  in  three  weeks. 
Her  length  was  270  feet,  and  her  width  60,  and  her 
armament  was' to  have  been  20  rifled  guns.  The 
frame  of  the  hull  was  made  of  Georgia  pine,  nine 
inches  thick,  and  over  the  wood  were  placed  three 
plates  of  rolled  iron,  making  the  thickness  of  the 
armor  alone  four  inches  and  a  half.  ■  She  was  5000 
tons  burden,  and  her  motive  power  consisted  of  three 
propellers,  which  were  calculated  to  give  her  a  speed 
of  11  knots  an  hour.  Two  millions  of  dollars  are 
said  to  have  been  expended  in  building  her.  We 
have  heard  from  some  of  the  prisoners,  taken  In  the 
gunboats,  that  she  was  intended  to  break  up  the 
blockade,  and  then  cruise  in  the  Gulf  and  near  Havana 
for  prizes. 

COLLECTION    OF    BELLS    AT   TUB    CUSTOM    HOUSE. 

The  marines,  who  were  stationed  at  the  Custom 
House  to  guard  the  flag,  found  in  the  building  at  least 
§50,000  worth  of  bells  of  all  descriptions,  from  the 
ponderous  cathedral  bell  to  the  smallest  size  of  hand- 
bells. These  had  been  contributed  in  response  to  the 
proclamation  of  Beauregard  for  gun  metal,  and  were 
to  have  been  worked  up  in  the  Algiers  foundries. 

REGIMENTS    NOW    AT    NEW   ORLEANS. 

31st,  30th  and  26th  Massachusetts,  12th  Maine,  9th, 
13th  and  12th  Connecticut,  Oth  Michigan,  4th  Wiscon- 
sin, 21st  Indiana,  8th  Vermont,  Captain  S.  Tyler 
Reid's  Cavalry,  and  Durivage's  Cavalry. 


heard  in  regard  to  the  rebel  force  here.  We  all  passed 
the  Potomac  safe — men,  trains  and  all.  1  think  of 
making  a  march  of  35  miles.  N.  P.  Banks, 

Maj,  Gen.  Commanding. 

Washington,  May  26.  The  following  was  n 
ceived  at  the  War  Department  at  11  1'.  M. 

Williamspoiit,  May  20 — 4  P.  M. 

To  the  President :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  the 
safe  arrival  of  my  command  at  this  place  Ittst  evening 
at  10  o'clock,  and  the  passage  of  the  5th  corps  across 
the  river  to-day  with  comparatively  but  little  loss. 

The  loss  of  men  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  in 
the  different  combats  in  winch  my  command  has  par- 
ticipated since  the  march  from  Strasburg  on  the  morn- 
ing of  tbe  24th  instant,  I  am  unable  now  to  report; 
but  I  have  great  satisfaction  in  being  able  to  represent 
that,  although  serious,  it  is  much  less  than  might  have 
been  anticipated,  considering  tbe  very  great  disparity 
of  the  forces  engaged  and  the  long-matured  plans  of 
the  enemy,  which  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  cap- 
ture of  our  force. 

A  detailed  statement  will  be  forwarded  as  soon  as 
possible. 

My  command  encountered  the  enemy  in  a  constant 
succession  of  attacks,  and  in  well  contested  engage- 
ments, at  Strasburg,  Middletown,  Newton,  at  a  point 
also  between  these  places  and  at  Winchester. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  was  estimated  at  from  15,000 
to  20,000  men,  with  very  strong  artillery  and  cavalry 
supports.  My  own  force  consisted  of  two  brigades, 
less  than  4,000  strong  all  told,  1500  cavalry,  10  Par- 
rott  guns  and  six  smooth  bores. 

The  substantial  preservation  of  the  entire  supply 
train  is  a  source  of  gratification.  It  numbered  about 
GOO  wagons,  on  a  forced  march  of  fifty-three  miles, 
thirty-five  miles  of  which  were  performed  in  one  day. 
subject  to  constant  attack  in  front  and  rear  and  flank, 
according  to  its  position,  by  the  enemy  in  full  force, 
the  trains  of  teamsters  and  the  mischances  of  a  river 
passage  of  more  than  300  yards,  with  slender  prepara- 
tions for  ford  and  ferry. 

I  lost  not  many  more  than  fifty  wagons.  A  full 
statement  of  this  loss  will  be  forwarded  forthwith. 
Very  great  commendation  is  due  to  Capt.  S.  B.  Halli- 
bird,  Assistant  Quartermaster,  and  Capt.  E.  G.  Breck- 
with,  for  the  safety  of  the  train. 

Our  troops  are  in  good  spirits,  and  occupy  both  sides 
of  the  river.  N.  P.  Banks, 

Major  General  Commanding. 

HAitRisBUBG,  Pa.,  May  26.  Governor  Curtin  has 
received  the  following  from  reliable  authority  : — 

"Chambersburg,  May  26.  I  have  examined  a 
dozen  stragglers  from  the  Maryland  First  Regiment  in 
Gen.  Banks's  column  to-day.  Their  testimony  is  con- 
current as  to  the  brutal  treatment  of  our  sick  and 
prisoners.  A  number  of  sick  Pennsylvanians,  who 
were  in  Winchester,  are  hid  in  wheat  fields.  On  Gen. 
Banks's  route  of  retreat  many  were  mercilessly  butch- 
ered. I  have  no* direct  word  from  General  Banks's 
wounded." 

The  Battle  at  Front  Roval.  Capt.  George 
Smith,  who  escaped  from  Front  Royal,  says  they 
were  first  informed  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  by  a 
mrmnli-.d  nf'jro  an  in,  who  wax  lutigked  at. 

Col.  Kenley  at  length  became  convinced  of  the  truth 
of  his  story,  and  the  long  roll  was  beaten,  the  men 
springing  hastily  to  arms,  formed  in  lines  by  compa- 
nies. The  rebels  appeared,  and,  strange  to  say,  not  a 
gun  was  fired  by  the  pickets  of  the  1st  Maryland  regi- 
ment. They  may  have  been  surprised,  owing  to  a 
sudden  turn  in  the  road.  One  company  was  deployed 
as  skirmishers  and  to  support  the  section  of  Knapp's 
Battery.  The  Lieut.  Colonel  of  the  Penn.  29th,  with 
a  small  detachment  of  his  men,  who  had  been  acting 
as  a  pioneer  corps,  also  formed. 

The  battery  discharged  shot  and  shell  for  nearly 
two  hours,  until  nearly  all  its  ammunition  was  ex- 
pended.    There  is  no  doubt  of  its  efficiency,  but  it 

as  unable  to  withstand  such  an  overwhelming  force. 

An  order  was  given  to  retire,  and  the  entire  column 

oved  over  the  Shenandoah  river,  its  retreat  being 
covered  by  a  company  of  the  New  York  5th  Cavalry. 

The  rebel  force  consisted  of  eight  companies  of 
cavalry  and  five  regiments  of  infantry,  of  which  two 
regiments  of  infantry  and  two  squadrons  of  cavalry 
were  fording  a  stream,  the  water  being  very  low. 

The  order  "double  quick""'  was  given,  and  the 
Federals  took  to  the  pike,  where  another  stand  was 
made,  the  Colonel  urging  the  men  to  fight  to  the  last, 

The  rebel  cavalry  displayed  a  black  flag.  Many  shots 
were  exchanged,  when  the  New  York  cavalry,  still  in 
the  rear,  broke  and  retreated,  riding  pell  mell  through 
the  ranks  of  the  infantry.  Part  of  the  latter  retreated 
to  a  wheat  field,  and  there  made  another  stand,  firing 
rapidly  and  with  precision.  Presently  on  came  the 
rebel  cavalry,  cutting  right  and  left  and  yelling  like 
Indians.  In  some  instances  neither  the  dying  nor 
wounded  was  spared,  and  in  two  instances  a  captain 
saw  them  shot  in  the  head  while  lying  by  the  road- 
side. He  told  them  they  had  better  return  to  the 
pike,  and  escape  as  they  best  could. 


RETREAT    OF    GEN.   BANKS    ACROSS    THE 
POTOMAC. 

LARGE    REBEL    ARMY    IN    HIS    REAR. 

Strasburg,  Va.,  May  24.  Col.  Kenley "s  command 
of  infantry  and  cavalry  have  been  driven  back  from 
Front  Royal  with  considerable  loss  in  killed,  wounded 
and  in  prisoners.  The  rebel  force  is  estimated  at  5,000 
or  6,000,  and  is  reported  to  have  fallen  back  on  Front 
Royal,  which  they  probably  occupied  this  morning. 
N.  P.  Banks,  Major  General. 

Washington,  May  25.  The  enemy  under  Generals 
Ewell  and  Johnson  with  a  superior  force  gave  battle 
to  Gen.  Banks,  this  morning,  at  daylight,  at  Winches- 
ter. Gen.  Banks  fought  them  six  hours,  and  then  re- 
tired in  the  direction  of  Martinsburg,  with  what  loss  is 
not  known.  The  enemy  are,  it  is  understood,  advanc- 
ing from  Winchester  upon  Harper's  Ferry.  Our 
troops  are  being  rapidly  reinforced. 

GENERAL    BANKS'S    OFFICIAL    REPORT. 

Headquarters,  Martinsburg,  ) 
May  25—2.40  P.  M.      .  J 

Hon.  E.  M.  Sjanton  : — The  rebels  attacked  us  this 
morning  at  daybreak  in  great  force.  Their  force  was 
estimated  at  15,000,  consisting  of  Swell's  and  Jack- 
son's divisions. 

The  fire  of  the  pickets  began  with  the  right,  and  was 
prolonged  by  the  artillery  unlil  the  lines  we're  fully 
under  fire  on  both  sides.  The  left  wing  stood  firmly, 
holding  its  ground  well,  and  the  right  did  the  same  for 
a  time,  when  two  regiments  broke  their  lines  under 
the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

The  right  wing  fell  back,  and  were  ordered  to  with- 
draw, and  the  troops  passed  through  the  town  in  con- 
siderable confusion.  They  were  quickly  reformed  on 
the  other  side,  and  continued  their  march  in  good  or- 
der to  Martinsburg,  where  they  arrived  at  2.40  P.  M., 
a  distance  of  twenty-two  miles. 

Our  trains  are  in  advance,  anil  will  cross  the  river  in 
safety.  Our  entire  force  engaged  was  less  than  4,000, 
consisting  of  Donnelly's  Brigade  with  two  regiments 
of  cavalry  under  Gen.  Hatch,  and  two  batteries  of  ar- 
tillery. Our  loss  was  considerable  as  was  that  of  the 
enemy,  but  cannot  now  be  stated.  We  were  reinforced 
by  the  15th  Maine  regiment,  which  did  good  service, 
and  a  regiment  of  cavalry.  N.  P.  Banks, 

Maj.  Gen.  Commanding. 

Headquarters,  beyond  Martinsburg,  ) 

May  26—5.45  P.  M.         ( 

.A  rebel  prisoner  capfurod   this   morning  says  the 

rebel  force  in  our  rear  is  to  b ;  strengthened  ;  that  their 

purpose  is  to  enter  Maryland  at  two  points,  Harper's 

Ferry  and  WilUamsport.     lie  confirms  all  wo  have 


Rebel  Steamer  Captured.  The  following  inter- 
esting report  from  Commander  Parrott  lias  been  re- 
ceived at  the  Navy  Department,  having  been  forward- 
ed by  Commander  Dupont : — 

U.  S.  Steamship  Augusta,  ) 
Off  Charleston',  May  13,  1862.      ) 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  re- 
bel armed  steamer  Planter  was  brought  out  to  us  this 
morning  from  Charleston  by  eight  contrabands,  and 
delivered  up  to  the  squadron.  Five  colored  women 
ami  three  children  are  also  on  board.  She  carried  one 
32  pounder  and  one  21  pounder  howitzer,  and  has  also 
on  board  four  large  guns,  which  she  was  engaged  in 
transporting.  I  send  her  to  Port  Royal  at  once  in  or- 
der to  take  advantage  of  the  present  good  weather. 
I  send  Charleston  papers  of  the  12th,  and  the  very  in- 
telligent contraband  who  was  in  charge  will  give  you 
the  information  which  lie  has  brought  off.  I  have 
the  honor  to  request  that  you  will  send  back  as  soon 
as  convenient  the  officer  and  crew  sent  on  board. 

Commander  Dupont,  in  forwarding  the  despatch, 
says  in  relation  to  the  steamer  Planter: — "She  was 
the  armed  despatch  and  transportation  steamer  attach- 
ed to  the  Engineer  department  at  Charleston,  under 
Brig.  General  Ripley,  whose  bark,  a  short  time  since, 
was  brought  to  the  blockading  fleet  by  several  contra- 
bands. The  bringing  out  of  this  steamer,  under  all  the 
circumstances,  would  have  done  credit  to  any  one ;  at 
4  in  the  morning,  in  the  absence  of  the  Captain,  who 
was  on  shore,  she  left  her  wharf  close  to  the  govern- 
ment office  and  headquarters,  with  the  Palmetto  and 
"  Confederate  "  flags  flying,  passed  the  successive 
forts,  saluting  as  usual  by  blowing  the  steam  whistle. 
After  getting  beyond  the  range  of  the  last  gun,  they 
hauled  down  the  rebel  flags,  and  hoisted  a  white  one. 
The  Onward  was  the  inside  ship  of  the  blockading 
squadron  in  the  main  channel,  and  was  preparing  to 
fire  when  her  Commander  made  out  the  white  flag. 
The  armament  of  the  steamer  is  a  62-pounder  or  pivot, 
and  a  fine  24-pound  howitzer.  She  has  beside,  on  her 
deck,  four  other  guns,  one  seven  inch  rifled,  which 
were  to  be  taken  on  the  morning  of  the  escape  to  the 
new  fort  on  the  middle  ground.  One  of  the  four  be- 
longed to  Fort  Sumter,  and  had  been  struck  in  the  re- 
bel attack  on  the  muzzle.  Robert  Small,  the  intelli- 
gent slave  and  pilot  of  the  boat,  who  performed  this 
bold  feat  so  skilfully,  informed  me  of  this  fact,  presum- 
ing it  would  be  a  matter  of  interest  to  us  to  have  pos- 
session of  this  gun.  This  man,  Robert  Small,  is  su- 
perior to  any  who  have  come  into  our  lines,  intelligent 
as  many  of  them  have  been.  His  information  has 
been  most  interesting,  and  portions  of  it  of  the  utmost 
importance.  The  steamer  is  a  quite  valuable  acquisi- 
tion to  the  squadron  by  her  good  machinery  and  very 
light  draft.  The  officer  in  charge  brought  her  through 
St.  Helena  Sound,  and  by  the  inland  passage  down 
Beaufort  River,  arriving  here  at  10  last  night.  On 
board  the  steamer,  when  she  left  Charleston,  were 
eight  men,  five  .women  and  three  children.  I  shall 
continue  to  employ  Small  as  pilot  on  board  tbe  Plants 
er.for  inland  waters,  with  which  he  appears  to  be  very 
familiar. 

I  do  not  know  whether  in  the  view  of  the  Govern- 
ment the  vessel  will  be  considered  a  prize,  but  if  so,  I 
respectfully  submit  to  the  Department  the  claims  of 
the  man  Small  and  his  associates. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
S.  F.  DUPONT, 
Flag  Officer,  Commanding,  &o. 

g^^  Robert  Small,  the  negro  pilot,  who  delivered  up 
the  steamer  Planter  into  our  hands,  has,  with  his  as- 
sociates, we  are  glad  to  see,  been  rewarded  for  his 
skill,  bravery  and  loyalty  by  Congress.  Half  the  val- 
ue of  the  property  they  delivered  up  has  been  allowed 
to  them.  Indeed,  all  the  "negro  property"  they 
brought  out  is  theirs  now,  we  suppose.  But  what  a 
painful*] nstance  we  have  here  of  the  negro's  inability 
to  take  care  of  himself!  Clearly  enough,  if  Small 
only  had  a  suitable  white  overseer,  as  he  ought  ac- 
cording to  the  Southern  interpretation  of  scripture,  he 
iuld  never  have  done  this  foolish  and  thoughtless 
thing.  Such  fellows  need  a  supervisor  who  is  fami- 
with  the  intentions  of  Divine  Providence,  and 
could  tell  them  where  they  were  meant  to  stay.  For 
the  lack  of  such  oversight,  see  what  has  come  to  pass. 
A  steamer,  cannons,  ammunition,  &c,  worth  §30,000, 
furnished  to  Dupont,  nine  chattels,  losing  all  re- 
gard for  the  curse  pronounced  against  Ham,  are  set 
free,  and  we  know  not  what  other  divine  arrangements 
are  interfered  with.     Things  must  be  at  a  sorry  pass, 

hen  all  this  is  allowed,  and  even  Northern  pro-slav- 
ery papers  don't  complain. — Providence  Journal. 


RIOTOUS  PROCEEDINGS  AT  BALTIMORE. 

Baltimore,  May  25.  The  city  has  been  in  a  state 
of  intense  excitement  throughout  the  day.  The  news 
of  the  disaster  to  Col.  Kenley's  1st  Maryland  Regi- 
ment at  Front  Royal  occasioned  intense  feeling,  and 
when  the  secessionists  began  to  congregate  this  morn- 
ing with  radiant  faces  and  words  of  rejoicing,  they 
were  attacked  and  beaten. 

During  the  day,  at  least  one  hundred  have  been 
knocked  down  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  though 
the  police  interfered  and  prevented  any  fatal  results. 

In  one  or  two  cases,  ropes  were  brought  and  prepa- 
rations made  for  hanging  persons  to  lamp  posts.  Two 
men  were  stabbed,  but  not  dangerously.  Among 
those  attacked  was  Robert  MeLane,  late  Minister  to 
Mexico,  who  was  saved  by  the  police. 

Baltimore,  May  26.  Baltimore  street,  from  Cal- 
vert to  Holltday,  is  crowded.  There  is  considerable 
excitement,  the  crowd  chasing  obnoxious  people  and 
occasionally  beating  some  one.  The  people  are  de- 
manding the  display  of  flags  from  all  the  newspaper 
offices  and  public  buildings.  All  have  complied  ex- 
cept the  News  sheet,  which  office  is  closed  and  aban- 
doned. The  excitement  is  fearful,  and  prominent  se- 
cessionists have  disappeared  from  the  streets.  The 
military  have  taken  no  part  in  these  movements.  A 
recruiting  office  has  just  been  opened  on  Baltimore 
street,  displaying  a  flag  bearing  the  inscription,  "Re- 
cruiting Office  of  the  First  Maryland  Avengers." 

Baltimore,  May  27.  We  learn  that  there  was 
some  popular  commotion  in  Hagerstown  on  Saturday 
night  and  Sunday,  as  in  this  city*.  A  rebel  newspaper 
office  was  destroyed,  and  prominent  secessionists  pun- 
ished very  severely  in  all  parts  of  the  town. 

A  report  from  Williamsport  says  that  as  our  troops 
retreated  from  Winchester,  the  women  fired  upon 
them  with  pistols  from  doors  and  windows,  and  that 
the  sick  left  in  the  hospitals  were  most  brutally  treated, 
and  some  of  them  wounded. 

All  is  now  quiet  in  Baltimore.  The  vigorous  exer- 
tions of  the  Police  Commissioners  have  resulted  in 
restoring  order.     There  is  a  feeling  of  entire  security. 

In  view  of  the  active  movements  in  progress,  it  is 
thought  the  rebels  will  stand  a  chance  of  beiug  caught 
in  a  trap. 

GALLANTRY  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  MASSA- 
CHUSETTS   REGIMENT. 

The  army  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Times 
speaks  in  tbe  highest  terms  of  the  Massachusetts  11th 
Regiment.  In  bis  account  of  tbe  battle  of  Williams- 
burg he  says  : 

"  Our  victory  before  Williamsburg  has  been  by  far 
too  lightly  estimated.  It  was  no  ordinary  achieve- 
ment, and  the  record  to  be  made  will  prove  that  it  was 
a  daring,  desperate  and  sanguinary  struggle.  The 
enemy  were  found  to  be  in  heavy  numbers  against  us 
in  the  woods — probably  four  to  one — and  when  tbe 
Massachusetts  11th,  uuder  Col.  Blaisdell,  engaged 
them  in  the  centre,  they  found  themselves  subjected 
to  a  galling  fire  from  every  bush  and  tree,  but  with 
unbroken  ranks  his  brave  men  followed  him,  loading, 
firing  and  charging  with  a  cool  and  deliberate  calmness. 
On,  on,  step  by  .step,  this  seemingly  invincible  regi- 
ment pressed  its  way  in  unshattered  phalanx:,  through 
ditch  and  swamp  and  mire,  mounting  the  enemy's 
vast  barricades,  and  driving  before  them  the  skulking 
foe,  with  a  force  which  completely  overcame  all  oppo- 
sition. It  was  the  first  of  a  like  series  of  exploits  con- 
summated by  this  regiment  during  the  day,  and  the 
General  commanding  took  occasion  to  applaud  it  on 
the   battle-field. 

Suddenly  a  regiment  filed  out  in  front  of  the  advanc- 
ing Eleventh,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce.  All  firing  in- 
stantly ceased,  and  the  enemy  was  allowed  to  approach 
within  speaking  distance,  when  the  inquiry  was  made 
by  them,  "  What  regiment  are  you?"  Without  an- 
swering the  inquiry,  the  same  requisition  was  made 
upon  the  enemy,  who  replied,  "  We're  the  Alabama 
Eighth."     "  And  we're  the  Massachusetts  Eleventh," 

was  the  rejoinder.     "  Then  you're  the  d d  sons  oi 

we  want  I"  and  the   white  flag   was    instantly 

thrown  down,  and  a  volley  of  musketry  poured  into 
them  along  the  whole  line,  killing  and  wounding  sev- 
eral of  our  men.  Tho  Eleventh,  with  renewed  im- 
pulse, immediately  charged  upon  the  treacherous  horde 
and  sent  them  flying  into  the  woods,  where  they  were 
shot  down  and  bayonetted  at-  our  mercy.  The  Elev- 
enth were  soon  relieved, and  at  9£  o'clock  the  cheering 
and  shouting  of  the  men  in  the  rear  told  us  our  artil- 
lery were  coming  up." 

Devastation  in  Tennessee,  A  letter  dated 
Nashville,  11th  inst.,  says: 

"  Predatory  bands  roam  the  country  not  protected 
by  Union  troops,  and  waste  the  wealth  of  the  State  as 
remorselessly  as  if  it  belonged  to  alien  ene- 
mies. A  French  or  Hrilish  army  marching  from  New 
Orleans  to  Richmond  would  not  commit  the  savage 
outrages  anil  destruction  which  are  now  blackening 
the  record  of  the  Confederacy,  and  driving  the  State 
to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin." 


The  Latest  Case  of  Rebel  Treachery — Fir- 
ing on  a  Flag  of  Truce.  The  following  particu- 
lars are  given  by  the  Fortress  Monroe  correspondent 
of  the  Baltimore  American: — 

"On  Monday  morning,  (May  19th,)  an  application 
was  sent  to  the  Waehusett  to  allow  a  physician  to 
come  on  shore  to  visit  a  woman  said  to  be  dangerously 
ill.  Believing  the  application  to  be  a  genuine  appeal 
that  humanity  required  should  be  promptly  attended 
to,  Capt.  Smith  gave  permission  for  the  surgeon  of 
the  ship  to  go  on  shore  on  a  visit  of  mercy.  The 
Waehusett  laid  some  distance  below  City  Point  at  the 
time,  and  the  surgeon,  accompanied  by  the  chief  engi- 
neer, the  signal  officer,  and  one  of  the  master's  mates 
and  twelve  men — the  latter  unarmed,  and  the  officers 
carrying  only  their  swords — proceeded  up  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  town.  The  party  landed  without  any 
interruption  and  proceeded  to  the  town,  leaving  six  of 
the  unarmed  sailors  in  the  boat. 

The  men  left  in  tbe  boat  heard  nothing  more  of  the 
party  that  lasded,  but  in  about  half  an  hour  a  sharp 
fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  the  woods.  At  the 
first  fire,  two  of  the  six  fell  dead,  when  the  balance, 
being  unharmed,  cried  out  for  'quarter.'  The  answer 
of  their  inhuman  assailants  was,  '  We'll  quarter  you, 

you ,'  when  a  second  volley  was  fired, 

and  three  more  fell  into  the  bottom  of  the  boat 
wounded.  Tbe  only  remaining  man  pushed  the  boat 
off  with  his  dead  and  wounded  comrades,  and  taking 
to  the  water,  the  painter  of  the  boat  in  his  mouth, 
swam  out  of  range  of  the  weapons  of  the  assassins. 
He  then  took  the  ensign  and  waved  it  over  his  head  ; 
a  boat  from  the  Waehusett  immediately  started  to  his 
assistance,  and  towed  the  boat  back  to  the  ship.  It 
presented  a  most  terrible  sight,  the  dead  and  dying 
lying  together.  One  of  the  wounded  soon  after  died", 
and  the  other  two  were  brought  to  Old  Point  this 
morning  on  tbe  steamer  Baltimore. 

The  balance  of  the  party  who  landed,  including  the 
surgeon,  chief  engineer  Baker  and  the  signal  officer, 
with  six  of  the  crew  and  one  petty  officer,  whose 
names  I  could  not  learn,  were  all  surrounded  on  reach- 
ing the  town,  and  taken  prisoners  by  an  armed 
guerilla  band.    A  letter  was  received  from  them  an- 

mncing  the  fact,  as  well  as  that  they  were  about 
being  sent  as  prisoners  to  Raleigh. 


A  Drummer  Bot  Murdered.  It  is  hardly  ne- 
cessary to  say  that  officers  and  men  are  very  much 
exasperated  by  the  barbarous  conduct  of  the  rebels — 
bayonetting  the  dead,  cutting  the  throats  of  the  wound- 
ed, and  in  one  instance  beating  with  the  butt  of  a  mus- 
ket the  skull  of  a  drummer-boy  who  had  received  a 
wound  which  might  well  be  presumed  to  be  mortal. 
"  This  war  ought  to  have  been  one  of  extermination 
from  the  first,"  was  read  recently,  either  in  a  rebel 
newspaper  or  in  some  of  the  choice  specimens  of  liter- 
ature left  in  the  camps. —  West  Point  (  Va.)  Letter  to  the 
Boston  Journal. 

A  Teamster  Terribly  Mutilated.  The  two 
notorious  bushwhackers,  Koehl  and  Weimer,  were 
hung  at  Sutton  on  last  Friday,  having  been  convicted 
of  murder.  These  barbarous  wretches,  during  the 
latter  part  of  last  summer,  caught  a  poor  boy  who  had 
been  driving  a  government  team  alone  on  the  road. 
They  inhumanly  cut  off* his  head  with  a  scythe  and 
disembowelled  him  ;  and  in  their  fiendish  joy,  boasted 
that  they  had  killed  one  Yankee.  They  were  cap- 
tured, convicted  of  the  murder  and  executed. — Clarks- 
burg ("  Va. )  Letter  to  the  Pittsburg  Chronicle. 

$$T~  A  correspondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer 
says  contrabands  report  a  rebel  force  of  15,000  infan- 
try and  1200  cavalry,  under  General  Fields,  encamped 
eight  miles  from  Fredericksburg.  Two  men  belong- 
ing to  the  14th  New  York  were  shot  in  tbe  outskirts 
of  Fredericksburg  by  rebels  who  approached  them  dis- 
guised as  farmers,  and  their  comrades  were  greatly 
incensed.     The  letter  says  : — 

"Our  troops  have  lost  all  respect  whatever  for  the 
rebels.  They  exhibit  flags  of  truce,  and  then  shoot 
our  men,  who  trust  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare; 
they  cut  the  throats  of  stragglers  and  sick  soldiers; 
they  poison,  in  many  cases,  the  very  cup  of  water  so- 
licited by  the  tired  and  thirsty  soldier,  and  shoot  him 
down  at  the  post  where  his  duty  calls  him  to  stand." 

ft^*  A  party  consisting  of  two  companies  of  North 
Carolina  cavalry  and  one  company  of  infantry,  visited 
Swift  Creek,  12  miles  from  Newbern,  where  a  Union 
meeting  had  recently  been  held,  and  arrested  several 
Union  men,  taking  them  away  with  thorn.  One  of 
the  men,  who  was  very  loud  in  his  expression  of  Union 
sentiments,  was  taken  into  the  woods  by  the  enemy 
where  his  throat  was  cut,  and  where  he  was  after- 
wards found  by  our  troops. 


"The  Ruins  of  Richmond."  The  next  few  days 
may  decide  the  fate  of  Richmond.  It  is  either  to  re- 
main in  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy,  or  to  be  turned 
over  to  the  Federal  Goverumentas  a  Yankee  conquest. 
The  capital  is  either  to  be  secured  or  lost — it  may  he 
feared  not  temporarily — and  with  it  Kiryinfo.  Then  if 
there  is  blood  to  be  shed,  let  it  bo  shed  here  ;  no  soil 
of  tho  Confederacy  could  drink  it  up  more  acceptably, 
and  none  would  bold  it  more  gratefully.  Wife,  family 
and  friends  are  nothing.  Leave  them  all  for  one  glo- 
rious hour,  to  be  devoted  to  tbe  republic.  Life,  death 
and  wounds  are  nothing,  if  we  only  be  saved  from  tbe 
fate  of  ft  captured  capital  and  a  humiliated  Confedera- 
cy. Let  the  Government  act — let  the  people  act 
There  i*  time  yet.  If  late  comes  to  its  worst,  let  (he 
niina  of  Hichimmd  be  its  most  lasting  monument. 
-  lUchuwntt.  fhspntch,  ,\l„y  With. 


Death  of  Mit,  John  Wigiiam.  Wc  regret  hav- 
ing to  record  this  morning  the  death  of  one  of  the  most 
estimable  of  our  citizens— John  Wigbam  of  Salisbury 
Road.  lie  has,  through  the  course  of  his  long  life,  been 
Identified  with  every  movement  having  for  its  object 
the  welfare  of  tbe  people.  In  his  earlier  years  he  wa* 
a  faithful  visitor  for  the  Destitute  Sick  Society,  which 
naturally  led  him  to  examine  the  affairs  of  the  Royal 
Infirmary;  and  some  will  remember  the  energy  and 
zeal  with  which  he  exposed  the  then  existing  abusea 
of  that  institution.  He  also,  while  connected  with  its 
management,  placed  the  affairs  of  the  West  Kirk  Work- 
house on  such  a  basis  as  ensured  an  administration  of 
strict  economy,  coupled  with  wise  liberality.  In  the 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  promotion  of  peace,  he 
took  a  hearty  and  continuous  interest.  He  was  one 
of  the  earliest  to  pee  the  important  political  and  phil- 
anthropic bearing  of  the  abolition  of  the  Corn-laws, 
and,  we  believe,  made  the  first  motion  on  the  subject 
submitted  to  a  British  audience;  it  was  proposed  in 
the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  of  which  he  was  then 
chairman.  One  of  his  most  cherished  projects  was 
the  establishment  of  Reformatories  for  juvenile  delin- 
quents, instead  of  the  demoralizing  consignment  to 
jail  which  was  previously  adopted.  He  lived  to  Bee 
the  scheme  carried  out  by  Government,  and  patron- 
ized by  statesmen  and  congresses  of  social  and  politi- 
cal science.  Perhaps  he  was  best  known  to  the  pres- 
ent generation  as  one  of  the  Queen's  Commissioners 
on  tbe  Prison  Board  for  Scotland,  in  which  he  took  a 
lively  and  efficient  interest.  Tho  Maternity  Hospital 
and  the  educational  institutions  of  Edinburgh  also 
claimed  his  active  support.  This  is  not  the  place  to 
refer  to  his  private  benevolence  and  kindness  to  the 
poor;  but  in  those  facts  we  have  given  a  lite  of  un- 
usual value  and  beauty  is  summed  up — a  life  full  of 
quiet  activity  and  practical  goodness.  In  the  death 
of  Mr.  Wigbam,  the  Society  of  Friends  has  lost  one  of 
its  brightest  ornaments,  and  this  city  one  of  its  great- 
est and  most  enlightened  benefactors.- Edinburgh  (Scot- 
tish) Mercury,  April  30(A. 


Washington,  May  28.  Gen.  McClellan  telegraphs 
to  tbe  Secretary  of  War  that  the  battle  of  Hanover 
Court  House  resulted  in  a  complete  rout  of  the  enemy. 
It  is  stated  that  we  have  taken  500  prisoners,  and  more 
are  coming  in.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  set  down  at 
1000.  Our  men  buried  100  of  their  dead.  Our  loss 
is  379  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  of  which  53 
were  killed. 

[fl^p^New  Orleans  papers  of  the  13th  announce  the 
death  of  Captain  Huger  of  the  rebel  navy. 

Philadelphia,  May  25.      Governor   Curtin  has 

ordered  all  the  State  Militia  organizations  to  proceed 
to  Washington  without  delay. 

Fugitive  Slave  Cases  in  Washington.  The 
Washington  Republican  says  that  the  examinations 
of  fugitive  slave  cases  before  the  U.  S.  Commissioners 
of  that  city  are  carried  on  in  the  midst  of  a  crowded 
and  excited  Court  room. 

Hon.  John  Dean,  of  Brooklyn,  New  York,  has  been 
employed  by  a  Committee  of  wealthy  and  respectable 
citizens  to  defend  the  fugitives  and  to  test  the  applica- 
tion of  the  fugitive  slave  act  to  the  District. 

Washington,  May  23.  a  telegraph  cable  wa^s.uc- 
cessfully  laid  yesterday  across  Chesapeake  Bay  from 
Cherry  Stone  to  Back  River,  Va.,  and  the  War  De- 
partment is  now  in  telegraphic  communication  with 
Fortress  Monroe  and  Gen.  McClellan's  headquarters. 
The  cable  is  of  immense  Btrength,  the  covering  of  the 
wire  alone  being  equal  to  a  ship's  cable.  It  was  laid 
in  four  hours. 


g^=  The  Atlantic  Monthly  for  June  has  ap- 
peared.    The  following  is  a  list  of  its  contents  : — 

1.  Walking.  2.  War  and  Literature. .  3.  An  Or- 
der for  a  Picture.  4.  The  South  Breaker.  5.  The 
Sam  Adams  Regiments  in  the  Town  of  Boston.  6. 
Out  of  the  Body  to  God.  7.  The  Health  of  our  Girls. 
8.  Sonnet.  9.  The  -Horrors  of  San  Domingo.  10. 
Methods  of  Study  in  Natural  History.  11.  The  Au- 
thor of  '  Charles  Auchester.'  12.  Astrsea  at  the  Capi- 
tol. 13.  Pere  Antoine's  Date-Palm.  14.  'Solid  Op- 
erations in  Virginia.'  15.  Sunthin'  in  the  Pastoral 
Line. 


MASSACHUSETTS  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 
Receipts  into  the  Treasury,  from  March  1,  to    May  21, 1862. 

Collections  by  E.  II.  Heywood.,  $31.00 

Henrietta  Sargent,  Boston,  to  redeem  pledge,  20.00 

Mr.  Hiekok,  for  pledge,  1.00 

R.  W.  Henshaw,  Boston,  5.00 

Isaac  Austin,  Nantucket',  2.50 

Elizabeth  Preston,  N.  Ipswich,  S.  H-,  1.00 

Rev.  A.  Batttes,  Bangor,  Me.  1.00 

Wendell  Phillips,  for  balance  of  pledge,  50.00 

H.  L.  Sherman,  Lawrence,  for  pledge,  3.00 

Katheritie  E.  Farnum,  Blackstoae,  for  pledge,  5.00 

James  K.  Comstock,              "                    "  1.00 

A  little  girl,  0.10 

Caroline  R.  Putnam,  Salem,  to  redeem  pledge,  10.00 

Wilson  S.  Thorn,  Youngstown,  Ohio,  6.25 

F.  Poole,  East  Abington,  for  pledge,  1.00 

Mrs.  Luoretia  A.  Reed,  to  redeem  pledge,  3.00 

A  friend,  4.00 
Reading  Anti-Slavery  Society,  by  Mrs.  E.  H.  Porter,  8.35 
EDMUND  JACESON,  Tre, 
Boston,  May  22,  18G2. 


iy  PENNSYLVANIA    YEARLY     MEETING     OF 

PROGRESSIVE  FRIENDS.— The  tenth  Yearly  Meeting 
of  Progressive  Friends  will  convene  at  Longwood,  Chester 
County,  Pennsylvania,  on  FIFTH  DAY,  (Thursday,)  the 
fifth  of  Sixth  month,  (June,)  1862. 

To  all  persons  who  cherish  the  spirit  and  principles  above 
set  forth,  we  extend  a  cordial  invitation  to  meet  and  co- 
operate with  the  Society. 

i£F"  Wm-  Lloyd  Garrison  and  Theodore  Tilton  hare 
engaged  to  be  present,  with  other  speakers. 

Oliver  Johnson,  Isaac  Mendenhall, 

Joseph  A.  Dugdale,        Sarah  Marsh  Barnard, 
Elizabeth  Jaekson,  Lydia  Irish, 

Sumner  Stebbins,  Jennie  K.  Smith, 

William  Barnard,  Ellen  Angier, 

Hannah  Cox,  Aaron  Mendenhall, 

Dinah  Mendenhall,  Sallie  Howell, 

Josiah  Wilson,  Samuel  B.  Underbill, 

Ruth  Dugdale,  Philena  Heald, 

Annie  M.  St&mbeach,     Ellie  H.  Mendenhall, 
Mary  P.  Wilson,  Eusebius  Barnard. 


GARDNER,  MASS.— An  Anti-Slavery  Meeting  will  bo 

held  in  Gardner  and  South  Gardner,  on  Sunday,  June  8th, 
to  commence  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  A.  M.  Friends  of 
liberty  and  of  their  country  are,  one  and  all,  invited  to 
attend. 

Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  Parker  PiLLSBcnr  and  other  speak* 
ers  are  expected  to  be  present. 


f&-  WORCESTER    COUNTY  NORTH— The    Annual 

Meeting  of  the  Worcester  County  North  Division  Anti-Sla- 
very Society  wilt  be  held  on  Sunday  next,  June  1st,  in  the 
Town  Hall,  FITCHBURG,  commencing  at  1  o'clock,  P.  M. 

Members  of  tbe  Society  are  particularly  requested  to 
attend,  and  all  true  friends  of  freedom  and  of  their  coun- 
ty are  invited. 

Parker  Pillbtjry,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  and  other  speak- 
ers will  attend  tho  meeting. 

JOSHUA  T.  EVERETT,  President. 


jy  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,   M.   D-,  has  removed    on 

695  Washington  street,    2d  door  North   of  Warren.     Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References. — Luther  Clark,  M.  D. ;  David  Thayer,  M.    D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


^-  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Margaret  B.JJrown,  M.  D.,  and  Wx. 
Svmington  Brows,  M.  D.,  have  romoved  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  whore  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10,  A.  M-,  to  4 
o'clock,  P.  M.  3m  March  28. 


A    GOOD   CHANCE 

TO  LEASE  A     SMALL    FARM  FOR   ONE, 
OR  A  TERM  OF  YEARS. 

A  MIDDLE  aged  or  young  man,  with  a  small  fami- 
ly, with  no  other  capital  than  a  pair  of  willing 
hands,  frugal  and  industrious  habits,  intelligent  mind,  a 
good  moral  character,  somewhat  no  qua  in  tod  with  agricul- 
tural pursuits,  will  find  a  rare  chance  to  louse — on  tin-  most 
favorable  terms — a  small  farm,  with  all  the  stock  ami  tools, 
and  household  furniture,  situated  in  IVpporell,  ;!-!  mile 
from  the  district  school,  nearly  three  miles  from  tho  post- 
office,  M»ros.  churches,  and  a  nourishing  academy,  under 
tlio  management  of  an  accomplished  preceptor,  four  miles 
ftata  the  railway  station,  and  two  hours'  ride,  hyrail,  from 
the  city  of  Boston, — by  making  immediate  application  to 
the  subscriber,  on  the  promises.  For  particulars,  inquire 
of  WM.  Sl'AKKELl,.  Architect.  No.  9  State  Street,  or  at 
the  Anti-Slavery  Office,  33]  Washington  Street,  Boston, 
whore  ambrotypc  views  of  the  buildings  may  be  seen. 

No  person  neod  apply,  who  cannot  furnish  satisfactory 
references  M  to  all  tho  above  qualifications,  or  vrlu>  uses  in- 
toxicating drinks,  moderately  or  immoderately,  or  Is  pas- 
sionately fond  of  dogs,  since  the  lessor  is  desirous  of  ma- 
king his  home  with  the  lessee,  aud  could  tfOl  tolerate  such 
nuisances,  A,   H.   WOOD. 

Oak  Hall,  reppcrell,  Mass.,  M«y  12.| 


88 


THE     L  IJ3  E  H  A.  T  O  R 


0*ttfg. 


For  tlie  Liberator. 

THE  GENIUS  OP  LIBERTY  TO  AMERICA, 

I  sought  thy  soil  with  pious  euro, 
To  plant  and  nurture  Freedom  there  ; 
It  soon  took  root,  and  grow  apace, 
A  blessing  to  the  human  rooo. 


Ere  long  men  slept,  when,  i 
Base  avarice  sowed  it  thick  with  tares, 
Which  now  so  high  their  heads  have  reared, 
Freedom  has  almost  disappeared, 

m. 
Land  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers'  prido  I 
For  which  their  sous  have  bloil  aud  died  ! 
I  weep  to  see  thee  prostrate  lie 
Before  the  storm  now  passing  by. 

If  all  men  thou  alike  hadst  loved, 
A  home  for  the  oppressed  hadst  proved, 
Thy  "  stars"  would  not  so  dimly  shine, 
And  men  would  own  thou  art  divine. 

v. 

America  !  I  love  thee  still ! 
Thy  name  my  heart  with  joy  doth  thrill; 
I  lift  my  heart  for  thee  in  prayer, 
That  God  may  in  his  mercy  spare. 

VI. 

"When  from  thy  slaves  the  chains  are  riven, 
Then — not  till  then — shall  peace  be  given  ; 
Then  shall  thy  States  be  truly  ono, 
The  fairest  land  beneath  the  sun. 
Boston,  May  20,  1862.  Jcstitia. 


For  the  Liberator. 

TEE  LADY  MAJOR. 

"Gov.  Yates,  of  Illinois,  has  made  Mrs.  Reynolds  a 
Major  in  the  State  militia,  as  a  recognition  of  her  coura- 
geous services  in  takiug  caro  of  the  wounded  at  the  battle 
of  Shiloh,  where  she  was  present  on  the  Geld  throughout 
the  fight." 

Who,  with  firm  step  and  flashing  eye, 

Passes  undaunted,  though  the  cannons'  roar, 
And  thick  and  fast  the  bullets  fly, 
And  the  rod  earth  is  soaked  with  gore, 
Gurgling  from  hearts  that  beat  no  more  7 

The  soldier's  wife,  our  beautiful  Belle. 

The  battle  rages  fierce  and  high, 
And  a  cloud  of  dust  and  fiery  smoke 
-  Hangs  o'er  the  place  where  tne  wounded  lie, 
With  gaping  wounds,  waiting  to  die  ; 

But  she  turns  not  aside  for  the  sabre's  stroke, 
She  does  not  quail,  she  does  not  fly — 

The  soldier's  wife,  our  beautiful  Belle. 

We  have  won  the  day  !  who  rides  in  the  van, 

With  her  dewoy  lip  and  shining  hair  ? 

While  from  tho  heart  of  each  stalwart  man 

There  comes  a  deep  but  voiceless  prayer, 

As  his  eye  fondly  turns  to  the  lady  fair, 

Sod  hless  our  Major,  beautiful  Belle  ! 

A.  F.  D.  B. 


MAY. 

BY   JOHN  .G.    WHITTIEB. 

Beyond  tho  bursting  greenness  of  tho  woods, 

Unto  the  misty,  mountain  solitudes, 

Has  April  breathed  her  sweet  and  changeful  moods. 

But  in  the  folded  buds  and  leaves,  and  higher, 

Where  nest  the  small  birds  in  the  fir-tree's  spire, 

Through  all  the  world  there  breathes  a  soft  desire. 

A  mystic  influence  broods  o'er  hidden  things  ; 
The  caterpillar,  in  his  drowsy  rings, 
Dreams  purple  pictures  of  his  future  wings. 
A  sweet  presentment  fills  the  intense, 
Clear  air.     The  brooks  hang  in  suspense 
Amoqg  the  rocks.     Tho  small  grass  feels  a  sense 

Prophetic  of  a  joy  most  strange  and  dear  ; 

For,  lo  !  May  lifts  tho  door-Jatch  of  the  year  ! 

Deep  out  of  sight,  where  earth's  great  mystery  lies, 

Shut  up  within  her  heart  forever,  flies 

A  thrill  along  the  unseen  arteries. 

Within  the  tangled  roots  of  beach  and  lime, 

Tho  sweat  saps  pulsate  as  they  blindly  climb, 

And  sprout  their  tasseled  greenness  ere  its  time. 

Along  the  stream  the  whispering  rushes  say 

To  one  another,  how  the  gentle  May 

Brings  in  the  sunshine  of  a  dearer  day, 

And  to  the  sweet -breathed  violets  that  blow 

An  azure  margin  to  their  silver  flow, 

The  garrulous  ripples  tattle  as  they  go. 

Sick  with  desire,  the  lily  bells  turn  pale  ; 
The  wondering  cow-slips  peep  from  every  dale  ; 
And  daisies  stand  on  tiptoe  through  tho  vale. 
The  amorous  boughs  bend  toward  her,  far  and  near, 
While  May  stands  in  the  door-way  of  the  year. 

At  her  charmed  coming,  at  the  far  South,  where 
It  lingered  for  her  bidding,  calm  and  fair, 
The  sunshine  flows  through  all  the  happy  air. 

Aerial  arches  of  the  sunset  dyes 

O'er  the  enchantment  of  her  presence  rise, 

And  span  the  glory  of  the  bending  skies. 

How  roll  the  minutes  of  the  golden  hour, 
And  now  the  bud  fulfills  the  perfect  flower  ; 
How  Earth  puts  on  her  beauty's  crown  and  power. 

From  the  low  casement  of  tho  cottage  room, 
To  the  far  distance  where  the  dim  hills  loom, 
The  lengths  of  meadow-land  burst  into  bloom. 

A  hundred  brooks,  down-leaping  whence  they  hung, 
And  seeming  mad,  with  many  a  silver  tongue, 
Sing  sweeter  songs  than  ever  yet  were  sung. 
The  birds  all  pipe  her  weloome,  blithe  and  clear, 
While  May  comes  through  the  door-way  of  the  year. 


THE    TRUE    LIFE. 

Have  we  not  all,  amid  life's  petty  strife, 

Some  pure  ideal  of  a  nobler  life 

That  once  seemed  possible  ?     Did  we  not  hear 

The  flutter  of  its  wings,  and  feel  it  near, 

And  just  within  our  reach  ?     It  was  !  and  yet 

We  lost  it  in  this  daily  jar  and  fret, 

And  now  live  idle  in  a  vague  regret ; 

But  still  our  place  is  kept,  and  it  will  wait, 

Beady  for  us  to  fill  it,  soon  or  late. 

No  star  is  ever  lost  we  once  have  seen  ; 

We  always  may  be  what  we  might  have  been. 

The  good,  though  only  thought,  has  life  and  breath  ; 

God's  life  can  always  be  redeemed  from  death  ; 

And  evil,  in  its  nature,  is  decay, 

And  any  hour  can  blot  it  all  away  : 

The  hopes  that  lost  in  some  far  distance  seem, 

May  be  the  truer  life,  and  this  the  dream. 


From  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard. 

FLOYD    AUD    THE    DEMON. 

[AFTER    LEI  Oil    HUNT.] 

Floyd,  tho  fleet-footed — may  his  legs  hold  -ml 

Awoke  one  night  from  a  wild  dream  of  gout, 
And  saw  within  the  shadows  of  his  tent, 
Making  it  blue,  and  like  a  match  in  scent, 
A  Demon,  writhing  at  a  rate  untold. 
Exceeding  brass  had  made  the  miscreant  bold. 
And  to  the  Presence  in  the,  tent  he  said  : 
"  What  writest  thou?"     The  vision  raised  its  head, 
And,  in  a  tone  made  of  .all  discords  drear, 
Answered  :  "  Those  names  to  Southern  men  most  dear." 
"  And  is  mine  one  ?  "  said  Floyd.     "  Nay,  nay,  not  so," 
Replied  the  imp.     Floyd  spake  a  shade  more  low, 
But  warily  still,  and  said  :  "  I  pray  thee,  then, 
Write  me  as  one  who  hates  those  Northern  men." 
The  Demon  wrote,  and  vanished.     The  next  night 
Ho  oame  again  with  a  great  lurid  light, 
And  showed  tho  names  to  North  and  South  a  pest, 
And,  lo  !  Floyd's  dastard  name  led  all  the  rest !  c. 


Sure,  to  tho  couch  where  Childhood  lies, 
A  pure,  untningled  trance  is  given, 

Lit  up  by  fays  from  seraph  eyeB, 
And  glimpses  of  remembered  heaven  ! 


REVOLUTION"  AND  PROPHECY. 

Extract  from  a  Discourse,  delivered  in  Music  Natl,  Bos- 
ton, on  Sunday,  April  27,  18(32,  by  Samuel  Johnson, 

Minister  of  the  Free  Church  in  Lynn. 

"Art  thou  not  from  everlasting,  0  Lord  my  God,  my 
Holy  One?     We  shall  not  die." — IIauukkuk  i,  12. 

The  revolution,  a  year  of  which  has  closed,  is,  to  a 
wider  vision  than  ours,  but  an  historical  atom ;  yet  it 
is  quite  enough  to  absorb  us  utterly,  and,  by  the  in- 
finite complexity  of  its  movement,  to  paralyze  all 
power  of  dejinite  prediction,  by  genius,  experience  or 
faith,  "What  detail  of  its  process  was  ever  foreseen 'f 
There  was  no  lack  of  data,  during  these  last  twenty 
years, — more  than  our  poor  brains  could  hold, — no 
lack  of  observers  and  calculators ;  for  every  eye  was 
fastened  upon  this  Slave  Question  with  a  fearful  fasci- 
nation, and  every  problem  merged  straightwaj-  in  this. 
It  was  the  dream  of  our  nights,  the  toil  of  our  days. 
For  it  the  scholar  must  leave  his  books,  the  artist  his 
pencil,  the  logician  his  abstractions,  the  theologian  his 
creed.  To  every  material  and  political  interest,  this 
Sphynx  had  long  ago  said,  sternly,  "  Answer  my 
questions,  or  perish."  Who  needed  more  light  1  We 
had  seen  every  Constitutional  guarantee  of  freedom, 
one  by  one,  cut  down.  We  had  seen  barbarism  sup- 
planting a  government  of  liberty  and  law, — the  State 
with  head  downwards,  feet  uppermost.  We  had  seen 
the  rule  of  the  bludgeon  in  the  capitol,  of  the  bowie 
knife  on  the  border,  of  the  mob  in  public  meetings ; 
the  pulpit  hollow,  the  press  a  refuge  of  lies,  the  po- 
litical oracles  with  no  answer  to  our  needs,  but  the 
hideous  quackery  of  "  Peace,  when  there  is  no  peace." 
"  Our  sins  were  ripe  :  God  could  no  longer  be  just,  if 
we  were  prosperous."  Was  not  the  plain  sense  of  it 
all,  Revolution  or  Death?  And  yet,  how  few  read  that 
sense  at  all, — no  man  the  manner,  nor  the  hour  ! 

Then,  behold  another  set  of  signs  !  The  annihila- 
tion of  all  parties  based  on  compromise;  the  annihi- 
lation of  all  compromises,  even  of  those  slavery  had 
made  in  its  own  behalf;  the  death  of  every  political 
leader  whose  name  stood  for  compromise,  or  sustained 
the  policy  thereof.  AVe  looked  around,  and  were 
startled.  The  Nation  was  without  a  leader!  North 
aud  South, — thirty  millions  of  people,  after  thirty 
years  of  unprincipled,  brutifying  politics,  left — bewil- 
dered -and  unpiloted  —  to  work  their  way  as  they 
might  out  of  the  coil  of  moral  retribution!  The  war 
in  Kansas  told  us  free  and  slave  labor  could  not  meet 
without  mortal  battle.  The  history  of  tpade  told  us 
that  they  could  not  barter  their  shoes  and  cotton, 
steam-engines  and  sugar,  without  financial  ruin.  The 
chills  of  death  were  seizing  the  very  social  fabric  our 
fathers  left  us.  Was  it  possible  to  believe  this  could 
last?  Steadily  Slavery  had  brought  us  down  to  its 
own  methods  of  settling  disputes.  Faithless  steward 
of  her  divine  powers  of  persuasion  and  command, 
Freedom  found  that  these  were  paralyzed.  What  could 
come  of  this  but  civil  war?  Not  because  peace  princi- 
ples were  impracticable,  but  because  we  had  refused  to 
use  the  methods  of  Peace  ;  and  now  the  night  was  at 
hand  "when  no  man  could  work  "  for  them.  How  plain 
it  was  to  thoughtful  men  at  "last !  We  were  approach- 
ing the  precipice.  Would  Freedom  survive  the  plunge? 
The  hopeful  believed,  and  called  their  neighbors  to  be 
true  in  the  coming  struggle — hut  who  of  them  all  com- 
prehended how  the  North  was  undermined,  and  rid- 
dled through  and  through,  with  diabolic  conspiracy  ? 
With  what  hopes  of  a  peaceful  solution  marched  that 
mighty  party  to  victory  at  the  polls!  One  grey- 
haired  man  accepted  the  facts  of  the  hour,  and  an- 
swered its  questions  with  his  blood.  A  generation 
that  had  forgotten  how  to  recognize  manhood  left  him 
to  be  slain  for  our  transgressions,  and  bruised  for  our 
sins.  Into  what  ears  was  it  whispered  then — The 
mantle  of  this  martyr  shall  fall  upon  the  people  who  re- 
ject him :  the  party  that  denies  him,  in  that  hour  when  it 
shall  have  become  the  nation,  shall  follow  his  soul  to  battle 
for  thenation's  existence:  that  soul  shafllead  her  armies 
where  the  McClellans  and  the  Hallecks  fhxlt  In  the 
silence  that  followed  that  sacrifice,  who  did  not 
prophesy?  The  wizards  peeped  and  the  soothsayers 
muttered ;  but  who  counted  for  true  prophets  the  men 
who  drew  from  this  sign  only  their  old  warning  of 
thirty  years,  "Proclaim  liberty,  every  mail  to  his 
brother,  or  I  will  proclaim  liberty  for  you,  to  sword 
and  to  pestilence"?  And  even  of  these  right  inter- 
preters of  the  times,  not  one  foresaw  the  moment  nor 
the  method — not  one,  in  his  deepest  trust,  fathomed  the 
coming  wonders  of  providential  care. 

As  in  the  English  Revolution,  "  when  the  moment 
arrived  for  drawing  the  sword,  all  England,  leaders  and 
people,  stood  amazed,"  so  with  us.  North  and  South, 
all  predictions  failed — all  plans  had  miscarried.  Was 
North  or  South  the  most  astounded  and  flung  aback 
when  that  gulf  burst  open  at  our  feet,  from  the  At- 
lantic to  the  Pacific,  as  by  the  touch  of  One  whom  no  man 
knew?  If  the  kingdom  of  God  could  ever  come  by 
observation,  here  were  watchers  enough  to  Inive  told 
the  hour.  If  the  cry,  "Lo  here,  lo  there;"  could  ever 
point  out  the  lines  it  is  to  draw  through  communities 
and  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  surely  we  should  not  in 
this  case  have  gone  so  far  astray  in  our  hopes  and 
fears.  What  man  in  the  nation  imagined  that  the 
forces  of  freedom  would  be  drawn  to  one  side,  and 
the  forces  of  slavery  to  the  other,  with  just  enough  of 
exception  in  those  Border  States  to  make  it  both  possible 
and  necessary  to  reinstate  Union  in  a  nobler  form — and 
that  the  field  of  civil  war  would  be  those  barbarian 
plantations  where  the  wrath  of  Eternal  Justice  has 
been  defied,  and  not  the  cities  and  hill-sides  of  New 
England  or  the  free  prairies  of  the  West?  Republi- 
can New  England  was  blind  enough  to  the  nature  of 
the  crisis  to  believe  William  H.  Seward  the  man  to 
carry  us  through  it.  To-day,  you  tremble  to  think 
from  what  the  Providence  of  God  has  saved  us,  by 
placing  this  most  short-sighted  and  nerveless  of  states- 
men in  a  post  where  he  can  only  defeat  and  neutralize 
himself.  And  if  the  Chicago  Convention  had  fore- 
seen the  radical  convulsion  at  hand,  would  they  have 
selected  as  their  candidate  a  man  whose  moderate 
views  on  the  slave  question  unfitted  him  at  that  time 
to  deal  with  one  single  question  before  the  country, 
and  who  began  with  saying  to  the  South,  in  the  name 
of  the  North,  "Only  let  us  live,  that  we  may  show 
you  we  mean  no  harm  "  ?  They  knew  enough  of  the 
future  only  to  he  sure  they  would  have  need  of  an  hon- 
est man — of  one  who,  as  Plato  says  of  the  true  public 
guardian,  should  have  "  something  in  him  besides  the 
politician."  That  bit  of  wise  philosophy  saw  none  of 
the  coming  facts;  and  yet  it  has  saved  us.  Abraham 
Lincoln  has  blundered  away  opportunity  after  oppor- 
tunity, but  the  honesty  and  patriotism  of  the  man  have 
made  him  get  wisdom  from  every  blunder, — and  to- 
day, by  one  brave  step,  he  has  planted  himself  in  ad- 
vance of  what  the  boldest  dreamer  of  one  year  ago 
would  have  ventured  to  predict. 

There  were  a  thousand  slight  ways  in  which  the 
explosion  might  come  about;  but  who  imagined  Sum- 
ter and  the  echo  of  that  falling  flag?  A  thousand 
mobocratic  outbreaks  were  probable;  but  who  fore- 
saw what  a  Baltimore  rabble  would  do  on  the  anni- 
versary of  Lexington  fight?  These  "coincidences," 
we  call  them  —  John  Brown  wielding  the  sword  of 
Washington  and  LaFayette  ;  the  19th  of  April,  1775, 
and  the  19th  of  April,  1801 ;  the  capital  of  the  nation 
freed  from  slavery  just  one  year,  to  a  day,  after  the 
coup  d'  etat  of  slavery,  which  was  meant  to  secure  it 
forever;  those  Potomac  banks,  first  fruits  of  iniquity, 
become  first  fruits  of  retribution  ;  Charlestown  prison 
ringing  with  the  John  Brown  song;  Bunker  Hill 
calling  the  roll,  not  of  slaves,  but  of  rebel  prisoners; 
the  heroic  arm  that  planted  the  stars  and  stripes  on  the 
highest  peak  of  the  continent,  the  first  to  plant  them 
on  the  summit  of  political  justice.  Port  Royal 
and  the  mouth  of  the  James  river,  first  seed  grounds 
of  negro  slavery,  become  first  seed  grounds  of 
negro  education— of  the  two  experiments,  250  years 
apart  I  Of  all  the  possible  combinations  of  events 
and  times,  who  would  have  predicted  these  ?  — 
The  first  volunteers  who  rushed  to  Washington, 
last  April,  thought  the  mob   would  he  put  down 


MAY  30 


in  a  few  days  or  weeks.  A  year  lias  passed,  and 
who  will  tell  us  when  we  shall  see  the  end  I 
year  ago,  no  man  could  look  one  day's  length  into  the 
coming  state  of  tho  nation.  Are  we  any  wiser  now  ? 
De  Tocqueville,  that  wonderful  historical  observer, 
says,  "  I  learn  from  history  that  not  one  of  the  great 
men  who  witnessed  the  downfall  of  religious  and  social 
organizations  in  past  times  was  able  to  guess,  or  e 
to  imngine.  what  would  ensue."  How  true  that  is — 
of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau,  of  Luther  and  IIuss 
Charles  Stuart  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  of  Mahomet,  of 
Suetonius,  and  Tacitus,  of  the  Alexandrian  l'lalonists 
— yea,  of  John  the  Baptist,  Jesus  and  Paul !  And 
then  De  Tocqueville  unconsciously  illustrates  the  law 
in  his  own  case,  where,  speaking  of  Louis  Napoleon 
in  1851,  he  says,  "  We  shall  get  rid  of  him  in  a  few 
years,  perhaps  in  a  few  months,  though  there  is  no 
saying  how  much  mischief  he  may  do  in  that  time  to 
his  neighbors."  Where  was  the  American  statesman 
whose  democratic  education  made  him  any  wiser 
prophet  than  the  soothsayer  of  the  London  Times  has 
shown  himself,  with  his  aristocratic  education, 
prophet  who,  finding  he  cannot  get  the  dust  out  of  his 
eyes,  has  resolved  at  last  to  shake  it  off  his  feet,  and 
return,  made  no  wiser  by  knowledge  of  his  ignorance 
Jefferson  indeed  trembled  for  his  country.  Webster 
saw  -in  vision  dismembered  States.  American  elo> 
quence  has  shuddered  with  panic  terrors,  when  it  seri- 
ously touched  the  question  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union,  instinctively  conscious  that  they  hore  in 
their  bosom  a  canker  and  a  curse.  But  who  of  them 
all  beheld,  through  the  awful  vision,  these  golden  op 
portunities,  these  pillars  of  fire  and  cloud  that  lead 
on  through  our  desert  to  the  promised  land  ?  Or  who. 
in  his  loudest  Fourth  of  July  declamations  on  the  im- 
perishableness  of  the  Union,  ever  believed  that  God 
loved  and  guarded  it  as  we  know  He  docs  this  day, 
for  Humanity's  sake  ?  And  yet,  are  we  able  now  to 
make  De  Tocquevillc's  rule  obsolete  ?  Wendell  Phil- 
lips goes  so  far  as  to  tell  us  that  the  slave  question  is 
settled;  that  the  question  is  now  whether  slavery  and 
free  institutions  shall  go  down  together.  And  I  be- 
lieve he  is  as  good  a  prophet  as  we  have.  He  know; 
slavery  must  die.  How,  he  does  -not  know.  But 
these  awful  problems !  Is  a  South-side  Democratic 
action  to  sweep  the  country  when  the  taxes  come  upon 
us?  Is  Republican  zeal  for  liberty  to  grow  cool,  and 
suffer  its  brave  leaders  to  fall,  under  the  odium  of  their 
generous  ventures,  or  under  I  know  not  what  private 
malignities  or  misjudgments,  or  that  Athenian  envy 
which  smote  down  Aristides,  because  his  manhood 
stood  so  high  that  it  made  the  politicians  dwarfs?  Is 
our  Christianity  to  prove  unequal  to  the  tasks  of 
atonement  which,  for  a  whole  generation,  the  negro  will 
demand  of  us?  Are  the  military  profession  and  the 
standing  army  and  a  strong  government  to  breed  po- 
litical corruption  and  degeneracy,  even  greater  than 
the  pnst?  Are  the  arts  of  civilization  to  go  down  be- 
fore this  rough  field-work?  Are  we  to  drift  rudder- 
less through  stormy  seas  of  political  change?  In 
what  new  phase  shall  we  emerge  from  this  strife  ? 
These  he  cannot  solve;  and  can  only  strive  to  rouse 
the  people  to  that  faith  in  God  which  lives  by  eternal 
vigilance.  And  if  our  anti-slavery  leaders,  the  mi 
far-seeing  of  our  prophets,  veil  their  faces  before  the 
inserutablen ess  of  this  process  of  alonement,  and  can 
only  predict  the  final  supremacy  of  right — if  warnin 
and  pleading  divide  between  them  the  eloquence  of 
Carl  Schurz — if  the  statesmanship  of  Sumner  and 
Wilson  wisely  avoiding  augury,  is  concentred  upon 
noble  and  perfect  use  *ft  present  opportunity — what 
shall  we  think  of  such  powers  of  divination  as  are  ex- 
hibited by  those  special  pleaders,  some  of  them  Massa- 
chusetts representatives  I  am  sorry  to  say,  who,  in 
their  vain  dreani  of  reconstructing  the  old  basis  of  the 
Union,  have  attempted  to  defeat  with  Constitutional 
technicalities  and  forms  the  holiest  step  of  national 
justice  for  which  God  has  ever  made  smooth  ourway 
It  is  lamentable  that  there  should  yet  be  found  public 
men  so  blind  to  the  lessons  of  the  hour,  still  seeking  out 
refuges  in  the  law  for  an  institution  which  has  over- 
turned law,  and  is  the  essential  negation  of  law.  How 
much  more  becoming  to  seize  the  magnificent  oppor- 
tunity to  efface  from  the  name  of  lawyer  the  brand  of 
subserviency  to  tyranny  which  history  has  fixed  upon 
it,  and  take  up  the  mantle  of  those  few  great  jurists 
who  have  recognized  law  as  indeed  the  harmony  of 
the  universe,  the  bosom  of  God  !  "  In  civilized  com- 
munities," it  was  well  said,  "by  the  side  of  a  despot 
who  governs,  there  is  always  a  lawyer  who  invests 
with  the  semblance  of  loyalty  his  most  arbitrary  de- 
crees. When  the  two  are  united,  the  result  is  a  tyr- 
anny which  scarcely  allows  a  breathing  place  to  hu 
man  nature."  Never  was  aphorism  more  true.  The 
Roman  jurists  conveyed  over  the  rights  of  the  people 
to  the  Caesars.  Guizot  shows  how,  in  the  middle  ages, 
the  lawyers  and  judges  concentrated  absolute  power 
in  the  hands  of  kings,  English  history  tells  the  same 
story,  from  the  Star  Chamber  Courts  of  Henry  VIII. 
to  Scroggs  and  Wright  and  Jeffries  and  Saunders,  the 
bloodhounds  of  the  last  Stuarts.  Selden  said  there 
could  be  no  mischief  in  a  commonwealth  without  a 
judge.  John  Randolph  said,  "I  cannot  forget  that  in 
the  Holy  Bible  the  Book  of  Kings  succeeds  the  Book 
of  Judges."  Jeffries  received  from  his  master  a  seal 
ring  as  the  price  of  his  atrocities.  The  people  called 
it  his  blood-stone.  Posterity  will  stand  aghast  at 
numbering  the  blood-stones  which  slavery  has  given 
to  American  lawyers  as  the  price  of  American  liber- 
ties. I  cannot  belieVe  legal  technicalisra  is  much 
longer  to  make  this  American  Constitution,  which 
God  is  so  awfully  purging  of  tyranny,  a  me'sh  to  en- 
tangle and  suffocate  freedom.  But  as  it  has  been  with 
all  legal  retainers  of  despotism  in  Rome  and  France 
and  England,  so  must  it  speedily  be  with  ours,  and 
their  divining-rods  of  reconstruction,  if  God  be  true. 
Of  such  it  was  said  of  old:  "Your  wall  is  no  more, 
nor  they  who  daubed  it.  And  for  you  who  have 
made  sad  the  hearts  of  the  righteous,  whom  I  have 
not  made  sad,  and  strengthened  the  hands  of  the 
wicked  that  he  should  not  return  from  his  wicked 
way,  by  promising  him  life— ye  shall  teach  falsehood 
no  more,  nor  divine  divinations;  and  I  will  make 
them  free  whom  ye  will  ensnare,  and  I  will  deliver 
my  people  out  of  your  hands,  and  ye  shall  learn  that 
I  am  God." 

But  there  is  something  in  the  popular  heart  be- 
fore which  all  these  shibboleths  of  the  wizards 
and  diviners  are  called  to  judgment.  In  all  revo- 
lutionary times,  the  people  have  been  found  ex- 
pecting in  some  se?ise  a  Messiah.  In  the  absence  of  pow- 
er to  see  what  a  day  may  bring,  all  their  hopes 
concentrate  on  the  faith  that  God  has  prepared  some 
interpreter  of  his  judgments  and  his  wrath.  The 
choice  may  be  better  or  worse — -Judas  Maccabams, 
Ca;sar,  Munzer,  Cromwell,  Louis  Napoleon — or  quite 
another,  and  a  greater  than  any  of  these.  But  as  one  af- 
ter another  is  tried  and  found  wanting,  yet  the  faith  of 
the  people  holds  out  till  the  true  leader  comes.  This  is  a 
wonderful  thing,  for  it  is  the  lever  by  which  judgment 
works  and  reformation  moves.  Every  step  is  marked 
by  some  such  full  outflow  of  confidence  and  childlike 
trust.  And  as  the  man  proves  worthy  or  unworthy, 
the  people  have  justified  or  judged  themselves. 
"  That  is  of  all  loves  the  strongest  and  divinest," 
said  a  wise  Greek,  "which  is  of  states  and  cities 
borne  unto  a  man  for  his  virtue."  Do  you  con- 
sider why  Abraham  Lincoln  has  at  this  moment 
so  absolutely  the  confidence  of  this  nation,  that 
if  he  should  declare  that,  in  his  solemn  judg- 
ment, the  salvation  of  the  country  required  the 
immediate  emancipation  of  every  slave,  substan- 
tially the  whole  people  would  say,  Amen  ! — nay, 
thunder  it  so,  that  the  world  would  tremble  as  if  a 
new  Christ  had  come?  It  is  not  his  good  name  for 
honesty  only,  nor  for  slow,  sure  judgment,  though 
that  is  much.  It  is  because,  when  old  things  are  passing 
away,  and  the  new  not  revealed  to  any,  a  people  must  find 
some  one  to  trust,  or  it  must  lose  its  reason  and  die. 

And  if  the  people  live  by  faith,  and  not  by  sight, 
is  he  on  whom  all  men,  from  Congress  to  town-meet- 
ing, from  Cabinet  to  hearthstone,  cast  all  responsibili- 
ty, to  whom  all  look  up  expectant,  any  wiser  than 
they?  Knowing  himself  weak,  unconscious  of  his 
power  over  the  masses,  distracted  by  diverse  coun- 
sels, the  centre  of  hostile  tactics,  burdened  with  the 


whole  weight  of  the  crisis,  carefully  feeling  the  pulse 
of  the  people,  and  at  every  step  awaiting  their  re- 
sponse, himself  as  blind  as  they  arc  as  to  what  to- 
morrow wilL  bring—is  this  he  for  whom  we  long— 
this  our  Deliverer!  May  God  indeed  strengthen 
and  guide  him,  and  lead  his  feet  straight  for- 
ward in  the  path  of  His  purpose!  But  is  he  great 
enough  to  master  that  horde  of  unprincipled  of- 
ficials, eager  to  play  upon  the  sacred  loyalty  of 
the  people,  and  to  take  their  turn  at  leadership, 
the  Border  State  politicians,  the  schemers  for  reac- 
tion, the  generals  who  still  love  better  to  hunt  down 
the  slave  than  to  strike  down  his  rebel  master? 
Thoughtful  men  confer  together,  asking,  who  is  he 
that  is  to  come— the  statesman,  the  hero,  the  saint, 
sufficient  for  these  temptations,  for  these  duties,  for 
these  opportunities,  able  to  speak  and  fulfil  that  great 
word  which  shall  make  the  century  sublime?  None 
can  answer  his  neighbor,  though  all  expect  and  watch. 
Consider  how  little  even  this  popular  instinct,  on 
which  our  future  is  so  staked,  is  able  to  predict  con- 
cerning that  future  and  its. own  path  therein.  This 
only  we  find,  that  every  day's  events  are  stern  in- 
structors in  the  needs  of  the  time  and  the  characters 
of  men. 

And  now,  what  is  the  sum  of  all  that  has  been  said 
but  this  ? — The  past  and  present  teach  us  just  enough 
of  the  future  to  forbid  indolence  on  the  one  hand,  and 
doubt  upon  the  other:  or  positively,  to  assure  us  that 
the  end  of  this  struggle  is  the  triumph  of  Right,  but 
that  the  price  of  success  depends  on  ourselves.  It  is 
Eternal  Justice  that  hurls  the  slave  fetters  from  the 
stops  of  our  Capitol  into  the  Potomac  to-day— but  the 
bloody  graves  at  Manassas  and  Shiloh  are  natural  fruits 
of*our  disobedience  and  delays.  Another  year,  and 
the  slave  will  be  nearer  freedom— and  justice  nearer 
its  throne  upon  earth  ;  but  how  many  broken  hearts 
and  bloody  graves,  how  much  discord  and  confusion 
and  unnaturaleonvulsion  through  the  land, — depends 
on  what  response  wo  make  to  this  brave  step  of  the 
President,  and  how  we  appreciate  and  sustain  our  Sum, 
ner,  our  Wilson  and  our  Fremont,  what  we  do  with  our 
plotting  reconstructions  of  parties,  and  our  poison-reek- 
ing papers,  and  what  we  say  about  the  purposes  and  du- 
ties of  this  war  to  our  generals  in  the  field.  Be  not  de- 
ceived. God  is  not  mocked.  HemeniisPeace,Liberty, 
Union.  But  he  does  not  mean  any  of  these  things  jor  us 
till  moral  cowardice,  and  compromise,  and  selfish 
inertness,  and  inhuman  contempt  of  the  weak,  and 
prejudice  of  race,  and  preference  of  -Mammon  to 
Man,  are  winnowed  out  of  us  like  chaff. 

Looking  at  the  turn  speculation  has  taken  during 
these  past  years  of  a  somewhat  materialistic  and  ignoble 
life  in  this  country,  one  may  say  that  we  have  come  to 
need,  most  of  all,  some  practical  demonstration  of  the 
Being  of  God,  and  of  His  Immanent  Life.  Surely, 
this,  of  all  wants,  is  now  likely  to  be  met.  The  dis- 
parity between  what  men  purpose  and  what  is  done 
through,  them,  the  mystery  of  dilation  that  is  in  hu- 
man action,  and  yet  not  explicable  from  it,  makes  all 
history  divine.  But  there  are  times  when  it  is  the 
precise  contrary  of  what  men  purpose  that  is  done 
through  their  actions.  That  v*hieh  all  resist  is  the 
one  thing  that  comes  to  pass  as  the  resultant  of  their 
doings.  What  a  mystery  that  is  !  All  the  lines  of 
will  pressing  one  way,  all  their  influence  the  other! 
A  hundred  contending  instincts  precipitated  by  mutu- 
al conflict  on  the  one  point  abhorrent  to  all,  and  that 
point  tiie  most  serviceable  to  the  race  !  I  said  nobody 
planned  the  state  of  things  we  are  in — as  nobody  plan- 
ned the  "  not  peace  but  a  sword  "  of  early  Christiani- 
ty— the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  on  Plymouth  Rock. 
But  that  is  not  all.  When  a  truth  is  to  be  born,  every 
hand  is  against  it,  and  yet  the  sum  of  all  hands  passes 
it  on.  Here  are  weights  piled  into  ascale,  all  pressin; 
downwards  ;  yet  the  more  they  weigh,  and  the  more 
you  throw  in, the  heavier  grows  the  empty  scale,andthe 
higher  they  rise.  Here  were  parties — Democratic,  Re- 
publican, Union,  Secession,  Northern,  Southern, — in 
what  one  thing  agreed,  but  in  their  unwillingness  to 
take  in  hand  this  matter  of  justice  to  the  slave  ? 
Which  loves  slavery  best?  "  Let  it  stay  with  us,"  says 
one  side — "it  is  safest  so."  "Not  so,"  says  the 
other,  "  we  can  keep  it  best  alone."  And  in  the  shock 
of  opposing  supporters,  down  goes  the  gilded  curse 
they  clutched  at.  The  nation  planned  that  the  slave 
should  not  go  free  ;  but  the  one  sure  thing  is,  he  shall 
go  free.  The  nation  denied  agitation,  and  discounte- 
nanced interference,  as  Peter  denied  and  discounte- 
nanced his  Master;  and  agitation  and  interference 
are  to-day,  we  need  not  say  what?  War,  commenced 
to  restore  the  old  state  of  tilings,  has  made  that  state 
impossible.  Rebellion,  concocted  to  secure  the  social 
organization  of  the  South,  is  dissolving  it.  What  is  this 
bewitchment  that;  turns  every  purpose  against  itself? 
All  the  faces  of  a  great  people  set  stiffly  one  way,  and 
yet  every  awful  hour  of  their  history  sweeping  them 
on  the  opposite  way,  and  slowly  turning  the  most 
stiffneeked  round  upon  himself,  so  that  he  heads 
with  the  current,  while  he  struggles  against  it, — what 
does  it  mean  ?  The  nation  of  compromisers  paying 
ovation  at  its  Capitol  to  the  Apostle  of  Absolute 
Right !  The  nation  of  negrophobists  compelled  to  turn 
idealiser  of  the  negro,  and  fit  him  for  the  status  of  citi- 
zen !  What  does  it  mean?  Who  hath  done  it? 
You  or  I  ?  Republican,  slaveholder,  millions  of  wills 
against  it, — whose  was  for  it? 

Ah!  friends,  no  new  thing  this.  It  is  the  order  of 
things.  You  shall  find  no  birth-agony  of  a  great  truth 
in  all  this  world's  history,  in  which  it  was  not  so.  It  is 
a  law  which  loving  souls  may  reston  assured — Human- 
ity is  more  than  the  totality  of  individual  wills.  History  is 
not  a  sum  in  arithmetic.  It  is  spiritual,  yea,  celestial 
dynamics,  incomprehensible  to  the  believer  in  masses, 
in  addition  and  subtraction  of  quantities  alone.  When 
you  have  got  at  the  programmes,  the  policies  and  the 
material  forces,  men  at  tongue  and  men  at  arms,  you 
have  not  begun  to  get  the  data  for  the  result.  The 
question  is  not  what  these  are  going  to  do  with  the 
nation,  but  what  some  deeper  sovereignty,  which  next 
to  no  one  recognizes,  is  going  to  do  with  them.  You 
are  to  ask  yourself,  have  I  tho  moral  insight  to  know 
what  this  nation  does,  at  this  moment,  most  profound- 
ly need  ?  That  is  the  key  to  the  future.  For  Hu- 
manity is  radically  sound,  and  a  certain  profounder 
and  more  vital  health  subordinates  all  conscious  intel- 
lects and  wills  to  its  inspired  necessity  of  growth. 
It  is  a  heart  whose  organism  of  free  pulsation  is  be- 
yond permanent  lesion  from  an  evil  thought  or  deed. 

And  the  lesson  is  not  Fatality,  hut  Liberty.  God 
works  in  man,  not  from  the  outside,  upon  dead  mate- 
rial, but  through  the  constitution  of  Human  Nature; 
and  His  "  overruling  "  is  but  the  revelation  of  its  sub- 
stantially inalienable  health.  And  so  the  present  says 
to  us  as  it  did  to  Plutarch,  two  thousand  years  ago, 
"  Fate  is  altogether  according  to  Providence,  not  Pro- 
vidence according  to  Eate."     Is  it  not  so  ? 

Our  Easter  Sunday  saw  the  slain  and  buried  nation 
arisen  from  its  tomb ;  the  rock  rolled  from  its  sepul- 
chre; the  keepers  smitten  with  dismay.  It  saw  the 
final  closing  of  our  Old  Testament  of  "everlasting 
legislation  for  the  interests  of  property — not  one  soli- 
tary enactment  for  truth,  humanity  and  justice" — and 
the  first  year  of  our  atoning  sacrifice  ends  with  the 
thunksgivings  of  God's  ransomed  poor.  You  cannot 
measure  the  meaning  of  that  word — "  the  nation  com- 
mitted to  Liberty,  her  shame  before  the  world  ef- 
faced." The  Lexington  fight  proved  monarchy  a 
fiction — the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia proved  democracy  a  fact.  I  hear  of  few  salvos 
of  cannon ;  they  are  needless.  It  is  a  bloodless 
victory,  though  paid  for  in  advance  with  blood.  But 
East,  West,  North,  South,  and  borne  by  exultant 
winds  across  that  blue  ocean  to  the  skeptic  nations, 
how  its  trumpet  of  a  new  beatitude  will  drown  the 
thunders  of  this  avenging  war!  What  stately  civili- 
zations begin  their  march  from  that  historic  day  ! 
We  will  not  boast.  The  outer  door  of  the  prison-house 
is  broken  down;  but  look  at  tho  trembling,  naked, 
bleeding  hosts  within  !  We  will  not  boast ;  for  the  next 
step,  also,  it  seems  almost  certain,  must  be  paid  for  in 
advance,  ah,  in  what  agonizing  drops  !  The  bitter  cup 
may  be  coming  to  many  dear  lips  soon  I 

"Fate  is  according  to  Providence."  When  we 
think  what  nightmares,  that  made  the  shrewd  Anglo- 
American  u  scared  child,  have  fled  this  year,  forever, 


we  feel  like  one  who  wakes  late  with  the  dazzling  sun 
in  his  face.  "  What  are  we  to  do  with  the  negro  ?  " 
The  question  answers  itself  now.  What  are  you  to 
do  without  him,  in  peace  or  war,  in  those  rebel  Stales? 
Yea,  even  Cotton  shall  fight  Colonization  in  this  day 
of  the  Lord  !  How  shall  we  pay  the  masters  ?  The 
question  is  resolving  itself  rapidly  into  another,  "How 
shall  we  get  rid  of  them  ?  "—to  be  answered,  it  may  be, 
by  the  wrath  of  the  nation,  when  it  is  tired  of  wasting 
money  and  blood.  "  How  could  tho  negro  take  care  of 
himself  ?"  Answer—he  has  supported  himself,  his  mas- 
ters and  us.  "How  shall  we  pay  for  tho  war?"  An- 
swer—trade is  reviving—the  States  feel  richer  every 
day.  It  is  impossible  to  make  America  poor.  There  iB 
the  rebel  property,  and  war  is  confiscation  of  it ;  here 
is  the  enterprise  waiting  to  buy  and  use  it.  "  How 
shall  we  save  our  armies  from  melting  away  before 
the  summer  pestilence?"  Answer— we  shall  gar- 
rison our  forts  with  slaves  turned  into  free  soldiers  of 

the  Union. But  what  shall  we  call  this  self  solution 

ofproblems— this  smoothing  of  the  way  before  a  faithless 
generation?  Irresistible  grace,  is  it  not?  God's  Amer- 
icans would  fain  have  perished,  but  He  would  not  suf- 
fer it.  How  He  comes  back  again  and  again  with  these 
rejected  Sibylline  Books  of  Opportunity— nine,then  six, 
then  three  of  them,  but  no  fraction  of  that  first  price 
abated— LIBERTY— LIBERTY  TO  ALL.  At  last, 
one  only  is  left.  That  you  shall  not  refuse— and  that  con- 
tains the  whole  prophecy.  And  what  are  the  chapters  of 
it?  Tasks  of  Christian  love  and  political  justice;  to  build 
a  new  Massachusetts  in  every  howling  wilderness  of 
slavery ;  yea,  more,  to  realize  Milton's  dream  of  a 
Christian  State.  Before  the  thunder  0f  events,  lead- 
ing on  these  triumphs  and  these  tasks,  all  one  can  say 
seems  but  babble.  I  hardly  know  what  special  thing 
to  ask  for,  amidst  this  rising  and  falling  of  providential 
veils.  The  arguments  for  liberty  scorn  my  lips.  I 
see  them  flying  in  cannon  balls  through  the  ranks  of 
the  people,  and  flashing  in  lightnings  round  the  white 
walls  of  the  Capitol.  The  one  word  of  the  hour  is— 
GOD  !  What  a  promise  is  here  !  Nationality  is  com- 
ing to  us  in  that  awful  Name.  "Nationalities,"  says 
Michclet,  "are  the  life  of  the  world.  But  the  day 
when  France  shall  summon  her  children  around  her, 
and  teach  them  Prance  as  a  Faith  and  a  Religion,  she 
will  start  into  living  energy,  and  be  solid  as  the  globe." 
France  has  not  done  that  yet,  but  how  can  America 
escape  it  ? 

But  the  assurances — they,  as  ever,  must  come  by 
work.  Not  in  past  nor  future,  but  in  the  duty  to  be 
done,  the  doubt  to  be  mastered,  the  loss  to  be  en- 
dured,- the  faith  to  be  kept  with  justice,  the  suffering 
to  he  relieved,  the  testimony  to  be  borne,  the  nation 
to  be  loved  for  Humanity's  sake,  in  these  shall  be  our 
"  Sursum  Corda  " — confessing  that  God's  way  is  wiser 
than  our  hopes  or  fears— that  "  as  a  beast  goeth  down 
into  the  valley  at  twilight,  so  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
shall  give  us  rest." 


"  Ask  and  receive  ;  'tis  sweetly  said  : — 

But  what  to  plead  for  know  I  not ; 
For  wish  is  worsted,  hope  o'ersped. 
And  aye  to  thanks  returns  my  thought. 

If  I  would  pray, 

I've  nought  to  say 
But  this,  that  God  may  be  God  still  : 

With  Him  to  live 

Is  still  to  give, 
And  sweeter  than  my  wish  His  will." 

Though  whatsoever  desolation  may  yet  come,  this 
year  that  is  past  shall  be  our  guarantee  for  trusting 
in  the  Presence  of  One,  riding  as  in,Raffaelle's  picture 
of  the  Prophet's  Vision,  upon  the  clouds  and  winds, 
His  arms  upheld  by  radiant  children,  "  whose  faces 
are  as  the  -appearance  of  the  bow  that  is  in  the  cloud 
in  the  day  of  rain  " ;  while  those  four  living  types  of 
revolution  that  go  straight  forward,  and  turn  not 
back,  those  terrible  brute  creatures  that  form  the 
chariot  of  His  seeming  wrath  gaze  upward  into  His 
countenance,  with  the  intelligence  that  divines  His 
meaning,  and  the  perfect  obedience  whose  only  power 
is  to  justify  His  Law. 


REJOINDER   OF  TO.   CARLOS  MARTYN. 

Sew  Haven,  May  12,  1802. 

Dear  Mr.  Garrison, — I  am  glad  to  see  that  my 
assailants  unmask  in  the  Liberator  of  2d  May.  It 
is  much  more  pleasant  to  talk  to  them  in  the  day- 
light. 

I  have  but  a  word  for  Mr.  Allen.  His  name  was 
not  mentioned  in  my  first  letter;  consequently,  I  can- 
not choose  but  think  the  coat  fitted  so  snugly,  that  he 
was  obliged  to  put  it  on.  Or  was  my  former  position 
correct,  that  the  three  blanks,  over  which  the  attack 
on  me  appeared,  so  exactly  described  him,  that  in- 
stinctively he  recognized  the  likeness  ?  He  says  my 
attempt  at  his  portraiture  was  not  a  success.  In  what 
way,  then,  does  he  justify  his  note  to  you?  It  was 
certainly  most  uncalled  for.  Though  his  letter  teems 
with  falsehood,  easily  proved,  I  do  not  care,  to-day,  to 
explode  them  ;  for  my  quarrel  is  not  with  him.  You 
recollect  the  story  of  old  Dr.  Beecher,  who,  when 
once  virulently  attacked,  on  being  urged  by  friends  to 
pen  a  reply,  said,  "No,  it  would  be  'love's  labor  lost' 
I  once  hurled  an  entire  encyclopedia  at  a  skunk,  and 
then,  as  my  clothes  long  testified,  got  the  worst  of  it." 

But  let  us  see  what  Mr.  Chamberlain  has  to  say. 
He  restates  his  canard  of  the  "Boston  gentleman  and 
South  Centre."  I  can  only  repeat,  with  fresh  empha- 
sis, my  first  denial.  The  circumstances  are  truly  and 
freely  narrated  in  my  other  letter,  to  which  I  would 
refer  all  interested.  Mr.  Chamberlain's  assertions  are 
a  melancholy  instance  of  how  persistent  hostility,  un- 
bridled malignity,  can  twist  the  most  intrinsically  hon- 
est story  into  seeming  falsehood  or  evasion.  Was  it 
not  Sheridan,  who  once  said  in  debate  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  that  a  gentleman  who  had  made  certain 
statements  was  "indebted  to  his  imagination  for  his 
facts,  and  to  his  memory  for  his  argument"?' 

Mr.  Chamberlain  next  travels  to  Le  Roy  :  what  does 
he  find  there  ?  He  says — "It  is  certain  Mr.  Martyn 
lectured  in  Le  Roy,  under  the  assumed  character  of  a 
Yale  student."  The  only  thing  certain  about  it,  sir,  is, 
that  it  is  false.  Although  I  had  handbills,  as  I  stated 
before  freely,  announcing  me  as  connected  with  Yale, 
— (and  here  let  me  say,  parenthetically,  that  no  one 
can  regret,  more  than  I  now  do,  that  they  were  ever 
circulated  :  the  trouble  they  have  created  would  seem 
to  show  that,  however  much  circumstances  may  seem 
to  palliate  or  justify  the  smallest  departure  from  the 
strictest,  most  absolute  right,  to  go  astray  a  hair's- 
breadth  is  certain  to  be  inexpedient  and  unsafe,)  these 
bills  bore  Mr.  Clark's  name  as  well  as  my  own.  Now, 
as  my  friend  was,  on  the  evening  of  my  address,  in  a 
neighboring  village,  attending  a  temperance  conven- 
tion, of  course  I  could  not,  nor  did  I,  circulate  one  of 
them  in  Le  Roy.  Notice  was  given  of  my  lecture  by 
Mr.  Clark,  orally,  the.  night  before,  at  a  great  temper- 
ance meeting  at  the  Presbyterian  church.  So  that  it 
seems  in  Le  Roy,  the  only  place  cited,  I  did  not  as- 
sume publicly  to  he  a  student  of  Yale  College.  I  deny 
most  emphatically  that  I  ever  sailed  under  those  colors 
in  private.  But,  allowing  for  a  moment  that  I  did, 
what  concern  is  it  of  Mr.  Chamberlain  if,  in  a  private 
circle,  I  assume  to  be  a  Pejee  islander,  a  Norwegian, 
a  professor,  a  student,  or  what  not,  provided  I  did  not 
publicly  burden  the  anti-slavery  cause  with  such  as- 
sumption ?  Indeed,  this,  quondam  "friend"  admits 
that  "it  was  no  concern  of  his,  while  Mr.  Martyn  im- 
posed on  private  individuals."  Does  not  this  prnve 
that  ho  was  pushed  to  attack  me  by  what  the  lawyers 
call  "  malice  prepense  "  f 

While  in  the  West,  I  made  no  pretensions  to  Garri- 
sonian,  or  any  other  technical  abolitionism,  but,  as 
John  Brown  would  have  said,  sailed  under  the  auspices 
of  Wm.  Carlos  Martyn.  Is  it  alleged  that  my  lectures 
did  no  good  ?  Is  it  alleged  that  1  failed  in  my  duty  as 
an  anti-slavery  lecturer — made  no  converts  X.  Is  it  al- 
leged that  I  pretended  to  bo  an  abolitionist,  when  I 
ras  not?  Is  it  alleged  that  I  was  dishonest  or  a 
windier  ?  No  !  The  whole  charge  may  be  locked  up 
in  the  allegation,  that  I  assumed  the  character  of  a. 
Yale  student  I     Tho  utonstrousuess  of  the  clnr;;v  is 

only  equalled  by  the  malignity  with  which  it  is  pressed. 

But  Mr.  Chamberlain  thinks  I  should  have  remem- 
bered, when  1.  aaid  1  "did  not  value  a  reputation  of 
being  coltcge-bred  sullk'iently  lo  lie  myself  in,"  a  let- 


ter which  I  wrote  just  after  leaving  Le  Roy,  in  which 
I  used  these  words  :  "owing  to  my  increasedly  weak 
eyes,  I  have  been  obliged  to  disconnect  myself  with 
college";  and  Mr.  C.  asks  what  I  have  to  say  in  re- 
ply to  what  the  gentleman,  lo  whom  the  first  letler 
was  written,  said,  that  "it  would  not  pay  for  me  to 
come  to  Le  Roy  again  until  I  had  made  it  clear  that  I 
was  not  an  impostor."  As  regards  the  first  sentence 
quoted  above,  I  never  wrote  any  such  letter-  1  ap- 
pend the  statement  of  a  friend  in  Buffalo,  which  will 
explain  it.  And  for  the  second — my  answer  Jb  brief: 
I  never  received  any*such  word  from  Le  Roy.  I  do 
not  think  any  gentleman  in  that  village  would  charge 
me  with  being  an  impostor.  I  was  there  to  speak  on 
the  war,  which  I  did.  Did  that  prove  me  an  impos- 
tor ?  If  1  had  privately  professed  to  he  a  Chinese, 
yet  if  I  was  not  there  to  talk  about  China,  bytum 
there  to  talk  about  what  I  actually  did  speak  on,  sure- 
ly I  could  hardly  be  charged  with  being  an  impostor. 
Here,  sir,  is  a  notice  of  my  lecture  in  Le  Roy,  which 
appeared  in  the  Rochester  Democrat,  but  was  written 
by  a  gentleman  of  the  former  place,  to  whom  any 
statement  of  my  being  a  student  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  he  known  ;  yet  you  will  see  such  fact  is  nut 
mentioned.  Would  not  this  seem  to  prove  that,  pub- 
licly at  least,  I  did  not  assume  such  a  character  ? 
war  meeting  in  lb  hot. 

Le  Rot,  Nov.  7th,  1801. 

Messrs.  Editors, — A  war  meeting  of  rare  interest 
was  held  in  the  Congregational  church  in  this  village, 
last  Tuesday  night.  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  H.  Cox  pre- 
sided, and  Wm.  Carlos  Martyn,  of  New  Haven,  Ct., 
delivered  a  speech  of  great  power  and  eloquence.  Mr. 
Martyn  took  the  ground  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of 
this  atnwious  rebellion,  tracing  its  influence  upon  our 
moral,  social,  intellectual  and  political  life,  and  conclu- 
sively showing  that  the  rebellion  is  slavery,  and  slave- 
ry is  the  rebellion,  and  that  we  can  only  gain  peace  by 
its  abolition.  The  address  of  Mr.  M.  was  regarded  by 
many  as  the  ablest  our  citizens  have  heard  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war.  He  is  a  model  speaker, 
clear  as  a  crystal,  and  his  elocution  is  almost  faultless. 
He  speaks  very  calmly,  rising,  however,  at  times,  to 
rare  eloquence. 

The  remarks  of  Dr.  Cox,  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Mar- 
tyn's  speech,  were  in  his  best  vein.  He  fully  endorsed 
what  that  gentleman  said,  and  paid  him  an  exceeding- 
ly graceful  compliment.  Years  bear  very  lightly  upon 
the  Dr.,  and  he  has  lost  none  of  his  youthful  vigor 
and  fire. 

Altogether,  the  meeting  was  a  complete  success,  and 
cannot  fail  to  do  great  good. 

Yours,  truly,  J.  P.  A. 

Now,  sir,  what  is  the  character  of  the  person  who, 
assuming  such  lofty  virtue,  constitutes  himself  a  mod- 
ern star-chamber,  and  summons  me  to  judgment,  find- 
ing so  readily  the  "mote"  in  liis  brother's  eye,  hut 
seeing  not  the  "  beam  "  in  his  own  ? 
With  respect, 

WM.  CARLOS  MARTYN. 

Wm  Lloyd  Garrison: 

Dear  Sir, — My  attention  has  been  called  to  an  at- 
tack on  Mr.  Wm.  C.  Martyn,  of  New  Haven,  Ct.,  in 
late  numbers  of  the  Liberator,  by  a  Mr.  D.  H.  Cham- 
berlain. As  I  do  not  statedly  read  your  journal,  the 
attack  was  for  a  time  unseen  by  me. 

Now,  sir,  I  know  Mr.  Martyn  so  very  well,  value 
him  so  very  highly,  that  I  gladly  add  a  word  of  com- 
mendation and  support,  since  I  owe  him  that  word — 
myself  being  the  author  of  the  letter  to  which  Mr. 
Chamberlain  evidently  refers  in  his  letter  as  being 
written  by  Mr.  Martyn  to  a  gentleman  in  Le  Roy. 

Although  my  residence  is  in  this  city,  I  chanced  to 
be  stopping  for  a  little  while  in  Rochester  shortly  after 
Mr.  M's  return  from  L.  He  was  in  haste,  and  I  saw 
him  but  a  few  moments.  During  our  little  talk,  he 
asked  me  if  I  would  do  for  him  what  he  was  too 
pressed  for  time  to  do  himself,  write  half  a  dozen  let- 
ters to  different  friends  in  various  neighboring  towns, 
inquiring  whether  a  literary  lecture  would  pay.  Mr. 
Martyn  had  been  speaking  all  winter,  and  at  his  own 
expense,  on  the  war,  and  hoped  in  this  way  to  make 
enough  to  enable  him  to  keep  the  field  still.  Of  course, 
I  told  him  I  should  be  happy  lo  do  so  ;  and  after  he 
left  me,  I  went  immediately  to  my  room,  and  wrote 
to  eight  or  ten  gentlemen  in  four  or  five  towns,— Le 
Roy  among  the  number.  At  Mr.  M's  request,  I  wrote 
in  the  first  person,  and  signed  his  name  to  the  letters. 
Just  what  I  wrote,  I  do  not  now  remember,  but  I  pre- 
sume Mr.  Chamberlain  rightly  quoted  what  I  said.  I 
knew  that  while  Mr.  M.  had  intended  to  enter  college* 
he  had  been  compelled  to  desist,  through  the  poorness 
of  his  sight;  therefore,  if  I  said  "he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  disconnect  himself  with  college,"  I  wrote 
hastily  and  inaccurately.  I  should  have  said  he  had 
been  obliged  to  disconnect  himself  with  all  the  ap- 
pliances and  expectations  of  college,  to  devote  himself 
wholly  to  liberty  and  reform. 

I  can  truly  say,  sir,  that  the  tour  of  Mr.  Martyn, 
through  this  section,  was  one  of  the  most  eminently 
useful  and  successful  within  my  memory.  His  co- 
pious, brilliant,  and  most  persuasive  eloquence  drew 
and  held  the  largest  audiences  wherever  he  went.  I 
got,  and  forwarded  to  Washington,  the  names  of  thou- 
sands of  anti-slavery  petitioners.  He  made  numerous 
converts,  and  created  hosts  of  friends  by  his  suavity 
of  manner  and  unfailing  kindness;  and  the  friends  his 
intellect  created,  his  warmth  of  heart  and  culture  kept. 

There  are  some  men  so  well-known  by  us,  so  thor- 
oughly appreciated,  whom  we  have  summered  and 
wintered  so  long,  with  whose  every  side  we  are  fa- 
miliar, that,  when  detraction  spits  its  venom  on  them, 
we  scarcely  care  to  wipe  it  off. 

With  kindness,  JAMES  M.  PULLER. 

Buffalo,  May  5,  1862. 


AN  OLD  SLAVE  EXPERIENCES  A  SEN- 
SATION. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  writ- 
ing from  Fort  Pillow,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  tells 
the  following  story  of  an  old  slave  woman,  who,  ap- 
parently, hat!  a  mortal  fear  of  "  de  rebels:" 

Before  closing  this  letter,  I  must  not  forget  to  re- 
late a  little  incident  in  which  an  old  negress,  former- 
ly a  slave  but  now  the  chambermaid  of  one  of  our 
transports,  figures  most  prominently.  Strange  as  it 
may  appear  to  the  admirers  of  slavery,  her  experi- 
ences in  the  land  of  chivalry  aud  cotton  were  not 
such  as  to  endear  it  to  her,  and  she  never  experi- 
ences any  of  those  longings  to  return  to  the  old 
plantation,  which  are  said  to  take  such  violent  pos- 
session of  runaway  negroes,  that  is,  if  we  are  to  be- 
lieve the  assertions  of  the  admirers  of  the  institution 
which  John  Wesley  pronounced  "the  sum  of  all  in- 
iquities."    But  to  my  story. 

When  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Scott,  was 
here,  an  exhibition  of  mortar-firing  at  night  was 
given  for  his  benefit.  The  bombardment  was  quite 
vigorous  for  a  short  time,  more  so  than  usual,  and 
led  some  persons  to  suppose  that  the  rebel  gunboats 
had  steamed  round  the  point  and  were  engaging  our 
own.  The  Secretary  had  gone  down  to  the  vicinity 
of  the  mortar-boats  in  a  steamer,  in  order  that  ho 
might  have  a  better  view  of  the  shells  as  they  went 
streaming  through  the  "  blanket  of  night."  After 
observing  them  for  some  time,  his  vessel  turned 
around,  displayed  a  large  red  light,  and  returned  to 
the  flag-ship.  Julia,  the  chambermaid,  who  had 
been  interested  in  the  heavy  discharges,  now  thought 
(he  rebel  flotilla  was  coming,  and  thereupon  com- 
menced a  series  of  gymnastics  around  the  steamer 
that  were  higjily  amusing. 

"  Cap'n,"  said  she,  "  ain't  you  gwlne  to  shove  dis 
boat  out  ?  " 

"  I  guess  not,  Julia;  why  ?" 

"  Kase  de  rebels  is  eomiu',  sure."' 

"  Oh,  no  ;  don't  be  alarmed,"  responded  the  Cap- 
tain. 

"  Yes  dey  is,  I  tell  you  :  don't  you  see  dat  big  red 
light?"  said  the  badly  frightened  old   woman. 

"  That's  from  one  of  our  own  boats,"  said  the 
Captain  consolingly.  "  But  you  needn't  be  afraid, 
Julia,  if  the  rebels  do  come." 

"  Don't  know  'bout  dat,  Cap'n;  you  folks  '11  bo 
lookin'  out  for  yourselves,  and  dere'll  be  nobody  to 
take  care  ob  de  old  nigger.  I  doesn't  want  to  go 
Souf  agin." 

It .was  some  time  before  Julia's  nerves  could  bo 
quieted,  and  now  she  has  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  she  is  too  near  the  rebels,  of  whom  she  has  hor- 
rid dreams  q'  nights,  and  has  determined  to  make 
her  way  further  north.  Queer,  is  it  not,  that  this 
poor  creature  is  unable  to  appreciate  the  inestima- 
ble blessings  thai,  never  fail  to  How  from  tho  relation 
of  master  and  slave  V  " 


Till':     rnOGKKSSIYK    AGE. 
Devoted  to  all  Reforms. 

FT1HIS  is  n.  monthly  Journal,  of  eight,  pa^cs,  BdiW  hv 
I      liryim  .1.   Hiitt.i  mid  Harriot  N.  litvone,  his  wife,  llope- 

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opiea  ,M>iii.  to  :niy  address, 

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llopedulo.  April  10.  2w 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  is  published — 

EVERY  FRIDAY  MORNING, 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,    BOOM    No.  8. 


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Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

"  I  lay  this  down  an  tho  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  the  time,  the  place  ef  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONO  THE  REST ; 
and  that,  under  that  stato  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  tho  President  of 
TBB  Unitki>  States,  but  tho  Commander  of  the  Arkt, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OP  THE  SLAVES,  f.  .  .  Prom  the  instant 
that  the  ulaveholding  States  beeotne  tho  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  ever*  wav  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  tho  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  ...  It  is  a  war  power,  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
Las  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  most  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  wab  ;  and  by  tho  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  tho  board,  and  martial,  power  takes  thh 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  tho  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Anjuis. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


©itr  (taw**!  fas  m  WexUl,  am  <$<mutxtjmm  aw  all  Patifttttd. 


J.  B.  YERRINTOH  k  SON,  Printers, 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    23. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     JUNE    6,    1862. 


WHOLE    NO.    1641. 


kfap  ri  ftpprtMion. 


ABOLITION  DESPOTISM. 

We  have  referred  heretofore,  in  terms  more  or  less 
general,  to  the  purposes  and  action  of  a  class  of  men, 
in  Congress  and  out  of  it,  and  some  in  high  office, 
who  entertain  the  traitorous  project  of — "Tak- 
ing  POSSESSION'   OP    THE  GOVERNMENT   FOR    THE 

North."  Since  the  South,  under  the  Constitution, 
is  entitled  to  its  due  share  m  the  Government,  to  take 
possession  of  it  for  the  North  is  evidently  to  violate 
and  overturn  the  Constitution.  This  would  natural- 
ly produce  and  justify  rebellion.  Supposing  all  the 
North  were  united  against  the  South,  in  an  effort  to 
break  it  down  and  make  it  subject  to  unconstitution- 
al legislation — this  would  afford  that  just  ground  for 
revolution,  which  every  man  of  spirit  and  candor 
would  admit  to  be  defensible  upon  principles  univer- 
sally recognized.  Of  the  class  of  legislation  referred 
to,  is  the  proposition  to  reduce  the  States  in  which 
insurrection  has  arisen  to  the  condition  of  territories, 
that  for  emancipation,  and  that  for  general  confisca- 
tion of  property. 

it  is  easy  to  see,  therefore,  the  application  of  our 
previous  remarks,  as  it  will  be  in  respect  to  those 
which  we  intend  now  to  present.  The  question,  in 
reality  now  before  the  American  people  is— whether 
they  prefer  a  Constitutional  Government,  or 
an  Abolition  Despotism.  In  order  to  substitute 
the  latter  for  the  former,  no  efforts  have  been  want- 
ing on  the  part  of  those  engaged  in  this  nefarious 
scheme  against  our  free  institutions.  Nor  is  the  idea 
by  any  means  of  recent  growth.  We  could  give  de- 
tails, going  back  to  a  period  of  years,  all  leading  to 
tbe  same  point;  but  we  prefer  to  confine  ourselves 
to  later  developments.  Nor  do  we  care  now  to  do 
more  than  refer  to  certain  violent  and  high-handed 
acts  of  the  party  in  power,  under  the  terror  of  which 
this  couutry  lay,  during  many  gloomy  months  ;  when 
remonstrance  by  the  friends  of  free  institutions  was 
almost  completely  hushed  by  the  party  cry, — that 
those  who  objected  were  opposed  to  the  war  and  op- 
posed to  the  Government.  These  acts  consisted  of 
violations  of  the  Constitution,  of  the  rights  of  the 
judiciary,  of  those  of  individual  citizens,  of  the  press, 
of  the  people  and  of  Nations.  We  have  a  right  to 
congratulate  ourselves  that  this  paper  never  failed 
to  remonstrate  against  these  things,  at  the  darkest 
hour,  or  amidst  any  accumulation  of  obloquy  and 
false  accusation — for  we  could  not  prove  recreant  to 
our  cherished  principles  of  "  The  Constitution, 
the  Union,  and  the  Enforcement  of  the 
Laws." 

In  order  to  carry  out  the  scheme  for  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Abolition  Despotism  upon  the  ruins  of 
our  institutions,  the  faction  who  sought  this  object 
put  forth  certain  dogmas  to  aid  in  its  accomplish- 
ment. One  oftbese  was — "  The  Constitution  is  gone, 
and  is  not.  to  be  restored."  This  was  boldly  asserted 
at  the  Cooper  Institute  meeting,  and  has  been  reiter- 
ated since,  by  a  long  file  of  the  Republican  press,  in 
Massachusetts  as  well  as  in  New  York,  and  else- 
where throughout  the  country.  The  Constitution 
manifestly  was  an  "  obstacle  "  in  the  way  of  Aboli- 
tion Despotism.  Another  dogma  was — "  The  Union 
is  gone,  and  is  not  to  be  restored  under  the  Constitu- 
tion " — since  a  restored  Union  would  necessarily  con- 
demn and  destroy  Abolition  Despotism. 

In  order  to  advance  these  dogmas  and  to  make 
them  triumphant,  to  the  utter  overthrow  of  our  free 
institutions — acts  of  emancipation,  of  confiscation, 
and  other  similar  measures  were  to  be  passed  through 
Congress.  To  encourage  Congress  in  this  course  of 
legislation,  the  press,  the  pulpit  and  the  forum  were 
all  employed  to  foment  mutual  hatred  between  the 
North  and  the  South ;  it  was  for  this  end  that  the 
"  Emancipation  League "  was  formed,  and  every 
means  taken  to  enforce  its  pestilent  doctrines ;  in  or- 
der that  the  Union  could  not  be  restored,  but  that  a 
separation  would  be  inevitable,  and  the  Confederacy 
must  be  recognized.  In  this  event,  it  was  thought 
that  the  North  being  stronger  than  the  South,  the 
former  would  then  take  the  latter  at  advantage,  un- 
restrained, as  it  then  would  be,  by  any  Constitution- 
al provisions.  Thus  Abolition  Despotism  could  abol- 
ish slave  property,  only  at  the  cost  of  war,  and  would 
do  it  in  self-justification,  and  could  plunder  all 
other  property,  everywhere,  for  self-perpetuation,  by 
means  of  war  and  taxation.  A  part  of  the  pro- 
gramme has  been  carried  out — the  bills  for  emanci- 
pation and  confiscation  are  pending  in  Congress — 
and  to  what  extent  the  plundering  has  already  pro- 
ceeded, we  need  only  read  the  reports  of  the  several 
committees  of  Congress,  and  the  exposures  of  one 
another,  which  take  place  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House,  to  see. — Boston  Courier. 


say,  and  they  are  pushing  up  Sumner  to  act  accord- 
ingly. This  set  are  traitors  to  the  Constitution  and 
the  country. — Boston  Post. 


SLAVEHOLDERS. 


Senator  Sumner,  on  Wednesday,  characterized 
slaveholders  as  auctioneers  in  human  liberty,  brokers 
in  human  rights,  and  jugglers  in  human  sufferings. 
Wendell  Phillips  said  publicly,  in  Boston,  at  the 
anti-slavery  convention,  that  Sumner  "  ruled  the 
Senate,"  and  Thad.  Stevens  ruled  the  House  ;  and 
that  both  spoke  the  voice  of  Garrison  Abolitionists. 

Every  day  is  showing  that  Senators,  especially 
from  the  West  and  Northwest,  are  restive  under 
the  Abolition  rule.  Thus  Senator  Sherman,  of  Ohio, 
(Republican,)  though  he  said  "  he  abhorred  and  op- 
posed slavery,  would  not  stigmatize  the  whole  class 
of  men  as  'jugglers  in  human  suffering'  or  other 
opprobrious  epuhets.  Though  he  believed  the  ten- 
dency of  slavery  was  to  degrade  the  masters,  yet 
there  were  many  gentlemanly,  courteous,  patriotic 
men  among  slaveholders.  Some  of  the  most  cour- 
teous men  he  ever  met  were  slaveholders."  Sena- 
tor Preston  King,  of  New  York,  (Republican,)  also 
said  that  "  so  long  as  the  slaveholders  remained  loy- 
al, they  had  ample  protection  under  the  laws.  He 
was  in  favor  of  having  all  the  protection  given  which 
was  accorded  by  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  in  favor 
of  having  all  the  laws  of  the  country  executed." 

Senator  Sumner,  something  unusual  for  him, 
cracked  his  whip  over  Sherman's  head  again,  as  he 
retorted  that  the  Senator  from  Ohio  eulogized  slave- 
masters,  and  said: — "If  men  continue  to  uphold  an 
institution  which  violates  all  human  rights,  we  must 
expect  no  soft  words.  If  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
chooses  to  sound  their  eulogies,  he  could  not  follow." 
Senator  Fessenden,  with  the  good  sense  and  point 
that  so  often  mark  his  course,  quietly  said,  after  the 
Massachusetts  rhetorician  sat  down,  that  as  to  slave- 
holders, denunciation  on  one  side  and  eulogy  on  the 
other  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  question.  The  sim- 
ple question  is,  have  we  a  right  to  tax  them  accord- 
ing to  the  Constitution  V  Of  tins  he  had  no  doubt 
at  all.  The  slaveholder  has  peculiar  privileges,  and 
a  large  amount  of  the  property  of  some  States  ig  in 
slaves,  and  he  saw  no  reason  why  they  should  not  be 
taxed  for  these  peculiar  privileges. 

The  difference  between  the  Republicans  and 
others  and  the  radicals  is  just  this:  the  former  mean 
to  act  under  the  Constitution,  while  the  latter  say 
the  day  for  parchment  limitations  is  gone  ;  the  South 
is  a  clean  field,  and  they  can  do  what  they  please 
with  it      This  is  what  the  Abolitionists  here  openly 


GENERAL  HUNTER'S  LATE  ORDER. 

Washington,  May  19,  1862. 

Editors  of  the  National  Intelligencer : 

My  attention  has  been  called  to  a  Washington 
letter  in  the  Philadelphia  Press,  in  which  the  writer, 
after  quoting  a  passage  from  one  of  my  letters  pub- 
lished in  your  paper,  says: 

"  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  even  the  veteran  Demo- 
crat, Amos  Kendall,  while  objecting  to  the  course  of 
the  abolitionists,  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  having 
made  the  proposition  which  Gen.  Hunter  has  thus 
practically  carried  out," 

Now  I  should  consider  myself  a  traitor  to  my 
country  if  I  were  to  approve  the  late  order  of  Gen. 
Hunter,  purporting  to  set  free  all  the  slaves  within 
his  military  district.  While  exposing  to  Southern 
rebels  the  gulf  that  is  yawning  before  them,  the  con- 
ception never  entered  my  brain  that  any  military  com- 
mander, or  even  the  President  himself,  could  consti- 
tutionally, by  general  order  or  proclamation,  confis- 
cate their  property  and  emancipate  their  slaves,  or 
that  such  an  object  could  be  effected  otherwise  than 
by  conviction  for  treason  by  due  course  of  law  in  the 
courts  of  justice.  In  the  order  of  Geo.  Hunter  I  see 
the  essence  of  military  despotism,  utterly  subversive 
of  the  Constitution  we  are  fighting  to  maintain ;  and 
it  is  deplorable  that  the  President  does  not,  by  the 
enforcement  of  a  general  line  of  policy,  repress 
these  assumptions  of  power  by  his  subordinates.  Ev- 
ery such  assumption  unrebuked  by  him  exposes  him 
and  Congress  itself  to  the  charge  of  hypocrisy  and 
perfidy  in  their  announcements  of  the  purposes  for 
which  the  war  is  waged  ;  it  discourages  the  loyal  men 
in  all  the  slaveholding  States,  and  in  an  equal  de- 
gree encourages  the  leading  rebels  ;  it  will  cost  the 
North  thousands  oflives  and  millions  of  money;  it 
alarms  conservative  men  everywhere,  and  makes 
them  begin  to  think  their  own  liberties  in  danger;  it 
strengthens  disloyal  men  in  loyal  States,  and  enables 
them  to  embarrass  the  government  in  its  legitimate 
operations.  In  fine,  there  is  but  one  safe  course  for 
the  Government  to  pursue,  and  that  is  to  disre- 
gard all  party  affiliations,  and  adhere  firmly  to 
the  programme  originally  announced,  viz:  The 
prosecution  of  the  war  for  the  sole  object  of  pre- 
serving the  Constitution  and  the  Union  with  the 
rights  of  the  States  intact,  to  be  followed  by  peace 
as  soon  as  those  objects  ean  be  attained.  If  there 
be  not  firmness  enough  in  the  Administration  to  do 
this,  we  are  on  a  sea  of  revolution,  with  scarcely  a 
hope  of  ever  again  reaching  the  haven  of  unity  and 
peace.  Amos  Kendall. 


<OT,  HUNTER'S  PROCLAMATION. 

Next  to  the  visible  effect  of  this  proclamation  on 
its  writer,  and  greatly  more  important  in  its  signifi- 
cance, is  the  visible  impression  it  has  left  on  the 
public  mind  in  the  rebel  States.  With  a  unanimi- 
ty that  was  hardly  to  be  expected,  when  we  consid- 
er the  exasperated  temper  of  the  hour,  the  loyal 
press  has  given  a  nearly  unbroken  testimony  in  op- 
position to  the  policy  attempted  to  be  initiated  by 
the  military  politician  in  South  Carolina.  The  fact 
is  a  most  instructive  one,  and  however  much  we  may 
regret,  for  his  own  credit,  or  for  its  probable  effect 
in  disloyal  communities,  that  Gen.  Hunter  has  al- 
lowed himself  to  be  carried  by  military  caprice  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  discretion,  we  cannot  but  re- 
joice that  he  has  afforded  a  new  occasion  for  the  re- 
iterated expression  of  that  popular  will  which  has 
thus  far  sustained  the  National  Government  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  policy  prescribed  for  it  by  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  laws.  They  greatly  mistake  the 
American  people  who  suppose  that,  even  in  a  time 
like  this,  they  can  be  seduced  from  the  safe  moorings 
of  the  Constitution,  to  launch  on  the  shoreless  sea  of 
a  military  despotism. — National  Intelligencer. 

The  President's  flat  rebuke  of  General  Hunter 
and  the  semi-official  exposition  of  the  National  In- 
telligencer, which  we  publish  to-day,  cannot  but  cre- 
ate fresh  hope,  and  give  a  new  and  needed  assur- 
ance to  the  conservative  and  patriotic  men  of  the 
nation.  The  exposition  is  an  unvarnished,  solid  and 
timely  presentation  anew  of  the  pledges  given  by 
the  Government  as  to  the  simple  object  of  the  war  ; 
and  the  stand  of  the  President,  declaring  the  order 
of  this  abolition  General  null  and  void,  and  forbid- 
ding Generals  in  future  from  issuing  more  such  non- 
sense, must  meet  the  hearty  approval  of  every  true 
friend  of  the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  Let  us 
hope  that  this  action  may  stay  the  tide  of  radicalism, 
and,  at  least,  teach  our  ambitiously  political  Generals 
to  confine  themselves  to  their  legitimate  duties. — 
Boston  Post. 


tltttiaut. 


THE  DEATH  OF  SLAVERY.  THE  LIFE  OF 
THE  NATION. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  HENRY  WILSON, 

OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 

Delivered  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  May  1,  1862,  on  the  Bill 
to  Confiscate  the  Property  and  Free  the  Slaves  of 
Rebels. 

The  Senate  having  resumed  the  consideration  of 
the  bill  (S.  No.  151)  to  confiscate  the  property  and 
free  the  slaves  of  rebels — 

Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  strikeout 
the  sixth  section  of  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Vermont,  and,  in  lieu  of  it,  to  insert: 

Sec.  6.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  any  State 
or  part  thereof  in  which  the  inhabitants  have  by  the 
President  been  heretofore  declared  in  a  state  of  insur- 
rection, the  President  is  hereby  authorized  and  requir- 
ed, for  the  speedy  and  more  effectual  suppression  of 
said  insurrection,  within  thirty  days  after  the  passage 
of  tliis  act,  by  proclamation  to  fix  and  appoint  a  day 
when  all  persons  holden  to  service  or  labor  in  any 
Buch  State  or  part  thereof,  whose  service  or  labor  is 
by  the  law  or  custom  of  said  State  due  to  one  who,  af- 
ter the  passage  of  this  act,  shall  levy  war  or  participate 
in  insurrection  against  the  United  States,  or  give  aid 
to  the  same,  shall  be  free  and  discharged  from  such 
claim  to  labor  or  service  ;  and  thereupon  said  person 
shall  be  forever  free  and  discharged  from  said  labor  or 
service,  any  law  or  custom  of  said  State  to  the  contra- 
ry notwithstanding. 

Mr.  WILSON  said: 

Mr.  President  :  The  Senator  from  Vermont' 
[Mr.  Coi.lamer,]  in  submitting  this  amendment  to 
the  original  bill,  proposes  to  authorize  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  if  in  his  judgment  it  shall  be 
necessary  for  the  more  speedy  suppression  of  this  in- 
surrection, to  appoint  a  day  when  all  persons  held 
to  service  or  labor  in  any  State  whose  inhabitants 


he  has  declared  by  proclamation  to  be  in  a  State  of 
insurrection,  shall  be  declared  free.  That  honora- 
ble Senator,  in  the  course  of  his  speech,  said  that  it 
seemed  to  be  the  principal  object  of  some  of  the  sup- 
porters of  the  original  bill  to  carry  that  provision  of 
the  bill  emancipating  the  slaves  of  rebels;  and,  yes- 
terday, the  Senator  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Carlile] 
alluded  to  and  endorsed  that  declaration.  Now,  sir, 
I  am  free  to  confess  here  that  it  is  with  me  the  chief 
object  of  solicitude.  I  care  something  for  the  con- 
fiscation of  the  property  of  the  leading  rebels;  but  1 
do  not  wish  to  touch  the  property  of  the  masses  of 
the  people.  1  think  the  distinction  is  a  just  one — 
that  the  leaders  should  bs  punished,  and- that  the 
masses  of  the  people  should  feel  that  they  will  be  for- 
given and  protected  if  they  return  to  their  loyalty. 
I  do  not  expect  that  we  shall  realize  any  large 
amount  of  property  by  any  confiscation  bill  that  we 
shall  pass.  After  the  conflict,  when  the  din  of  bat- 
tle has  ceased,  the  humane  and  kindly  and  charita- 
ble feelings  of  the  country  and  of  the  world  will  re- 
quire us  to  deal  gently  with  the  musses  of  the  peo- 
ple who  are  engaged  in  this  rebellion.  It  will  be 
pleaded  that  wives  and  children  will  suffer  for  the 
crimes  of  husbands  and  fathers ;  and  such  appeal; 
will  have  more  or  less  effect  upon  the  future  policy 
of  the  government.  But,  sir,  take  from  rebel  mas- 
ters their  bondmen,  and  from  the  hour  you  do  so  un- 
til the  end  of  the  world,  to  "  the  last  syllable  of  record- 
ed time,"  the  judgment  of  the  country  and  the  judg- 
ment of  the  world  will  sanction  the  act,  and  it  will 
be  stronger  every  day  while  the  world  lasts.  There- 
fore, sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  emancipating  the  slaves  of 
all  the  rebels  who  are  engaged  in  this  rebellion. 

Sir,  with  the  lights  of  to-day,  I  do  not  see  how 
any  man  can  be  for  slavery,  and  at  the  same 
time  be  a  loyal  man.  Slavery  and  treason  this  day 
and  this  hour  in  this  country  are  one  and  the  same. 
Slavery  and  treason  are  synonymous  words.  I  can 
conceive  how  a  man  of  intelligence  and  character 
can  recognize  the  existence  of  slavery,  look  upon  it 
as  it  is,  as  an  evil,  and  yet  not  see  how  it  is  to  be 
abolished  or  when  it  is  to  be  got  rid  of.  I  can  ap- 
preciate the  position  of  such  a  man,  and  I  think  I 
do  appreciate  it.  But,  sir,  how  can  any  man,  look- 
ing over  this  broad  land  to-day,  and  seeing  flashing 
from  every  quarter  of  the  heavens  the  crimes  of  hu- 
man slavery  against  this  country  and  its  institutions, 
how  can  any  man  be  loyal  to  this  country,  and  labor 
to  uphold,  strengthen  and  support  huimn  slavery  in 
America?  It  is  the  cause,  and  the  whole  cause,  of 
this  rebellion.  We  talk  about  Jeff.  Davis,  Slidell, 
Mason  and  Toombs,  and  their  treasonable  confeder- 
ates ;  but  they  are  not  the  cause  of  this  rebellion; 
they  are  simply  the  hands,  the  tools  ;  the  heart,  the 
brain,  the  soul  is  slavery;  the  motive  power  is  slav- 
ery. Slavery  is  the  great  rebel ;  Davis  and  his 
compeers  are  but  its  humble  tools  and  instruments. 

Slavery  for  thirty  years  has  been  hostile  to  and 

gressive  upon  the  free  institutions  of  America. 
There  is  not  a  principle  embodied  in  our  free  in- 
stitutions, there  is  not  an  element  of  our  Govern- 
ment that  elevates  or  blesses  mankind,  there  is  not 
.nything  in  our  Government  or  our  institutions 
worth  preserving,  that  slavery  for  a  generation  has 
not  warred  against  and  upon.  It  smote  down,  thirty 
years  ago,  the  great  right  of  petition  in  these  Halls. 
It  destroyed,  in  large  sections  of  the  country,  the 
constitutional  freedom  of  the  press.  It  suppressed 
freedom  of  speech.  It  corrupted  presses,  churches, 
and  political  organizations.  It  plunged  the  nation 
"nto  a  war  for  the  acquisition  of  slaveholding  terri- 
tory. It  enacted  a  fugitive  slave  law,  inhuman,  un- 
christian, disgraceful  to  the  country  and  to  the  age. 
It  repealed  the  prohibition  of  slavery  over  half  a 
million  square  miles  in  the  central  regions  of  the 
continent.  It  seized  the  ballot-boxes  in  Kansas,  it 
usurped  the  government  of  the  Territory,  it  enacted 
inhuman  and  unchristian  laws,  it  made  a  slave  con- 
stitution and  attempted  to  force  it  on  a  free  people, 
it  bathed  the  virgin  sods  of  that  magnificent  Terri- 
tory with  the  blood  of  civil  war.  It  mobbed,  flogged, 
elled,  and  sometimes  murdered  Christian  men 
and  women  in  the  slaveholding  States  for  no  offence 
against  law,  humanity,  or  religion.  It  turned  the 
hearts  of  large  masses  of  men  against  their  brethren, 
against  the  institutions  of  their  country,  against  the 
glorious  old  flag  and  the  Constitution  of  their  fathers. 
It  has  now  plunged  this  nation  into  this  unholy  re- 
bellion, into  this  gigantic  civil  war  that  rends  the 
country,  and  stains  our  waters  and  reddens  our  fields 
with  fraternal  blood. 

Sir,  I  never  see  a  foyal  soldier  upon  a  cot  of  sick- 
ness, sorrow,  or  death,  without  feeling  that  slavery 
has  laid  him  there.  I  never  gaze  upon  the  wounds 
of  a  loyal  soldier  fallen  in  support  of  the  flag  of  the 
Republic,  without  feeling  that  slavery  inflicted  those 
wounds  upon  him.  1  never  see  a  loyal  soldier, 
wounded  and  maimed,  hobbling  through  your  streets, 
without  feeling  that  he  was  wounded  and  maimed 
by  slavery.     I  never  gaze  upon  the  lowly  grave  of 

loyal  soldier  dying  for  the  cause  of  bis  country, 
ithout  feeling  that  he  was  murdered  by  slavery. 
I  never  see  a  mourning  wife  or  sorrowing  children, 
without  realizing  that  slavery  has  made  that  mourn- 
ing wife  a  widow,  and  those  sorrowing  children  or- 
phans. Sir,  all  these  sacrifices  of  property,  of  health, 
of  life,  all  this  sorrow,  agony  and  death,  now  upon  us, 
are  born  of  slavery.  Slavery  is  the  prolific  mother 
of  all -these  woes  that  blight  our  land  and  fill  the 
heart  of  our  people  with  sorrows. 

Slavery  pronounced  long  ago  against  the  free  ele- 
ments of  our  popular  institutions;  it  scoffed  at  the 
Declaration  of  Independence ;  it  pronounced  free 
society  a  failure;  it  jeered  and  sneered  at  the  labor- 
ing masses  as  mudsills  and  white  slaves.  Scoffing  at 
everything  which  tended  to  secure  the  rights  and 
enlarge  the  privileges  of  mankind,  it  has  pronounced 
against  the  existence  of  democratic  institutions  in 
America.  Proud,  domineering,  defiant,  it  has  pro- 
nounced agafcist  the  supremacy  of  the  Government, 
the  unity  and  life  of  the  nation,  Sir,  slavery  is.  the 
enemy,  the  clearly  pronounced  enemy  of  the  coun- 
try. Slavery  is  the  only  clearly  pronounced  enemy 
our  country  has  on  God's  earth.  There  it  stands. 
Hate  is  in  its  heart,  scorn  in  its  eye,  defiance  in  its 
mien.  It  hates  our  cherished  institutions,  despises 
our  people,  defies  our  Government.  Slavery  is  the 
great  rebel,  the  giant  criminal,  the  murderer  striv- 
ing with  bloody  hands  to  throttle  our  Government 
and  destroy  our  country.  Senators  may  talk  round 
it  if  they  please,  they  may  scold  at  its  agents  and  de- 
nounce its  tools.  I  care  little  about  its  agents  or  its 
tools.  I  think  not  of  Davis  and  his  compeers  in  crime; 
1  look  at  the  thing  itself,  to  the  great  rebel  with 
hands  dripping  with  the  blood  of  my  murdered 
countrymen.  I  give  the  criminal  no  quarter.  If  I, 
with  the  lights  I  have,  could  utter  a  won!  or  giv«  a 
vote  to  continue  for  one  moment  the  life  of  the 
great  rebel  that  is  now  striking  at  the  vitals  of  my 
country,  I  should  feel  that  I  was  a  traitor  to  my  na- 
tive land  and  deserved  a  traitor's  doom.  Sir,  I  be- 
lieve that  every  word  spoken  in  Congress,  or  out  of 
Congress,  every  act  that  continues,  strengthens,  or 
keeps  tho  breath  of  life  in  human  slavery  in  America, 
is  against  the  existence  and  perpetuity  of  demo- 
cratic institutions — against  the  dignity  of  the  toil- 
ing millions  of  my  country — against  the  peace,  the 
honor,   the  glory,  and  the  life  of  the  nation. 

Sir,   slavery    being   tho   criminal,    slavery  being 


the  )"'hel,  it  should  be  stricken  down  through  the 
agents  i^.  employs.  It  has  its  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  rebels  in  arms  against  the  country.  To  punish 
its  instruments,  I  will  strike  at  it  and  destroy  it  if  I 
can.  I  believe  that  we  have  a  constitutional  right 
to  free  the  slaves  of  rebel  masters,  and  I  think  it 
would  be  a  crime  against  my  country  if  I  did  not 
give  a  vote  to  free  the  slaves  of  every  rebel  on  this 
continent.  If  this  Congress  adjourns  without  put- 
ting upon  the  statute-book  of  the  country  an  act  to 
free  the  slaves  of  every  rebel  in  the  United  States,  I 
believe  it  will  be  false  and  recreant  to  the  cause  of 
the  country. 

I  believe  it  Is  policy  to  emancipate  the  slaves  of 
rebels.  Gentlemen  tell  us  that  they  do  not  see  suc- 
cess in  this  direction.  I  do  not  see  success  in  any 
other  direction.  I  expect  the  armies  to  win  bril- 
liant victories.  I  have  no  doubt  of  success,  either 
on  the  Mississippi  or  at  Yorktown,  under  Halleck  or 
McClellan.  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  brave 
men  whose  hearts  are  burning  with  love  of  liberty 
and  of  country,  and  hatred  of  this  criminal  that  is 
striving  to  destroy  the  Republic,  will,  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  smite  down  its  agents  on  land  or  wave. 
Victory  I  am  sure  will  flash  upon  the  banners  of  the 
Republic. 

I  believe  that  we  are  to  win  victories,  but  how 
are  we  to  change  the  hearts  of  the  masses  of  men 
that  have  plunged  into  this  rebellion  ?  What  made 
them  hate  the  people  of  this  country  ?  What  made 
them  jeer  at  the  toiling  millions  of  the  free  States 
as  "mudsills"  of  society?  What  made  them  scoff 
at  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  at  the  free 
institutions  that  do  not  pull  down  the  highest  to  el- 
evate the  lowly  ?  What  made  them  hate  the 
old  flag  of  our  country  ?  What  made  them  raise 
their  hands  for  the  overthrow  of  our  institutions,  the 
destruction  of  this  government  and  this  nation  ? 
Slavery  made  them  do  it.  .  It  was  slavery,  nothing 
more,  nothing  less,  that  perverted  their  hearts,  cloud- 
ed their  reason,  blinded  their  consciences,  and  made 
them  traitors.  Just  in  proportion  to  the  strength 
of  slavery  in  any  locality  in  the  country  is  the  hate 
of  the  people  against  our  institutions,  our  Govern- 
ment, and  our  people;  and  so  long  as  slavery  shall 
live,  so  long  as  it  shall  have  vitality,  so  long  as  it 
shall  be  an  institution  to  be  nurtured  and  strength- 
ened, upheld  and  sustained,  so  long  as  it  shall  be  an 
element  of  power  on  this  continent,  just  so  long  will 
the  people  now  in  rebellion  against  the  Government 
hate  our  people  and  hate  our"  country.  An  intelli- 
gent man  who  believes  in  slavery,  who  would  strength- 
en and  spread  it,  who  would  nurture  it,  who  would 
make  it  an  element  of  political  power,  cannot  love 
the  democratic  institutions  of  this  country;  he  can- 
not love,  the  country  itself.  It  is  an  impossibility, 
a  moral  impossibility. 

You  have  all  cast  your  eyes  over  the  country  in 
rebellion.  Where  live  the  loyal  men  ?  In  Western 
Virginia,  in  eastern  Tennessee,  in  western  North 
Carolina,  in  Missouri,  in  the  mountain  regions  where 
there  are  few  slaves.  There  you  have  men  who  are 
not  seduced  or  conquered  by  slavery  ;  men  who  yet 
love  our  institutions,  love  our  Government,  love  our 
people,  love  our  old  flag.  But  wherever  slavery  is 
strong,  it  has  seduced,  subdued,  or  conquered  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  made  them  disloyal  against  the 
country ;  and  they  will  hate  us  so  long  as  slavery  is 
a  power  on  earth. 

Sir,  easting  aside  all  regard  for  the  bondman, 
looking  at  this  question  simply  in  the  light  of  action 
for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  future  harmony  and  repose  of  the  coun- 
try, I  believe  it  is  our  duty  to  destroy  the  cause 
that  has  changed  the  hearts  of  millions  of  our  people. 
Destroy  slavery,  and  you  take  from  the  heart  of  that 
people  the  sole  motive  for  hating  us  and  hating  our 
country.  When  they  shall  see  that  the  cause  of  all 
their  hate  and  disloyalty  lies  low  in  the  dust,  they 
will  rise  again  and  support  your  institutions  and 
your  Government,  and  be  proud  again  to  recognize 
the  flag  of  their  country.  Slavery  has  intoxicated 
and  maddened  the  people  of  the  slaveholding  States. 
Take  the  cup  from  the  trembling  hand  of  the  drunk- 
ard who  is  ready,  in  his  delirium,  to  smite  down  wife 
and  child,  and  the  drunkard  will  be  a  man  again, 
and  love  and  protect  that  wife  and  child.  Strike 
the  chains  from  the  limbs  of  the  slaves  of  rebel  mas- 
ters, and  those  masters  will  become  loyal  again,  ready 
to  pour  out  their  blood  for  the  institutions  they  now 
hate  and  the  Government  they  so  madly  assail. 

Every  hour  of  thought  and  reflection  brings  me 
to  the  conclusion  that  death  to  slavery  is  life  to  the 
Republic.  Believing  this,  I  think  it  is  our  duty  to 
walk  up  to  the  extreme  verge  of  our  constitutional 
power,and  I  would  go  no  further,  but  I  would  walk  up 
to  the  extreme  verse  of  our  constitutional  power  to  de- 
stroy slavery.  If  there  is  a  doubt,  I  would  not  give 
that  doubt  to  slavery,  but  I  would  give  that  doubt 
to  my  country.  If  1  have  any  doubts  on  these  points, 
I  give  the  doubts  in  favor  of  my  country  against  sla- 
very, and  not  for  slavery  against  my  country.  But, 
sir,  I  have  no  doubt.  We  have  a  right  to  take  the 
life,  take  the  property,  and  free  the  slaves  of  every 
rebel  on  this  continent.  While  I  would  not  take 
the  lives  of  many,  if  any,  while  I  would  not  take  the 
property  of  more  than  the  leaders,  I  would  take  the 
bondman  from  every  rebel  on  the  continent,  and  in 
i?<*ing  it  I  should  have  the  sanction  of  my  own  judg- 
ment, the  sanction  of  the  enlightened  world,  the 
sanction  of  the  coming  ages,  and  the  blessings  of  Al- 
mighty God.  Every  day,  while  the  world  stands, 
the  act  would  be  approved  and  applauded  by  the 
human  heart  all  over  the  globe.  . 

Sir,  it  seems  to  me  our  duty  is  as  clear  as  tbe 
track  of  the  sun  across  the  heavens,  and  that  duty 
is,  before  the  adjournment  of  this  Congress  to  lay 
low  in  the  dust  under  our  feet,  so  that  iron  heels 
will  rest  upon  it,  this  great  rebel,  this  giant  criminal, 
this  guilty  murderer,  that  is  warring  upon  the  exist- 
ence of  the  country.  It  is  in  our  power  to  do  it, 
and  we  ought  to  meet  it;  and  I  must  confess  that  I 
have  no  sort  of  respect  for  any  of  those  doubts  that 
have  been  thrown  out  during  this  session  of  Con- 
gress, in  regard  to  this  policy  of  freeing  the  slaves  of 
rebel    masters. 

Why,  sir,  I  remember  from  the  time  the  flag  of  re- 
bellion was  raised,  that  every  act  of  the  Government 
to  uphold  its  authority  has  been  denounced  in  Con- 
gress and  out  of  Congress  as  offensive  to  the  rebels. 
We  could  not  propose  anything  to  sustain  the  au- 
thority of  the  Government  without  being  told,  "  Oh, 
you  will  offend  the  loyal  men  of  tho  border  States, 
and  you  will  exasperate  the  rebels."  We  disregard- 
ed it  in  many  cases,  and  this  country  has  lost  many 
lives  and  millions  of  .dollars  because  we  did  not  dis- 
regard it  in  the  commencement,  and  boldly  act  up 
to  our  constitutional  obligations.  Last  summer, 
when  it  was  proposed  to  free  tho  slaves  who  had 
actually  been  employed  by  their  masters  with  arms 
in  their  hands  to  smite  down  our  brethren,  we  were 
told,  "  It  will  not  do:  you  will  offend  these  rebels; 
you  will  unite  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  the  slave 
States  against  you  ;  you  will  offend  the  loyal  border 
State  men."  Well,  sir,  we  passed  the  act  in  spite 
of  these  doubts,  and  it  is  the  law  of  the  land  to-dav. 
I  only  regret  that  it  is  not  more  faithfully  executed 
by  the  Government  and  by  the  military  men  in  the 
service  of  the  Government.  When  we  proposed  to 
abolish  slavery  in  this  District  the  other  day,    we 


were  told  it  would  not  do;  we  should  unite  the 

hearts  of  traitors  against  the  country  and  strengthen 
their  hands,  and  it  would  be  a  rock  of  offence  before 
our  border  State  men.  We  passed  the  bill,  and 
this  day  andthis  hour  thirteen  thousand  black  men 
in  this  District  in  their  churches  are  offering  up 
prayers  to  Almighty  God  for  blessings  on  us  forthat 
beneficent  act.  Sir,  every  movement  we  make,  ev- 
ery proposition  we  make,  we  are  met  by  this  same 
talk  about  giving  offence  to  rebels.  I  do  not  fear 
these  rebels.  Our  bayonets  will  be  as  bright  and  as 
sharp  after  we  act  upon  this  subject  as  they  are  now. 
Sir,  every  day  that  slavery  stands,  every  moment 
that  it  breathes  the  breath  of  life  in  all  its  power, 
there  stands  an  enemy  that  can  never  love  our  peo- 
ple, our  institutions,  or  our  Government.  It  is  a 
moral  impossibility.  Then  destroy  it,  and  when  it 
is  gone  will  come  back  the  old  sentiments  of  the 
Washingtons  and  the  Jeffersons  and  the  great  men 
of  the  revolutionary  era  in  the  slaveholding  States. 
Then  will  come  back  the  love  for  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  for  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  free  institutions  that  adorn,  bless,  and 
elevate  the  masses  of  mankind.  Then  will  come 
back  the  reverence  for  the  glorious  memories  of  the 
past.  Then  will  come  back  the  love  for  the  stars 
and  stripes  of  our  country.  Then  will  come  back 
feeling  of  amazement  and  of  shame  that  men  wei  _ 
so  perverted  by  the  monster  slavery  as  to  imbrue 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  countrymen.  Re- 
bels will  come  back  with  a  feeling  of  rep'entance  for 
these  crimes  against  their  country.  Then,  when 
slavery  is  stricken  down,  they  will  come  back  again, 
and  offer  their  hands,  red  though  they  be  with  the 
blood  of  our  brethren,  and  we  shall  forgive  the  past, 
take  them  to  our  bosoms,  and  be  again -one  people. 
But,  Senators,  keep  slavery;  let  it  stand;  shrink 
from  duty ;  let  men  whose  hands  are  stained  with 
the  blood  of  our  countrymen,  whose  hearts  are  dis- 
loyal to  our  country,  hold  fast  to  the  chains  that 
bind  three  millions  of  men  in  bondage,  and  we  shall 
have  an  enemy  to  hate  us,  ready  to  seize  on  all  fit 
opportunities  to  smite  down  all  that  we  love,  and 
again  to  raise  their  disloyal  hands  against  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Republic.  Sir,  I  believe  this  to  be 
as  true  as  the  Holy  Evangelist  of  Almighty  God, 
and  nothing  but  the  prejudices  of  association  on  the 
one  side,  or  timidity  on  the  other,  can  hold  us  back 
from  doing  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  country  in  this 
crisis. 

The  Senator  from  Vermont  has  proposed  in  his 
amendment  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  whenever  he  shall  believe  it  necessary  for 
the  suppression  of  this  rebellion,  to  issue  his  procla- 
mation declaring  the  slaves  of  rebels  free.  This  pro- 
position gives  up  the  whole  question.  If  I  under- 
stand it,  it  is  a  full  concession.  It  concedes-  the 
right  of  this  Congress  to  authorize  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  emancipate  the  slaves  of  rebels 
in  all  the  States  where  he  has  made  proclamation 
that  the  people  are  in  insurrection.  I  accept  it,  sir ; 
and  if  Congress  has  the  right  to  authorize  the  Presi- 
dent to  issue  a  proclamation  emancipating  these 
slaves,  if,  in  his  judgment,  he  believes  it  necessary, 
then  Congress  has  the  right  to  authorize  and  require 
the  President  to  do  it,  if  Congress  believes  it  neoes- 
sary  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  that  such 
a  proclamation  shall  be  issued.  The  Senator  from 
Vermont  has  laid  down  a  doctrine  upon  which 
we  can  stand ;  and  therefore  I  propose  to  amend 
his  proposition,  and  not  allow  any  discretion  any- 
where but  in  the  law,  and  let  the  law  say  that, 
for  the  more  speedy  and  efficient  suppression 
of  this  rebellion,  the  President  shall  be  authorized 
and  required  to  issue  his  proclamation.  We  decide 
that  question  for  ourselves.  With  the  lights  that 
are  flashing  upon  us  this  day,  how  can  we  doubt  for 
a  moment?  If  the  Senate  will  sustain  the  amend- 
ment I  have  proposed,  we  shall  require  the  President, 
thirty  days  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  for  the 
speedy  and  more  effectual  suppression  of  this  rebel- 
lion, to  issue  a  proclamation  declaring  the  slaves  of 
rebels  in  these  States,  and  parts  of  States,  free.  I 
hope  the  Senate  will  thus  amend  this  proposition,  so 
that  we  shall  leave  nothing  to  accident,  nothing  to 
contingencies.  With  the  Tights  of  to-day,  let  us  meet 
the  responsibilities  of  to-day,  and  do  our  whole  duty. 
I  feel,  sir,  that  if  we  adjourn,  if  we  go  hence  with- 
out putting  upon  the  statute-book  of  our  country  a 
law  declaring  the  slaves  of  rebels  free  men,we  shall  be 
guilty  of  the  blood  of  the  brave  men  who  are  to  up- 
hold the  flag  of  our  country  in  the  hot  and  sickly 
climes  of  the  South.  Many  of  them  lie  to-day  in 
humble  graves  in  tbe  land  of  strangers.  Many  of 
them  are  now  marching  to  the  far  South.  They  are 
to  die  by  thousands  with  the  disease  and  sickness  of 
the  climate.  They  are  to  perish  by  thousands  on 
battle-fields.  Shall  we  permit  this  power  to  stand 
in  front  of  them,  ready  to  overwhelm  them?  Shall 
we  permit  this  power  to  stand  unbroken,  because 
we  are  afraid  of  offending  timid  or  doubting  men? 
Sir,  I  care  for  the  blood  of  the  brave  men  from  my 
State,  from  the  loyal  part  of  the  country,  who  are 
fighting  this  battle  for  freedom  and  for  national  life. 
Their  lives  are  dearer  to  me  than  tbe  doubtful  con- 
stitutional rights  of  criminals.  We  are  very  tender 
of  the  constitutional  rights  of  crime.  Hardly  a  day 
passes  that  the  constitutional  rights  of  crime  are 
not  illustrated  in  this  Chamber  or  in  the  other  House. 
Sir,  I  joyfully  give  my  vote  and  my  voice  for  the 
cause  of  my  countrymen  and  my  country,  against 
the  great  criminal  that  stands  to-day,  with  bloody 
hands,  ready  to  pull  down  the  institutions  and  de- 
stroy the  existence  of  my  eonntry.  In  thus  acting, 
I  am  cheered  and  sustained  by  the  proud  conscious- 
ness that  I  am  actuated  by  a  patriotism  that  embraces 
our  whole  country,  and  the  present  and  future  wel- 
fare of  the  Republic. 


THE  HOUR   OF  PERIL. 

In  the  memorable  battle  of  Williamsburg,  when 
our  weary  troops  were  contending,  under  great  ex- 
posure, against  superior  numbers,  who  were  well 
protected  by  their  earthworks,  after  hours  of  slaugh- 
ter, the  ammunition  of  part  of  our  forces  gave  out. 
Finding  themselves  unable  to  do  anything,  these  be- 
gan to  retire,  leaving  the  field  in  possession  of  tho 
foe.  Gen.  Heintzleman,  learning  the  fact,  rode  up, 
and  ordered  every  regiment  to  return  to  its  position, 
and  retain  it,  even  though  their  guns  were  empty. 
The  discouraged  men  objected  to  standing  before 
such  superior  numbers  with  empty  rifles,  but  the 
General  was  imperious,  and  tho  gallant  men,  march- 
ing back  to  the  bloody  field,  took  their  stand  in  the 
face  of  a  murderous  lire,  thus  keeping  our  ranks  full, 
and  holding  the  enemy  in  check.  That  tittle  piece 
of  strategy  and  valor  saved  us  a  defeat,  for  mean- 
while the  General  was  dispatching  couriers  for  re- 
inforcements, which  arrived  just  iii  time  to  save  the 
day.  and  make  the  victory  ours. 

The  history  has  a  moral.  Success  depends  more 
upon  valor  than  numbers;  upon  obstinate  persistence 
rather  than  strength.  The  moral  heroes,  now  in  tho 
heat  of  their  conflict,  must  not  fail  to  notice  the  in- 
slnirtive  facts  whieh  history  is  careful  (o  collate,  and 
gather  from  them  the  wisdom  which  is  nowhere  else 
to  be  found.  History  informs  ns  that  Manassas  was 
lost  to  us,  not  by  tho  superiority  of  the  forces  brought 


against  ns,  but  for  want  of  that  persistent  valor  with 
which  Sagonyi  achieved  his  brilliant  triumph  under 
Fremont,  and  Sigelcut  his  way  through  a  surround- 
ing army;  by  which  Grant  stormed  Donelson,  and  for 
want  of  which  Pittsburg  Landing  was  nearly  lost. 
It  is  when  alarm  seizes  upon  men,  and  they  yield  to 
their  fears  rather  than  to  their  foes,  that  defeats  are 
suffered.  Daring  at  the  most  perilous  hour,  and  at 
the  greatest  risk,  has  won  our  brightest  triumphs. 
The  history  of  our  political  struggles  illustrates  the 
same  fact.  Southern  slaveholders,  but  a  handful  in 
number,  have  ruled  this  entire  country  for  sixty 
years,  simply  by  persistent  political  daring.  The 
flourish  of  canes,  bowie-knives,  pistols  and  secession 
threats  have  atone,  all  these  many  years,  held  at  bay 
the  vast  millions  of  Northern  freemen.  We  have 
always  been  strong  enough  to  carry  our  points  and 
compel  submission,  had  we  not  been  frightened  by 
bravado.  Now  that  the  two  powers  are  brought 
face  to  face,  it  is  easily  seen  who  are  most  able  to 
govern  this  country;  and  it  is  well  understood  that 
all  we  need  is  to  go  forward  determined  to  conquer. 
Heintzleman  at  Williamsburg  is  the  type  of  men  who 
must  rule  the  day. 

Thusmuch  saith  history.  The  past,  to  which  it 
refers,  is  safe,  and  we  rejoice  in  the  halo  of  glory 
that  rests  upon  its  brow.  But  the  future,  the  stu- 
pendous future,  lies  before  us  full  of  vast  interests 
yet  at  stake.  Many  of  them  are  physical ;  the  more 
important  are  moral  and  intellectual.  The  greatest 
forces  now  contending  are  not  at  Corinth  or  Rich- 
mond ;  they  are  where  they  have  been  since  the  days 
of  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  the  halls  of  Congress,  the 
public  press,  the  two  elements  of  public  sentiment — 
truth  and  error.  The  contestants  have  been  most 
unequally  matched  in  point  of  numbers,  all  that 
truth  could  rally  on  her  side  being  a  few  almost 
powerless  friends  against  immense  multitudes  of  well- 
trained  foes.  A  small  Garrison  in  Massachusetts, 
that  never  knew  when  it  was  taken  or  whipped, 
and  still  fought  on ;  an  Adams,  "  single-handed  and 
alone,"  against  countless  numbers  in  Washington, 
battling  for  the  right  of  petition,  and  the  power  to 
emancipate  and  confiscate;  a  Lovejoy  in  the  West, 
whose  love  of  joy  was  to  see  others  enjoy  it,  and 
counted  it  joy  to  die  that  they  might;  and  a  John 
Brown,  alone  in  the  mad  crowd  of  Virginia,  with  a 
whole  country  pouring  curses  upon  his  head — these 
are  the  representatives  of  our  long  struggle.  We 
have  succeeded  in  driving  the  Congressional  bullies 
from  Washington,  compelling  them  to  lay  down  in- 
tellectual weapons,  and  resort  to  the  tomahawk  and 
pike ;  the  slave  hounds  have  been  sent  howling  from 
the  fields  of  Massachusetts  to  their  southern  ken- 
nels; the  bondmen  of  Virginia  have  begun  their 
march  to  freedom  in  larger  numbers  than  John 
Brown  expected  to  lead  them.  So  far~ha£e  we 
pressed  the  spirit  of  liberty  and  justice,  that  public 
sentiment  has  been  thoroughly  revolutionized.  The 
people  are  prepared  for  any  measure  of  freedom, 
and  already  Missouri  has  called  a  convention  to  dis- 
cuss emancipation  for  compensation;  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia  and  Florida  are  declared  free. 

But  we  are  met  just  here  by  the  most  determined 
opposition  to  our  further  progress.  The  minions  of 
slavery,  having  recovered  from  the  fright  which 
seized  them  when  traitors  were  cast  into  forts,  and 
under  the  mild  and  accommodating  policy  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  have  assumed  their  old  bullying  style.  Mr. 
Davis  takes  up  a  cast-off  speech  of  former  days  three 
hours  long,  and  tales  of  woe  and  horror  that  flow 
from  emancipation  ;  threatens  resistance  to  the  gov- 
ernment; the  beauties  of  slavery  are  rehearsed 
again ;  the  Abolitionists  are  inveighed  against  as  the 
cause  of  all  our  trouble,  and  as  still  endeavoring  to 
destroy  the  Constitution,  and  drive  the  South  to  such 
desperation  that  they  can  never  again  be  induced  to 
enter  the  Union.  The  army  is  to  be  so  soured  to- 
wards the  blacks  by  prejudice  against  working  or 
fighting  side  by  side  with  them,  that  they  will  lay 
down  their  arms,  rather  than  allow  any  advantages 
to  accrue  to  the  slaves.  The  array  of  hostility  is 
becoming  more  and  more  fierce.  The  bill  passed  in 
one  House  to  allow  blacks  to  carry  the  mails,  is  de- 
feated in  the  other;  and  bitter  opposition  is  shown 
to  the  simplest  justice  of  giving  the  value  of  the 
steamer  Planter' to  her  deliverer,  Small.  The  con- 
fiscation bill,  which  is  to  affect  the  pockets  of  the 
South,  is  dropped,  and  the  tax  bill,  which  affects  al- 
most alone  the  interests  of  the  North,  is  taken  up. 
No  stone  is  to  be  left  unturned  in  efforts  to  put 
things  back  twenty-five  years.  The  President  is  oe- 
leaguercd  day  and  night  to  allow  no  abolition  mea- 
sure to  receive  his  sanction.  The  passage  to  Rich- 
mond is  not  more  beset  with  obstacles  than  the  way 
to  Freedom. 

What  then  is  necessary  to  our  success  ?  We  want 
the  spirit  of  Heintzleman — "  Stand  in  your  places, 
if  your  guns  are  empty."  We  must  have  the  most 
determined  valor,  and  press  on  in  the  very  face  of 
the  enemy's  fire,  though  it  mows  us  down  in  columns. 
In  the  history  of  this  struggle,  courage  and  deter- 
mination were  never  more  imperatively  demanded 
than  at  this  critical  juncture.  If  our  lines  waver; 
if  our  leaders  hesitate;  if  cowards  flee  to  the  rear; 
if  those  who  think  they  can  do  nothing  for  want  of 
ammunition  begin  to  retire  from  their  position,  tho 
enemy  will  soou  see  the  advantage,  and  rush  to  over- 
whelm us  with  defeat.  We  must  not  abate  our 
earnest  demands  upon  the  President  or  Congress. 
Why  should  we  not  be  heard  in  the  White  House  as 
well  as  Kentuekians  and  Tennesseeans  ?  Shall  we 
be  excluded  because  we  have  no  vulgar  threats  to 
make  ?  Shall  our  loyalty  and  desire  for  our  coun- 
try's good  be  the  reason  for  trampling  us  under  foot  ? 
We  must  be  earnest  and  urgent,  and  if  our  claims 
are  not  enforced  by  Southern  bravado,  they  must  be 
by  a  no  less  persistent  and  powerful  determination. 
The  lovers  of  Justice  and  Freedom  must  let  it  be 
known  that  they  demand  an  equal  voice  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  this  government.  There  is  danger 
of  yielding  to  the  length  of  the  struggle.  But  we 
may  never  lay  our  weapons  down  till  victory  perch- 
es on  our  banner.  If  we  must  live  over  the  days  of 
mobs  and  gibbets,  let  them  come  ;  but  to  allow  sla- 
very to  survive  this  war  we  must  never  submit  to, 
cost  what  it  may.  What  we  do  must  bo  done  law- 
fully, but  it  must  be  done.  Nebuchadnezzar  must 
be  led  out  to  oat  grass,  and  kept  there  until  he  ac- 
knowledges that  the  Lord  of  heaven  rules  among 
men.  He  will  doubtless  behave  himself  when  he  re- 
turns.   We  cannot  allow  the  unprincipled  leaden  of 

slavery  amoiiii  US  to  monopolize  courage  at  this  stago 
of  affairs.  Never  were  the  people  so  universally 
anxious  to  see  slavery  blasted  and  swept  away. 
Democrats  and  old  conservatives  bv  scores  are  heard 
to  say.  "  I  was  never  an  Abolitionist,  but  (hey  have 
now  compelled  me  to  be."  Blessed  encouragement  1 
Let  us  seize  the  (lag  of  freedom,  and  rush  forward 
with  words  of  cheer.  Tin'  President's  Proclamation 
must  neither  lull  nor  quell  our  fierv  ardor.  Our 
mission  is  worthy  such  devotion.  We  fight  not  sel- 
fishly \\\r  homes,  but  for  tho  diseiithr;diuent  of  our 
nation  from  every  chain,  and  its  elevation  to  the 
highest  summit  of  earthly  glory  .—American  Baptist. 

J*.-:  "  The  liirlmiond  ICm/uirer,  in  a  long  article  on 
the  danger  of  Richmond,  suggests  that  it" means  the 
City  should  be  given  to  the  fl.imcs  rather  thau  to  tho 
Yankees. 


90 


THE     LIBEEA.TOR 


JUNE  6 


the  ruGiTlvfi  Slave  excitement. 

Washington,  D.  C,  May  £6, 1S62. 
There  will  be  no  end  to  slavery  agitation  till  sla- 
very itself  13  at  an  end.  When  slavery  was  abolish- 
ed in  the  District,  some  sanguine  persons  imagined 
that  the  agitation  of  the  whole  question  was  set  at 
rest.  It  was  not  so.  This  very  day  there  _is  more 
excitement,  more  agitation,  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
"  hBre,  than  there  was  when  slavery  was  defended  by 
the  Statutes  of  the  District.  And  there  should  be 
agitation  here,  for  Washington,  during  the  last  week, 
has  been  turned  into  a  pandemonium.  There  is  not 
a  capital  in  the  world  in  which  such  atrocities  are 
committed  as  those  which  have  made  honest  men 
blush  in  our  streets  during  the  last  few  days.  For 
the  first  time  since  the  war  broke  out,  I  have  de- 
spaired of  success  in  this  war  against  the  rebellion  :— 
it  has  sometimes  during  the  past  week  seemed  as  if 
God  would  not  permit  a  Government  and  people 
who  wink  at  such  things  to  triumph.  Let  me  partic- 
ularize* 

On  Friday  evening,  while  taking  a  leisurely  walk 
Upon  our  great  street,  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  I  saw 
a  white  fiend  pounce  upon  a  young  colored  man, 
■who,  neatly  dressed,  was  passing  up  the  street  with 
his  young  wife.  The  first  act  of  the  officer  was  to 
knock  the  negro  down,  or  nearly  so,  to  prove  the 
white  man's  superiority.  He  then  collared  him,  ev- 
ery now  and  then  shaking  him,  as  if  he  were  a  dog 
Instead  of  a  man.  "  I  am  not  a  slave  ! "  cried  the  vic- 
tim* "  Hold  your  tongue I"  was  the  reply.  The 
poor  wife  followed  crying,  beseeching,  "  Don't  take 
him  off— he  is  not  a  slave.  Where  are  you  taking 
him  to  ?  Don't  strike  him  in  that  way  !  Oh  dear  ! 
Oh  dear !  Oh  dear !  "  Keply  from  the  white  brute  : 
"  Keep  still,  now  mind,  will  you  ?  I'll  arrest  you, 
if  you  don't!"  That  scene  I  witnessed  while  tab: 
in<r  a  little  walk  after  dinner  upon  the  broadway  of 
the  Capital,  and  it  was  but  one  case  out  of  a  hun- 
dred that  have  made  the  last  week  one  of  horrors  in 
the  capital  of  a  country  professing  to  be  Christian 
and  free.  The  shrieks  of  wretched  slaves  have  been 
heard  night  and  morning,  at  noonday  and  at  mid- 
night, until  it  has  become  too  terrible  for  a  man 
with  ordinary  sympathies  to  bear. 

A  few  days  since,  a  Maryland  slaveholder  came 
here,  and  got  out  a  warrant  for  his  fugitive  slave. 
He  succeeded  in  capturing  him,  put  manacles  upon 
his  wrists,  and  just  at  night  started  off  with  him  to 
his  somewhat  distant  home.  In  the  course  of  the 
evening  the  poor  fellow  escaped  the  second  time,  and 
the  master  being  on  horseback  failed  to  capture  him. 
After  repeated  strugales,  the  captive  broke  his 
chains  in  twain,  but  the  links  still  clung  to  his  wrists. 
When  the  next  morning's  sunlight  fell  upon  the 
marble  walls  of  the  Capitol,  it  revealed  a  sight  to 
make  a  man  ashamed  of  home,  country,  Gov 
ernment— almost  of  his  race.  There  sat  the  pant- 
ing negro  on  the  Capitol  steps,  the  iron  links  of  his 
manacles  jingling  against  the  marble  column  upon 
which  he  leaned.  Was  he  guilty  of  any  crime? 
Nothing.  He  simply  desired  to  own  his  own  body 
and  soul,  and  in  attempting  to  assert  this  right  he 
fled  to  the  American  Capitol.  There  was  no  pro- 
tection for  him  there,  and  the  wretched  man  was 
again  recaptured,  and  dragged  off  to  jail. 

If  this  Government  will  protect  such  heaven-de- 
fying atrocities,  does  it  deserve  success  in  the  war  it 
is  waging?  What  act  of  the  Jefferson  Davis  Gov- 
ernment is  any  more  heinous  in  the  sight  of  God 
than  the  seizure  of  innocent  men  and  women  by  the 
agents  of  the  Government  that  they  may  be  return- 
ed to  slavery  ? 

Congress  is  mainly  responsible  for  this.  It  can  re- 
peal the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  If  it  does  not;  then 
we  have  the  confession  before  the  world,  that  under 
the  Constitution  every  voter  in  the  free  States  is 
"  made  directly  responsible  for  the  worst  outrages  of 
slavery. 

Gen.  Wadsworth,  the  Military  Governor  of  the 
District,  is  an  enemy  of  slavery.  Naturally  enough, 
he  has  come  in  collision  with  Marshal  Lamon,  who; 
is  returning  the  fugitives.  The  Governor  attempt?  ' 
to  protect  such  slaves  as  have  come  to  him  from  reb- 
el masters  for  protection.  On  Thursday  night  _tln 
Governor  and  the  Marshal  came  into  open  collision. 
The  Marshal  threw  a  slave  woman  into  the  city  jail 
who  possessed  a  written  pass,  signed  by  the  Military 
Governor.  The  Governor  sent  a  squad  of  soldiers, 
and  took  her  out  of  the  jail.  Arrests  were  made  on 
both  sides — by  the  soldiers  and  by  the  police.  The 
President  being  absent  from  town,  the  case  was  not 
conclusively  settled. 

The  principle  involved  is  an  important  one. 
"Shall  law  be  executed  here?"  asks  the  pro-sla- 
very maBr-  "  Is  a  slaveholder's  right  to  capture  run- 
aw  ay  "slaves  here  superior  to  a  white  man's  right  to 
his  liberty?"  asks  the  anti-slavery  man,  and  with 
much  propriety.  The  Government  arrests  a  white 
citizen  here,  and  throws  him  into  the  military  prison. 
He  attempts  to  sue  out  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and 
the  President  orders  the  Military  Governor  to  re? 
fuse  admittance  to  the  civil  officers.  This  is  all 
Gen.  Wadsworth  claims  respecting  fugitive  slaves. 
When  a  slave  having  come  from  a  rebellious  district 
obtains  his  military  protection,  he  does  not  wish  the 
civil  officers  to  interfere.  But  enough  upon  thisab 
sorbing  subject  at  the  present  time. 

Senator  Wilson  has  introduced  an  admirable  bill 
into  the  Senate,  modifying  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law. 
His  bill  permits  only  loyal  masters  to  lay  claim  to  a 
runaway  slave  under  the  law,  and  even  then  the 
slave  must  have  a  jury  trial,  both  slave  and  master 
being  permitted  to  give  evidence  in  the  case.  These. 
are  the  most  important  points  of  the  reform  he  pro- 
poses, and  as  such  an  amendment  to  the  existing  law 
would  make  it  less  harsh  and  unbearable,  would  set 
many  slaves  free,  in  its  practical  operations,  who  are 
now  caught  by  rebel  and  dishonest  masters,  it  will  be 
welcomed.  Let  us  hope,  however,  that  the  day  is 
at  hand  when  slaves  cannot  be  captured  here  at  all, 
under  any  circumstances. — Corr.  N.  Y.  Independent. 


No  man  in  the  Republic,  loyal  or  disloyal,  has  a 
constitutional  right  to  recover  a  fugitive  slave  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  The  Constitution,  if  it  pro- 
vides at  all  for  the  return  of  fugitives,  expressly 
specifies  those,  and  those  only,  who  escape  from  one 
State  into  another  State.  It  makes  no  provision  for 
tie  recapture  of  slaves  escaping  out  of  a  S(a(e  iuA 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Long  ago,  the  Supreme 
Court  decided  that  the  District,  was  not  to  be  regard- 
ed, in  any  sense,  as  a  State.  To  return  a  fugitive, 
therefore,  who  escapes  within  the  ten  miles  square 
of  the  capital,  is  an  act  unwarranted  by  the  Consti- 
tution. It  casts  a  human  body  as  a  gratuitous  sac- 
rifice, under  the  wheel  of  the  great  Juggernaut. 

The  whole  subject  has  gone  up  to  the  Supreme 
Court.  That  Court,  a  few  years  ago,  brought 
shame  upon  itself  by  being  false  to  liberty.  It  has 
now  a  chance  to  atone  for  its  great  offence,  and  to 
retrieve  its  lost  reputation.  Let  it  now,  for  once, 
give  judgment  according  to  justice  1 — N.  Y.  In- 
dependent. 


®fte&ift**»t0** 


BOSTON,   TODAY,  JUNE  6,  1832. 


THE  CONVENTION. 


ON  THE  STEPS  OE  THE  CAPITOL. 


Not  long  ago,  the  nation  was  thrilled  by  a  message 
over  the  electric  wire,  announcing  that  Congress  had 
triunphantly  passed  the  bill  abolishing  slavery  in  til 
District  of  Columbia.  In  a  few  days,  another  mes- 
sage sped  after  it,  creating  equal  enthusiasm,  bear- 
in"  tidings  that  the  President  had  given  the  act  the 
sanction  which  made  it  a  solemn  law  of  the  land. 
Bells  were  rung  and  cannon  fired.  The  fetters  of 
three  thousand  slaves  were  broken.  The  national 
Capitol  stood  on  free  soil. 

But  a  sudden  shadow  has  since  fallen  upon  this 
general  rejoicing.  Liberty  has  been  stung  with 
suit  in  the  very  place  of  her  triumph.  The  District 
of  Columbia  has  been  turned  into  a  spacious  slave- 
jail.  The  National  Capitol  stands  not  yet  upon 
free  soil. 

The  telegraph,  within  a  few  days  past,  has  been 
busy  with  stories  from  Washington  of  attempts  at  re- 
capturing fugitive  slaves,  and  returning  them  to 
bondage  in  the  neighboring  stave  States.  Disgrace- 
ful scenes  have  been  witnessed  in  that  city.  Riot  has 
reigned  in  the  streets.  The  military  power,  admin- 
istered by  Gen.  Wadsworth,  came  in  collision  with 
the  civil  power,  administered  by  Marshal  Lamon. 
The  soldiers  took  sides  with  the  slaves;  the  Mar- 
shal's deputies  with  their  masters.  Among  the  in- 
cidents was  one  which  no  man  who  loves  liberty  "and 
hates  injustice  ought  to  read  without  a  blush  of  min- 
gled shame  and  indignation.  The  telegraph,  on 
Friday,  said : 

"  A  fur/Hive  slave,  pursued  by  the  law-officers,  ran 
vp  die  steps  of  the  Capitol,  "-ilk  his  maiMnlns  upon  him." 

Our  Washington  correspondent,  whose  letter  is 
on  another  page,  gives  the  horrible  details  of  the 
story,  showing  how  the  panting  negro  was  seized 
by  his  pursuers,  dragged  down  the  steps  and  hurried 
away  to  the  slave-jail. 

Is  it  possible  that  such  a  deed  can  be  perpetrated, 
and  not  be  branded  by  the  nation  as  a  disgrace  ? 
When  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world  are  thus  drawn 
to  the  most  conspicuous  spot  on  the  American  conti- 
nent, by  the  spectacle  of  so  unhallowed  an  act,  shall 
a  Christian  people  look  on  quietly,  and  smother 
their  righteous  indignation  ?  Now  that  slavery,  no 
longer  content  with  crushing  the  slave,  seeks  at  last 
to  crush  the  nation,  shall  the  Government,  in  in 
high  places,  still  be  an  obedient  servant,  bowing  its 
humble  compliance  at  the  beck  of  the  slave  power? 
How  much  longer  shall  we  add  sin  to  folly  by  tram- 

fling  on  justice  for  the  sake  of  aiding  our  enemies  ? 
f  the  Government  has  a  conscience,  let  this  act 
sting  it  to  the  quick. 

The  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  District 
Court  to  consider  the  claims  of  the  masters  of  es- 
caped slaves  have  outraged  public  justice  and  the 
spirit  of  patriotism  by  refusing  to  admit  evidence  to 
prove  the  disloyalty  of  the  claimants,  A  confessed 
traitor,  serving  in  the  rebellion,  if  his  slave  escape 
into  the  hands  of  these  Commissioners,  finds  no  ob- 
stacle in  the  way  of  recovering  him.  Wefoan  im- 
agine how  this  decision  will  be  gratifying  to  our  en- 
emies, but  not  how  it  is  honorable  to  ourselves. 


.  The  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Convention,  the  re- 
port of  which  appears  in  this  paper,  was  one  of  the 
most  interesting  and  satisfactory  gatherings  which  the 
cause  has  ever  witnessed  in  Boston. 

To  speak  of  minor  matters  first,  the  place  of  assem- 
blage was  well  chosen,  being  central,  commodious, 
well  ventilated,  graceful  in  aspect  and  proportions, 
and  removed  from  all  sound  of  travel  and  business. 
Though  not  large  enough  for  the  sessions  best  attend- 
ed, it  comfortably  accommodated  the  majority  of  them, 
and  the  convenience  of  having  ail  the  meetings  in  one 
place  overbalances  even  the  advantage  of  having  one 
or  two  great  gatherings  elsewhere.  It  should  certain- 
ly be  engaged  in  season  for  future  meetings. 

The  audience  was  a  highly  satisfactory  one.  The 
fast  friends  of  the  cause,  old  and  young,  assembled  as 
usual  from  city  and  country,  some  of  them  from  dis- 
tant States"  And  it  needs  not  lie  said  that  the  interest 
of  these  friends  remains  unabated  in  a  reform  which 
has  of  late  made  such  accelerated  and  triumphant  pro- 
gress. As  these  veterans  met,  after  a  year's  separa- 
tion, for  pleasant  converse  and  mutual  counsel,  one  of 
the  first  and  most  constant  topics  of  remark  was  the 
wonderful,  wonderful,  wonderful  change  that  has  taken 
place  in  our  national  affairs.  Astonishing  indeed  is 
this  change.  For,  next  to  what  we  should  most  de- 
sire, a  voluntary  action  of  the  President  and  Congress, 
the  army,  the  navy  and  the  people  against  slavery,  is 
what  we  now  see,  their  commencing  and  increasing 
action  in  the  same  direction,  under  the  pressure  of 
irresistible  necessity.  Seeking  to  convert  men,  we 
have  pointed  out  the  path  they  ought  to  walk  in.  Well 
may  we  rejoice  when,  in  spite  of  their  continued  re- 
fusal, we  see  the  imperative  voice  of  God's  providence 
compelling  them  to  walk  in  it. 

As  to  that  portion  of  the  audience  which,  not  be- 
longing to  the  Convention,  simply  accepted  its  invita- 
tion to  hear  and  learn,  it  was  never,  in  any  of  our 
gatherings,  more  attentive,  serious  and  earnest.  The 
hearers  were  always  ready  in  advance  of  the  hour  ap- 
pointed for  opening  the  meeting;  and  throughout  all 
the  sessions  was  seen  the  evidence  of  deeply  interested 
attention.  Frequent  and  hearty  applause,  with  occa- 
sional marks  of  dissent  from  the  thought  expressed, 
greeted  many  of  the  speakers ;  but  not  a  single  intima- 
tion appeared,  from  beginning  to  end,  of  a  wish  to  dis- 
turb the  meeting ;  and  only  on  one  occasion,  when  but 
little  time  remained  before  the  inexorable  cars  would 
callthe  out-of-town  hearers  away,  was  there  a  speci- 
men of  the  indecorum,  so  common  in  political  meet- 
ings, of  interrupting  a  speaker,  new  on  that  platform, 
by  clamoring  for  an  old  favorite.  In  this  case,  those 
who  interfered  had  not  the  excuse  of  dulness,  or  ir- 
relevance, or  insufficiency  of  any  sort,  on  the  part  of 
the  speaker;  for  no  address  delivered  in  the  Conven- 
tion was  more  admirable  in  matter  and  manner,  more 
pertinent  to  the  crisis  now  passing,  or  more  suited  to 
instruct  the  abolitionists  themselves,  than  that  which 
was  thus  interrupted. 

A  large  proportion  of  the  speeches  made  in  this  Con- 
vention were  of  a  high  order  of  excellence.  Even 
men  and  women  so  accustomed  to  impressive  and  in- 
spiring eloquence  as  the  abolitionists  had  a  rich  and 
rare  treat.  And  they  had  a  right  to  say,  as  many  did 
say,  and  more  felt,  that  even  the  old  champions  of  the 
cause,  the  pioneers,  leaders,  agents,  who  for  a  Jong 
series  of  years  have  been  accustomed  to  address  the 
New  England  Convention,  and  to  raise  expectations 
which  only  the  highest  powers  could  satisfy,  never  did 
better;  never  uttered  more  timely  and  momentous 
truths,  never  expressed  them  with  an  eloquence  more 
convincing. 

Besides  these  accustomed  speakers,  the  audience 
listened  with  great  pleasure  to  the  remarks  of  1 
Anna  E.  Dickinson,  of  Philadelphia,  who  has  for 
eral  weeks  past  been  laboring  in  various  parts  of  New 
England,  under  the  direction  of  the  General  Agent  of 
the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  whose  youth 
gives  promise  of  good  service  in  various  departments 
of  reform ;  and  the  addresses  of  Aaron  M.  Powell,  of 
Ghent,  N.  Y.,  and  of  Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose,  of  New 
York  city,  in  regard  to  the  necessities  of  the  present 
time,  and  to  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which 
reform  should  at  all  times  be  conducted,  were  of  the 
highest  order  of  excellence. 

The  eloquence  enjoyed  on  this  occasion  was  not  that 
of  formal  addresses  merely,  but  of  animated  and  ex- 
citing discussion.  Still,  as  heretofore,  those  who  are 
most  firmly  fixed  in  agreement  on  the  principles  of 
freedom,  and  the  need  of  preaching  the  gospel  of  lib- 
erty, find  themselves  differing  in  opinion  on  the  best 
methods  for  present  operation.  It  is  the  glory  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  cause  that  these  varieties  of  sentiment 
find  free  expression  on  the  platforms  of  its  meetings  ; 
and  to  this  it  is  owing  that  these  meetings  are  emi- 
nently instructive  as  well  as  attractive.  In  the  Con- 
vention just  held,  differing  views  with  regard  to  the 
wisest  present  course  of  action  were  clearly  and  elabo- 
rately stated  by  those  who  held  them.  In  several 
cases,  by  the  courteous  indulgence  of  the  speaker,  an 
address  gave  place  to  an  animated  debate,  questions  and 
objections  being  heard  and  answered,  and  the  elaborate 
statementof  opposing  views  being  allowed  and  replied 
to,  often  amid  intense  excitement,  while  perfect  good 
humor  reigned  on  each  side,  and  among  the  listening 
audience. 

Whatever  varieties  of  opinion  existed  upon  other 
topics,  all  agreed  that  the  anti-slavery  work  still  re- 
quires assiduous  and  unfaltering  exertion  on  the  part 
of  .its  friends.  Whatever  may  be  the  providential  ad- 
vancement of  our  cause,  however  emancipation  may 
come,  more  or  less  extensively,  as  a  military  necessity, 
or  as  a  work  of  political  expediency,  our  work  is  the 
preaching  of  righteousness  in  relation  to  it.  Our  work 
is  to  admonish  this  people  and  their  official  servants, 
so  long  corrupted  by  slaveholding  in  the  South  and 
complicity  with  it  in  the  North,  that  true  welfare  can 
come  to  them  only  through  a  willing  promotion  of  jus- 
tice and  freedom ;  that  they  have  a  debt  to  the  de- 
spised and  trampled  black  race,  South  and  North,  as 
great  in  amount,  and  far  older  and  more  urgent  in  its 
call  for  settlement,  than  that  which  the  rebellion  and 
the  war  have  brought  upon  them  ;  and  that,  under  the 
government  of  God,  we  can  hope  for  permanent  pros- 
perity, and  a  career  commensurate  with  the  talents 
and  opportunities  entrusted  to  us,  only  as  we  do  justice 
to  the  poor,  take  the  part  of  the  oppressed,  and  fulfil 
the  obligations  resulting  from  human  brotherhood  un- 
der the  universal  Father. — c.  k.  w. 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  ANTI-SLAVE&Y  CON- 
VENTION. 

[CONCLUDED  FROM    FODBTII    PACTS.  ] 

THURSDAY,  May  29. 
Re-assembled  according  to  adjournment,  at  theMel- 
Oileon  ;  the  President  in  the  chair. 

The  Business  Committee  presented  the  following 
resolution  : — 

16.  Resolved,  That  while  we  rejoice  in  that  change 
in  national  affairs,  and  of  public  sentiment  at  the 
North,  which  has  compelled  the  American  Tract  So- 
ciety to  avow  a  pretended  interest  in  freedmen  and 
freedom,  or  accept  an  empty  treasury,  we  regard  as 
infamous,  pbarisaical,  and  essentially  treasonable,  the 
voice  of  that  Society,  as  given  through  Robert  C. 
Winthrop  at  its  late  anniversary,  justifying  its  past 
complicity  with  slavery,  condemnatory  of  confiscation 
and  emancipation,  and  counselling  a  revival  and  renew- 
al of  fraternal  fellowship  between  the  evangelical 
church  members  of  the  North,  and  the  men-stealing, 
cradle-plundering,  evangelical  pirates  and  rebels  of 
the  South. 

The  resolutions  offered  yesterday  afternoon  by  S.  S. 
Foster  were  read  again,  by  request. 

J.  B.  Swasey  inquired  what  action  had  been  taken 
by  the  Convention  on  Mr.  Foster's  resolutions. 

The  Chair  stated  that  the  Convention  had  taken  no 
action,  as  yet,  upon  any  of  the  resolutions  before  it. 

Mrs.  Foster  rose  to  second  the  resolutions  offered 
by  S.  S.  Foster,  and  addressed  the  Convention  in  an 
earnest  denunciation  of  the  pro-slavery  policy  of  the 
Administration,  and  in  condemnation  of  those  Aboli- 
tionists who  gave  the  Administration  any  degree  of 
support  or  confidence.  She  declared  the  nation  to  be 
hopelessly  lost,  and  its  destruction  sealed.  The  slave 
may  he  freed,  but  only  from  a  regard  to  our  own  safe- 
ty. The  hate  of  the  colored  race  will  still  con- 
and  the  poison  of  this  wickedness  will  de- 
stroy us  as  a  nation.  She  thought  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society  had  come  to  trying  to  save  themselves  and 
the  country,  instead  of  trying,  as  of  old,  to  save  the  ne- 
gro. She  was  sorry  to  see  a  return  to  the  old  doc- 
trine  of  a  choice  of  evils,  and  that  it  was  said  we  must 
support  President  Lincoln  because  he  was  not  so  bad 
as  JefT.  Davis.  When  we  are  ready  to  accept  the  less 
of  two  sinners,  the  serpent  of  compromise  has  crept 
into  our  midst.  We  seem  to  be  partaking  of  the 
general  corruption  of  the  times  in  this  respect.  Age 
tends  to  conservatism,  and  we  should  pray  to  be  pre- 
served in  the  freshness  of  our  fanaticism.  This  we 
can  do  by  repudiating  a  choice  of  sinners,  by  repudi- 
ating a  slave-creating  government  which  sacrifices  our 
young  men  in  maintaining  the  bondage  of  four  mil- 
lion blacks.  She  did  not  believe  in  the  possibility  of 
Union — God  cannot  save  this  Union,  much  less  we. 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  a  practical  atheist,  or  he  would 
not  have  acted  as  be  has.  Were  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren in  the  clutch  of  slavery,  he  would  cry — Dash 
the  Union  in  pieces ! — Whatever  the  course  of  this 
Convention,  there  are  a  few  who  will  leave  their  pro- 
test against  supporting  the  government  in  its  present 
position.  The  growth  and  progress  of  public  senti- 
ment which  have  been  claimed  during  the  past  year 
are  more  specious  than  real.  Over  Fremont's  procla. 
mation  there  was  a  momentary  triumph  of  the  pop- 
ular instinct;  then  came  a  pro-slavery  reaction — a 
renewal  of  the  old  hatred  against  the  negro.  Mrs. 
F.  again  urged  the  impossibility  of  a  restoration  of  the 
Union,  and  the  necessity  of  adhering  to  the  old  ground 
of  total  abstinence  from  slavery,  and  saving  ourselves 
by  saving  the  negro.  She  saw  no  fault  in  the  resolu- 
tions, nor  why  what  was  true  a  year  ago  was  not  so 
now. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Swasey  believed  that  men  honestly 
differ  from  each  other  in  a  choice  of  means.  So  he 
did  from  Mrs.  Foster,  while  sympathizing  with  much 
that  she  had  said.  He  believed  that  every  one  at  this 
time  is  impelled  to  support  or  embarrass  the  govern- 
ment, and  therefore  he  laid  it  down  distinctly,  that  be- 
tween the  government  at  Washington  and  that  at 
Richmond  there  is  absolutely  a  great  choice.  The 
government  of  to-day  is  not  identical,  in  its  relations 
to  slavery,  with  that  of  James  Buchanan, — all  our  in- 
stincts assert  it.  Yet  looking  at  the  conduct  of  our 
Generals,  the  acts  of  Congress,  &c.  &c,  we  can  accu- 
mulate a  powerful  argument  for  the  condemnation  of 
our  government,  if  we  could  stop  short  at  that  point. 
But  if  the  South  were  successful  in  this  contest,  as  is 
remotely  possible,  we  should  have  not  only  a  restora- 
tion of  the  old  Constitution,  but  a  pro-slavery  reign 
which  would  make  slavery  everywhere  normal  on 
this  continent.  Such  is  the  aim  of  the  South,  though 
the  time  is  not  yet  come  for  her  to  own  it. 

He  did  not  believe  Mr.  Foster's  resolutions  repre- 
sented the  voice  of  the  Convention,  and  he  had  spoken 
that  they  might  not  pass.  He  could  wish  for  a  leader 
such  as  Mr.  Foster  could  choose,-Uiat  he  might  follow 
him  through  principle  and  enthusiasm  purely,  and  not 
through  necessity.  But  we  must  take  things  as  we 
find  them.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  great,  but  he  believes 
slavery  to  be  wrong,  and  would  like  to  stab  it  fatally 
if  he  could.  Was  Mr.  Buchanan  ever  in  such  a 
frame  of  mind  ?  Grant  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  the  man 
for  the  crisis,  it  seems  unquestionable  that  he  is  honest 
and  sincere.  Evidence  of  this  can  be  found  in  his  late 
proclamation,  though  this  was  far  from  what  might 
be  desired.  He  believed  it  a  sign  of  the  government's 
ntention  to  take  the  road  to  universal  emancipation, 
and  therefore  it  is  condemned  by  the  border  State 
men  as  an  impertinent  interference.  Our  friends  on 
the  other  side  allow  no  charity  to  our  public  men — 
no  consideration  for  the  obstacles  they  must  encoun- 


3^=  Secretary  Stanton  has  informed  Mr.  Sumner 
that  the  instructions  given  to  Gdv.  Stanley,  as  Pro- 
visional Governor  of  North  Carolina,  did  not  warrant 
his  breaking  up  of  schools  for  colored  people,  and  that 
the  "Black  Code"  of  that  State  is  not  now  in  force. 


Si?"  The  communication  of  J.  S.  will  appear  next 
week.  It  was  duly  received  and  marked  for  inser- 
tion, but  has  been  kept  out  by  press  of  matter. 


Mr.  May,  in  behalf  of  the  Society  here  represented, 
made  an  appeal  for  the  necessary  financial  aid. 

Aaron  M.  Powell,  of  Ghent,  N.  Y.,  said  he 
wished  to  increase  the  sense  of  personal  responsibility 
in  this  hour,  and  the  duty  of  renewing  our  ex- 
ertions in  behalf  of  the  freedom  of  the  slave  and  of 
mankind.  The  nearer  the  hour  of  freedom  approach- 
es, the  more  we  should  proclaim  the  right  of  immedi- 
ate emancipation  for  every  slave,  and  the  duty  of  lib- 
eration to  the  master.  The  great  bulwark  under  which 
slavery  had  hitherto  sheltered  itself  he  recognized  as 
shattered.  The  Union  is  broken — the  disruption  is 
complete.  With  the  Union  began  a  downward,  de. 
moralizing  career  for  the  nation.  The  earliest  discord 
grew  out  of  slavery  in  the  first  Convention  for  the 
Union.  This  difference  was  settled  by  compromise 
alone.  From  that  as  the  starting-point,  a  long  line  of 
indulgences  and  concessions  to  the  South  reached 
down  to  the  time  of  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion. 

He  saw  these  alternatives:  annihilation  of  the 
South,  or  separation.  The  former,  so  horrible  is  it, 
he  did  not  believe  it  could  ever  be  consummated; 
against  the  latter  is  the  prevailing  Union  sentiment, 
which  puts  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  into  the  Attorney 
General's  chair  in  New  York,  and  is  restoring  the 
Democrats  to  places  of  power  everywhere,  while  such 
Generals  as  McClellan  and  Halleek  in  the  field  are 
working  in  the  same  direction.  In  the  Union  meet- 
ings which  he  had  attended,  the  cause  of  the  war 
was  thoroughly  ignored  and  kept  out  of  sight.  Even 
Mr.  Buffum,  yesterday,  could  offer  all  his  support  to 
the  President  in  his  present  position.  It  was  another 
sad  proof  of  the  painful  results  of  the  attempt  to  re- 
construct the  impossible  Union.  In  this  drifting  of 
principles  and  parties,  we  must  go  back  to  our  old 
standard  of  justice  and  truth. 

Mr.  Swasey.  Do  you  or  do  you  not  sustain  the 
government? 

Mr.  Powell.  I  do  not,  any  more  than  I  am  com- 
pelled to.     I  should  be  ashamed'to. 

Our  fate  is  wrapped  up  with  that  of  the  negro. 
Mr.  Phillips  used  to  say  the  slave  should  be  the  basis 
of  all  our  action,  and  he  {Mr.  Powell)  could  not  see 
such  a  change  in  the  position  of  affairs  as  that  this 
principle  of  our  warfare  should  be  reversed.  He  would 
have  the  government  supported  when  it  acted  as  it 
ought.  But  he  had  never  seen  such  alacrity  to  carry 
out  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  as  now  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  If  that  was  the  honesty  of  the  Republican 
administration,  he  could  only  characterize  it  us  awful. 
What  language  is  too  strong  to  condemn  this  inhuman- 


ity ?  This  Is  the  result  of  the  idea  that  there  can 
be  a  union  without  freedom.  Let  patriotism  be  condi- 
tional tilt  the  government  endorses  emancipation,  and 
our  work,  to  bring  it  up  to  that  point.  We  are  left 
without  tin  anchor,  except  the  army  and  the  White 
House.  The  Church  is  still  dead.  It  looks  not  to 
Christ,  but  to  "  honest  "  Abraham  Lincoln.  What  in- 
fidelity !  This  was  the  man  who  had  lately  taken  the 
awful  responsibility  of  re-enslaving  a  million  freed- 
men ;  who  had  shown  indecent  haste  to  fetter  and  re- 
move Gen.  Fremont,  to  emasculate  Cameron's  re- 
port, to  annul  Hunter.  He  had  no  patience  to  trust 
the  rulers  of  the  land  ;  he  did  not  believe  in  their  in- 
tegrity. They  kuew  the  right,  for  they  were  not 
fools,  and  could  read  the  Declaration,  and  listen  to 
Wendell  Phillips  at  Washington.  Yet  recreant  Mas- 
sachusetts representatives  could  vote  down  emanci' 
pation  when  they  knew  it  to  be  just.  Moreover,  the 
proof  of  insincerity  is  visible  in  the  treatment  of  known 
disloyalists  (like  the  President's  gardener)  at  the  seat 
of  government. 

There  can  be  no  peace,  no  prosperity,  no  happiness, 
until  we  get  rid  of  all  our  responsibility  for  sla- 
very. He  would  save  liberty  first,  and  let  union 
come  afterward  or  not.  We  shall  have  no  power  in 
the  North  until  the  slave  is  primary  with  us,  and 
union  is  forgotten.  We  always  lose  by  cooperation 
with  those  whose  principles  belong  to  a  level  lower 
than  our  own.  Mr.  May  confirms  this  by  stating  that 
for  the  first  time  in  many  years,  the  Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery  Society  is  in  debt.  The  accustomed 
contributions  have  been  swept  away  by  the  tide  of 
war  and  unionism.  There  is  no  other  explanation. 
Mr.  Swasey  offered  the  following  resolution  : — 
Resolved,  That  this  Convention,  never  surrender- 
ing the  principle,  "No  Union  with  Slaveholders," 
none  the  less,  in  the  present  exigency,  believes  its  duty 
to  be  to  sustain  the  government. 

Mrs.  Thankful  Sol-thwick  said  that  the  Presl 
dent  has  always  proposed  a  restoration  of  the  Union 
precisely  as  it  was.  Anti-Slavery  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  President's  movement.  We  shall  have  a  restora- 
tion of  the  Union  as  it  was,  because  the  nation  is 
pro-slavery  at  heart. 

Parker  Pillsbury  thought  Mr.  Swasey's  reso- 
lution utterly  inconsistent  with  itself.  He  heartily 
approved  *Mrs.  Southwick's  remarks.  At  three  late 
Anti-Slavery  gatherings,  said  he,  I  have  assisted 
in  affirming  that  the  President  and  the  Government 
have  the  power  legally  and  constitutionally  to  abolish 
slavery.  We  have  affirmed  this  to  be  not  only  a  duty, 
under  the  higher  law,  but  the  constitutional  right  of 
the  people  of  this  country.  This  being  so,  why  should 
we  debate  the  comparative  demerits  of  Lincoln  and 
Buchanan  ?  The  latter  never  enslaved  a  million 
freedmen. 

The  present  position  of  the  Government  is  a  legit- 
imate result  of  its  position  and  actions  in  the  past. 
Our  Government  violates  the  Constitution  in  all  its 
present  support  of  slavery.  It  was  bad  in  Buchan- 
an to  uphold  slavery  when  the  Constitution  required 
it.  It  is  worse  in  Lincoln  to  uphold  it  now  that  the 
Constitution  forbids  it. 

It  has  been  said  that  there  is  no  need  of  further  Anti- 
Slavery  agitation.  I  think  we  have  no  strength  or 
power,  except  as  a  body  demanding  unshaken  and  un- 
dying fidelity  to  sound  principles. 

Mr.  P.  exhibited  the  secession  flag  that  first  waved 
over  Fort  Sumter  after  its  capture  by  South  Carolina. 
How  is  our  flag  better!  Our  flag  in  South  Carolina 
now  waves  over  a  million  of  newly-constituted  slaves 
He  rose  to  enter  his  protest  against  a  resolution  so 
absurd  as  that  last  read.  When  has  Mr.  Lincoln 
acted  decidedly  in  favor  of  freedom  ?  What  avails  the 
abolition  in  the  District,  while  fugitive  slaves  are  still 
seized  there?  Never  was  our  capital  more  disgraced 
and  degraded.  Thousands  and  thousands  may  perish 
in  battle,  but  the  great  problem  is  yet  unsolved. 

Half  a  million  of  the  sons  of  the  North  have  gone 
to  that  worse  than  Ganges  crocodile  that  inhabits  the 
rivers  of  the  South,  and  now  200,000  more  are  de- 
manded. Why  did  not  a  voice  go  up  from  the  united 
North,  that  not  another  soldier  should  go  until  the 
war  was  turned  against  slavery  ?     (Great  applause. 

We  must  still  be  "a  peculiar  people."  We  must 
still  plead  for  the  cause  of  the  slave.  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, formerly  called  the  slavehound  of  Illinois,  has 
increased  and  enlarged  his  former  tendency.  And 
we,  as  well  as  the  American  church,  show  a  falling 
off  from  our  original  principles. 

The  Church  Anti-Slavery  Society  has  proved  only 
one  thing,  that  the  churches  bated  us  not  for  our 
infidelity,  but  for  our  fidelity. 

Mr.  Heywood  said  nobly  that  a  Government  which 
would  abolish  slavery  only  as  a  military  necessity, 
would  establish  slavery  for  the  same  reason.  We 
should  demand  emancipation,  military  necessity  or 
not.  The  slave  needs  it,  and  we  should  demand  it  for 
his  sake  as  a  duty,  irrespective  of  all  things  else. 

Until  this  idea  is  acted  upon,  our  victories  with  the 
sword  will  accomplish  nothing.  Christ  came  to  save 
men's  lives,  and.we  should  imitate  him. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  objected  to  the  implied  charge 
of  Mr.  Pillsbury,  that  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
had  left  any  ground  of  principle,  or  lowered  one  jot 
their  moral  standard. 

Wendell  Phillips  wished  to  correct  a  false  im- 
pression possibly  arising  from  the  excellent  addresses 
of  Mr.  Powell  and  Mr.  Pillsbury.  He  knew  no  anti- 
slavery  body  which  has  declared  that  the  work  of 
abolition  is  done,  or  which  proposes  to  support  the 
Government  at  Washington,  or  to  relinquish  the  old 
principles  of  anti-slavery.  No  such  body  has  pro- 
posed to  support  the  Government  as  it  is.  It  advises, 
not  supports  the  Government. 

Mr.  Swasey  asked  if  Mr.  Phillips  had  not  rejoiced 
in  and  upheld  the  uprising  of  the  North?  and  if  this 
is  not  Bupport  to  the  Government? 

Mr.  P.  replied — I  have  supported  it  by  trying  to 
force  it  on  to  a  better  position. 

Mr.  Phillips  very  fully  elucidated  this  idea,  fre- 
quently stopping  to  reply  to  inquiries  from  the  audi- 
ence, which  he  answered  with  great  clearness  and 
point.  It  is  a  subject  of  regret  that  this  interesting 
discussion  could  not  be  reported  verbatim.  So  much 
engrossed  by  it  was  the  Convention,  that  the  session 
was  extended  nearly  an  hour  beyond  the  customary 
time  of  adjournment. 
At  nearly  2  o'clock,  adjourned  to  3  P.  M. 


Afternoon.  Met  according  to  adjournment,  Mr, 
Quincy,  the  President,  in  the  chair. 

Stephen  S.  Foster  introduced  the  following  reso- 
lution : — 

Resolved,  That  the  persevering  silence  of  the  great 
body  of  our  clergy  on  the  sin  of  slavery,  and  their 
refusal  or  neglect  to  demand  its  abolition,  now  that  it 
has  ripened  into  a  desolating  civil  war,  coupled  with 
their  continued  religious  fellowship  with  rebels  who 
are  now  seeking  the  nation's  life  in  jirder  to  give 
greater  stability  to  their  bloody  institution,  stamps 
them  with  a  depth  of  infamy  which  finds  no  parallel 
in  any  other  profession  or  class ;  and  calls  upon  the 
friends  of  freedom  everywhere  to  turn  from  them  as 
"  blind  leaders  of  the  blind,"  willing  tools  of  the 
Slave  Power,  hypocrites,  who  cast  abolitionists  from 
their. churches  for  refusing  to  fellowship  slaveholders, 
and  yet,  under  the  pressure  of  public  sentiment,  send 
their  sons  to  destroy  the  lives  of  those  same  slave- 
holding  brethren  on  the  field  of  bloody  strife ;  and  we, 
now  publicly  arraign  them  as  those  whom  history  will 
hold  the  primarily  responsible  authors  of  all  our  pres- 
ent national  troubles. 

in  explanation  of  his  remark  yesterday,  that  he 
would  fight  under  the  banner  of  the  South,  if  Jeffer- 
son Davis  should  proclaim  emancipation,  he  said  that 
he  made  it  from  his  love  of  freedom  everywhere,  and 
his  desire  to  cooperate  with  all  who  sincerely  aimed 
at  freedom.  There  is  no  need  to  compare  Davis  and 
Lincoln,  any  more  than  any  other  two  slaveholders. 
If  there  were,  the  uniform  past  record  ol  the  aboli- 
tionists would  place  Davis  above  Lincoln;  for  if  shive- 
cntching  is  worse  (as  we  have  declared  it)  than  slave- 
holding,  the  latter  is  a  greater  slave-catcher  than  the 
former.     Mr.  Lincoln  has  admitted  in  his  declaration, 


that  abolition  ns  a  dernier  ressort  would  end  the  rebel- 
ion  ;  he  knows,  then,  that  it  would  now.  Yet  he 
must  sacrifice  200,000  of  our  young  men  first.  He 
(Mr.  F.)  would  rather  take  his  chances  with  Jefferson 
Davis  at  the  last  judgment,  than  with  the  President. 

He  thought  a  marked  change  had  come  over  -the 
abolitionists  in  their  dealing  with  slavery,  whether 
they  knew  it  or  not.  There  is  not  the  same  united 
testimony  against  our  pro-slavery  Government  as 
formerly.  The  record  of  last  year  he  would  gladly 
seal  from  posterity.  He  hoped  they  would  forget  the 
past,  and  work  better  in  future. 

Mr.  J.  N.  Buffom  said  he  had  complained  yester- 
day of  Mr.  Foster,  because  he  had  not  recognized  the 
progress  in  hitherto  pro-slavery  men.  He  had  to  re- 
peat the  same.  He  could  not  understand  the  com- 
parison or  the  logic  which  put  Jeff.  Davis  above  Abra- 
iam  Lincoln.  Facts,  which  he  had  given,  disproved 
inch  a  statement,  He  reiterated  his  intention  to  sup- 
port the  Government,  and  appealed  to  his  past  career 
testimony  to  bis  anti-slavery  character.  If  Jeff. 
is  were  to  triumph, -the  platform  from  which  Mr. 
Foster  speaks  would  be  taken  from  under  him.  Mr. 
B.  was  for  maintaining  the  platform,  though  that  in- 
volved sustaining  the  Government  in  this  war.  He 
enumerated  some  of  the  acts  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration— the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  &c.  He  was  willing  to  accept  emancipa- 
tion under  the  war  power,  as  a  military  necessity,  if  it 
could  come  on  no  higher  grounds. 

J.  H.  Fowler,  of  Cambridge,  said :  Two  years 
ago,  he  attempted  to  speak  on  this  platform,  for  the 
last  time.  He  saw  then  what  has  since  happened,  as 
clearly  as  he  now  remembered  that  time.  He  saw 
yet  worse  to  come,  and  he  wished  to  speak  for  justice. 
He  knew  the  South — the  whole  South — was  in  ear- 
nest in  going  into  war.  Our  injustice  to  our  fellow- 
men  is  the  cause  of  our  calamity  to-day.  He  believed 
if  restoration  could  be  carried  out,  as  desired,  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  the  Government,  the  abolitionists  would 
be  hung  in  Boston  streets.  Justice  to  the  slave  alone 
will  save  us  from  a  horrid  civil  war. 

He  had  beard  bis  scientific  fellow-students  hope 
this  war  might  not  end  without  the  removal  of  the 
black  race  from  the  continent.  Science  and  politics 
joined  hands  on  this  issue.  This  is  the  crime  of  the 
American  people,  that  they  think  inferiority  of  race  a 
ground  for  injustice. 

He  thought  Abraham  Lincoln  as  culpable  as  Jeff. 
Davis.  He  found  no  proof  of  his  anti-slavery  dispo- 
sition,— only  insinuations  communicated  by  unknown 
parties. 

Parker  Pillsbury  hoped  no  time  would  be  lost 
in  mere  words.  This  audience  wishes  to  know  what 
the  abolitionists  think  in  this  crisis  which  many  have 
expected  and  some  predicted.  There  has  been  some 
confusion  in  our  utterances  which  he  would  like  to 
dispel.  Our  mission,  from  the  beginning,  has  been 
one  and  the  same — emancipation  without  conditions. 
A  change  of  circumstances  has  come,  it  is  true;  there 
have  always  been  changes:  now,  perhaps,  growing 
more  and  more  marked.  But  he  knew  of  no  condi- 
tions that  could  discharge  him  from  his  anti-slavery 
obligations.  At  present,  we  were  no  part  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  peace,  and  not  any  more  can  we  be  in 
war.  He  could  not  support  Pierce  or  Buchanan  with 
a  ballot,  nor  Lincoln  with  a  bullet,  when  they  were 
all  pledged  to  slavery.  He  disliked  to  differ  with  the 
anti-slavery  leaders, — his  teachers, — but  he  felt  he 
has  learned  more  than  they,  and  by  their  example  and. 
precept  was  bound  to  express  his  differences.  He  did 
not  believe  with  Mr.  Buffum  in  taking  a  step  back- 
ward to  gain  a  better  opportunity  to  work.  He  be- 
lieved in  keeping  the  whole  law  in  ail  its  points.  His 
duty  seemed  clear, — to  maintain  his  old  position  as 
leader  of  the  Government,  not  as  follower. 

Unless  we  demand  abolition  as  a  moral  principle, 
we  shall  never  obtain  it  as  a  military  necessity- 
There  have  been  signs  of  slackening  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  abolitionists, — signs  which  mislead  the 
public.  The  people  should  hear  from  this  platform 
only  a  certain  sound.  He  specified  the  Pennsylvania 
and  Western  Anti-Slavery  Societies  as  deficient  in 
eir  duty. 

The  Government  is  as  ready  to  compromise  as  ever. 
It  will  not  hang  the  privateers  for  fear  of  Col.  Corco- 
s  death.  Secretary  Seward's  letter  to  Minister 
Dayton  justifies  the  belief  that  secret  plottings  are 
now  going  on  for  a  mediation  to  restore  the  old  condi- 
tion of  things.  Our  government  is  more  atheistic  than 
the  government  of  Robespierre.  Therefore  we  are  to 
preach  righteousness  and  demand  justice  and  freedom, 
no  matter  for  expediency  and  military  necessity.  May 
it  not  be  our  fault  that  the  nation  grope  still  longer  in 
darkness  and  crime  ! 

Anna  E.  Dickinson  criticised  a  remark  of  Mr. 
Buffum,  that  he  was  glad  to  see  Parson  Brownlow  in- 
troduced to  the  Northern  public,  because  he  exhibited 
better  than  any  other  could  the  barbarism  and  vil- 
lainy of  the  South.  She  believed  he  rather  helps  to 
clog  the  wheels  of  government,  because  he  refuses  to 
acknowledge  slavery  as  the  cause  of  the  war.  He  ad- 
vocates the  war  from  his  personal  sufferings,  and 
awakes  sympathy  for  those  union  men  South  who 
have  been  well-nigh  our  destruction  ;  who  sat  and  saw 
the  capital  threatened  ;  and  who  massacred  Massachu- 
setts soldiers  rushing  to  the  rescue. 

She  saw  progress  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia;  in  Hunter's  proclamation  and 
Gov.  Andrew's  letter. 

The  prophets  of  the  national  evil,  who  have  been  so 
long  derided,  now  stand  justified  of  their  old  warnings 
and  forebodings.  People  who  thought  they  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  slavery,  now  find  their  own  homes  on 
fire,  their  own  children  swallowed  up  in  the  flames. 

S.  S.  Foster  moved  that  the  question  be  taken  on 
the  resolutions  which  have  been  immediately  under 
discussion  to-day.     Carried. 

The  Secretary  first  read  the  three  resolutions  of- 
fered by  Mr.  Foster  yesterday,  and  it  was  voted  to 
take  the  question  on  them  separately. 

The  first  of  the  said  resolutions  was  adopted. 
The  second  was  lost. 

The  third  was,  on  motion,  laid  on  the  table  by  a  vote 
of  32  to  11. 

The  question  was  then  taken  on  Mr.  Foster's  resolu- 
tion on  the  church  and  clergy,  and,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Garrison,  it  was  laid  on  the  table,  by  a  vote  of  47  to  £8, 
Mr.  Swasey  withdrew  his  resolution  in  support  of 
the  government. 

Mr.  Garrison  presented  the  following  resolutions  : 
Whereas,  Governor  Andrew,  in  reply  to  a  requisi- 
tion from  the  Secretary  of  War  for  additional  Infan- 
try Regiments  from  Massachusetts,  nobly  said  in  the 
spirit  of  considerate  humanity  and  of  a  true  patri- 
otism, "  If  our  people  feel  that  they  are  going  into 
the  South  to  help  fight  the  rebels,  who  will  kill 
and  destroy  them  by  all  the  means  known  to  sav- 
age as  well  as  civilized  war,  will  deceive  them 
by  fraudulent  flags  of  truce  and  lying  pretences,  as 
they  did  the  Massachusetts  boys  at  Williamsburg,  wilt 
use  their  negro  slaves  against  them,  both  as  laborers 
and  fighting  men,  while  they  themselves  must  never 
fire  at  the  enemy's  magazine,  I  think  they  will  feel  the 
draft  is  heavy  on  their  patriotism.  But  if  the  Presi- 
dent will  sustain  Gen.  Hunter,  and  recognize  all  men, 
even  black  men,  as  legally  capable  of  that  loyalty  the 
blacks  are  waiting  to  manifest,  and  let  them  fight  with 
God  and  human  nature  on  their  side,  the  roads  will 
swarm,  if  need  be,  with  the  multitudes,  whom  New 
England  would  pour  out  to  obey  your  call  "  ;  and 

Whereas,  for  the  expression  of  these  exalted  and 
timely  sentinieiits-^sentimcnts  that  will  redound  to 
the  lasting  honor  of  their  author— rsuch  journals  as 
the  Boston  Courier  and  the  Boston  Post  are  heaping 
the  vilest  opprobrium  upon  Governor  Andrew,  and 
maliciously  derogating  from  his  unimpeachable  patri- 
otism, while  their  own  columns  are  daily  dissemina- 
ting the  most  subtle  treasonable  views;  therefore, 

17.  Resolved)  That  it  is  demonstrated  that  these  jour- 
nals, rather  than  have  the  foul  and  brutal  slnve  sys- 
tem overturned,  even  as  a  military  necessity  and  to 
save  the  unity  of  the  republic,  would  Incomparably  pre- 
fer to  subject  the  brave  soldiers  of  (he  North  to  he  shut 
down,  assassinated,  poisoned,  mutilated  while   living, 


and  their  dead  bodies  dishonored  and  outraged  in  the 
ost  revolting  manner — the  war  indefinitely  prolong- 
ed— the  national  debt  needlessly  and  enormously  in- 
creased— tens  of  thousands  of  Northern  lives  destroy- 
ed by  malaria  and  disease  in  their  multifarious  and 
multitudinous  forms  on  the  Southern  soil — and  the 
final  victory  of  the  rebellious  Confederate  States  over 
the  national  government. 

Whereas,  no  fact  is  more  undeniable  than  this — that 
the  traitors  of  the  South  are  constantly  making  use 
of  their  entire  slave  population  to  dig  their  rifle  pits, 
build  their  fortifications,  raise  the  necessary  food  to 
sustain  them,  and  in  various  instances  arming  a  por- 
tion of  them  to  shoot  down  the  Northern  soldiers,  and 
give  complete  success  to  the  rebellion  ;  therefore, 

18.  Resolved,  Thatthe  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States,  in  rejecting  a  motion  to  confiscate 
the  slave  property  of  these  miserable  traitors,  is  con- 
victed of  astounding  infatuation,  of  utter  moral  cow- 
ardice, and  of  leaving  in  their  hands  the  essential 
power  and  the  most  potent  instrumentality  by  which 
they  are  enabled  to  bid  defiance  to  the  government; 
and  thus  is  practically  guilty  of  "  giving  aid  and  com- 
fort" to  the  very  conspirators  it  brands  as  outlaws, 
and  pronounces  worthy  of  an  ignominious  death. 

These  resolutions  were   unanimojsly  adopted,  the 
whole  assembly  rising  in  approval  of  them. 
Adjourned  to  7J  o'clock. 


Evening.  Met  according  to  adjournment,  the  Pres- 
ident in  the  Chair. 

Lieut.  Thomas  Earle,  of  Worcester,  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts 25th  Regiment,  addressed  the  Convention. 
He  gave  many  interesting  details  concerning  the  ex- 
pedition of  Gen.  Burnside  to  N.orth  Carolina,  in  which 
he  was  a  soldier.  One  of  the  speakers,  he  said,  had 
credited  him  with  the  escape  of  twenty-eight  slaves, 
but  that  was  the  sum  total  from  all  the  camps  at  An- 
napolis, though  be  had  done  what  he  could.  He  had 
listened  from  his  boyhood  to  anti-slavery  lectures,  but 
only  after  his  enlistment  as  a  private  in  this  war  had 
he  realized  what  it  was  to  be  an  anti-slavery  man.  He 
had  endured  a  share  of  all  the  hardships  of  the  Burn- 
side  expedition.  The  night  before  landing  at  Roanoke 
island,  a  negro  came  out  to  Gen.  Burnside  in  a  boat, 
and  gave  him  essential  information  about  the  landing 
place,  the  force  of  the  enemy,  &c.  The  experience  at 
Roanoke  had  abolitionized  the  young  men  of- Worces- 
ter county  in  that  regiment.  For  himself,  his  motto 
was,  Universal,  Immediate  Emancipation.  His  com- 
rades had,  many  of  them,  been  pro-slavery  from 
Worcester  to  Hatteras,  but  their  eyes  were  opened  on 
the  island.  He  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  General 
Burnside,  and  said  he"  had  seen  him  welcome  with  his 
own  hands  the  fugitives  from  the  mainland,  escaping- 
in  boats.  The  soldiers  under  him  to-day  would  toss 
their  caps  out  of  sight,  if  emancipation  were  decreed. 
They  were  especially  abolitionized  by  the  luxurious 
treatment  of  the  rebel  officers,  and  their  own  neglect 
and  exposure. 

Mr.  Foster. — Shame  on  the  government  I 
Mrs.  Foster. — Shame  on  those  who  fight  for  such 
a  government! 

Lieut.  Earle. — Where  would  you  have  been  to-day, 
Mrs.  Foster,  if  we  bad  not  gone  to  fight  for  our  coun- 
try 1  Pennsylvania  ravaged,  New  York  ravaged, 
Worcester  burned,  your  farm  destroyed  ! 

As  soon  as  the  slaves  got  confidence  in   us,  they 
showed  us  where  their  masters  had  buried  their  arms. 
The  release  of  the  rebel  prisoners  on  parole  had  made 
still  further  converts  to  abolition. 

He  had  gone  into  the  war  for  emancipation,  and  that 
alone.  He  felt  proud  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  her  Gov- 
ernor. He  wished  to  say  that  the  soldiers  improved 
in  sentiment  as  the  campaign  advanced.  There  were 
some  exceptions  to  this  among  the  officers  ;  these  the 
government  ought  to  remove,  men  far  more  ready  to 
return  a  single  fugitive  than  to  have  a  fight  with  rebels. 
(Loud  applause.) 

Mr.  Earle  was  recalled  to  relate  an  incident  in  his 
own  experience  at  Annapolis.  Gen.  Dix  had  forbid- 
den any  black  men,  bond  or  free,  to  enter  the  lines. 
A  panting  fugitive,  fresh  from  flogging,  came  to  Mr. 
E's  beat  (he  was  then  a  private  standing  guard).  The 
slave  was  allowed  to  pass  in,  and  was  sent  to  the  guard 
house  with  Mr.  E's  blanket.  Mr.  E.  told  Col.  Upton 
next  morning,  if  any  officer  in  the  regiment  sent  back 
a  fugitive,  his  gun  should  go  on  the  ground  for  three 
years,  no  matter  what  the  consequences  to  himself. 
He  would  drag  the  ball  and  chain  for  years  before  he 
would  lift  a  finger  to  send  a  poor  fugitive  back  into 
slavery.  When  the  master  of  the  slave  came,  he  was 
refused  admission.  He  went  oflT,  and  meanwhile  the 
slave  was  sent  on  North,  and  ss  now  in  Worcester. 
After  that,  twenty-eight  slaves  were  sent  off  from  all 
the  Massachusetts  Regiments  at  Annopolis,  except 
Col.  Morse's,  who  has  since  been  removed  through 
Gov.  Andrew.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Foster  said  Mr.  Earle  had  sustained  her  in 
her  exclamation — Shame  on  those  who  fight  for  such 
a  government !  It  is  in  complicity  with  the  rebellion, 
for  it  might  put  an  end  to  it  in  twenty -four  hours,  if  it 
would.     It  is  playing  putting  down  the  rebellion. 

W.  L.  Garrison  spoke  of  his  physical  unfitness  to 
make  a  speech  to-night.  He  had  been  unable  to  attend 
the  morning  session  at  all.  He  said  that  from  what 
be  had  learned  of  the  course  of  the  proceedings,  there 
seemed  to  be  a  preponderance  of  gloomy  sentiments. 
In  these  he  had  no  sympathy,  though  aware  of  the 
complex  and  paradoxical  state  of  affairs.  For  himself, 
be  had  do  pulse  that  did  not  beat  for  President  Lincoln 
against  Jefferson  Davis.  Is  there  no  difference  be- 
tween North  and  South  ?  No  difference  between  Jef- 
ferson Davis  and  President  Lincoln  ?  How  then  do 
we  have  a  war?  If  government  designedly  is  aiding 
rebellion,  how  do  we  happen  to  have  a  rebellion  ? 
Why  is  Lincoln  outlawed  from  the  South?  Instinct 
is  a  great  matter  with  slaveholders.  The  fact  is,  a 
great  change  has  taken  place  in  the  country,  culmin- 
ating in  Republicanism — which,  though  not  Abolition- 
ism, has  forbidden  the  South  longer  to  abide  with  us. 
The  North  is  at  least  anti-slavery  enough  for  that. 
Mr.  G.  read  extracts  from  Southern  papers,  showing 
that  the  hatred  of  the  South  is  directed  against  the 
North  as  a  body,  uot  against  Abolitionists  simply. 
The  South  hates  freedom  iu  name  and  every  aspect. 
This  conflict  is  the  death-grapple  between  the  two 
principles. 

He,  Mr.  G.,  had  not  been  backward  in  censuring  the 
President  and  Congress  when  they  deserved  it,  though 
trying  to  give  credit  to  whomsoever  it  was  due.  He 
thought,  on  the  whole,  the  progress  of  events  had  been 
as  great  as  could  have  been  expected.  Those  who 
hold  office  by  the  will  of  the  people  cannot  be  judg- 
ed wholly  like  private  men.  He  believed  the  Presi- 
dent would  move  with  the  people. 

It  has  been  said,  this  administration  has  sent  back 
more  fugitives  than  any  other.  The  cases  were  not 
parallel.  That  fugitive  slaves  were  crowding  into  the 
District  of  Columbia,  even  though  some  were  recap- 
tured, was  a  proof  of  the  value  of  emancipation  in 
that  District.  Then,  we  have  had  a  new  and  stringent 
treaty  with  England  against  the  slave-trade.  Thou- 
sands of  staves,  too,  have  been  emancipated  by  tho 
sanction  of  the  government,  and  slaves  are  daily  es- 
caping iu  every  direction.  Northern  Senators  and 
Representatives,  at  last,  have  free  speech  on  the  floor 
of  Congress.  Indeed,  the  gains  of  freedom  have  been 
bo  rapid  anil  magnificent,  that  we  fail  to  appreciate 
them. 

One  thing  remains  ;  the  ending  of  tho  war  and  the 
rebellion  by  emancipation,  and  the  unity  of  the  repub- 
lic thereby  made  possible.  •  The  President  hesitates, 
not  so  mufil)  from  pro  -shivery  feeling  as  from  timidity 
ainl  excessive  caution,  lie  fails  to  realize  the  extent 
of  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  total  abolition  of 
slavery.  The  proclamation  Of  Qe*.  Fremont  revealed 
how  wide-spread  whs  that  sentiment,  hut  the  Presi- 
dent was  not  then  convinced  of  it.  It  will,  however, 
ere  long,  become  irresistible. 

Mr.  GftrriBGn  Concluded  by  ottering  the  following 
resolution  in  regard  to  the  Church  and  Pulpit: — 

19,  Resolved,  That,  now  that  shivery  is  placed  "  Ith- 
inlhe  grasp  ot  the  government,  by  its  rebellious  and 
treasonable  attitude,  the  Ameneiin  Church  and  Pulpit, 
by  refraining   from   demanding,   in   the   name  of  tlie 


JXJ^TE    6. 


THE    LIBERA  TOR. 


91 


living  God,  the  immediate  liberation  of  tlie  millions  in 
bondage  by  the  fiat  of  the  government,  fearfully  en- 
hance the  guilt  they  have  incurred  by  their  long-pro- 
traoted  and  hearty  religious  complicity  with  slavery, 
and  their  persevering  opposition  to  the  Anti-Slavery 
movement. 

Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose,  of  New  York,  said  we 
had  heaflj  a  great  ileal,  the  past  two  days,  about  what 
the  government  lias  done  or  not  done.  All  these  short 
comings  had  sprung  from  an  error  in  principle,  always 
productive  of  error  and  mischief  in  practice.  That 
principle  was  to  be  found  in  the  law  which  made  every 
free  Northern  man  a  slave-catcher  to  send  back  fugi- 
tive staves.  Going  back  to  the  Constitution  and  tin? 
clause  on  which  the  law  was  based,  she  could  find  no 
justification  of  that  law.  Yet  nineteen  millions  of 
Northern  men  accepted  that  law  without  reflection, 
simply  because  it  was  a  law.  She  loved  a  just  law, 
but  an  unjust  law  she  defied. 

In  relation  to  the  government,  she  said  that  he  who 
assumed  great  powers,  owed  great  duties  and  great  re- 
sponsibilities. Lincoln  must  answer  to  the  ages  for 
the  use  of  the  power  he  has  taken,  and  will  not  wield 
Bright.  He  had  done  wrong  to  the  nineteen  Eree 
States,  yes,  and  to  the  Slave  States  themselves.  The 
people,  too,  are  to  be  called  to  account.  Tens  of 
thousands  of  lives  already  sacrificed,  and  are  we  con- 
tent to  have  done  so  little  1  to  have  spent  so  much  for 
the  education  of  Lincoln  and  Seward  1  An  analysis 
of  the  President's  proclamation  showed  its  weakness 
and  ambiguity.  However,  her  hope  was  large  and  ac- 
tive— because  she  had  faith  in  the  success  of  the  right. 
The  President  did  not  wait  for  the  public  or  for  Con- 
gress in  calling  out  the  75,001)  men,  and  he  was  right. 
He  should  have  acted  thus  in  an  emergency  far  great- 
er than  that — when  the  freedom  of  all,  white  and  black, 
the  progress  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  were  in  question.  Does  the 
Constitution  bar  him  in  the  latter  case  more  than  in 
others  when  he  has  violated  it?  To  call  Lincoln 
"  honest "  so  frequently  is  suspicious,  and  suggestive 
of  the  contrary.  So  she  believed  he  was  not  honest. 
(Hisses.)  I  am  proud  to  think  I  have  said  the  best 
thing  in  the  Convention — eece  signum  !  If  the  Presi- 
dent cannot  move  without  pushing,  push  him  on.  I 
stand  here  to  push  you  on. 

The  nineteenth  century  demands  the  fruits  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  Hitherto  it  has  been  a 
sealed  letter.  Who  will  lead  the  people  on  to  open  it  ? 
She  wondered  that  any  Abolitionists  should  be  found 
in  this  emergency  to  cry  that  the  work  is  done,  and  to 
cease  from  it.  Why,  their  work  was  never'  more 
needed  than  now.  Washington  and  Lincoln  need  this 
platform  and  this  audience.  Encourage  them;  give 
them  credit  for  all  they  may  do  or  have  done — ho' 
ever  little.  But  let  not  your  hope  run  away  with  your 
judgment. 

She  thanked  the  South  for  the  emancipation  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  she  credited  it  to  the  rebel- 
lion, without  which  it  would  never  have  been  consum- 
mated. It  has  taken  seventy  years  to  accomplish  what 
was  always  perfectly  constitutional — the  liberation  of 
three  thousand  slaves  in  the  District.  How  long  will 
it  take  to  free  four  millions  ?  Slavery  will  not  end  in  a 
century,  if  it  does  not  before  the  war  closes, — except 
through  foreign  intervention.  She  depicted  some  of 
the  effects  of  a  return  of  slavery.  We  never  had  a 
Union  —  for  union  is  based  on  reciprocity.  Union 
can  only  be  formed,  not  restored  among  us. 

Wendell  Phillips  said  he  was  much  pleased 
with  the  speech  of  Mrs.  Hose, — first,  because  he  could 
assent  to  almost  every  word  of  it ;  secondly,  because 
he  had  hoped  to  have  time  enough  for  only  a  brief 
speech.  He  wished  to  read  a  resolution  expressive  of 
the  position  of  this  Convention  before  the  public  : — 

20.  Resolved,  That  this  Convention  repeats  its  old 
pledge,  "No  Union  with  Slaveholdehs," — no  sup- 
port of  any  government  which  upholds  or  allows  sla- 
very within  its  limits;  and  that  we  value  this  war 
solely  because  its  results  must  be  Emancipation  by  or- 
der of  the  Federal  Government,  or  Disunion  which 
secures  Emancipation  speedily. 

That  resolution,  said  Mr.  P.,  explains  my  interest 
in  public  affairs. 

He  thought  there  had  been,  in  fact,  remarkable 
unanimity  in  the  speakers  of  the  past  two  days.  The 
seeming  difference  had  arisen  from  an  ambiguous 
use  of  the  word  government.  He  did  not  locate  the 
government  at  Washington.  Public  opinion — that  is 
the  pilot:  the  President  is  but  the  tiller-boy,  the  man 
at  the  wheel. 

Jeff.  Davis  dares  not  go  into  partnership  with 
Charles  Sumner  in  the  Senate,  because  he  dreads 
him.  It  is  an  indication  of  what  our  strongest  point 
is.  Davis  sees  the  genius  of  the  anti-slavery  move- 
ment standing  at  the  elbow  of  the  President. 

This  is  no  time  for  dispute  of  words.  We  are 
striving  to  take  possession  of  the  Government,  and  to 
spur  it  on  to  its  duty.  Our  support  of  the  people, 
in  their  effort  to  rule  the  country,  is  whole-hearted. 
McClellan's  army,  in  six  months,  is  fated  to  break 
the  Union  in  pieces,  or  to  preserve  it  through  eman- 
cipation. God  has  put  in  our  hands  the  thunderbolt 
of  the  war  power,  to  accomplish  in  months  the  work 
of  years,  and  500,000  pupils  plastic  to  our  hands. 
This  new  weapon  has  destroyed  slavery  in  Missouri, 
and  established  the  Liberator  at  Baltimore,  (for  the 
Baltimore  papers  are  now  advocating  emancipation,) 
and  has  established  a  negro  colony  at  Port  Royal. 
Who  rules  the  House  ?  Thaddeus  Stevens.  Who  is 
the  leader  of  the  Senate?  Charles  Sumner.  Isn't 
that  progress,  when  Pennsylvania  anil  Massachusetts 
take  the  places  of  Virginia  and  Georgia  f  Lincoln 
may  hinder  emancipation — he  cannot  prevent  it.  The 
war  can  end  only  in  emancipation  by  North  or  South. 

He  accepted  his  co-laborers,  the  President  and  Cab- 
inet, though  not  Garrisonian  Abolitionists.  In  Con- 
gress, which  he  could  not  enter,  are  half-a-dozen  men 
who  will  say  all  that  he  can,  and  more. 

What  is  our  function  to-day  ?  Not  to  dally  over  old 
mottoes.  The  Secretary  of  War  carries  them  in  his 
heart.  A  new  road  opens.  Our  former  object  was  to 
break  the  bonds  of  the  slaves,  and  to  protect  the  race 
when  free.  To-day,  it  is  that  and  more.  The  coun- 
try is  to  be  saved  under  one  banner,  if  possible.  The 
President  has  diminished  the  chances  of  a  Union  one- 
fourth  by  his  annulling  Hunter's  proclamation.  Union 
fcis  desirable  and  necessary,  for  the  sake  of  the  negro 
as  well  as  for  ours. 

We  blame  Abraham  Lincoln.  But  look  at  this : 
Five  Massachusetts  Representatives  in  Congress  have 
told  him,  within  a  week,  that  we  don't  want  emancipa- 
tion !  The  bankers  of  State  Street  send  delegations 
to  the  President  to  instruct  him  as  to  the  tax  bills. 
When  has  Massachusetts  sent  notable  Republican  del- 
egates to  instruct  him  of  the  wishes  of  Massachusetts 
about  abolition?  We  are  dealing  not  with  a  great 
man.  Lincoln  is  honest,  like  George  III.,  who  lost  an 
empire  by  his  honesty.  He  is  slow,  too,  and  cautious 
to  timidity. 

Soutli  of  the  Potomac,  said  Mr.  P.,  I  don't  believe 
in  the  existence  of  a  loyal  white  man,  much  less  a 
loyal  slaveholder.  If  Lincoln  does  n't  emancipate  be- 
fore December,  there  will  never  be  a  Union  in  your 
day  or  mine.  The  foreigner  will  enter  then  into  the 
conflict. 

But  suppose  McClellan  takes  Richmond,  and  Lin- 
coln proclaims  emancipation  from  the  rebel  capital, 
what  kind  of  representatives  will  come  from  the 
Southern  States  restored  to  their  right  of  ballot?  If 
not  Jeff.  Davis,  &c,  there  will  come  those  just  like 
him.  Therefore,  we  must  urge  upon  the  Govern- 
ment the  fact  that  there  is  no  State  of  Alabama,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  &c.  The  South  consists  but  of 
men  and  land, — tabula  rasa, — blank  paper  for  us  to 
write  on  at  will.  The  ballot  must  he  taken  from  every 
white  man  in  the  rebel  States.  Black  men  alone  to 
vote — to  have  representation — till  the  whites  purge 
themselves,  by  years  of  purification,  from  the  last 
stains  of  rebellion  and  slavery.  The  workers  alone 
are  our  brothers,  to  be  recognized  as  such. 

Liberty  North  and  South  is  certain.  Union  I  do  not 
despair  of.  There  is  a  hopeful  change  from  the  de- 
mand of  South  Carolina  for  our  imprisonment  to  the 
struggle  of  to-day.    It  is  a  noble  army  that  goes  South- 


ward, embracing  in  its  ranks  all  nationalities  and  all 
colors  but  one — the  negro's.  It  is  going  to  add  that 
color  also,  and  to  realize  the  great  idea  of  this  people 
as  embodied  and  expressed  in  the  Declaration  op 
Independence. 

AY.  L.  Garrison  then  reported  the  following  reso- 
lution : — 

21.  Resolved,  That  we  leave  to  their  betrayed  con- 
stituents those  Massachusetts  Representatives,  who, 
through  cowardice  or  lack  of  principle,  defeated  by 
their  votes  the  bill  for  the  confiscation  of  the  slave 
property  of  the  rebels  ;  and  doubt  not  that  those  con- 
stituents will  be  certain  to  send  them  into  a  dishonored 
retirement,  to  be  succeeded  by  others  worthy  to  repre- 
sent the  cause  of  freedom  according  to  its  needs  in  the 
trial-hour. 

The  series  of  resolutions  reported  by  the  Business 
Committee  was  then  adopted  by  unanimous  vote,  and 
the  Convention  adjourned  shte  die. 

EDMUND  QUINCY,  President. 

Samuel  May,  Jr., 

Charles  K-.  Whipple,     J-  Secretaries. 

Wendell  P.  Garkisi 


LETTEK  ER0M  REV.  JEHIEL  OLAELIN. 

West  Brook  field,  (Vt.)  May  24, 1862. 

Dear  Garrison — It  would  afford  me  unmingled 
satisfaction,  as  in  times  past,  to  be  present  with  you, 
aod  the  true  and  tried  friends  of  uncompromising  Ab- 
olitionism, in  Convention  assembled,  in  your  city,  on 
the  28lh  and  20th  instant,  there  to  utter  "  thoughts 
that  breathe  and  words  that  burn,"  in  regard  to  the 
present  momentous  crisis. 

I  fear  that,  through  the  unusual  pressure  of  busi- 
ness at  this  busy  season  of  the  year  with  our  good 
people  of  Vermont,  together  with  the  "hard  times," 
Vermont  may  not  be  represented  in  the  New  England 
Convention. 

I,  therefore,  send  you  this  brief  letter,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assuring  you,  and  through  you,  the  Conven- 
tion, that  our  cause  in  this  State  is  meeting  with 
hearty  favor  among  the  most  intelligent  and  best  por- 
tion of  the  people.  This  fearful  crisis,  through  which 
this  nation  is  passing,  is  a  great  revealer  of  hearts. 

While  many  now  see,  and  readily  and  frankly  avow, 
that  abolition  is  our  only  safety,  there  are  others, 
even  in  Vermont,  whose  sympathies  are  with  the 
Southern  rebels  in  arms  ;  but  I  am  happy  to  say  that 
this  class  is  but  a  small  minority  in  this  State.  I  find 
maDy  who  are  now  ready  for  abolition.  Events  are 
mighty  forces  to  change  popular  opinion ;  so  much  so, 
that  I  think  your  Convention  will  be  in  no  danger  of 
being  broken  up  by  a  mob,  with  the  approbation  of 
city  officials ! 

These  are  "perilous  times"  indeed;  for  the  just 
judgments  of  God  are  filling  the  land  with  lamenta- 
tions and  woe,  because  of  the  oppression  in  our 
midst,  and  the  abominations  done  in  the  land. 

It  has  taken  this  nation  a  long  time  to  learn  this 
truth,  that  "  whatsoever  a  man  sows,  that  shall  he  also 
reap" — which  is  also  true  of  nations.  That  "cove- 
nant with  death,  and  agreement  with  hell,"  which 
our  fathers  made  for  a  consideration,  is  about  to  be 
"  annulled." 

This  is  a  most  fearful  ordeal  through  which  we  are 
passing,  a  terrible  chastisement  for  our  heinous  sins  in 
the  enslavement  of  our  brother,  "and  the  end  is  not 
yet." 

How  much  longer  will  this  nation  think  to  circum- 
vent God,  by  refusing  to  proclaim  "  liberty  through- 
out all  the  land,  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof"  ! 

Praying  that  your  Convention  may  be  harmonious, 
animated,  and  eminently  successful,  I  remain, 

Yours,  faithfully,  to  the  end  of  the  conflict, 
JEHIEL  CLAFLIN. 


In  every  county,  neighborhood,  village,  town  and 
city  do  these  circles  meet,  and  slavery  and  war  is  the 
burthen  of  every  thought  and  feeling,  as  with  busy, 
unselfish  fingers  they  labor  for  those  they  love.  Their 
Deliverances  will  spread  far  and  wide,  and  sink  deeper 
into  the  great  soul  of  society,  than  even  that  of  the 
honorable  Dr.  Breckinridge,  just  issued  from  the 
Rcpresentative.Hall,  of  Ohio,  backed  up  with  two  hun- 
dred antiacne  of  the  learned  divines  of  this  land. 
When  tire1  wives  and  mothers  of  a  nation  are  terribly 
in  earnest,  politicians  and  office-holders  will  have  to 
move. 

A  good  joke  is  told  of  a  Kentuekian,  who  went  to 
hear  Oliver  Wendell  Phillips*  lecture  in  Cleveland. 
Two  gentlemen  in  the  cars,  the  next  morning  after 
the  lecture,  were  heard  holding  Hie  following  col- 
loquy : — 

"  Did  you  hear  Phillips,  last  night,  sir  ?  " 

"I  did." 

"  How  did  you  like  him  ?  " 

"  Like  him  !  I  think  him  the  most  perfect  speci- 
men of  an  orator  and  man  that  I  ever  saw." 

"  But  what  of  his  notions  ?  " 

"Just  the  doctrine,  sir.  I  wish  every  man  in  '.he 
uation  could  hear  him.  But  what  a  pity  it  is  thatso 
many  people  have  mistaken  the  name,  and  got  Km 
mixed  up  with  that  harum-scarum,  perverting  Gairi- 
sonian-woman-rights-abolitionist  of  Boston." 

"  Why,  sir,  he's  the  very  man." 

"  Not  at  all,  sir ;  not  at  all.  The  names  are  simihr, 
but  the  men  are  two  different  persons." 

Yours,  truly,  P.  D.  GAGE. 

P.  S.  The  response  to  the  call  from  Washington. 
in  the  State  of  Ohio,  is  wonderful, — more  than  equal 
to  the  first  day's  gathering  of  troops  iu  April  of  18GI. 

*  The  posters  for  Phillips's  lecture  in  Cleveland,  notified 
the  public  that  Oliver  Wendell  Phillips  was  to  lecture,— so 
little  did  the  Association  really  know  of  this  apostle  of 
liberty. 


fc^"  The  Continental  Monthly  for  June  is  re- 
ceived. Contents  :  1.  The  Constitution  and  Slavery, 
Rev.  C.  E.  Lord.  2.  A  Story  of  Mexican  Life.  3. 
The  Red,  White,  and  Blue.  4.  Maccaroni  and  Can- 
vas. 5.  EnAvant.  6.  Desperation  and  Colonization, 
Charles  G.  Leland,  7.  The  Education  to  Be,  Levi 
Reuben,  M.  D.  8.  Travel-Pictures,  Henry  T.  Lee. 
9.  The  Huguenots  of  Staten  Island,  Hon.  G.  P.  Disso- 
sway.  10.  Recollections  of  Washington  Irving,  By 
one  of  his  early  Friends.  11.  New  England's  Ad- 
vance, Augustus  C.  Kimball.  12.  Was  He  Success- 
ful ?  Richard  E.  Kimball.  13.  Monroe  to  Farragut, 
Charles  G.  Leland.  14.  Among  the  Pines,  Edmund 
Kirke.  15.  Literary  Notices.  16.  Editor's  Table. 
Published  by  J.  R.  Gilmore,  582  Broadway,  New  York, 
and  110  Tremont  street,  Boston, 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OHIO— INCIDENT  IN 
A  RAILROAD  OAR. 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  May  2S,  1862. 

Friend  Garrison, — It  has  been  my  work  to  lec- 
ture a  good  part  of  the  time  this  last  winter;  and 
going  from  village  to  village,  meeting  new  assemblies 
of  people,  every  day  or  two,  one  cannot  well  keep 
their  eye3  blind  or  their  ears  deaf  to  public  opinion. 
It  is  true,  one  part  (and  perhaps  the  larger  part)  of  the 
people  will  not  come  out  to  hear  a  woman  lecture,  un- 
less patronized  at  the  rate  of  fifty  dollars  a  night  by 
the  literary  associations  of  the  town;  but  from  those 
that  will,  one  gathers  the  feelings,  or  at  least  the  ut- 
terances of  these  conservatives.  And  it  is  a  hopeful 
sign  of  the  times  when  you  hear,  with  rare  exception, 
but  one  opinion  on  the  leading  topics  of  the  day. 

"  What  is  our  Government  about  ? "  is  the  question 
of  the  blunt,  honest,  straightforward  old  farmer, 
"  Why  don't  they  emancipate  ?  One  year  ago,  I 
would  have  said,  cut  off  my  right  hand  first.  But 
they  have  got  both  my  right  hand  and  my  left,  now, — 
my  two  brave  boys, — and  I,  that  thought  my  hard 
work  was  done,  have  turned  into  the  field  and 
meadow — to  feed  and  tend,  chop  and  plow,  that  they 
may  work  for  freedom  and  the  country ;  and  it  arouses 
all  my  old  Puritan  blood,  when  I  think  of  those 
rebels,  who  can  go  away  to  war  and  leave  their  hu- 
man chattels  to  take  care  of  things  at  home.  I  tell 
you,  Madam,  these  things  open  our  eyes.  It  would  n't 
have  done  last  year,  but  it  will  now.  We  must  eman- 
cipate." 

"  My  husband,  two  sons,  and  a  nephew  that  I 
raised,  are  now  standing  before  Corinth,"  said  the 
most  worthy  and  influential  lady  of  another  town. 
"  My  heart  is  lonely  and  our  home  seems  desolate. 
Ah !  it  has  taught  me  to  think  of  the  poor  black 
mothers,  who  have  had  children  and  husbands  torn 
away,  through  all  these  fearful  years  of  slavery,  while 
we  have  slept,  nor  thought  of  raising  our  voice 
against  the  'sum  of  all  villanies.'  I  can  bear  to  have 
mine  all  slain,  if  need  be,  so  that  the  slave-chain  is 
broken.  But  oh 1  God  of  mercy  !  to  think  that  all 
this  bloodshed,  this  fearful  agony  must  be,  and  yet 
no  blow  struck  at  the  real  cause  !  '■'  This  was  said  in 
the  rooms  of  the  soldiers'  aid,  within  hearing  of 
dozens  of  the  zealous  workers  for  the  sufferers ;  and 
every  eye  moistened  with  tears,  and  every  look  said, 
"Amen."  These  women  will  lead  the  sentiment  of 
the  town. 

A  Presbyterian  minister,  who  acknowledged  that 
he  had  ever  been  an  advocate  of  the  doctrine  of  non- 
interference, boldly  says  to  his  church,  We  have  been 
deceived :  we  have  done  wrong.  The  New  York 
Observer  and  its  ilk  have  done  more  to  bring  on  this 
barbarous  war,  than  all  the  Abolitionists  in  the  world. 
They  have  taught  the  South  that  the  North  was 
weak,  and  that  there  was  no  latent  power  among  the 
people  to  be  called  out,  to  resist  secession.  And  the 
South  believed,  and  their  strong  Sampson  has  pulled 
down  the  pillars  of  their  temple  upon  their  own 
heads. 

North  and  south,  east  and  west,  in  Ohio,  the  public 
feeling  is  far  ahead  of  the  rulers.  The  strongest  and 
most  ultra  utterance  I  could  make  in  my  lectures  for 
emancipation, — absolute,  unconditional  and  immedi- 
ate,— was  received  with  the  most  earnest  demonstra- 
tion of  approbation.  Now  and  then,  you  hear  some 
old  stager  in  the  Democratic  line,  or  some  office- 
seeker  under  Republican  rule,  asserting  that  "if  sla- 
very is  meddled  with,  half  our  army  will  throw  down 
their  arms." 

Let  them!  The  valiant  and  true — they  that  love 
liberty  and  hate  war,  yet  are  willing,  if  need  so  re- 
quires, to  take  up  the  sword — would  soon  fill  the 
places  of  such  half-way  patriots,  who  only  fight  for 
flags  and  for  pay ! 

Let  them!  Such  a  procedure  would  startle  some 
glorious  Deborah  from  tier  dream  of  "  woman's 
sphere,"  to  lead  our  halting  Baraks  to  victory. 

Some  Jael  shall  smite  the  tyrant,  when  men  prove 
recreant  to  duty.  We  seem  to  have  no  Joans  of  Arc, 
no  Charlotte  Cordays,  just  now,  who,  with  the  en- 
thusiasm of  a  great  purpose,  arc  inspiring  the  war- 
riors upon  the  battle-field. 

But  a  mightier  work  is  being  done  in  those  charmed 
circles,  where  the  bandage  and  the  lint,  and  the  com- 
press and  pillow,  for  the  wounded,  preach  sermons  to 
loving  hearts  day  by  day. 


EVACUATION  OF  CORINTH. 

Corinth.  May  31,  via  Cairo  June  1.  [Special  dis- 
patch to  New  York  Tribune],  Yesterday  morning  our 
reserve  divisions  were  brought  up  and  our  entire 
front  moved  forward,  the  men  having  two  days  rations 
in  their  haversacks.  During  the  day  we  kept  up  a 
tremendous  cannonading,  shelling  the  woods  furious- 
ly. The  rebels  hardly  showed  thomselves,  but  re- 
plied feebly  with  a  few  shots.  Last  night  we  threw 
up  breastworks  along  the  entire  front,  and  slept  on  our 
arms  within  1000  yards  of  the  enemy's  breastworks. 

At  6  o'clock  this  morning  Gen.  Pope  entered  Cor- 
inth without  the.slightest  resistance  and  took  posses- 
sion. At  the  same  time  the  Mayor,  who  had  come 
out  on  a  different  road,  met  Gen.  Nelson  and  surren- 
dered the  town  to  him.  There  were  no  inhabitants 
remaining  except  women,  children,  and  old  men. 

The  rebels  succeeded  in  carrying  away  everything 
except  a  few  provisions,  which,  with  the  warehouses 
and  railroad  depot,  were  burned  before  we  arrived. 
They  took  every  invalid  from  the  hospital  and  every 
letter  from  the  post  office.  They  did  not  leave  a  sin- 
gle gun,  and  had  been  moving  away  troops  more  than 
six  days,  and  stores,  two  weeks.  The  most  of  the 
troops  have  gone  toward  Grand  Junction. 

The  rebel  rear  guard,  under  Bragg,  10,000  strong, 
marched  southward  at  midnight.  The  citizens  assert 
positively  that  Beauregard  was  there  in  person  and 
left  with  it.  All  concur  in  saying  that  never  more 
than  60,000  troops  were  there  at  once,  and  usually  a 
much  less  number. 

The  rebel  fortifications  were  five  miles  long  from 
the  Memphis  and  Charleston  to  the  Mobile  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  but  were  much' weaker  than  we  supposed. 
They  could  have  been  carried  by  storm  at  any  time. 

The  few  prisoners  we  have  are  deserters  from  the 
rebel  rear  guard.  There  is  a  feeling  of  great  mortifi- 
cation in  our  army,  I  have  these  details  from  one  who 
was  there  in  person. 

Headquarters,  Camp  near  Corinth. 
To  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War : 

The  enemy's  position  and  works  in  front  of  Corinth 
were  exceedingly  strong. 

He  cannot  occupy  a  stronger  position  in  his  flight. 
This  morning  he  destroyed  an  immense  amount  of 
public  and  private  property,  stores,  provisions,  wagons, 
tents,  &c. 

For  miles  from  the  town  the  roads  are  filled  with 
arms,  haversacks,  &c,  thrown  away  by  his  fleeing 
troops.  A  large  number  of  prisoners  and  deserters 
have  been  captured,  estimated  by  Gen.  Pope  at  2000. 

Gen.  Beauregard  evidently  distrusts  his  army,  or  he 
would  have  defended  so  strong  a  position.  His  troops 
generally  are  much  discouraged  and  demoralized. 

In  all  the  engagements  for  the  last  few  days  their 
resistance  has  been  weak. 

II.  W.  Halleck,  Major  General. 


Corinth,  June  1.  Col.  Elliott  and  command  have 
returned  after  destroying  the  railroad  in  several  places, 
burning  a  large  amount  of  stores,  capturing_  three 
pieces  of  artillery,  30  mounted  prisoners,  and"  about 
600  infantry,  with  little  loss.  He  found  2,500  sick  and 
wounded  rebels  at  Booneville. 

Memphis  refugees  report  that  all  the  newspaper  es- 
tablishments have  been  removed  to  Grenada,  Miss. 

Gen.  Pope  congratulates  Col.  Elliott  on  the  brilliant 
success  of  his  expedition. 


GREAT  BATTLE  NEAR  RICHMOND. 

Washington,   June  1.     The  following  Despatch 
was  received  at  the  War  Department  this  afternoon  : 

"  Field  op  Battle,  June  1 — 12  M. 
We  have  had  a  desperate  battle,  in  which  the  corps 
of  Generals  Sumner,  Heintzelman  and  Keyes  have 
been  engaged  against  greatly  Superior  numbers.  Yes- 
terday at  1  o'clock  the  enemy,  taking  advantage  of  a 
terrible  storm,  which  has  flooded  the  valley  of 
the  Chickahominy,  attacked  our  troops  on  the 
right  flank.  Gen.  Casey's  division,  which  was 
in  the  first  line,  gave  way  unaccountably  and  disunit- 
edly.  This  caused  a  confusion,  during  which  the 
guns  and  baggage  were  lost,  but  Generals  Heintzelman 
and  Kearny  most  gallantly  brought  up  their  troops, 
which  checked  the  enemy.  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever,  we   succeeded  by   great  exertions  in  bringing   tW^haraTv 


across  Generals  Sedgwick  and  Richardson's  divisions, 
who  drove  back  the  enemy  at  the  point  of  the  bayo- 
net, covering  the  ground  with  his  dead.  This  morn- 
ing the  enemy  attempted  to  renew  the  conflict,  but  was 
everywhere  repulsed.  We  have  taken  many  prison- 
ers, among  whom  is  General  Pettigrew  and  Colonel 
Long.  Our  loss  is  heavy,  but  that  of  the  enemy  must 
be  enormoHS.  With  the  exception  of  General  Casey's 
division,  the  men  behaved  splendidly.  Several  fine 
bayonet  charges  have  been  made.  The  2d  Excelsior 
regiment  made  two  to-day. 

(Signed)  George  B.  McClellan, 

Major  General  Commanding." 

Washington,  June  1.  During  the  whole  of  the 
battle  this  morning  Professor  Lowe's  balloon  was  over- 
looking the  terrible  scene  from  an  altitude  of  about 
2000  feet.  Telegraphic  communication  from  the  bal- 
loon to  Gen.  McClellan  and  in  direct  connection  with 
the  military  wires  was  successfully  maintained,  Mr. 
Park  Spring  of  Philadelphia  acting  as  operator. 

Every  movement  of  Hie  enemy  was  obvious  and  in- 
stantly reported.  This  is  believed  to  be  the  first  time 
that  a  balloon  reconnoissance  has  been  successfully 
made  during  a  battle,  and  certainly  the  first  time  in 
which  a  telegraph  station  has  been  established  in  the  ' 
air  to  report  the  movements  of  the  enemy  and  the 
progress  of  a  battle.  The  advantage  to  Gen.  McClel- 
lan must  have  been  immense. 

Washington,  June  8.  Some  five  hundred  prison- 
ers were  taken  by  us  in  the  late  battle  on  the  Chicka- 
hominy, among  them  several  officers.  Our  loss  in 
the  two  days'  engagement  is  estimated  at  3000,  of 
whom  a  large  proportion  are  thought  to  be  missing 
and  likely  to  return.  The  enemy  left  1200  dead  on 
the  field.  All  the  troops  left  Richmond  and  marched 
out  in  the  direction  of  the  battle-ground.  The  rail- 
road was  of  great  help  to  us  in  forwarding  supplies  ut' 
ammunition  during  the  fight.  Col.  Briggs  of  the  10th 
Massachusetts,  is  among  the  wounded. 


g^=The  bill  recognizing  the  Governments  of  Hnjti 
and  Liberia,  ami  establishing  diplomatic  relations  with 
ii,  passed  Hie  Mouse  on  Tuesday — 86  against  37 — 
anil  only  awaits  the  signature  of  the  President  to  be- 
come a  law.  (tur  diplomatic  representatives  of  theea 
Governments  will  rank  as  Consuls-General,  their  sala- 
ries beiug  $4,000  per  annum. 


THIi  RETREAT  OF  GENERAL  BANKS 

A  coirespondont  of  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  writ- 
ing (Von  Uagerstown,  (Md.,)  20th,  says : — 

"  When  the  refugees  from  beyond  Winchester  were 
passing  through  that  hot-bed  of  secession,  they  were 
fired  upon  from  the  windows,  and  many  fell  to  the 
ground— some  dead  and  others  wounded. 

As  Ipassed  along  the  turnpike,  this  morning,  I  met 
vehichs  of  all  descriptions,  from  the  quaint-looking 
carriage  of  Virginia  to  a  half-wagon,  filled  with  wo- 
men, jhildren,  and  their  household  effects.  To  enu- 
merate the  'contrabands,'  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages, 
who  s'eompanied  our  army  across,  would  be  impossi- 
ble. Their  name  is  legion.  Many  of  the  men  had 
been  acting  as  teamsters,  and  dreaded  hanging  if  they 
remaned. 

As  General  Banks  was  passing  through  Winchester, 
and  murderous  volleys  were  being  fired  from  windows 
and  house-tops,  a  rebel  standing  in  a  doorway  sighted 
a  double-barreled  gun  at  him.  The  act  was  observed 
by  a  private  in  the  Forty-sixth,  named  John  Clark, 
who,  hastily  'drawing  a  bead,'  killed  the  assassin, 
and  saved  the  General's  life.  The  General  subse- 
quently asked  his  name,  and  thanked  him." 

A  correspondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  who  was 
with  the  Maryland  regiment,  says  : — 

"After  the  fall  of  Colonel  Kenley  the  retreat  of  our 
troops  became  a  perfect  rout,  every  man  looking  out 
for  No.  1.  The  rebel  cavalry  rode  in  among  them, 
cutting  down  whoever  fell  into  their  way. 

Passing  through  Winchester  our  soldiers  were  the 
objects  of  all  kinds  of  abuse  and  ridicule  from  the  Se- 
eesh  people  of  that  town,  especially  the  women.  They 
refused  to  give  our  soldiers  anything,  but  instead  de- 
rided them,  and  showed  their  joy  that  our  forces  were 
cut  up.  They  taunted  our  soldiers  with  such  remarks 
as,  'Ah!  you  Yankee  hirelings,  you  have  got  fixed 
by  Jackson  and  Ashby  !*  'You  d — d  Hessians  have 
got  served  right!'  and  plenty  of  other  expressions, 
more  forcible  than  neat. 

Of  the  force  belonging  to  the  second  section  of 
Knapp's  battery,  only  two  remain,  the  rest  having 
either  been  captured  or  wounded.  The  1st  Maryland 
regiment  (1,100  men  in  all)  is  nearly  all  either  killed 
or  captured. 

As  soon  as  the  40th  Pennsylvania  regiment  entered 
Winchester,  the  street  re-echoed  with  the  shots  d' 
charged  from  the  windows  of  the  dwellings.  The 
destined  attack  upon  our  troops  was  evidently  well 
known  by  the  people  of  Winchester,  since  no  sooner 
hail  the  battle  commenced  than  the  windows  bristled 
with  guns  and  pistols.  Wherever  a  Union  soldier 
seen,  there  a  shot  was  fired.  Not  men  only,  but  wo- 
men, used  with  effect  the  deadly  weapons.  Accurate 
aim  was  not  only  taken  by  these  female  fiends,  but 
large  hand  grenades  were  thrown  by  them  from  win- 
dows, which,  as  they  burst,  proved  destructive  to  the 
lives  and  limbs  of  many  of  our  gallant  men. 

When  it  was  ascertained  that  retreat  was  inevitable, 
the  convalescents  in  the  hospitals  at  Winchester  were 
notified,  and  all  who  could,  hastily  left ;  some  who  had 
been  suffering  for  weeks  with  rheumatism  and  other 
diseases,  finding  themselves  suddenly  made  whole.  A 
shell  was  fired  by  the  rebels  into  the  Court  House, 
used  by  our  troops  as  a  hospital;  and  it  is  positively 
asserted  that  not  only  were  our  sick  and  wounded 
bayonet  and  sabred,  but  one  building  in  which  they 
were  was  burned." 

The  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Journal,  in  General 
Banks's  army,  gives  the  following  on  the  flight  from 
Winchester: — 

"  A  great  deal  of  firing  came  from  the  houses.  Citi- 
zens shot  down  our  men.  Women,  too — demons  in 
petticoats— stood  deliberately  and  fired  upon  us.  One 
shot  dead  a  private  in  Company  C.  His  comrade  fired 
upon  her,  and  she  fell  a  corpse.  Swift  and  merited 
retribution  !  On,  on  we  passed  out  of  town,  over  the 
roads  and  fields  in  such  solid  columns  that  they  did 
not  dare  to  follow  us  closely,  but  rained  their  shells  on 
us  but  too  surely.  Many  fell  out  from  hunger  and  fa- 
tigue. The  wounded  and  sick — all  who  could  not  go 
at  double  quick — were  left  behind;  and  the  saddest 
story  of  all  is,  in  this  age,  and  not  among  Hottentots, 
that  these  unfortunates  were  all  left — probably  to  be 
butchered  !  The  cavalry  of  the  rear  guard  nearly  all 
tell  the  same  story — that  men  were  constantly  over- 
taken, and  when  ordered  to  surrender,  and  threw  down 
their  arms,  had  their  heads  cut  off." 

The  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Traveller  writes  a 
similar  story  as  follows  : — 

"Then  came  the  march  through  Winchester.  It 
was  a  savage  one.  The  2nd  Massachusetts  regiment 
were  the  rear,  but  all  fared  much  alike.  Citizens  shot 
from  windows,  threw  hand-grenades,  struck  at  our 
men  with  clubs — citizens?  Women  did  it;  women 
shot  wounded  men ;  women  threw  hot  water  on  them  ; 
women  killed  prisoners.  At  last,  forbearance  ceased. 
Volleys  were  poured  into  houses ;  rooms  were  entered 
and  assassins  bayonetted;  any  public  property  was 
fired,  and  streets  were  swept  by  the  conflagration  ;  ord- 
nance exploded;  cavalry  rode  down  stragglers;  but 
the  2nd,  tfien  the  rear  guard,  never  wavered — not  a 
company  broke — not  a  gap  was  to  be  seen.  '  Steady — 
steady  ; '  and  the  discipline  of  this  brave  and  noble" set 
of  soldiers  then  told." 

The  Pittsburg  Chronicle  puts  the  loss  of  stores  at 
two  million  dollars.     Its  correspondent  says  : — 

"  There  has  been  an  immense  loss,  but  it  will  not  do 
to  put  it  on  paper.  A  portion  of  the  supply  train  was 
cut  off,  wagons  burnt  up  on  the  road,  large  quantities 
of  stores  and  forage  destroyed,  and  in  crossing  here 
(Williamsport)  one  hundred  mules  were  drowned,  and 
there  was  great  loss  of  stores." 


^^  Front  Royal  was  retaken  by  the  Federal 
troops  on  Friday.  A  brigade,  preceded  by  four  com- 
panies of  R.  I.  Cavalry  under  Major  Nelson,  entered 
the  place  at  11  o'clock  and  drove  out  the  enemy,  con- 
sisting of  the  8th  Louisiana,  four  companies  of  the  12th 
Georgia,  and  a  body  of  cavalry.  They  captured  six 
officers  and  six  privates,  and  recovered  thirteen  of  our 
men  taken  a  week  ago,  among  whom  were  Major  Cot- 
tins  of  the  Vermont  Cavalry  and  some  New  York  and 
Maryland  officers  ;  also  a  large  amount  of  transporta- 
tion, including  two  engines  and  eleven  ears.  Our  loss 
was  eight  killed,  five  wounded,  and  one  missing — all 
of  the  K.  I.  Cavalry. 

Gen.  Banks  telegraphs  that  the  N.  J.  Cavalry  en- 
tered Martinsburg  on  Saturday  morning  and  passed 
several  miles  beyond,  where  they  encountered  the  en- 
emy's cavalry,  and  captured  several  prisoners,  a  wag- 
on of  muskets,  ammunition  and  an  American  flag. 


THE  CONFISCATION  BILL. 

The  bill  provides  that  all  the  estate,  property  and 
moneys,  stocks,  credit  and  effects  of  the  person  or  per- 
sons hereinafter  named,  are  declared  forfeited  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  declared  lawful 
subjects  of  seizure,  and  of  prize  and  capture  wherever 
found,  for  the  indemnity  of  the  United  States,  against 
the  expenses  for  suppressing  the  present  rebellion — 
that  is  to  say  : 

First.— Of  any  person  hereafter  acting  as  an  officer 
in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  rebels,  now  or  hereafter, 
in  arms  against  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

Secondly — Any  person  hereafter  acting  as  President, 
Vice  President,  member  of  Congress,  Judge  of  any 
Court,  Cabinet  officer,  Foreign  Minister,  Commission- 
er or  Consul  of  the  so  called  Confederate  States. 

Thirdly.— Any  person  acting  as  Governor  of  a 
State,  member  of  a  convention  or  legislature,  or  Judge 
of  any  Court  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States. 

Fourthly. — Any  person  who,  having  held  an  office 
of  honor,  trust  or  profit  in  the  United  States,  shall 
hereafter  hold  an  office  in  the  so-called  Confederate 
StateB. 

Fifthly. — Any  person  hereafter  holding  any  office 
or  agency  under  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  or 
under  any  of  the  several  States  of  said  Confederacy, 
or  laws  thereof,  whether  such  office  or  agency  be  na- 
tional, State  or  municipal  in  its  name  or  character. 

Sixthly. — Any  person  who,  having  property  in  any 
loyal  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  or  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  shall  hereafter  assist  and  give 
aid  and  comfort  to  such  rebellion,  the  said  estate,  prop- 
erty and  moneys,  stocks,  credits  and  effects  of  these 
persons  arc  declared  lawful  subjects  of  capture 
vherever  found;  aud  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  cause  the  same  to  be  seized,  to  the  end 
that  they  may  be  confiscated  and  condemned  to  the 
use  of  the  United  States;  and  all  sales,  transfers  or 
conveyances  shall  be  null  and  void  ;  and  it  shall  be  a 
sufficient  bar  to  any  suit  brought  by  such  person  for 
the  possession,  and  for  the  use  of  such  property,  or 
any  of  it,  to  allege  and  prove  he  is  one  of  the  persons 
descibed  in  this  section. 

The  second  section  provides  that  if  any  person  with- 
in any  State  or  Terrritory  of  the  United  States  other 
than  those  already  specified  shall  not,  within  sixty 
days  after  public  warning  and  proclamation  by  the 
President,  cease  to  aid,  countenance  and  abet  such  re- 
bellion, and  return  to  their  allegiance,  their  property 
shall  in  like  manner  be  forfeited  for  the  use  of  the 
United  States,  all  sales,  transfers  or  conveyances  of 
any  such  property,  after  the  expiration  of  the  said 
sixty  days  from  the  date  of  the  warning  shall  be  null 
and  void. 

.  The  third  section  provides  tharto  secure  the  posses- 
sion, condemnation  and  sale  of  such  property,  situate 
and  being  in  any  State  or  territory  of  the  United 
States,  proceedings  in  rem  shall  be  instituted  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States  in  any  District  Court  or 
territorial  Court,  or  in  the  United  States  District 
Court,  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  within  which  the 
property  may  be  found,  or  into  which  the  same  if  mov- 
able may  be  first  brought,  which  proceedings  shall 
conform  as  nearly  as  may  be  to  proceedings  in  prize 
cases,  or  to  cases  of  forfeiture,  arising  under  the  rev- 
enue laws  ;  and  the  property  so  seized  and  condemned, 
whether  real  or  personal,  shall  be  sold  under  the  de- 
cree of  the  Court  having  cognizance  of  the  case,  and 
the  proceeds  deposited  in  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States,  for  their  use  and  benefit. 

The  remainder  of  the  sections  provide  the  necessary 
machinery  for  carrying  the  act  into  effect. 

Provided,  That  the  persons  thirdly  and  fifthly  de- 
scribed, shall  have  accepted  their  election  and  appoint- 
ments to  office  since  the  date  of  the  pretended  ordi- 
nance of  secession  of  such  State,  or  shall  have  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  so-called  Confederate 
States. 

The  bill  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  82  yeas  against  68 
nays. 


THE  EMANCIPATION  BILL. 


the 


The    Emancipation    Bill    which    was  lost 
House  by  a  majority  of  four  is  as  follows. 

If  any  person  or  persons  within  the  United  States 
shall,  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  wilfully  engage  in 
armed  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  or  shall  wilfully  aid  or  abet  such  rebellion,  or 
adhere  to  those  already  engaged  in  such  rebellion,  giv- 
ing them  aid  and  comfort,  every  such  person  shall 
thereby  forfeit  all  claim  to  the  service  or  labor  of  any 
persons  commonly  known  as  slaves,  and  all  such  slaves 
are  hereby  declared  free  and  forever  discharged  from 
servitude,  anything  in  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
or  of  any  other  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding  ; 
and  whenever  thereafter  any  person  claiming  the  la- 
bor or  service  of  any  such  slave  shall  seek  to  enforce 
his  claim,  it  shall  be  sufficient  defence  thereto  that 
the  claimant  was  engaged  in  said  rebellion  or  aided  or 
abetted  the  same  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  this  act. 
Whenever  any  person  claiming  to  be  entitled  to  ser- 
vice or  labor  of  any  other"  person,  shall  seek  to  en- 
force such  claim,  he  shall,  in  the  first  instance,  and  be- 
fore any  order  shall  be  made  for  the  surrender  of  the 
person  whose  service  or  labor  is  claimed,  establish  not 
only  his  claim  to  such  service  or  labor,  but  also  that 
such  claimant  has  not,  in  any  way,  aided,  assisted,  or 
countenanced  the  existing  rebellion  against  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States. 

The  bill  was  rejected — yeas  74,  nays  78. 


New  York,  June  4.  Advices  from  Newhern  re- 
port great  excitement  in  that  place,  owing  to  the  res- 
cue by  Massachusetts  troops  of  a  fugitive  slave  remand- 
ed by  Gov.  Stanley.  A  perfect  panic  prevails  among 
the  fugitives  in  our  lines.  All  vessels  going  North 
are  first  searched  for  slaves.  Gov.  Stanley  has  already 
closed  the  schools  of  the  freed  persons  of  color,  in  con- 
formity with  the  Black  Code  of  North  Carolina.  Sec- 
retary Stanton  has  assured  Sen.  Sumner  that  such 
were  not  his  instructions,  and  that  no  part  of  the  Code 
shall  be  executed. 


Fremont's  Headquarters,  near  Strasburg, 
June  1.  General  Fremont  with  a  strong  column  left 
Franklin  last  Sunday-  and  by  rapid  forced  marches 
has  crossed  the  Shenandoah  mountain  ranges,  march- 
ing nearly  100  miles  over  difficult  roads,  with  little 
means  of  transportation  and  no  supplies  in  the  country. 
Tiiis  morning,  five  miles  from  Strasburg,  he  overtook 
General  Jackson  in  full  retreat  with  his  whole  force 
on  the  road  from  Winchester  to  Strasburg. 

Colonel  Cluserut,  commanding  the  advance  brigade, 
came  upon  the  enemy  strongly  posted  with  artillery, 
which  opened  as  soon  as  the  head  of  bis  column  ap- 
proached. General  Fremont  rapidly  brought  his 
main  column  up  and  formed  in  line  of  battle.  Gen. 
Jackson  declined  to  fight,  and  while  holding  Cluserut 
in  check,  with  a  portion  of  his  troops,  withdrew  his 
main  forces  and  continued  his  retreat. 


SWORD,  REVOLVER  AND  BELT  PRESENTA 
TION  TO  CAPT.  JOHN  BROWN,  JR. 
To  speak  about  the  "  horrors  of  war,"  I  think  there 


ever  a  more  touching  scene  witnessed  than 
yesterday,  near  the  Fort,  in  Company  K,  7th  Kansas 
(Jennison's)  Regiment.  Capt.  John  Brown,  Jr.,  who 
brought  the  above  company  out  here  from  Ohio,  but 
has  for  a  long  time  by  sickness  been  prevented  from 
acting  in  this  capacity  in  the  company,  and  had  there- 
fore sometime  since  resigned,  took  his  last  farewell 
of  the  company.  The  company  on  this  occasion 
presented  John  Brown,  Jr.,  as  a  token  of  their  estima- 
tion of  him,  through  Lieut.,  now  Capt.  Hoyt,  with  a 
beautiful  sword,  belt  and  revolver.  Capt.  Hoyt  made 
a  few  appropriate  remarks,  to  which  John  Brown,  Jr., 
tried  to  answer,  but  could  not  speak  any,  being  moved 
too  much.  His  silence  was  the  best  speech  ever  made 
in  any  military  camp.  There  their  old  Captain  sat, 
not  being  able  to  walk,  in  his  buggy,  tears  in  his  eyes, 
the  whole  company  in  rank  and  file,  without  arms,  but 
tears  in  their  eyes,  and  a  multitude  from  other  com- 
panies silently  around  the  above  scene  with  tears  in 
their  eyes. 

A  man  who  is  in  such  a  manner  beloved  by  his  com- 
pany and  the  whole  regiment,  would  have  made  a 
good  officer  if  spared  for  further  service.  But  it  was 
otherwise  decreed.  All  we  can  say  now  is,  fare  thee 
well,  thou  noble  son  of  a  noble  father  ! 

One  for  Many  of  Jennison's  Jayhawkers. 
— Leavenworth  (Kansas)  Conservative. 


_^=  Capt.  John  Brown,  Jr.,  has  resigned  on  ac- 
count of  ill-health,  and  Lieut  George  II.  Hoyt  has 
been  promoted  to  that  position.  Both  are  representa- 
tive men,  and  Capt.  Urown  could  not  have  a  successor 
who  represents  him  more  fully  in  thoughts  and  pur- 
pose.— Ibid. 


S^=  The  matter  of  Colonel  Jennison  has  been  ar- 
ranged, the  President  having  satisfied  himself  (lint  the 
charges  made  against  him  have  been  groundless,  and 
bv  has  ordered  that  he  be  restored  to  his  rank  and  po- 
sition as  Colonel  of  the  Seventh  Kansas  Volunteers. 
It  is  understood  that  Colonel  Jennison  will  be  put  im- 
mediately in  command  of  a  brigade,  lo  operate  in  West- 
ern Arkansas  and  the  Indian  Territory— one  special 
duly  being  to  restore  to  their  homes  the  loyal  Indians 
driven  out  by  Pike  last  winter,  and  to  give  them  pro- 
tection against  their  enemies. 


COLLECTIONS, 

For  Expenses  of  New  England  Anti-Slavery 
by  Finance  Committee,  May,  1862. 


Edmund  Quincy, 
Bourne  Spooner, 
Amasa  Walker, 
Elijah  Hobart, 
A.  Stanwood, 
Alvan  Ward, 

Weston, 

-     Ilurd, 


5.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 


Lucinda  L.  Jameson,  1.00 


1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
60 
50 
1.00 
1.00 


1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 


H.  L.  Sherman, 

William  Boynton, 

Alexander  Foster, 

Mrs.  J.  C.  Nichols, 

Henry  Abbott, 

H.  H.  Brigham, 

Benjamin  H.  West, 

Paul  D.  Wallis, 

Alexander  Wilson, 

A.  H.  Howard, 

C.  F.  F., 

W.  J.  C, 

J.  M.  C, 

Stephen  Clapp, 

S.  May   Jr., 

J.  T.  Everett, 

E.  &E.  H.  Richards,  2.00 

William  Ashby, 

Mr.  Allen, 

John  T.  Sargent, 

A.  M.  Chase, 

A.  T.  Foss, 

M.  M.  Brooks, 

Lydia  O.  Le  Favre, 

Abby  Newhall, 

S.  Beans  and  wife, 

Miss  Poole, 

A.  B.  B., 

Mary  Clapp, 

A.  M.  Newell, 

B.  F.  Hutchinson, 

A.  S.  Folsom, 
Elizabeth  B.  Chase, 

B.  R.  Do  woes, 
Benjamin  Chase, 
Amos  Chase, 
Asa  Fairbanks, 
Mary  May, 
G.  W.  Stacy, 
Daniel  Mann, 
Dr.  E.  B., 
Samuel  G.  Gilmore, 
S.  A.  F., 
Clarissa  G.  Olds, 

C.  B.  Mclntire, 
L.  G.  J., 
Mary  Willey, 
Eliza  Wellington, 


E.  Trask, 

A.  T.  Draper, 
G.  C.  Hickok, 
Samuel  Barrett, 
W.  W.  Dutcher, 
M.  A.  Dutcher, 
Good, 

J.  J.  Locke, 
P.  B.  Cogswell, 
Leonard  Chase, 
M.  B.  Whiting, 
Bunker  Hill, 
L.  M.  Hess, 
T,  B.  Rice, 
Geo.  W.  Simonds, 
C.  W.  Estabrook, 
H.  W.  Carter, 

1.00     R.  H.  Ober, 
1.00     E.  J.  Sherman, 
1.00-  N.  T.  Allen; 

H.  C.  Hordon, 
Anna  Logan, 
William  II.  Logan, 

B.  H.  Smith, 
II.  Kimball, 
Nathan  Page,  Jr., 

1.00     William  Bartlett, 
1.00     Esther  Kendall, 
1.00    Mjs.  Foss, 


1.00 

50 

1.00 

25 

50 

1.00 

60 

1.00 

1.00 

1.00 

1.00 

1.00 

1.00 

50 

1.00 

1.00 

1.00 

2.00 

50 

1.00 

50 

60 

25 

50 

1.00 

50 

1.00 

1.00 


Lizzie  N.  Etwell, 
Mrs.  Loud, 
R.  H.  Morrill, 
E.  W.  Easte, 
Mary  Brigham, 
Mrs.  D.  Thaxter, 
M.  B.  Clapp, 
Mrs.  Richardson, 
Abby  A.  Bennett, 
Frances  Wasou, 
Rufus  Bates, 
Robert  R.  Crosby, 
E.  A.  Kittredge, 
J.  W.  Spaulding, 
S.  H.  Cowing, 
Lvdia  Smith, 
C.  E.  H. 
M,  Halliburton, 
E.  C.  Hodges, 
II.  Damon, 
Helen  E.  Garrison, 
N.  B.  Hill, 
S.  0., 

Mary  L.  Richmond, 
A.  M.  McPhail,  Jr., 
Mary  E.  Peirce, 
George  W.  Gilmore, 
C.  Wellington, 


Caroline  Wellington,  1.00    J.  G.  Dodge, 


G.  W.  Flanders, 
Anna  Southwick, 
T.  W.  Hartshorn, 
E.  F.  Eddy, 
II.  M.  Ircson, 
J.  Purinlon,  Jr.,. 
E.  D.  Draper, 
Josiah  Iluyward. 
Elizabeth  Meiulum, 
C.  K.  Whipple, 
Paulina  Gerry, 
S.J.  Nowell, 
E.  G.  Richardson, 
M,  n.  Goodrich, 
Joseph  Merrill, 
[■).  II.  Merrill, 
M.  (J.  Wilson, 
L.  S.  Putnam, 
Edward  H.  l'erkins, 

Wooldridge, 
H,  Damon, 
M.  B.  Johnson, 


1.00    E.  Spraguc, 


1.00 

50 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
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60 
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Pocahontas, 

Mr.  Collins, 

S.  U., 

William  Jenkins, 

Jonah  H. 

F.  C.  M.  Houston, 

Grace  Jackson, 

N.  N., 

B.  K.  Mclntire, 

M.  Richards, 

Sumner  Clunev, 

Zcnas  Jenkins, 

Sarah  Marston, 

Dan  Hill, 

Philander  Shaw, 

.1.  Jones, 
John  Itailey, 

Parker  Pillsbnry, 

Edwin  Thompson, 

John  T.  Page. 
M.  W.  Chapman, 


1.00 
1.00 

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1.00 

l.l  10 

1.00 

25 

50 

1.00 

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50 

25 

25 

1.00 

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25 

25 

1.00 

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1.00 

50 

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60 

25 

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60 

25 

25 

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Ruth  Buffum,                1.00     I.  Sargent,  i,6# 
W.  Bassett,  Jr.,            1.00     Mary  G.  Chapman,     1.00 

S.  Shaw,                      1.00    II.  Sargent,  1.00 

Caroline  R,  Putnam,  1.00     George  Adams,  1.00 

M.  G.  Thomas,                60     W.  L.  Garrison,  1.00 

John  T.  Hilton,               50     "Friends "and  cash, 
J.  B.  Pierce,                1.00        in  various  sums,     30.92 
B.  Snow,  Jr.,                1.00 

DONATIONS 

To  the  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Society  at  New  Eng- 
land Anti-Slavery  Convention,  May,  1862. 

James  N.  Buffum,  Lynn,  $25.00 

William  Ashby,  Newburyport,  10.00 

Samuel  Barrett,  Concord,  10.00 

Anna  E.  Dickinson,  Philadelphia,  10.00 

Perley  King,  Danvere,  5.00 

Atkinson  Stanwood,  Newburyjiort,  5.00 

A  friend,  5.00 

Martha  Clapp,  6.00 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  6.00 

S.  and  E.  Hobart,  5.00 

Mary  G.  Chapman,  6.00 

E.  H.  Magill,  6.00 

N.  White,  Concord,  N.  H.,  5.00 

Anne  Atherton,  8.00 

S.  S.  Heminway,  Boston,  3.00 

Georgina  Otis,         "  3.00 

David  Thayer,        "  g.00 

C.  C.  McLauthlin,  Watertown,  8.00 

Charles  Follen,  Brookline,  3,00 

Richard  Plumer.  Jr.,  Newburyport,  8.00 

Wm.  Perry,  N.  Bridgewater,  3.00 

A.  A.  Bent,  South  Gardner,  2.00 

Samuel  L.  Hill,  Florence,  2.00 

"  Death  to  Slavery,"  2.00 

Sarah  E.  Wall,  Worcester,  2.00 

P.  B.  Cogswell,  Concord,  N.  H.,  2.00 

E.  G.  Lucas,   Boston,  2.00 

Stephen  Barker,  $2,  A.  B.  Francis,  $2,  4.00 

George  S.  Flint,  Rutland.  2.00 
Harriot  Richardson,  §2,  Austin  Bearse,  82      4.00 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  Hay  ward,  Salem,  2.00 

Jonathan  Buffum,  Lynn,  2.00 

Wendell  P.  Garrison,  2.00 

Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose,  Henry  W.  Carter, 

S.  J.  Nowell,  John  T.  Sargent,  SI  each.  4.00 

PLEDGES 

To  Muss.  Anti-Slavery  Society,  at   N.  E.   Convention, 
May,  1862. 

Wendell  Phillips,  8100.00 

Mary  May,  100.00 

E.  D.  and  Anna  T.  Draper,  100.00 

George  W.  Simonds,  Boston,  28.00 

W.  W.  Dutcher,  Hopedale,  25.00 

M.  A.  Dutcher,              "  25.00 

Caroline  R.  Putnam,  Salem,  10.00 

Reuben  H.  Ober,  Boston,  10.00 

Elijah  Hobart,  South  Hingham,  5.00 

I.  Adams,  Dorchester,  5.00 

A.  Newhall,  5.00 

Lemuel  Page,  5.00 

E.  B.  Chase,  6.00 

Daniel  Mann,  5.00 

S.  J.  Nowell,  5.00 

Miss  E.  H.  Day,  Lewiston,  Me.,  5.00 

Rev.  W.  J.  Potter,  5.00 

Alden  Sampson,  5.00 

John  C.  Haynes,  5.00 

Joshua  T.  Everett,  3,00 

George  W.  Flanders,  2.00 

A.  A.  Roberts,  2.00 

Jarvis  Lewis,  2.00 

A.  Blanchard,  2.00 

R.   R.    Crosby,   Mary    C.    Sawyer,   J.  T. 

Hewes,    T.   Mundrucu,  Emily   Horn,  G.  L. 
Turner,  Adams  Twitchell,  H.  E.  Lunt,  Abby 

Harris,  Mary  A.  Gardner,  §1  each,  10.00 

G.  L.  Hall,  0.50 


ESSEX  COUNT!". 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Ex/tex  County  Anti-Slavery 
Society  will  be  held  on  Sunday,  June  loth,  at  ESSEX,  iu 
Century  Chapel  ;  commencing  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 

Andrew  T.  Foss,  Parker  Pillsbuky,  and  other  speak- 
ers, are  expected  to  attend. 

It  is  earnestly  hoped  and  desired  that  the  members  of 
the  Society  will  take  more  than  usual  pains  to  be  present* 
The  times  demand  the  earnest  and  united  voices  of  all  the 
friends  of  freedom  and  of  their  country. 

CHARLES  L.  REMOND,  President. 


GARDNER,  MASS.— An  Anti-Slavery  Meeting  will  be 
held  in  Gardner  and  South  Gardner,  on  Sunday,  June  8th, 
to  commence  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  A.  M.  Friends  of 
liberty  and  of  their  country  are,  one  and  all,  invited  to 
attend. 

Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Parker  Pillsbbby  and  other,  apeak-" ' 
ers  are  expected  to  be  present. 


jy  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  hold  meetings  in  the 
Town  Hall,  Gloucester  Harbor,  on  Sunday  nest,  June  8, 
at  2  and  6  o'clock,  P.  M,  Subjects  :  Liberty  and  Slavery 
eternal  Antagonisms.  A  War  of  Bullets  and  Bayonets 
as  a  means  of  Protection  to  Life  and  Liberty. 


W  NOTICE.— Members  of  the  American,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  the  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  request  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 


Ey  THE  REJECTED  STONE— The  new  edition  of 
this  book,  by  Rev.  M.  D.  Conway,  is  now  ready. 

Copies  may  be  obtained  for  gratuitous  distribution  as  low 
as  twenty  cents  a  copy,  iu  cloth,  provided  ten  or  more 
copies  are  taken  at  once.  Those  who  wish  the  book, 
for  this  purpose,  should  apply,  in  person  or  by  let- 
ter, to  He.vp.y  G.  Denny,  Esq.,  42  Court  Street,  Boston. 

The  attention  of  our  Friends  everywhere  is  earnestly 
called  to  this  great  opportunity  of  promoting  the  abolitito 
of  United  States  slavery. 


DIED— In  this  city,  May  29,  Charles  F.  Cook,  aged 
40  years  and  11  months. 

At  her  residence  in  Hudson,  (N.  Y.)  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing, May  25th,  Maria  Marriott,  aged  7i>  years. 

For  two  years  past,  the  health  of  our  beloved  friend  has 
been  gradually  failing,  and  the  change  which  bas  now  ta- 
ken place  she  bas  looked  forward  to  with  sweet  serenity  of 
spirit,  and  remarkable  cheerfulness.  During  the  last  few 
weeks  of  her  illness  she  suffered  much,  both  iu  body  and 
mind,  until  finally  the  quiet  translation  occurred  as  a 
most  welcome  release. 

Since  the  early  inauguration  of  the  Anti-Slavery  move- 
ment, when  the  Liberator,  with  its  motto  of  "  Immediate, 
unconditional  emancipation,''  was  first  sent  forth  upon  its 
important  mission,  our  friend  has  been  among  the  most 
faithful  and  devoted  of  the  slaves'  truest  friends.  By 
great  fidelity,  and  valuable  testimonies  iu  the  social  circle, 
by  constant  distribution  of  Anti-Slavery  publications  iu  the 
sphere  of  her  acquaintance,  by  generous  hospitalily,  and 
liberal  donations  to  tho  American  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
has  she  accomplished  muoh  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed. 

She  was  the  last  surviving  sister  of  tho  late  Charles 
Marriott.  Though  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
she  had  for  many  years  withheld  her  active  co-operation 
because  of  tho  Society's  painful  indifference  to  the  Anti- 
Slavery  cause.  Deploring  the  unhallowed  influences  which 
over  follow  in  tho  wake  of  the  horrible,  bloody  demon  of 
war,  she  looked  forward,  though  not  without  apprehension, 
to  universal  emancipation  as  tho  final  end  of  tho  present 
national  eon  tost. 

She  was  a  most  thoughtful,  benevolent  friend  of  the 
colored  people,  the  poor  and  friendless,  the  orphans  of  the 
city,  by  whom  she  will  he  greatly  missed. 

She  accepted  with  a  lively  faith  the  doctrine  of  contin- 
ued, individual,  conscious  immortality  of  tho  spirit,  and 
tho  view  that  tho  change  called  death  docs  not  wholly 
sovor  tho  delicate  links  by  which  we  are  all  most  closely 
bound  together,  both  in  the. present  aud  tho  hereafter, 

Procious  to  many  will  bo  her  memory,  and  blessed  the 
influence  she  will  continue  to  exert  upon  such  as  wore 
ucarcst  her  in  tho  sphere  of  loving  companionship. 


Representative  Women. 

Liwretia  Mott,  Maria  Weston  Ghanaian.. 

Abby  Kelley  Foster,  Lydia  Maria  Child, 

Harriet  Beeohor  Stowp,    Lucv  Stone, 
Antoinette  L.  Brown. 

fTltlOSK  friends  who  have  so  long  boon  desiring  copies  of 

I    tlio  abovo  group, — executed  in  tlrosielifr's  best  >i.\  l«, 
onn  uow  bo  supplied;  by  sending  their  orders.  taeloBlog  WW 
dollar  for  ouch  QOpy,  which  will  ensure  their  being  prompt- 
ly matted,  and  in  perfect  condition. 

An  oarlv  application  is  necessary,  as  tile  edition  i.-  very 
United,    '  WILLIAM  C,   NELL, 

Anti-Sliivorv  Rooms,  'HI  W  ftflfetutOll  St.,  Boston, 
Juno  S. 


92 


THE     LIBERATOR 


JUNE  6 


0  1 1  K  V 


"THE  GLOEIOUS  POUETH." 

Extracted  from  a  neatly  printed  and  truly  graph  io  Poem, 
— worthy  of  a  wide  circulation  for  its  intrinsic  merit, — 
entitled  "Our  Flag"— in  Four  Cantos -by  T.  H.  Under- 
wood— published  by  Carle  ton,  413  Broadway,  Now  York. 

Ring  out,  0  bells !  the  Nation's  Sabbath-day  ! 

The  glorious  Fourth  !     Ye  people,  clap  your  hands  ! 
Bang  up  your  banners  !  (hide  the  chains  away  .') 

Let  "  Freedom  "  sound  o'er  all  these  goodly  lands  ! 
What  matter  if  our  gallant  ensign  waves 
Above  the  fetters  of  four  million  slaves  ! 
Drums,  beat  your  rataplans  !  shrill-screaming  fife, 

Shriok  "  Hail  Columbia  ! "  with  relentless  air ! 
Let  shouts  and  bonfires  mix  in  friendly  strifo 

With  anthems  loud  and  patriotic  prayer  ! 
Hoarse -throated  cannon  call  unto  the  sea  ! 
Four  million  slaves  may  answer  "  Jubilee  !" 

Our  nation'?  ensign  bravely  cuts  the  sky — 
Its  stars  are  flashing  from  their  lofty  height ! 

Down,  busy  devil — your  suggestive  lie 
Expediency  will  cover  from  the  sight: 

Hint  not  of  "  slaves,"  but  shout  the  "  Glorious  cause  !" 

The  "  Constitution  !  "  "Declaration!"   "Laws!" 

Ha  !  here  is  one  who  in  his  fetters  stands — 
The  truth  will  out — he  standeth  here  a  slate  ! 

Strong  ropes  are  knotted  on  his  neck  and  hands  ; 
Tis  said  he  dies  the  death  that  knows  no  grave — 

The  death  of  deaths — appalling  death  of  fire  ! 

His  feet  are  planted  on  his  funeral  pyre. 

The  staff  that  lifts  our  banner  to  the  sky 

Is  now  his  stake — his  arms  are  pinioned  there, 

Above  his  bead,  and  painfully  too  high — 
(The  seorners  say,  "  an  attitude  of  prayer.") 

Chains  round  the  staff  and  round  his  body  twine, 

And  to  the  "  sacred  pole  "  his  limbs  confine. 

Here  are  three  men,  whose  manhood  is  unknown 
In  Heaven's  court,  three  men  ot  vulgar  speech, 

And  faces  hard,  by  evil  passions  grown 
To  vulpine  hideousness.     They're  holding  eaoh 

A  pine-wood  torch  ;  in  readiness  they  Btand 

To  vindicate  the  honor  of  their  land  ! 

The  ruffian  mob  in  thousands  gather  round — 
The  wolfish  pack  who  dragged  him  through  the  street : 

They  torture  him  with  many  a  grievous  wound — 
His  body  flay,  and  burn  his  hands  and  feet. 

Sublimely  silent,  he  awaits  his  death 

With  brow  serene  and  even-tenured  breath. 

A  "  man  of  God,"  (the  blasphemy  I  write 

To  show  what  brute- depravity  has  done 
To  sacred  things,)  in  ministerial  white, 

Is  standing  here.     How  glib  bis  tongue  doth  run 
With  libels  on  his  country  and  his  time  ! 
He  calls  on  God  to  sanctify  this  crime  ! 

Repeats  the  standard  falsehoods  of  his  class  ; 

Is  flush  in  Bible  saws  and  legal  lore  ; 
Is  rich  in  sophistry  of  sounding  brass, 

In  reasons  blatant.     With  a  pious  roar 
He  deals  anathemas  on  seed  of  Ham, 
And  curses  Canaan  with  an  unctuous  damn. 

This  priest  of  Baal  by  the  victim  stands, 
Parades  his  learning,  and  his  lust  as  well  : 

In  holy  horror,  and  with  lifted  hands, 
Consigns  all  Abolitionists  to  hell — 

Belabors  Freedom  with  the  Holy  Writ, 

Then  goes  his  way,  pedantic  of  his  witi 

The  torchmen  then  apply  their  ready  match, 

And  soon  the  blaze  assails  the  victim's  feet : 
-Wild  laughter  rises,  as  the  faggots  catch, 
In  approbation.     From  each  lane  and  street 

The  human  tide  rolls  onward  in  its  ire 

To  swell  the  horrid  carnival  of  fire. 

The  pitchy  pine  the  native  instinct  shows 

For  negro  flesh  to  feed  its  appetite  : 
In  flaming  fuiy  now  it  leaps  and  glows, 

And  closing  round  him,  shuts  him  from  the  sight : 
A  laugh  of  triumph  is  the  only  sound 


Right  over  this  baptismal  font  of  fire 
Most  haughtily  the  nation's  colors  wave  ! 

The  shoutings  of  the  mob  reach  high — but  higher 
The  upward -leaping  laughter  of  the  slave — 

A  laugh  of  joy  !  the  soul's  loud  jubilee, 

As  it  goes  up,  through  flames,  to  Heaven  free  ! 

Now  upward  springing  from  its  human  feast, 
The  unabating,  angry  blaze  assaults 

The  towering  staff,  and  like  a  growling  beast 
Climbs  up  the  wood,  and  on  the  banner  vaults  ; 

Its  fiery  fangs  the  shiv'ring  ensign  clasp, 

And  erisp  and  curl  it  in  their  envious  grasp  ! 

They  clutch  it  close,  and  hold  it  shrilling  there  ; 

They  fiercely  pluck  each  glittering  star  away  ! 
Ah,  God  !  a  flag  of  Are  floats  on  the  air, 

Grows  red,  then  black,  and  parting  from  its  stay, 
An  instant  waves  a  pirate  rag,  and,  lo  ! 
It  falls  to  ashes  on  the  mob  below  1 

'Tis  emblematic  of  a  nation's  thrall, 

And  of  the  doom  that  His  good  time  will  hide  ; 
In  blood  and  fire  shall  her  red  fetters  fall, 

And  she  arise,  redeemed  and  purified  : 
The  conquering  Right  will  leave  to  after  time 
The  giant  Cinder  of  a  giant  Crime. 


THE    SOLDIEE'3    NURSE. 

[The  other  day,  Col.  Howe  was  conducting  Prof.  Hitch- 
cock, of  the  Union  Theological  Seminary,  through  the  Re- 
lief Rooms  on  Broadway,  when  they  found  an  accomplished 
young  lady,  belonging  to  a  distinguishedfamily  in  thiscity. 
reading  the  Scriptures  to  a  sick  and  wounded  soldier-] 

Our  sweet-faced  Florence  Nightingale, 

Who  watches  till  the  stars  grow  pale, 

Sits  like  a  guardian  angel  near, 

To  bind  the  wound  and  dry  the  tear. 

On  pillows  where  her  shadow  falls 

Are  soft  wings  from  the  starry  walls, 

And  there  the  wounded  soldier  seems 

Wear  angels  that  come  down  in  dreams. 

Her  voice  is  low,  and  soft,  and  sweet. 

Her  step  is  light  with  silent  feet, 

Her  heart  with  pity  overflows, 

Her  tears  are  dew-drops  on  a  rose. 

The  noblest  man  in  all  the  land 

Would  kneel  to  kiss  the  gentle  band 

With  which  she  smoothes  the  hero's  brow, 

Or  wipes  the  grateful  tears  that  flow. 

Who  would  not  wounds  and  bruises  bear, 

To  win  a  smile  from  one  so  fair  ? 
—  JV.  Y.  Tribune.  G.  W.  BUNGAY. 


From  the  Delaware  County,  (Pa.)  Republican. 

HUHTEB'S  PEOOLAMATION. 

BT   RICHARD    COE. 

God's  law  of  compensation  worketh  sure, 

Bo  we  may  know  the  right  shall  aye  endure  ! 

"  Forever  free  .' "     God  !  how  the  pulse  doth  bound 

At  the  high,  glorious,  Heaven-prompted  sound 

That  greets  our  ears  from  Carolina's  shore  ! 

"  Forever  free  !  "  and  slavery  is  no  more  ! 

Ere  time  the  hunter  followed  up  the  slave  ; 

But  now,  a  Hunter,  noble,  true  and  brave, 

Proclaims  the  right  to  each  who  draws  a  breath, 

To  lift  himself  from  out  a  living  death, 

And  plant  his  feet  on  Freedom's  happy  soil, 

Content  to  take  her  wages  for  hie  toil, 

And  look  to  God,  the  author  of  his  days, 

For  food  and  raiment  —  sounding  forth  Ilia  praise. 


BE  TEUE. 

Thou  must  be  true  to  thyself, 

If  tbou  the  truth  wouldst  teach  ; 
Thy  soul  must  overflow,  if  thou 

Another's  soul  would  reach. 
It  needsthe  overflow  of  heart 

To  give  the  lips  full  speech. 
Think  truly,  and  thy  thoughts 

Shall  the  world's  famine  feed  : 
Speak  truly,  and  each  word  of  thine 

Shall  he  a  fruitful  seed  : 
Live  truly,  and  thy  life  shall  bo 

A  great  and  noble  creed. 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  ANTI-SLAVERY  CON- 
VENTION. 

The  Annual  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Conven- 
tion commenced  its  sessions  at  the  Melodeon,  in  Bos- 
ton, on  Wednesday,  May  28th. 

At  10£  o'clock,  the  Convention  was  called  to  or- 
der by  Edmund  Quincv,  President  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society. 

The  Committee  of  Arrangements  proposed,  through 
Samuel  May,  Jr.,  the  following  as  Officers  of  the 
Convention  : — 

For  President— EDMUND  QUINCY,  of  Dedham. 

Vice  Presidents — William  Ashby,  of  Newburyport; 
John  Bailey,  Lynn ;  Bourne  Spooner,  Plymouth  ; 
Andrew  T.  Eoss,  Manchester,  N.  H. ;  Leonard 
Chase,  MUford,  N.  H. ;  Benjamin  Snow,  Jr.,  Fitch- 
burg;  Albert  M.  Chase,  Canton;  John  T.  Sargent, 
Boston  ;  William  I.  Bowditch,  Brookline  ;  Elias  Rich- 
ards, Weymouth  ;  Ellis  Allen,  Medfield;  Joshua  T. 
Everett,  Princeton  ;  Elizabeth  B.  Chase,  Valley  Falls, 
K.I. 

Secretaries—  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  Charles  K.  Whipple, 
Wendell  P.  Garrison. 

Business  Committee — Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Parker  Pillsbury,  William  H.  Fish,  E.  H. 
Heywood,  Wm.  Wells  Brown,  Charles  Follen,  Geo. 
W.  Stacy,  Aaron  M.  Powell,  Mrs.  Ernestine  L.  Rose, 
Miss  Susan  B.  Anthony,  Mrs.  Abby  Kellejt  Foster. 

Finance  Committee — E.  D.  Draper,  Hopedale ; 
James  N.  Buffum,  Lynn;  Maria  S.  Page,  Boston; 
Elbridge  Sprague,  Abington ;  Reuben  II.  Ober,  Bos- 
ton ;  Anna  R.  Powell,  Ghent,  N.  Y. 

The  Convention  accepted  the  officers  thus  nomi- 
nated. 

Edmund  Quinct,  in  taking  the  Chair,  addressed 
the  Convention.  He  thanked  the  Convention  for  the 
honor  conferred  upon  him,  in  electing  him  to  preside 
over  its  deliberations.  He  explained  the  grounds 
upon  which  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery  Society  had  decided  not  to  call  to- 
gether the  New  England  Convention  last  year.  He 
reviewed  briefly  the  political  anti-slavery  history  of 
the  country  during  the  two  years  past,  showing  how 
the  will  and  purpose  of  the  Northern  people  had  tri- 
umphed over  the  conspiracy  of  the  South  and  the 
more  miserable  cabals  of  their  Northern  sympathizers, 
in  their  purpose  to  elevate  slavery  to  be  the  supreme 
power  of  the  land.  He  pointed  out  and  enforced  the 
duties  of  the  Abolitionists  in  this  critical  and  momen- 
tous hour.  He  referred  to  the  general  satisfaction  felt 
throughout  the  North  at  the  Proclamation  of  Gen. 
David  Hunter,  and  his  remarks  were  warmly  ap- 
plauded. He  expressed  the  disappointment  and  pain 
so  generally  felt  when  President  Lincoln  interposed 
his  veto  upon  that  great  act  of  emancipation  ;  but  ad- 
ded his  conviction  that  the  President  would  himself 
exercise  that  great  power  whenever  he  saw  the  life  of 
the  Nation  to  be  depending  upon  the  proclamation  of 
liberty  to  all.  He  thought  we  were  never  in  so  great 
danger  of  foreign  intervention  as  at  this  moment; 
and  that  the  President's  late  proclamation  had,  how- 
ever differently  meant,  done  more  to  complicate  our 
foreign  relations  than  any  other  thing  which  has  hap- 
pened. When,  added  to  this,  we  consider  the  late 
enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  at  Washing- 
ton, it  is  easy  to  see  that  that  large  middle  class  of 
the  British  nation,  which  has  hitherto  held  back  their 
Government  from  intervention  in  our  national  affairs, 
will  be  very  likely  to  lose  all  interest  in  our  war,  and 
all  hope  that  it  will  prove  a  war  for  freedom,  and  even 
to  call  on  their  Government  to  interpose  their  power 
with  an  anti-slavery  purpose.  He  again  exhorted  the 
anti-slavery  people  of  the  North  to  stand  firm,  and 
hoped  that  their  labors  might  make  it  unnecessary 
ever  again  to  hold  a  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Con- 
vention. 

Mr.  Gabrison,  from  the  Committee  of  Business,  re- 
ported the  following  resolutions,  the  reading  of  which 
was  frequently  interrupted  by  applause  : — 

1.  Resolved,  That,  first  of  all,  we  congratulate  the 
true  friends  of  their  country  every  where, — and  es- 
pecially those  who  have  toiled  so  long  and  untiringly 
in  the  Anti-Slavery  field, — upon  the  immediate  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  by,  act  of 
Congress — an  act  whereby  the  Seat  of  Government 
has,  after  seventy  years  of  shame  and  opprobrium, 
been  rescued  from  the  accursed  influences  and  mani- 
fold horrors  of  the  presence  of  that  barbarous  system, 
and  henceforth  consecrated  to  freedom  and  free  institu- 
tions. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  glory  of  this  deed  is  dimmed 
by  the  fact,  that  it  was  carried  through  both  houses  of 
Congress  by  a  strict  party  vote — the  Republican  mem- 
bers, to  their  lasting  historic  honor,  voting  in  the  af- 
firmative, and  the  Democratic  members,  to  their  en- 
during infamy,  recording  their  votes  against  it;  never- 
theless, a  deed  sanctioned  and  demanded  alike  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  by  the  popular 
voice,  and  by  all  the  claims  of  humanity  and  justice, — 
the  consequences  of  which  cannot  fail  to  have  a  vital 
anil  overmastering  influence  in  the  future  in  shaping 
national  legislation,  to  be  in  all  respects  blessed  and 
beneficent,  and  to  lead  the  way  to  the  extinction  of 
slavery  in  every  part  of  the  land. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention 
be  proffered  to  the  Hon,  Charles  Sumner  and  the  Hon. 
Henry  Wilson  in  special,  and  to  those  other  members 
of  Congress  in  general,  through  whose  persistent  ef- 
forts and  eloquent  words  this  long-deferred  deed  of 
mercy  and  righteousness  was  at  last  consummated. 

4.  Resolved,  That,  since  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia  has  occurred,  the  frightful 
paradox  has  been  presented  of  slave-hunters  from 
Maryland  and  Virginia  swarming  the  Capital  in  quest 
of  their  fugitive  slaves,  and  in  various  instances  re- 
covering them  both  by  military  and  civil  process  ;  so 
that  with  the  songs  of  jubilee  have  been  mingled  the 
shrieks  and  wailings  of  despair,  and  scenes  the  most 
joyous  and  the  most  distressing  have  been  strangely 
blended  in  the  same  hour,  within  the  same  limits,  and 
under  the  same  governmental  authority. 

5.  Resolved,  That  whatever  constitutional  obliga- 
tion may  have  existed  for  the  rendition  of  fugitive 
slaves  in  any  of  the  States,  there  is  and  has  been  none 
in  relation  to  the  District  of  Columbia ;  and  Congress, 
therefore,  should  lose  no  time  in  declaring  freedom  to 
every  person  found  within  the  limits  of  the  Capital, 
against  any  and  every  slaveholding  claimant  whatever. 

6.  Resolved,  That  special  credit  is  to  be  awarded  to 
the  Government,  for  having  at  this  juncture  made  a 
treaty  with  England,  whereby  the  right  of  search  is 
equitably  provided  for  in  relation  to  the  suppression 
of  the  foreign  slave  trade ;  so  that  the  ocean  slave- 
traffickers  may  no  longer  find  shelter  or  protection,  as 
they  have  hitherto  done,  under  the  American  flag. 

7.  Resolved,  That  it  will  ever  redound  to  the  mili- 
tary sagacity,  noble  patriotism,  and  considerate  hu- 
manity of  Gen,  Fremont,  that,  in  August  last,  he  de- 
creed the  liberation  of  all  the  slaves  owned  by  the  rebels 
in  the  State  of  Missouri,  then  a  portion  of  his  military 
district ;  and  the  enthusiastic  manner  in  which  it  was 
universally  applauded  throughout  the  North  was  de- 
monstrative proof  of  the  popular  feeling  in  regard  to 
the  most  effective  method  for  suppressing  the  rebel- 
lious movement  of  the  South. 

8.  Resolved,  That  a  still  more  effective  blow,  one 
on  a  wider  scale,  was  recently  struck  at  the  rebellion 
by  Gen.  Hunter,  in  decreeing  that  "the  persons  in 
Georgia,  Florida  and  South  Carolina,  heretofore  held 
as  slaves,  are  forever  free,"  (these  States  comprising 
the  Military  Department  of  the  South  over  which  he 
is  placed  in  command,)  on  the  ground  that  "slavery 
and  martial  law  in  a  free  country  are  altogether  in- 
compatible." 

9.  Resolved,  That  in  swiftly  revoking  these  decrees 
of  Gen.  Fremont  and  Gen.  Hunter,  President  Lincoln 
has  twice  officially  interposed,  with  whatever  "hon- 
esty "  of  purpose,  in  the  most  direct  manner,  so  as  to 
give  fresh  zeal  and  encouragement  to  the  traitors  who 
are  banded  together  for  the  overthrow  of  the  govern- 


ment— to  disgust  and  dishearten  the  uncompromising 
friends  of  free  institutions — to  needlessly  prolong  «■ 
bloody  fratricidal  war,  at  an  enormous  cost  of  money 
and  sacrifice  of  human  life — and  to  render  more  cer- 
tain the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  tht  South- 
ern Confederacy,  at  no  distant  day,  by  the  govern- 
ments of  Europe. 

10.  Resolved,  That  the  eagerness  with  whieH  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  stands  ready  to  guard  slavery  as  a  sys- 
tem from  essential  injury,  even  in  those  States  where 
there  is  no  evidence  of  a  spark  of  loyalty  remaining 
in  any  bosom,  is  manifested  by  his  indecent  haste  to 
revoke  the  truly  patriotic  emancipation  decree  of  Gen. 
Hunter,  on  mere  newspaper  authority,  withoin  wait- 
ing to  hear  from  Gen.  Hunter,  whether  he  had  really 
issued  any  such  decree;  and,  if  so,  the  reasons  for  so 
doing;  thus,  prejudging  the  case,  and  condemning  be- 
fore hearing  the  man  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  plen- 
ary powers  as  a  military  commander  in  his  special  dis-i 
trict. 

11.  Resolved,  That  as,  in  his  recent  message,  the 
President  has  withdrawn  all  right  and  power  from  the 
various  commanders  in  the  field  to  emancipate  the 
slaves  even  of  rebel  masters,  as  a  military  necessity, 
or  in  any  emergency  however  essential  to  the  success 
of  the  army,  and  intimates  that  he  alone  is  to  decide 
when  such  act  of  emancipation  may  be  properly  pro- 
claimed,— and  as  slavery  and  rebellion  are  synonymous 
terms,; — the  only  atonement  he  can  make  to  the  coun- 
try and  the  world  for  such  disastrous  interference  is  at 
once  to  make  the  decree  of  Gen,  Hunter  cover  every 
slave  State,  instead  of  Georgia,  Florida  and  South 
Carolina,  and  so  to  "  proclaim  liberty  throughout  all 
the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof  " — thus  secur- 
ing the  blessing  of  God,  a  glorious  and  speedy  victory, 
and  a  permanent  Union  based  upon  universal  freedom 
and  equal  rights,  without  regard  to  complexion  or  race. 

12.  Resolved,  That  we  recognize  slavery,  and 
slavery  only,  as  the  real  root  of  the  rebellion  which 
now  seeks  to  ruin  or  to  rule  our  nation,  and  as  the  sole 
cause  of  the  war  which  has  been  forced  upon  us  by 
the  leading  slaveholders  of  the  South  ;  that  every  fact 
in  the  inception  and  prosecution  of  the  rebellion  shows 
it  to  have  been  a  deep-laid  scheme,  of  unparalleled 
iniquity,  to  establish  slavery  forever,  and  to  reduce  to 
a  subservient  and  dependent  position  all  the  interests 
of  freedom ;  that  we  cannot  fail  to  see,  in  slavery,  an 
enemy  of  our  government  and  free  institutions,  im- 
placable, insidious,  and  incessant  in  treason  and  plot  so 
long  as  it  shall  live;  and,  seeing  these  things,  we,  as- 
sembled in  the  name  of  Freedom,  and  in  behalf  of  the 
sacred  and  inalienable  rights  of  Man,  demand  that  this 
accursed  thing  be  brought  to  an  end  ;  and  we  do  here- 
by call  upon  our  government  to  use  the  power,  put  in 
their  hands  by  the  slaveholders  themselves, — a  power 
which  may  now  be  constitutionally  as  well  as  most 
righteously  exercised, — to  terminate  the  War  and  tbe 
Rebellion  together  by  abolishing  their  cause, — a  cause 
which,  if  suffered  to  continue,  will  never  cease  to 
threaten  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  very  existence  of 
the  Nation. 

13.  Resolved,  That  though,  for  Freedom's  sake, 
we  might  justly,  as  a  nation,  risk  our  prosperity  and 
our  existence,  it  will  be  only  a  deed  of  the  utmost 
shame  and  disgrace,  if,  for  base  Slavery's  sake,  we 
continue  longer  to  imperil  all  that  our  fathers  gained, 
all  that  we  enjoy,  and  all  the  vast  promise  of  the  fu- 
ture for  our  children. 

14.  Resolved,  That  the  President  and  Congress,  by 
not  making  the  necessary  use  of  their  power  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  confiscation  of  the  rebel 
property,  neglect  in  an  inexcusable  manner  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people  of  the  North  and  the  safety  of  the 
republic  ;  that  they  unnecessarily  prolong  the  war,  un- 
necessarily risk  the  lives  of  thousands,  unnecessarily 
impose  upon  the  people  a  daily  sacrifice  of  millions 
of  dollars,  and  unnecessarily  tax  posterity  to  pay  for 
the  crimes  of  slaveholders,  and  the  faults  of  those  who 
conduct  the  war  against  them. 

15.  Resolved,  That  we  declare  that  it  is  the  right 
and  the  duty  of  the  people  to  insist  that  the  war  shall 
be  no  longer  carried  on  in  the  interest  of  slavery,  and 
that  the  President  and  Congress  bo  held  responsi- 
ble for  all  the  blood  and  money  which  are  sacri- 
ficed rather  for  the  preservation  of  slavery  and  con- 
sideration towards  the  rebels,  than  for  the  establish- 
ment of  freedom  and  the  benefit  of  the  people. 

Hon.  Francis  W.  Bird,  of  Walpole,  was  intro- 
duced to  the  meeting.  He  described  the  state  of  bit- 
ter and  malignant  feeling  prevailing  in  Norfolk,  Vir- 
ginia,—  which  he  had  lately  visited,  —  towards  the 
people  of  the  North.  He  described  also  the  condition 
of  the  escaped  slaves,  (or  "contrabands,")  at  Fortress 
Monroe, — the  friendly  and  successful  labors  of  Mr. 
Wilder  (of  Boston)  in  their  behalf, — the  honorable 
course  of  Gen.  Wool  towards  them, — but  the  injustice 
and  ill-treatment  they  have  suffered,  and  are  still  suf- 
fering, at  the  hands  of  many  of  the  United  States 
army  officers.  He  spoke  of  their  schools,  so-called, 
and  of  the  great  pains  they  took  to  learn,  under 
many  most  discouraging  circumstances. 

Wendell  Phillips  was  warmly  applauded  as  he 
took  the  floor.  He  thought  the  facts  which  Mr.  Bird 
had  given  us  were  the  key  to  the  whole  subject.  They 
showed  the  prevalent  feeling  of  the  country  towards 
the  colored  man,  and  indicated  that  the  country  is 
not  ready  to  settle  the  question,  as  alone  it  can  be  set- 
tled, by  doing  justice  to  the  enslaved  and  oppressed 
portion  of  the  land.  Mr.  Phillips  recounted  many 
other  facts  which  point  to  the  same  conclusion.  He 
said  that  at  London,  of  all  the  ministers  there  repre- 
senting other  nations,  Mr.  Adams,  the  United  States 
Minister,  is  the  only  one  who  refuses  to  recognize  the 
Republic  of  Hayti,  and  who  holds  no  intercourse  with 
the  Haytian  Minister.  He  spoke  of  the  far  more 
pregnant  fact  that  President  Lincoln  had  so  hastily 
annulled  Gen,  Hunter's  act  of  emancipation,  as  one 
which  had  taken  twenty-jive  per  cent,  at  least  from  the 
prospect  of  restoring  any  union  of  the  States.  He  re- 
ferred to  the  very  many  and  most  important  services 
rendered  to  our  army  and  the  Union  cause  by  black 
men  and  slaves.  He  spoke  of  the  recent  votes  of 
five  Massachusetts  Representatives  against  the  bill 
to  set  free  the  slaves  of  rebels,  by  which  votes  the 
bill  was  defeated,  —  Dawes,  Delano,  Rice,  Train, 
Thomas,  treading  to  the  ground  this  great  emancipa- 
tion proposal  which  had  been  brought  before  the 
House.  The  Cabinet  of  the  President,  by  their  de- 
lays,— McClellan  by  his  delay,  and  by  permitting  his 
enemy  again  and  again  to  escape  him, — the  President, 
by  allowing  Mercier,  the  representative  of  a  foreign 
government,  to  go  in  his  official  capacity  to  the  heart 
of  the  rebel  camp, — are  all  essentially  traitorous  to 
the  Union,,  whatever  their  aim  and  disposition  be. 
The  President  is  the  only  man  who  ever  dared  to 
thrust  back  a  million  of  freed  men  into  slavery  again. 
Now,  I  rejoice,  in  this  month  of  May,  to  say  that  we 
want  every  Governor  of  every  Northern  State  to  take 
the  same  position  which  Gov,  Andrew  of  Massachu- 
setts has  taken  in  his  late  letter  to  Secretary  Stanton. 
(Immense  cheering.)  We  want  every  Senator  and 
every  Representative  in  Congress  to  take  the  stand  of 
Senator  Grimes,  of  Iowa,  who  refuses  to  vote  to  the 
Administration  another  man  or  another  dollar,  until 
he  knows  what  is  to  be  done  with  them.  Our  duty 
now  is,  if  we  would  maintain  the  Union  and  save  the 
country,  to  call  upon  Congress  to  address  the  Presi- 
dent, by  memorial,  to  remove  the  present  Com-" 
mander-in-Chief,  and  to  put  Sigel,  or  Fremont,  or 
some  person  ready  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Union, 
in  his  place.  "I  move,  sir,  that  this  Convention  re- 
quest the  President  to  remove  Gen.  McCbpllan,  and 
put  Gen.  Sigel  in  his  place."    (Loud  applause.) 

Adjourned  to  £  before  3. 

Afternoon.  Met  according  to  adjournment,  the 
President  in  the  chair.  On  motion,  several  persons 
were  added  to  the  officers  of  the  Convention. 

Anthiew  T.  Foss,  of  New  Hampshire,  thought 
that  no  Society  in  history  had  ever  been  better  vin- 
dicated in  its  purposes  and  principles  than  this.  Only 
to-day  were  these  beginning  to  be  understood  and 
recognized.  The  simple  axioms  of  truth  anil  liberty 
had  hitherto  been  regurded  by  the  community  as  dan- 
gerous and  fanatical.  It  had  been  the  province  of  this 
Society  to  proclaim  the  moral  laws  of  God's  universe, 


and  that  they  can  no  more  be  violated  than  the  physi- 
cal laws.  As  legislation  to  the  contrary,  in  the  latter 
case,  would  he  senseless  and  futile,  so  all  legislation 
against  the  moral  law — the  higher  law— has  met  and 
must  ever  meet  the  same  fate.  Our  infidelity  consists 
in  denying  the  superiority  of  human  statutes  to  the 
divine.  When  Mr.  Seward  broached  this  doctrine, 
the  whole  land  rose  in  derision.  To-day,  the  general 
belief  is  on  our  side.  So  this  Society  has  ever  de- 
clared the  right  way  to  be  the  safe  way,  and  converse- 
ly, that  wrong-doing  is  always  unsafe.  Events  to-day 
are  sustaining  us.  This  war  results  from  the  trans- 
gression of  our  fathers — from  their  compromise  with 
evil.  Nor  does  it  matter  with  what  motives  they  act- 
ed ;  the  mischief  has  been  produced  all  the  same. 
This  Society  never  aBked  for  emancipation  by  the 
sword — by  blood.  It  only  appealed  to  the  American 
people  to  use  God's  weapons  of  reason  and  argument, 
but  they  would  not.  They  had  the  power,  but  they 
squandered  it.  The  clergy  alone  might  have  abolished 
slavery  and  saved  the  country.  To  their  infidelity  is 
due  the  bloodshed  of  the  hour.  What  if  now  they 
an  crying  for  the  Union,  and  becoming  anti-slavery  1 
F>r  thirty  years  they  have  been  appealed  to  in  vain. 

Mr.  Phillips's  portrayal  of  the  character  of  the 
war  this  morning  was  just  and  truthful.  There 
Ihs  been  no  desire  to  touch  the  cause  of  the  rebel- 
Ion.  The  Government  proposes  to  return,  after  the 
var,  to  the  old  condition  of  things,  and  to  the  old  bar- 
barities of  the  slaveholders'  rule.  Hence  the  lack  of 
energy  in  prosecuting  the  war.  Gen.  Scott  was  not 
in  earnest — he  wanted  reconciliation.  Amid  all  the 
(necessary)  violations  of  the  Constitution,  the  one 
thing  sacred  is  and  has  been  slavery.  Mr.  F.  believ- 
ed the  President  would  (only  give  him  time  enough) 
be  driven  to  emancipation.  But  he  feared  he  would 
make  up  his  mind  just  five  minutes  too  late.  The 
action  of  the  Government  resembles  that  of  the  old 
man  who  pelted  the  boy  in  his  apple-tree  with  grass 
to  bring  him  down.  It  takes  stones  to  do  it;  but 
when  Fremont  or  Hunter  tries  to  fling  them,  the  Pres- 
ident holds  his  arm. 

The  history  of  the  Society  is  all  clear — in  princi- 
ples and  measures.  Now  for  our  duty,  in  the  future. 
Take  Illinois,  and  consider  her  black  code,  her  exclu- 
sion of  the  colored  race  from  her  soil  and  privileges, 
We  need  agents  there  and  throughout  all  the  North- 
western States.  Prejudice  against  the  blacks  is  every' 
where  exhibited.  In  the  army,  the  slaves  that  give 
information  are  restored  to  their  masters,  to  be  flogged 
to  death.  All  the  meritorious  deeds  of  the  blacks  in 
the  war  have  not  been  rewarded  and  recognized  as  i: 
done  by  white  men. 

The  work  of  the  Society  is  in  a  good  condition 
but  unfinished.  Our  agents  should  be  maintained 
and  multiplied.  Mr.  F,  was  hopeful  that  he  should 
live  to  see  slavery  abolished. 

Hon.  Amasa  Walker,  of  North  Erookfk'ld,  was 
next  introduced.  He  said,  he  revisited  this  platform 
after  an  absence  of  fifteen  years — caused  by  the  as- 
sumption here  of  the  disunion  doctrine.  He  could 
not  see  then  how  slavery  could  be  peacefully  abol- 
ished by  those  means.  But  to-day  he  felt  himself 
invited  by  the  call  of  the  meeting,  and  that  duty  urged 
him  to  attend.  He  came  to  advocate  the  right,  duty 
and  necessity  of  immediate  emancipation  under  the 
war  power.  Though  separated  so  long  from  his  old 
friends,  he  had  never  ceased  to  respect  and  admire 
them.  The  slaveholders  themselves  had  taken  slave- 
ry out  of  the  Union,  and  now  he  was  ready  to  say 
that  they  should  not  bring  it  back  again.  They  saw, 
from  the  increase  in  the  production  of  cotton  with  an 
astonishing  increase  in  its  price,  how  widely  its  con- 
sumption was  spreading.  They  saw,  too,  that  they 
had  not  sufficient  slaves  to  keep  pace  with  the  de- 
mand. Moreover,  white  foreign  immigrants  were  en- 
gaging in  the  cotton  cultivation.  This  was  one  great 
cause  of  the  rebellion,  and  of  their  forcible  removal  of 
slavery  from  the  Union,  Let  it  never  be  restored  1 
Separation  or  emancipation  must  take  place.  A  res- 
toration of  the  old  Union  is  an  absurdity — an  impossi- 
bility. We  must- subjugate  the  South,  but  we  cannot 
do  it  while  the-alaves  are  left.  To  defeat  armies  in 
battles  is  not  to  subjugate  a  people.  The  British 
found  it  so  in  '76.  We  have  had  no  war  yet,  and  yet 
we  have  lost  50,000  men.  We  have  been  striking  the 
South  with  the  one  hand,  and  propping  up  slavery 
with  the  other;  therefore,  said  Mr.  W.,  I  am  going 
to  cry — Give  us  Emancipation,  or  give  us  peace 
There  is,  too,  a  lack  of  public  sentiment.  We  are  like 
England  in  the  Crimean  war.  We  think  everything 
is  progressing  well.  There  is  no  criticism  volunteer- 
ed or  offered.  We  complain  that  the  President  and 
Congress  do  not  emancipate  ;  they  are  but  servants  ; 
where  is  the  public  command  for  them  to  obey  ? 

[A  Voice. — In  the  case  of  Fremont,  the  public  ut- 
tered its  voice  for  freedom.] 

For  a  moment  possibly,  but  how  quickly  the  chief 
presses  and  the  popular  enthusiasm  succumbed  !  Hun- 
ter's proclamation — is  that  sustained  ?  Is  Governor 
Andrew's  letter  sustained  ?  No.  Between  emancipa 
tion  and  separation  there  must  be  a  choice — and  mine 
(said  Mr,  W.)  is  lor  the  former.  Now  a  word  as  to 
colonization.  This  is  a  delusion  that  will  tickle  the 
conservatives  till  emancipation ;  after  that,  as  in  Ja- 
maica, they  will  want  all  the  blacks  they  have,  and 
more  too  The  South  is  a  desert  without  labor.  Never 
fear  it  will  abandon  its  workers.  The  current  will  set 
Southward,  not  Northward. 

Stephen  S.  Foster  introduced  the  following  reso- 
lutions, saying  he  thought  those  from  the  Business 
Committee,  reported  this  morning,  hardly  up  to  the 
demands  of  the  hour: — 

Resolved,  That  although  the  rebellion  is  without 
the  shadow  of  justification  or  excuse  on  the  part  of 
its  authors,  and  is  characterized  by  atrocities  rarely 
equalled  in  modern  warfare,  it  is,  nevertheless,  but  the 
legitimate  fruit  of  our  base  and  wicked  treatment  of 
our  colored  fellow-countrymen  ;  and  we  are  free  to  de- 
clare that  we  have  no  desire  to  see  it  suppressed,  and 
peace  restored  to  our  distracted  country,  till  the  last 
fetter  shall  be  broken,  and  the  governmentestablished 
upon  the  broad  and  comprehensive  principles  of 
partial  justice. 

Resolved,  That  as  the  events  of  the  past  year  have 
made  no  essential  change  in  the  spirit  or  action  of  our 
national  government — the  infamous  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  being  still  in  full  force,  and  the  national  arm  still 
uplifted  to  suppress  slave  insurrections — our  position 
towards  it  is  unchanged,  and  we  renew  the  avowal  of 
our  purpose  to  have  no  lot  or  part  in  a  Union  which  tol- 
erates the  presence  of  a  single  slave. 

Resolved,  That  the  dogged  perseverance  of  our  na- 
tional government  in  holding  four  millions  of  our  loyal 
countrymen  in  slavery,  while  their  masters  are 
gaged  in  a  bloody  and  atrocious  rebellion,  challenges 
the  scorn  and  detestation  of  the  civilized  world,  and 
invites,  if  it  does  not  justify,  the  interference  of  for- 
eign nations  in  the  settlement  of  a  controversy  to 
which  we  as  a  nation  have  shown  ourselves  utterly  in- 
competent. 

He  did  not  believe  (as  other  speakers  seemed  to) 
that  in  the  past  twenty-four  months  any  great  and 
gratifying  change  had  occurred  in  relation  to  the  col- 
ored people.  Church  and  government  are  alike  at 
fault,  with  rare  exceptions.  Who  does  not  see  that 
slavery  is  the  cause  and  the  weak  point  of  the  rebel- 
lion ?  Yet  who  demands  abolition  ?  We  sacrifice  our 
boiis  rather  than  strike  off  the  chains  of  the  Blave. 
This  is  no  hopeful  moment.  Never  was  ardent  war- 
fare more  needed.  Slavery  remaining  the  same  as  for 
the  past  eighty  years,  our  course  and  duty  are  the 
same,  or  should  be.  He  could  not  see  that  slavery 
had  lost  a  particle  of  its  attractiveness  among  the  peo- 
ple of  the  North.  Parson  Brownlow  is  everywhere 
received,  though  asking  for  the  execution  of  ourselves 
and  associates.  Where  are  the  clergy  this  day  ?  Only 
in  Union  meetings,  not  on  thij  platform.  Union 
means  slavery,— and  the  war  is  for  that.  Therefore 
he  (Mr.  F.)  had  no  desire  to  see  the  war  end  till  every 
slave  is  free.  Ho  would  neither  enlist  in  tho  war  nor 
encourage  others  to  enlist,  till  the  government  should 
adopt  the  abolition  policy.  The  sons  of  this  Society 
have  been  set  to  the  in  lam  on  b  work  of  capturing  fugi- 
tive- slaves.     There  are  no  obstacles  to  emancipation. 


The  slaves  have  shown  since  the  beginning  of  the  war 
their  capacity  for  freedom.  One  of  two  things  is  cer- 
tain :  either  the  war  is  no  war  for  freedom,  or  he  who 
tolerates  slavery  for  one  moment  is  a  traitor.  We 
have  never  heard  the  war  proclaimed  to  be  for  free- 
dom ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  declared  to  be  for  Union 
and  restoration.  When  emancipation  is  used  as  a  der- 
ressort,  there  will  be  no  virtue  in  it.  Yet  this  is  all 
the  government  hints  at.  Abraham  Lincoln  is  as  truly 
slaveholder  as  Jefferson  Davis.  He  cannot  even 
contemplate  emancipation  without  colonization.  Sla- 
very is  not  abolished  in  the  District.  No  one  is  free 
there  without  his  free  papers. 

He  (Mr.  F.)  wished  to  protest  against  all  putting  off 
the  harness  and  slackening  from  the  warfare.  That 
popular  heat  which  effervesced  in  August,  1861,  cooled 
in  forty-eight  hours.  What  was  it  worth  ?  The  peo- 
ple don't  want  liberty,  except  for  themselves.  This 
Society  should  warn  all  young  men  to  withhold  their 
support  from  this  government  until  it  declares  itself 
for  emancipation. 

J.  B.  Swasey  Baid:  In  all  great  public  questions, 
e  should  all  have  patience.  If  we  see  clearly  the 
end  or  the  result,  we  must  wait  for  a  slow  arrival 
there — we  must  not  expect  a  jump  or  a  leap  to  it.  He 
(Mr.  S.)  saw  a  vast  difference  between  to-day  and  two 
years  ago,  and  that  difference  justified  him  in  sustain- 
ng  the  Government  against  Jefferson  Davis,  while 
still  being  a  disunion  abolitionist1?  Was  the  late 
proclamation  of  the  President  nothing?  Did  it  not 
clearly  enough  portend  emancipation  ?  It  was  a  point 
from  which  to  date— a  line  of  demarcation,  and  the 
tendency  is  toward  liberty.  Is  abolition  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  no  proof  of  sincerity  and  progress 
in  our  rulers?  We  have  begun  to  march  on  the  road 
to  universal  emancipation.  Mr.  Foster,  while  as 
ready  to  support  Jefferson  Davis  as  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, admitted  unawares  that  the  South  had  hoped 
to  subjugate  the  North.  The  war,  then,  is  a  war  of 
self-defence :  who  can  help  siding  with  tlie  North  ? 

J.  N.  Buffum,  of  Lynn,  rose  to  endorse  the  speech 
of  Mr.  Swasey,  and  say  "ditto  to  Mr.  Burke."  He 
had  learned  that  there  were  degrees  in  wrong,  and 
when  it  came  to  choosing  between  Jeff.  Davis  and 
Abraham  Lincoln,  he  had  no  hesitation  in  supporting 
the  latter.  The  changes  in  the  President  have  been 
real  and  cheering,  if  slow.  We  must  be  patient. 
Other  changes  in  other  directions  are  equally  grati- 
fying. The  wealthy  classes  are  learning  the  cause 
and  the  cure  of  the  rebellion.  There  is  no  compari- 
son between  the  leaders  South  and  North.  The 
former  go  for  unlimited  despotism.  Mr.  Lincoln 
would  emancipate,  if  the  people  would  sustain  him. 
Mr.  Foster  had  discouraged  the  young  men  from 
going  to  the  war,  but  he  (Mr.  B.)  would  encourage 
them,  and  go  himself  when  needed.  Nor  are  the 
clergy  as  they  used  to  be.  They  have  ceased  to 
preach  pro-slavery.  (A  Voice  :  "  They  preach  for  a 
salary.")  Well,  thank  God  that  they  preach  right 
for  a  salary,  instead  of  preaching  wrong!  No  more 
licences  to  sell  human  beings  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia! Even  the  London  Times  is  converted.  There- 
fore, let  us  not  fail  to  recognize  and  help  on  the  pro- 
gress of  events.  Let  us  send  out  agents,  and  act  as 
agents  ourselves  wherever  we  go. 

Dr.  Daniel  Mann  wished  to  explain  his  interrup- 
tion of  Mr.  Walker,  in  regard  to  the  popular  voice 
about  Fremont.  His  purpose  was  to  take  away  this  ex- 
cuse from  the  President,  that  he  was  waiting  for  pub- 
lic sentiment.  He  endorsed  Mr.  Foster's  sentiments. 
He  read  a  resolution,  as  follows : — 

Resolved,  That,  so  long  as  our  National  Govern- 
ment neglects  to  announce  a  war  policy  consistent 
with  tiie  high  principles  of  justice  and  universal  lib- 
erty asserted  by  our  forefathers,  and  demanded  by 
every  principle  of  Christianity,  honor  and  wise  policy, 
we  hold  ourselves,  and  all  true  patriots,  as  bound  to 
stand  aloof  from  the  present  contest.  We  accept  the 
reproach  of  "conditional  patriotism,"  and  vindicate 
it  as  the  only  patriotism  worthy  of  rational  and  re- 
sponsible beings;  and  we  announce,  as  the  essential 
condition  of  our  support,  that  the  "Government  shall 
show  itself  worthy  the  support  of  the  friends  of  equal 
justice  to  all  men. 

Adjourned  to  the  evening,  7£  o'clock. 

Evening.     The  President  in  the  chair. 
The  following  Anti-Slavery  Hymn,  written  for  the 
occasion  by  George  W.  Stacy,  of  Milford,  was  aung 
by  the  Convention  : — 

Tune — Lenox. 
0,  Father,  from  above, 

Send  thy  good  spirit  here  ; 
The  spirit  of  thy  love, 
That  "  casteth  out  all  fear." 
0  may  we  stand,  A.  noble  band 

By  truth  set  free,  For  Liberty  ! 

Why  should  we  halt  and  wait? 

Our  work  so  well  begun  ; 
And  know  we  not  our  fate, 
If  work  is  left  undone? 
0  give  us  heart,  j       Nor  may  we  part 

To  run  the  race  :  |      With  heavenly  grace. 

Ah,  what  an  hour  is  this  ! 

How  pregnant  with  our  fate  ! 
Say,  is  it  woe  or  bliss, 

For  which  the  millions  wait? 
Who  long  have  borne        I      With  flesh  all  torn 
The  galling  chain,  |      'Mid  sweat  and  pain  ! 

The  night  is  near  at  hand, 

*  And  what  a  night  'twill  be, 

If  God's  divine  command, 

To  set  bis  people  free, 

Shall  still  remain  I      And  every  chain 

Unheard  and  blank,         |      Our  death-knell  clank  ! 

No  !  by  the  help  of  God, 

We'll  set  tbe  captive  free  ; 
We  must  obey  the  word, — 
That  word  is  Liberty  ! 
A  word  of  right  I       That  sees  the  light, 

For  every  soul  |      Or  feels  earth's  roll. 

Still  Onward  !  is  the  cry— 
Tbe  battle  must  be  won  ! 
Raise,  raise  the  standard  high, 
Unfurl  it  to  the  sun! 
Shout,  shout  and  sing,     I       Till  earth  shall  ring, 
Nor  oease  the  voice,       |     .And  man  rejoice  ! 

A  very  interesting  letter  in  this  day's  New  York 
Tribune,  from  the  army  near  Fredericksburg,  Vir- 
ginia, describing  many  important  services  rendered  to 
the  Union  army  by  loyal  black  slaves  in  that  neigh- 
borhood, was  read  to  the  Convention,  which  mani- 
fested a  great  interest  in  its  details. 

Wm.  Wells  Brown  was  then  introduced,  and 
made  an  able  and  forcible  speech  in  vindication  of  the 
negro  race,  against  the  malicious  aspersions  of  those 
whose  object  it  is  to  eternize  slavery  on  this  continent. 
[A  full  report  of  this  speech  will  be  given  in  the  Lib- 
erator.] 

Anna  E.  Dickinson,  of  Philadelphia,  was  then  in- 
troduced. She  said  :  It  is  said  we  can  conquer  with- 
out emancipation.  The  rebellion  is  almost  crushed — 
our  armies  are  pressing  southward  —  the  end  ap- 
proaches, when  all  things  will  be  restored  as  of  old. 
The  South,  having  been  deceived  in  regard  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  the  aims  of  the  Republican  party,  went 
to  war  to  protect  slavery.  Now,  perhaps,  they  are 
beginning  to  see  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  so  far  from  a 
slave-catcher,  after  all.  The  loyalty  of  the  South  is 
a  myth.  It  will  of  course  grow,  as  our  armies  ad- 
vance, because  between  hanging  and  loyalty  the  ad- 
vocates of  a  sinking  cause  can  have  but  one  choice. 
Yet  where  is  the  Unionism  of  Now  Orleans?  Citi- 
zens shot  down  for  cheering  the  American  flag;  the 
Mayor  submitting  as  the  conquered  to  conquerors. 
So  in  Norfolk  :  the  Mayor  dares  to  call  us  enemies  to 
our  faces,  and  to  refer  to  his  friends  the  rebels!  The 
same  story  everywhere.  We  may  beat  their  armies 
everywhere,  take  every  city  and  seaport :  what  then  1 
Subjugated,  are  they  Btibdued?  They  would  rise 
in  sixty  days  again,  should  the  military  arm  be  with- 
drawn. Success  cannot  gild  our  banners  while  the 
hadow  of  tho  blacks  obscures  it.  Two  thousand  of 
our  army  have  died  monthly  in  the  border  States  of 
disease  in  the  cold  weather  :  figure  the  number  under 
the  heat  of  summer  in  the  Gulf  States  !  Since  these 
things  are  so,  when  Gen.  Hunter,  considering  besides 
that  there  are  no  loyal  whites  in  his  department,  ;is 
his  predecessor  had  found,  resolved  to  iiii'iviiso  his 
forces  by  the  blacks  whoso  loyalty  ho  had  put  to  tho 


proof,  and  declared  them  freemen  forever, — he,  wh 
in  1868  declared  that  this  Government  could  not  exit* 
half  slave  and  half  free,  annulled  the  proclamation 
from  the  White  House !  Kentucky,  which  furnished 
the  halter  for  liberty  in  the  person  of  John  Brown,  ha 
strangled  her  again,  through  her  representative  in  Ih 
Presidential  chair! 

In  the  field,  Gen.  Mitchell  rejects  the  bondmen  who 
flee  to  him  for  protection.  Everywhere  those  who 
bring  us  the  most  important  intelligence  are  liable  to 
be  thrust  back  into  slavery,  there  to  be  whipped,  tor 
tured,  burned  to  death. 

How  do  the  brave  young  hearts  return  to  us  from 
the  war?  How  many  go  from  us,  and  never  return? 
And  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery  !  What  are 
our  sufferings  to  those  of  the  slave  girl,  or  the  slave 
mother,  lashed  from  the  embrace  of  her  children  t 
Has  your  purity  no  feeling  for  purity  outraged? — 
your  parental  affections  no  sympathy  for  the  lace- 
rated love  of  the  slaves?  Can  you  hesitate  to  speak 
the  word — Be  free?  God  has  put  slavery  into  our 
hands  to  choke  it.  He  alone  should  be  able  to  take  it 
out  again  alive.  Let  us  storm  the  slave  system,  as 
Smith  took  Fort  Donelson.  If  the  President  will  not 
give  us  the  order,  let  us  go  ourselves. 

E.  H.  Heywood  then  addressed  the  Convention. 
The  key-note  of  the  hour  has  been  struck  in  the  two 
preceding  speeches  :  recognition  of  the  humanity  and 
manhood  of  the  negro.  The  present  struggle  is  the 
old  conflict  between  the  conscientious  thought  of  the 
humble  and  the  might  of  monarchs.  This  is  not 
Democracy  on  trial,  but  in  grapple  with  tho  Slave 
Oligarchy,  and  the  choice  of  the  people  is,  abolish 
the  slaveholders  or  be  abolished  !  May  it  be  the  for- 
tune of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  surpass  the  Father  of  his 
country,  by  tearing  out  that  bloody  stripe  of  the  Con- 
stitution which  Washington  fixed  there  1  We  have 
had  successes,  we  have  an  honest,  a  humane  govern- 
ment, as  the  world  goes;  but  this  is  not  enough.  We 
yet  have  the  black  code  in  Illinois,  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  four  millions 
slaves  at  the  South.  This  is  no  time,  then,  for  the 
Anti-Slavery  Society  to  cease  from  work ;  nor  does  it. 
It  will  go  on  as  heretofore,  surmounting  every  obsta- 
cle in  Church  and  State,  till  it  touches  emancipation. 
In  the  army  to-day,  officers  are  cashiered  for  their 
love  of  freedom,  not  for  that  of  slavery.  If  the  na- 
tion abolish  slavery  only  from  military  necessity,  to 
save  itself,  it  is  disgraced  thereby.  The  nation  which, 
would  abolish  slavery  simply  to  save  itself,  would  estab- 
lish it  for  the  same  reason.  If  slavery  be  (as  Vice- 
President  Stephens  says)  the  corner-stone  of  the  re- 
bellion, then  to  destroy  it  is  to  knock  the  bottom  out 
of  the  Confederacy. 
Adjourned  to  Thursday,  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 

[2^=  For  Thursday's  proceedings  of  the  Conven- 
tion, see  the  second  page  of  this  number  of  the  Liber- 
ator,,] 


PARKER 
Sewing  Machines, 

PRICE  FORTY  DOLLARS. 

THIS  is  a  new  style,  first  class,  double  thread,  Family 
Machine,  made  and  licensed  under  the  patents  of 
Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  and  its 
construction  is  the  best  combination  of  the  various  pa- 
tents owned  and  used  by  these  parties,  and  the  patents  of 
the  Parker  Sewing  Company.  They  were  awarded  a  Silver 
Medal  at  the  last  Fair  of  the  Mechanics'  Charitable  Asso- 
ciation, and  are  the  best  finished  and  most  substantially 
made  Family  Machines  now  in  tbe  market. 
i^*  Sales  Room,  188  Washington  street. 

GEO.  E.  LEONARD,  Agent. 
Agents  wanted  everywhere. 

All  kinds  of  Sewing  Machine  work  done  at  short  notice, 
Boston,  Jan.  18,  1861.  3m. 


IMPORTANT      TESTIMONY. 

Report  of  the  Judges  of  the  last  Fair  of  the  Massachusetts 
Charitable  Mechanic  Association. 
"Four  Parker's  Sewihg  Machines.  This  Machine  is 
so  constructed  that  it  embraces  the  combinations  of  the  va- 
rious patents  owned  and  used  by  Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  Wheeler 
&  Wilson,  and  Grover  &  Baker,  for  which  these  parties  pay 
tribute.  Tuese  together  with  Parker's  improvements, 
make  it  a  beautiful  Machine.  They  are  sold  from  $40  to 
$120  each.  They  are  very  perfect  in  their  mechanism, 
being  adjusted  before  leaving  the  manufactory,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  cannot  get  deranged.  The  feed,  which 
is  a  very  essential  point  in  a  good  Machine,  is  simple,  pos- 
itive and  complete.  The  apparatus  for  gnaging  the  length 
of  stitch  is  very  simple  and  effective.  The  tension,  as  well 
as  other  parts,  is  well  arranged.  There  is  another  feature 
which  strikes  your  committee  favorably,  viz  :  there  is  no 
wheel  below  the  table  between  the  standards,  to  come  in 
contact  with  the  dress  of  the  operator,  and  therefore  no 
danger  from  oil  or  dirt.  This  machine  makes  the  double 
lock-stitch,  but  is  so  arranged  that  it  lays  the  ridge  upon 
the  back  quite  flat  and  smooth,  doing  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  with  tbe  objection  sometimes  urged  on  that  ac- 
count." 

Parker's  Sewing  Machines  have  many  qualities  that 
recommend  them  to  use  in  families.  Tbe  several  parts  are 
pinned  together,  so  that  it  is  always  adjusted  and  ready 
for  work,  and  not  liable  to  get  out  of  repair.  It  is  the 
best  finished,  and  most  firmly  and  substantially  made  ma- 
chine in  the  Fair.  Its  motions  are  all  positive,  its  tension 
easily  adjusted,  and  it  leaves  no  ridge  on  the  back  of  the 
work.  It  will  hem,  fell,  stitch,  run,  bind  and  gather,  and 
the  work  cannot  be  ripped,  except  designedly.  It  sews  from 
common  spools,  with  silk,  linen  or  cotton,  with  equal  fa- 
cility. Tbe  stitch  made  upon  this  machine  was  recently 
awarded  the  first  prize  at  the  Tennessee  State  Fair,  for  its 
superiority. — Boston  Traveller. 

J^"  We  would  call  the  attention  of  our  readers  to  the 
advertisement,  in  another  column,  of  the  Parker  Sewing 
Machine.  This  is  a  licensed  machine,  being  a  combina- 
tion of  the  various  patents  of  Howe,  Wheeler  &  Wilson,  and 
Grover  &  Baker,  with  those  of  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine 
Company:  consequently,  it  has  the  advantage  of  such  ma- 
chines— first,  in  being  a  licensed  machine  ;  second,  from 
the  fact  that  it  embraces  all  of  the  most  important  improve- 
ments whioh  have  heretofore  been  made  in  Sewing  Ma- 
chines ;  third,  it  requires  no  readjustment,  all  the  vari- 
ous parts  being  made  right  and  pinned  together,  instead  of 
being  adjusted  by  screws,  thus  avoiding  nil  liability  of  get- 
ting out  of  order  without  actually  breaking  them  ;  and 
lso  the  necessity  of  tho  purchaser  learning,  as  with  others, 
how  to  regulate  all  the  various  motions  to  the  machine. 
The  favor  with  whioh  the  Parker  Sewing  Machine  has  al- 
ready been  received  by  tho  public  warrants  us  in  tbe  be- 
lief that  it  is  by  far  the  best  machine  now  in  market.  - 
South  Reading  Gazette,  Nov.  24,  1SG0. 

TrtE  Parker  Sewing  Machine  is  taking  tho  lend  in  tbe 
market.  For  beauty  and  finish  of  its  workmanship,  it  can- 
not be  excelled.  It  is  well  and  strongly  made — strength 
and  utility  combined — and  is  emphatically  the  cheapest  and 
best  machine  now  made.  The  ladies  are  delighted  with  it, 
and  when  consulted,  invariably  give  Parker's  machine  tbe 
preference  over  all  others.  We  are  pleased  to  learn  that 
the  gentlemanly  Agent,  George  E.  Leonard,  1S8  Wash- 
ington street,  Boston,  has  a  large  number  of  orders  for 
these  machines,  and  sells  them  as  fast  as  they  can  be  man- 
ufactured, notwithstanding  the  dullness  of  the  times,  and 
while  other  manufacturers  have  almost  wholly  suspended 
operations.  This  fact,  of  itself,  speaks  more  strongly  iu 
its  favor  than  any  thing  wo  can  mention  ;  for  were  it  not 
ofr  its  superior  merits,  it  would  have  su  tiered  from  the  gen- 
eral depression,  instead  of  flourishing  among  the  wrecks  of 
its  rivals.  What  wo  tell  you  is  DO  fiction  ;  but  go  and  buy 
one  of  them,  and  you  will  say  that  "  half  of  it,*  good  qual- 
ities bad  never  been  told  you."  Every  man  who  regards 
tho  health  and  happiness  of  his  wife  should  buy  one  of 
these  machines  to  nssist  her  in  lessoning  life's  boUMM 
task. — Marlboro'  Qtauttt,  July  18,  1861. 

Just  Published.— Price  is.   6rf. 

Audi  Alteram  Partem. 

LETTERS  TO  HIS  FORMER  CONSTITUENTS,    from 
8th    March,     I860,    to    12  th  Soe.teu.hei .    186L-    1m 
the  Author  of  the  "  Catechism  ou  the    Com   Laws."     V- I. 
111.     Bwwnd  edition,  revised  and  Oorroetod  ;   to  which  are 
added  the  ■' Cuteeliism  on  the  Ciu'renev."  and  "Catechism 
i  tho  liallot,"  with  additions. 

EFFINGHAM  WILSON, 

K^v.'il  BxohMgOj  London. 
London,  Maroh  25, 1803. 


THE     LIBERATOR 

—  IS   PUBLISHED  — 

EYERY   PRIDAY   MORNING, 

221    WASHINGTOET    STREET,    ROOM    No.  6. 


ROBERT  F.  WALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


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per  Hue. 

EF"  The  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
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EF"  The  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Cominitteo,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  tho 
(japer,  viz  : — Wendell  PuiLLirs,  Edmuhd  Qdinci-,  Ed- 
mund Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garrison,  Jr. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  to  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof." 

'*  I  lay  this  down  as  tho  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  mil- 
itary authority  takos,  for  tho  time,  the  place  of  all  munic 
ipal  institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  or 
tub  United  States,  but  tho  Commander  or  the  Amur, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES,  f.  .  .  From  tho  instant 
that  the  slavoholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
llavery,  is  every  way  is  which  it  can  be  interfered 
with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
stroyed, to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power,  ...  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection.  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  op  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thb 
place  op  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  emaa- 
oipate  all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory.  "-J.  <}.  Adajcs. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


<Ditr  tomntoy  lis  Wxt  WwM,  mt  (Btoirotvjjmnj  m  all  Pattfcjtorfj, 


J.  B.  YERRIffTOff  &  SON,  Printers. 


"VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    24. 


BOSTON",     FEIDAY,     JUNE    13,    1862, 


WHOLE    NO.    1642. 


JMlif  Ho  tt$  * 


REBEL   BARBARITIES. 

In  tbe  Senate  of  the  United  States,  May  1,  1862, 
Mr.  Wade  submitted  the  following 

REPORT : 
The  Joint  Committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  present  war  beg 

leave  respectfully  to  submit  a  report,  in  part,  as  follows: 

On  the  first  day  of  April  the  Senate  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  adopted  the  following  resolution  which  was 
referred  to  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war : 

Resolved,  That  the  select  committee  on  the  con- 
duct of  the  war  be  directed  to  collect  the  evidence 
with  regard  to  the  barbarous  treatment  by  the  rebels, 
at  Manassas,  of  tbe  remains  of  officers  and  soldiers  of 
the  United  States  killed  in  battle  there  ;  and  that  the 
said  select  committee  also  inquire  into  tbe  fact  wheth- 
er the  Indian  savages  have  been  employed  by  the  re- 
bels, in  their  military  service,  against  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  and  how  such  warfare  has  been 
conducted  by  said  savages. 

In  pursuance  of  the  instructions  contained  in  this 
resolution,  your  committee  have  the  honor  to  report 
that  they  examined  a  number  of  witnesses,  whose 
testimony  is  herewith  submitted. 

Mr.  Nathaniel  F.  Parker,  who  was  captured  at 
Falling  Waters,  Virginia,  testifies  that  he  was  kept 
in  close  confinement,  denied  exercise,  and,  with  a 
number  of  others,  huddled  up  in  a  room  ;  that  theii 
food,  generally  scant,  was  always  bad,  and  sometimes 
nauseous ;  that  the  wounded  had  neither  medical  at- 
tention nor  humane  treatment,  and  that  many  of 
these  latter  died  from  sheer  neglect;  that  five  of 
the  prisoners  were  shot  by  the  sentries  outside,  and 
that  he  saw  one  man,  Tibbitts,  of  the  New  York  27th 
regiment,  shot  as  be  was  passing  his  window  on  the 
8th  of  November,  and  that  he  died  of  the  wound  on 
the  12th.  The  perpetrator  of  this  foul  murder  was 
subsequently  promoted  by  the  rebel  government. 

Dr.  J.  M.  Homiston,  surgeon  of  the  14th  New 
York,  or  Brooklyn  regiment,  captured  at  Bull  Run, 
testifies  that  when  he  solicited  permission  to  remain 
on  the  field  and  attend  to  wounded  men,  some  of 
whom  were  in  a  helpless  and  painful  condition  and 
suffering  for  water,  he  was  brutally  refused.  They 
offered  him  neither  water  nor  anything  in-the  shape 
of  food.  He  and  his  companions  stood  in  the  streets 
of  Manassas,  surrounded  by  a  threatening  and  bois- 
terous crowd,  and  were  afterwards  thrust  into  an 
old  building,  and  left,  without  sustenance  or  cover- 
ing, to  sleep  on  the  bare  floor.  It  was  only  when 
faint  and  exhausted,  in  response  to  their  earnest  pe- 
titions, they  having  been  without  food  for  24  hours, 
that  some  cold  bacon  was  grudgingly  given  to.  them. 
When,  at  last,  they  were  permitted  to  go  to  the  re- 
lief of  our  wounded,  the  secession  surgeon  would  not 
allow  them  to  perform  operations,  but  intrusted  the 
wounded  to  his  young  assistants,  "some  of  them 
with  no  more  knowledge  of  what  they  attempted  to 
do  than  an  apothecary's  clerk  ; "  and  further,  "  that 
these  inexperienced  surgeons  performed  operations 
upon  our  men  in  a  most  horrible  manner;  some  of 
them  were  absolutely  frightful."  "  When,"  he  adds, 
"  I  asked  Doctor  Darby  to  allow  me  to  amputate  the 
leg  of  Corporal  Prescott,' of  our  regiment,  and  said 
that  the  man  must  die  if  it  were  not  done,  he  told 
me  that  I  should  be  allowed  to  do  it."  While  Doc- 
tor Homiston  was  waiting,  he  says  a  secessionist 
came  through  the  room  and  said,  "  They  are  operat- 
ing upon  one  of  the  Yankees'  legs  up  stairs."  I  went 
and  found  that  they  had  cut  off  Prescott's  leg.  The 
assistants  were  pulling  on  the  flesh  at  each  side,  try- 
l  to  get  flap  enough  to  cover  the  bone.  They  had 
ived  off  the  bone  without  leaving  any  of  the  flesh 
to  form  the  flaps  to  cover  it ;  and  with  all  the  force 
they  could  use  they  could  not  get  flap  enough  to 
cover  the  bone.  They  were  then  obliged  to  saw  off 
about  an  inch  more  of  the  bone,  and  even  then, 
when  they  came  to  put  in  the  sutures  (the  stitches) 
they  could  not  approximate  the  edges  within  less 
than  an  inch  and  a  half  of  each  other  ;  of  course,  as 
soon  at  there  was  any  swelling,  the  stitches  tore  out 
and  the  bone  stuck  through  again.  Doctor  Swalm 
tried  afterwards  to  remedy  it  by  performing  anoth- 
er operation,  but  Prescott  had  become  so  debilitated 
that  he  did  not  survive."  Corporal  Prescott  was  a 
young  man  of  high  position,  and  had  received  a  very 
liberal  education. 

Tbe  same  witness  describes  the  sufferings  of  the 
wounded  after  the  battle  as  inconceivably  horrible — 
with  bad  food,  no  covering,  no  water.  They  were 
lying  upon  the  floor  as  thickly  as  they  could  be 
laid.  "  There  was  not  a  particle  of  light  in  the 
house  to  enable  us  to  move  among  them."  Deaf  to 
all  his  appeals,  they  continued  to  refuse  water  to 
these  suffering  men,  and  he  was  only  enabled  to  pro- 
cure it  by  setting  cups  under  the  eaves  to  catch  the 
rain  that  was  falling,  and  in  this  way  he  spent  the 
night  catching  the  water  and  conveying  it  to  the 
wounded  to  drink.  As  there  was  no  light,  he  was 
obliged  to  crawl  on  his  hands  and  knees  to  avoid 
stepping  op  their  wounded  limbs  ;  and  he  adds,  "  It 
is  not  a  wonder  that  next  morning  we  found  that 
several  had  died  during  the  night."  Tbe  young 
surgeons  who  seemed  to  delight  in  hacking  and 
butchering  these  brave  defenders  of  our  country's 
flag,  were  not,  it  would  seem,  permitted  to  perform 
any  operations  upon  the  rebel  wounded.  "  Some 
of  our  wounded,"  says  this  witness,  "were  left  ly- 
ing upon  the  battle-field  until  Tuesday  night  and 
Wednesday  morning.  When  brought  in,  their  wounds 
were  completely  alive  with  larvae  deposited  there 
by  the  flies,  having  lain  out  through  all  the  rain 
storm  of  Monday,  and  the  hot  sultry  sunshine  of 
Tuesday."  The  dead  laid  upon  the  field  unburied 
for  five  days ;  and  this  included  men  not  only  of  his 
own,  the  14th  regiment,  but  of  other  regiments. 
This  witness  testifies  that  the  rebel  dead  were  car- 
ried off  and  interred  decently.  In  answer  to  a 
question  whether  the;  confederates  themselves  were 
abo  destitute  of  medicines,  he  replied,  "  They  could 
not  have  been,  for  they  took  all  ours,  even  to  our 
surgical  instruments."  He  received  none  of  the  at- 
tention from  the  surgeons  on  the  other  side, "  which," 
to  use  his  own  language,  "  I  should  have  shown  to 
them,  had  our  position  been  reversed." 

The  testimony  of  William  F.  Swalm,  assistant 
surgeon  of  the  14th  New  York  regiment,  who  was 
taken  prisoner  at  Sudlcy's  church,  confirms  the 
statement  of  Dr.  Homiston  in  regard  to  the  brutal 
operations  on  Corporal  Prescott.  He  also  states 
that  after  he  himself  had  been  removed  to  Richmond, 
when  seated  one  day  with  his  feet  on  the  window- 
sill,  the  sentry  outside  called  to  him  to  take  them  in 
and  on  looking  out  he  saw  the  sentry  with  his  mus- 
ket cocked  and  pointed  at  him,  and  withdrew  in 
time  to  save  his  life.  He  gives  evidence  of  Hie 
careless,  heartless  and  cruel  manner  iti  which  the 
surgeons  operated  upon  our  men.  Previous  to 
leaving  for  Richmond,  and  ten  or  twelve  days  after 
the  battle,  he  saw  Borne  of  the  Union  soldiers  unbur- 
ied on  the  field,  and  entirely  naked.  Walking 
around  were  a  great  many  women,  gloating  over  the 
horrid  sight. 

The  case  of  Dr.  Ferguson,  of  one  of  the  New  York 
regiments,  ismeutioncd  by  Dr.  Swalm.     When  get- 


ting into  his  ambulance  to  look  after  his  own  wound- 
ed, he  was  fired  upon  by  the  rebels.  When  he  told 
them  who  he  was,  they  said  they  would  take  a  part- 
ing shot  at  him,  which  they  did,  wounding  Lim  in 
the  leg.  He  had  his  boots  on,  and  his  spurs  on  his 
boots,  and  as  they  drove  along,  his  spurs  would  catch 
in  the  tail-board  of  the  ambulance,  causing  him  to 
shriek  with  agony.  An  ollicer  rode  up,  and,  plac- 
ing his  pistol  to  his  head,  threatened  to  shoot  him  if 
he  continued  to  scream.  This  was  on  Sunday  the 
day  of  the  battle. 

One  of  the  most  important  witnesses  was  General 
James  B.  Ricketts,  well  known  in  Washington  and 
throughout  the  country,  lately  promoted  for  his  dar- 
ing and  self-sacrificing  courage.  After  having  been 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  he  was  captur- 
ed, and  as  he  lay  helpless  on  his  back,  a  party  of  re- 
bels passing  him  cried  out,  "  Knock  out  his  brains, 

the  d d  Yankee."     He  met  General  Beauregard, 

an  old  acquaintance,  only  a  year  his  senior  at  the 
United  States  Military  Academy,  where  both  were 
educated.  He  had  met  the  rebel  general  in  the 
south  a  number  of  times.  By  this  head  of  the  'rebel 
army  on  the  day  after  the  battle,  he  was  told  that 
his  (General  Ricketts's)  treatment  would  depend  on 
the  treatment  extended  to  the  rebel  privateers.  His 
first  lieutenant,  Ramsay,  who  was  kdled,  was  strip- 
ped of  every  article  of  his  clothing  but  his  socks,  and 
left  naked  on  the  field.  He  testified  that  those  of 
our  wounded  who  died  in  Richmond  were  buried  in 
the  negro  burying -ground  among  the  negroes,  and 
were  put  into  the  earth  in  the  most  unfeeling  man- 
ner. The  statement  of  other  witnesses  as  to  how 
the  prisoners  were  treated,  is  fully  confirmed  by 
General  Ricketts.  He  himself,  while  in  prison, 
subsisted  mainly  upon  what  he  purchased  with  his 
own  money,  the  money  brought  to  him  by  his  wife. 
"  We  had,"  he  says,  "  what,  they  called  bacon  soup 
— soup  made  of  boiled  bacon,  the  bacon  being  a 
little  rancid — which  you  could  not  possibly  eat; 
and  that,  for  a  man  whose  system  is  being  drain- 
ed by  a  wound,  is  no  diet  at  all."  In  reply  to  a 
question  whether  he  had  heard  anything  about  our 
prisoners  being  shot  by  rebel  sentries,  he  an- 
swered :  "  Yes,  a  number  of  our  men  were  shot.  In 
one  instance  two  were  shot;  one  was  killed  and  the 
other  wounded,  by  a  man  who  rested  his  gun  on  the 
window-sill  while  he  capped  it." 

General  Ricketts,  in  reference  to  his  having  been 
held  as  one  of  the  hostages  for  the  privateers,  states : 
"  I  considered  it  bad  treatment  to  be  selected  as  a 
hostage  for  a  privateer,  when  I  was  so  lame  that  I 
could  not  walk,  and  while  my  wounds  were  still 
open  and  unhealed.  At  this  time  General  Winder 
came  to  see  me.  He  had  been  an  officer  in  my  reg- 
iment ;  I  had  known  him  for  twenty  odd  years. 
It  was  on  the  9th  of  November  that  he  came  to  see 
me.  He  saw  that  my  wounds  were  still  unhealed  ; 
he  saw  my  condition  ;  but  that  very  day  he  received 
an  order  to  select  hostages  for  the  privateers,  and, 
notwithstanding  he  knew  my  condition,  the  next  day, 
Sunday,  the  10th  of  November,  I  was  selected  as 
one  of  the  hostages."  "  I  heard,"  he  continues,  "  of 
a  great  many  of  our  prisoners  who  had  been  bayo- 
netted  and  shot.  I  saw  three  of  them — two  that 
had  been  bayonetted  and  one  of  them  shot.  One 
was  named  Louis  Francis,  of  the  New  York  14th. 
He  had  received  fourteen  bayonet  wounds — one 
through  his  privates— and  he  had  one  wound  very 
much  like  mine,  on  the  knee,  in  consequence  of 
which  his  leg  was  amputated  after  twelve  weeks  had 
passed ;  and  I  would  state  here  that  in  regard  to 
his  case,  when  it  was  determined  to  amputate  his 
leg,  I  heard  Dr.  Peachy  the  rebel  surgeon  remark 
to  one  of  his  young  assistants,  "  I  won't  be  greedy  ; 
you  may  do  it ; "  and  the  young  man  did  it.  I  saw 
a  number  in  my  room,  many  of  whom  had  been  bad- 
ly amputated.  The  flaps  over  the  stump  were 
drawn  too  tight,  and  in  some  the  bones  protruded. 
A  man  by  the  name  of  Prescott  (the  same  referred 
to  in  the  testimony  of  Surgeon  Homiston)  was  am- 
putated twice,  and  was  then,  I  think,  removed  to 
Richmond  before  the  taps  were  healed — Prescott 
died  under  this  treatment.  I  heard  a  rebel  doctor 
on  the  steps  below  my  room  say,  that '  he  wished  he 

could  take  out  the  hearts  of  the  d d  Yankees  as 

easily  as  he  could  take  off  their  legs.'  Some  of  the 
Southern  gentlemen  treated  me  very  handsomely. 
Wade  Hampton,  who  was  opposed  to  my  battery, 
came  to  see  me,  and  behaved  like  a  generous  enemy." 
It  appears,  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  this  rebellion, 
that  General  Ricketts  was  visited  by  his  wife,  who, 
having  first  heard  that  he  was  killed  in  battle,  af- 
terwards that  he  was  alive,  but  wounded,  travelled 
under  great  difficulties  to  Manassas  to  see  her  hus- 
band. He  says,  "  She  had  almost  to  fight  her  way 
through,  but  succeeded  finally  in  reaching  me  on 
the  fourth  day  after  the  battle.  There  were  eight 
persons  in  the  Lewis  House  at  Manassas,  in  the  room 
where  I  lay,  and  my  wife  for  two  weeks  slept  in  that 
room  on  the  floor  by  my  side,  without  a  bed.  When 
we  got  to  Richmond,  there  were  six  of  us  in  a  room, 
among  them  Colonel  Wilcox,  who  remained  with  us 
until  he  was  taken  to  Charleston.  There  we  were 
all  in  one  room.  There  was  no  door  to  it.  It  was 
much  as  it  would  be  here,  if  you  should  take  off  the 
doors  of  this  committee-room,  and  then  fill  the  pas- 
sage with  wounded  soldiers.  In  the  hot  summer 
months  the  stench  from  their  wounds,  and  from  the 
utensils  they  used  was  fearful.  There  was  no  pri- 
vacy at  all,  because,  there  being  no  door,  the  room 
could  not  be  closed.  We  were  there  as  a  common 
show.  Colonel  Wilcox  and  myself  were  objects  of 
interests,  and  were  gazed  upon  as  if  wc  were  a  couple 
of  savages.  The  people  would  come  in  there  and 
say  all  sorts  of  things  to  us  and  about  us,  until  I  was 
obliged  to  tell  them  that  I  was  a  prisoner  and  bad 
nothing  to  say.  On  our  way  to  Richmond,  when  we 
reached  Gordonsville,  many  women  crowded  around 
the  cars,  and  asked  my  wife  if  she  cooked  ?  if  she 
washed?  how  she  got  there  ?  Finally  Mrs.  Ricketts 
appealed  to  the  officer  in  charge,  and  told  him  that 
it  was  not  the  intention  that  we  should  be  subjected 
to  this  treatment,  and  if  it  was  continued,  she  would 
make  it  known  to  the  authorities.  General  Johnson 
took  my  wife's  carriage  and  horses  at  Manassas,  kept 
them,  and  has  them  yet  for  aught  I  know.  When  I 
got  to  Richmond  I  spoke  to  several  gentlemen  about 
this,  and  so  did  Mrs.  Ricketts.  They  said,  of  course, 
the  carriage  and  horses  should  be  returned,  but  they 
never  were.  "There  is  one  debt,"  says  this  gallant 
soldier,  "  that  [  desire  very  much  to  pay,  and  noth- 
ing troubles  me  so  much  now  as  the  fact  that  my 
wounds  prevent  me  from  entering  upon  active  ser- 
vice at  once." 

The  case  of  Lewis  Francis,  who  was  terribly 
wounded  and  maltreated,  and  lost  a  leg,  is  referred 
to  by  General  Ricketts  ;  but  the  testimony  of  Fran- 
cis himself  is  startling.  He  was  a  private  in  the 
New  York  14th  regiment.  He  says  ;  "I  was  attack- 
ed by  two  rebel  soldiers,  and  wounded  in  the  right 
knee  with  the  bayonet.  As  I  lay  on  the  sod,  they  kept 
bayonetting  mc  until  I  received  fourteen  wounds. 
One  then  left  me,  the  other  remaining  over  me, 
when  a  Union  soldier  coming  up  shot  him  in  the 
breast,  and  he  fell  dead.  I  lay  on  the  ground  until 
10  o'clock  next  day.  I  was  then  removed  in  a  wag- 
on to  a  building,  my  wounds  examined  and  par- 
tially dressed.  On  the  Saturday  following,  we  were 
carried  to  Manassas,  and  from  there  to  the  genera] 


hospital  at  Richmond.  My  leg  having  partially 
mortified,  I  consented  that  it  should  be  amputated, 
which  operation  was  performed  by  a  young  man. 
I  insisted  that  they  should  allow  Dr.  Swalm  to  be 
present,  for  I  wanted  one  Union  man  there  if  I 
died  under  the  operation.  The  stitches  and  the 
band  slipped  from  neglect,  and  the  bone  protruded ; 
and  about  two  weeks  after,  another  operation  was 
performed,  at  which  time  another  piece  of  the  thigh 
bone  was  sawed  off.  Six  weeks  after  the  amputa- 
tion and  before  it  healed,  I  was  removed  to  the  tobac- 
co factory." 

Two  operations  were  subsequently  performed  on 
Francis — one  at  Fortress  Munroe,  and  one  at 
Brooklyn,  New  York — after  his  release  from  captiv- 
ity. 

Revolting  as  these  disclosures  are,  it  was  when  the 
committee  came  to  examine  witnesses  in  reference 
to  the  treatment  of  our  heroic  dead,  that  the  fiend- 
ish spirit  of  the  rebel  leaders  was  most  prominently 
exhibited.  Daniel  Bixby,  ir.,  of  Washington,  testi- 
fies that  he  went  out  in  company  with  Mr.  G.  A. 
Smart,  of  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  who  went  to 
search  for  the  body  of  his  brother,  who  fell  at  Black- 
burn's ford  in  the  action  of  the  18th  of  July.  They 
found  the  grave.  The  clothes  were  identified  as 
those  of  his  brother  on  account  of  some  peculiarity 
in  the  make,  for  they  had  been  made  by  his  mother : 
and  in  order  to  identify  them,  other  clothes  made  by 
her  were  taken,  that  they  might  compare  them. 
"  We  found  no  head  in  the  grave,  and  no  bones  of 
any  kind — nothing  but  the  clothes  and  portions  of 
the  flesh.  We  found  the  remains  of  three  other 
bodies  all  together.  The  clothes  were  there;  some 
flesh  was  left,  but  no  bones."  The  witness  also 
states  that  Mrs.  Pierce  Butler,  who  lives  near  the 
place,  said  that  she  had  seen  the  rebels  boiling  por- 
tions of  the  bodies  of  our  dead,  in  order  to  obtain 
their  bones  as  relics.  They  could  not  wait  for  them 
to  decay.  She  said  that  she  had  seen  drumsticks 
made  of  "  Yankee  shinbones,"  as  they  ealled  them. 
Mrs.  Butler  also  stated  that  she  had  seen  a  skull 
that  one  of  the  New  Orleans  artillery  had,  which, 
he  said,  he  was  going  to  send  home  and  have  mount- 
ed, and  that  he  intended  to  drink  a  brandy  punch 
out  of  it  the  day  he  was  married. 

Frederick  Scholes,  of  the  city  of  Brooklyn,  New 
York,  testified  that  he  proceeded  to  the  battle  field 
of  Bull  Run  on  the  fourth  of  this  month  (April),  to 
find  the  place  where  he  supposed  his  brother's  body 
was  buried.  Mr.  Scholes,  who  is  a  man  of  unques- 
tioned character,  by  his  testimony  fully  confirms  the 
report  of  other  witnesses.  He  met  a  free  negro, 
named  Simon,  or  Simons,  who  stated  that  it  was  a 
common  thing  for  the  rebel  soldiers  to  exhibit  the 
bones  of  the  Yankees.  "  I  found,"  he  says,  "  in  the 
bushes  in  the  neighborhood,  a  part  of  a  Zouave  uni- 
form, with  the  sleeve  sticking  out  of  the  grave,  and 
a  portion  of  the  pantaloons.  Attempting  to  pull  it 
up,  I  saw  the  two  ends  of  the  grave  were  still  un- 
opened, but  the  middle  had  been  pried  up,  pulling 
up  the  extremities  of  the  uniform  in  some  places, 
the  sleeves  of  the  shirt  in  another,  and  a  portion  of 
the  pantaloons.  Dr.  Swalm  (one  of  the  surgeons, 
whose  testimony  has  already  been  referred  to,) 
pointed  out  the  trenches  where  the  secessionists 
had  buried  their  own  dead,  and,  on  examination, 
it  appeared  that  their  remains  had  not  been  dis- 
turbed at  all.  Mr.  Scholes  met  a  free  negro, 
named  Hampton,  who  resided  near  the  place, 
and  when  he  told  him  the  manner  in  which  these 
bodies  had  been  dug  up,  he  said  he  knew  it  had 
been  done,  and  added  that  the  rebels  had  commenced 
digging  bodies  two  or  three  days  after  they  were 
buried,  for  the  purpose,  at  first,  of  obtaining  the  but- 
tons off  their  uniforms,  and  that  afterwards  they  dis- 
interred them  to  get  their  bones.  He  said  they  had 
taken  rails  and  pushed  the  ends  down  in  the  centre 
under  the  middle  of  the  bodies,  and  pried  them  up. 
The  information  of  the  negroes  of  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin Lewis  corroborated  fully  the  statement  of  this 
man  Hampton.  They  said  that  a  good  many  of  the 
bodies  had  been  stripped  naked  on  the  field  before 
they  were  buried,  and  that  some  were  buried  naked. 
[  went  to  Mr.  Lewis's  house  and  spoke  to  him  of  the 
manner  in  which  these  bodies  had  been  disinterred. 
He  admitted  that  it  was  infamous,  and  condemned 
principally  the  Louisiana  Tigers  of  GeneralAVheat's 
division.  He  admitted  that  our  wounded  had  been 
very  badly  treated."  In  confirmation  of  the  testi- 
mony of  Dr.  Swalm  and  Dr.  Homiston,  this  witness 
avers  that  Mr.  Louis  mentioned  a  number  of 
instances  of  men  who  had  been  murdered  by  bad 
surgical  treatment.  Mr.  Lewis  was  afraid  that  a 
pestilence  would  break  out  in  consequence  of  the 
dead  being  left,  unburied,  and  stated  that  he  had 
gone  out  and  warned  the  neighborhood  and  had  the 
dead  buried,  sending  his  own  men  to  assist  in  doing 
so.  "  On  Sunday  morning  (yesterday)  I  went  out 
in  search  of  my  brother's  grave.  We  found  the 
trench,  and  dug  for  the  bodies  below.  They  were 
eighteen  inches  to  two  feet  below  the  surface,  and 
had  been  hustled  in  in  any  way.  In  one  end  ot"  the 
trench  we  found,  not  more  than  two  or  three  inches 
below  the  surface,  the  thigh  bone  of  a  man  which 
had  evidently  been  dug  up  after  the  burial.  At  the 
other  end  of  the  trench  we  found  the  shin-bone  of  a 
man  which  had  been  struck  by  a  musket  ball  and 
split.  The  bodies  at  the  ends  had  been  pried  up. 
While  digging  there,  a  party  of  soldiers  came  along 
and  showed  us  a  part  of  a  shinbono  five  or  six  inches 
long,  which  had  the  end  sawed  off.  They  said  that 
they  had  found  it  among  other  pieces  in  one  of  the 
cabins  the  rebels  had  deserted.  From  the  appear- 
ance of  it,  pieces  had  been  sawed  off  to  make  finger- 
rings.  As  soon  as  the  negroes  noticed  this,  they 
said  that  the  rebels  had  had  rings  made  of  the  bones 
of  our  dead,  and  that  they  had  them  for  sale  in 
their  camps.  When  Dr.  Swalm  saw  the  bone,  he 
said  it  was  part  of  the  shinbone  of  a  man.  The 
soldiers  represented  that  there  were  lots  ot  these 
bones  scattered  through  the  rebel  huts  sawed  into 
rings,"  &c.  Mr.  Lewis  and  his  negroes  all  spoke  of 
Colonel  James  Cameron's  body,  and  knew  that  "  it 
had  been  stripped  and  also  where  it  had  been  buried." 
Mr.  Scholes,  in  answer  to  a  question  of  one  of  the 
committee,  described  the  different  treatment  extend- 
ed to  the  Union  soldiers  and  the. rebel  dead.  The 
latter  had  little  head-boards  placed  at  the  head  of 
their  respective  graves  and  marked;  none  of  them 
had  the  appearance  of  having  been  disturbed. 

The  evidence  of  that  distinguished  and  patriotic 
citizen,  Hon.  William  Sprague,  governor  of  tho 
State  of  Rhode  Island,  confirms  and  fortifies  some  of 
the  most  revolting  statements  of  former  witnesses. 
His  object  in  visiting  the  battle-field  was  to  recover 
the  bodies  of  Colonel  Slocum  and  Major  Ballou,  of 
the  Rhode  Island  regiment,  He  took  out  with  him 
several  of  his  own  men  to  identify  the  graves.  On 
reaching  the  place,  he  slates  that  "  we  commenced 
digging  for  the  bodies  of  Colonel  Slocum  and  Major 
Ballon  at  the  spot  pointed  out  to  them  by  these  men 
who  had  been  in  this  action.  While  digging,  some 
negro  women  came  up  and  asked  whom  we  were 
looking  for,  and  at  the  same  time  said  that  '  Colonel 
Sloguu '  had  been  dug  up  by  the  rebels,  by  some 
men  of  a  Georgia  regiment,  his  head  cut  off,  and 
his  body  taken  to  a  ravine  thirty  or  forty  yards  bc- 
and  there  burned.  We  slopped  digging  and 
went  to  the  spot  designated,  where  we  found  coals 


and  ashes  and  bones  mingled  together.  A  little  dL 
tance  from  there  we  found  a  shirt  (still  buttoned  at 
the  neck)  and  blanket  with  large  quantities  of  hair 
upon  it,  everything  indicating  the  burning  of  a  holy 
there.  We  returned  and  dug  down  at  the  spot  in- 
dicated as  the  grave  of  Major  Ballou,  but  found  no 
body  there;  but  at  the  place  pointed  out  as  the 
grave  where  Colonel  Slocum  was  buried,  we  found 
a  box,  which,  upon  being  raised  and  opened,  was 
found  to  contain  the  body  of  Colonel  Slocum.  The 
soldiers  who  had  buried  the  two  bodies  were  satisfied 
that  the  grave  had  been  opened ;  the  body  taken 
out,  beheaded,  and  burned,  was  that  of  Major  Bal- 
lou, because  it  was  not  in  the  spot  where  Colonel 
Slocum  was  buried,  but  rather  to  the  right  of  it. 
They  at  once  said  that  the  rebels  had  made  a  mistake, 
and  had  taken  the  body  of  Major  Ballou  for  that  of 
Colonel  Slocum.  The  shirt  fmnd  near  the  place 
where  the  body  was  burned,  I  recognized  as  cna  be- 
longing to  Major  Ballou,  as  I  had  bejn  very  inti- 
mate with  him.  We  gathered  up  the  ashes  contain- 
ing the  portion  of  his  remains  that  were  left,  and 
put  them  in  a  coffin  together  with  his  shirt  and 
the  blanket  with  the  hair  left  upon  it.  After  we 
had  done  this,  we  went  to  that  portion  of  the  field 
where  the  battle  had  first  commenced,  and  began  to 
dig  for  the  remains  of  Captain  Tower.  We  brought 
a  soldier  with  us  to  designate  the  place  wbere°be 
was  buried.  He  had  been  wounded  in  the  battle, 
and  had  seen  from  the  window  of  the  house  where 
the  captain  was  interred.  On  opening  the  ditch  or 
trench,  we  found  it  filled  with  soldiers,  all  buried 
with  their  faces  downward.  On  taking  up  some 
four  or  five  we  discovered  the  remains  of  Captain 
Tower,  mingled  with  those  of  the  men.  We  took 
them,  placed  them  in  a  coffin,  and  brought  them 
home." 

In  reply  to  a  question  of  a  member  of  the  commit- 
tee _  as  to  whether  he  was  satisfied  that  they  were 
buried  intentionally  with  their  faces  downward,  Gov. 
Sprague's  answer  was,  « Undoubtdly  !  beyond  all 
controversy  !  "  and  that  "  it  was  done  as  a  mark  of 
indignity."  In  answer  to  another  question  as  to 
what  their  object  could  have  been,  especially  in  re- 
gard to  the  body  of  Colonel  Slocum,  he  replied : 
"  Sheer  brutality,  and  nothing  else.  They  did  it  on 
account  of  his  courage  and  chivalry  in  forcing  his 
regiment  fearlessly  and  bravely  upon  them.  He 
destroyed  about  one  half  of  that  Georgia  regiment, 
which  was  made  up  of  their  best  citizens."  When 
the  inquiry  was  put,  whether  he  thought  these  bar- 
barities were  committed  by  that  regiment,  he  re- 
sponded, "  By  that  same  regiment,  as  I  was  told." 
While  their  own  dead  were  buried  with  marble  head 
and  foot  stones,  and  names  upon  them,  ours  were 
buried,  as  I  have  stated,  in  trenches.  This  eminent 
witness  concludes  his  testimony  as  follows:  "I 
have  published  an  order  to  my  second  regiment,  to 
which  these  officers  were  attached,  that  1  shall  not 
be  satisfied  with  what  they  shall  do,  unless  they  give 
an  account  of  one  rebel  killed  for  each  one  of  their 
own  number. "■ 

The  members  of  your  committee  might  content 
themselves  by  leaving  this  testimony  to  the  Senate 
and  the  people  without  a  word  of  comment ;  but 
when  the  enemies  of  a  just  and  generous  govern- 
ment are  attempting  to  excite  the  sympathy  of  dis- 
loyal men  in  our  own  country,  and  to  solicit  the 
aid  of  foreign  governments  by  the  grossest  misrep- 
resentations of  the  objects  of  the  war,  and  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  republic,  this, 
the  most  startling  evidence  of  their  insincerity  and 
inhumanity,  deserves  some  notice  at  our  hands. 
History  will  be  examined  in  vain  for  a  parallel  to 
this  rebellion  against  a  good  government.  Lon^ 
prepared  for  by  ambitious  men,  who  were  made 
doubly  confident  of  success  by  the  aid  and  counsel 
of  former  administrations,  and  by  the  belief  that  their 
plans  were  unobserved  by  a  magnanimous  people, 
they  precipitated  the  war  (at  a  moment  when  the 
general  administration  had  just  been  changed)  un- 
der circumstances  of  astounding  perfidy.  Without 
a  single  reasonable  ground  of  complaint,  and  in  the 
face  of  repeated  manifestations  of  moderation  and 
peace  on  the  part  of  the  President  and  his  friends, 
they  took  up  arms  and  declared  that  they  would 
never  _  surrender  until  their  rebellion  had  been 
recognized,  or  the  institutions  established  by  our 
fathers  had  been  destroyed.  The  people  of  the 
loyal  States,  at  last  convinced  that  they  could  pre- 
serve their  liberties  only  by  an  appeal  to  the  God  of 
battles,  rushed  to  the  standard  of  the  republic,  in 
response  to  the  call  of  the  Chief  Magistrate. 

Every  step  of  this  monstrous  treason  has  been 
marked  by  violence  and  crime.  No  transgression 
has  been  too  great,  no  wrong  too  startling,  for  its 
leaders.  They  disregarded  the  sanctity  of  "the  oaths 
they  had  taken  to  support  the  Constitution  ;  they  re- 
pudiated all  their  obligations  to  the  people  of  the  free 
States  ;  they  deceived  and  betrayed  their  own  fel- 
low-citizens, and  crowded  their  armies  with  forced 
levies;  they  drove  from  their  midst  all  who  would 
not  yield  to  their  despotism,  or  filled  their  prisons 
with  men  who  would  not  enlist  under  their  flag. 
They  have  now  crowned  the  rebellion  by  the  per- 
petration of  deeds  scarcely  known  even  to  sav- 
age warfare.  The  investigations  of  your  com- 
mittee have  established  this  fact  beyond  controversy. 
The  witnesses  called  before  us  were  men  of  undoubt- 
ed veracity  and  character.  Some  of  them  occupy 
high  positions  in  the  army,  and  others  high  positions 
in  civil  life.  Differing  in  political  sentiments,  their 
evidence  presents  remarkable  concurrence  of  opin- 
ion and  of  judgment.  Our  fellow-countrymen,  here- 
tofore sufficiently  impressed  by  the  generosity  and 
forbearance  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  by  the  barbarous  character  of  tho  crusade 
against  it,  will  be  shocked  by  the  statements  of  these 
unimpeached  and  unimpeachable  witnesses  ;  and  for- 
eign nations  must,  with  one  accord,  however  they 
have  hesitated  heretofore,  consign  to  lasting  odium 
the  authors  of  crimes  which,  in  all  their  details,  ex- 
ceed the  worst  excesses  of  the  Sepoys  of  India. 

Inhumanity  to  the  living  has  been  the  leading 
trait  of  the  rebel  leaders;  but  it  was  reserved  for 
your  committee  to  disclose  as  a  concerted  system 
their  insults  to  the  wounded,  and  their  mutilation 
and  desecration  of  tho  gallant  dead.  Our  soldiers 
taken  prisoners  iivjionorable  battle  have  been  sub- 
jected to  the  most  shameful  treatment.  All  the  con- 
siderations that  inspire  chivalric  emotion  and  gene- 
rous consideration  for  brave  men  have  been  disre- 
garded. It  is  almost  beyond  belief  that  men  fight-' 
tng  in  such  a  cause  as  ours,  and  sustained  by  a  gov- 
ernment which,  in  the  midst  of  violence  and  treach- 
ery, has  given  repeated  evidences  of  its  indulgence, 
should  be  subjected  to  treatment  never  before  re- 
sorted to  by  one  foreign  nation  in  a  conflict  with 
another. 

All  the  courtesies  of  professional  and  civil  life 
seem  to  have  been  disregarded.  General  Beaure- 
gard himself,  who  on  a  wry  recent  occasion  boasted 
that  he  had  been  controlled  by  humane  foldings  af- 
ter the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  coolly  proposed  to  hold 
General  Ricketts  as  a  hostage  for  one  of  the  mur- 
derous privateers,  and  the  rebel  surgeons  disdained 
intercourse  ami  communication  with  our  own  sur- 
geons taken  in  honorable  battle. 

The  outrages  upon  the  dead  will  revive  the'  rec- 
ollections of  the  cruelties  to  which  savage  tribes  sub- 


•ect  their  prisoners.  They  were  buried  in  many 
cases  naked,  with  their  faces  downward  ;  they  were 
left  to  decay  in  the  open  air;  their  bones  were 
carried  off  as  trophies,  sometimes,  as  the  testimony 
proves,  to  be  used  as  personal  adornments,  and  one 
witness  deliberately  avers  that  the  head  of  one  of 
our  most  gallant  officers  was  cut  off  by  a  secessionist 
to  be  turned  into  a  drinking-cup  on  the  occasion  of 
his  marriage.  Monstrous  as  this  revelation  may  ap- 
pear to  be,  your  committee  have  been  informed  that 
during  the  last  two  weeks  the  skull  of  a  Union  sol- 
dier has  been  exhibited  in  the  office  of  the  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  had 
been  converted  to  such  a  purpose,  and  which  had 
been  found  on  the  person  of  one  of  the  re  el  prison- 
ers taken  in  a  recent  conflict.  The  testimony  of 
Governor  Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  is  most  interest- 
ing. It  confirms  the  worst  reports  against  the  rebel 
soldiers,  and  conclusively  proves  that  the  body  of  one 
of  the  bravest  officers  in  the  volunteer  service  was 
burned.  He  does  not  hesitate  to  add,  that  this  hye- 
na desecration  of  the  honored  corpse  was  because 
the  rebels  believed  it  to  be  the  body  of  Colonel  Slo- 
cum, against  whom  they  were  infuriated  for  having 
displayed  so  much  courage  and  chivalry  in  forcing 
his  regiment  fearlessly  and  bravely  upon  them. 

These  disclosures,  establishing,  as  they  incontesta- 
bly  do,  the  consistent  inhumanity  of  the  rebel  lead- 
ers, will  be  read  with  sorrow  and  indignation  by  the 
people  of  the  loyal  States.  They  should  inspire 
these  people  to  renewed  exertions  to  protect  our 
country  from  the  restoration  to  power  of  such  men. 
They  should,  and  we  believe  they  will,  arouse  the 
disgust  and  horror  of  foreign  nations  against  this  un- 
holy rebellion.  Let  it  be  ours  to  furnish,  neverthe- 
less, a  contrast  to  such  barbarities  and  crimes.  Let 
us  persevere  in  the  good  work  of  maintaining  the  au- 
thority of  the  Constitution,  and  of  refusing  to  imi- 
tate the  monstrous  practices  we  have  been  called 
upon  to  investigate. 

Your  committee  beg  to  say,  in  conclusion,  that 
they  have  not  yet  been  enabled  to  gather  testimony 
in  regard  to  the  additional  inquiry  suggested  by  the 
resolution  of  the  Senate,  whether  Indian  savages 
have  been  employed  by  the  rebels  in  military  ser- 
vice against  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  how  such  warfare  has  been  conducted  by  said 
savages,  but  that  they  have  taken  proper  steps  to 
attend  to  this  important  duty. 

B.  F.  WADE,  Chairman. 


REBEL  BARBARITIES— SECESSION"  WOMEN, 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Boston 
Journal  gives  the  particulars  of  the  experience  of 
Mr.  G.  A.  Smart,  of  Cambridge,  who  went  to  Ma- 
nassas to  search  for  the  remains  of  his  brother,  Wil- 
liam II.  Smart,  a  member  of  the  Boston  Fusileers, 
who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run.  A  com- 
rade of  the  deceased  accompanied  Mr.  S.,  and  point- 
ed out  the  spot  where  the  dead  fell,  and  where  it 
was  known  they  were  interred  ;  but,  upon  searching 
for  the  remains,  "  it  was  too  plainly  evident  that  the 
graves  had  been  violated— that  the  bones  had  been 
dug  or  pried  up  with  sticks  from  beneath  their  thin 
covering  of  earth— and  that  nothing  remained  of  these 
brave  sons  of  Massachusetts  but  a  few  of  the  smaller 
bones  and  some  locks  of  hair."  Some  of  the  hair 
was  recognized  by  Messrs.  Smart  and  Hildretb,  es- 
pecially some  light  curls,  which  were  unmi 
those  of  Mr.  Fields  of  the  Fusileers.  Passing 
where  the  Chelsea  corps  fought,  they  found  that  it 
was_  doubtful  whether  the  bodies  there  had  been 
buried,  although  some  loose  earth  had  originally  been 
thrown  over  them.  They  had  also  been  carried  off 
in  fragments,  and  nothing  remained  but  a  few  frag- 
ments of  decayed  flesh,  and  clothing  cut  for  the  with- 
drawal of  the  limbs.  A  lady  who  resides  near  by  in- 
formed the  seekers  after  the  dead,  that  members  of 
a  Georgia  and  of  a  Louisiana  regiment  had,  up  to  as 
late  a  date  as  November,  obtained  bones  from  these 
and  other  graves.  Skulls  had  been  set  up  on  poles, 
with  insulting  mottoes,  and  one  chivalric  Georgia 
Lieutenant  had  a  skull  neatly  cleaned,  to  send  home, 
with  instructions  that  it  be  mounted  in  silver,  as  a 
punch-bowl.  "  He  said  it  was  the  skull  of  one  of 
the  d — d  Massachusetts  Yankees." 

The  New  York  Commercial  Advertiser,  which  is 
not  apt  to  reproduce  mere  gossip  and  sensation  sto- 
ries, relates  the  following: — 

"  In  a  railway  car  on  a  road  running  out  of  Macon,  Ga., 
hangs,  or  did  hang,  a  human  skull ,' purporting  to  be  that 
of  a  Yankee  soldier  killed  at  Bull  Hun.  This  fact  rests 
upon  the  authority  of  a  gentleman  in  New  York  city, 
who  went  to  Georgia  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter, 
and  returned  to  New  York  a  few  weeks  since,  having 
lived  the  entire  time  of  his  absence  at  Macon.  The 
statement  is  undeniably  true." 

There  have  been  other  well  authenticated  state- 
ments of  the  use  of  the  skulls  of  our  dead  soldiers 
by  the  rebel  barbarians,  sufficiently  numerous  at 
least  to  indicate  a  condition  of  things  in  the  rebel 
army  which  the  army  of  no  civilized  people  in  the 
world  would  tolerate  for  a  moment.  Well  may  the 
Commercial  Advertiser,  in  commenting  upon  these 
facts,  remark : — 

"The  palace  of  the  King  of  Dahomey  is  fringed 
with  human  skulls.  Savages  use  skulls  as  drinking 
vessels.  It  is  reserved  for  these  purists  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  to  return  with  alacrity  to  a  state  of  bar- 
barity, worthy  the  days  of  Fetichism,  and  unheard  of 
where  Christian  civilization  has  ever  penetrated. 
Hundreds  of  letters  found  in  the  Southern  camps  show 
the  prevalent  and  inbred  cruelty  of  heart  that  charac- 
terizes a  people,  who  have  lived  so  long  beneath  the 
gentle  influences  and  tender  amenities  of  slavery. 
They  who  can  torture  negroes  at  the  stake,  or  whip 
them  to  the  death,  or  hunt  the  panting  fugitive  with 
bloodhounds,  make  an  easy  transition  to  the  barbari- 
ties of  a  battle-field  which  would  disgrace  the  most 
sanguinary  savage  that  ever  made  war.  The  institu- 
tion of  slavery  is  necessarily  barbarizing.  It  must  for- 
ever lower  the  tone  of  Christianity  and  of  morals, 
blast  the  kindlier  feelings  of  the  heart,  deprave  the  as- 
pirations of  the  soul,  and  close  up  every  sense  and 
sentiment  against  the  better  instincts  of  our  nature." 

Jefferson,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  placed  upon 
record  the  declaration  that  "  The  whole  commerce 
between  master  and  slave  is  a  perpetual  exercise  of 
the  boisterous  passions;  *  *  *  tho  child  looks  on; 
catches  the  lineaments  of  wrath;  gives  loose  to  the 
worst,  of  passions;  and,  thus  nursed  and  educated, 
and  daily  exercised  in  tyranny,  cannot  but  be 
Stamped  by  it  with  odious  peculiarities."  The  events 
of  this  rebellion  have  proved  the  keenness  of  dell'er- 
son's  observation,  and  the  literal  truth  of  his  declara- 
tion in  more,  ways  than  one.  They  have  exhibited 
the  awful  consequences  of  slavery,  not  only  upon 
the  men,  but.  also  upon  the  women  of  a  community 
where  1  he  deadly  blight  is  cherished.     Wherever  our 

armies  have  marched  in  the  Slave  States,  they  have 

found  women  the  foremost,  the  loudest,  the  most  ma- 
lignant, the  most  persistent  in  annoyance  and  insnll. 
Letters from  women,  found  in  the  rebel  camps,  givo 
expression  to  the  deadliest,  hate  and  the  most  dis- 
gusting requests  for  a  Yankee  skin,  or  sculp,  or  skull. 

Depending  upon  persona]  immunity,  they  lose  no  oc- 
casion to  exhibit  their  eoutempi  for  oursoldiers,  and 

to  insult,  our  officers.  Munv  of  them  act  towards 
our  troops  as  though  they  hud  divested  themselves  of 
the   attributes  of   humanity.      A  fierce  little   rebel 


lady  writes  to  Prentice  of  the  Louisville  Journal  that 
if  she  were  to  give  him  a  bouquet,  she  would  poison 
it.  _  The  Alexandria  correspondent  of  the  Press 
writes  that  many  of  the  women  there  are  handsome, 
but  inanimate,  slothful,  and  generally  badly  in- 
formed, while  the  poorer  females  are,  of  all  woman- 
kind, the  most  abject,  depraved,  and  stupid.  .  From 
Tennessee  we  have  had  numerous  reports  of  the  un- 
ladylike deportment  of  Secession  women  towards  our 
troops,  and  everywhere  in  rebeldom  the  "  odious 
peculiarities"  spoken  of  by  Jefferson  are  distinctly 
visible. 

_  The  correspondent  of  the  Baltimore  American, 
giving  an  account  of  the  battle  near  Winchester,  re- 
lates some  further  illustrations  of  these  "  odious  pe- 
culiarities," which  appear  strangely  in  contrast  with 
the  humanity  and  kindness  of  the  Union  soldiers 
whom  they  affect  so  strongly  to  despise  and  loathe. 
He  says : — 

"  Rebel  and  Federal  wounded  receive  exactly  the 
same  care  and  attention  at  the  hands  of  our  Surgeons 
and  attendants.  Every  one  seems  to  forget  that  they 
were  our  enemies  in  remembering  that  they  are  our 
fellow  creatures  in  want  of  care  and  attention,  and,  as 
such,  deserving  everything  we  can  do  for  them.  I 
saw  this  forcibly  illustrated  by  a  rough-looking  man 
who  had  been  preparing  some  gruel  for  the  wounded. 
The  first  man  he  came  to  was  a  Federal,  the  next  two 
were  Rebels.  Wilh  the  same  tenderness  he  held  up 
their  heads,  and  gently  put  the  gruel  into  their  mouths. 
He  did  not  stop  to  question  to  which  side  they  he- 
longed.  It  was  enough  for  him  that  they  were  in  dis- 
tress. In  painful  contrast  to  this  true  nobility  of  soul 
has  been  the  conduct  of  some  of  the  Secession  women. 
They  have  been  to  the  hospital  to  inquire  if  there  were 
any  Confederates  wounded  there,  and,  if  so,  tendering 
their  services ;  but  if  not,  they  went  away,  doing  nothing, 
and  offering  no  assistance. 

The  Secession  women  here  will  receive  as  terrible 
a  retribution  as  any  one  can  wish  them  when  the  whole 
result  of  the  fight  is  known.  Scarcely  a  family  in  the 
own  but  has  one  or  more  relatives  in  Jackson's  army, 
ud  there  is  scarcely  a  family  in  the  county  but  will 
ave  to  bemoan  the  loss  of  some  friend.  I  cannot  pity 
'  e  women.  To  them  belongs  more  than  half  of  the 
me  of  this  war.  They  have  urged  on  young 
brothers  and  friends,  and  pushed  them  into  it." 
— Salem  Register. 


WHENCE  PLOW  THE  REBEL  BARBARITIES  ? 

The  New  York  World  sets  forth  the  barbarities 
of  the  rebels  in  their  manner  of  conducting  the 
war,  and  contrasts  them  with  the  humanities  of  the 
Federal  troops,  and  then  proceeds  to  explain  their 
difference  on  the  ground  that  "  slavery  is  a  barbar- 
ous and  barbarizing  power."     The  World  says: — 

"  Will  some  partisan  of  the  '  peculiar  institution  ' 
— and  there  are  plenty  of  them  here  in  the  North 
yet — be  so' good  as  to  tell  us  what  mean  the  bar- 
barous acts  which  so  constantly  attend  the  Southern 
rebel  warfare.  The  leaving  of  our  dead  unburied, 
though  encamped  for  months  in  tbeir  vicinity ;  the 
conversion  of  their  bones  into  pipes,  and.rm°-s,  and 
cups;  the  neglect  and  maltreatment  of  our  wound- 
ed; the  inhumanities  practised  upon  our  prisoners; 
the  employmeut  of  Indians,  with  tomahawks  and 
sealpins-knives,  as  allies;  the  poisoning  of  wells; 
the  laying  of  mines  for  wholesale  destruction ;  the 
murder  of  pickets;  the  wanton  destruction  of  pri- 
vate property  ; — these,  and  all  the  other  horrid  ac- 
companiments of  their  fighting,  what  mean  they  ? 
It  is  vain  to  deny  them.  Some  of  our  prints,  which 
habitually  seek  to  shield  slavery,  undertook  at  first 
to  hoot  down  these  stories  as  libels.  It  did  not 
answer.  The  facts  were  continually  accumulating. 
These  journals  soon  sink  into  silence  on  the  subject. 
But  it  is  not  a  subject  upon  which  a  civilized  man 
has  a  right  to  keep  silence.  Such  acts  of  the  South- 
ern rebels  are  an  outrage  upon  humanity,  and  a 
disgrace  to  the  American  name.  They  are  a  mon- 
strous anomaly  in  the  age — a  startling  phenomenon 
— and  we  have  a  right  to  know  how  they  came  and 
what  they  mean." 

After  remarking  that  their  barbaritv  does  not 
proceed  "  from  anything  peculiar  to  American  na- 
ture," uor  from  the  fact  that  the  North  is  the  in- 
vader and  the  South  the  invaded,  nor  from  the  fact 
that  the  South  bears  a  peculiar  personal  hatred  to 
the  North,  the  World  proceeds: — 

"Where  are  we  to  look  for  the  explanation? 
What  is  there  that  peculiarly  belongs  to  this  South- 
ern people  which  makes  them  so  peculiarly  capable 
of  these  inhumanities  ?  What  else  can  it  be  but 
the  '  peculiar  institution  '  itself?  The  great  political 
economist,  John  Stuart  Mill,  as  clear  and  calm  an 
observer  as  the  world  affords,  in  his  essay  the  other 
day  on  the  contest  in  America,  characterized,  sla- 
very as  a  '  barbarous  and  barbarizing  power.'  Is 
not  this  true,  and  is  it  not  here  that  we  find  the  so- 
lution of  the  barbarities  in  this  war,  so  out  of  keep- 
ing with  the  century  ?  " 

*  *  *  *   •         *  * 

"It  is  but  a  crowning  illustration  of  the  great 
truth,  attested  by  all  history,  that  man  cannot  en- 
slave man  without  a  fatal  recoil  upon  his  own  higher 
nature.  When  circumstances  make  man  an  unwil- 
ling master,  he  may  keep  his  humanity  erect.  Our 
fathers  deemed  it  their  misfortune  that  they  were 
placed  in  this  relation,  and  they  were  great  and  no- 
ble in  spite  of  it,  because  their  souis  resisted  it. 
But  the  slaveholders  of  our  time  love  the  institu- 
tion;  their  souls  cleave  to  their  supreme  dominion 
over  their  fellow-beings  as  their  chief  earthly  good. 
It.  has  become  a  passion  with  them  that  pervades 
and  rules  their  entire  nature.  Thus,  and  thus  only, 
have  they  degenerated  so  deplorably  from  their 
fathers  in  moral  principle,  in  humane  refinement, 
aud  in  all  the  higher  qualities  of  manhood.  The 
'  poor  white  trash  '  around  them,  for  the  advantage 
of  slavery,  have  been  kept  in  primitive  isnoranee, 
and,  though  owning  no  slaves,  have  caught  to  the 
full  all  the  baleful  spirit  of  the  institution,  and  are 
ever  ready  to  join  in  working  out  its  end  in  its  own 
way.  Protect  slavery  as  we  may,  and  perhaps 
must,  by  constitutional  law,  there  is  yet  no  shutting 
of  tho  eyes  to  the  glaring  fact  that  it  is  just  what 
our  English  champion  styles  it, '  a  barbarous  and  a 
barbarizing  power.'" 


g^=  An  Albany  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Commercial  Advertiser  relates  another  iustauce  of 

rebel  barbarity  thus: — 

"  I  have  before  me  a  letter  from  a  young  relative 
who  is  atttft'lied  to  an  artillery  regiment,  as  an  ofli- 
oer,  and  who  was  at  Manassas  and  Centreville  since 
the  evacuation  of  those  places  by  the  rebels.  He 
suvs  there  were  wooden  guns  in  phue  at  Manassas; 
that  on  one  of  the  camp  huts  was  a  notiee  •  to  anv 
d — d  Yankee  '  "ho  might  Occupy  it.  thai  its  erection 
had  cost  some  money  and  time,  and  that  the  Yankee 

aforesaid  would  find  a  pair  oi'  human  ribs  taken 

from  the  body  of  a  cursed  Yankee  who  hud  been 
shot,  anil  that,  having  polished  ihem  up  aud  used 
them  as  eustunels.  he    hud  left  them    for   ihe  use  ami 

amusement  of  his  Yankee  successor.    These  human 

ribs  were  found  hunting  up  on  the  inside  of  (he  hut, 

us  specified  in  the  notice.    Can  more  disgraceful 

and  degrading  barbarism  than  this  be  imagined?" 


94= 


THE     LIBEHA.TOH 


JTJN"E  13 


EMANCIPATION. 

The  Boston  Post  says  they  should  like  to  sco  this 
question  fairly  presented,  and  have  those  in  favor 
of  cent-inning  the  war  lor  emancipation  take  one 
side,  and  those  who  would  continue  it  only  to  pre- 
serve the  Constitution  and  restore  the  Union  the 
other.  The  Post  evidently  feels,  as  every  man  who 
•watches  "  the  signs  of  the  times"  must,  that  the 
emancipation  party  is  every  day  increasing.  11  men 
■were  called  upon  to  say  whether  they  wonld  contin- 
ue the  war  for  emancipation,  the  majority  would 
say  no;  but  very  many  say— "  This  is  not  a  war 
caused  by  us.  We  have  been  forced  into  the  field  ; 
let  us  now  cut  up  the  root  of  the  matter  and  seeure 
the  country  against  future  disturbance."  Put  the 
question  in  the  form  the.  Post  does,  and  those  who 
sympathize  with  the  Poet,  and  would  have  the  gov- 
ernment restored — the  Union  saved,  and  the  Con- 
stitution preserved,  without  regard  to  slavery,  might 
have  the  majority ;  but  put  it  in  another  form,  and 
inquire  how  many  there  are  who  would  restore  the 
Union,  preserving  the  equality  of  the  States  under 
the  Constitution  as  expounded  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States— so  that  South. Carolina 
should  be  the  equal  of  Massachusetts— m  other 
words,  to  return  us  all  to  the  exact  condition  we 
held  previous  to  November  last— slavery  remainm* 
as  it  was  then— and  we  should  find  that  a  great 
change  in  public  sentiment  had  taken  place.  This 
localfty  is  the  most  conservative  of  any  section  of 
Massachusetts  and  we  see  how  it  is  here.  The  men 
who  a  year  ago  talked  of  compromise  would  scorn  it 
to-day ;  and  those  who  talked  of  the  rights  of  States  de- 
mand that  the  rebellion  shall  be  swept  away,if  we  are 
forced  to  subjugate  the  whole  country  and  hold  it 
by  a  standing  army.  In  other  words,  everywhere 
there  is  increased  hatred  to  the  traitors,  and  increas- 
ed hostility  to  the  traitors,  and  increased  hostility 
to  their  institutions  and  state  of  society.  And  this 
goes  on  from  day  to  day,  and  to  all  human  _  appear- 
ance its  volume  and  force  are  destined  to  increase. 
"We  state  this  as  a  simple  fact,  without  designing  to 
offer  a  single  comment  thereon.  A  year  ago,  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  proposed  emancipation,  it  would  have 
bred  rebellion  in  the  North  ;  to-day,  if  he  should  de- 
clare it,  one-half  at  least  would  hail  it  gladly,  and 
the  remainder  would  submit  to  it  silently  i  and  let 
the  war  go  on  till  next  November,  and  upon  our 
souls  we  believe  a  declaration  of  emancipation  to 
all  slaves  in  the  country  would  be  hailed  by  the 
ringing  of  bells,  the  firing  of  guns,  and  bonfires  or 
all  the  hills,  as  the  anniversary  of  national  indepen- 
dence is  greeted. 

We  have  declared  over  and  over  again  our  own 
opinions  on  this  matter;  but  it  is  of  no  use  to  blind 
ourselves  and  fool  ourselves  upon  the  present  state 
of  public  sentiment  and  the  feeling  that  this  war 
does  and  will  generate.  The  safety  of  the  South 
was  in  the  Union :  if  it  puts  itself  without  that,  it 
will  fall  and  perish;  the  safety  of  the  South  was  in 
peace  and  law  ;  on  resorting  to  war  and  revolution 
it  lays  itself  open  to  ten  thousand  assaults.  What 
the  future  will  bring  forth,  no  one  can  say  with  any 
degree  of  positiveness ;  but  taking  the  facts  as  they 
are,  we  look  forward  to  confiscation  of  property, 
emancipation  of  slaves,  and  the  desolation  of  the 
South,  as  the  almost  inevitable  consequences  of  the 
course  of  present  events.  The  only  .thing  that  can 
stay  the  tide  is  an  uprising  of  the  Union  men  of  the 
South  to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  termination. 
As  yet  they  have  not  appeared ;  and  if  they  do 
not,  the  immediate  end  of  the  war  cannot  be  ex- 
pected, nor  the  consequences  foretold.  Every  day 
of  war  renders  the  restoration  of  the  old  order  of 
things  more  difficult ;  and  it  may  even  become  im- 
possible before  many  weeks  shall  pass. 

j^=  The  foregoing,  from  the  Newburyport  Herald 
of  the  4thinst.,  a  paper  which  has  heretofore  occupied 
in  form,  as  it  still  does  in  heart,  the  extremest  ground 
of  conservatism,  is  a  most  significant  sign  of  the  times. 


ME.  GOLYEK  AND  THE  NEGEO  SCHOOLS 

AT  NEWBERN. 
On  Sunday  evening,  at  St.  George's  Chapel,  Mr. 
Vincent  Colyer  gave    an   account  of  the   colored 
(evening)  schools  in  Newbern,  recently  closed   by 
Gov.  Stanly,  with  many  other  interesting  statements. 
When  the  Military  Governor  arrived,  it  became  Mr. 
Colyer's  duty,  as  Superintendent  of  the  Poor,  to 
call  upon  him.     The  Governor  said  there  was  one 
thing  he  did   not  approve  of — the   establishment  of 
the  negro  schools.     He  said  the  laws  of  the  State 
made  it  a  criminal  offence,  and  that  his  instructions 
from  Washington  were  to  administer  the  old  laws  so 
far   as  it   was   possible.     Mr.    Colyer   particularly 
noted  this  language,  as  he  had  previously  been   told 
that  Gov.  Stanly's  instructions  were  very  indefinite. 
If  called  upon,  the  Governor  said   he   would  decide 
against  him.     Mr.  Colyer  had   opened  the  schools 
under  the   sanction  of  Brig.  Gen,    Foster,  and  of 
course  he  conferred  with  that  official,  and  that  night 
announced  to  the  public  that  the  schools-  would  be 
closed.     The  next  day — four  days  alter  the  arrival 
of   Gov.    Stanly — came    the    rendition     of  fugitive 
slaves.     The  Governor  said  he  gave  authority  for 
the  man  to  take  the  slave  wherever  he  found  him. 
This  man  had  never  token  the  oath  of  allegiance,  al- 
though he  promised  to  do  so.     He  had  also  been 
served  with  Government  rations  three  times  by  Mr. 
Colyer.     He   took    his  slave — a  girl  nearly  white. 
There    was   immediately    a  great  state  of  alarm 
through  the  whole  5,000  contrabands.     That  night 
two  of  the  colored  scouts  came  in.     They  had  been 
gone   for   a   week  or   more   through   the   marshes, 
through    the   pickets  of  rebel   regiments,    without 
blankets,  without  food,  except  such  as  they  could 
get  by  chance ;  with  nothing,  in  fact,  but  a  few  shil- 
lings and  a  good  revolver  in  their  breast,  furnished 
them  by  Government.     They  were  full  of  informa- 
tion that  they  had  risked  their  lives  to  obtain,  and 
it  was  hard  to  tell  them  now  that  they  could  not 
claim  protection.      Twenty  left  that  night.     The  in 
stinct  of  self-preservation  told  them  this  was  their 
only  course — to  go  back  as  soon  as  possible  to  those 
who  would  afford  them  the  same  kind  of  protection. 
The  next  morning  the  General,  upon  reflection  on 
the  effect  of  thus  sending  out  men  who  knew  every- 
thing about  the  strength  and  position   of  his  forces, 
decided  that  he  would  be  guided  by  that  act  of  Con- 
gress which  says  thai  no  officer  of  the   army  shall  re- 
turn a  fugitive  slave.     [Applause]     That  night  some 
soldiers  went  to  Master  Bray's  house  and  recaptured 
the  slave.     Not  five  minutes  before  Mr.  Colyer  left, 
he  saw    this    same    Bray    prowling   round    for   the 
"  chattel."       A    number    of  instances  were  related 
where  the  blacks  had  been  of  great  service  to  the 
army.     Jn  one  case  100  soldiers  went  in  a  vessel 
under  the  entire  guidance  of  a  negro,  and  200  bales 
of  cotton  were  found  piled  up  in  the  woods,  covered 
with  brush.     AH  that  could  be  taken  on  board  was 
carried  away. 

Dr.  Tyng  confirmed  what  he  said  in  regard  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  as  he  told  him  in  a  decided 
manner  that  he  would  not  sustain  nor  would  he  be- 
long to  a  Government  that  would  sustain  such  a 
course. — New  York  Tribune. 


i  h  t  x  a  i  « v . 


No  Union  with.  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,   FRIDAY,  JUM  13,  1832, 


THE  U0RTH  CAK0UNA  EXPERIMENT, 


The 


GOV.  STANLY'S   INSTRUCTIONS. 

Washington,  June  4,  1862. 
The  instructions  given  to  the  Hon.  Edward  Stan- 
ly, Military  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  are  identi- 
cally those  furnished  to  Hon.  Andrew  Johnson.    m 
following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  instructions  :- 

"War  Department, 
Washington,  D.  C,  May  2,  1862. 

Sir, — The  commission  you  have  received,  ex; 
on  its  face  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  duties  and 
power  devolved  on  you  by  the  appointment  of  Mili- 
tary Governor  of  North  Carolina. 

Instructions  have  been  given  to  Major-General 
Burnside  to  aid  you  in  the  performance  of  your  du- 
ties and  the  exercise  of  your  authority.  He  has  also 
been  instructed  to  detail  an  adequate  military  force 
for  the  special  purpose  of  a  Governor's  Guard,  and  to 
act  under  your  direction.  It  is  obvious  to  you  that 
the  great  purpose  of  your  appointment  is  to  reestab- 
lish the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  in  the 
State  of  North  Carolina,  and  to  provide  the  means  of 
maintaining  peace  and  security  to  the  loyal  inhabitants 
of  that  State  until  they  shall  be  able  to  establish  Gov- 
ernment. 

Upon  your  wisdom  and  energetic  action  much  will 
depend  in  accomplishing  that  result.  It  is  not 
deemed  necessary  to  give  any  specific  instructions, 
but  rather  to  confide  in  your  sound  discretion  to  adopt 
such  measures  as  circumstances  may  demand.  You 
may  rely  upon  the  perfect  confidence  and  full  support 
of  this  Department  in  the  performance  of  your  duties. 
With  respect,  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Sec'y  of  War. 
Hon.   Edward  Stanly,  Military  Governor  of  North 
Carolina." 

Gov.  Stanly's  commission  invests  him  with  the 
powers,  duties  and  functions  pertaining  to  the  office 
of  Military  Governor,  including  the  power  to  estab- 
lish all  necessary  offices  and  tribunals,  and  suspend 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
President,  or  until  the  loyal  inhabitants  of  North 
Carolina  shall  organize  a  civil  Government  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  letters  from  Newbern  in  the  New  York  pa- 
pers which  reached  Washington  to-night,  created 
great  wrath  in  the  minds  of  leading  men  here.  Sen- 
ators who  read  them  before  the  adjournment,  were 
so  indignant  that  they  talked  of  laying  aside  the 
tax  bill  to  consider  the  case  of  this  pro-slavery 
despot. 

Resolutions  of  inquiry  will  be  introduced  in  both 
Houses  to-morrow.  Mr.  Sumner,  when  introducing 
the  resolution  of  inquiry  into  Gov.  Stanly's  order, 
closing  the  colored  schools  on  Monday,  made  the 
following  remarks,  now  first  published,  a  portion  of 
wbicli  apply  to  Gov.  Stanly's  general  action: — 

"If  any  person,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States, 
has  undertaken  to  close  a  school  for  little  children, 
whether  black  or  white,  it  is  important  that  we 
should  know  the  authority  under  which  he  has  as- 
sumed to  act.  Surely  nobody  here  will  be  willing  to 
take  the  responsibility  for  such  an  act. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  one  of  the  first 
fruits  of  National  victories,  and  the  reestablisbment 
of  National  power,  should  be  such  an  enormity, 
which  it  is  difficult  to  characterize  in  any  terms  of 
moderation.  m 

Jefferson  tells  us,  that,  in  a  certain  contest,  there 
is  no  attribute  of  the  Almighty  which  would  not  be 
against  us.  And  permit  me  to  say,  that,  if  in  the 
war  in  which  we  are  now  unhappily  engaged,  the 
military  power  of  the  United  States  is  to  be  em- 
ployed in  closing  schools,  there  is  no  attribute  of  the 
Almighty  which  would  not  be  against  us,  nor  can 
we  expect  any  true  success. 

Sir,  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution,  of  humanity 
and  of  common  sense,  I  protest  against  such  an  " 
piety  under  the  sanction  of  the  United  States.  The 
proper  rule  of  conduct  is  simple.  It  will  be  found 
in  the  instructions  to  which  I  referred  in  debate  the 
other  day,  from  the  British  Commissioner  in  a  con- 
quered province  of  India." 

After  indicating  certain  crimes  which  were  to 
be  treated  with  summary  punishment,  he  proceeded 
to  say : — 

"  '  All  other  crimes  you  will  investigate  according 
to  the  forms  of  justice  usual  in  this  country,  modified 
as  you  may  think  expedient;  in  all  cases,  you  will 
endeavor  to  enforce  the  existing  laws  and  customs, 
unless  where  they  are  clearly  repugnant  to  reason 
and  equity.' — [See  Elphinstone  vs.  Pecj^achen,  1 
Kneff's  Privy  Council,rep.  337.] 

Here  is  the  proper  limitation.  Anything  else  is 
unworthy  of  a  civilized  country.  Whatever  is  clear- 
ly repugnant  to  reason  and  equity, must  be  rejected. 
Surely  such  a  thing  cannot  be  enforced.  But  what 
can  be  more  clearly  repugnant  to  reason  and  equity 
than  the  barbarous  law  which  an  officer  in  the  name 
of  the  United  States  has  threatened  to  enforce!" 

Friends  of  Gov.  Stanly  here  describe  him  as  a 
\dry  proud,  headstrong  man,  and  say  that  when  he 
ree.'ives  the  letter  revoking  his  order,  he  will  un- 
doubtedly resign. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 


We  should  do  injustice  both  to  our  feelings  and 
our  convictions,  if  we  did  not  characterize  the 
course  of  Governor  Stanly  of  North  Carolina  as  at 
least  a  great  blunder.  He  has  undertaken  to  re- 
turn fugitives  in  a  way  violative  of  an- express  act 
of  Congress.  He  has  summarily  closed  schools  for 
the  instruction  of  colored  persons.  And  he  has  ex- 
pelled a  citizen  and  exercised  other  arbitrary  acts, 
for  which  he  seems  to  have  no  other  shadow  of  au- 
thority than  his  own  will.  It  is  true,  he  is  said  to 
rest  his  authority  on  the  local  laws  of  North  Caro- 
lina. But  if  that  were  his  sole  guide,  the  first  thing 
he  would  do  would  be  to  abandon  his  own  office,  f 
the  laws  of  North  Carolina  know  nothing  of  a  "  mi 
tary  Governor,"  and  their  strict  enforcement  would 
expel  him  from  the  State. 

The  truth  is,  Gov.  Stanly  is  appointed  to  an  ex- 
traordinary office  for  the  general  purpose— as  ex- 
pressed in  his  letter  of  instructions — "  tore-establish 
the  authority  of  the  national  government  in  the 
State  of  North  Carolina,  and  to  provide  the  means 
of  maintaining  peace  and  security  to  the  loyal  in- 
habitants of  that  State  until  they  shall  be  able  to  es- 
tablish a  civil  government."  Hence,  with  the  ma- 
terial of  the  State  laws  and  the  Constitution  and 
United  States  laws  about  him,  and  the  great  exigen- 
cies of  the  crisis,  his  "  sound  discretion  "  must  be  the 
main  guide  of  his  conduct.  And  that  must  embrace 
considerations  altogether  wider  than  the  local  law. 
By  these  considerations  this  unfortunate  opening  of 
his  course  must  be  judged.  But  it  should  be  re- 
membered that  Governor  Stanly  derives  his  author- 
ity from  the  President,  and  that  the  whole  subject 
of  the  exercise  of  it  rests,  therefore,  in  safe  hands. 

We  trust,  then,  that  there  will  be  no  undue  ex- 
citement about  this  matter.  It  will  come  out  all 
right  in  the  end.  Wre  think  it  will  be  safe  to  con- 
sider it  an  experiment,  so  far  as  the  President  has 
had  anything  to  do  with  it,  dictated  by  his  desire  to 
evoke  a  controlling  Union  sentiment  in  North  Car- 
olina. He  did  not,  of  course,  foresee  these  acts  of 
Governor  Stanly,  but  he  was  animated  by  the  mo- 
tive we  mention  to  select  such  a  man  as  he  believed 
Mr.  Stanly  to  be,  and  to  clothe  him  with  almost  un- 
limited powers.  And  so  Mr.  Stanly  comes  tTp  from 
California,  doubtless  believing  that  the  maj  o  i  in  f 
his  neighbors  of  the  "  Old  North  State  "  are  for  the 
Union  at  heart,  and  if  he  can  only  get  at  them,  will 
finally  rally  around  him  and  redeem  the  State. 
Hence  he  would  disarm  the  prejudices  of  the  planters 
and  gain  their  confidence  by  a  prompt  carrying  out 
of  the  local  law.  We  give  this  interpretation  of  Gov. 
Stanly's  course,  to  save  his  character,  as  it  was  for- 
merly understood  by  the  country,  and  probably  by 
the  President  when  he  made   the  appointment. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  made  a  terrible  mis- 
take. His  absence  in  California  had  prevented  him 
from  understanding  the  true  character  of  this  rebel- 
lion, and  from  seeing  how  utterly  any  pro-slavery 
leniency  would  be  thrown  away  upon  its  victims. 
Nor  could  he  appreciate  that  feeling  which  the  ex- 
perience of  the  war  has  drilled  into  the  soldiers  and 
the  people  of  the  North.  But  the  whole  question  is 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  President.  Gen.  Burnside 
and  Ins  noble  army  should  have  the  sympathy  of  the 
loyal  community.  They  keenly  feel  the  ignominy 
to  which  Gov.  Stanly's  course  subjects  them,  but 
they  have  no  alternative  but  obedience.  The  letter 
of  instruction  to  Gov.  Stanly  says  : — "  Instructions 
have  been  given  to  Major  General  Burnside  to  aid 
you  in  the  performance  of  your  duties  and  the  exer- 
cise of  your  authority."  We  trust  that  there  will  be 
no  resignations  and  no  open  resistance.  The  pres- 
ent state  of  things  must  be  of  short  duration.  Even 
Gov.  Stanly  may  have,  discovered  his  mistake  by 
this  time.  If  not,  the  President  will  soon  have  had 
enough  of  this  experiment,  which,  if  it  has  failed  in 
the  purposes  for  which  it  was  instituted,  has  certain- 
ly succeeded  in  demonstrating  the  stern  resolution 
of  our  people  and  army  to  sanction  no  more  truck- 
ling to  the  slave  power,  and  not  to  relieve  it  from 
the  ruin  it  has  so  plainly  brought  upon  itself.— Bos- 
ton Journal. 


rOUKTH  OP  JULY! 

It  has  been  the  invariable  custom  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  to  commemorate  this 
National  Anniversary  ;  not,  however,  in  the  boastful 
spirit  and  inflated  manner  of  those  who  rejoiced  in  a 
Union  with  Slaveholders,  and  who  could  see  no  con- 
tradiction, in  such  a  Union,  to  the  greiit  principles 
of*  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence  of  July 
4th,  1776.  Our  celebration  has  ever  been  with  the 
distinct  and  simple  purpose  of  recalling  to  the  mind 
and  impressing  upon  the  heart  of  the  people  the 
great  "  self-evident  truths,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  and  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  an  inali- 
enable right  to  Life,  Liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  Hap- 
piness." 

Confident  that  our  repeated  testimonies  on  these 
National  Anniversaries  have  been  as  good  seed,  sown 
upon  soil  long  indeed  stubborn  and  unyielding,  but  at 
length  fertilized,  and  now  full  of  promise  of  a  glori- 
ous harvest, — soon,  we  trust,  to  be  gathered  in, — we 
again  invite  and  summon  the  friends  of  Freedom,  of 
every  name  and  age,  and  whether  living  within  or  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  this  our  honored  Commonwealth, 
to  meet  with  us,  as  aforetime,  and  in  even  greater 
numbers  than  ever  before,  at  the  beautiful  and  well- 
known  FRAMINGHAM  GltOVE,  on  the  ensuing 
Fourth  of  July. 

We  need  say  nothing  of  the  beauty  and  many  at- 
tractions of  the  spot,  whether  for  adults  or  for  the 
young.  The  day  and  the  occasion  constitute  the  real 
claims  upon  our  attention,  and  to  these  let  the  Anti- 
Slavery  men  and  women  of  Massachusetts,  and  of 
New  England,  respond  fitly,  as  they  so  well  know 
how  to  do. 

The  Boston  and  Worcester  Railroad  Co.  will  convey 
passengers  to  and  from  the  Grove,  upon  their  main 
road  and  its  branches,  on  that  day,  at  hours  to  be 
more  particularly  announced  hereafter,  and  at  the 
same  reduced  fares  as  last  year,  and  in  some  instances 
at  lower  rates. 

Speakers,  and  other  particulars,  to  be  announced  in 
future  papers. 

Friends,  one  and  all!  Let  us  be  like  those  who 
wait  for  their  Lord,  at  his  coming;  that,  whether  it 
be  at  midnight,  or  at  cock-crowing,  or  in  the  morning, 
we  may  be  found  ready,  our  lamps  trimmed  and  burn- 
ing. Now  is  the  time  for  us  to  work  with  redoubled 
energy  and  zeal.  The  enemy  everywhere  is  sowing 
tares.  If  possible,  the  very  elect  will  be  deceived. 
Let  not  one  stay  his  hand,  or  hold  back  his  testimony; 
but,  with  renewed  purpose  and  with  increased  hope, 
do  battle  valiantly  for  God  and  humanity,  until  the 
diminishing  advocates  of  Slavery  are  driven  forever 
from  the  field,  and  "  Liberty  be  proclaimed  through 
out  all  the  land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 


SAMUEL  MAY,  Jr., 
WM.  LLOYD  GARIUSON, 
E.  H.  HEYWOOD, 
HENRY  O.  STONE, 
CHARLES  A.  HOVEY, 


Committee 
of 


PROGRESS. 


OFFICIAL  BLUNDERS. 

Edward  Stanly,  the  newly  appointed  Military 
Governor  of  North  Carolina,  when  a  whig  represen- 
tative in  Congress  from  that  State,  was  reckoned 
a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  character  and  intelli- 
gence, but  his  long  residence  in  California,  or  some- 
thing else,  has  rendered  him  singularly  oblivious  to 
the  change  in  the  condition  of  things  in  the  old 
States.  We  had  high  hopes  that  his  appointment 
would  prove  a  most  fortunate  one,  and  that  the  in- 
fluence which  he  formerly  possessed  in  his  native 
State  would  be  exerted  in  doing  all  that  he  could 
to  remove  the  debasing  thraldom  exercised  by  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion.  But  his  very  first  act 
proves  that  he  is  unworthy  of  the  high  trust  reposed 
in  him,  and  that  he  is  wanting  in  that  wise  discre- 
tion, the  constant  exercise  of  which  is  absolutely  ne- 
cessary in  the  high  position  to  which  he  has  been 
called.  lie  clearly  shows  by  his  recent  action  in 
declaring  war  upon  the  contrabands,  that  the  Union 
is  to  be  re-constructed  upon  the  old  basis  of  chains 
and  slavery,  and  the  preservation  of  the  American 
System  (of  Slavery)  is  to  be  the  grand  result  of  this 
protracted  and  costly  contest. 

Whatever  views  Mr.  Stanly  entertains,  we  are 
glad  to  sec  that  his  only  supporters  are  the  New 
York  Herald  and  the  Boston  Post,  and  their  myrmi- 
dons, whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  his  outrageous  course 
has  prod  need  great  dissatisfaction  among  the  g;ill;iiil 
men  under  General  Burnside,  and  has  been  made 
the  object  of  an  order  of  censure  from  the  President 
and  the  Secretary  of  War.  Mr.  Stanly's  vocation 
is  gone,  and  he  will  soon  follow.— Dcdham  Gazette. 


The  rapid  succession  of  new  and  strange  events  in 
this  year  might  satisfy  even  the  demands  of  Mr. 
Micawber.  Never  before  did  so  many  things  "turn 
up"  in  so  short  a  space  of  time.  The  difficulty  is 
that  they  are  left  to  turn  up  as  nearly  in  accordance 
with  chance  as  the  arrangements  of  a  superintending 
Providence  will  allow;  they  are  left,  for  the  most 
part,  without  such  direction  as  the  faithful  perform- 
ance of  human  duties,  official  and  individual,  might 
give  to  them.  The  great  Divine  law,  that  sin  con- 
stantly tends  towards  the  ruin  of  the  sinner,  goes  on 
uninterruptedly,  because  that  is  independent  of  man's 
action  or  negligence ;  but,  all  these  long  dreary  months 
of  war,  we  are  missing  the  benefit  of  another  great 
law  of  God,  for  want  of  fulfilling  its  conditions;  the 
law,  namely,  that  the  sinner  must  repent  and  reform 
before  he  can  possibly  attain  true  welfare.  God  doe« 
much  in  our  affairs,  but  it  is  His  ordinance  that  man 
shall  do  something;  and  in  the  great  housekeeping  of 
this  world,  repentance  and  reformation  are  matters 
entirely  and  exclusively  in  man's  department.  God 
never  transacts  that  sort  of  business  ;  and  the  sinner 
who  waits  for  Him  to  do  it  does  so  at  his  own  cost 
and  peril. 

Everybody  is  now  asking  everybody — What  do  you 
think?  What  is  the  prospect?  How  are  matters 
going?  How  shall  we  come  out  of  this  struggle 
When  shall  we  come  out  of  it?  These  questions,  as 
yet,  can  have  no  direct  answer,  only  a  contingent  on 
Our  troubles  will  end  only  in  proportion  as  we  apply 
the  right  means,  and  in  the  right  direction. 

A  wise  old  physician, .teaching  his  pupils  to  search 
for  the  cause  of  the  disease,  in  order  that  they  might 
intelligently  apply  the  means  for  its  cure,  instead  of 
ignorantly  trying  various  kinds  of  remedies  in  succes- 
sion, for  the  chance  of  some  one  of  them  being  a 
specific — said  to  them — If  a  man  comes  to  you  with  a 
splinter  in  his  linger,  it  is  useless  to  give  medicine,  or 
to  apply  ointments  and  bandages.  The  splinter  must 
come  out.  Whether  anything  else  be  necessary  or 
not,  this  is  the  first,  and  the  indispensable  thing,  be- 
cause the  foreign  body  is  still  there  to  prolong  and  in- 
crease the  trouble  it  originally  caused.  So,  if  the 
man  has  a  splinter  in  his  stomach,  (that  is  to  say,  if  he 
has  some  foreign  substance  in  his  stomach  which  pains 
and  irritates  it,)  the  first  and  indispensable  thing  to  be 
done  is  to  get  rid  of  this  splinter;  the  cause  of  the 
trouble  must  come  out,  must  he  removed  and  abol- 
ished. 

When  we  apply  a  similar  course  of  reasoning  and 
of  action  to  our  national  troubles,  we  shall  be  in  the 
way  towards  prosperity.  Until  then,  we-  shall  be 
going  further  and  further  from  it.  If  victories  would 
do  the  business,  we  have  plenty  of  them.  Suppose 
them  to  go  on,  without  interruption,  until  the  bitter- 
ness of  utter  and  final  defeat  is  added  to  that  intense 
hatred  which  the  South  now  bears  towards  the  North. 
Suppose  our  armies  able  to  march  all  over  the  im- 
mense extent  of  the  rebel  country  without  meeting  an 
opposing  army.  What  is  to  be  done  next?  We  shall 
be  no  nearer  a  Union  then  than  now.  The  United 
States  Government  will  be  no  more  respected  and 
supported  then  than  now,  in  those  regions;  and  there 
is  no  prospect  of  the  functionaries  of  that  Govern- 
ment being  able  to  act  there,  except  as  they  are  sus- 
tained by  a  large  military  force  in  each  place.  To 
fulfil  the  purposes  of  the  general  Government  in  so 
many  States  filled  with  a  hostile  population,  an  army 
of  occupation  would  be  required,  thrice  as  large  as 
the  army  of  conquest.  And  we  should  then  have  a 
permanent  expense  of  two  millions  a  day  to  provide 
for;  we  should  commit  the  unspeakable  folly  of  un- 
dertaking to  unite  the  advantages  of  peace  with  the 
machinery  and  operations  of  war;  and  we  should  be- 
come the  laughing-stock  of  the  civilized  world,  by 
attempting  to  enforce  our  laws  against  an  unwilling 
people,  assuming,  at  the  same  time,  that  governments 
derive  their  just  powers  only  "frem  the  consent  of 
the  governed."  Is  such  a  result  worth  its  cost?  Ib 
it  a  good  result  at  all  ?  Is  it  worth  having,  even  if  it 
could  be  attained  without  cost? 

Two  things  are  needed  before  we  can  possibly  have 
either  a  pence  worthy  the  name,  or  that  prosperity 
which  should  follow  a  permanent  peace. 

First,  it  is  indispensable  that  the  cause  of  the  rebel- 
lion and  the  war  be  thoroughly  removed.  While  sla- 
very remains  in  existence  in  our  country,  it  must 
necessarily  and  constantly  tend  to  a  repetition  of  these 
same  troubles.  Ho  who  haB  established,  and  wh 
maintains  by  force,  an  unjust  authority  over  his  neigh- 
bor blacks,  will  of  necessity  seek  to  extend  that  au- 
thority over  his  neighbor  whiles.  While  that  systcn 
is  suffered  to  continue,  no  neighbor  of  his  is  safe.  Vni 
the  common  safely,  no  less  than  for  the  common  wel 
fare,  this  nuisance  must  be  abated  and  eradicated. 


Next,  it  is  indispensable  that  a  loyal  population  oc- 
cupy those  Southern  States,  giving  allegiance  and 
support  to  the  Federal  Government,  and  carrying  on 
the  State  government  in  cooperation  with  it.  Thus 
only  can  the  enormous  expense  and  the  manifold  ab- 
surdity of  a  permanent  army  of  occupation  be  avoided. 
The  vast  majority  of  those  who  have  hitherto  carried 
on  the  Southern  State  governments  being  utterly  dis- 
loyal and  hostile,  how  shall  the  needful  population  of 
loyalists  be  attained  ?     This  is  the  problem. 

Two  methods  of  attaining  this  end,  or  making  a  be- 
ginning of  it,  are  obvious.  First,  the  love,  loyalty  and 
hearty  cooperation  of  four  millions  of  the  existing 
population  there  could  be  secured  and  rendered  perma- 
nent by  a  single  stroke  of  the  President's  pen.  When- 
ever he  chooses  to  write  and  publish  the  word  LIB- 
ERTY, and  direct  his  armies  to  enforce  it,  not  only 
will  the  four  millions  of  slaves  be  immediately  and  in- 
eradicably  united  in  interest  with  the  Union,  but  the 
half  million  of  free  blacks,  now  scattered  over  the 
whole  country,  would  immediately  be  attracted  to  that 
congenial  climate.  Slavery  alone  has  caused  them  to 
flee  from  it.  The  abolition  of  slavery  would  draw 
them  thither  again. 

By  all  the  laws  and  usages  of  civilized  nations, 
rebels  against  a  government  forfeit  their  property,  as 
well  as  their  other  rights  and  privileges,  under  it. 
The  lands  formerly  occupied  by  the  rebels,  the  cotton, 
rice  and  sugar  plantations,  the  wheat  and  tobacco 
fields,  the  turpentine  forests,  are  now  without  owners, 
and  are  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. They  ore  not  only  without  owners,  but  the 
persons  who  01^7/1*  to  own  them,  the  laborers  by  whose 
toil  all  their  products  have  been  raised,  are  the  very 
persons  who  are  now  to  be  attracted  or  repelled  by 
the  action  of  this  Government  in  relation  to  them. 
The  assignment  of  a  large  portion  of  these  lands  to  the 
laborers  who  have  hitherto  tilled  them,  and  to  such 
free  people  of  color  as  now  exist  there,  or  may  choose 
to  settle  there,  would  have  the  following  very  great 
advantages. 

It  would  be  the  natural,  normal,  just,  appropriate 
retribution  for  the  rebellion,  and  for  the  war  made  in 
support  of  it.  It  would  be  the  wisest  treatment  of 
the  existing  rebels,  and  the  greatest  possible  discour- 
agement to  any  who  might  contemplate  such  a  move- 
ment in  future. 

It  would  be  just  to  those  laborers  who  have  hither- 
to sowed  and  reaped  under  compulsion,  and  who  have 
been  systematically  robbed  of  the  harvest,  by  complici- 
ty of  the  very  Government  whose  remedial  action  is 
now  in  question.  That  Government  certainly  owes 
this  retribution,  both  to  them  and  to  the  free  people  of 
color,  whom  it  has  helped  to  keep  under  various  un- 
just limitations  and  disabilities. 

It  would  be  the  very  most  effective  step  towards  a 
permanent  restoration  of  the  United  States  authority 
in  the  Southern  States,  fixing  there  a  loyal  population, 
and  inspiring  them  with  the  strongest  motives  to  up- 
hold the  national  Government. 

It  would  be  the  most  thorough  security  possible 
against  a  renewal  of  the  cause  of  the  rebellion. 

The  second  of  the  two  methods  of  providing  a  loyal 
population  for  the  South — a  method  no  less  recom- 
mended by  justice  and  expediency  than  the  first,  and 
in  every  way  suited  to  accompl'sh  both  the  immediate 
and  the  ultimate  purposes  which  the  Government 
should  have  in  view — is  the  allotment  of  another  por- 
tion of  those  Southern  lands,  first  to  such  soldiers  reg- 
ularly discharged  from  the  army,  and  next,  to  such 
other  Northern  men,  as  may  wish  to  settle  there. 
Many  of  our  people  who  prefer  the  soil  and  climate  of 
the  South,  hut  who  have  been  prevented  from  living 
there  by  the  manifold  evils  of  slavery,  would  now  be 
glad  to  try  the  experiment  under  a  new  order  of 
things.  Their  residence  there  would  be  not  only  the 
best  of  supports  to  the  Government  in  its  approaching 
trial,  but  would  introduce  the  customs  of  civilized  life 
into  that  barbarous  region,  commence  a  system  of 
common  school  education,  improve  agriculture,  estab- 
lish manufactures,  cause  labor  to  be  respected,  and 
give  a  new  impulse  to  art  and  science  of  every  sort. 
And,  if  these  new-comers  choose  to  establish  just  and 
friendly  relations  towards  the  existing  colored  pop- 
ulation, each  might  be  an  unspeakable  benefit  to  the 
other,  aud  both  could  secure  themselves  and  the  Gov- 
eminent  against  further  trouble  from  the  ex-slavehold- 
ers. 

If  the  Administration  is  not  ready  to  arrange  for 
measures  so  needful  as  these,  why  should  not  the  peo- 
ple call  for  them,  urge  them,  and  offer  their  coopera- 
tion in  executing  them  ? — c.  k.  w. 


to  some  better  agent  that  the  American  Bible  Society. 
The  same  spirit  still  rules  it  which,  in  1834  and  1835, 
refused  the  offer  of  five  thousand  dollars  to  the  treas- 
ury, on  condition  of  a  distribution  of  Bibles  to  the 
slaves. — c.  k.  w. 


Not  Bad.     Wells  Brown,   or  "Box"   Brown,  as 

he  is  usually  called,  a  bright  mulatto,  who  stole  him- 
self from  slavery  some  years  ago,  made  a  capital 
speech  lately.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  his 
answer  to  some  of  the  objections  to  the  abolition  of 
slavery : — 

"But  they  tell  us,  'If  the  slaves  are  emancipated, 
they  won't  receive  them  upon  an  equality.'  Why, 
every  man  must  make  equality  for  himself.  No  so- 
ciety, no  government,  can  make  this  equality.  I  do 
not  expect  the  slave  of  the  South  to  jump  into  equali- 
ty ;  all  I  churn  for  him  is,  that  he  may  be  allowed  to 
jump  into  liberty,  and  let  him  make  equality  for  him- 
self. I  have  got  some  white  neighbors  around  me; 
they  are  not  very  intellectual ;  they  don't  associate 
with  my  family;  but  whenever  they  shall  improve 
themselves,  and  bring  themselves  up  by  their  own  in- 
tellectual am!  moral  worth,  I  shall  not  object  to  their 
coming  into  my  society." 

The  Independent,  from  which  the  above  paragraph 
is  clipped,  should  have  known  that  William  Wells 
Brown,  whose  wit  and  intelligence  are  well  shown  in 
the  paragraph  quoted,  is  a  very  different  person  from 
"Box  Brown." 

Both  escaped  from  slavery.  But  the  latter,  after 
getting  out  of  the  box,  from  transportation  in  which 
lie  derived  his  name,  confined  his  attention  to  look- 
ing out  for  No.  1,  a  work  for  which  he  was  as  compe- 
tent as  any  Yankee;  while  the  former,  besides  sup- 
porting himself  and  his  family,  has  always  assiduous- 
ly labored  in  the  twofold  work  of  overthrowing  sla- 
very, and  inciting  the  free  people  of  color  to  aspiration 
and  improvement. 

Box  Brown  went,  many  years  ago,  to  England,  as 
an  exhibitor  of  a  panoramic  painting,  since  which  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  him.  William  Wells  Brown 
lias  been  abroad,  but  is  now  in  this  country,  giving 
anti-slavery  and  other  lectures  and  readings,  all  of 
which  are  well  worth  hearing,  as  the  reader  may  judge 
from  the  specimen  above  quoted. — c.  k.  w. 


"RELIGIOUS"  HINDRANCES  TO  REFORM. 

The  Reformed  Presbyterian,  (Pittsburgh,  Pa.,)  in  an 
excellent  article  on  "Reformatory  Agencies,"  admits 
that  the  religious  press  is  far  behind  the  secular  press 
in  criticisms  of  vicious  action  on  the  part  of  the 
Government,  and  condemns  silence  in  regard  to  such 
action  as  tacit  approval  and  encouragement  of  it.  Af- 
ter saying  that  associations  for  moral  and  religious  ob- 
jects ought  to  be,  much  more  extensively  than  they 
are,  agencies  of  reform,  it  speaks  thus  of  the  Ameri- 
can Bible  Society  and  the  American  Tract  Society  : — 

"  The  avowed  design  of  the  first  of  these  is  to  put 
the  Bible  into  the  hand  of  every  person  who  can  read 
it.  The  object  is  a  grand  one,  and  it  cannot  be  de- 
nied that  the  Society  was  well  sustained  in  its  efforts 
to  accomplish  it.  But  while  this  was  the  main  end  of 
the  Society,  it  was  bound  to  wield  its  great  power  in 
advancing  other  collateral  interests.  For  instance,  as 
the  Bible  teaches  men  their  mutual  obligations,  ii 
should  not  have  been  withheld  from  those  who  were 
denied  that  liberty  which  is  the  common  inheritance 
of  all.  It  is  no  apology  to  say  that  they  could  not  read 
it,  for  this  was  not  universally  true,  and,  besides,  this 
was  not  the  reason  assigned  for  refusing  to  make  do- 
nations of  Bibles  to  the  slaves.  The  reason  given 
was,  that  by  the  laws  of  slaveholding  States,  slaves 
were  not  allowed  to  read  the  Bible,  and  the  Society 
would  not  interfere  with,  or  seem  to  oppose  civil  en- 
actments. In  thus  yielding  to  an  unjust  and  cruel 
exercise  of  power,  the  Society  shut  itself  out  from  the 
opportunity  of  protesting  against  au  interference  with 
it  by  the  civil  authorities,  in  accomplishing  its  noble 
undertaking  of  giving  the  Bible  to  all.  Nothingslmrt 
of  physical  resistance  could  justify  the  shutting  out  of 
slaves  from  the  advantages  included  in  the  compre- 
hensive object  of  the  Society's  organization. 

And  now,  when  this  difficulty  is  in  part  removed, 
what  is  the  Society  doing  in  this  matter?  Before  we 
go  to  press  with  this  number,  the  anniversary  will  be 
held,  and  we  will  likely  have  an  opportunity  to  give 
our  readers  some  information  on  this  subject.  If  the 
Society  shall  continue  to  pursue  its  policy  of  refusing 
to  slaves,  or  those  who  were  slaves,  the  Bible,  the  fact 
must  be  known,  that  funds  that  have  gone  into  its 
treasury  may  seek  and  find  other  channels  to  reach 
those  so  unkindly  overlooked.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Society  put  their  hand  to  this  great  work  and 
prosecute  it  with  the  energy  that  its  importance  de- 
mands, let  new  channels  be  opened  through  which 
money  will  be  furnished  to  an  amount  far  exceeding 
all  that  will  be  lost  by  the  withholding  of  contribu- 
tions from  the  South.  By  such  a  course,  the  Society 
will  exert  an  indirect  but  most  salutary  influence  for 
the  good  of  the  country — educating  and  preparing  the 
bondmen  for  the  enjoyment  of  freedom,  and  directing 
attention  to  the  claims  of  the  Bible,  the  gift  which  it 
proposes  to  give,  as  superior  to  all  human  constitu- 
tions and  enactments. 

With  regard  to  the  American  Tract  Society,  our  first 
article  under  "  Selections,"  taken  from  the  Liberator, 
will  show  where  it  is  in  the  progressive  movements  of 
the  day.  Like  the  other  agencies  which  we  have  no- 
ticed in  this  article,  it  is  the  tail,  and  not  the  head. 
It  is  waiting  to  see  what  direction  public  opinion  on  the 
question  of  emancipation  will  take,  instead  of  going 
ibrward  to  give  it  the  proper  shape  and  lead  it  in  the 
right  course. 

It  gives  us  no  pleasure  to  record  these  failures  in 
their  duty  of  what  might  be  efficient  reformatory 
agencies,  working  out,  under  Cod,  the  problem  of  the 
destiny  and  welfare  of  ourcountry.  If  what  we  have 
written  will  avail  anything  to  excite  those  wiuvluive 
the  menus  in  their  hands  to  prosecute  the  cause  of 
liberty,  morality  aud  religion,  our  object  will  be  ac- 
complished," 

An  editorial  article  subsequently  written,  after  tin. 
annual  meetings  of  these  two  Societies  had  foreshad. 
owed  their  intended  course  of  operation  for  the  pros 
ent  year,  represents  tho  Tract  Society  as  mnking 
amends  for  past  remissness  in  regard  to  the  colored 
people  of  the  South  ;  but  it  points  out  the  significant 
fact  that  the  American  Bible  Society  has  made  no  re- 
form whatever  in  this  direction,  and  appropriately  sug- 
gests that  those  who  wish  the  Bible  distributed  to 
the  freedtnen  must  entrust  their  funds  for  that  purpose 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS. 

The  Exchange  :  A  Home  and  Colonial  Monthly  Re- 
view of  Commerce,  Manufactures  and  Genera!  Poli- 
tics. London  :  Sampson  Low,  Son  &  Co.,  47  Lud- 
gate  Hill.  May  :  No.  2. 
The  object  of  this  new  magazine,  we  are  in- 
formed in  the  prospectus,  is  to  supply  the  British  pub- 
lic with  a  periodical  corresponding  to  the  Journal  des 
Economistes  in  France,  and  to  Hunt's  Merchants'  Maga- 
zine and  De  Bow's  Review  in  this  country,  and  occupy- 
ing a  middle  place  beween  the  Economist  and  the  Times. 
That  it  meets  a  very  sensible  want  may  he  inferred 
from  the  fact  that  the  first  number  has  reached  a 
second  edition.  The  contents  of  the  number  before 
us  are  as  follows: — Ships  in  Armor;  Our  Colonial 
Empire, — Colonial  Emancipation  ;  Co-operative  Asso- 
ciations, and  the  Christian  Socialists;  Federal  Fi- 
nance; Exhibitions  of  Industry,  National  and  Inter- 
national; Mexico  and  the  Intervention  (concluded); 
Legal  Securities  for  English  Settlers  and  Capital  in 
Bengal  (concluded);  The  Budget  and  the  Income- 
Tax;  The  Finances  of  France;  The  Import  Trade 
of  1860  and  1861;  English  and  Foreign  Literature; 
Money,  Banking  and  Shares;  English  and  Scotch 
Metals  and  Metal  Manufactures ;  Textiles  and  Textile 
Manufactures;  Corn,  Provision,  and  Foreign  and  Co- 
lonial Produce,  &c. 

For  sale  in  New  York  by  Walter  Low,  89  Walker 
street,  and  823  Broadway  :  in  Boston,  by  Walker, 
Wise  &  Co.,  245  Washington  street. 

Concord  Fight.     By   S.  R.  Bartlett.     Second  edi- 
tion.    Concord:  Albert  Stacy.     1862.     pp.  34. 
A  pleasant  little  poem  to  embalm  the  memories 

of  the  scenes  and  the  actors  in  the  inaugural  conflict 

of  the  revolution.     Elegantly  printed,  and  embellished 

with  a  frontispiece  of  the  battle-ground. 
For  sale  by  Crosby,  Nichols  &  Co. 

Spiritual  Sunday  School  Class-Book.    No.  I. 
Boston :  William  White  &  Co.,  Publishers  of  the 
Banner  of  Light,  158  Washingtou-St.    1862.    pp.  54. 
The  chief  point  of  difference  between  this  work 
and  others  of  a  similar  design,  would  appear  to  he  the 
inculcation  of  the  fundamental  ideas  of  modern  spir- 
itualism, viz.,  the  existence,  proximity  and  communi- 
cation of  the  departed.     For  the  rest,  the  introduction 
seems  to  us  quite  too  elevated  in  style  for  the  "little 
children  "  to  whom  it  is  addressed ;  and  perhaps  the 
objection"  may  extend  even  farther.     A  few  extracts 
will  suffice  to  show  the  spirit  and  the  tact  with  which 
the  book  is  put  together : — 

"  Teacher.     Is  it  your  duty  to  resist  evil? 
Scholar.     No ;  it  is   my  duty  to  avoid  it,  not  resist 
;  for  if  I  resist  it,  I  take  part  in  what  I  resist:  I 
come  nearer  to  it. 

T.     Is  it  your  duty  to  accuse  others  of  their  wick- 
edness ? 
6'.    No;.it  is  my  duty  to  see  to  my  own  wicked- 
ss,  to  lessen  and  avoid  it.     This  will  take  all  my 


uake 


time. 

T.    Is  it  your  duty  to  talk  to  others  and  try  to 
them  act  right? 

S.  No;  for  lam  not  certain  that  I  act  right  my- 
self. But  it  I  do  right  always,  my  deeds  will  have  a 
better  influence  upon  others  than  my  words." — p.  9. 

The  foregoing,  as  a  specimen  of  practical  morality; 
the  following,  as  indicative  of  theological  orthodoxy  : — 

"  T.  What  do  you  think  of  the  Ten  Command- 
ments given  by  Moses  in  the  twentieth  chapter  of 
Exodus? 

S.  I  think  that  they  are  good;  but  the  commands 
of  Christ  are  better. 

T.  Musi  you  keep  the  commands  of  Moses  before 
you  can  keep  the  commands  of  Christ? 

S.  Yes;  the  commands  of  Moses  were  made  for 
men  when  they  knew  less,  and  the  commands  of 
Christ  were  made  for  men  when  they  shall  know 
more  about  the  spiritual  world." — pp.  20,  21. 

Lastly,  to  see  the  naturalness  of  the  conversation, 
take  the  annexed  from  the  mouth  of  a  " little  child"  : 

"  T.  What  other  reason  can  you  give  for  believing 
that  your  deceased  friends  are  with  you  still  ? 

5.  I  feel  that  it  is  so,  and  this  is  the  best  and  the 
truest  reason.  Cicero  believed  that  the  souls  of  men 
were  immortal,  because  he  felt  that  they  were,"  &c, 
&c.— p.  42. 

The  italics  of  the  learned  quotation  are  ours. — 

W.  P.  G. 

New  Music.  The  following  pieces  have  just  been 
issued  by  Oliver  Ditson  &  Co.,  277  Washington  street, 
Boston : — 

In  Memorimn  :  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Con- 
sort.    Elegy  for  the  Pianoforte,  by  Brinley  Richards. 

Juanita  Quadrille.     On  popular  airs,  by  P.  Laroche. 

The  Doctor  of  Alcantara.  Opera  bouffe.  Libretto 
by  Benj.  E.  Woolf.     Music  by  Julius  Eichberg. 

Almeda  Quadrille.  Composed  for  the  piano  by 
Robert  Bell. 

Bellona  March.     Composed  by  J.  C.  Kremky. 

The.  Leaving  of  the  Old  Home.  Song.  Words  by 
J.  K.  Carpenter.     Music  by  C.  W.  Glover. 

Rest!  Where  shall  we  Rest!  Song.  Composed  by 
E.  Silas. 


LETTER  TO  HON.  JACOB  COLLAMER. 

Hon.  Jacob  Collamkk,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir, — I  am  one  of  the  humblest  of  your  constituents, 
with  little  influence  at  home,  and  lens  abroad;  and 
otherwise  under  circumstances  in  which  I,  if  any  one, 
might  feel  a  perfect  indifference  to  passing  events,  as 
I  am  on  the  down- hill  side  of  fourscore,  and  not  a  drop 
of  my  blood  is  coursing  in  the  veins  of  any  living  be- 
ing. But,  sir,  notwithstanding  all  this,  many  of  tho 
events  of  the  past  few  months  have  alternately  raised 
my  blood  to  fever  heat,  and  again  sunk  it  to  near 
freezing  point.  When  I  have  witnessed  the  labors  of 
a  very  few  to  remove  the  cause  of  our  national  calami- 
lies,  I  could  but  bid  them  God-speed,  and  pray  for 
their  success.  When  I  have  witnessed  a  disposition 
of  the  majority  to  retain,  nay,  worse,  to  cherish  the 
cause,  and  only  remove  the  effect,  my  blood  is  chilled 
and  I  am  almost  ready  to  despair  of  ever  witnessing 
the  extinction  of  slavery,  and  the  dawn  of  universal 
peace  and  reign  of  righteousness,  sure  to  follow. 

I  have  read  your  remarks  on  the  Confiscation  Bill, 
as  copied  into  the  Tribune  of  the  3d  with  painful  inter- 
est. You  say,  "  The  Republican  party  pledged  them- 
selves not  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States;  hut 
if  it  is  possible  to  free  a  large  portion  of  the  slaves, 
can  they  make  the  world  believe  they  have  not  inter- 
fered with  slavery  in  the  States?"  With  all  dne 
deference  to  your  high  position  as  a  citizen  of  our 
State,  and  your  still  higher  position  as  a  Senator  of  tho 
United  States,  is  this  nation  of  thirty-four  millions, 
now  bleeding  at  every  pore,  bound  by  the  pledges  of  a 
few  scores  of  timid  politicians,  as  heartless  as  they 
were  timid,  made  in  a  time  of  peace  ?  Is  it  not  enough 
that  the  bones  of  fifty  thousand  men  already  lie  bleach- 
ing in  Southern  sands,  when  a  proclamation  of  ten 
lines,  nine  months  ago,  giving  freedom  to  the  slaves, 
might  have  ended  the  rebellion  at  once,  which  near 
three-fourths  of  a  million  of  men  in  arms,  at  an  ex- 
penditure of  near  a  thousand  million  of  dollars  has 
thus  far  failed  to  do  ?  Have  you,  kind  sir,  fully  con- 
sidered the  condition  of  four-millions  of  human  beings, 
who  were  born  on  republican  soil,  have  labored  on  re- 
publican soil,  and  never  received  any  protection  of  life, 
berty  or  property  from  any  government,  State  or  Na- 
tional, and  owe  no  more  allegiance  to  our  government 
than  they  do  to  the  king  of  Dahomy,  or  the  Emperor 
of  Japan  ? 

The  rebels  appeal  to  Jehovah  for  the  justice  of  their 
cause,  and  implore  Ids  protection.  We  do  the  same. 
The  rebels  mutilate  dead  men  to  show  their  abhor- 
rence of  free  men  and  free  institutions,  and  we  call  it 
barbarous.  Government  officials,  civil  and  military 
volunteer  their  services  to  send  living  men  into  the 
hell  of  slavery,  to  show  their  fealty  to  "the  sum  of  all 
villanies,"  and  we  call  it  obedience  to  law.  Now,  if  the 
principle  and  the  practice  were  applied  to  ourselves  or 
friends,  which  should  we  regard  as  the  most  diaboli- 
cal ? 

If  a  true  and  impartial  narrative  of  our  country,  for 
the  last  twelve  months,  is  ever  written,  it  will  be  a 
chapter  in  the  world's  history  that  will  astonish  all  the 
ends  of  the  earth ;  and  I  verily  believe  the  good  of 
every  land  will  be  at  a  loss  which  most  to  deprecate, 
the  wickedness  of  the  rebels,  or  the  folly  of  the  gov- 
ernment. In  acts  of  meanness,  we  have  outdone  the 
rebels.  While  they  have  mutilated  the  dead,  toe  have 
stripped  from  a  negro's  back  a  soldier's  cast-off  uni- 
form, to  show  the  world  that  we  despise  those  forlorn 
and  unprotected  wretches  as  much  as  they  oppress 
them.  They  despatch  at  once  their  bondmen,  who  re- 
fuse to  follow  their  runaway  masters.  We  suffer 
armed  rebels  to  enter  our  camps,  and  seize  the  victims 
who  have  fled  to  our  lines  for  protection,  and  drag 
them  into  a  bondage  second  only  to  the  torments  of 
the  damned.  While  they  manifest  their  malignity  by 
maltreating  their  prisoners,  we  show  our  pitiful  twad- 
dle and  fealty  to  slavery,  by  suffering  captured  rebel 
officers,  with  hands  red  with  Northern  blood,  to  wear 
their  side  arms,  and  hold  their  slaves  in  a  free  State, 
in  defiance  of  all  law  and  the  breach  of  all  propriety. 
When  the  Sumners,  the  Hales,  the  Lovejoys,  the 
Julians,  ay  more,  even  many  of  the  pro-slavery  Demo- 
crats, cry,  "  Cut  it  down  !  "  the  Senator  from  Ver- 
mont cries  out,  "Spare  that  Upas  tree  which  has 
spread  its  poisonous  branches  to  heaven,  and  its  roots 
to  the  depths  of  hell !  "We  must  redeem  our  pledge, 
though  the  nation  perish  1" 

In  conclusion,  sir,  let  me  say,  even  at  the  risk  of 
giving  offence,  that  my  own  little  State  is  the  last  of 
the  thirty-four  in  which  I  could  have  expected  to  find 
a  man  of  any  note,  in  the  inner  temple  of  corruption 
and  political  blasphemy,  worshipping  at  the  shrine  of 
the  god  of  slavery.  O,  if  the  history  of  the  trans- 
actions of  the  rebels  and  the  government,  for  the  last 
twelve  months,  could  reach  the  grave,  methinks  a 
premature  resurrection  of  the  revolutionary  dead 
would  startle  the  world,  and  their  first  exclamation 
would  be  a  shriek  of  despair  at  witnessing  the  down- 
fall of  the  principles  they  shed  their  blood  to  sus- 
tain ! 

Even  while  I  write,  a  soldier  passes  my  window, 
with  one  arm  less  than  when  he  left  us  for  the  war ; 
and  had  you  been  here  at  their  funeral,  to  witness  the 
bitter  anguish  of  two  mothers  and  five  orphan  children 
whose  husbands  and  fathers  had  been  slain  in  battle,  it 
does  seem  to  me  you  would  have  had  but  little  to  say 
in  support  of  "Republican  pledges"  to  sustain  that 
prolific  source  of  all  our  woes  ! 

Are  you  still  bound  by  that  infamous  volunteer 
pledge,  foolish  as  uncalled  for  when  given,  now  when 
the  storms  of  war  are  upon  us,  and  the  nation  in  peril  ? 
It  strikes  me  that  Herod  of  yore  was  no  more  heart- 
less and  foolish  in  binding  himself  by  his  oath,  and  no 
more  wicked  in  performing  it,  than  the  Republican 
party  in  theirs,  with  this  difference  against  them — 
they  are  hound  by  the  command  of  God,  and  the  dic- 
tates of  justice  and  humanity,  to  liberate  every  slave, 
pledge  or  no  pledge;  and  while  they  refuse  or  neglect 
to  do  so,  are  little  less  guilty  than  the  rebels  them- 
selves. 

If  I  have  written  with  some  little  warmth,  I  beg 
you  to  make  all  due  allowance.  I  was  born  on  Massa- 
chusetts soil,  but  am  no  less  proud  of  my  adopted  than 
of  my  native  State.  My  father  was  a  revolutionary 
soldier,  and  the  revolutionary  blood  is  not  all  run  out 
in  the  second  generation  ;  and  when  I  receive  "  march- 
ing orders,"  God  being  my  helper,  it  shall  not  be  said 
I  was  recreant  to  the  great  principles  of  civil  liberty 
for  all,  adopted  in  a  day  of  peril  that  tried  men's  souls, 
nor  guilty  of  binding  myself  hand  and  foot  to  any 
party  at  their  expense. 

JESSE  STEDMAN. 
Springfield,  Vt.,  May  S,  18(52. 


CHANGES, 

The  tone  of  the  press  concerning  slavery  is  under- 
going a  marked  change.  The  truths  concerning  it 
which  the  slaveholders  themselves  have  forced  upon 
our  attention,  are  fast  bringing  forth  fruit;  and  we 
now  sec  in  many  papers  such  facts  and  such  reflec- 
tions as  the  following  from  the  Transcript  of  the  2d 
inst.    The  peculiar  Institution  is  doomed: — 

"  A  Noteworthy  Anniversary.  Eight  years  ago 
today,  Anthony  IJurus  was  delivered  to  his  muter 
Boston  was  the  scene  uf  great  excitement  on  the  occa- 
sion, and  thousands  of  stnmgcrs  flocked  to  the  city  10 

witness  the  novel  spectacle  of  marshalling  the  power 
of  the  United  Slates  to  return  one  fugitive  to  slavery. 
We  recur  to  the  affair  merely  to  show  the  changes 
which   a  few   years   have   produced.     Burns   had    a 

memorable  escort  to  the  vessel  which  was  to  convey 

him    to    bondage.      Many    of  the   military,    who   were 

ordered  out  to  prevent  his  rescue  by  the  populace, 
are  now  in  Southern  States,  the  masters  of  slave  mus- 
ters.'1 


P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  read  your 
Confiscation  Bill,  by  which  it  appears,  in  section  6th, 
that  after  a  rebellion  has  been  in  full  blast  for  six 
months,  the  President  is  authorized,  ;'/"  he  thinks  best, 
to  issue  bis  proclamation  to  fix  and  appoint  a  day  (of 
course,  a  long  while  hence,  if  he  be  a  slaveholder,  or 
Northern  man  with  Southern  principles,)  in  which  all 
persons  held  to  service  or  labor  shall  be  set  free,  if  the 
rebels  do  not  hold  up  !  A  terrible  proclamation  that, 
to  be  sure  !  coming  right  in  the  face  and  eyes  of 
"  pledges  "  to  let  slavery  alone  in  the  States  1  Of  tho 
850,000  rebel  slaveholders,  you  would  give  each  a  trial, 
and  call  at  least  two  witnesses  to  prove  an  overt  act — 
work  enough  for  all  the  courts  in  Christendom  for  half 
a  century  !  I  hazard  nothing  in  saying,  ihere  is  not 
a  loyal  slaveholder  upon  the  earth.  A  loyal  slave- 
holder and  a  Christian  devil  are  alike  contradictions  in 
terms.      Free  every  shire  at  once,  eiud  you  Kit  every  rebel, 

and  nom  hut  rebels,  and  more  than  half  their  property 

is  gone  at  one  fell  swoop;  ami  restore  two  thousand 
millions  of  stolen  property  to  lour  millions  of  rightful 
owners,  and  the  benediction  of  a  thousand  millions  of 
earth's  population  will  rest  upon  you,  ami  all  that  lend 
a  helping  hand  to  end  forever  the  chime  oe  chimes, 
which  has  been  the  ruin  of  most,  and  tlie  curse  of 
every  nation  that  ever  tolerated  it:  and  God  grant  that 

the  sentence  of  moral  and  political  damnation  he  pro- 
nounced against  it,  on  the  very  soil  where  eighty-six 
years  ago,  the  declaration  went  lorih  that  startled 
every    tyrant  upon  the  thrones  of  Kurope,    "that  ALL 

MEN    ARE    UOliS    EHEE    AND    1  \M    VI  . "  J,    S. 


JTJNE   13. 


THE    LIBERATOR. 


95 


LETTERS  EKOM  MRS.   CUTLER. 

Elmwood,  (III.)  May  2G,  1862. 
Picas  Likkratoii  : 

Since  1  wrote  you  last,  I  have  been  working  in  a 
region  by  no  menus  very  thoroughly  cultivated  with 
the  good  husbandry  of  Anti-Slavery  truth,  yet  the  war 
is  turning  up  the  soil  with  its  mighty  ploughshare, 
and  the  steel  blades  that  bristle  in  the  battle-field  are 
leading  to  a  harvest  little  dreamed  of  by  those  who 
sowed  the  seed.  Never  was  there  a  time  when  the 
people  were  so  ready  to  hear  the  truth,  and  the  whole 
truth. 

I  lectured  in  several  small  towns  on  the  Peoria  and 
Oqunwka  road,  to  fair  audiences,  everywhere  com- 
manding the  most  marked  attention.  One  good  fea- 
ture has  seemed  to  me  the  earnestness  with  which 
young  boys,  of  from  fourteen  to  twenty,  seem  to  listen 
to  the  most  radical  truths. 

In  Henry,  a  pretty  little  town  on  the  road  leading 
to  the  Kock  Island  railroad,  I  met  with  the  rare  honor 
of  having  eggs,  which  the  donors  evidently  thought 
rotten,  thrown  against  the  house  ;  but  no  one  was  in- 
jured, and  even  the  odor,  which  seems  so  legitimately 
from  the  pit,  bad  not  been  attained.  The  people  were 
much  chagrined,  and  attributed  it  to  a  small  secession 
faction  that  had  for  a  long  time  been  held  in  abeyance, 
but  was  becoming  rampant. 

In  Peoria,  various  obstacles  seemed  to  be  placed  in 
my  way,  so  much  so  that  I  felt  it  important  to  over- 
come them,  even  at  considerable  sacrifice  of  time  and 
effort.  It  is  an  old  and  highly  conservative  town, 
occupying  a  border  position  between  the  North  and 
Egypt,  where  reformers  find  but  little  sympathy, 
or  have  hitherto  done  so.  Its  river  commerce 
unites  it  with  Missouri,  and  a  large  trade  circulates 
through  here  from  St.  Louis.  This  accounts  for  its 
so-termed  conservatism.  (How  odious  a  good  word 
may  become  by  bad  associations!)  On  Thursday 
evening,  Edward  Everett  lectured  on  the  war.  Those 
who  know  the  accuracy  of  his  historical  statements, 
the  polish  of  bis  diction,  and  the  rhetorical  grace  of 
his  manner,  will  realize  bow  great  a  treat  his  lecture 
proffered  to  the  literary  epicure.  And  he  does  good 
with  a  class  of  minds  not  easily  reached  by  more  rad- 
ical ideas.  But  I  saw  plainly,  (this  is  all  a  secret  be- 
■ween  you  and  I,  dear  Liberator,)  that  I  ought  to  fol- 
low him,  and  expound  the  way  more  perfectly.  With 
great  effort,  I  succeeded  in  getting  arrangements 
made  that  brought  out  a  good  audience,  and  I  did  not 
spare  the  truth.  Strange  to  say,  it  met  with  the  most 
cordial  reception,  as  you  will  see  from  the  notice  en- 
closed. 

After  the  lecture,  friends  and  strangers  crowded 
round  me,  and  wished  me  to  lecture  again — some 
kindly  whispering — "It  was  worth  a  dozen  of  Eve- 
rett's, for  you  tonched  the  foundations  of  truth." 

I  mention  this  not  as  personal,  but  to  show  that  the 
people  are  hungry,  and  want  to  be  fed.  To-night  I 
expect  to  return  and  lecture  again  at  Peoria  ;  to-mor- 
row at  Farmington,  and  then  clown  into  Egypt.  As  I 
go  alon?,  my  heart  cries  out  for  the  early  laborers  in 
this  great  field.  Surely,  "  he  that  goeth  forth  weep- 
ing, bearing  precious  seed,  shall  doubtless  come  again 
with  rejoicing,  bringing  his  sheaves  with  him." 

H.  M.  T.  CUTLER. 

%&=*  The  following  is  the  notice  referred  to 
above  : — 

Mrs.  Cutler's  Lecture.  The  lecture  at  Rouse's 
Hall,  last  evening,  by  Mrs.  Cutler,  on  "  The  Christian 
Policy  of  Emancipation,"  was  listened  to  by  a  large 
audience.  The  lecture  was  an  earnest,  truthful,  calm 
and  well-considered  appeal  to  rational  people,  on  the 
importance  of  taking  hold  of  the  golden  opportunity 
now  presented  by  a  God  whose  justice  sleepeth  not 
forever,  to  rid  the  nation  of  the  infamous  institution, 
which,  like  a  venomous  viper,  is  now  stinging  to 
death  those  who  nurtured  it  into  life,  and  outraged  law 
to  shield  its  damning  injustice.  Mrs.  Cutler  showed, 
by  the  testimony  of  the  most  illustrious  ancient  and 
modern  expounders  of  jurisprudence,  that  slavery 
never  existed  Dy  virtue  of  law  ;  that  no  so-called  law 
can  override  the  eternal  principles  of  justice,  and  that 
when  human  enactments  do  so,  they  cease  to  be  law. 
We  firmly  believe  there  was  not  a  sentiment  enunci- 
ated by  the  speaker  that  did  not  meet  a  response  in  the 
inmost  lu?arts  of  those  who  heard  her  ;  and  we  could 
not  help  inwardly  thanking  God  that  Liberty,  in 
its  broad  and  legitimate  sense,  was  at  last  becoming 
welcome  in  the  house  of  its  friends. — Peoria  Tran- 
script. 

Canton,  III.,  June  2,  1862. 
Dear  Liberator  : — Since  I  wrote  you  last,  I  have 
been  very  busily  engaged  in  the  good  work,  and  I 
trust  not  altogether  unprofitably.  On  Monday  eve- 
ning I  lectured  at  Peoria,  Tuesday  at  Parmington, 
Thursday  and  Friday  at  Canton,  and  twice  on  the 
Sabbath  at  Buckheart,  a  nice  country  neighborhood  a 
few  miles  from  Canton. 

My  efforts  at  Peoria  were  of  two-fold  value,  for  the 
town  has  not  only  been  strongly  opposed  to  Anti- 
Slavery  that  had  any  vitality  in  it,  but  also  to  woman's 
public  labors.  To  be  able  to  lecture  successfully  un- 
der such  circumstances,  and  to  receive  the  cordial 
approbation  of  those  hitherto  so  deeply  prejudiced 
against  hearing  the  voice  of  woman  pleading  for  the 
wronged,  was  indeed  gratifying. 

At  Farmington,  I  met  a  most  cordial  reception  from 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  an  old  friend  to  the  cause,  and 
a  former  student  at  Oberlin.  He,  too,  I  think,  had 
never  cordially  welcomed  women  to  any  public  minis- 
trations, though  he  most  fully  values  the  sterling 
judgment  and  self-denying  labors  of  his  amiable  and 
accomplished  wife,  who  was  also  educated  at  Oberlin. 
I  often  wonder  if  the  people  will  ever  recognize  the 
great  work  done  by  this  pioneer  institution,  in  proving 
to  the  world  that  both  women  and  negroes  are  fully 
endowed  with  human  souls,  absolutely  capable  of  in- 
definite expansion  of  intellect  and  aspiration  of  soul. 
And  in  the  great  work  which  the  new-born  freedom 
of  so  many  slaves  will  give  the  philanthropist,  how 
needful  that  these  should  have  been  prepared  by  edu- 
cation for  the  glorious  work  of  raising  up  these  long- 
bowed  children  of  toil. 

I  need  not  say,  that,  in  a  community  that  has  for 
years  been  instructed  by  such  a  teacher  as  Mr.  Wil- 
liams', the  Anti-Slavery  sentiment  is  strong  and  whole- 
some, though  it  needed  to  be  stirred  up  to  practical 
exertion.  They  bad  wanted  to  know  what  they  could 
do  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  the  petitions  I  cir- 
culated were  just  what  they  desired. 

I  left  Farmington  with  some  regret,  for  from  that 
point  I  expected  to  find  but  few  friends,  and  fewer 
Btill  who  would  sympathize  in  the  work  of  emancipa- 
tion which  the  Providence  of  God  seems  so  distinctly 
to  call  us  up  to  now,  not  only  for  the  sake  of  hu- 
manity, but  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  this  Govern- 
ment against  the  assaults  of  traitors. 

Mr.  W.  gave  me  a  kind  word  of  introduction  to  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Marsh,  pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church 
in  this  place.  He  and  his  family  received  me  with  a 
cordiality  not  soon  to  be  forgotten ;  and  through  his 
instrumentality  I  had  two  good  meetings.  The  second 
was  somewhat  interrupted  by  a  severe  shower  of  rain 
that  came  up  just  at  the  hour  appointed,  but  the  audi- 
ence was  highly  respectable  notwithstanding. 

This  district  is  the  one  that  sent  Kellogg  to  Con- 
gress as  a  Republican ;  but  he  has  fallen  from  grace, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  his  constituents.  Canton  is 
his  place  of  residence,  and  I  do  not  wonder,  from  what 
I  hear,  that  he  has  been  drawn  aside  by  the  Demo- 
cratic clique.  When  will  our  American  people  learn 
that  it  is  unsafe  to  elect  men  to  Congress  who  are  de- 
bauched in  character,  and  can  by  no  means  withstand 
the  influences  of  strong  drink?  And  yet,  such  men 
are  too  frequently  the  popular  favorites,  even  with 
men  who  profess  to  be  Christians. 

There  is  a  strong  pro-slavery  element  mixed  up 
with  the  better  class,  as  I  had  occasion  to  understand. 
As  I  was  leaving  town,  one  of  this  class  remarked 
with  an  oath,  he  would  like  to  see  every  Abolitionist 
hung.  They  still  retain  the  memory  of  anti-slavery 
mobs,  some  twenty-five  years  ago.  Now  they  only 
vent  their  feelings  in  wishing  for  ropes  and  rotten 
egga. 

Here  I  have  met  with  Mrs.  Leavey,  who  for  many 
years  taught  an  infant  school  in  Lowell,  Mass.  She 
is  now  in  her  seventy-fifth  year,  but  is  still  engaged 
in  her  old  vocation, — a  rare  example  of  energy  and 


usefulness  in  one  so  old.     Her  heart  is  all  aglow  with 
interest  in  everything  that  concerns  human  progress. 

The  country,  in  this  vicinity,  is  as  rich  and  as  beau- 
tiful as  any  land  can  well  be.  Fine  old  orchards 
abound,  and  cherries  and  other  small  fruits  arc  raised 
in  abundance. 

The  country  town  in  which  I  spent  the  Sabbath, 
was  settled  some  thirty  years  since,  by  a  few  families 
from  Kentucky.  I  found  an  old  gentleman  eighty- 
six  years  of  age,  living  with  Ins  old  wife,  who  had 
shared  life's  journey  with  him  for  sixty-one  years. 
From  Ins  childhood  be  has  amused  himself  with 
mathematics  and  astronomy,  and  he  still  solves  diffi- 
cult problems,  and  derives  rules  in  mathematics  in  a 
manner  that  would  do  credit  to  the  most  learned  pro- 
fessors. On  his  parlor  table  lay  his  telescope  and 
microscope,  with  globes  and  prisms  and  dials.  He  is 
self-educated,  having  enjoyed  only  a  few  months' 
schooling  in  his  younger  years.  He  was  a  native  of 
North  Carolina,  hut  when  about  twenty  years  of  age 
emigrated  to  Kentucky.  Shortly  after,  a  friend  of 
his,  a  very  earnest  Christian,  asked  him  if  a  person 
could  be  a  true  Christian  and  hold  a  slave.  She  called 
his  attention  to  the  essential  nature  of  slavery,  its 
separation  of  families  and  consequent  desecration  of 
the  marriage  relation,  and  all  the  sacred  ties  growing 
out  of  it.  He  said  he  would  think  of  it,  and  then 
answer.  In  a  week  he  went  to  her  and  said)  "Now 
I  am  ready  to  answer  your  question,  good  aunt.  Sla- 
very cannot  be  otherwise  than  wrong."  From  that 
moment  he  never  swerved  in  his  opposition  to  slavery, 
and  he  has  reared  a  large  family  of  God-fearing  and 
man-loving  children. 

His  mind  is  still  vigorous,  and  he  enters  into  the 
questions  of  the  present  with  as  much  zest  as  though 
he  were  younger  by  fifty  years.  May  he  live  to  real- 
ize his  hope  of  seeing  the  great  day  of  jubilee. 

Yours  truly,  H.  M.  T.  C. 


PORTSMOUTH,  N.H. 

Miss  Dickinson  lectured  on  Sunday  afternoon  and 
evening  last  to  the  largest  audiences  which  assembled 
on  that  day  in  our  city  ;  and  the  clear,  earnest  and 
logical  manner  in  which  she  handled  the  subject 
of  the  rebellion  will  long  be  remembered  by  those 
who  listened  to  her  eloquent  addresses.  Her 
labors  in  the  free  States  cannot  fail  of  doing  much 
good  ;  and  that  the  Davis-sympathizers  were  also  im- 
pressed is  evident  from  the  notice  which  appeared 
in  the  Portsmouth  Daily  Chronicle  of  this  morning. 
The  writer  of  the  article  alluded  to"was  evidently  hit, 
and,  like  his  prototype  who  in  olden  times  wandered 
among  the  tombs,  cries  out — "Hast  thou  come  to  tor- 
ment us  before  the  time  %  "  The  agitation  of  the 
slavery  question  and  the  name  of  Fremont  cause 
many  to  tremble  and  be  dismayed.  The  writer  al- 
luded to  is  evidently  a  sufferer  from  the  reproof  he, 
with  all  such  spirits,  received  from  the  truth  set 
forth  by  Miss  D.  A  Hearer. 

Portsmouth,  May  27. 

The  following  is  the  notice  referred  to  : — 

"Miss  Dickinson  spoke  at  the  Temple,  Sunday  af- 
ternoon and  evening,  to  larger  audiences  than  most 
clergymen  in  the  city  probably  had — on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  (which  is  almost  worn  out,  it  would  seem,  in 
more  than  one  sense — as  a  topic,  some  think,  and  as 
an  institution,  others.)  She  has  a  pleasant  voice,  and 
is  a  fluent  and  earnest  speaker ;  but,  of  course,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  present  many  new  facts  or  argu- 
ments on  her  subject.  As  usual  on  such  occasions, 
she  denounced  almost  every  body  but  Gen.  Fremont 
and  "  niggers."  Her  remarks  were  often  applauded, 
even  though  it  was  on  the  Sabbath." 

jj^=" Shocking!  to  manifest  approbation  at  the  ut- 
terance of  sentiments  of  humanity  and  freedom  on 
"the  Sabbath"!  If  the  Chronicle  should  manifest 
its  approval  of  such  sentiments  on  any  day  of  the 
week,  it  would  be  hailed  as  a  hopeful  omen. — y. 


"WOMAN  AKD   TEE  PEESS. 

On  Friday  afternoon,  May  30th,  a  meeting  was  held 
in  Studio  Building,  Boston,  for  conference  in  regard  to 
a  new  periodical  to  be  devoted  to  the  interests  of  wo- 
man. While  none  questioned  the  value  and  the  need 
of  such  an  instrument  in  the  Woman's  Rights  cause, 
the  difficulties  that  would  endanger  or  even  defeat  the 
enterprise  were  fully  discussed,  but  with  this  issue- 
that  the  experiment  should  be  made.  For  the  further- 
ance, therefore,  of  so  desirable  an  object,  we  insert  and 
call  attention  to  the  following 


PROSPECTUS    OF    THE    WOMAN  8    JOURNAL. 

When  we  consider  that  there  is  scarcely  a  party, 
sect,  business  organization  or  reform  which  is  not  rep- 
resented in  the  press,  it  appears  strange  that  women, 
constituting  one  half  of  humanity,  should  have  no  or- 
gan in  America,  especially  devoted  to  the  promotion 
of  their  interests,  particularly  as  these  interests  have 
excited  more  wide-spread  attention  in  this  country 
than  in  any  other,  while  in  no  other  country  can  the 
double  power  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press  be  made 
so  effective  in  their  behalf.  This  appears  stranger 
from  the  fact  that  conservative  England  has  success- 
fully supported  a  journal  of  this  sort  for  years  with  ac- 
knowledged utility. 

America  needs  such  a  journal  to  centralize  and  give 
impetus  to  the  efforts  which  are  being  made  in  various 
directions  to  advance  the  interests  of  woman.  It  needs 
it  most  of  all  at  this  time,  when  the  civil  war  is  calling 
forth  the  capabilities  of  women  in  an  unwonted  degree, 
both  as  actors  and  sufferers — when  so  many  on  both 
sides  are  seen  to  exert  a  most  potent  influence  over 
the  destinies  of  the  nation,  while  so  many  others  are 
forced  by  the  loss  of  husbands,  sons  and  brothers  to 
seek  employment  for  the  support  of  themselves  and 
families.  Social  problems,  too,  are  gradually  becom- 
ing solved  by  the  progress  of  events,  which  wilt  leave 
to  that  of  woman  the  most  prominent  place  henceforth. 
To  meet  this  want  of  the  times,  we  propose  to  es- 
tablish a  Woman's  Journal,  based  on  the  motto, 
"Equal  Rights  For  All  Mankind,"  and  designed  es- 
pecially to  treat  of  all  questions  pertaining  to  the  in- 
terests of  women,  and  to  furnish  an  impartial  platform 
for  the  free  discussion  of  these  interests  in  their  va- 
rious phases.  It  will  aim  to  collect  and  compare  the 
divers  theories  promulgated  on  the  subject,  to  chroni- 
cle and  centralize  the  effects  made  in  behalf  of  women 
in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  and  to  render  all  possi- 
ble aid  to  such  undertakings,  while  at  the  same  time 
it  will  neglect  no  field  of  intellectual  effort  or  human 
progress  of  general  interest  to  men  of  culture.  It 
will  comprise  reviews  of  current  social  and  political 
events,  articles  on  literature,  education,  hygiene,  etc., 
a  feuilleton  composed  chiefly  of  translations  from  for- 
eign literature — in  short,  whatever  may  contribute  to 
make  it  a  useful  and  entertaining  family  paper.  Its 
columns  will  be  open,  and  respectful  attention  ensured, 
to  all  thinkers  on  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats,  under 
the  usual  editorial  discretion,  only  requiring  that  they 
shall  accept  a  priori  the  motto  of  the  paper,  and  shall 
abstain  from  all  personal  discussion. 

Among  the  contributors  already  secured  to  the 
Journal  whom  we  are  permitted  to  name,  are  Mrs. 
Lydia  Maria  Child,  Mrs.  Caroline  M.  Severance,  Mrs. 
Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton,  Mrs.  Frances  D.  Gage,  Miss 
Elizabeth  Palmer  Peabody,  William  Lloyd  Garrison, 
Wendell  Phillips,  George  Win.  Curtis,  T.  W.  Higgln- 
son,  Moncure  D.  Conway,  Theodore  Tilton,  and  Wil- 
liam II.  Channing;  and  other  distinguished  writers 
have  promised  us  their  aid.  No  pains  wilt  be  spared 
to  enlist  the  best  talent  in  the  country,  and  to  make 
the  paper  one  of  literary  merit,  as  well  as  practical 
utility. 

The  Journal  will  be  issued  semi-monthly,  in  oc- 
tavo form,  sixteen  pages,  at  Two  Dollars  per  annum, 
the  first  number  appearing  on  the  1st  of  October  next, 
and  will  he  published  in  Boston. 

Subscriptions  will  be  received  from  this  date  by 
agents  of  the  Journal,  or  by  the  Editors,  Roxbury, 
MasB.,  Lockbox  2,  to  be  paid  on  receipt  of  the  first 
number  of  the  Journal.  In  this  connection,  we 
would  earnestly  solicit  the  cooperation  of  friends  of 
woman  throughout  the  country,  in  extending  the  sub- 
scription list  of  the  Journal,  and  thuB  placing  it  on 
that  permanent  basis  which  will  ensure  its  continued 
utility  and  success.     ThoBe  interested  in  the  enter- 


prise are  respectfully  requested  to  communicate  with 
the  Editors  at  the  above  address. 

A  discount  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  will  be  made  to 
agents. 

Agents   will    please   return   all   prospectuses   with 
names  before  the  15th  of  July. 

MARY  L.  BOOTH. 
MARIE  E.  ZAKRZEWSKA,  M.  D. 
Boston,  May  15,  1862. 


THE  BATTLE   OF  FAIR  OAKS. 

The  details  of  this  battle  leave  no  doubt  that  it  was 
second  in  importance  and  desperation  only  to  that  of 
Shiloli,  which  it  resembled  not  a  little.  Gen.  Casey's 
division,  very  much  weakened,  and  composed  of  com- 
paratively raw  troops,  was  selected  for  the  over- 
whelming attack  of  the  rebels  at  noon  on  Saturday, 
May  31.  Though  suffering  terribly  from  their  fire, 
and  almost  demoralized,  the  division  for  three  hours 
and  a  half  disputed  a  half  mile  of  advance  with  the 
enemy, and  fell  back  on  Gen.  Couch's  division,  consist- 
ing of  parts  of  twelve  regiments.  In  the  engagement 
which  ensued,  the  10th  Massachusetts,  among  others, 
displayed  conspicuous  bravery.  Reinforcements  from 
Kearney  and  sVlgwiek.on  Couch's  lelt  and  right,  con- 
firmed bis  stubborn  resistance,  and  put  a  decisive 
check  to  the  last  attempt  of  the  rebels  to  advance  at 
6  o'clock.  On  this  day  our  losses  were  heaviest,  the 
number  of  officers  who  were  wounded  being  very 
large.  The  contest  was  renewed  early  on  Sunday 
morning,  Sickles',  French's,  Howard's  and  the  Irish 
brigades  being  involved.  The  fighting  was  extremely 
severe,  though  over  at  9  o'clock,  A.  M. 

The  position  at  the  conclusion  of  the  second  day  is 
summed  up  as  follows  : — 

"Two  divisions,  much  reduced  in  strength  from 
various  causes,  had  been  attacked  by  a  greatly  supe- 
rior force  of  good  troops,  and  driven  fully  a  mile  from 
the  first  point  of  attack;  but  by  the  arrival  of  fresh 
troops,  the  enemy's  course  had  been  arrested,  and  his 
purpose  to  drive  us  into  the  Chickahominy  decidedly 
defeated.  Yet  he  occupied  our  camps  and  the  po- 
sition he  bad  taken. 

On  Sunday,  be  had  again  attacked  us,  and  been 
compelled  to  retire  with  loss.  But  though  Richard- 
son's division  had  driven  him  on  the  railroad,  and  the 
Sickle's  brigade  through  the  woods  on  the  Williams- 
burg road,  he  still  held  nearly  all,  and  certainly  much 
the  greater  part  of  the  ground  taken  on  Saturday." 

On  Monday,  the  camp  of  Saturday  was  reoccupied, 
and  the  rebels  pushed  back,  with  little  resistance,  a 
considerable  space  beyond. 

Washington,   June  8.     The   following  statement 
of  the  loss  in  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  has  been  received 
at  the  War  Department: — 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War  : 

nded  and  missing 


,  1862,    in   front   of  Rich- 
-183  killed,  894  wound- 


Statement  of  the  killed, 
the  31st  May,  and  June  1, 
raond : — 

Gen.  Sumner's  corps,  2d- 
ed,  146  missing. 

Gen.     Heintzelman's    corps,  -  3d— 259    killed,    980 

Minded,  155  missing. 

Gen.  Key's  corps,  4th— 448  killed,  1753  wounded, 
921  missing. 

Total— 890  killed,  3627  wounded,  1222  missing. 

The  grand  total  of  killed,  wounded  and  missing  is 
5739. 

rial  list  will  be  furnished  as  soon  as  the  data 
can  be  received.      (Signed,)     G.  B.  McClellan, 

Major  General  Commanding. 

New  York,  June  9.  The  Richmond  Dispatch  of 
the  6th  states  that  the  rebel  loss  in  the  late  battle 
was  8000  men,  including  5  Generals,  23  Colonels,  10 
Majors,  and  57  Captains. 

The  Disjiatch  complains  that  the  Federals  can  at 
any  time  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Confederates  by 
seizing  the  railroads  at  Petersburg,  and  intimates 
that  the  retreat  to  Lynchburg  and  the  mountains  was 
the  only  one  left  them. 

A  special  dispatch  to  the  Post  says.  Col.  Polk,  of 
Tennessee,  declares  the  flower  of  Beauregard's  army 
at  Richmond. 

Casualties  in  the  Tenth  Massachusetts  Reg- 
iment. The  official  report  of  the  casualties  in  the  10th 
Massachusetts  Regiment,  Col.  Briggs,  at  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  gives 27  killed,  85  wounded,  and  12  missing. 
Col.  Briggs  was  severely  but  not  dangerously  wound- 
ed. Capt.  Smart  of  Company  B,  after  being  wound- 
ed in  the  leg,  was  bayoneted  by  a  rebel.  Capt.  Day, 
of  Company  G.,  while  being  assisted  by  two  of  his 
men,  was  shot  dead  by  a  rebel. 

New  York,  June  7.  The  Times'  correspondent 
states  that  John  Washington,  an  aid  on  General 
Johnston's  staff,  while  carryinga  message  through  the 
woods,  unconsciously  rode  into  our  lines.  On  bis 
person  was  found  a  book  containing  a  complete  list  of 
our  army  divisions,  corps,  regiments  and  officers,  to- 
gether with  their  disposition  before  Richmond. 

This  capture  proves  that  the  rebels  have  more  re- 
liable means  of  obtaining  information  than  by  collect- 
ing it  from  newspapers.  Washington  was  a  cadet  at 
West  Point,  and  only  graduated  last  year.  On  his 
person,  and  in  the  same  book  which  contained  the 
disposition  and  number  of  our  officers,  was  a  full  and 
complete  statement  of  the  rebel  force  now  under  Gen. 
Johnston,  and  its  disposition  likewise. 


EVACUATION  OF  FORTS  PILLOW  AND 
RANDOLPH. 

Washington,  June  8.  The  following  dispatch, 
written  the  day  before  the  Memphis  battle,  was  tele- 
graphed from  Cairo  to-day,  and  was  received  at  the 
War  Department  after  those  describing  the  ram  en- 
gagement: — 

Opposite  Randolph,  below  Fort  Pillow,  1 
June  5,  via  Cairo,  8th.        ( 
Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton: 

To  my  mortification,  the  enemy  evacuated  Fort  Pil- 
low last  night.  They  carried  away  or  destroyed  ev- 
erything valuable.  Early  this  morning  Lieut.  Col. 
Ellet  and  a  few  men  in  a  yawl  went  ashore,  followed 
immediately  by  Col.  Fitch  and  a  party  of  his  com- 
mand. The  gunboats  then  came  down  and  anchored 
across  the  channel. 

I  proceeded  with  three  rams  12  miles  below  the 
fort  to  a  point  opposite  Randolph,  and  sent  Lieut.  Col. 
Ellett  ashore  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  demand  the  sur- 
render of  the  place.  Their  forces  had  all  left  in 
two  of  their  gunboats  only  an  hour  or  two  before 
we  approached.  The  people  seemed  to  respect  the 
flag  which  Lieut.  Col.  Ellett  planted.  The  guns  had 
been  dismantled  and  some  piles  of  cotton  were  burn- 
ing. 

I  shall  leave  Lieut.  Col.  Ellett  here  in  the  advance, 
and  return  immediately  to  Fort  Pillow  to  bring  on  my 
entire  force.  The  people  attributed  the  suddenness, 
of  the  evacuation  to  the  attempt  made  night  before 
last  to  sink  one  of  their  gunboats  at  Fort  Pillow. 
Randolph,  like  Pillow,  is  weak,  and  could  not  have 
held  out  long  against  a  vigorous  attack.  The  people 
express  a  desire  for  the  restoration  of  the  old  order  of 
things,  though  still  professing  to  be  secessionists. 
(Signed)  Charles  Ellett,  Jr., 

Colonel  Commanding  Ram  Flotilla. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  REBEL  FLEET  ON  THE 
MISSISSIPPI. 

THE    SURRENDER    OF    MEMPHIS. 

Washington,  June  8.  The  following  dispatch  hag 
been  received  at  the  Navy  Department : — 

"U.  S.  Steamer  Benton,         1 
Off  Memphis,  June  6,  1862.  J 
To  Hon.  Gideon   Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy: 

Sir :  I  arrived  here  last  evening  at  9  o'clock,  accom- 
panied by  the  mortar  fleet  under  Capt.- Maynadier, 
the  ordnance  steamers,  storeslnps,  &c,  and  anchored 
a  mile  and  a  ball  above  the  city.  This  morning  I 
discovered  the  rebel  fleet,  which  had  been  reinforced, 
and  now  consisted  of  eight  rams  and  gunboats,  lying 
at  the  levee.  The  engagement  which  commenced  at 
A.  M.  and  ended  at  7  o'clock,  terminated  in  a 
running  fight.  I  was  ably  supported  by  the  ram 
fleet,  under  command  of  Col.  Ellet,  who  was  conspic- 
for  his  gallantry,  and  is  seriously  but  not  dan- 
gerously wounded.  The  result  of  this  action  was  the 
capture  or  destruction  of  seven  vessels  of  the  rebel 
fleet,  as  follows  :  The  General  Beauregard,  blown  up 
and  burned ;  the  General  Sterling  Price,  one  wheel 
carried  away  ;  the  Jeff  Thompson,  set  on  fire  by  a 
shell  and  burned,  and  magazine  blown  up  :  the  Sumter, 
badly  cut  up  by  shot,  but  will  be  repaired  ;  the  Little 
Rebel,  boiler  exploded  by  shot,  and  otherwise  injured, 
but  will  be  repaired.  Besides  this,  one  of  the  rebel 
boats  was  sunk  in  the  beginning  of  the  action ;  her 
name  is  not  known. 

A  boat,  supposed  to  be  the  Van  Dorn,  escaped  from 
the  flotilla  by  her  superior  speed.  Two  rams  are  in 
pursuit  of  her. 

The  officers  and  crews  of  the  rebel  boats  endeavor- 
ed to  take  to  the  shore.  Many  of  the  wounded  and 
prisoners  are  now  in  our  hands. 

'The  Mayor  surrendered  the  city  to  me  after  the  en- 
gagement. Col  Fitch  came  down  at  11  o'clock  and 
has  taken  military  possession. 

(Signed)  C.  II.  Davis, 

Flay  Officer  Commanding  pro  tern. 

Washington,  Juno  8.  The  following  message  in' 
relation  to  (he  action  ol  the  ranis  in  the  naval  engage- 
ment off  Memphis  was  received  at  the  War  Depart- 
ment this  evening : — 

OprosiTE  Memphis,  June  0,  { 
via  Cairo,  June  8.      j 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: 

The  rebel  gunboats  made  a  stand  early  this  morn- 
ing opposite  Memphis,  and  opened  a  vigorous  fire  upon 


our  gunboats,  which  returned  it  with  rqual  spirit. 
I  ordered  the  Queen,  my  flag  ship,  to  pass  between 
the  gnnboate  and  run  down  ahead  of  them  upon  the. 
two  rams  of  the  enemy,  which  just  then  boldly  stood 
their  ground.  Lieut.  Colonel  Ellett  in  the  Monarch, 
of  which  Captain  Dryilen  is  first  Master,  followed  gal- 
lantly. The  rebel  rams  endeavored  to  back  down 
stream  and  then  to  turn  and  run,  but  the  movement 
was  fatal  to  them.  The  Queen  struck  one  of  them 
fairly,  and  for  a  few  minutes  was  fast  to  the  wreck. 
After  separating,  the  rebel  steamer  sunk.  My  steamer 
(the  Queen)  was  then  herself  struck  by  another  rebel 
steamer  and  disabled,  but  though  damaged  can  be 
saved. 

A  pistol  shot  wound  in  the  leg  deprived  me  of  the 
power  to  witness  the  remainder   of  the  fight. 

The  Monarch  also  passed  ahead  of  our  gunboats 
and  went  most  gallantly  into  the  action.  She  first 
struck  the  rebel  boat  that  struck  my  flag  ship,  and 
milk  the  rebel.  She  was  then  struck  by  one  of  the 
rebel  rams,  but  not  injured.  She  then  pushed  on  and 
struck  the  Beauregard  and  burst  in  her  side.  Simul- 
taneously, the  Beauregard  was  struck  in  the  boiler  by 
shots  from  one  of  our  gunboats. 

The  Monarch  then  pushed  at  the  gunboat  Little 
Rebel — the  rebel  flag  ship — and  having  got  a  little 
headway  pushed  her  before  her,  the  rebel  Commodore 
and  crew  escaping.  The  Monarch  then  finding  the 
Beauregard  sinking,  took  her  in  tow  until  she  sunk  in 
shoal  water.  Then,  in  compliance  with  the  request  of 
Com.  Davis,  Lieut.  Col.  Ellett  dispatched  the  Mon- 
arch and  Switzerland  in  pursuit  of  the  one  remaining 
gunboat  and  some  transports  which  had  escaped  the 
gunboats,  and  two  of  my  rams  have  gone  below. 

I  cannot  too  much  praise  the  conduct  of  the  pilots 
and  engineers  and  military  guard  of  the  Monarch  and 
"^ueen,  and  the  brave  conduct  of  Capt.  Dryden  or  the 
heroic  conduct  of  Lieut.  Col.  Ellett.  I  will  name  all 
the  parties  in  a  special  report. 

I  am  myself  the  only  person  in  my  fleet  who  was 
disabled.        (Signed)  Charles  Ellett, 

Colonel  Comd'g  the  Hum  Fleet. 

Cairo,  June  8.  After  the  return  of  our  gunboats 
from  the  pursuit,  Com.  Davis  sent  the  following  note 
to  the  Mayor  of  the  city  of  Memphis  : — 

"  U.  S.  Steamer  Benton,  I 

Off  Memphis,  June  6,  1862.  J 

I  have  respectfully  to  request  that  you  will  surren- 
der the  city  of  Memphis  to  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent. 

I  am,  Mr.  Mayor,  with  high  respect,  your  obedient 
servant,  C.  H.  Davis,  Flag  Officer." 

In  reply  the  Mayor  says  : — 

"  Your  note  is  received,  and  in  reply  I  have  only  to 
say,  as  the  civil  authorities  have  no  means  of  defence, 
by  the  force  of  circumstances  the  city  is  in  your  hands." 

Immediately  after  our  boats'  crews  landed,  the  Na- 
tional flag  was  hoisted  over  the  Post  Office.  The  par- 
ty was  followed  by  an  excited  crowd,  but  was  not  inter- 
fered with. 

The  43d  and  46th  Indiana  Regiments  now  occupy 
Memphis.  Col.  Fitch  is  in  command.  The  city  is 
quiet.  No  demonstrations  whatever  have  been  made. 
It  is  even  asserted  that  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  de- 
clare martial  law.  Five  of  our  gunboats  now  lie 
[tbreast  of  the  city. 

We  captured  five  large  steamers,  which  were 
moored  at  the  levee.  The  rebels  burned  a  new  gun- 
boat which  was  nearly  ready  to  be  launched. 

The  Vicksburg  Whig  of  the  4th  says  the  Federals 
have  landed  6000  troops  at  Baton  Rouge. 

The  Memphis  Avalanche  of  the  6th  says  that  the  lo- 
comotives run  off  by  the  railroad  employees  have 
been  recovered. 

The  same  paper  says  that  all  the  bridges  between 
Memphis  and  Humboldt  have  been  destroyed. 


IMPORTANT  FROM   CHARLESTON. 

FEDERAL    FLEET    WITHIN    FOUR    MILES    OP   THE  CITY. 

New  York,  June  7.     The  following  is  from  the  cor- 
spondence  of  the  Newark  Advertiser: 

United  States  Steamer  Augusta,  ) 
Off  Charleston,  S.  C,  Thursday,  May  29.  J 
I  have  harely  time  to  forward  a  letter,  by  the  prize 
just  captured  off  this  place,  and  which  is  on  its  way 
northward.  The  news  here  is  quite  important.  Our 
gunboats  are  within  four  miles  of  Charleston,  by  way 
of  Stono  Inlet,  and  we  expect  soon  to  attack  it. 

Washington,  June  8.  Dispatches,  from  Flag  Offi- 
cer Dti  Pont  state  the  gunboats  have  possession  of 
Stono,  near  Charleston.*  The  capture  was  made  in 
consequence  of  information  from  Robert  Small. 

Philadelphia,  June  9.  The  following  telegram 
is  taken  from  a  Southern  paper: — 

Charleston,  June  4.  The  enemy  landed  2,000 
men  at  John's  Island,  opposite  the  city.  A  battle  took 
place.  The  enemy  were  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  twen- 
ty men  taken  prisoners  by  the  forces  of  General  Gist. 
They  will  be  sent  to  Selma,  Alabama,  immediately. 

ew  York,  June  8.  A  Hilton  Head  letter  of  the 
31st  of  May  reports  that  an  expedition,  consisting  of 
the  50th  Pennsylvania  Regiment,  two  companies  of 
the  Massachusetts  cavalry  and  the  1st  Connecticut 
Battery,  advanced  to  the  Pocotoligo,  and  had  a  skir- 
mish with  1,000  rebels,  who  were  driven  from  their 
position,  leaving  seven  dead  and  two  prisoners  in  our 
hands.  Our  loss  was  two  killed  and  five  wounded — 
all  of  the  50th  Pennsylvania  Regiment.  One  of  the 
killed  was  Capt.  Parker.  After  the  rebels  retired,  our 
forces  tore  up  the  railroad  track  for  some  distance. 
They  remained  until  the  next  morning,  when  the  ene- 
my appearing  in  strong  force,  they  retired  successfully 
to  Beaufort. 

The  enemy  is  reported  to  be  10,000  strong  near 
Charleston.     A  battle  is  looked  for  soon. 

Cutting  the  railroad  interrupts  communication  by 
that  route  between  Savannah  and  Charleston.  • 

The  negro  brigade  has  been  disbanded. 


THE  PURSUIT  OF  BEAUREGARD'S  ARMY. 

Louisville,  Ky.,  June  9.  Our  forces  now  occupy 
Baldwin,  Guntown,  Jackson  and  Bolivar,  Railroad 
repairs  are  progressing  rapidly.  The  enemy  passed 
Guntown  last  night,  retreating  southward  from  Bald- 
.  It  is  estimated  that  20,000  have  deserted  since 
they  left  Corinth,  mostly  from  Kentucky,  Tennessee 
and  Arkansas  regiments.  All  the  regiments  from 
those  States  passed  down,  closely  guarded  on  both 
sides  by  Mississippians  and  Alabamians. 

It  is  believed  by  country  people  that  Beauregard 
cannot  enter  Columbus  with  half  the  troops  he  brought 
away  from  Corinth.  The  whole  country  north  and 
east  of  Baldwin  is  full  of  armed  soldiers  returning  to 
Tennessee  and  Kentucky. 

General  Pope  telegraphs  from  the  advance  that  the 
prisoners  who  first  deserted  to  be  exchanged,  now 
want  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance. 

The  enemy  drove  and  carried  off  everything  for 
miles  around.  The  wealthiest  families  are  desti- 
tute and  starving,  women  and  children  crying  for 
food,  and  all  the  males  have  been  forced  into  the 
army.  The  enemy  is  represented  as  suffering  greatly 
for  food. 


FROM   GICN.  FREMONT'S   DIVISION. 
Particulars  of  the  Skirmish  on  Saturday — Jar/toon's  Army 

Altticlttl   i„i    Sunday   anil   I'oulcd   with    Ilt.at'H   Lost— 
T.-rnUr  Slawjhtrr  .',„   Ilnth  Sidv>;—<  >nr  I  ass   'from   GUI  I 

to  800  Killed,    Wounded  and  Mhning. 

Heahqiiartehs,  Army  in  the  Field,  I 
IlAmusoNin/ito,  June  7,-9  P.  M.      ) 
To  E.  M.  Stanton: 

The  attack  upon  the  enemy's  rear  yesterday  pre- 
cipitated hi?  retreat.  Their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
was  very  severe,  and  many  of  both  were  left  on  the 
field. 

Their  retreat  is  by  an  almost  impassable  road,  along 
which  many  wagons  were  left  in  the  woods,  and  wagon 
loads  of  blankets,  clothing,  and  other  equipments  are 
piled  up  in  all  directions. 

During  the  evening  many  of  the  rebels  were  killed 
by  shells  from  a  battery  of  Gen.  Stahl's  Brigade. 

Gen.  Ashby,  who  covered  the  retreat  with  his  whole 
cavalry  force  and  three  regiments  of  infantry,  and  who 
exhibited  admirable  skill  and  audacity,  was  among  the 
killed. 

Gen.  Milroy  made  a  reconnoissance  to-day   about 
seven  miles  on  the  Fort  Republic  road,  and  discovered 
a  portion  of  the  enemy's  torce  encamped  in  the  timber. 
(Signed)  J.  C.  Fremont,  Major  General. 

Fremont's  Headquarters,  Harrisonrurg,  Va., 
June  7.  In  the  skirmish  yesterday,  beyond  the  town, 
the  rebel  loss  is  ascertained  to  have  been  very  heavy. 
Most  of  our  wounded  have  been  brought  in.  Colonel 
Kane  of  the  Buektails  is  in  the  enemy's  hands.  The 
body  of  Capt.  Haines  of  the  1st  New  Jersey  Cavalry 
has  been  found.  Capts.  Stilline  and  Clark  of  the  same 
regiment  are  prisoners,  and  not  wounded. 

Col.  Ashby,  the  famous  rebel  cavalry  leader,  is  un- 
doubtedly killed.  This  is  ascertained  from  people  liv- 
ing near  the  battle-field,  and  from  prisoners.  Major 
Green,  of  bis  regiment,  was  shot  by  Capt.  Broderick 
of  the  New  Jersey  Cavalry. 

Fremont's  Headquarters,  Battle-Field  Eight 
Miles  beyond  Harrisonrurg,  Va.,'June8.  Gen- 
eral Fremont  has  overtaken  the  enemy,  of  whom  he 
has  been  in  pursuit  for  a  week,  forced  htm  to  fight,  and 
driven  him  from  his  chosen  position  with  heavy  loss. 

Our  forces  were  outnumbered  at  all  points,  but  have 
occupied  the  rebel  lines,  and  forced  them  to  retreat. 

The  loss  is  heavy  on  both  sides,  the  enemy  suflering 
especially  from  our  artillery.  The  Garibaldi  Guards 
lost  nearly  200,  and  the  25th  Ohio,  60.  The  total  loss 
is  estimated  at  from  600  to  800  in  killed,  wounded  and 
missing.  Col.  Van  Gilsa  of  the  De  Kalb  Regiment, 
Capt.  Paull  of  the  8th  New  York  Regiment,  Capt.  Mi- 
lesner  of  the  29th  New  York,  Capt.  Bisehute  of  the 
39th  New  York,  Capt.  Charles  North  of  the  25th  Ohio, 
Surgeon  Cantwell  of  the  82d  Ohio,  are  all  wounded. 
Many  other  officers  are  wounded  and  killed. 

The  rebels  fought  wholly  under  cover,  while  our 
troops  were  forced  to  advance  through  open  fields. 

The  enemy's  advantages  of  position  and  numbers 
were  counterbalanced  and  defeated  by  Gen.  Fremont's 
skilful  handling  of  his  troops,  and  "the  coolness  and 
determination  with  which  he  pressed  his  success.  The 
fight  was  furious  for  three  hours,  and  continued  until 
nearly  dark.    Our  army  sleeps  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Headquarters,  Army  in  the  Field,       ) 
Camp  near  Fort  Republic,  June  8 — 9  A.  M.  J 

To  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War  : 

The  army  left  Harrisonburg  at  6  o'clock  this  morn- 
ing, and  at  half-past  8  my  advance  engaged  the  rebels 
about  seven  miles  from  that  place,  near  Union  Church. 
The  enemy  was  very  advantageously  posted  in  the 
timber^  having  chosen  his  own  position,  forming  a 
smaller  circle  than  our  own,  and  with  his  troops  formed 
en  masse.  It  consisted  undoubtedly  °f  Jackson's  en- 
tire force. 

The  battle  began  with  heavy  firing  at  11  o'clock,  and 
lasted  with  great  obstinacy  and  violence  until  4  in  the 
afternoon,  some  skirmishing  and  artillery  firing  con- 
tinuing from  that  time  until  dark.  Our  troops  fought 
occasionally  under  the  murderous  fire  of  greatly  su- 
perior numbers,  the  hottest  of  the  small  arms  fire  be- 
ing on  the  left  wing,  which  was  held  by  Staples's  brig- 
le,  consisting  of  five  regiments. 

The  bayonet  and  canister  shot  were  used  freely 
and  with  great  effect  by  our  men.  The  loss  on  both 
sides  is  very  great.  Ours  is  very  heavy  among  the 
officers.  A  full  report  of  those  who  distinguished 
themselves  will  be  made  without  partiality.  I  desire 
to  say  that  both  officers  and  men  behaved  with  splen- 
did gallantry,  and  that  the  service  of  the  artillery  was 
especially  admirable. 

We  are  encamped  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  fight 
may  be  renewed  at  any  moment. 

(Signed)  J.  C.  Fremont,  Major  General. 


_J?='  We  hear  to-day  from  Richmond.  An  omni- 
bus with  four  horses,  driven  by  a  mulatto,  and  having 
two  African  gentlemen  as  inside  passengers,  came 
into  Heintzelman's  camp  this  afternoon,  amid  more 
laughter  and  cheering  than  I  have  heard  in  a  year. 
A  South  Carolinian  chartered  it  this  morning  of  the 
keeper  of  the  Columbia  House,  to  remove  wounded 
friends  from  the  field  of  the  Seven  Pines.  Jehu,  of 
ulatto  tint,  drove  the  four  bays  right  into  our  pickets, 
i  Casey's  old  ground.  The  South  Carolinian  tum- 
bled out  of  the  'bus,  and  ran  like  a  lamplighter  away 
from  his  grinning  driver,  and  the  dangerous  conse- 
quences of  his  impudent  mistake.  A  musket  ball 
topped  his  flight,  and  the  'bus  and  the  three  blacks 
vere  sent  to  head  quarters.  The  driver,  a  very 
iiiarp  fellow,  says  that  the  rebel  wounded  of  yester- 
day are  awfully  numerous — that  every  carriage  in 
Richmond  was  impressed  to  carry  them  away — that 
all  the  houses  in  the  city  contain  more  or  less  of  them, 
and  there  was  talk  of  turning  the  hotels  into  hospitals 
— that  the  inhabitants  are  removing  to  Danville,  and 
that  the  army  was  retreating  from  before  us  in  large 
masses. — Correspondence  of  the  New  York  Tribune  from 
the  army  near  Richmond. 


$$='  Gen.  Butler  is  comfortably  established  at  the 
St,  Charles  Hotel,  with  seven  cannon  planted  upon 
the  sidewalk  in  front. 

Speaking  of  the  day  and  night  before  the  fleet  ar- 
rived, a  writer  states  that  the  destruction  of  property 
by  order  of  the  Rebel  Government  was  an  awful 
sight.  On  that  night,  any  expression  of  favor  for  the 
Union,  or  Lincoln's  Government,  met  with  summary 
punishment.  Several  Germans,  who  shouted  for  the 
Union  flag,  were  killed,  and  one  was  three  times  run  up 
to  a  lamp-post,  and  was  only  rescued  by  the  moderate 
portion  of  the  crowd,  when  life  was  nearly  extinct. 
Even  after  the  troops  reached  the  city,  a  man  who 
was  seen  speaking  to  a  Federal  sentinel,  was  attacked 
by  the  mob,  beaten,  and  obliged  to  fly  to  escape  death. 

It  was  remarkable  to  witness  the  forbearance  of  the 
Federal  soldiers.  Epithets  of  abuse  were  heaped  upon 
them,  and  yet  they  maintained  the  even  tenor  of  their 
way,  receiving  abuse  in  dignified  silence. 

The  rebel  loss  in  killed  must  have  been  enormous. 
Out  of  three  hundred  on  board  the  rebel  iron-clad 
gunboat  Morgan,  sunk  by  the  Varuna,  all  that  the 
Surgeon  could  find  after  the  battle  was  thirteen. 


FROM  NEW  MEXICO. 

Kansas  City,  June  7.  Disastrous  Retreat  of  the 
Texan  Rebels— Battle  near  Fort  Craig.  The  Santa  F 
mails  with  dates  to  the  28th  ult.,  have  arrived.  The 
Texans  had  reached  Mesilla  with  five  pieces  of  artil- 
lery and  seven  wagons.  It  is  said  that  after  stopping 
at  Fort  Fillmore  to  recruit  their  exhausted  energies, 
they  would  continue  their  homeward-bound  march. 

Gen.  Sibley  is  reported  to  be  at  Fort  Bliss,  far  in  ad- 
vance of  his  command,  taking  care  of.  himself. 

Capt.  Cray  ton,  who  followed  the  trail  of  the  enemy's 
retreat,  reports  that  it  bears  evidence  of  suffering  and 
destitution  from  one  end  to  the  other.  Some  remains 
of  men    were   found   which    bad    not  been   interred, 

Idle  others  partly  interred  had  been  exhumed  by 
wolves  and  the  flesh  devoured.  The  ruins  of  wagons, 
ambulances,   caissons,    and    abundance    of    clothing, 

ins  and  carcasses  of  mules  and  horses  marked  the 
line  of  their  retreat. 

Great  discontent  prevailed  arflong  the  people  of  the 
Territory,  owing  to  the  partial  disbanding  of  the  vol- 
unteers. 

Fort  Craig  advices  to  the  24th  ult..  state  that  early 
on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  Capt.  Tilford,  who  was 
stationed  with  thirty-live  or  forty  men  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  seven  miles  below  Fort  Craig,  re- 
ceived a  summons  to  surrender  from  a  band  of  200 
Texans,  supposed  to  be  straggling  bands  of  guerillas 
of  Sibley's  command.  He  refused  to  do  so,  and  im- 
mediately gave  battle  and  fought  three  hours,  when 
be  retreated  to  Fort  Craig  with  the  loss  of  three 
wounded.  Three  of  his  men  were  drowned  while 
crossing  the  river.  The  loss  of  the  Texans  was  not 
known.  Two  companies  of  the  Colorado  volunteers 
were  immediately  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  Texans. 


Free  Labor  Produce — High  Compliment  to 
the  Black  Planters  of  St.  Croix.  At  this  time, 
when  the  great  question  of  the  capability  of  free  blacks 
to  maintain  themselves  and  successfully  conduct  busi- 
ness is  more  widely  mooted  than  ever,  it  may  not  be  un- 
interesting to  mention  that  the  cargo  of  sugar  and  mo- 
lasses received  at  this  port  in  the  L.  P.  Snow,  and 
sold  by  auction  on  Thursday  last,  the  29th  ult.,  was 
pronounced  by  the  company  present  to  be  in  finer  or- 
der and  better  packed  than  any  similar  cargo  ever  offered 
for  sale  in  Boston.  The  product  was  wholly  the  labor 
of  free  blacks  in  the  Island  of  St  Croix,  and  brought 
prices  which  indicated  its  excellence — the  sugar  at  §8 
50a$8  80  per  hundred  lbs.,  and  the  molasses  at  38^-a40 
£c  per  gallon.  Chenery  &  Co.  were  the  consignees  of 
this  cargo,  and  were  generally  felicitated  upon  the 
handsome  manner  in  which  their  correspondents  sent 
their  produce  to  market. — Boston  Transcript,  June  Bd. 


Washington,  June  7.  Dispatches  have  been  re- 
ceived at  the  War  Department  from  General  Mitchell, 
dated  at  Iluntsville,  Alabama,  June  6th,  stating  that 
an  expedition  under  General  Negley  had  driven  the 
enemy,  commanded  by  General  Adams,  from  Win- 
chester through  Jasper  back  to  Chattanooga,  and  ut- 
terly defeated  and  routed  them  at  that  point.  Their 
baggage  wagons,  ammunition  and  supplies  have  fallen 
into  our  bands,  and  still  more  important  results  may 
be  expected  to  follow  this  movement. 


Revolt  of  Slaves  in  Baltimore.  —  Baltim 
June  1st.  On  Saturday  evening  at  the  private  slave 
jail  of  the  Messrs.  Campbell,  on  Pratt  street,  near 
Howard,  some  sixty  Blaves,  who  were  sent  to  the  jail 
by  their  owners,  for  fear  they  would  abscond,  in 
tested  vicious  conduct,  and  refused  to  be  locked  up  as 
usual  at  dark.  The  police  had  to  be  called  in,  and  not 
until  after  a  severe  struggle,  in  which  the  police  had 
to  use  their  pistols,  was  order  restored.  '1  he  keeper 
of  the  jail  was  knocked  down  during  the  tight.  No 
one  was  seriously  injured. 


From  Port  Royal.  A  letter  from  Port  Royal,  un- 
der date  of  May  14th,  says  that  the  15th  instant  is  the 
extreme  date  when  it  is  safe  for  whites  to  be  exposed 
in  certain  localities,  and  even  on  Hilton  Head  the  or- 
dinary duties  (lessened  as  they  have  been  by  General 
Hunter's  sanitary  precautions),  have  caused  a  great 
deal  of  sickness.  It  is  clear  that,  if  the  war  lasts,  we 
must  profit  by  the  example  of  Enghmd  in  the  East  and 
West  Indies,  and  in  the  hot  season  keep  our  white 
troops  only  for  an  emergency,  and  put  as  much  of  the 
needful  work  and  exposure  as  possible  upon  the  ne- 
groes, now  made  free,  as  a  military  necessity. 


From  Texas — Rumored  Plan  to  Restore  the 
State  to  the  Union. — New  York,  June  1th.  The 
Tribune  editorially  says: — "  We  learn  through  a  pri- 
vate channel,  in  which  we  confide,  that  the  Unionists 
of  Texas  will  soon  be  heard  from.  We  understand 
that  their  arrangements  for  restoring  their  State  to  the 
Union  have  been  quietly  matured,  and  that  they  have 
ere  this  thrown  the  old  flag  to  the  breeze  under  the 
lead  of  General  Sam  Houston.  We  cherish  strong 
hopes  that  the  rebels  of  Texas  will  soon  turn  up  miss- 
ing, and  that  old  Sam  and  Uncle  Sam  will  have  pos- 
session of  the  State. 


&JT"  The  regular  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Jour- 
nal, "Perley,"  writes  from  Washington: — 

"  Restoration  a  Myth.  Some  Members  of  Con- 
gress, who  have  recently  come  from  the  vicinity  of 
Richmond,  bring  tidings  of  but  little  Union  spirit  at 
Norfolk,  or  other  places  now  occupied  by  the  Federal 
troops;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  details  of  Union 
demonstrations  1)3  North  Carolina,  so  minutely  given, 
have  little  foundation  in  fact.  Those  who  have  fondly 
hoped  for  a  restoration  of  the  States,  on  the  old  plat- 
forms, are  gradually  losing  confidence,  and  listen  with 
more  attention  to  those  who  believe  in  confiscation, 
emancipation  and  subjugation." 


Rekel  OuTkaoes  and  a  Rebel  Dw»AT. — Louis- 
ville, June  1th.  A  letter  16  the  Dtmocrat  from  Clinton, 
Ohio,  says  Champ  Ferguson's  mi-n,  of  Morgan's  cav- 
alry, are  murdering,  robbing  and  committing  ravages 
of  all  kind*  at  Tompkhifcvillc,  Monroe  county,  Ky. 

Yesterday,  Capt.  McCuflough,  of  the  Ninth  Penn- 
sylvania cavalry,  h-ith  65  (lien,  1v8i  attacked  by  100  of 
Morgan's  men,  under  Capt.  Hamilton.  McCullougb 
and  Hamilton  were  both  killed,  three  Weft  ttourjded 
on  each  side,  and  the  rebel  cavalry  driven  off. 

Atrocious  Conduct  of  Stearns's  Rehel  Cav- 
alry.— Naxhville,  June  8/A.  Six  hundred  of  Stearns's 
rebel  cavalry  attacked  60  scouts  of  Lester's  3d  Minne- 
sota regiment  while  breakfasting  near  Reading,  twelve 
mileB  from  Murfreeshoro',  killing  six  and  capturing  all 
the  rest  but  five.  The  rebels  afterwards  murdered 
several  of  their  prisoners.  The  scouts  belonged  to 
Wynkoops  cavalry.  An  attack  on  Murfreeshoro'  in 
reported,  and  forces  have  been  dispatched  there. 


Jefferson  City,  Mo.,  June  7.  In  the  Convention 
to-day  a  gradual  emancipation  scheme  was  offered,  hut 
laid  on  the  table  by  a  vote  of  52  against  19;  and  a  mo- 
tion of  reconsideration  was  moved  and  tabled,  which 
eilectually  kills  any  such  scheme.  The  bill  defining 
the  qualifications  of  voters  was  reported  back  from 
the  committee,  minus  the  section  disfranchising  those 

ho  have  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion. 


Free  Lands  for  the  Landless.  The  Senate 
has  passed  the  Free  Homestead  bill  by  a  vote  of  33  to 
7.  The  bill  had  previously  passed  the  House,  and  the 
President's  signature  will  make  it  a  law.  This  be- 
neficent measure  could  never  prevail  while  the  slave- 
holders controlled  the  government,  but  they  order 
these  things  differently  now.  It  is  a  happy  idea  thus 
to  encourage  the  poorer  classes  to  become  small  pro- 
prietors and  cultivate  their  own  acres. — Salem  Observer. 


[[l^=By  the  Bteamer  Guide  from  Newborn,  N.  C, 
e  learn  that  "Governor  Stanly  has  greatly  disap- 
pointed the  loyal  people  of  North  Carolina.  Civilians 
and  soldiers  are  exasperated  at  his  despotic  sway. 
The  house  in  which  the  negro  girl  was  arrested  by 
the  marshal,  to  be  returned  to  her  master,  has  been 
burned  to  the  ground.  Governor  Stanly  sent  orders 
to  the  Harbor-Master  to  search  vessels  leaving  New- 
bern  for  contrabands.  The  Harbor-Master,  with  more 
patriotism  than  piety,  replied  that  he  would  see  the 
Governor  d d  before  he  would  obey  such  orders." 


_^==To  the  long  list  of  Union  victories  we  have  to 
add  the  capture  of  Little  Rock,  the  capital  of  Ar- 
kansas, by  the  divisiou  of  Gen.  Curtis,  and  the  taking 
of  Vicksburg  by  our  gunboats.  The  bombastic  asser- 
tion of  the  Mayor  of  that  city,  that  "  Mississippians 
never  surrender,"  has  been  very  speedily  falsified. 
In  striving  to  imitate  the  Mayor  of  New  Orleans,  the 
Vicksburg  civic  functionary  made  a  zany  of  himself. 


^^=  Gen.  Banks,  in  bis  official  report  of  the  retreat 
of  his  forces  from  Strasburg  to  Williamsport,  on  the 
24th  and  25th  ult.,  states  his  whole  loss  at  38  killed, 
155  wounded,  711  missing — total,  905;  but  be  thinks 
many  of  the  missing  are  safe,  and  estimates  the  full 
loss  at  but  700.  All  the  guns  were  saved ;  out  of  500 
wagons,  only  55  were  lost,  and  these,  with  but  few 
xceptions,  were  burned  on  the  road. 


$^="A  Baltimore  paper  says  there  is  well  authen- 
ticated information  in  that  city  that  the  rebel  loss  in 
the  battle  of  Hanover  Court  House  was  1000  killed, 
3000  wounded  and  1200  taken  prisoners. 


ESSEX  COUNTS", 

The  Animal  Meeting  of  the  Essex  Count;/  Anti-Slavery 
Society  will  be  held  on  Sunday,  June  15th,  at  ESSEX,  in 
Century  Chapel  ;  commencing  at  half-past  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 

Andhew  T.  Foss,  Parker  Pillsbury,  and  other  speak - 

s,  are  expected  to  attend. 

It  is  earnestly  hoped  and  desired  that  the  members  of 
the  Society  will  take  more  than  usual  pains  to  be  present. 
The  times  demand  the  earnest  and  united  voices  of  all  the 
friends  of  freedom  and  of  their  country. 

CHARLES  L.  KEMOND,  President. 


J3f  E.  II.  HEYWOOD  will  speak  at  the  Music  Hall, 
Sunday  morning  next,  Jnne  15.     Subject — "The  Church.'' 


f  NASHUA,  N,  H. — Parker  Pillsbcky  will  give 
two  addresses  on  "  The  Country  and  the  Times,"  in  Nash- 
ua, (N.  H.)  Town  Hall,  on  Sunday  afternoon  and  evening, 
22d  instant,  at  the  usual  hours  of  public  assembly. 

J^-  AARON  M.  POWELL  will  speak  at  Tivoli,  N.  Y., 
unday,  June  15.     Subject — "  Emancipation." 

|y  NOTICE.— Members  of  the  American,  Peansylva- 
ia,  Western,  or  Massachusetts  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  either  of  these  Soci- 
eties, can  receive  a  copy  of  the  last  very  valuable  Report 
of  the  American  Society,  entitled  The  Anti-Slavery  History 
of  the  John  Brown  Year,  by  sending  a  reqnest  to  that  effect 
to  Samuel  May,  Jr.,  221  Washington  Street,  Boston,  and 
enclosing  stamps  sufficient  to  pay  the  postage,  viz.,  fourteen 


DIED— In  Elmwood,  (111.)  May  28,  very  suddenly,  of 
congestion  of  the  brain,  Henry  A.  Jenkins, aged  30years, 
formerly  of  Cummington,  Mass. 

Physically,  this  our  friend  and  brother  was  one  of  Na- 
ture's models  ;  a  walking  illustration  of  perfect  health  and 
surpassing  strength.  His  powerful  frame,  as  the  fine  pro- 
portions lay  in  the  repose  of  death,  was  a  rare  study  for  an 
artist.  Bat  better  far  than  that  exuberance  of  physical 
trength  and  vigor  in  which  he  always  seemed  toluxuriate, 
and  which  it  was  refreshing  to  look  upon, was  bis  unlimited 
faith  in  the  right  and  the  true,  always  and  everywhere. 
Poor  in  this  world's  goods,  be  was  yet  rieh  in  that  devotion 
to  the  right,  and  that  God-trusting  spirit,  which  are  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  already  come  in  the  soul. 

Very  early  in  life  he  espoused  the  unpopular  cause  of  the 
slave,  and  never  did  he  forget  to  be  true  to  that  cause, 
through  evil  as  well  as  through  good  report,  up  to  the  hour 
of  his  death. 

He  prized  his  Liberator  highly,  and  never  spoke  ȣ  its 
veteran  editor  but  with  a  glow  of  enthusiasm.  He  desired 
his  wife  to  read  to  him  from  it  only  a  few  hours  before  his 
death,  and  his  last  words  showed  his  unabated  interest  in 
the  great  work  of  human  redemption  to  which  it  is  de- 
voted. In  sunshine  and  in  storm,  ho  was  always  ready  with 
his  team,  or  with  his  rich  voico  in  song,  to  assist  anti-sla- 
very lecturers  in  their  work,  and  most  sadly  shall  we  miss 
him  in  future  meetings. 

He  was  generous  and  open  in  his  nature,  with  a  heart  as 
large  and  manly  and  true  as  his  broad  breast  could  hold. 
In  bis  own  domestic  circle  be  was  gentle,  tender  and  affec- 
tionate-   That  circle  is  now  broken,  and  he  is  gone,   but 

"  Where  is  the  victory  of  the  grare  T 

What  dust  upon  the  spirit  lies? 
God  keeps  the  sacred  life  he  gave, 

And  Goodness  never  dies."  E.  r.  b. 


A    GOOD   CHANCE 

TO  LEASE  A     SMALL   FARM  FOR    ONE, 
OR  A    TERM  OF  YEARS, 

A  MIDDLE  aged  or  young  man,  with  n  small  fami- 
ly, with  no  other  capital  than  a  pair  of  willing 
bauds,  frugal  and  industrious  habits,  intelligent  mind,  & 
good  moral  character,  somewhat  acquainted  with  agricul- 
tural pursuits,  will  find  a  rare  chance  to  lease — on  the  most 
favorable  terms — a  small  farm,  with  all  the  stuck  and  tools, 
and  household  furniture,  situated  iu  Pepporell,  3-i  mile 
from  the  district  school,  nearly  three  miles  from  the  post- 
oflice,  stores,  churches,  and  a  nourishing  academy,  under 
the  management  of  an  accomplished  preceptor,  four  miles 
from  the  railway  station,  and  two  hours'  ride,  by  rait,  from 
the  city  of  Bostun, — by  making  immediate  application  to 
the  subscriber,  on  the  premises.  For  particulars,  inquire 
of  W.Yi.  BPARRBLL,  Architect,  No.  9  State  Street,  or  at 
the  Anti-Slavory  Ofiioe,  221  Mashing  ton  Street,  Boston, 
where  ambrotype  views  of  the  buildings  may  bo  seen. 

No  person  noed  apply,  who  cannot  furnish  satisfactory 
references  os  to  all  the  above  qualifications,  or  who  uses  in- 
toxicating drinks,  moderately  or  immoderately,  or  is  pas- 
sionately fond  of  dogs,  since  the  lessor  is  desirous  of  ma- 
king his  homo  with  the  lessee,  and  oould  not  tolerate  such 
nuisances.  A.  H.  WOOD. 

Oak  Hall,  Peppered,  Mass.,  May  12. 


Representative  Women. 

Lueretia  Mott,  Maria  Weston  Chapman, 

Abbj;  Kelley  foster,         Lydia  Maria  Child, 
Harriet  Beeoher  Stowe,    Luc  Stoiie, 
Antoinette  L.  Brown. 

THOSE  frionds  who  have  so  long  boon  desiring  copies  of 
the  above  group, — executed  in  GroKolior"s  best  style, — 
can  now  bo  supplied,  by  sending  their  orders,  enclosing  ono 
dollar  for  oaeh  Oopy,  which  will  ensure  their  being  prompt 
ly  mailed,  and  in  perfect  condition. 

An  early  application  is  necessary,  as  the  edition  is  very 
limited. 

ALSO,   ON    HANI), 

A  few  copies  of  the  original    Groielior   lithograph   of 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,     l'rico,  including  mailing.  $(. 
WILLIAM  0.  NBLL, 
Anti-Slavery  Booma,  SSI  Washington  fit*,  Boston, 
June  0. 


96 


THE     LIBEEA.TOE 


0  1 1  J!  I 


From  tho  Yermonter. 

JACK    SOKOGGINS. 

On  Maryland's  proud  soil, 

Where  the  negro's  lot  is  toil, 
And  the  master  lolls  at  leisure,  lived  a  man  ; 

His  faeo  perhaps  was  black, 

And  soaioed  with  scars  his  back, 
rut  his  soul  was  stirred  with  visions  of  the  great  and  grand. 

Ho  had  heard  the  welcome  cry, 

"  Union  and  Liberty  !  " 
And  that  tho  army  of  the  North  brought  freedom  to  the 
glare  : 

He  knew  whero  traitors  hid 

Their  implements  of  blood, 
And  bravely  risked  his  life  to  carry  tidings  to  the  brave. 

In  the  dark  and  dreary  night, 
Guided  by  the  North  Star's  light, 
He  wends  his  weary  footsteps  through  the  dismal  Southern 
swamp  ; 
With  wand'rings  long  and  dreary, 
With  body  worn  and  weary, 
Just  as  the  day-light  dawns,  reached  the  Northern  army's 
camp. 

"  I  can  tell — though  oft  forbidden — 

Where  the  rebels'  guns  arc  hidden, 
Andto  see  your  brave  commander,  I  have  come  this  dreary 
night." 

So  with  mingled  sneers  and  blessings, 

And  with  many  Yankee  guessings, 
The  loyal  slave  was  taken  to  the  tent  of  Col.  Dwight. 

Oh,  many  a  soldier's  life 

Was  saved  in  battle  strife, 
By  the  tidings  that  Jack  Scroggins  had  risked  his  life   to 

tell; 

But  no  recompense  or  station, 

Or  even  commendation, 
Rewarded  the  brave  fugitive  who  earned  them  all  so  well 

But  the  master  claimed  the  man, 

And — believe  it  ye  who  can — 
This  loyal  soul  was  given  up  to  a  rebel  black  as  night ! 

To  strife  and  torture  back 

The  traitor  dragged  poor  Jack, 
And  with  horrid  blows  and  beatings  cursed  the  hours  till 
morning  light! 

Tho  rise  and  set  of  day 

Witnessed  horrid  agony  ! 
Unpitied  and  alone,  the  noble  slave  was  lying  ; 

And  when  the  sun  went  down, 

And  the  cheerless  night  came  on, 
On  the  cold  and  bloody  ground  the  martyr  bold  was  dy- 
ing. 

Dying  for  liberty- 
Dying  from  treachery — 

In  this  our  boasted  land  of  light,  was  murderously  dying ! 
How  long,  0  Lord,  how  long 
The  weak  yield  to  the  strong  ? 

How  long  shall  brother's  blood  from  the  ground  in  vain  he 
crying  ? 

My  fathers'  God,  I  pray, 

Take  my  hitter  heart  away, 
And  give  a  trusting  spirit  that  unceasingly  can  pray  ; 

Let  not  the  curse  of  blood 

Sweep  o'er  us  like  a  flood, 
But  pardon,  Father,  and  remove  blood -guiltiness  away. 
Weybridge,  Vt.  Jane  Rider. 


JUNE  13 


From  the  Christian  Inquirer. 

SONG  OP  THE  OOJTTBABATO. 

BY  J.    C.   HAGEN. 

TtJHE — "  The  Braes  of  Balquither." 
Let  us  sing,  brothers,  sing, 

But  no  longer  in  sadness  ! 
Let  the  old  cabin  ring 

With  the  shouts  of  our  gladness ! 
Our  bondage  is  o'er, 

To  return  again  never  ; 
We  are  chattels  no  more  — 

We  are  freemen  forever  ! 

The  glad  tidings  we  hear 

Shall  silence  our  grieving ; 
The  glad  tidings  from  fear 

The  crushed  spirit  relieving  ; 
And  it  thrills  through  our  hearts, 

Like  a  song  of  salvation, 
On  the  white  cotton-field 

And  the  sugar  plantation. 

When  our  enemies  sought 

In  their  pride  to  conceal  it, 
Oh  !  how  little  they  thought 

That  their  fears  would  reveal  it ! 
And  our  hearts  danced  with  glee, 

Round  our  hearthstones  assembled ; 
For  we  knew  we  were  free 

When  our  task-masters  trembled ! 

Praise  to  God  !  praise  to  God  ! 

For  the  word  that  was  spoken  ; 
Twas  by  him  that  the  rod 

Of  the  smiter  was  broken. 
He  has  answered  the  prayer 

Of  the  poor  and  forsaken  ; 
To  his  sheltering  care 

The  oppressed  he  has  taken. 

Oh  !  how  gladly  well  toil 

When  the  lash  does  not  drive  us  ; 
Of  the  fruits  of  the  e«0 

They  no  more  can  deprive  ns  ; 
When  husband  and  wife 

Can  no  longer  be  parted, 
Or  robbed  of  their  dear  ones, 

To  die  broken-hearted ! 
Then  we'll  sing,  brothers,  sing, 

But  no  longer  in  sadness  ; 
Let  the  old  cabin  ring 

With  tho  songa  of  our  gladness  I 
Praise  to  God  !  praise  to  God  t 

For  'tis  he  who  ha3  done  it ; 
Praise  to  him  !  praise  to  him  ! 

For  his  mercy  has  won  it. 


From  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard, 

TO    JOHN    G.   WHITTIEB. 

There  leaned  at  supper  on  His  breast 
One  whom  He  loved,  and'eaeh  confessed, 
"  He  loves  not  me,  but  him,  the  best." 
And  still,  in  later  days,  around 
The  board  His  chosen  few  are  found  ; 
Sage,  Hero,  Poet — laurel -crowned. 

But  one  upon  His  bosom  lies, 
John  the  Beloved  ;  his  kindly  eyes 
Waiting  the  Master's  low  replies. 

— Ob,  Poet  of  the  Poor,  the  Oppressed, 
Nearest  to  Jesus'  pitying  breast, 
He  loves  not  us,  but  thee,  the  beBt ! 

So,  more  than  unto  all  the  Eleven, 
His  pitying  grace  to  thee  has  given 
To  ope  lor  them  the  gate  of  heaven. 

Oh,  Hero-bard,  among  thy  peers 
God-chosen  through  these  stormy  years, 
To  bear  His  Ark,  albeit  with  tears — 

When  Africa,  so  bruited  now, 
Among  the  nations  lifts  her  brow, 
Washed  clean  as  infancy — and  thou, 

Still  lingering  on  these  earthly  banks, 
Shalt  raise  thine  eyes  and  give  God  thanks, 
No  name  along  tho  shining  ranks 

Of  Cherubim  God's  throne  around, 
Shall  louder  swell  or  worthier  sound, 
As  weighed,  and  yet  not  wanting  found, 

Than  thine  !    Then  live  on,  blessing,  blest ! 
John  the  Beloved  !    Jesus'  breast 
Ne'er  pillowed  nobler,  worthier  guest. 
Fitchhurg,  Mass.  fj.  A.  M. 


MOEAL  SCALES. 

What  will  ye  weigh  against  the  Lord  7     Yourselves  7 
Bring  out  your  balance  :  get  in,  man  by  man  : 
Add  earth,  heaven,  hell,  tho  universe  ;  that's  all. 
God  putf  his  finger  in  the  other  scale, 
And  up  wo  bounce,  a  bubble. 


SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  WELLS   BROWN. 

Delivered  at  the  New  Emjtand  Anti-Slavery  Convention, 
Wednesday,  May  28f/i,  1862. 

Mit.  President,— Of  the  great  family  of  man,  the 
Negro  has,  during  the  last  half  century,  been  more 
prominently  before  the  world  than  any  other  race. 
He  did  not  seek  this  notoriety.  Isolated  away  in  his 
own  land,  lie  would  have  remained  there,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  avarice  of  other  races,  who  sought  him 
out  as  a  victim  of  slavery.  Two  and  a  half  centuries 
of  the  negro's  enslavement  have  created,  in  many 
minds,  the  opinion  that  he  is  intellectually  inferior  to 
the  rest  of  mankind;— and  now  that  the  blacks  seem 
in  a  fair  way  to  get  their  freedom  in  this  country,  it 
has  been  asserted,  and  from  high  authority  in  the  Gov- 
ernment, that  tlie  natural  inferiority  of  the  negro  makes 
it  impossible  for  him  to  live  on  this  continent  with  the 
white  man,  unless  in  a,  state  of  bondage.  Mr.  Post- 
master-General Blair,  in  his  letter  to  the  Union  Mass 
Meeting,  held  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  in 
March  last,  takes  this  ground.  The  Boston  Post  and 
Courier  both  take  the  same  position. 

I  admit  that  the  condition  of  my  race,  whether 
considered  in  a  mental,  moral  or  intellectual  point  of 
view,  at  the  present  time,  cannot  compare  favorably 
with  the  Anglo-Saxon.  But  it  does  not  become  the 
whites  to  point  the  finger  of  seorn  at  the  blacks,  when 
they  have  so  long  been  degrading  them.  The  negro 
has  not  always  been  considered  the  inferior  race.  The 
time  was  when  he  stood  at  the  head  of  science  and 
literature.  Let  us  see.  I  claim  that  the  blacks  are 
the  legitimate  descendants  of  the  Egyptians. 

Nearly  all  historians  agree  that  the  Egyptians  were 
black.  Volney  assumes  it  as  a  settled  point.  Herodo- 
tus, who  travelled  extensively  through  that  interest- 
ing land,  set  them  down  as  black,  with  curled  hair, 
and  having  the  negro  features.  The  sacred  writers 
were  aware  of  their  complexion — hence  the  question, 
"  Can  the  Ethiopian  change  his  skin?"  The  image 
of  the  negro  is  engraved  upon  the  monuments  of 
Egypt, — n°t  as  a  bondman,  but  as  the  master  of  art. 
The-  Sphinx,  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world,  sur- 
viving the  wreck  of  centuries,  exhibits  these  same 
features  at  the  present  day.  Minerva,  the  Goddess  o** 
Wisdom,  was  supposed  to  have  been  an  African  prin- 
cess. Atlas,  whose  shoulders  sustained  the  globe, 
and  even  the  great  Jupiter  Amnion  himself,  were  lo- 
cated by  the  mycologists  in  Africa.  Though  there 
may  not  be  much  in  these  fables,  they  teach  us,  nev- 
ertheless, who  were  then  considered  the  nobles  of  the 
human  race.  Euclid,  Homer  and  Plato  were  Ethio- 
pians. Terence,  the  most  refined  and  accomplished 
scholar  of  his  time,  was  of  the  same  race.  Hanno, 
the  father  of  Hamilcar,  and  grandfather  of  Hannibal, 
was  a  negro.  Alexander  H.  Everett,  the  ablest  writer 
of  his  day  upon  this  question,  took  the  ground  that  I 
do.  These  are  the  antecedents  of  the  enslaved  blacks 
on  this  continent. 

Prom  whence  sprang  the  Anglo-Saxon  1  For,  mark 
you,  it  is  he  that  denies  the  equality  of  the  negro. 
"  When  the  Britons  first  became  known  to  the  Tyrian 
mariners,"  says  Macaulay,  "they  were  little  superior 
to  the  Sandwich  Islanders."  Hume  says  they  were 
a  rude  and  barbarous  people,  divided  into  numerous 
tribes,  dressed  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts.  Druidism 
was  their  religion,  and  they  were  very  superstitious. 
Such  is  the  first  account  we  have  of  the  Britons. 
When  the  Romans  invaded  that  country,  they  reduced 
the  people  to  a  state  of  vassalage  as  degrading  as 
that  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States.  Their  king, 
Caractacus,  was  captured  and  sent  a  slave  to  Rome. 
Still  later,  Henghist  and  Horsa,  the  Saxon  generals, 
presented  another  yoke  which  the  Britons  were  com- 
pelled to  wear.  But  the  last  dregs  of  the  bitter  cup 
of  humiliation  were  drunk  when  William  of  Normandy 
met  Harold  at  Hastings,  and,  with  a  single  blow,  com- 
pletely annihilated  the  nationality  of  the  Britons. 
Thousands  of  the  conquered  people  were  then  sent  to 
the  slave  markets  of  Rome,  where  they  were  sold 
very  cheap,  on  account  of  their  inaptitude  to  learn. 
This  is  not  very  flattering,  Mr.  President,  to  your 
ancestors,  but  it  is  just.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
Cajsar,  in  writing  home,  said  of  the  Britons,  "  They 
are  the  most  ignorant  people  I  ever  conquered.  They 
cannot  be  taught  music."  Cicero,  writing  to  his  friend 
Atticus,  advised  him  not  to  buy  slaves  from  England, 
"  because,"  said  he,  "they  cannot  be  taught  to  read, 
and  are  the  ugliest  and  most  stupid  race  I  ever  saw." 
I  am  sorry  that  Montgomery  Blair  came  from  such  a 
low  origin ;  but  he  is  not  to  blame.  I  only  find  fault 
with  him  for  making  mouths  at  me.  (Loud  applause.) 

"  You  should  not  the  ignorant  negro  despise, — 
Just  such  your  sires  appeared  in  Caesar's  eyes." 

The  Britons  lost  their  nationality  because  amalga- 
mated with  the  Romans,  Saxons  and  Normans,  and 
out  of  this  conglomeration  sprang  the  proud  Anglo- 
Saxon  of  to-day.  I  once  stood  upon  the  walls  of  an 
English  city,  built  by  enslaved  Britons  when  Julius 
Cajsar  was  their  master.  The  image  of  the  ancestors 
of  Montgomery  Blair,  as  represented  in  Briton,  was 
carved  upon  the  monuments  of  Rome,  where  they 
may  still  be  seen  in  their  chains.  Ancestry  is  some- 
thing which  the  white  American  should  not  speak  of, 
unless  with  his  lips  to  the  dust. 

"Nothing,"  says  Macaulay,  "in  the  early  existence 
of  Britain,  indicated  the  greatness  which  she  was  des- 
tined to  attain."  Britain  has  risen,  while  proud 
Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world,  has  fallen  ;  but 
the  image  of  the  early  Englishman  in  his  chains,  as 
carved  twenty  centuries  ago,  is  still  to  be  seen  upon 
her  broken  monuments.  So  lias  Egypt  fallen ;  and 
her  sable  sons  and  daughters  have  been  scattered  into 
nearly  every  land  where  the  white  man  has  intro- 
duced slavery  and  disgraced  the  soil  with  his  foot- 
print. As  I  gazed  upon  the  beautiful  and  classic 
obelisk  of  Luxor,  removed  from  Thebes,  where  it 
had  stood  4000  years,  and  transplanted  to  the  Place 
de  la  Concorde,  at  Paris,  and  contemplated  its  hiero- 
glyphic inscription  of  the  noble  daring  of  Sesostris, 
the  African  general,  who  drew  kings  at  his  chariot- 
wheels,  and  left  monumental  inscriptions  from  Ethi- 
opia to  India,  I  felt  proud  of  my  antecedents, — proud 
of  the  glorious  past,  which  no  amount  of  hate  and 
prejudice  could  wipe  from  history's  page,  while  I  had 
to  mourn  over  the  fall  and  the  degradation  of  my 
race.  But  I  do  not  despair;  for  the  negro  has  that 
intellectual  genius  which  God  has  planted  in  the  mind 
of  man,  that  distinguishes  him  from  the  rest  of  crea- 
tion, and  which  needs  only  cultivation  to  make  it 
bring  forth  fruit.  No  nation  has  ever  been  found, 
which,  by  its  own  unaided  efforts,  by  some  powerful 
inward  impulse,  has  arisen  from  barbarism  and  degra- 
dation to  civilization  and  respectability.  There  is 
nothing  in  race  or  blood,  in  color  or  features,  that  im- 
parts susceptibility  of  improvement  to  one  race  over 
another.  The  mind  left  to  itself  from  infancy,  with- 
out culture,  remains  a  blank.  Knowledge  is  not  innate. 
Development  makes  the  man.  As  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  and  Jews  drew  knowledge  from  the  Egyp- 
tians three  thousand  years  ago,  and  the  Europeans 
received  it  from  the  Romans,  so  must  the  blacks  of 
this  land  rise  in  the  same  way.  As  one  man  learns 
from  another,  so  nation  learns  from  nation.  Civiliza- 
tion is  handed  from  one  people  to  another,  its  great 
fountain  and  source  being  God  our  Father.  No  one, 
in  the  days  of  Cicero  and  Tacitus,  could  have  pre- 
dicted that  the  barbarism  and  savage  wildness  of  the 
Germans  would  give  place  to  the  learning,  refine- 
ment and  culture  which  that  people  now  exhibit. 
Already  the  blacks  on  this  continent,  though  kept 
down  under  the  heel  of  the  white  man,  are  fast  rising 
in  the  scale  of  intellectual  development,  and  proving 
their  equality  with  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

In  his  address  before  tho  Colonization  Society  at 
Washington,  on  the  18th  of  Jan.,  1850,  Hon.  Edward 
Everett  said : — 

"  When  I  lived  in  Cambridge,  a  fc.w  years  ago,  I 
used  to  attend,  as  one  of  the  Board  of  Visitors,  the 
examinations  of  a  classical  school,  in  which  was  a 
colored  boy,  the  son  of  a  slave  in  Mississippi,  I  think. 
He  appeared  to  me  to  be  of  pure  African  blood. 
There  were  at  the  same  time  two  youths  from  Georgia 


and  one  of  my  own  sons,  attending  the  same  school. 
I  must  say  that  this  poor  negro  boy,  Beverly  Wil- 
jiams,  was  one  of  the  best  scholars  at  the  school,  and 
in  the  Latin  language  he  was  the  best  scholar  in  his 
class.  There  are  others,  I  am  told,  which  show  still 
more  conclusively  the  aptitude  of  the  colored  race  for 
every  kind  of  intellectual  culture." 

Mr.  Everett  cited  several  other  instances  which  had 
fallen  under  his  notice,  and  utterly  scouted  the  idea 
that  there  was  any  general  inferiority  of  the  African 
race.  He  said,  "They  have  done  as  well  as  persons 
of  European  or  Anglo-American  origin  would  have 
done,  after  three  thousand  years  of  similar  depression 
and  hardship.  The  question  has  been  asked,  'Does 
not  the  negro  labor  under  some  incurable,  natural  in- 
feriority ?  '     In  this,  for  myself,  I  have  no  belief." 

I  think,  Mr.  President,  that  is  ample  refutation  of 
the'.charge  of  inferiority,  as  brought  by  Mr.  Blair, 
against  the  blacks. 

There  is  another  point  connected  with  the  cause  of 
negro  emancipation  in  this  country  that  I  must  speak 
of,  and  that  is  the  asserted  incapability  of  the  slave 
to  take  care  of  himself  in  a  state  of  freedom.  This 
charge  is  entirely  and  forever  refuted  by  the  history 
of  the  West  Indies,  since  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
those  islands.  We  have  heard  a  great  deal  about  the 
"ruin  of  Jamaica";  and  such  journals  as  the  Boston 
Courier,  the  Boston  Post,  and  the  New  York  Journal 
of  Commerce,  lose  no  opportunity  to  parade  this  false 
hood  in  their  columns,  to  prove  that  the  same  fate 
awaits  the  Southern  States,  if  emancipation  shall  taki 
place.  As  to  the  British  Colonies,  the  fact  is  well 
established  that  slavery  had  impoverished  the  i 
demoralized  the  people,  bond  and  free,  brought  the 
planters  to  a  state  of  bankruptcy,  and  all  the  islands 
to  ruin,  long  before  Parliament  had  passed  the  Act  of 
Emancipation.  All  the  Colonies,  including  Jamaica, 
had  petitioned  the  home  government  for  assistance, 
ten  years  prior  to  the  liberation  of  their  slaves.  It  is 
a  noticeable  fact  that  the  free  blacks  were  the  least 
embarrassed,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  and  that 
they  appeared  in  more  comfortable  circumstances 
than  the  whites.  There  was  a  large  proporlion  of 
free  blacks  in  each  of  the  Colonies, — Jamaica  alone 
having  55,000  before  the  day  of  emancipation.  A 
large  majority  of  the  West  India  estates  were  owned 
by  persons  residing  in  Europe,  and  who  had  never 
seen  the  Colonies.  These  plantations  were  carried  on 
by  agents,  overseers  and  clerks,  whose  mismanage- 
ment, together  with  the  blighting  influence  which 
chattel  slavery  takes  with  it  wherever  it  goes,  brought 
the  islands  under  impending  ruin,  and  many  of  the 
estates  were  mortgaged  in  Europe  for  more  than  their 
value.  One  man  alone,  Neil  Malcomb,  of  London, 
had  forty  plantations  to  fall  upon  his  hands  for  money 
advanced  on  them  before  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
These  European  proprietors,  despairing  of  getting  any 
returns  from  the  West  Indies,  gladly  pocketed  their 
share  of  the  twenty  millions  pounds  sterling,  which 
the  home  government  gave  them,  and  abandoned  their 
estates  to  their  ruin.  Other  proprietors  residing  in 
the  Colonies,  formed  combinations  to  make  the  eman- 
cipated people  labor  for  scarcely  enough  to  purchase 
food  for  them.  If  found  idle,  the  tread-wheel,  the 
chain-gang,  the  dungeon,  with  black  bread,  and  water 
from  the  moat,  and  other  modes  of  legalized  torture, 
were  inflicted  upon  the  negroes.  Through  the  de- 
termined and  combined  efforts  of  the  land-owners,  the 
condition  of  the  freed  people  was  as  bad,  if  not  worse, 
for  the  first  three  years  after  their  liberation,  than  it 
was  before.  Never  was  an  experiment  more  severely 
tested  than  that  of  emancipation  in  the  West  Indies, 
Nevertheless,  the  principles  of  freedom  triumphed, 
not  a  drop  of  blood  was  shed  by  the  enfranchised 
blacks ;  the  Colonies  have  arisen  from  the  blight 
which  they  labored  under  in  the  time  of  slavery,  the 
land  has  increased  in  value,  and,  above  all,  that  which 
is  more  valuable  than  cotton,  sugar,  or  rice,  the  moral 
and  intellectual  condition  of  both  blacks  and  whites 
is  in  a  better  state  now,  than  ever  before.  (Applause.) 
Sir  William  Colebrook,  Governor  of  Antigua,  said, 
six  years  after  the  islands  were  freed,  "At  the  lowest 
computation,  the  land,  without  a  single  slave  upon  it, 
is  fully  as  valuable  now,  as  it  was,  including  all  the 
slaves,  before  emancipation."  In  a  report  made  to 
the  British  Parliament,  in  1859,  it  was  stated  that 
three-fifths  of  the  cultivated  land  of  Jamaica  was 
the  bona  fide  property  of  the  blacks.  The  land  is  in 
a  better  state  of  cultivation  now,  than  it  was  while 
slavery  existed,  and  both  imports  and  exports  show  a 
great  increase.  Everything  demonstrates  that  eman- 
cipation in  the  West  India  Islands  has  resulted  in  the 
most  satisfactory  manner,  and  fulfilled  the  expectation 
of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world. 
(Applause.) 

I  now  turn  from  the  islands  of  the  sea  to  our  own 
land.  If  any  proof  were  wanted  of  the  capacity  of 
the  blacks  to  take  care  of  themselves,  it  could  be 
found  without  leaving  these  shores.  The  majority  of 
the  colored  people  in  the  Northern  States,  descended 
from  slaves :  many  of  them  were  slaves  themselves. 
In  education,  in  morals,  and  in  the  development  of 
mechanical  genius,  the  free  blacks  of  the  United 
States  will  compare  favorably  -with  any  laboring  class 
in  the  world.  And  considering  the  fact  that  we  have 
been  shut  out,  by  a  cruel  prejudice,  from  nearly  all 
the  mechanical  branches,  and  all  the  professions,  it  is 
marvellous  that  we  have  attained  the  position  we  now 
occupy.  Notwithstanding  these  bars,  our  young  men 
have  learned  trades,  become  artists,  gone  into  the  pro- 
fessions, although  bitter  prejudice  may  prevent  their 
having  a  great  deal  of  practice.  When  it  is  con- 
sidered that  they  have  mostly  come  out  of  bondage, 
and  that  their  calling  has  been  the  lowest  kind  in 
every  community,  it  is  still  more  strange  that  the 
colored  people  have  amassed  so  much  wealth  in  every 
State  in  the  Union.  If  this  is  not  an  exhibition  of 
capacity,  1  don't  understand  the  meaning  of  the  term. 
The  Boston  Post  says,  "  Eree  the  slaves,  and  your 
poor-houses  will  be  filled  with  them."  A  refutation 
of  that  slander  may  be  found  in  the  prosperous  condi- 
tion of  the  two  hundred  thousand  free  blacks  in  the 
slave  States,  who  have  not  been  induced  to  leave  the 
congenial  climate  of  the  South  for  no  advantage  which 
they  could  have  derived  by  the  change.  Though 
taxed  for  the  support  of  schools  to  which  they  were 
never  allowed  to  send  their  children,  and  though  shut 
out  from  all  school  privileges,  the  free  colored  people 
of  the  South  have  educated  themselves,  and  by  their 
industry,  sobriety,  and  good  behavior,  have  gained  the 
respect,  esteem  and  good  wishes  of  all  impartial 
friends  of  humanity  who  have  travelled  through  that 
section  of  the  country.  The  editor  of  the  New  Or- 
leans True  Delta  says—"  The  free  colored  people  here 
are  honorable  in  their  intercourse  with  society,  and  in 
good  deportment  cannot  be  surpassed  by  any  equal 
number  of  persons  in  any  place,  North  or  South." 
The  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  has. 
developed  the  fact,  that  the  largest  number  of  proper- 
ty-holders in  the  Eederal  Capital  are  colored,  and  that 
they  own  church  property  amounting  to  more  than 
§100,000.  I  commend  these  facts  to  the  editor  of  the 
Boston  Post,  and  would  suggest  that  he  take  a  few 
lessons  from  Dr.  South-Side  Adams,  who  says,  that 
while  in  South  Carolina,  a  prosecuting  officer  stated 
to  him,  that  out  of  two  thousand  indictments  made 
out  in  six  years,  only  twelve  were  against  colored  per- 
sons; and  yet  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  that 
State  are  colored.  The  Boston  Courier  thinks  that  the 
natural  inferiority  of  the  negro  makes  it  impossible  for 
the  two  races  to  live  together,  without  the  inferior 
race  being  slaves.  Now,  as  I  have  elsewhere  shown 
the  low  origin  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  as  the  whites 
of  the  South  have  not  exhibited  any  superiority  over 
tho  blacks,  I  would  suggest,  that  if  we  must  have  an 
enslaved  race,  that  the  slaveholders  try  it  awhile.  If 
patriotism  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom  he 
tests  of  loyalty,  and  should  establish  one's  claim  to  all 
tho  privileges  that  the  government  can  confer,  then 
surely  the  black  man  can  demand  his  rights  with  a 
good  grace.  From  the  fall  of  Attucks,  the  first  marlyr 
of  the  American  Revolution  in  1770,  down  to  the 
present  day,  the  colored  people  have  shown  them- 
selves worthy  of  any  confidence  that  tho  nation  can 
place  in  its  citizens  in  the  time  that  tries  men's 
souls.  At  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  on  the 
heights  of  Groton,  at  the  evcr-memorahlo  battle  of 


ie.il  Bank,  tho  sable  sons  of  our  country  stood  side  by 
ide  with  their  white  brethren.  On  lakes  Eric  and 
.Ihamplain,  on  the  Hudson,  and  down  in  the  valley  of 
he  Mississippi,  they  established  their  valor  and  their 
.nvincibility.  Whenever  the  rights  of  the  nation  have 
ieen  assailed,  the  negro  has  always  responded  to  his 
ountry's  call,  at  once,  and  with  every  pulsation  of  his 
leart  beating  for  freedom.  And  yet  the  editors  of  the 
Boston  Post  and  tho  Boston  Courier  would  have  us 
driven  from  the  land  of  our  birth.  If  these  two  gen- 
tlemen wish  to  show  their  patriotism,  and  are  really  de- 
sirous of  doing  their  country  a  lasting  service,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  immortalize  their  names,  let  them 
take  themsclve  oil"  to  Lapland,  or  some  other  land,  and 
give  bonds  not  to  disgrace  America  by  their  presence 
again.     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

There  is  a  class  who  have  done  our  country  more 
injury,  both  in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe,  than 
we  can  possibly  imagine.  I  refer  to  those  Union- 
savers,  speakers  and  writers,  who  say  one  word  in 
favor  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  and  ten 
against  the  negro  and  his  friends.  We  have  lately 
been  disgraced  abroad  by  one  of  this  class,  a  Mr.  Geo. 
Francis  Train,  who,  on  arriving  in  London,  made 
several  flaming  speeches  against  the  rebels  and  in  fa- 
vor of  the  Federal  Government,  by  which  he  secured 
the  ear  and  sympathy  of  the  British  people,  and 
then  showed  his  cloven  foot  by  attacking  and  libel- 
ling the  colored  people  of  America,  and  the  Abo- 
litionists generally.  These  speeches  have  been  ex- 
tensively circulated  here  in  pamphlet  form  among  the 
laboring  classes,  for  the  express  purpose  of  preju- 
dicing their  minds  against  the  slaves'  liberation,  as- 
serting his  inferiority  and  incapability  of  taking  care 
of  himself  if  freed.  A  harlequin  without  genius,  a 
railroad  builder  without  originality,  an  upstart  with 
only  the  merit  of  audacity  and  love  of  falsehood, 
Mr.  Train's  speeches  are  of  the  lowest  possible  order, 
and  calculated  to  suit  the  ignorant  and  the  unsuspect- 
ing. His  assertion  that  the  slaves  cling  to  their  mas' 
terson  account  oftheir  attachment,  called  forth  laugh- 
ter and  derision  from  the  audience,  while  his  claim 
that  slavery  Christianized,  educated  and  refined  the 
negro,  brought  down  a  volley  of  hisses  from  all  parts 
of  the  hall.  Finding,  from  the  state  of  feeling  of  the 
audience,  that  he  had  missed  his  aim,  he  changed  hi; 
tune  before  the  conclusion  of  his  first  speech,  and 
promised  that  he  would  give  them  his  plan  of  eman- 
cipation on  the  following  evening ;  and  here  it  is,  as 
taken  from  his  second  address  : — 

"Let  the  States  pass  a  law,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Constitution,  compelling  the  planter,  as  a  slight 
tax  upon  his  treason,  to  give  the  slave  his  own  labor 
one  day  in  the  week  to  work  out  his  own  freedom — 
his  price  fixed  at  a  fair  value,  and  arranged  under 
guarantees  that  the  slave  shall  have  that  day  as  well 
as  over  hours  to  purchase  his  liberty.  This  knowl- 
edge stimulates  ambition,  gives  him  self-reliance, 
so  that  when  he  has  earned  his  freedom,  he  is  also  ed- 
ucated to  appreciate  it.  The  world  will  have  before 
them  a  plan.  Public  opinion  will  so  act  upon  the  plan- 
ter that  many  will  emancipate  such  slaves  as  can 
take  care  of  themselves  at  once  ;  the  strong  and  active 
negroes  should  be  made  to  work  out  the  freedom  of 
their  parents  and  children  where  they  are  unable  to 
do  it  themselves." 

The  deception  which  he  tried  to  practise  upon  the 
English  people  in  this  plan  turned  the  whole  tide  of 
public  opinion  against  Mr.  Train,  and  he  complains 
bitterly  at  what  he  calls  the  "prejudices  in  England 
against  Americans."  At  the  conclusion  of  his  last 
speech,  Mr.  Train  received  a  severe  and  well-merited 
casligation  from  J.  Passmore  Edwards,  Esq.,  who  said 
in  his  remarks — "  While  holding  your  country's  ban- 
ner high  against  Secession.  I  applauded  you,  but  I  feel 
that  it  is  a  disgrace  to  America  to  hear  her  Union 
champion  advocating  negro  slavery."  The  idea  of 
freeing  the  country  from  slavery,  by  allowing  the 
slave,  one  day  in  each  week  by  which  to  earn  the 
means  of  purchasing  his  freedom,  and  that  the  able- 
bodied  should  be  compelled  to  buy  the  liberty  of  the 
old,  the  halt  and  the  blind,  is  ridiclous  in  the  extreme. 
Upon  such  a  plan,  no  man  could  work  out  his  freedom 
in  a  Hfe-time.  Mr-  Train  exhibited  his  mendacity 
still  more  in  his  attempt  to  prove  the  inferiority  of  the 
blacks.  His  dealing  with  the  different  races  of  men 
created  considerable  merriment  for  the  Londoners, 
whe  set  him  down  as  a  mountebank. 

Such  men  as  this  Train,  the  editors  of  the  New 
York  Herald,  the  Boston  Post,  and  the  Boston 
Courier,  have  done  great  injury  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  the  Union.  (Applause.)  If  hatred  to  justice,  hu- 
manity and  the  negro  race  should  entitle  one  to  the 
highest  seat  in  the  lowest  kingdom,  I  am  sure  that 
the  editors  of  the  Post  and  the  Courier  will  be  amply 
provided  for  in  the  warmest  corner  of  the  lowest  pit, 
in  the  world  to  come.  (Loud  and  prolonged  applause.) 


freedom,  and  cannot  be;  when  he  is  in  favor  of  a  Union 
founded  in  truth,  and  when  he  says  that,  for  such  a 
Union  as  these  base  middle-men  would  patch  up,  by 
compromise  and  concession,  he  has  no  love.  Why  is 
it  that  such  men  are  despised  and  scorned  ?  Why  is 
it  that  such  men  are  not  listened  to  1  And  why  is  it 
that  the  reason  of  men  leave  them,  and  mental  blind- 
ness so  fatally  seals  their  perception,  when  the  truth 
proclaimed  by  such  lovers  of  God  and  freedom  ? 
Shame !  shame !  that  an  American  citizen  should 
believe  in  the  principle  of  slavery !  Shame,  that  the 
pure  flag  of  our  country  should  float  over  the  Goddess 
of  Liberty,  at  whose  feet  a  slave  is  kneeling,  not  ask- 
ing for  liberty,  but  protected  in  slavery  by  the  power  of  the 
stars  and  stripes!  How  absurd  the  picture  ;  how  con- 
flicting the  emblems. 

"Proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  unto  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof."  This  motto,  inscribed  on 
the  old  hell,  once  in  the  tower  of  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia,  is  not  an  ultra  motto.  It  is  the  grand 
and  eternal  idea  of  God;  and  as  the  tone  of  harmony 
sounded  over  the  land,  what  a  corresponding  type  of 
the  harmonious  echo  in  the  hearts  of  all  free  men — 
the  happy  unison  of  free  thought  in  a  free  body- 
May  the  harmony  of  freedom  swell  in  pealing  tones 
of  thunder  over  this  fair  and  goodly  land,  in  years 
not  far  distant.  I.  L.  WADE,  M.  D. 


UXTKAISTS. 

Truth  is  always  ultra  and  extreme  to  ignorant  and 
darkened  minds.  The  lover  of  freedom  is  the  so- 
called  extremist  or  ultraist  of  the  day.  By  an  ultraist 
is  understood  one  who  forces,  as  it  were,  his  funda- 
mental idea  upon  the- world.  He  has  a  fixed  princi- 
ple, around  which  he  revolves,  and  all  the  radiations 
from  that  centre  partake  of  the  central  idea. 

The  majority  of  mankind  are  conservative,  or  mid- 
dle men — politicians.  They  buy  of  the  producer  and 
sell  to  the  retailer.  They  occupy  this  middle-ground 
—  a  position  of  mischief-making.  They  consider 
themselves  of  great  use  in  the  market  and  the  world. 
They  are  always  ready  for  some  form  of  compromise, 
and  will  lean  to  either  side  for  small  favors.  The  sun 
in  yonder  sky  shines  for  the  purpose  of  sending 
through  all  the  world  the  great  principle  of  life.  A 
great  life-force  emanates  from  its  rays.  Truth,  like  a 
central  orb,  sends  forth  its  wonder-working  powers, 
and  the  life  of  humanity  rises  to  its  high  and  holy 
purpose,  according  to  its  reception. 

From  all  minds  filled  with  the  idea  of  liberty,  much 
good  must  result.  The  rabble  cry,  "  Crazy  fanatic !  " 
but  what  harm  ensues  ?  In  the  extensive  fields  of 
science  and  art, — in  that  broad  expanse  for  mental 
rambles,  how  many  extreme  and  ultra  minds  you  find 
rushing  off  in  some  wild  freak,  in  pursuit  of  one  lead- 
ing idea  or  principle.  Instantly  is  heard  the  cry, 
"  He  is  insane  ! "  But  years  roll  on,  and  science  ad- 
vances with  rapid  strides,  and  suddenly  the  very  law 
discovered  by  this  so-called  insane  mind,  is  found  true 
and  exact,  of  great  and  vital  importance. 

Religion,  Politics  and  Science  all  have  these  ultra 
followers  and  students.  The  founders  of  the  Chris- 
tianity of  Jesus  Christ  were  of  this  type.  They 
stood  up  manfully  against  the  bitter  mockery  of  the 
conservative  -crowd.  Crucifixion  and  death  had  no 
dread.  They  boldly  proclaimed  the  truth,  because 
they  knew  that  the  glorious  revelations  they  beheld 
were  for  the  eternal  good  of  humanity.  An  extreme 
view  of  certain  political  principles  is  hooted  against: 
the  ignorant  crowd  cry  out,  "Crucify  it!"  "Cru- 
cify itl" 

Humanity,  in  its  sound  life,  when  all  the  functions 
of  its  organism  are  in  a  healthy  and  perfect  order,  dis- 
covers no  such  men  as  ultraists.  The  bold  enunciator 
of  the  idea  of  freexlom  is  not  ultra :  he  stands  firm  on 
tho  living  principle  of  truth.  The  world  may  shout, 
"Put  him  down!  put  him  down!"  but  though  an 
earthquake  should  engulf  tho  world,  the  true  and 
divine  order  of  liberty  to  all  would  be  still  living. 

The  fire-cater  of  South  Carolina  is  called  an  ex- 
tremist or  ultraist.  No,  he  believes  in  human  bond- 
age,— that  slavery  is  of  God, — and,  as  such,  he  rallies 
to  its  support.  His  belief  is,  to  him,  true.  He  en- 
deavors to  extend  tho  powers  of  his  God-bestowed 
gift  of  slavery  over  the  world ;  hut  when  he  does  so, 
he  Btrikes  against  the  eternal  Rock  of  Freedom.  The 
middle  class — the  poor  conservative  politician — is  to 
be  pitied,  lie  expects  to  reap  some  fat  office,  to  he 
the  recipient  of  sonic  evanescent  good.  He  is  neu- 
tral; he  is  neither  warm  nor  cold;  and  the  edict  in 
reference  to  lukewarm  persons  has  nlrcady  gone  forth. 

Abolition— how  it  jars  and  grates  on  tin-  ears  of 
slavery-loving  men.  They  despise  the  word ;  they 
cannot  bear  the  destruction  of  their  golden  calf.  They 
hurl  their  unhealthy  arguments  against  the  man  who 
favors  freedom— who  boldly  says  he  represents  the 
idea  of  liberty  in  iiw  proudest  and  noblest  aspects.  - 
when  he  declares  there  is  no  union  between  slavery  and 


CIVIL    RULE    IN    NORTH  CAROLINA. 

THE  COLOEED  SCHOOLS  BROKEN  UP. 

Slaves  Sent  Back — Consternation  Among  the  Fugi- 
tives—  The  Slaveholders  Exultant — Indignation  of 
the  Officeis  and  Soldiers — H.  II.  Helper  Expatria- 
ted— Four  Hundred  More  Released  Prisoners  on 
their  Way  to  New  York. 

[Correspondence  of  the  New  York  Times.] 

Newbeen,  N.  C,  Saturday,  May  31,  1862. 
The  experiment  of  placating  the  Old  North  State 
has  commenced,  under  the  rule  of  the  new  Governor. 
The  first  acts  in  the  drama  have  the  virtue  of  being 
intelligible,  and  pleasing  at  least  to  one  class  of  peo- 
ple. As  usual,  in  all  attempts  to  soothe  Southern 
wratb,  the  negro  is  thrown  in  as  the  offering. 

CLOSING    THE    COLORED   SCHOOLS. 

The  schools  established  by  Mr.  Colyer  for  the  in- 
struction of  the  colored  people  were  suddenly  closed 
on  Wednesday  evening.  It  was  the  first  administra- 
tive act  of  the  new  Governor,  since  whose  advent 
the  military  authority  seems,  to  a  great  extent,  sus- 
pended. 

Hearing  that  this  was  to  be  done,  1  went  early  to 
the  Methodist  Church  on  Hancock  street,  where  one 
of  the  colored  schools  is  held.  Very  few  had,  as  yet, 
arrived.  Sitting  at  a  side  door,  I  observed  an  old 
couple  of  at  least  sixty  years  of  age,  each  of  whom 
held  a  little  primer,  in  hand,  into  which  they  were 
intently  peering,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  dim  twilight 
were  endeavoring  to  master  their  first  lesson  in  let- 
ters. Approaching  them,  I  asked,  "  How  do  you  get 
along  with  your  book  ?"  "  O,  master,  we  is  trying 
right  hard,  but  git  on  slow."  "  Don't  you  know  how 
to  read  ?  "  I  asked.  "  No,  but  we  wants  to,  master, 
very  much  ;  we  wants  to  learn  more  dan  we  does  to 
eat  a  good  dinner  when  we  is  hungry  ;  we  want  to 
learn  so  dat  we  can  read  de  Word  of  God,"  said  the 
man. 

In  a  few  minutes  the  pupils  began  to  come  in. 
They  came — young,  old  and  middle-aged,  male  and 
female — and  quietly  took  seats,  filling  the  body  of 
the  house,  as  well  as  the  galleries,  and  numbering 
five  or  six  hundred.  In  front  of  the  altar  were  six- 
teen bright  and  wakeful  little  boys  of  from  eight  to 
twelve  years,  ranged  on  two  benches,  and  confront- 
ing the  lesson  of  the  evening,  which  had  beeu  writ- 
ten upon  a  sheet  in  large  letters,  and  hung  over  the 
pulpit : — 

"Love  your  enemies;  bless  them  that  curse  you; 
do  good  to  them  that  hate  you,  and  pray  for  them  that 
despitefully  use  you  and  persecute  you."-- -Matt.  5th  eh. 

When  all  had  become  seated,  Mr.  Colyer  gave  out 
the  Sabbath' school  hymn: — 

"Joyfully,  joyfully,  onward  we  move," 
which  was  sung  with  earnest  pathos  by  the  whole 
con  "rogation. 

During  the  prayer,  when  incidental  reference  was 
made  to  the  closing  of  the  school,  a  sob  was  heard  in 
all  parts  of  the  house.  That  single  sentence  dashed 
all  hopes,  and  sent  a  pang  to  every  heart.  The  Su- 
perintendent remarked  that  during  the  six  weeks 
the  schools  had  been  opened,  no  disorder  had  oc- 
curred, and  not  the  slightest  complaint  had  been 
made  by  the  authorities.  The  schools  had  been  uni- 
formly closed  before  the  hour  of  guard-mounting, 
though  by  this  course  they  had  been  obliged  to  as- 
semble at  an  inconvenient  hour,  leaving  their  work 
at  the  fortification  and  on  the  bridge  frequently  with- 
out their  suppers,  in  order  to  be  early  at  the  school. 
They  had  made  rapid  progress,  over  one  hundred, 
only  a  few  days  since,  having  been  selected  as  teach- 
ers, who  could  read  with  facility,  and  the  remainder 
were  able,  after  a  few  minutes'  instruction,  to  read 
the  common  lesson.  He  alluded  to  the  fact  that 
three  or  four  hundred  of  them  had  been  engaged 
upon  one  work — the  fort — and  that  no  disturbance 
had  occurred,  not  a  fight  had  taken  place  among 
them.  Meantime  they  had  lived  in  most  inconven- 
ient places,  generally  kitchens  and  outbuildings  in 
the  town,  crowded  together  in  unhealthy  and  irritat- 
ing circumstances. 

"  These  schools,"  said  the  speaker,  "  are  now  to 
be  closed,  not  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  under 
whose  sanction  they  have  been  commenced,  but  by 
the  necessity  laid  upon  me  by  Gov.  Stanly,  who  has 
informed  me  that  it  is  a  criminal  offence,  under  the 
laws  of  North  Carolina,  to  teach  the  blacks  to  read, 
which  laws  he  has  come  from  Washington  with  in- 
structions to  enforce." 

The  teacher  said  he  hoped  that  the  schools  would 
be  closed  only  for  a  brief  time,  and  exhorted  them 
to  submit  patiently  to  the  deprivation  like  good,  law- 
abiding  people,  such  as  they  had  always  proved 
themselves  to  be.  Those  who  followed  the  injunc- 
tion before  them,  on  the  pulpit,  and  trusted  in  the 
Saviour,  who  had  given  the  command,  would  not 
only  have  this  blessing  restored  to  them,  but  must, 
ultimately,  enjoy  even  greater  blessings  than  this. 

The  old  people  dropped  their  heads  upon  their 
breasts,  and  wept  iu  silence ;  the  young  looked  at 
each  other  with  mute  surprise  and  grief  at  this  sud- 
den termination  of  their  bright  hopes.  It  was  a  sad 
and  impressive  spectacle.  Mr.  Colyer  himself  could 
hardly  conceal  his  emotion.  A  few  moments  of  si- 
lence followed,  when,  as  if  by  one  impulse,  the  whole 
audience  rose  and  sang,  with  mournful  cadence, 
"  Praise  God  from  whom  all  blessings  flow,"  and 
then  shook  hands  and  parted. 

The  school  at  the  Baptist  Church,  where  the  more 
advanced  scholars  were  placed,  was  closed  in  a  simi- 
lar manner. 

THE    SCHOOL    FOE     THE    CHILDREN    OF    CITIZENS. 

Mr.  Colyer  continues  the  white  school  for  poor 
children,  as  usual.  This  is  right.  It  is  better  to  edu- 
cate a  small  part  of  the  rising  generation  than  to 
neglect  the  whole.  The  State  raised,  during  the 
year  1860-61,  for  educational  purposes,  less  than 
$100,000.  The  sum  expended  in  powder  during  the 
same  period  is  not  stated.  Generals  Iiurnside  and 
Reno  visited  (die  schools  for  the  whites,  and  were  re- 
ceived by   over  fifty   children — some  very  prettv 

with  bouquets  of  flowers.     These  they  presented  to 

tho  General,  who  expressed  himself  greatly  pleased. 

srNniNd  BACK  the  slaves. 

Yesterday  the  Governor  was  waited  upon  by  large 
numbers  of  tho  residents,  in  and  out  of  towii,  who 
congratulated  him  upon  tho  auspicious  beginning  of 
his  administration.  Among  others,  several  persons 
applied  for  the  restoration  of  their  fugitive  property 
who  have  sought  protection  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
plantation  within  our  lines.  One  Nicholas  Bray,  liv- 
ing a  few  miles  from  town  on  the  Falmouth  road,  ob- 
tained an  order  to  carry  oil'  two  slave  women.  Willi 
his  wife  ho  proceeded  to  an  old  school  building 
where  one  of  them  was  lying  Biefc  abed,  he  dragged 
her  forth,  and  drovo  away  with  her  to  the  planta- 
tion.    Her  sister,  a  bright,  mulatto  young  woman  of 

unusual  attractions,  hearing  of  the  proceedings,  was 

made  almost  frantic,  and  sought  asylum  a!  the  only 

place  she  knew  —the.  headquarters  of  tin-  poor. 
Elated  at  his  success,  Bray  drove  up,  and  without 
ceremony  began  a  search  of  the  premises.  Mr. 
Colyer  at  the  time  was  away.  Apprised  of  his  wav- 
ing, Harriet  flaw  with  lightning  speed,  anil  concealed 

herself  in  an  out-building  almost  under  the  raves  of 
Ccu.  Burnside'a  headquarters.  Not  finding  the  ob- 
ject of  his  search,  Bray  drove  oil',  probably  tO  renew 
the  .search  al  a  more  convenient  season.  Harriet  is 
Only  about  seventeen  years  Of'tlge*  and  Bray  asserts 
that  he  has  been  offered  fijlcai  hundnd  dollars  for  her. 


Bray  is  a  brother-in-law  of  A.  ii.  Kubank,  the 
Quartermaster  of  the  rebel  militia,  lately  at  this 
place.  He  is  a  well  known  rebel ;  was  mustered 
into  I  he  service,  it  is  said,  and  only  escaped  taking 
part  in  the  battle  of  Newborn  on  account  of  some 
alleged  injury  to  his  back.  He  promised  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance. 

Several  other  orders  were  given  for  the  capture 
and  taking  away  of  slaves  from  the  town.  Four 
were  reported  to  have  been  captured  and  carried 
out  of  our  lines  yesterday. 

FLIGHT  OF   THE  NECBOEB. 

Frightened  at  this  turn  of  affairs,  a  number  of  the 
slaves  who  have  congregated  in  the  town  had  scat- 
tered like  a  flock  of  frightened  birdB.  Some  have 
taken  to  the  swamps,  and  others  have  concealed 
themselves  in  out-of-the-way  places.  A  perfect 
panic  prevails  among  them.  The  greater  part  who 
were  employed  on  the  fortifications  arc  so  much 
alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  being  returned  to  their 
enraged  masters,  and  being  punished,  that  they  are 
of  little  use  as  laborers. 

It  is  is  believed  that  many  will  find  their  way  to 
the  rebel  lines,  and,  in  order  to  make  friends  with 
them,  will  reveal  important  facts  touching  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  this  department.  The  slavcs*ex- 
Eress  the  greatest  horror  at  the  prospect  of  being  sent 
ack  to  their  old  homes,  and  say  that  they  will  be 
unmercifully  "  cut  up  "  for  having  absconded.  One 
old  man  of  sixty  told  me  to-day  that  he  would  rather 
be  placed  before  a  cannon  and  blown  to  pieces  than 
go  back.     Multitudes  say  they  would  rather  die. 

FEELING    AMONG    THE    OFFICERS    AND    SOLDIEE8. 

The  new  administration  has  lallen  upon  the  officers 
antl  soldiers  in  this  place  like  a  wet  blanket.  Promi- 
nent officers,  from  colonels  and  quartermasters  down 
to  the  humblest  soldiers  in  the  ranks,  speak  in  terms 
of  the  most  vehement  indignation  of  the  course 
which  the  new  Governor  is  pursuing,  and  I  have  not 
met  an  individual,  either  officer  or  soldier,  and  I 
have  seen  a  large  number,  who  does  not  condemn, 
in  the  plainest  language,  the  course  which  has  been 
adopted. 

Nevertheless,  no  whisper  of  disloyalty  to  the  Gov- 
ernment has  or  will  be  uttered  or  tolerated  in  any 
quarter.  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  New  York  troops, 
it  is  assumed,  will  conquer  their  prejudices  and  exe- 
cute the  behests  of  the  Government,  believing  that 
patriotic  motives  inspire  whatever  measures  are 
adopted  for  the  putting  down  of  the  slaveholding  re- 
bellion. 

It  wottJd  be  a  dereliction  of  duty  on  my  part,  how- 
ever, to  conceal,  at  the  present  time,  the  state  of 
feeling  which  prevails,  and  to  predict  that  military 
force  will,  before  long,  be  required  to  assist  in  com- 
pelling the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their  claimants. 

I  have  carefully  watched  in  every  quarter  for  the 
uprising  of  the  Union  sentiment  in  this  State,  but, 
unlike  the  reporters  of  the  Tribune,  have  failed  to 
see  it.  Hence,  I  have  refrained  from  misleading  the 
public  on  that  subject.  For  the  correctness  of  my 
reports,  in  this  respect,  /  appeal  with  confidence  to 
every  officer  and  soldier  in  the  department. 

MOKE  RELEASED  UNION  PRISONERS. 
Four  hundred  more  of  the  released  Union  prison- 
ers arrived  here,  via  Washington,  last  night,  on  board 
of  the  steamer  Virginia.  They  are  in  a  deplorable 
condition,  many  having  scurvy  in  its  worst  forms. 
One  man  whom  1  saw,  had  large  scorbutic  sores  on 
his  limbs,  and  his  flesh  turning  black  and  blue. 
Many  have  ulcerous  gums  and  loosened  teeth,  from 
the  constant  use  of  salt,  fat  pork,  and  no  vegetables. 
They  include  the  letters  G  and  part  of  M.  Ser- 
geant Mathews,  the  color-bearer  of  Col.  Corcoran, 
is  on  board.  They  will  receive  medical  attention, 
some  necessary  comforts,  and  sail  at  once  for  New 

York.     Morrell,  Third  United  States  Infantry, 

died  on  board  to-day,  of  dropsy. 

ACT   THIRD  —  THE   "CRISIS"  —  MR.  H.  H.  HELPER 
EXPATRIATED. 

The  following  correspondence  explains  itself. 

Mr.  Helper,  like  Gov.  Stanly,  is  a  native  of  this 
State,  and  belongs  in  Rowan  County.  As  his  letter 
states,  he  has  been  employed  in  the  army,  and  also 
in  other  important  positions  of  the  Government  ser- 
vice. He  is  a  brother  of  Hinton  Helper,  author  of 
The  Impending  Crisis. 

Newbern,  N.  C,  May  30,  1862. 
To  his  Excellency  Gov.  Stanly  : 

Dear  Sib, — 1  wish  you  to  believe  me  when  I  tell 
you  that  what  J  say  to  you  to-day,  is  said  in  a  spirit 
of  love  and  kindness,— they  are  only  the  words  of 
one  man,  a  son  of  the  State,  who  heartily  desires  to 
become  again  a  permanent  citizen. 

1  enlisted  in  the  service  a  private  eoldier  for  the 
purpose  of  fighting  down  the  slaveholders'  rebellion, 
and  was  mustered  out  of  said  service  on  the  1st  oi 
February  last,  on  my  own  application,  to  join  this  di- 
vision of  the  army,  in  either  a  military  or  civil  capac- 
ity, in  the  hope  that  1  might  be  more  useful  in  my 
native  State  than  elsewhere.  This  course  was  by 
some  thought  to  be  impolitic. 

I  have  awaited  your  arrival  with  no  little  impa- 
tience, under  the  expectation  that  a  uew  era  was  to 
be  inaugurated  by  your  administration,  which  would 
favor  my  long  cherished  hopes  of  again  settling  on 
my  native  soil,  and  becoming  useful.  Without  any 
means  of  knowing  the  policy  to  be  adopted  by  you, 
upon  your  arrival,  the  recent  acts  of  the  General 
Government  have  led  me  to  expect  that  you  might 
try  the  effect  of  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  people  to 
listen  to  the  gracious  offer  of  the  President  in  his 
late  proclamation,  and  seek  deliverance  from  the  in- 
cubus of  slavery,  which  weighs  so  heavily  upon  its 
industry— an  appeal  which,  backed  by  the'higb  repu- 
tation you  have  enjoyed  in  the  State  for  moderation 
and  patriotism,  could  hardly  fail  to  make  an  impres- 
sion upon  the  people,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  wild 
tumults  of  war.  It  had  occurred  to  me,  that  while 
you,  possibly,  thus  held  out  the  olive  branch  to  the 
few  large  slave-oivners  in  the  State,  whose- interest  or 
convenience  might  temporarily  suffer  by  the  change, 
I  might  possibly  make  myself  useful  among  that 
larger  class  of  non-slaveholding  citizens,  who  have 
no  direct  interest  in  perpetuating  the  system,  and 
who,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  would  be  brought,  by 
judicious  management,  soon  to  acquiesce  in  the  pa- 
ternal policy  of  the  President.  Thus  much  I  will 
reveal  to  you  of  my  feelings  and  hopes. 

I  have  had  no  good  opportunity,  since  you  came, 
to  learn  what  course  you  proposed  to  pursue;  but 
your  first  act,  closing  the  schools  which  have  been 
established  for  the  instruction  of  the  negroes,  has 
seemed  to  me  to  point  in  quite  another  direction 
from  that  which  I  had  supposed  you  might  pursue. 

It  strikes  me  that  this  is  a  bad  beginning,  whether 
viewed  as  a  stroke  of  policy  or  of  justice,  and  my  ob- 
ject in  this  communication  is  to  respectfully  inquire 
— presuming  it  not  to  be  improper  for  me  to  do  so, 
since  you  observe  that  you  would  be  glad  to  hear  any 
suggestions  I  might  offer — whether  the  course  indi- 
cated by  this  first  act  is  to  be  the  line  of  policy  to  be 
adopted  by  you.  If  so  I  shall  need  no  further  light, 
and  will  prepare  as  soon  as  practicable  to  leave  the 
State,  satisfied  as  I  am  that  I  can  render  the  Slate  no 
service  so  acceptable  to  you  nnd  them. 

I  am,  Governor,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  II.  *H.  HELPER. 

GOVERNOR    STANLY'S    Rlil'LY, 

Office  of  the  Provost-Marshal,     1 

Newbkbn,  N.  C,  Saturdav,  May  81.  1SI52.  ( 

IT.  H.  Il.lper,  Esq. :  ■ 

Sir, — I  am  instructed  by  his  Excellency  the  Mili- 
tary Governor  of  North  Carolina,  to  in  form  you  that  he 
requires  you  to  leave  this  department  in  the  first  ves- 
sel going  North. 

Capt.  C.  G.  Loring,  Jr.,  Assistant  Quartermaster, 
will  furnish  you  with  the  necessary  order  lor  trans- 
portation.    I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours, 

DAN  MESSENGER,  Prowst-Marshal. 

RETALIATION    ON    BRAY. 

Last  night,  a  party  of  men,  distinguished  with  the 
letter  "  M  "  on  their  caps,  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Nicholas  Bray,  at  a  distance  of  two  miles  from  town, 
and  tOOk  out  the  slave  woman  who  was  yesterday  car- 
ried away,  and  then  burned  (he  house.  This  morning, 
the  wife  of  Bray  appeared  before  the  Governor  and 
made  complaint  of  the  facts,  and  asked  again  tor  her 
negro  woman.  The  Governor  calmly  advised  her  to 
return  homo,  without  making  any  present  ctlort  to  Bud 
her.  At  last  accounts  things  look  mixed,  though  limy 
had  disregarded  the  Governor's  advice,  and  armed 
■ilh  the  power  which  had  been  previously  given  him, 

as  still  searching  tho  town  for  his  slave. 
VESSELS   to   Qfi  ovi:i;n.W'!i;t>. 

1  am  Informed  that  an  order  has  beeu  issued  to 
search  closely  every  steamer  or  vessel  leaving  this 
port,  for  the  purpose  of  stopping  any  colored  people 
who  may  he  found  on  heard  with  the  design  of  getting 

away  lo  the  North,      It  is  also  intimated  thai  the  names 

irtain  Captains  of  vessels  are  on  the  list  ot  Bus- 
tts  persons  who  will  00  Subject  to  arrest  on   their 
ges  of  carrying  awav  black  per- 


sons IV. 


i  the 


Adams  A  t'o.'s  Express  agent*  have  been  waited  on 
and  required  to  show  their  way-bills  for  sotuo  weeks 
back,  nnd  persons  are  to  be  bpdi  lo  Massachusetts  ami 

other  places  in  pursuit  el'slnn  j  ,;,■,  sewing 

machines,  &Q.  E.   S. 


THE     LIBERATOB 

— 13    PUULISIIED 

EVERY  FRIDAY   M0RHI1TO, 

221    WASHINGTON    STREET,    ROOM    No.  6. 


KOBERT  P,  \VALLCUT,  General  Agent. 


[Eg1*  TERMS  —  Two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  annum, 
in  ad  v  a  aoo. 

Ej^"  Five  copies  will  bo  sent  to  one  address  for  te.v  dol- 
lars, if  payment  is  made  in  advance. 

JSP"  AH  remittances  are  to  b«  made,  and  all  lotters 
relating  to  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
directed  (post  paid)  to  tho  General  Agent. 

JE^"  Advertisements  inserted  at  the  rate  of  five  cents 
per  line. 

JJ3T  The  Agents  of  tho  American,  Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio  and  Michigan  Anti-Slavery  Societies  are 
authorised  to  receive  subscriptions  for  The  Liberatoh. 

E^~  Tho  following  gentlemen  constitute  the  Financial 
Cemmitteo,  but  are  not  responsible  for  any  debts  of  the 
(j&per,  viz:  —  Wexdeli,  Phillips,  Edmund  Quiticr,  E»- 
jjusd  Jackson,  and  William  L.  Garbison,  Jr. 


WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON,  Editor. 


©ur  Country  i$  *to  W&mU,  mx  ®omtt$mm  ittt  all  irtanfema. 


"Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land;  td  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof" 

"  I  lay  this  'luv^as  tho  law  of  nations.  I  aay  that  mil- 
itary authority  takes,  for  tho  time,  the  place  of  all  munic- 
ipal institutions,  and  SLAVERY  AMONG  THE  REST; 
and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  bo  far  from  its  being 
true  that  tho  States  where  slavery  eiists  have  the  exclusiva 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  or 
the  United  States,  but  the  Commander  op  the  Anjtr, 
HAS  POWER  TO  ORDER  THE  UNIVERSAL  EMAN- 
CIPATION OF  THE  SLAVES.  ♦  .  .  From  the  instant 
that  the  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  a  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers 
of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of 
slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered 
•with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  de- 
Btroyod,  to  the  cession  of  States,  burdened  with  slavery,  to 
a  foreign  power.  .^  .  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war 
power  ;  and  when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether 
it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a  war  of  insurrection,  Congress 
has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  most  carry  it  on,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war, 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institu- 
tions swept  by  the  board,  and  martial  power  takes  thk 
place  of  them.  When  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial 
array,  the  commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  eman- 
cipate all  the  slaves  in  the  invaded  territory."— J.  Q.  Adam*, 


J.  B.  YERRINTON  &  SOU,  Printers. 


VOL.    XXXII.    NO.    25. 


BOSTON,     FEIDAY,     JUNE    SO,    1862. 


WHOLE^NO. 


1643. 


Ufttge  af  (&Wmm. 


THE  OOUEIEE  ON  THE  ANXIOUS  SEAT. 

It  is  only  too  apparent  that  the  mind  of  this  great 
nation  is  in  danger  of  becoming  confused  about  the 
objects  and  means  of  tbe  terrible  conflict  by  which 
it  is  convulsed.  Confusion  of  mind  can  in  no  case 
•be  the  legitimate  source  of  wholesome  results ;  in 
the  matter  in  hand,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  it  can  lead 
only  to  ruin.  It  is  indispensable  to  our  final  safety 
that  we  should  carefully  observe  the  distinction  be- 
tween a  war  and  the  suppression  of  rebellion.  Vic- 
tory in  war  confers  upon  the  conqueror  the  ordinary 
rights  over  the  vanquished  recognized  among  civil- 
ized men.  These  rights  have  become  gradually  re- 
duced in  number  and  degree  by  the  progress  of  civ- 
ilization, so  that,  excluding,  as  a  general  rule,  inter- 
ference with  individual  safety  or  the  claims  of  pri- 
vate property,  they  ordinarily  amount  to  no  more 
than  the  submission  of  the  subdued  State  to  the  au- 
thority and  general  laws  of  the  dominant  power. 

In  a  civil  struggle  to  overcome  rebellion,  it  is  ob- 
vious that  nothing  more  can  be  rightfully  demanded. 
The  conquest  in  such  a  ease  consists  only  of  the  re- 
duction of  the  insurgent  citizens  to  their  normal  con- 
dition of  obedience.  They  are  a  part  of  the  whole. 
They  are  limbs  of  the  body  politic.  When  the  dis- 
order is  cured,  they  remain  members  with  the  ordi- 
nary functions  of  members  as  before.  The  distinc- 
tion is  one  which  has  always  been  made  by  the  Ad- 
ministration, in  stating  its  policy,  however  it  may 
have  sometimes  deviated  from  it,  at  the  claims  of  in- 
stant necessity,  or  otherwise.  In  pursuing  our  na- 
tional object,  which  is  the  restoration  of  the  Union 
of  the  States,  it  is  necessary  for  us  carefully  to  ob- 
serve this  distinction.  There  is  a  class  among  us 
which  demands  far  more  against  our  insurgent  fel- 
low-countrymen, than  the  most  imperious  conqueror 
would  exact  of  national  enemies  defeated  by  him  in 
war.  They  claim  that  the  hereditary  domestic  in- 
Btitutlons  of  the  people  of  half  the  country  shall  be 
completely  changed,  as  the  forfeiture  of  rebellion. 
Singularly  enough,  these  same  men  have  been  for 
years  actively  engaged  in  that  sort  of  interference 
with  those  domestic  institutions  which  has  finally 
stirred  up  the  rebellion ;  and  yet  they  now  claim 
that  this  loss  of  property  and  civil  rights  shall  fall 
upon  those  who  have  thus  become  infuriated  through 
their  agency.  We  propose  this  argument  in  no 
sense  to  justify  the  inexcusable  conduct  of  the  South. 
It  might  have  safely  despised  a  sort  of  fanaticism 
which  had  been  hurtful  and  was  justly  offensive,  but 
which  would  have  been  crushed  and  become  com- 
paratively harmless  in  a  short  time,  by  the  -ounder 
political  action  of  the  North.  It  was  this  result 
which  the  Southern  conspirators  dreaded  and  antici- 
pated. 

The  fanatics,  however,  have  taken  advantage  of 
the  existing  conflict  to  push  their  long-cherished 
projects  to  the  extreme  verge.  Throughout  the 
whole  course  of  a  contest,  which  but  for  them  might 
have  been  brought  to  a  speedy  and  peaceable  end 
long  ago,  they  have  insisted  upon  making  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  the  object  and  end  of  the  "war." 
They  have  done  more.  By  every  art,  means  and 
influence  at  their  command,  they  have  incessantly 
sought  to  prevent  the  cessation  of  the  conflict  and 
restoration  of  the  Union,  except  upon  their  own 
terms  of  emancipation,  which  would  render  Union 
impossible.  Their  agents  and  sympathizers  in  Con- 
gress, in  every  direct  and  indirect  way,  have 
pressed  this  point  in  the  two  houses  and  upon  the 
Executive  authority.  The  Emancipation  League, 
which  took  its  start  in  this  city,  has  now  perfected 
its  organization  in  New  York,  and  has  laid  down 
its  platform  of  unconditional  abolition  of  slavery. 
The  voice  from  that  platform  speaks  to  the  people 
of  this  country  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet — and  it 
warns  them,  that  they  must  either  find  means  to  put 
a  stop  to  the  proceedings  of  confessed  disunionists 
and  traitors  among  themselves,  at  the  North,  or 
they  must  give  up  all  hope  of  ever  again  seeing  a 
united  country. 

The  conflict  for  the  Union  began  with  divided 
opinions  and  feelings  in  both  sections  of  it.  The 
North,  in  general,  scarcely  imagining  the  possibility 
of  an  armed  assault  upon  the  integrity  of  the- Union, 
rose,  under  the  strongest  impulse  of  patriotism,  when 
the  blow  was  struck,  and  rushed  to  the  defence  of 
the  national  honor  and  the  protection  of  the  public 
safety.  Among  the  loudest  professors  of  Unionism, 
then,  were  the  very  men  who  are  now  insisting 
upon  "  abolition,  which  is  dissolution."  They  have 
at  length  been  able  to  bring  about  a  united  South, 
by  the  pursuit  of  their  infamous  schemes,  an:l  anoth- 
er result  will  follow  in  the  farther  pursuit  of  those 
schemes — a  widely  divided  North.  On  the  one  side 
will  be  those  who  mean  steadfastly  and  sternly  to 
maintain  the  Union  under  the  Constitution — on  the 
other,  the  emancipation  conspirators,  who  would  de- 
stroy the  Union  by  breaking  the  Constitution  down. 
Whatever  the  consequences  may  be,  upon  the  heads 
of  those  traitors  will  be  the  responsibility.  The 
veil  of  sophistications,  by  which  the  true  friends  of 
the  Union  were  made  to  appear  as  "  sympathizers 
with  secession,"  is  now  drawn  aside.  They  never 
were  sympathizers  with  secession — but  they  distrust- 
ed and  deprecated  public  confidence  in  these  false 
brawlers  for  Union,  who  have  since  so  plainly  shown 
themselves  in  their  true  colors  as  its  worst  enemies. 
If  they  prevail  in  carrying  public  sentiment  at  the 
North  with  them,,  the  cause  of  the  Union  is  lost  for- 
ever— or  it.  can  never  be  regained,  until  the  tide  of 
battle  is  turned  against  these  "  aiders  and  abettors 
of  the  Confederates,"  and  they  are  overwhelmed, 
never  to  rise  again. — Boston  Courier. 


THE  COURIER  THE  NEGRO'S  PRIEND. 

The  Tribune's  affected  sarcasm  upon  the  Cour- 
ier, because  it  does  not  see  the  wisdom  of  building 
up  a  wall  against  the  re-establishment  of  the  author- 
ity of  the  Federal  Government  in  North  Carolina, 
by  violating  the  statutes  and  offending  the  prejudices, 
if  you  will,  of  the  whole  people  of  that  State,  would 
be  more  effective,  if  it  were  more  fair.  We  are  not 
"concerned  on  the  subject  of  negro  education,"  but 
we  would  not  impede  or  imperil  the  cause  of  the 
Union  in  North  Carolina  by  insisting  upon  the  in- 
struction of  half  a  dozen  hundred  negroes  in  their 
A-B-C's,  contrary  to  tbe  laws  of  the  State  and  the 
wishes»of  the  people.  The  good  to  be  accomplished, 
in  those  parts,  seems  to  us  small,  if  any;  while  the 
evil  throughout  the  whole  slave  territory,  by  excit- 
ing universal  indignation  and  bitterness,  is  readily 
to  be  appreciated.  On  the  contrary,  we  are  very 
glad  to  have  the  negro  taught  up  to  his  capacity,  in 
the  free  States:  and  in  the  slave  States,  also,  if  the 
people  there,  whose  immediate  concern  it  is,  have 
no  objection.  In  fact,  we  have  always  been  the 
true  friends  of  the  colored  race,  and  would  do  ev- 
erything in  reason  to  make  their  natural  condition 
as  little  irksome  to  them  as  possible — while  we  look 
upon  the  Tribune  and  the  whole  abolition  set  as  their 
worst  enemies.  And  a  great  many  of  the  more  in- 
telligent among  our  colored  brethren  agree  with  us, 


we  know,  in  both  particulars.  They  are  far  from 
imputing  the  most  disinterested  motives  to  those 
most  loudly  brawling  in  their  behalf. 

The  Tribune  declares  that  we  tL  proclaim  the  effort 
to  cast  a  ray  of  light  upon  the  moral  gloom  of  an 
oppressed  and  unhappy  race  a  'hateful  scheme.'" 
But  we  did  nothing  of  the  sort.  We  said — "You 
might  as  well  attempt  to  grow  roses  on  an  iceberg, 
as  to  attempt  to  awaken  loyalty  in  North  Carolina, 
or  any  other  slave  State,  if  you  try  to  force  the  hate- 
ful schemes  of  Northern  radicals  upon  them."  It  was 
not  '•  a  ray  of  light  "  for  the  negro  to  which  we  ob- 
jected, but  to  the  impertinent,  intrusive,  offensive, 
persistent,  hateful,  disunion  schemes  of  Northern 
radicals,  in  whatever  shape  they  might  be  present- 
ed, so  as  to  make  the  white  citizens  of  one  part  of 
the  country  more  irreconcilably  hostile  to  those 
of  the  other  part.  The  "moral  gloom"  is  moon- 
shine. 

The  negroes  are  a  religious  race,  but  we  fear 
their  morals  have  not  been  much  improved  by  re- 
cent experiences.  "  Oppressed  and  unhappy  "  is 
sentimental.  They  show  no  disposition  to  relieve 
themselves  of  "  oppression,"  under  which  they  live 
at  ease,  and  generally  rule  their  owners — and  they 
are  notoriously  the  happiest  race  of  people  in  the 
world. — Boston  Courier. 


$t\tti\*%% 


APPEALS   TO   SYMPATHY. 

Appeals  to  sympathy  are  not  arguments.  The 
radical  presses  have  made  strong  efforts  in  this  way 
to  rouse  sympathy  in  favor  of  negro  schools  in  North 
Carolina.  Probably  no  man  could  be  found  at  the 
North,  who  would  not,  if  it  were  a  matter  with 
which  he  had  anything  to  do,  vote  for  the  education 
of  the  negro  in  the  South.  But  however  strong  our 
desires  may  be  on  such  subjects,  right,  justice  and 
law  are  above  sympathies.  We  read  dally  of  atroc- 
ities in  England  which  make  our  hearts  ache.  Here 
is  a  paragraph  which  we  find  in  the  Albion: — 

The  Exodus  from  the  Queer's  Be^ch  Prison. 
The  work  of  clearing  the  Queen's  Bench  Prison  of  its 
inhabitants  is  now  verging  towards  a  close.  Strange 
to  say,  it  has  been  a  very  difficult  task.  Many  of  the 
prisoners  sternly  refused  to  be  made  bankrupts,  though, 
by  giving  their  consent,  they  could  have  immediately 
obtained  their  release.  The  most  curious  case  was 
that  of  William  Miller,  who  had  been  in  prison  since 
July,  1814 — forty-eight  years !  He  had  lost  all  desire 
to  go  out,  and  would  sign  nothing  which  would  have 
the  effect  of  making  him  a  free  man.  When  at  length 
he  was  absolutely  forced  to  acquiescence,  he  begged 
to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  prison  a  few  days  long- 
er ;  and  when  his  time  was  up,  he  stilUingered  fondly 
within  the  gates  to  bid  the  officials  farewell,  and  to 
shake  hands  over  and  over  again,  until  he  passed  the 
outer  gates  of  the  Queen's  Bench  Prison,  a  few  days 
since.  William  Miller,  who  was  born  nearly  eighty 
years  ago,  never  saw  a  street  gas-lamp,  nor  an  omni- 
bus, much  less  a  steamship  or  a  railway. — London  Pa- 
per, April  12. 

We  read  it  with  pain.  We  are  astounded  at  ev- 
ery new  revelation  of  the  results  of  the  British  Consti- 
tution, in  such  ways  as  this.  But  we  have  no  inten- 
tion to  organize  an  expedition  to  tear  down  the 
Queen's  Bench  Prison,  or  to  break  up  the  Court  of 
Queen's  Bench.  And  yet  as  great  an  obligation  ex- 
ists to  do  that,  as  exists  to  require  us  to  educate  ne- 
groes in  North  Carolina,  when  the  law  forbids  it. 
Whatever  our  sympathies  are,  if  we  go  to  England 
and  endeavor  to  aid  a  prisoner  for  debt  in  escaping 
from  the  prison  to  which  the  law  of  England  con- 
signs him,  we  should  deserve  the  punishment  of  the 
law ;  and  the  same  is  true  in  North  Carolina. 

Duty  overrides  sympathy,  and  the  highest  moral 
obligation  requires  obedience  to  duty  in  opposition 
to  the  temptations  of  sympathy.  Take  the  ordinary 
case  of  a  prisoner  unjustly  condemned.  Knowing 
the  absolute  innocence  of  the  man,  but  unable  to 
bring  that  knowledge  to  the  mind  of  a  jury,  a  man's 
sympathies  are  strongly  excited,  but  he  must  not, 
therefore,  aid  the  condemned  to  escape.  No  man 
has  a  right  to  erect  the  judgment  of  his  own  mind 
above  the  judgment  of  the  public  law.  Or  take  the 
case  of  a  person  convicted  of  crime,  under  a  law 
which  a  man  or  a  class  of  men  regard  as  an  improp- 
er law;  Sabbath  breaking,  or  selling  liquor,  or  any 
other  of  our  laws  which  have  such  strong  oppo- 
nents. No  one  is  to  oppose  the  operation  of  a  law 
of  this  kind,  and  aid  a  convicted  party  in  escaping 
from  punishment,  because  he  thinks  the  law  an  op- 
pression. In  short,  duty  to  the  community,  which  re- 
quires a  respect  for  law,  is  of  higher  obligation,  and 
ought  to  command  the  person  with  much  stronger 
force,  than  any  motives  of  sympathy. 

In  the  North  Carolina  case,  it  may  seem  very 
hard  to  forbid  a  negro  to  learn  to  read.  But 
that  is  the  law  of  North  Carolina,  and  we  are 
bound,  by  higher  motives  than  sympathy  for  the  ne- 
gro, to  uphold  obedience  to  the  law.  We  do  not 
know  nor  care  to  ask  on  what  principle  the  law  is 
founded,  or  whether  the  principle  is  right  or  wrong. 
We  are  not  citizens  of  North  Carolina,  and  have  no 
voice  in  making  or  amending  this  statute.  Nay 
more;  if  general  principles  of  philanthropy  be 
pleaded  as  requiring  the  American  Christian  or 
the  man  to  interfere  in  England  with  the  terrible 
oppressions  of  the  poor,  growing  out  of  the  English 
social  system,  or  with  iniquitous  imprisonments  for 
debt  which  are  perpetrated  there,  in  the  other  case, 
that  of  North  Carolina,  we  are  absolutely  pledged 
by  our  solemn  eovenant  and  oath  not  to  interfere ; 
and  the  general  rule  of  philanthropy,  therefore,  must 
give  w"ay  to  the  higher  obligation  of  a  constitutional 
agreement  and  law. 

Whenever,  then,  any  one  appeals  to  the  sympa- 
thies of  the  people  to  induce  interference  with  the 
slave  laws  of  other  States,  let  the  question  be  at 
once  put,  "  Do  you  regard  the  subject  of  negro  ed- 
ucation or  the  good  of  the  negro,  as  superior  to  the 
obligation  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws?"  If 
any  man  so  regards  it,  he  is  not  fit  to  teach  Ameri- 
can citizens.  The  preservation  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union,  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  race  of 
man,  is  an  object  infinitely  superior  to  any  questions 
of  temporary  good  to  one  race;  and  the  man  who 
pleads  Christianity  or  philanthropy  as  a  reason  for 
giving  money  to  do  good  to  the  negro  in  violation  of 
a  law  in  a  Southern  State,  is  advocating  the  prim-' 
pie  of  rebellion  and  treason — for  it  is  neither  mor 
nor  less. — New  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 


The  Reluctant  Governor.  Almost  every 
newspaper  that  I  find  in  the  cars  and  at  the  hotels 
has  a  righteous  rebuke  in  it  of  the  contemptible 
higgling  of  Governor  Andrew  of  Massachusetts. 
One  of  them  recalls,  as  just  in  point,  a  remark  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  in  Congress.  A  member  had 
said  that  he  would  not  vote  for  such  an  appropria- 
tion, if  the  enemy  were  thundering  at  -the  gales  of 
tho  Capital.  To  which  the  "  old  man  eloquent "  re- 
plied, "There  is  only  one  step  more  for  the  gentleman 
to  take,  and  that  is  to  go  over  to  the  enemy."  So 
when  I  read  of  a  Governor  who  says  that  his  people 
will  respond  reluctantly  to  the  call  of  tho  President, 
unless  his  isms  can  be  made  the  basis  of  operations, 
1  think  there  is  but  one  step  between  his  posi- 
tion and  treason,  and  that  ntep  is  short  and  down- 
wards.— Editorial  Con:  of  the  New  York  Observer. 


TRAITORS  AND  THEIR  SYMPATHIZERS. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  B.  I\  WADE. 

On  the  15th  ult.,  Hon.  B.  F.  Wade,  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  delivered  a  most  powerful  speech  in 
reply  to  strictures  made  by  Senator  M;Dougal,  of 
California,  on  the  procedure  of  the  Committee  on 
the  Conduct  of  the  War.  Senator  McDougal  con- 
demned the  imprisonment  of  Gen.  Stone  and  others, 
and  also  denouncedthe  exercise  of  the  power  by  the 
Government  in  arresting  and  imprisoning  persons  of 
disloyal  sympathies  and  proclivities,  characterizing 
it  as  tyrannical,  &c.  To  this  Seuator  Wade  re- 
plies : — 

We  are  tyrannical — the  nation  is  tyrannical,  says 
the  gentleman  ;  and  he  quotes  authorities  from  na- 
tions at  war  with  each  other,  where  there  is  no  sus- 
picion of  treason — where  all  is  loyalty  on  both  sides 
— where  nations  have  national  feelings  sufficient  to 
repress  everything  favoring  the  adversary,  and  to 
bring  forward  everything  favoring  their  own  nation. 
He  cites  these  precedents  to  enlighten  us  in  the 
midst  of  a  civil  revolution,  where  traitors  are  in  our 
midst,  where  you  cannot  walk  the  streets  without 
meeting  men  whose  hearts  are  opposed  to  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war.  No,  sir;  you  cannot  go  through 
the  Executive  Departments  but  you  meet  with  vio- 
lent enemies  of  the  Government  you  are  endeavor- 
ing to  maintain.  He  reads  precedents  from  English 
history  to  show  the  forbearance  of  that  nation  in 
times  of  civil  strife.  I  wonder  that  the  reading  of 
that  did  not  carry  him  back  to  the  time  when  Eng- 
land was  involved  in  civil  war.  If  it  had,  would  he 
not  be  astonished  at  the  mildness  and  forbearance  of 
the  Government  in  the  course  it  has  pursued  toward 
these  traitors  in  our  midst  ?  Sir,  if  you  look  at  the 
old  records  during  those  troublous  times,  you  will 
find  that  men  on  slighter  evidence  than  would  im- 
peach the  gentleman  were  hung  up  by  the  neck  un- 
til they  were  dead,  and  yet  he  lands  the  mildness  of 
the  British  Government.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact, 
and  I  fear  not  entirely  to  our  credit  either,  that 
while  we  have  been  involved  in  this  great  rebellion, 
while  this  generation  are  taxed,  and  future  genera- 
tions will  be  taxed  to  the  utmost  of  their  capacity  to 
defend  themselves,  while  this  ungodly  war  was  waged 
against  the  best  government  on  God's  earth,  and  it 
has  cost  the  most  precious  blood  of  this  nation  to  re- 
pel the  insurrection,  after  one  whole  year  has  passed 
by,  there  has  not  yet  been  made  a  single  example  of 
treason,  not  one;  no  attempt  to  take  the  life,  nay, 
even  the  property,  of  the  hellish  traitors  that  have 
caused  the  sacrifice  of  our  dearest  and  most  precious 
blood. 

Sir,  the  man  that  invokes  the  Constitution  in  for- 
bearance of  the  law  to  punish  traitors  is  himself  a 
sympathizer.  There  never  was  a  man  who  stood  up 
in  this  Senate,  from  the  time  when  Mr.  Breekinrid'»e 
preached  daily  in  favor  of  constitutional  guaranties 
until  now,  and  set  up  constitutional  barriers  against 
punishment  for  treason,  but  that  is  in  his  innermost 
heart  of  hearts  a  traitor.  1  do  not  want  to  hear  any 
more  of  a  man  than  that  he  is  invoking  the  forbear- 
ance of  the  Constitution,  and  the  great  barriers  in 
favor  of  American  liberty,  to  protect  an  infernal 
traitor  in  his  course,  to  know  that  he  is  a  sympa- 
thizer. Our  Administration  is  assailed,  because,  not 
having  the  technical  evidence  in  their  possession  to 
bring  a  man  to  trial  and  judgment  of  death,  they  do 
not  let  him  go  at  large  to  plot  against  the  life  of  the 
Government. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  said  a  great  deal  more  than 
I  intended ;  but  the  theme  is  a  very  fruitful  one.  A 
tyranny  exists  here,  it  is  said.  Sir,  is  it  not  manifest 
to  everybody  that  from  the  time  when  this  treason 
broke  out,  when  we  had  traitors  in  this  Senate  pro- 
claiming their  treason  on  this  floor,  when  they  con- 
spired to  take  the  life  of  your  President  on  his  way 
to  the  capital,  when  they  beset  your  regiments  com- 
ing here  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  defend  your 
capital,  until  now  every  scintilla  of  information  that 
your  Executive  has,  is  communicated  to  traitors  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river  as  soon  as  it  is  to  people 
on  this  side  ?  The  Administration  have  attempted 
to  put  that  down ;  they  have  not  succeeded ;  and 
yet  the  Senator  stands  there,  and  says  you  should 
not  arrest  a  scoundrel  when  you  know  his  heart  is 
with  the  enemy,  but  who  meanly  skulks  from  overt 
acts  in  their  favor ;  you  should  not  imprison  him,  you 
should  not  restrain  him  ;  but  you  must  let  it  all  go, 
and  permit  the  enemy  to  be  perfectly  cognizant  of 
every  expedition  and  of  every  move  you  make.  I 
am  sorry  that  the  Senator  does  not  remain  on  this 
floor,  and  meet  the  conseqdfcices  of  his  insinuations 
against  the  Administration  and  against  the  commit- 
tee. 

Sir,  it  is  perfectly  manifest  that  if  persons  are  shut 
up  in  dungeons,  and  restrained  of  their  liberty,  it  is 
that  the  Constitution  may  live.  I  know  it  is  not  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  of  our  Constitution. 
In  ordinary  times,  it  could  not  for  a  moment  be  tol- 
erated ;  but  when,  with  all  your  caution,  and  with 
all  this  pretended  tyranny,  you  have  not  been  able, 
as  yet,  to  conceal  a  knowledge  of  the  inos,t  impor- 
tant expeditions  of  your  armies  and  your  intended 
movements  from  the  enemy  as  soon  as  your  own  peo- 
ple possess  it,  the  man  who  stands  up  for  a  rigid  exe- 
cution of  the  habeas  corpus  and  the  law,  as  in  time 
of  peace,  is  but  a  sympathizer  with  them.  While  I 
am  up,  let  me  say  that  in  times  of  revolution  and  re- 
bellion like  this,  when  whole  States  have  come  out  and 
proclaimed  their  intention  to  destroy  the  life  of  our 
glorious  Government,  when  they  have  their  martial 
hosts  in  the  field,  bent  on  its  destruction,  I  under- 
stand them  to  be  entirely  absolved  from  the  pro- 
tecting regis  of  the  Constitution.  They  have  struck 
at  your  life.  _  They  would  take  your  heart's  blood. 
They  proclaim  themselves  ready  to  do  it.  And  yet, 
sir,  you  are  to  treat  them  with  lenity  !  Your  Con- 
stitution prescribes  that  no  man  shall  be  deprived  of 
his  life,  or  despoiled  of  his  goods,  without  due  pro- 
cess of  law.  It  guaranties  to  every  man  the  right  of 
life,  liberty,  and  property;  but  are  you  not  com- 
pelled to  advance  into  his  country  with  your  armies, 
to  plant  your  cannon,  and  destroy  him  by  whole 
armies  together  ?  Is  that  constitutional?  My  Se- 
cession friend,  if  there  is  any  such  here,  why  do  you 
not  invoke  the  Constitution  in  opposition  lo  our  can- 
non and  our  musketry  against  these  rebels  ?  The 
Constitution  protects  their  rights.  You  do  not  in- 
voke it  on  the  battle-field.  You  do  not  summon  a 
jury.  You  do  not  try  him  there  by  jury,  as  the  Con- 
stitution says  you  shall.  Why  do  you  not  carry 
your  doctrines  to  their  legitimate  end  ?  Why  stop 
short  ?  Does  the  Senator  from  California  pretend 
that  when  our  hosts  march  in  battle-array,  and  meet 
those  of  the  enemy,  and  it  is  life  against  life,  we 
should  summon  a  jury  before  we  begin  to  shoot,  and 
see  whether  they  had  committed  actual  rebellion  ? 
Your  Constitution  says  their  lives  shall  not  be  taken 
without  due  process  of  law.  I  ask  you,  caviler 
about  the  Constitution,  where  is  the  law  for  it  ? 

Sir,  no  jurist  yet  has  had  tho  folly  to  attempt  to 
limit  the  powers  that  a  man  may  use  in  defence  of 


-  .s  own  life  when  assailed  ;  and  so  no  statesman  will 
attempt  to  limit  the  power  that  a  nation  may  use 
when  the  life  of  the  nation  is  assailed.  There  is  no 
limit  to  it.  You  have  a  right  to  go  forward  in  an 
individual  case  in  your  might,  and  if  your  life  is 
sought,  any  force,  any  power,  anything  that  you  may 
do  honestly  in  defence  of  your  own  life,  the  law  pro- 
nounces a  justifiable  act.  So,  when  the  life  of  the 
nation  is  assailed  by  vile  traitors  embodied  in  mili- 
tary array  for  its  destruction,  they  are  beyond  all 
law,  they  have  repudiated  all  law,  and  the  nation, 
in  defence  of  its  Constitution,  its  Union,  and  its  flag, 
may  resort  to  any  means  that  God  Almighty  has  put 
into  their  hands  honestly  to  maintain  their  constitu- 
tional rights.  I  know  very  well  that  small  lawyers 
may  get  up  on  these  great  questions  of  statesman- 
ship and  pettifogging  as  a  man  would  to  screen  a 
felon  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  place  his  ar- 
guments on  those  narrow  principles  of  constitutional 
faw.  He  may  require  all  the  presumptions  of  inno- 
cence that  are  so  often  resorted  to  to  shield  a  culprit 
from  the  punishment  of  his  crime.  It  is  done  here. 
But,  sir,  the  m:m  whose  life  is  assailed  does  not  sum- 
mon a  jury,  and  the  nation  whose  life  is  assailed  by 
traitors  need  not  summon  a  jury.  All  you  want  is 
the  power,  honestly  exercised,  to  put  it  down. 

Let  me  say,  in  passing,  that  every  word  and  every 
syllable  that  the  Senator  invoked  in  favor  of  General 
Stone  might  have  been  just  as  well,  and  with  more 
propriety  and  more  strength,  urged  in  favor  of  Jeff. 
Davis  to-day.  He  had  played  a  very  conspicuous  part 
in  Mexico  ;  he  had  held  high  offices  under  your  Con- 
stitution ;  and  all  the  arguments  that  the  gentleman 
resorted  to  to  shield  General  Stone,  would  be  infi- 
nitely stronger  in  the  case  of  Jeff.  Davis  to-day. 
Lucifer  was  once  a  bright  angel  in  heaven  ;  but  he 
fell,  and  he  has  not  been  much  honored  in  that  quar- 
ter since.     (Laughter.) 

Sir,  I  am  tired  of  hearing  these  arguments  in 
favor  of  traitors.  The  Constitution  takes  their  lives, 
their  property,  their  all.  Why  shail  we  stop  short  ? 
Are  they  not  in  quest  of  ours  ?  If  there  is  any  stain 
on  the  present  Administration,  it  is  that  they  have 
been  weak  enough  to  deal  too  leniently  with  these 
traitors.  I  know  it  sprung  from  goodness  of  heart; 
it  sprung  from  the  best  of  motives;  but,  sir,  as  a 
method  of  putting  down  this  rebellion,  mercy  to 
traitors  is  cruelty  to  loyal  men.  Look  into  the  se- 
ceded States,  and  see  thousands  of  loyal  men  there 
coerced  into  their  armies  to  run  the  hazard  of  their 
lives,  and  placed  in  the  damnable  position  of  per- 
jured traitors  by  force  of  arms.  If  there  is  a  man 
there  bold  enough  to  maintain  his  integrity  in  the 
face  of  these  infernal  powers,  do  they  scruple  to  take 
his  life,  his  property,  his  all  ?  Sir,  by  your  merciful 
course  you  have  paid  a  premium  to  treason,  and 
made  it  almost  impossible  that  a  loyal  man  in  the 
seceded  States  maintain  himself  at  all.  Those  States 
are  overrun  frequently  by  lawless  bands  of  rebels, 
who  do  not  scruple  one  moment  to  take  their  proper- 
ty and  their  lives,  and  treat  them  with  every  indig- 
nity and  every  cruelty  that  a  perverse  ingenuity  can 
invent;  but  on  the  other  hand,  when  our  armies 
come  along  there,  they  deal  quite  as  leniently  with 
the  traitor  as  with  the  loyal  man.  What  teaches 
huonn  nature  ?  A  man  having  solely  a  regard  to 
his  self-interest,  living  in  one  of'  those  communities, 
will  undoubtedly  reason  thus:  "  I  must  profess  to 
be  a  traitor;  I  must  cooperate  with  them,  for  if  their 
lawless  bands  overrun  the  country  I  inhabit,  if  I 
show  any  Union  sentiment,  any  love  to  the  old  Con- 
stitution and  the  old  flag,  I  shall  lose  Yiot  only  my 
life,  but  all  I  possess;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  if 
the  Federal  farces  overrun  the  country,  they  are  so 
lenient  that,  even  professed  traitor  as  I  am,  they  will 
respect  not  only  my  life,  but  my  property,  and  all  I 
have."  Sir,  the  rule  is  as  impolitic  as  it  is  unjust. 
You  should  carry  the  avenging  sword  along  with 
your  armies,  and  smite  traitors  and  smite  treason, 
and  put  it  down,  and  yield  protection  to  honest,  loyal 
men.  Until  you  adopt  that  course,  you  will  war  in 
vain.  Mr.  President,  for  one,  I  say  let  us  go  for- 
ward against  treason  and  traitors;  let  us  put  down 
this  rebellion  at  all  hazards.  If,  in  doing  so,  your 
darling  institution  must  go  under,  I  shall  not  regret 
it.  If  it  must  come  to  this,  that  the  Union  and  sla- 
very cannot  live  together,  let  slavery  die  the  death; 
for  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  time  hon- 
ored old  Sag  shall  live  forever. 

Sir,  I  have  been  in  the  Senate  for  some  consider- 
able time,  and  I  should  have  been  an  exceedingly  dull 
man  if  1  had  not  learned  the  course  of  defence  that 
is  constantly  set  up  here  for  those  who  have  assailed 
the  institutions  of  our  country.  There  is  an  unvary- 
ing course  of  remark  that  they  indulge  in,  so  that  no 
man  need  be  mistaken  as  to  what  they  intend. 
Those  who  assail  the  Administration  on  account  of 
what  they  call  tyranny  to  men  sympathizing  with 
traitors,  never  to  my  knowledge  open  their  mouths 
on  this  floor  in  condemnation  of  the  men  who  have 
risen  in  arms,  and  are  endeavoring  to  murder  your 
Constitution  and  your  Government.  Toward  them 
they  are  as  mild  as  sucking  doves.  You  will  find 
one  general  ear  mark  among  them  all,  and  that  is 
to  assail  those  who  are  opposed  to  traitors,  and  en- 
deavor to  bring  them  to  condign  punishment;  but 
you  will  never  hear  a  lisp  from  one  of  their  mouths 
in  opposition  to  the  men  who  are  now,  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  assailing  our  institutions  and  our  Gov- 
ernment. While  the  Senator,  in  his  long  and  elabo- 
rate speech,  has  accused  everybody  else,  have  you 
heard  a  word  from  his  mouth  against  the  men  who 
are  now  in  arms  endeavoring  to  overthrow  your  Gov- 
ernment ?  Not  ono  syllable.  Sir,  you  may  know 
all  these  men  from  these  circumstances ;  they  are  the 
men  who  cry  peace,  peace,  when  they  know  there 
can  be  no  honorable  peace. 

Now,  let  me  ask  who  are  these  gentlemen  that  are 
to  reconstruct  the  Democratic  party  and  the  Gov- 
ernment ?  What  kind  of  an  alliance  is  to  be  formed, 
antl  with  whom,  in  this  reconstruction  ?  I  am  sorry 
I  do  not  see  the  Senator  from  California  here,  be- 
cause I  know,  from  the  position  lie.  holds  toward 
those  who  make  these  assaults,  he  would  be  able  to 
give  us  light  on  the  subject.  I  accuse  them  of  a 
deliberate  purpose  to  assail,  through  the  judicial 
tribunals,  and  through  the  Senate  and  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and 
everywhere  else,  and  to  overawe,  intimidate  and 
trample  under  foot,  if  they  can,  the  men  who  bold- 
ly stand  forth  in  defence  of  their  country,  now  im- 
periled by  this  gigantic  rebellion.  I  have  watched 
it  long.  I  have  seen  it  in  secret.  I  have  seen  its 
movements  ever  since  that  party  got  together,  with 
a  colleague  of  mine  in  the  other  House  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  resolutions— a  man  who  never 
had  any  sympathy  with  this  Republic,  but  whose 
every  breath  is  devoted  to  its  destruction,  just  as  far 
as  his  heart  dare  permit  him  to  do. 

But,  sir,  there  was  salt  in  the  old  Democratic  par- 
ty. They  do  not  talk  of  reconstructing  with  the 
followers  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Mr.  Douglas  was 
once  a  strong  partisan  of  the  Democratic  faith.  He 
went  along  with  them  until  he  found  they  were  bent 
upon  treason  and  the  destruction  of  tho  country  in 
which  they  lived.  The  moment  Mr.  Douglas  ascer- 
tained that  this  was  their  full,  deliberate  purpose,  he 
came  out  from  among  them  like  an  honest  man,  and 
became  separate,  and  his  honorable  followers  came 
along  also,  and  they  are  cooperating  most  cordially 


'  to-day  with  the  Republican  party  everywhere.  Tfu 
Senator  seeks  no  reconstruction  with  the  Douglas 
party,for  how  could  they  join  ir.  any  reconstruction  ? 
They  would  look  well  coalescing  again  with  the 
wretches  who  have  persecuted  their  great  and  vener- 
able leader  to  death.  How  could  his  disciples  form 
a  coalition  with  those  who  crucified  him ;  with  those 
reconstruetors  under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Vallaudigham 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  ? 

The  Senator  talks  about  things  being  done  in  the 
dark.  I  should  like  to  know  where  this  meeting  was 
held  for  reconstructing  and  fixing  the  policy  that 
was  to  govern  the  Democratic  party  in  its  renovated 
form.  It  was  some  dark  purlieu,  perhaps,  of  this 
Capitol — a  fit  place  for  the  conspirators  who  con- 
cocted the  idea  of  rising  in  their  places  and  assault- 
ing the  Administration,  accusing  it  of  tyranny,  and 
comparing  it  to  an  inquisition.  Every  man  of  that 
stamp  in  the  Senate  has  already  risen,  and  belched 
forth  his  anathemas  against  the  Administration  of  the 
country,  and  especially  against  the  Secretary  of 
War,  Mr.  Stanton. 

What  has  he  done  ?  The  Senator  says  that  he 
was  in  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  That 
is  true.  When  Mr.  Buchanan's  Administration  be- 
came so  corrupt  with  treachery,  when  it  became  so 
well  known  that  it  could  not  hold  together  any 
longer,  when  its  rottenness  had  torn  it  to  pieces  and 
sunk  it  beneath  contempt,  it  was  a  necessity  that 
they  should  call  an  honest  man  into  their  Adminis- 
tration— a  man  who  went  unwillingly  ;  a  man  whose 
character  has  always  been  above  reproach;  a  man 
who,  though  of  Democratic  predilections,  had  retired 
from  politics  ;  a  man  whose  great  mind  and  clearness 
of  intellect  had  placed  him  at  the  very  head  of  one 
of  the  most  honorable  professions;  a  man  who  could 
command  at  his  wiil  whatever  price  he  asked.  He 
did  take  it  upon  himself,  at  the  call  of  Mr.  Buchan- 
an, to  take  part  in  his  Administration.  So  far  from 
acting  with  those  corrupt  traitors  who  had  broken  it 
down,  I  say  here  in  my  place,  and  I  speak  what  is 
known  to  many  Senators,  if  this  nation  was  saved 
fi'om  utter  shipwreck  by  treachery,  Mr.  Stanton,  in 
that  Administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  did  more  to 
uphold  it  than  any  other.  Sir,  he  saved  it  from  ut- 
ter shipwreck;  lie  saved  your  Constitution  from 
revolution  and  ruin.  Is  he  to  be  assailed  here  ?  Sir, 
he  never  sought  any  office.  His  pure  life,  his  great 
knowledge  of  affairs  and  his  ability,  had  commended 
him  in  these  perilous  times  as  the  best  man  the  Presi- 
dent could  find  to  heal  the  wounds  of  this  Republic, 
and  guide  the  Ship  of  State  through  the  terrible 
storm  which  is  now  upon  it.  He  an  inquisitor  ? 
Why  ? 

Mr.  President,  that  man  is  not  quite  honest  who 
thus  argues  constitutional  questions  in  this  Senate, 
and  invokes  the  Constitution  in  behalf  of  the  rights 
of  every  man  precisely  as  he  would  in  times  of  peace, 
where  there  were  isolated  cases  of  delinquency,  and 
where  it  was  safe  to  bring  a  man  to  trial.  The  man 
who  says  it,  and  would  have  you  proceed  with  these 
traitors  precisely  as  you  would  in  time  of  peace,  is 
endeavoring  to  deceive  the  public.  Can  you  prose- 
cute a  traitor  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  ?  As 
the  old  saying  is,  you  might  as  well  try  the  devil  in 
hell,  and  summon  as  jurors  his  chief  angels.  It  is 
impracticable  ;  it  cannot  be  done.  Why,  then,  stand 
up  here  contending  that  men  should  be  tried  by  all 
the  constitutional  guarantees  that  are  thrown  around 
them  in  peaceful  times?  I  repeat  what  1  said;  as 
no  jurist  has  yet  undertaken  to  define  the  limits  to 
which  a  man  might  go  in  the  honest  defence  of  his 
life  when  assailed,  so  no  statesman  would  undertake 
to  limit-  the  powers  that  the  Government  might  use 
to  preserve  its  life  when  assailed  by  traitors.  I  defy 
the  gentleman  to  make  an  argument  worthy  of  the 
name  against  that  proposition. 

Do  you  think  that  we  will  stand  by,  yielding  to 
your  argument,  while  you  fetter  our  legs  and  bind 
our  arms  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
that  you  may  stab  it  to  death  ?  Is  that  your  idea  of 
the  Constitution,  that  it  is  made  to  tie  the  hands  of 
the  honest  men  from  its  defence,  while  traitors  may 
stab  It  to  the  heart  ?  That  is  the  use  you  would 
make  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Sir,  I  say  again,  I  have  no  scruples  about  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  as  wielded  against 
traitors  in  this  time  of  violent  revolution.  You  have 
seen  that  the  ordinary  course  of  the  common  law 
and  the  Constitution  cannot  be  followed.  Shall  the 
Constitution  lie  down  and  die?  Must  we  give  up 
all  our  glorious  principles  that  were  defended  by  it, 
because  traitors  have  assaulted  it  in  such  a  way  that 
they  have  prevented  its  operation  ?  Sir,  folly  like 
that  would  deserve  the  ignominious  fate  which  would 
inevitably  follow  so  foolish  a  course. 

Mr.  President,  as  I  have  said  heretofore.  It  is  a  re- 
markable fact,  that  although  thousands  upon  thou- 
sands of  men  have  fallen  victims  to  this  rebellion  on 
the  field  of  battle,  and  many  thousands  more  have 
been  mangled  and  wounded,  inflicting  misery,  pov- 
erty and  death  upon  millions  of  people,  we  are  yet 
told  on  this  floor  that  we  should  be  tender-footed ; 
that  we  cannot  tie  the  hands  of  a  miserable  traitor 
from  giving  information  to  the  enemy,  and  thus  aid- 
ing them  to  carry  on  this  accursed  war.  Is  that  the 
logic  of  the  Senator?  Sir,  he  will  find  but  few  ad- 
herents here  ;  he  will  find  less  among  the  people,  for 
they  arc  entirely  ahead  of  us  in  all  that  pertains  to 
the  vigorous  prosecution  of  this  war,  and  a  vigorous 
dealing  with  traitors  according  to  their  crimes. 
Why,  sir,  in  every  hole  and  corner  in  this  city,  nay, 
in  almost  every  city  of  the  United  States,  and  in  the 
country  too,  you  find  these  slippery,  sliiuv,  glib- 
tongued  traitors  who  are  ready  on  all  occasions  to 
give  information  of  all  the  movements  of  your  army 
and  of  every  other  important  fact  to  the  enemy,  so 
that-  they  have  it  earlier  than  we.  You  would  not 
expect  that  a  man  taken  with  arms  in  Ins  hands, 
fighting  against  our  armies,  persecuting  us  to  death, 
should  go  entirely  witliout  punishment;  and  yet  he 
does  the  enemy  infinitely  less  service  than  the  man 
who,  pretending  to  be  a  Union  man,  pretending  to 
be  loyal,  worms  himself  into  the  knowledge  of  the 
most  important  secrets  of  your  Executive,  and  then 
goes  forth  and  gives  it  to  your  enemies,  whereby 
thousands  of  your  men  may  die  in  vain  upon  the 
field  of  battle,  and  all  brought  about  by  this  slippery, 
imy  traitor.  There  are  men,  who  would  get  up 
afterward  in  this  Senate,  and,  with  tears  in  their 
eyes,  plead  the  cause  of  just  such  a  wretch  as  that 
who,  with  all  the  evidchce  of  guilt  upon  him,  was 
sent  on"  for  l,  little  while  to  sojourn  in  one  of  our 
fortifications,  and  call  it  inquisitorial,  tyrannical, 
devilish. 

Sir,  the  man  that  makes  use  of  these  arguments 
need  not  tell  mo  lie  is  loyal.  I  tell  you  the  danger 
to  our  institution  is  not  so  great  from*  frahors  in  the 
field  with  arms  in  their  hand  as  it  is  from  the  nimble- 
tongued,  slippery  hypocrites  who  go  forth  apologiz- 
ing and  countermanding  every  energetic  measure  of 
the  Administration,  and  endeavoring  to  deceive  the 
people,  and  stir  them  up  to  hostility  against  this 
wise,  this  just,  this  most  moderate  Ail  ministration. 
I  do  not  believe  the  people  arc  going  to  bo  deceived 
by  it.  I  do  not  believe  that  your  night  meetings  to 
■('construct  the  Democratic  party,  your  resolutions 
of  censure,  accusing  them  of  tyranny  hero  and  in- 
timidation abroad— I  do  not  believe  "all  those  things 
and  all  your  machinations  will  bo  able  to  deceive  au 


awakened  people  who  understand  all  your  arts,  and 
are  determined  to  back  a  wise  Administration  in  tbe 
course  it  shall  pursue. 

Mr.  President,  in  conclusion  I  will  say,  I  have  no 
fears  in  this  great  controversy ;  I  do  not  agree  with 
many  of  my  brethren  whose  hearts  seem  to  fail  them 
before  the  magnitude  of  the  great  issues  in  which 
we  are  embarked.  I  believe  in  the  justice  of  God, 
in  His  overruling  providence,  that  He  will  nerve  the 
arms  of  those  who  are  contending  for  the  right,  and  - 
will  make  them  victorious  at  last.  I  have  no  fears 
of  it.  When  this  great  contest  is  over;  when  rebel- 
Ion  shall  be  trampled  underfoot;  when  Southern 
men  shall  see  the  error  of  their  ways,  and  the  inter- 
est they  have  in  the  great  principles  of  our  Constitu- 
tion, which  has  ministered  so  much  to  their  prosper- 
ity, divested  of  passion,  and  the  conceit  that  they 
have  entertained  so  long  whipped  out  of  them,  they 
will  come  back  again,  and  glory  in  us  who  have 
saved  them  from  themselves ;  and,  reunited  again 
upon  a  real  basis  of  freedom  and  republicanism,  this 
great  nation  will  rise  from  this  commotion  like  the 
phenix  from  its  ashes;  and  whoever  shall  survive 
twenty  years  hence,  will  see  this  the  leading  nation 
on  God's  earth,  existing  without  reproach,  and,  con- 
scious of  her  imposing  power,  she  will  be  the  pride, 
the  boast  and  the  hope  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth, 


"WHAT  CONTRABANDS  ARE  GOOD  POR. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Tribune,  writing  from 
Fredertcksr*irg,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
employment  of  contrabands,  and  ther  value  to  the 
Union  forces  : — 

To  all  who  do  not  believe  that  loyal  blacks  have 
been  and  can  still  be  useful  to  t  ;e  army  in  the 
highest  degree,  I  would  advise  an  immediate  visit 
to  th.!  Army  of  the  Rappahannock,  and  a  careful 
and  honest  investigation  of  the  facts  presented  to 
them,  and  then,  if  after  such  examination  they  still 
remain  steptical,  absolute  demon  tration  is  of  no 
value  whatever  to  minds  created  like  theirs.  Sev- 
eral days  since,  the  loyal  blacks  came  in  and  told  the 
Generals  the  rebels  were  preparini  to  retreat. 
Their  story  was,  in  part,  believed,  but  was  not  made 
the  basis  of  action  until  yesterday,  when  orders 
were  given  to  advance  a  short  distance,  and  sec  it 
the  enemv's  pickets  were  Still  in  sight.  T.e 
order  was  immediately  put  into  exe  ution,  and  the 
result  was,  no  rebel  pickets  seen,  either^)!'  infantry 
or  cavalry. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  two  loval  blacks 
were  brought  to  the  headquarters  of  G.ui.  Patrick  be- 
tween a  file  of  so  diers  and  upon  being  interrogat- 
ed by-that  most  Christian-lik«  gentleman  ami  sol- 
dier it  has  been  your  correspondent's  pleasure  to 
meet,  said  they  were  slaves  of  Capt.  Sherman,  of 
Col.  Johnson's  regiment  of  rebel  cavalry,  and  had 
left  their  master's  house  at  Spotsylvania  Court 
House  that  morning,  upon  hearing  it  reported  they 
were  about  to  be  takeu  South  ;  tha.  several  davs  be- 
fore, the  rebel  infantry  all  retreated,  and  bu  one 
regiment  of  cavalry  remained  to  perform  picket 
duty,  and  that  a  son  of  Capt.  Sherman  told  them 
the  entire  force  in  front  of  Gin.  M  -Dowell  had 
been  ordered  to  prepare  four  days'  ratims,  and  to 
fall  back  upon  the  junction  with  the  Gordonsville 
Road ;  and  further  stdl,  that  all  the  bridges  were 
being  burned  to  obstruct  the  advance  of  our  arm.'. 

Upon  hearing  their  story,  Gen.  Patrick  immediate- 
ly sent  them  to  MjDowell,  who  cross-examined 
them  until  he  was  entirely  satisfied  that  they  told 
the  truth.  This  morning,  acting  upon  the  informa- 
tion obtained  through  these  loyal  blacks.  Gen  Patrick 
took  a  battalion  of  the  Hirris  Light  Cavalry,  and 
nude  a  rceonnoisan^e  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy's 
camping  ground. 

Before  starting,  however,  he  sent  for  Henry  Tv- 
ler,  an  intelligent  loyal  black  slave  of  the  famous, 
or  rather  infamaui,  Alfred  Bernard  of  Fredericks- 
burg, mounted  him  upon  a  good  horse,  put  a  pair  of 
spurs  upon  his  heels,  placed  him  on  his  right,  and 
told  h  m  he  had  appointed  him  as  chief  aid  and 
guide  for  the  day. 

This  conspicuous  position  and  sudden  promotion 
rather  embarrassed  the  faithful  black  \t  first,  but  in 
a  few  moments  yo  ir  correspondent  could  not  discov- 
er, so  far  as  modesty  of  deportment  and  the  prompt 
execution  of  all  orders  committed  to  'fun  were  con- 
cerned, but  that  he  acquitted  himself  as  well  as  any 
one  else  upon  the  stall',  and  that  is  saying  a  great 
deal,  for  a  more  gallant  and  gentlein  inly  staff"  than 
Gen.  Patrick's  there  is  not  in  the  arinv  of  the  R\p- 
pahannoek.  During  the  entire  reconnoissance.  Gen. 
Patrick  consulted  Henry  every  few  rmments  with  re- 
gard to  the  position  of  the  roads  and  piths,  the 
names  of  the  oeeupints  of  tie  different  dwellings 
we  passed,  and  whether  they  were  loyal  or  disloyal, 
the  amouut  of  corn  on  hand,  and  the  number  <  ' 
slaves  to  consume  it,  and  on  many  other  subjects  i 
value  to  an  officer  making  a  recounoisance. 

Upon  seeing  how  gracefully  Henry  bore  his  1 
ors  and  how  well  he  discharged  his  duties,  your  c 
respondent  became  curious  to  knov  mire  of! 
— something  of  his  past  life  or  experience, 
told  me  he  was  born  a  slave  of  Alfred  B  -jii  sH 
he  remained  with  him  until  about  six  months  ag>, 
waen,  after  the  m>-t  inhuman  treatment,  he  resolv- 
ed to  be  a  freeman.  Being  quite  the  most  energet- 
ic man  on  the  plantation,  lie  m  via  harangues  to  t  ie 
other  slaves,  and  urged  them  al  to  strike  for  their 
freedom.  After  much  urging  and  persuading,  he  at 
last  prevailed  upon  fourteen  to  leave,  an  i  ono  dirk, 
rainy  night,  $14,000  worth  of  Alfred  Bernards  pro- 
perty suddenly  disappeared. 

Thirteen  of  the  fourteen  escaped,  and  found  what 
they  so  much  prized — their  freedom  within  the  lines 
of  the  Union  army.  Henry,  after  seeing  the  oi-hors 
safely  through,  went  back — travelled  by  n  ^ht 
through  the  wood*— with  the  intention  of  brin^ija* 
off  all  the  rem  lining  slives  on  Bernard's  plantation*. 
In  this  attempt  he  was  discovered.  Of"  course, 
treatment  the  most  brutal  and,  inhuman  followed. 
The  sharp  lash  of  the  overseer  gashed  his  back,  his 
wrists  were  confined  in  iron  handcuffs,  and  his  feet 
bound  together  with  cords. 

In  this  con  Ution  he  was  sent  to  a  prison  in  Rich- 
mond, then  confined  in  a  loathsome  dungeon  a  mouth 
with  bread  and  water  food,  and  then  sent  to  work  at 
the  bottom  of  a  coal  pit,  and  closely  watched.  H.s 
natural  sagacity  and  shrewdness,  however,  soon  en- 
abled him  to  devise  means  to  escape.  He  left  the 
coal  pit.  without  a  "permit,"  travelled  through  the 
woods  by  night,  and  at  last  reached  our  lines. 

Henry  T  ler  has  now  the  pleasure  of  riding  by 
the  plantation  of  Alfred  Bernard  daily,  without  the 
least  fear  of  being  scourged,  handcuffed,  ami  sen  to 
prison.  His  colored  friends  on  the  adjoining  nlau* 
tat  ions,  as  wo  passed  by  them,  received  him  "with 
cheers,  the  swinging  of  old  hats,  and  every  dem-n- 
stration  of  joy  they  could  manifest.  Like  Wm. 
Jackson,  Jell'.  Davis's  coachman,  he  is  a  pure  ne«ro, 
and  is  not  indebted  to  any  of  his  white  brothers  for 
his  intelligence. 

^  Capt.  Win.  H.  Paine,  topographical  engineer  on 
Gen.  M.Dowcll's  stall',  informed  me  this  evening, 
thai  the  most  valuable  information  lie  had  linen  able 
to  obtain  with  regard  to  the  si-reams,  and  the  bridges 


98 


THE     LIBERA.TOH. 


JUISTE   20 


■which  cross  them,   the   distance  flag   : 
raHrei 


one  to  the 
other,  the  names  of  the  planters  whPteside  on  the 
roads,  the  villages,  hamlets,  school-houses,  the  exact 
nature  of  the  country,  and  all  that  an  engineer  re- 
quires in  order  to  make  an  accurate  map  of  the 
vomitry,  had  heen  given  him  by  the  loyal  blacks, 
who  sought  protection  within  our  lines. 

One  man  especially,  D.ibney  Walker,  had  ren- 
dered invaluable  service.  He  gave  the  distances  of 
the  streams  from  one  to  the  other  so  accurately  that 
in  adding  tbem  all  up,  he  made  a  mistake  of  but  two 
miles  from  Fredericksburg  to  Richmond.  Capt. 
Paine  also  said  that  he  had  ceased  to  employ  white 
men,  not  finding  them  accurate,  and  now  had  au- 
thority from  General  McDowell  to  mount  twelve 
negro' men  as  guides. 


JJ3f"  After  reading  the  really  treasonable  and  villa- 
nous  articles  from  the  Boston  Courier,  New  York  Jour- 
nal of  Commerce,  &c,  contained  in  that  sink  of  iniqui- 
ty, the  *'  Refuge  of  Oppression,"  on  our  first  page,  it 
will  be  peculiarly  edifying  to  peruse  the  following  ar- 
ticle from  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard,  as  a  scathing 
commentary  upon  them  all. 

"WHO  AEE  THE  TEAITORS? 


sity.  Is  there  anything  treasonable  in  our  urging 
the  President,  or  Congress,  or  any  one  in  authority, 
to  perform  a  strictly  constitutional  act?  This  is  the 
whole  extent  of  our  offending.  The  men  who  cry 
out  upon  us  for  doing  this,  and  who  exclaim  against 
every  disturbance  of  slavery  in  the  rebel  States, 
show  that,  had  they  been  in  power,  they  would  have 
surrendered  tlie  dearest  rights  of  the  nation  to  paci- 
fy the  insolent  clamors  of  the  slave-drivers,  or  fail- 
ing of  that,  would  have  sacrificed  the  integrity  of 
the  national  territory  rather  than  maintain  it  by  the 
constitutional  destruction  of  slavery.  Out  of  their 
own  mouths  they  are  convicted  of  treason,  against 
the  nation  as  well  as  against  God  and  humanity. 
Happily,  we  are  sure  that  the  great  body  of  the 
people  at  the  North  are  not  deceived  by  these  matig- 
nants  to  believe  a  lie.  They  know  that  slavery  is 
now  within  the  gripe  of  the  nation,  and  that  perma- 
nent peace  and  prosperity  can  only  be  secured  by 
its  utter  annihilation.  They  are  now  demanding  it, 
and  are  hoping  that  the  President  will  do  his  duty 
to  the  nation  while  it  is  yet  time  to  save  its  life. 
But,  whether  he  do  or  not,  we  are  not  doubtful  as 
to  what  the  answer  of  impartial  contemporaries  and 
posterity  will  be,  when  asked  to  render  their  ver- 
dict in  these  premises,  as  to  who  are  the  traitors. — 
Anli- Slavery  Standard. 


iHtflto*. 


No  Union  with  Slaveholders! 


BOSTON,   FRIDAY,  JUNE  20,  185 


FOURTH  OP  JULY! 


One  ofthe  special  devices  of  the  concealed  traitors 
at  the  North,  who  are  withheld  from  open  complicity 
with  the  rebellion  only  by  bodily  fear,  is  to  darken 
counsel  and  confound  judgment  by  incessant  repetition 
of  the  lie  that  the  Abolitionists  are  alone  to  blame  for 
the  war,  and  that  they  are  equally  hostile  to  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  Union  with  the  worst  of  the  rebels. 
The  Herald,  Journal  of  Commer ^Express,  the  Bos- 
ton Courier  and  Post,  and  hordeW  malignant  sym- 
pathizers with  treason  of  the  same  type,  are  inces- 
sant in  bawling  out  these  slanders,  and  endeavoring 
to  divert  the^  indignation  of  the  nation  from  its 
Worst  enemies  to  its  best  friends.  Of  course,  all 
these  railing  accusations  arc  made  in  the  interest  of 
the  rebellion ;  and  the  fact  that  those  that  make 
tbem  wear  the  mask  of  loyalty,  and  are  loud  m  then- 
professions  of  hatred  of  the  rebel  leaders,  only  makes 
them  the  more  dangerous  to  the  nation,  as  a  spy 
and  an  assassin  is  more  mischievous  as  well  as  more 
despicable  than  an  enlisted  soldier  openly  arrayed 
against  it.  Although  these  calumnies  are  ostensibly 
"  "aimed  at  the  Abolitionists  only,  they  are  meant  to 
glance  aside  at  all  Republicans,  who  hold  fast  to  the 
anti-slavery  ideas  which  alone  have  given  origin 
and  power  to  their  movement.  But  these  we  may 
leave  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  they  are,  to  do 
them  justice,  quite  swift  enough  to  disclaim  any  al- 
liance or  affinity  with  us.  Let  us  see  what  ground 
there  is  for  these  charges  against  what  Br.  Channing 
used  to  calf  "the  technical  Abolitionists." 

How  and  in  what  degree  are  they  responsible  for 
the  existing  civil  war?     Precisely  in   the  way,   and 
in  the  measure,  that  Luther,  and  Melancthon,   and 
the  Reformers  who  exposed  and  denounced  with 
them  the  corruptions  of  the  court  of  Rome,  were  re- 
sponsible for  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  and  the  dragonnades  of  the   Re- 
vocation of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.     The  Abolitionists 
have  compelled  the  attention  of  the  nation  to  the 
horrors  and  villanies  of  American  slavery,  to  the  ex- 
tent to  which  the  North  was  a  party  to  these  enor- 
mities'by1  its 'support   and   countenance  of  them   in 
State  and  "Church,  and  have  preached  repentance 
and  reformation  as  the  only  way  of  escape  from  the 
very  evils  which  have   now   overtake^   it.  .  They 
have  demonstrated  the  right  of  the  slave  to  his  own 
body  and  soul,  the  crime  of  the  master  in   denying 
it  to  him,  and  the  duty  of  the  free  States  to  with- 
draw the  help  bv  means  of  which  alone  it  could  be 
committed.  "  And  they  have  shown  by  arguments 
drawn  from  the  nature  of  things,  from  the  constitu- 
tion of  man  and  from  the  facts  of  history,  that  the 
justice  they  invoked  was  the  way  of  safety,  of  peace, 
of  prosperity,  of  civilization,  of  religion.     They  nev- 
er counselled  even  the  slaves  to  exercise  their  natu- 
ral richt  of  insurrection,  but  exhorted  them  to  pa- 
tience and  long-suffering  as  the  surest  exodus  from 
their  captivity.     Of  course,  they  never  contemplated 
a  eivil  war  as  a  means  of  the  forcible  emancipation 
of  the  slaves.     It  is  true,  no  doubt,  that  the  influ- 
ence of  the  truths  they  have  been  preaching  for 
thirty    years  has  hastened  the  outbreak  of  the   re- 
bellion,   which  was   inevitable   from    the    moment 
that  slavery  was  made  an  integral  part  of  our  insti- 
tutions, by  the  effect  those  truths  have  had  in  modi- 
fying  ecclesiastical  and  political  action.     But  the 
collision  between  the  two  hostile  principles  of  free 
and  slave  labor  must  have  come,  had  Garrison  never 
lived,  by  the  operation  Of  the  eternal  laws  of  oppo- 
sites,  as  the  insurrection  against  Rome  must  have 
happened  sooner  or  later  had  Luther  been  strangled 
in  his  cradle.     The  labors  of  the  Abolitionists  have 
been  well  repaid  by  the  general  intelligence  they 
have  spread  abroad  in  the  nation  as  to  the  essential 
character  of  slavery,  its  necessary  incidents  and  ten- 
dencies, and  the  necessity  of  its  nature  to  rule  the 
Republic,  or  to  trample  its  life  out  under  its  feet. 
Had  their  counsels  been  listened  to,  and  what  they 
advised  been  done,  civil  war  would   have  been  an 
impossibility,  all  sections  of  the  country  would  have 
breathed  one  spirit  of  peace  and  friendship,  free  la- 
bor would  not  only  have  made  the  blacks  at  the 
South  contented  and  happy,  but  would  have  vastly 
increased  the  wealth  as  well  as  the  safety  and  civil- 
ization of  the  whites,  and  the  "United  States  would 
have  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Powers  of  the  Earth. 
And  what  ground  is  there  for  charging  the  Aboli- 
tionists with  disloyalty  to  the  Constitution   and  the 
TJnion  ?     Our  anti-slavery  lives  have  been  in  the 
presence  of  all  our  brethren.     The  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  is  no  Secret    Society,  no  order  of 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.     Our  doings  and  say- 
ings^are  done  and  said  before  all  the  world,  our  doc- 
trines and  plans  are  printed  where  all  may  see  for 
themselves  what  they  are.     We  appeal  to  the  law 
and  to  the  testimony  to  acquit  us  of  any  treasonable 
word  or  work — to   the  law  which  the  nation   has 
made,  and  to  the  testimony  we  have  furnished  our- 
selves.    While,  as  Abolitionists,  we  have  accepted 
as  our  first  public  duty,  in  our  individual  and  our 
organized  capacity,  to  endeavor  to  procure  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery,  we  have  never  endeavored  to  bring 
it  about  by  any  indirection  of  word  or  deed.     We 
have  construed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
as  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  nation,  as  the   Bench 
and  Bar  of  all  the  several  States,  and  as  the  gene- 
ral voice  of  the  nation  have  interpreted   it.     Excel- 
lent persons  have  differed  from  us  in  this  particular, 
and  held  that  the  Constitution  contains  no  allusion 
to  slavery,  and  that  the  power  over  it  rests  in  Con- 

fress,  and  may  be  exercised  for  its  abolition.  We 
ave  never  taken  this  ground.  Holding  that  sla- 
very has  certain  constitutional  guarantees,  which 
those  swearing  to  support  the  Constitution  are 
l  btund  to  maintain,  we  have  refused  to  take  office 
purselves,  or  to  vote  for  others  for  offices,  which 
feuld  only  be  approached  through  taking  this  obli- 
%tion.  This  is  the  extent  of  our  practical  disunion- 
Does  it  bear  any  strong  resemblance  to  that 
Calhoun  and  Jefferson  Davis?  This,  we  have 
done,  not  as  an  anti-slavery  measure,  but  as  what 
was  due  to  our  own  personal  honor  and  individual 
self-respect.  We  could  not  take  an  oath  to  do  ac- 
tions which  we  esteemed  immoral  and  dishonest,  nor 
appoint  others  to  do  them  for  us,  and  thus  we  have 
voluntarily  disfranchised  ourselves  rather  than  e: 
cute  the  requisitions  of  the  Constitution.  Had  we 
taken  office  under  this  oath,  and  then  used  our  pow- 
er to  abolish  slavery  in  the  States,  believing  all  the 
while  that  we  had  no  such  constitutional  power,  our 
position  would  have  been  somewhat  analogous  to 
that  of  the  Southern  disunionists.  Ajid  the  scruple 
which  has  governed  our  own  conduct  has  always 
controlled  that  which  we  asked  of  others.  Never 
have  the  Abolitionists  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery 
Society  petitioned  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
States,  or  to  do  anything  contrary  to  their  constitu- 
tional obligations.  Believing  that  slavery  exists 
only  by  the  moral  and  physical  support  of  the  free 
States,  we  have  petitioned  our  several  States  to 
take  the  proper  constitutional  steps  to  withdraw 
themselves  from  the  Union— never  to  rebel  against 
it,  or  to  dissolve  the  Union  by  force  of  arms.  What 
imaginable  resemblance  can  be  discerned  between 
our  position  and  that  of  the  slaveholding  insurgents  V 
Such,  and  thus  strictly  lawful,  has  been  the  con- 
duct of  the  Abolitionists,  during  the  long  years_  of 
their  labor  and  their  waiting.  Now,  by  the  action 
of  the  slaveholders  themselves,  the  whole  face  of  af- 
fairs is  changed.  They  have  plunged  the  nation 
into  one  of  the  most  gigantic  wars  ever  waged,  and 
all  that  slavery  may  be  confirmed  and  extended. 
Powers  dormant  during  peace,  in  the  Constitution, 
spring  up  armed  at  all  points,  at  the  trumpet-call  of 
war.  The  life  of  the  nation  is  more  than  the  form 
Of  thii  raiment  that  clothes  it.  Self-preservation  per- 
mits arid  demands  the  use  of  means  which  only  that 
extremity  can  justify.  Under  the  war  powers  of 
the  Constitution,  it  has  been  shown  by  John  Quiiicy 
Adams — and  it  is  now  all  but  universally  admitted — 
that  Congress,  or  the  President,  or  any  General  in 
the  field,  may  emancipate  slaves  as  a  military  neces- 


GOV,  STANLY  AHD  HIS  BARBAROUS  PRO- 
CEEDINGS IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

In  the  course  of  a  recent  sermon,  delivered  by  him 
at  Plymouth  Church,  Henry  Ward  Beeciier  com- 
mented upon  the  late  barbarous  proceedings  of  the  new 
Military  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  in  suppressing 
the  schools  for  the  contrabands  in  that  State,  sending 
back  slaves  to  rebel  masters,  &c.,  &c,  as  follows  : — 

If  a  man  elected  as  the  eivil  Governor  of  the  peo- 
ple of  North  Carolina  had  said  that  he  was  compelled, 
iy  his  oath,  to  administer  the  laws  of  that  State  ac- 


cording to  their  intent  and  meaning,  we  might,  con- 
sidering his  circumstances,  have  seen  some  reason 
for  the  assertion  ;  but  that  the  Government  at  Wash- 
ington, implicating  you  and  me,  and  every  citizen 
of  the  Free  States  of  this  nation,  should  assume  the 
power  to  intrude  on  North  Carolina  a  Governor, 
and  that  that  Governor,  being  intruded  upon  this 
State,  without  the  vote  of  its  people,  should  say 
must  administer  every  law  of  North  Carolina  accord- 
ing to  the  intent  of  that  law,"  is  the  strangest  thing 
1  ever  heard  of.  Ifthe  President  had  the  right  to 
say  to  North  Carolina,  "  You  shall  take  for  your 
Governor  the  man  whom  I  choose  to  send  you,"  then 
he  had  the  right  to  say,  "  He  shall  administer  the 
laws  as  I  tell  him  to."'  If  he  had  the  right  to  send 
a  man  to  govern  the  people  of  that  State,  there  is 
nothing  relating  to  the  mode  in  which  they  should 
be  governed  that  he  had  not  a  right  to  determine. 
And  it  is  a  pretence  to  say  that  a  Military  Gover- 
nor, sent  into  a  rebellious  State,  must  administer 
the  inhuman  laws  on  the  statute-books  of  that  State 
as  they  were  designed  to  be  administered  by  their 
wicked  framers. 

If  this  matter  has  not  already  come  to  the  ears 
and  eyes  of  the  President,  I  pray  that  it  may  speed- 
ily be  brought  before  him.  And  if  this  Administra- 
tion shall  add  the  ratification  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernment to  this  accursed  doctrine,  that  a  black  man 
is  not  human,  that  he  has  no  rights  which  a  white 
man  is  bound  to  respect,  and  that  to  teach  him  to 
read  the  Word  of  God  is  a  crime,  then  how  deceived 
have  we  been  !  and  how  miserable  are  we  in  our 
rulers!  But  It  will  not.  1  be&eve  that  same  emi- 
nent Magistrate  who  has  surprised  with  joy  our 
hearts  will  give  us  one  more  cause  of  rejoicing  by  de- 
claring that  the  laws  of  North  Carolina,  which  forbid 
the  education  of  the  blacks,  are  null  and  void  while  the 
State  is  governed  by  his  authority.  For,  I  tell  you, 
those  schools  are  to  be  opened  again.  God  has 
rolled  that  unfortunate  people  upon  you,  not  that 
you  may  imbrute  them,  and  take  from  them  the 
keys  of  knowledge,  and  lock  them  in  the  prison- 
house  of  ignorance  to  toil  for  you.  God  has  insepa- 
rably joined  you  to  them;  and  if  you  are  going  far 
upon  the  plane  of  prosperity  and  civilization,  you 
must  carry  these  your  brethren  up  with  you.  God 
will  not  let  the  twilight  of  heaven  play  about  your 
head,  while  infernal  darkness  hovers  about  your 
feet.  This  is  Gospel,  this  is  justice,  and  you  will 
find  it  to  be  fact. 

And  now,  in  reference  to  the  whole  future,  there 
are  two  principles  :  one  is  to  ignore  the  rights  and 
the  claims  of  four  millions  of  men,  and  the  other  is 
to  accept  them.  Once  accept  the  African  popula- 
tion, and  acknowledge  your  duty  toward  them,  and 
God  will  have  patience  and  forbearance  with  you — 
for  it  is  not  possible  to  settle  all  the  questions  relat- 
ing to  them  to-day  nor  to  morrow  ;  and  events  must 
needs  follow  which  will  require  long  patience  on  the 

fiart  of  God.  I  stand  over  against  every  Southern 
aw  that  declares  that  men  are  chattels;  I  stand 
over  against  every  court  whose  judge  has  declared 
that  the  slave  is  a  being  owned  absolutely  by  his 
master,  and  has  no  existence  outside  of  his  master's 
will ;  and  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  God  1  say,  that 
there  has  not  been  issued  from  the  court  of  heaven  any 
authority  to  court  or  magistrate  on  earth  to  pronounce 
the  men  for  whom  He  died  to  be  less  than  men. 
The  blood  of  Christ  is  the  title  to  emancipation.  It 
is  the  blood  of  Christ  that  is  the  foundation  on 
which  we  plead  the  right  of  the  oppressed  to  God's 
Word. 

And  now,  the  Christian  President  of  a  Christian 
people,  struggling  for  the  maintenance  of  a  Christian 
Government,  sends  a  Governor  to  North  Carolina, 
whose  first  official  act  is  to  disband  the  schools  in 
which,  without  remuneration,  a  Northern  artist  was 
teaching  seven  hundred  colored  people  to  read — 
what? — the  story  of  the  crucifixion!  the  words  of 
Him  who  came  to  bring  great  light  to  those  that  sat 
in  the  region  of  the  dead  ;  who  came  to  open  prison 
doors,  and  break  bonds,  and  let  the  oppressed  go 
free!  It  is  declared  by  Governor  Stanly  that  there 
is  to  be  no  such  teaching  as  that! 

Let  us  wait  to  hear  whether  this  is  to  be  ratified. 
For  myself,  I  feel  that  if  this  struggle  is  to  inaugu- 
rate the  policy,  not  only  of  emancipation,  but  of 
teaching,  the  auspices  of  the  future  are  blessed  ;  but 
if  the  result  is  to  be  that  we  shall  put  our  feet  again 
on  the  neck  of  this  poor  people,  the  future  will  be 
clouded  and  dark.  Though  hand  be  joined  in  hand 
the  wicked  shall  not  prosper.  Let  the  States  be 
leagued  together  again  to  despoil  the  innocent,  and 
we  shall  come  to  naught-  No  weapon  shall  prosper 
against  us  so  long  as  we  keep  our  hands  on  simple 
right  and  justice.  If  we  deny  them,  and  that  in  the 
person  of  our  poor  and  despised  brother,  God  will 
not  prosper  us  nor  our  time,  and  it  will  be  for  anoth- 
er day  and  another  nation,,  probably,  to  advance  the( 
glory  of  the  world  that  we  were  made  instrumental 
in  producing.  God  will  not  let  you  go  on  without 
them.  "  They  without  us  should  not  be  made  per- 
fect." Later  generations  may  say  of  us,  "  They 
without  us  could  not  be  made  perfect."  May  God, 
may  the  cross,  and  may  the  nope  of  redemption 
through  Him  that  hung  thereon,  rebuke  us!  May 
that  sweet  spirit  of  the  master  which  turns  hate  to 
love,  and  overrules  folly  with  eternal  wisdom,  give 
a  better  mind  to  our  people  and  our  times,  and  a  no- 
bler issue  to  this  struggle  1     Amen. 


It  has  been  the  invariable  custom  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery  Society  to  commemorate  this 
National  Anniversary ;  not,  however,  in  the  boastful 
spirit  and  inflated  manner  of  those  who  rejoiced  in  a 
Union  with  Slaveholders,  and  who  could  see  no  con- 
tradiction, in  such  a  Union,  to  the  great  principles 
of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence  of  July 
4th,  1776.  Our  celebration  has  ever  been  with  the 
distinct  and  simple  purpose  of  recalling  to  the  mind 
and  impressing  upon  the  heart  of  the  people  the 
great  "  self-evident  truths,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  and  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  an  inali- 
enable right  to  Life,  Liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  Hap- 
piness." 

Confident  that  our  repeated  testimonies  on  these 
National  Anniversaries  have  been  as  good  seed,  sown 
upon  soil  long  indeed  stubborn  and  unyielding,  but  at 
length  fertilized,  and  now  full  of  promise  of  a  glori- 
ous harvest, — soon,  we  trust,  to  be  gathered  in, — we 
again  invite  and  summon  the  friends  of  Freedom,  of 
every  name  and  age,  and  whether  living  within  or  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  this  our  honored  Commonwealth, 
to  meet  with  us,  as  aforetime,  and  in  even  greater 
numbers  than  ever  before,  at  the  beautiful  and  well- 
known  FRAMINGHAM  GROVE,  on  the  ensuing 
Fourth  of  July. 

We  need  say  nothing  of  the  beauty  and  many  at- 
tractions of  the  spot,  whether  for  adults  or  for  the 
young.  The  day  and  the  occasion  constitute  the  real 
claims  upon  our  attention,  and  to  these  let  the  Anti- 
Slavery  men  and  women  of  Massachusetts,  and  of 
New  England,  respond  fitly,  as  they  so  well  know 
how  to  do. 

The  Boston  and  Worcester  Railroad  Co.  will  convey 
passengers  to  and  from  the  Grove,  upon  their  main 
road  and  its  branches,  on  that  day,  at  the  following 
rates  of  fare  : — 

From  Boston,  Worcester,  and  Millbury,  70  cents 
for  adults,  35  cents  for  children. 

From  Grafton,  adults,  60  cents,  children,  30  cents. 

From  Milford,  Milford  Branch,  (except   Holliston,) 

Northboro',  Marlboro',  Needham,   Grantville,   Corda- 

ville,  Soutbboro',  and  Weslboro',  50  cents  for  adults, 

25  cents  for  children.  . 

From  Natick,  Holliston,  and  Ashland,  adults  40 
cents,  children  20  cents. 

Trains  will  run  to  the  Grove,  as  follows  : — 
Leave  Boston  at  9.15,  and  Worcester,  at  9.40,  A.  M., 
stopping  at  way   stations;    from    Millbury,    regular 
morning  train;  Milford,  at  7.10,  or  9.40;  Northboro' 
at  7  ;  Marlboro',  at  7.24,  or  10.15. 

Returning,  leave  the  Grove  at  5.15  for  Boston 
and  Worcester ;  at  6.15  for  Milford  and  Northboro' 
branches. 

Admission  fee  to  the  enclosure  of  the  Grove,  for 
those  not  coming  by  the  cars,  adults  10  cents,  chil- 
dren 5  cents.  Those  who  come  by  railroad  admit- 
ted free. 

1  The  House  at  the  Grove  will  be  open  for  Re- 
freshments. 

In  case  of  rain,  the  meeting  will  be  held  in  Wa- 
verley  Hall,  opposite  the  railroad  depot  at  South 
Framingham. 

Addresses  from  well-known  advocates  of  the  cause, 
with  Songs,  and  such  recreation  as  this  attractive 
place  affords,  will  occupy  the  day.  Among  the  speak- 
ers expected  are  Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Andrew  T.  Foss,  Charles  C.  Bur- 
leigh, E.  H.  Heywood,  Wm.  Wells  Brown,  John 
S.  Rock,  Esq.,  Rev.  Daniel  Foster  of  Kansas,  and 
others. 

Friends,  one  and  all!  Let  us  be  like  those  who 
wait  for  their  Lord  at  bis  coming ;  that,  whether  it 
be  at  midnight,  or  at  cock-crowing,  or  in  the  morning, 
we  may  be  found  ready,  our  lamps  trimmed  and  burn- 
.  Now  is  the  time  for  us  to  work  with  redoubled 
•rgy  and  zeal.  The  enemy  everywbere'is  sowing 
tares.  If  possible,  the  very  elect  will  be  deceived. 
Let  not  one  stay  his  hand,  or  hold  back  his  testimony  ; 
hut,  with  renewed  purpose  and  with  increased  hope, 
do  battle  valiantly  for  God  and  humanity,  until  the 
diminishing  advocates  of  Slavery  are  driven  forever 
from  the  field,  and  "  Liberty  be  proclaimed  through- 
out all  the  land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 


eousness,  to  conform  more  and  more  to  a  corrupt  pub- 
lic sentiment,  to  rest  upon  his  meritorious  life  and 
character,  and  to  pay  more  regard  to  the  outward  ap- 
pearance than  to  the  inward  life.  Hence,  they  felt 
constrained  to  withdraw  from  it;  in  a  few  instances, 
some  hM  been  excommunicated,  though  not  with 'any 
reference  to  character. 

They  commenced  their  experiment  as  a  society, 
styling  themselves  "  Progressive  Friends,"  under  very 
discouraging  circumstances ;  but,  though  still  far  from 
being  numerically  multitudinous,  they  have  become 
morally  and  religiously  potential  by  the  testimonies 
they  have  borne,  the  appeals  they  have  made,  the  in- 
terest they  have  excited,  the  example  they  have  Bet, 
and  the  reformatory  spirit  by  which  they  arc  anima- 
ted. Though  holding  their  anniversary  in  neither 
city  nor  town,  but  in  the  interior  where  only  scattered 
farms  are  to  be  seen,  it  has  usually  brought  together 
thousands  of  curious  and  interested  persons,  coming 
from  various  distances,  in  vehicles  of  every  descrip- 
tion, till  the  assemblage  grew  to  an  unwieldy  size.  In 
some  measure  to  obviate  so  large  an  influx,  it  was 
commenced  and  ended,  this  season,  so  as  not  to  include 
the  first  day  of  the  week.  In  consequence  of  a  severe 
rain-storm  during  the  first  day,  and  two  or  three  days 
previous,  and  the  consequent  bad  state  of  the  travel- 
ling, the  number  in  attendance  was  still  more  reduced  ; 
yet  it  was  larger  than  the  very  neat  and  commodious 
meeting-house  could  hold,  compactly  crowded,  and 
was  composed  of  the  very  best  material.  The  sessions 
occupied  Thursday,  Friday  and  Saturday,  June  5th, 
6th  and  7th,  forenoon  and  afternoon — the  brief  recess 
each  day  being  devoted  to  a  general  social  pic-nic  on 
the  ground,  and  presenting  a  very  primitive  and  pic- 
turesque appearance. 

At  the  opening  session,  Oliver  Johnson,  one  of  the 
Clerks,  after  a  few  preliminary  remarks,  referring  to 
the  very  interesting  circumstances  in  which  the  So- 
ciety had  assembled,  read  the  call.  William  Barnard 
implored  the  Divine  presence  and  guidance,  and  The- 
odore Tilton,  of  New  York,  read  the  sixty-fifth  Psalm. 
The  following  persons  were  appointed  a  Commit- 
tee to  prepare  Testimonies  : — Alfred  H.  Love,  Theo- 
dore Tilton,  Wm.  Lioyd  Garrison,  Mary  F.  Smith, 
Mary  A.  W.  Johnson,  Oliver  Johnson,  Thomas  Gar- 
rett, John  G.  Jackson,  Catharine  Clement,  William  L. 
Chaflin,  Thomas  Worrall,  Philena  Heald,  Amelia  Jack- 
son, William  Barnard. 

Much  regret  was  felt  on  account  of  the  absence  of 
Joseph  A.  Dugdale,  who  had  served  the  Society 
Clerk  from  its  first  organization,  and  to  whose  earnest 
and  devoted  labors  its  existence  and  prosperity  are 
largely  due.  An  interesting  letter  from  him,  and  from 
his  beloved  wife  and  venerated  mother,  dated  near 
Mount  Pleasant,  Iowa,  was  received  and  read. 

Letters  were  also  received  from  Charles  K.  Whip- 
ple, of  Boston  ;  Moncure  D.  Conway,  of  Cincinnati ; 
and  Ann  Eliza  Lee  Roby,  of  Pleasant  Lake,  Indiana. 
In  noticing  the  proceedings,  the  Anti-Slavery  Standard 


SAMUEL  MAY,  Jr.. 
WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON 
E.  H.  HEYWOOD, 
I1EN.RY  O.   STONE, 
CHARLES  A.  HOVEY 


■1 


Committee 
Arrangements. 


"  With  the  exception  of  a  brief  period  spent  in  rais- 
ing funds  and  in  transacting  other  necessary  business, 
nearly  the  whole  time  of  the  meeting  was  devoted 
to  a  iliscussion  of  the  one  grand  and  absorbing  theme 
of  the  hour,  the  Slaveholders'  Rebellion,  its  Cause 
and  Consequences,  and  the  Duties  of  the  Government 
and  people  in  regard  to  the  same.  The  subject  was 
introduced,  first  in  the  form  of  a  Testimony,  prepared 
by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and  embodying  the 
views  iind  purposes  which,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Committee  appointed  for  the  purpose,  were  worthy  of 
adoption  by  the  Society  :  and  next  in  the  form  of  a 
memorial  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  en- 
treating him,  for  the  salvation  of  the  country,  to  exer- 
cise the  power  belonging  to  him  in  the  present  crisis, 
by  proclaiming  the  freedom  of  every  slave  in  the  land. 
The  question  was  discussed  in  all  its  important 
bearings,  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  of  Boston, 
Theodore  Tilton,  of  New  York,  Rev.  George 
Gordon,  President  of  Iberia  College  (Ohio),  Rev.  J. 
Sella  Martin,  an  eloquent  colored  man  from  Boston, 
Rev.  William  M.  Chaffin,  Pastor  of  the  Second 
Unitarian  Church  in  Philadelphia,  Alfred  H.  Love, 
and  others.  Mr.  Garrison  spoke  with  characteristic 
earnestness  and  power,  carrying  conviction  to  every 
mind,  and  impressing  every  conscience.  Mr.  Til- 
ton's  addresses  combined  great  clearness  of  statement 
with  a  power  of  logic  and  a  wealth  of  illustration 
rarelj'  exhibited  by  one  of  bis  years.  His  earnestness 
and  eloquence  won  all  beans.  Mr.  Gordon's  pres- 
ence was  a  source  of  unfeigned  gratification  to  the  as- 
sembly, and  the  single  address  which  he  was  able  to 
deliver  was  heard  with  interest.  All  were  glad  to  see 
and  hear  an  old  servant  of  the  anti-slavery  cause,  who 
had  endured  a  long  imprisonment  upon  a  charge  of 
violating  the  provisions  of  the  infamous  Fugitive  Slave 
Law.  Mr.  Martin,  to  the  great  regret  of  the  whole 
meeting,  was  only  able  to  stay  one  day  and  make  one 
speech,  but  that  was  quite  sufficient  to  win  for  him 
the  high  esteem  of  all  who  heard  him.  It  was  much 
regretted,  also,  that  Mr.  Chaffin  was  obliged  to  depart 
at  the  close  of  the  first  day." 

The  Testimony  on  the  Rebellion  is  as  follows. 


TKEEDOM  IN  WASHINGTON ! 

John  S.  Rock,  Esq.,  the  colored  lawyer  of  Boston, 
who  has  returned  home  from  Washington,  where  he 
has  been  to  deliver  his  lecture — "  A  Plea  for  my 
Race,"  before  the  "  Association  of  Impartial_  Pro- 
gress," gave  an  account  of  his  visit  to  that  city  in 
the  12th  Baptist  Church  hist  Sunday  evening;  and 
in  response  to  the  question  as  to  whether  or  no  he 
was  badly  treated  in  Washington,  said,  "  Soon  after 
the  incendiary  report  of  my  lecture  had  been  pub- 
lished in  the  Star,  my  friends  learned  from  sources 
which  they  considered  reliable,  that  I  was  in  great 
danger,  and  that  there  was  a  plot  on  foot — an  or- 
ganized mob— determined  to  lynch  me,  and  which 
only  waited  a  favorable  opportunity  to  do  their  work. 
Though  compelled  to  believe  that  1  was  not  safe,  I 
reniained  in  Washington  ten  days,  and  much  against 
the  advice  of  friends  I  went  freely  about  the  city; 
and  with  the  exception  of  being  spit  upon,  having 
dirt  thrown  upon  me,  being  struck  by  a  stone,  fired 
at  iny  head  in  open  day,  and  of  being  waylaid  and 
having  a  horse-pistol  snapped  at  me  at  night,  I  was 
not  assaulted  in  that  city." — Boston  Transcript. 

J(^=*  A  comprehensive  "exception,"  truly  I 

f3f=  The  New  York  Tribune  says :  A  respectable 
colored  lawyer  of  Boston,  (said  to  be  John  S.  Rock) 
who  has  been  in  Washington,  was,  on  Friday,  re- 
fused admission  to  the  cars  to  return  home,  unless  he 
could  give  surety  for  $1,000  that  he  was  not  a  fugi- 
tive elftve.  Several  Senators  interfered;  but  noth- 
ing could  be  done  until  a  military  pass  was  procured 
from  Secretary  Stanton. 

2^"  And  this  is  all  the  personal  freedom  conceded 
to  a  colored  citizen  of  Massachusetts  at  the  Capital ! 


TENTH  YEARLY  MEETING  0E   FK0GRES- 
SIVE  FRIENDS   AT   LONGW00D,   PA. 

We  have  again  been  permitted  to  attend  the  annual 
convocation  of  Progressive  Friends  at  Longwood,  Pa. 
No  special  and  urgent  invitation  (though  kindly  ex- 
tended to  us)  was  needed  to  draw  us  thither;  for  the 
recollection  of  former  visits,— replete  with  unalloyed 
pleasure  and  soul-strengthening  interchange  of  thought 
and  sentimem  — was  too.  vivid  to  render  any  thing  of 
the  kind  necessary.  It  will  always  be  to  us  a  matter 
of  deep  regret  when  we  cannot  enjoy  such  a  rich  privi- 
lege. The  attractions  are  numerous  and  powerful. 
The  region  in  which  this  Yearly  Meeting  is  held  is  ex- 
tremely beautiful ;  the  land  is  rich  and  fertile— neither 
too  elevated  nor  too  level;  the  view  in  every  direc- 
tion one  to  delight  the  eye  and  to  cheer  the  heart.  If 
the  original  paradise  was  more  lovely,  Adam  and 
Eve  must  have  had  a  blissful  time  of  it  while  located 
therein,  and  some  very  sad  remembrances  after  their 
expulsion.  Moreover,  the  time  for  holding  the  Meet- 
early  in  June,  is  precisely  when  Nature  is  arrayed 
in  her  handsomest  attire  ;  when  the  grass  is  greenest, 
very  tree  in  the  fulness  of  its  leafy  opulence,  every 
bird  in  sweetest  song,  and  flowers  in  their  freshest  de- 
velopment. But  more  to  be  prized  than  all  these  out- 
ard  manifestations  are  the  inward  communion  and 
fellowship  of  spirit,  which,  thus  far,  have  uniformly 
been  felt  and  witnessed  by  those  who  have  attended 
this  annual  gathering  at  Longwood.  With  the  largest 
liberty  of  utterance  and  the  freest  discussion,  there 
has  been  the  blessed  harmony  which  is  found  in  the 
maintenance  of  religious  freedom,  in  the  recognition 
of  practical  piety,  in  the  growth  of  spiritual  knowledge, 
in  the  prevalence  of  a  true  catholicity,  in  the  advocacy 
of  the  cause  of  freedom  and  humanity  on  a  world-wide 
basis,  and  in  bearing  testimony  against  whatever  tends 
to  the  oppression  or  degradation  of  any  portion  of  the 
human  race. 

Although  no  religious  creed  or  sectarian  shibboleth 
is  made  a  condition  of  membership,  but  all  sincere  and 
earnest  seekers  after  truth  are  welcomed  to  its  mem- 
bership, this  Society  is  composed  very  largely  of  those 
who  were  formerly  connected  with  what  is  known  as 
the  Hicksite  Society  of  Friends.  In  withdrawing  from 
that  body,  it  was  not  because  they  did  not  revere  the 
memory  and  admire  the  character  of  its  great  found- 
er, Elias  Hicks,  but  it  was  precisely  tor  that  very  rea- 
son. They  saw  in  him  one  who  cherished  no  blind 
veneration  for  the  past;  whose  spirit  was  nobly  pro- 
gressive; who  believed  in  the  propriety  of  proving  all 
tilings,  whilst  holding  fast  that  which  is  good; 
prized  unpopular  but  honest  dissent  incomparably 
higher  than  fashionable  conformity ;  who  thought 
much  of  the  spirit,  and  comparatively  little  of  the  let- 
ter; who  deemed  it  a  cheap  and  easy  piety  to  burn  in- 
cense to  the  memory  of  ancient  prophets,  redeemers, 
apostles,  saints  and  sages,  and  therefore  he  indulged  in 
no  such  empty  offerings  ;  who  felt  that  he  was  living 
in  the  present  and  for  the  future,  with  responsibilities 
to  be  met,  and  duties  to  be  performed,  peculiar  to  his 
times;  whose  testimonies  were  against  priestcraft, 
superstition,  bigotry,  intolerance,  and  whatever  else 
trammelled  the  soul,  and  also  against  slavery,  war,  and 
all  their  kindred  evils.  But  in  the  Society  bearing  his 
name,  they  found  little  of  hiB  spirit,  and  an  jill-pervnd- 
ing  purpose  to  keep  the  peace  with  popular  unright- 


SLAVERY  AND   THE    REBELLION. 

It  was  deemed  expedient  to  omit  the  annual  meet- 
ing of  this  Religious  Society  a  year  ago,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  extremely  critical  state  of  public  affairs 
at  that  period,  and  the  wide-spread  and  all-absorbing 
excitement  resulting  therefrom.  Hence,  it  is  proper 
that  we  should  improve  the  first  opportunity  to  record 
our  convictions  and  feelings  concerning  the  present 
treasonable  dismemberment  of  the  American  Union, 
the  rebellious  attitude  of  a  large  majority  of  the  slave 
States,  the  responsibilities  and  duties  of  the  National 
Government  in  this  trying  hour  under  its  constitu- 
tional provisions,  the  essential-  and  radical  cause  of 
our  national  calamities,  and  the  only  sure  method  to 
restore  peace,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  pre- 
serve the  unity  of  the  republic. 

1.  We  affirm,  then,  that  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy  finds  no  justification  or  apology  for  its 
existence  in  reason,conscienee,  expediency, or  in  any  of 
the  principles  or  doctrines  set  forth  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  It  is  the  monstrous  offspring  of  slave- 
holding  despotism,  and  unbridled  lust  of  power  and 
dominion  ;  of  more  than  aristocratic  contempt  and 
hatred  of  free  instil  utions  and  the  democratic  theory  of 
government ;  of  a  barbarous  and  fearfully  degraded 
state  of  society,  arisingp-om  the  existence  in  the  South 
of  its  unnatural,  cruel,  and  most  unrighteous  system 
of  chattel  slavery.  By  the  election  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln to  the  Presidency,  the  slave  oligarchy  deemed, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  organization  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  they  had  lost,  beyond  recovery,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  irresistible  growth  of  anti-slavery  senti- 
ment at  the  North,  their  controlling  power  over  the 
administration  of  our  nutional  affairs;  and,  though 
still  retaining  a  subservient  majority  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  and  having  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  strongly  committed  to  the  security  of 
their  slaveholding  interests,  they  lost  no  time  in  vio- 
lently rending  the  Union  asunder,  mnking  war  upon 
the  government,  organizing  a  hostile  confederacy 
based  upon  the  principle  of  chattel  servitude,  and  felo- 
niously appropriating  to  themselves  whatever  national 
property  was  found  within  their  domains,  in  the  shape 
of  custom-houses,  post-offices,  mints,  arsenals,  fortifi- 
cations, and  other  means  of  revenue  and  defence. 
Previous  to  this,  for  a  protracted  period,  they  had  so 
inflamed  the  minds  of  the  ignorant  Southern  popu- 
lace as  to  lead  to  the  infliction  of  the  most  shocking 
outrages  upon  the  persons  and  property  of  multitudes 
of  innocent  Northern  residents  and  sojourners  among 
them,  with  no  other  provocation  except  that  they  were 
Northern  men.  Of  the  crimes  and  barbarities  these 
conspirators  have  committed,  since  they  madly  com- 
menced the  war — outraging  all  the  claims  of  humani- 
ty and  civilization — it  is  here  needless  to  speak  at 
length.  They  will  make  such  a  volume  of  horrors  as 
can  scarcely  be  paralleled  by  the  most  savage  warfare 
in  the  darkest  nges  of  the  world.  Scalping,  poison- 
ing, and  assassinating  the  living — mangling  the  bodies 
of  the  dead — making  the  skulls  of  Northern  soldiers 
into  drinklng-cups,  and  their  bones  into  ornaments 
for  barbarous  display — repeatedly  and  persistently 
hoisting  the  white  flag  of  truce,  only  to  betray  and 
slaughter  those  to  whom  they  thus  professed  to  sur- 
render— carrying  desolation  and  woe  everywhere  In 
their  train — these  are  but  specimens  of  the  almost 
numberless  deedB  of  treachery  and  ferocity  that  have 
marked  their  bloody  career. 

2.  Under  these  circumstances,  we  have  no  hesitnn 
cy  in  declaring  that  the  government — measuring  it 


by  its  constitutional  obligations — had  no  alternative 
but  to  seek  to  suppress  this  treasonable  outbreak  by  all 
the  means  and  forces  at  its-disposal,  or  else  to  betray 
the  sacred  trusts  committed  to  it  by  the  people;  and, 
therefore,  throughout  this  fearful  struggle,  it  has  had 
our  sympathy,  and  desire  for  its  success.  For  it  has 
manifested  no  spirit  of  revenge,  no  wish  to  resort  to 
extreme  measures,  if  they  could  possibly  be  avoided  ; 
on  the  contrary,  it  has  erred  on  the  side  of  a  timid  and 
compromising  policy,  and  in  dealing  with  the  rebels  as 
misguided  brethren,  rather  than  as  enemies  of  man- 
kind. Certainly,  its  forbearance,  long-suffering,  mag- 
nanimity, have  had  no  parallel  in  governmental  his- 
tory. 

In  thus  cxpresing  our  sympathy  with  the  govern- 
ment, we  do  not  conceive  that  we  repudiate  or  invali- 
date even  the  most  radical  peace  principles  that  may 
be  cherished  by  any  of  our  Society.     We  simply  pro- 
nounce upon  the  conduct  of  the  traitorous  secession- 
ists, in  plain  view  of  its  unmitigated  wickedness  ;  we 
measure  the  government  on   its  own  plane  of  Consti- 
tutional  duty;    and  we  judge  the  people    by    their 
acknowledged  standard  of  political  and  moral  obliga- 
tions to  themselves   and  their  country.     A  war  con- 
ducted  upon  peace  principles   is  as   paradoxical  as  a 
peace   conducted    upon   war  principles.     The    means 
must  be  adapted  to  the  ends.   Wooden  frigates  against 
iron-clad  steamers  are  of  no  avail.     A  people  who  are 
false  to  themselves,  and  to  their   highest   convictions, 
great  trial-hour   when  mighty  interests    are   at 
stake,  cannot  by  cowardice  or  treachery  aid  the  cause 
of  peace,  even  though  they  shed  no  blood,  or  use  no 
carnal  weapons.    By  refusing  to  employ'the  arniy  and 
navy  against  the  rebellious  South,  through  imbecility 
or  a  disposition  to  compromise,  the  government  would 
assuredly  hinder  the  progress  of  peace,  and  strengthen 
the  hands  of  lawless  violence.     It  was  a  more  hopeful 
clay  for    the  cause  of  universal  peace,   as  well  as  of 
universal  freedom,  when   there   was   a   simultaneous 
armed  uprising  of  the  entire  North,  after  the  capture 
of  fort  Sumter,  than  before  ;  for  it  indicated  ( whatever 
base  alloy  may  have  attended  it)  a  resurrection  of  the 
spirit  of  freedom,  of  disinterested  patriotism,  of  manly 
courage,  of  heroic  self-sacrifice,   where  till  then   those 
sentiments    bad   been   paralyzed  under    the  spell  of 
Southern  domination.  "First  pure,  then  peaceable" — 
this  is  the  law  of  progress.     "  First  the  blade,  then 
the  ear,  then  the  corn  in  the  ear,  fully  ripe  " — this  is 
the  law  of  vegetable  growth.     From  barbarism   to 
despotism,  from  despotism    to  a  limited  monarchy — 
from  a  limited  monarchy  to  a  democratic  representa- 
tive government — this  is  the  law  of  political  develop- 
t.    Independent  of  all  these,  and  beyond  them  all, 
is  that  government   or  kingdom  "  which  cannot   be 
shaken,"  whose   officers   are  peace,    whose   exactors 
righteousness,  whose  walls  salvation,  and  whose  gates 
praise  ;  within  whose  dominion  violence  shall  no  more 
be  heard,  wasting  nor  destruction  within  its  borders, 
and  whose  people  "  shall  be  all  righteous  :  they  shall 
inherit  the  land  forever."     But  as  yet,  alas!  no  such 
state  of  human  perfectibility  has  been  attained  by  any 
people.      The    complete    redemption    of   the    world 
from   its   transgressions  and  mistakes,  its  errors  and 
follies,  its  lusts  and  passions,  lies  in  the  unlimited  fu- 
ture.    Slowly  and  painfully,  step  by  step,  is  any  real 
progress  made. 

History  demonstrates  that  whether  war  comes  as  a 
judgment  or  a  trial,  God  "  causes  the  wrath  of  man  to 
praise  him,  and  the  remainder  of  wrath  be  restrains." 
In  the  present  case,  the  war  is  to  be  viewed  both  as 
a  judgment  and  a  trial.  Though  confined  in  its  worst 
inflictions  to  the  slaveholding  section  of  the  Union,  its 
mournful  effects  are  felt  in  every  part  of  the  North. 
Its  fearfully  accumulating  load  of  taxation — its  de- 
rangement of  every  branch  of  peaceful  industry  and 
the  general  business — its  fierce  sectional  estrangement 
and  bate — its  legacy  of  crime  and  profligacy  to  chil- 
dren's children — its  immense  sacrifice  of  human  life, 
carrying  lamentation  and  woe  into  almost  every  house- 
hold, like  the  wailing  of  the  Egyptians  at  the  loss  of  all 
their  first-born — these  are  some  of  the  vials  of  Divine 
retribution  which  are  now  poured  out  upon  the  whole 
land,  for  its  grievous  and  unrelenting  oppression  of  a 
guiltless  and  inoffensive  race.  As  a  nation,  we  have 
forged  their  fetters  and  made  heavy  their  yokes ;  we 
have  refused  to  proclaim  liberty  every  man  to  his 
brother,  and  every  man  to  his  neighbor ;  "  therefore,  I 
proclaim  a  liberty  for  you,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword, 
to  the  pestilence,  and  to  the  famine."  "  We  are  veri- 
ly guilty  concerning  our  brother,  in  that  we  saw  the 
anguish  of  bis  soul  when  he  besought  us,  and  we 
would  not  hear:  therefore  is  this  distress  cosie 
upon  us."  Our  Northern  complicity  with  the  South, 
in  her  "trade  in  slaves  and  the  souls  of  men,"  has 
been  from  the  organization  of  the  government  till  now  ; 
and  it  is  just  that  we  should  be  called  to  suffer  in  pro- 
portion to  our  guilt.  For  the  last  thirty  years,  what 
has  been  left  undone  at  the  North,  by  religious  fellow- 
ship and  political  affiliation  with  those  who  are  now 
leagued  in  hot  rebellion  to  overthrow  all  free  institu- 
tions, by  priestly  defences  of  slaveholding  or  biblical 
extenuations  of  it,  by  constant  compromise  and  yield- 
to  the  menaces  and  bribes  of  the  Slave  Power,  by 
malicious  defamation  of  the  uncompromising  friends  of 
■sal  emancipation,  and  by  mobocralic  assaults 
upon  the  Anti  Slavery  Movement,  to  stimulate  the 
haughty  and  domineering  Slave  Oligarchy  of  the 
South  to  commit  the  very  treason  for  which  they  are 
now  so  severely  condemned,  and  so  terribly  punished.  ? 
Why  should  they  not  have  supposed  that  their  attempt 
to  seize  the  government  would  surely  prove  success- 
ful ?  Judging  from  the  past,  what  had  they  to  fear  of 
warlike  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  North  1  Awful 
as  is  their  guilt,  it  is  not  all  theirs  ;  for  it  is  largely 
shared  by  the  people  of  the  free  States,  and  hence  it 
is  that  the  whole  land  is  made  to  mourn. 


South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida;  the  seizure  and 
return  of  fugitive  slaves  found  in  thecampB,  and  par- 
ticularly in  (he  capital  of  the  nation  ;  and,  finally,  the 
illegal  and  atrocious  suppression  of  all  the  schools  for 
the  instruction  of  the  "contrabands"  in  North  Caro- 
lina, and  the  prompt  restoration  of  fugilives  even  to 
rebel  masters,  by  Gov.  Stanly,  the  newly  appointed 
military  ruler  of  that  State. 

But  we  trust  there  will  be  no  repetition  of  these 
shocking  incongruities,  and  we  hope  for  better  things. 
For  all  tlwt  has  been  done,  whether  by  the  President 
or  by  Congress,  in  the  direction  of  justice  and  right, 
we  desire  to  bestow  grateful  commendation.  The 
signal  acts  of  progress  in  the  total  and  immediate  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia— in  the 
formation  of  a  treaty  for  the  effectual  suppression  of 
the  foreign  slave  trade— in  the  recognition  of  the  in- 
dependence of  Liberia  and  Hayti — and  in  the  passage 
of  other  important  measures— all  these  wait  to  be  glo- 
riously crowned  and  consummated  by  one  great  com- 
prehensive degree,  on  the  part  of  the  government — 
"  Liberty  is  proclaimed  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land, 
without  regard  to  race  or  complexion ." 


The  cause  of  this  bloody  civil  strife,  therefore,  be- 
ing the  enslavement  of  four  million  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  land,  there  is  but  one  sure  method  of  bringing 
it  to  an  end,  and  making  at  least  partial  atonement  for 
our  great  iniquity.  It  is  TO  ABOLISH  SLAVERY 
WITHOUT  DELAY.  In  the  present  national  exi- 
gency, the  constitutional  right  and  power  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  perform  this  great  act  of  justice  and  mercy, 
of  righteousness  and  peace,  seems  to  be  beyond  con- 
troversy. Never  before,  in  the  history  of  nations,  has 
it  been  given  to  a  government  to  wield  the  war  power 
in  so  beneficent  a  manner,  and  on  such  a  magnificent 
scale.  To  do  so  will  be  returning  good  for  evil,  bless- 
ing for  cursing,  brotherly  kindness  for  murderous  hate. 
It  will  end  in  universal  reconciliation,  by  making  the 
interests  of  all  sections  of  the  country  homogeneous. 
All  the  consequences  of  the  act  will  be  glorious.  "If 
we  take  take  away  from  the  midst  of  us  the  yoke, 
undo  the  heavy  burdens,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free, 
then  shall  our  light  rise  Eh  obscurity,  and  our  darkness 
be  as  the  noon-day.  And  the  Lord  shall  guide  us  con- 
tinually, and  satisfy  our  soul  in  drought,  and  make  fat 
our  bones ;  and  we  shall  be  like  a  watered  garden,  and 
like  a  spring  of  water  whose  waters  fail  not.  And 
they  that  shall  be  of  us  shall  build  the  old  waste  places ; 
we  shall  raise  up  the  foundations  of  .many  generations  ; 
and  we  shall  be  culled,  The  repairers  of  the  breach, 
The  restorers  of  paths  to  dwell  in." 

But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  people  and  govern- 
ment shall  allow  this  sublime  opportunity  to  pass  un- 
improved ;  if,  after  subjugating  the  rebellious  spirits 
of  the  South  by  fire  and  sword,  they  shall  permit  sla- 
very to  remain  as  an  institution,  and  extend  to  it  con- 
stitutional guarantees  for  its  better  security,  and  renew 
their  "covenant  with  death  and  agreement  with  belt  "  ; 
then,  in  duo  time,  onee  more  shall  "judgment  be  laid 
to  the  line,  and  righteousness  to  the  plummet;  ami  the 
hail  shall  sweep  away  the  refuge  of  lies,  and  the 
waters  shall  overflow  the  hiding-place  :  when  the  over- 
flowing scourge  shall  pass  through,  they  shall  ho  trod- 
den down  by  it." 

Since  thu  war  commenced,  many  things  have  oc- 
curred to  grieve,  astound  and  dishearten  the  friends  oi 
impartial  liberty  everywhere.  Among  these  may  be 
specified  (he  revoking,  by  President  Lincoln,  of  the 
jusl  and  humane  proclamation  of  Gen.  Fremont,  set- 
ting free  the  slaves  of  all  rebel  masters  in  Missouri; 
mul,  more  recenlly.  annulling  the  sublime  order  of 
lien.  Hunter,  liberating  all  (be  slaves  (one  million)  in 
his   Military    Department,   embracing   the    States   of 


The  foregoing  Testimony  was  adopted  by  a  unani- 
mous and  hearty  vote  of  the  Pennsylvania  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Progressive  Friends,  after  solemn  delibera- 
tion and  thorough  discussion,  on  the  7th  of  Sixth 
month,  1862. 

Oliver  Johnson,  1  ^^ 
JsKsm  K.  Smith,  J 

The  Memorial  to  the  President  was  also  adopted  by 
a  unanimous  vote,  and  the  Society,  to  mark  its  sense 
of  the  importance  of  the  issue  involved,  appointed 
the  venerable  Thomas  Garrktt,  of  Wilmington, 
Del.,  Alice  Eliza  Hamrllton,  of  Chester  Co.,  Pa., 
and  Oliver  JonssoN,  of  New  York,  delegates  to 
bear  it  to  Washington,  and  present  it  to  President 
Lincoln. 

The  Society  also  unanimously  adopted  the  follow- 
ing Testimony  : — 

PEACE. 
Amidst  the  convulsions  of  the  present  time,  we 
feel  it  our  duty  to  adhere  still  more  closely  to  our  oft- 
repeated  peace  testimonies. 

While  we  utterly  condemn  the  rebellious  course  of 
the  South,  and  recognize  the  constitutional  obliga- 
tions of  the  Government  to  suppress  it;  we,  never- 
theless, feel  that,  so  far  from  the  present  warlike  state 
of  the  country  disproving  the  validity  or  saving 
power  of  peace  principles,  we  are  the  more  confirmed 
in  the  conviction,  that  it  is  solely  their  rejection  which 
has  involved  our  nation  in  the  present  conflict  of 
blood,  and  that  their  adoption  would  forever  render 
slavery  and  war  impossible. 

The  business  of  the  Society  having  been  brought  to 
a  close,  appropriate  farewell  words  were  uttered  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Eusebius  Barnard 
and  William  Barnard.  Samdel  Marshall  offer- 
ed prayer.  The  hymn,  "  When  shall  we  all  meet 
again  ? ''  was  sung,  and  the  meeting  closed  with  read- 
ing the  following  minute,  prepared  by  the  Clerks : 

"The  Meeting,  having  thus  brought  its  business  to 
a  close,  adjourns  to  another  year.  It  is  fitting  to  add 
that  the  proceedings  throughout  have  been  of  absorb- 
ing interest.  The  solemn  trials  of  the  nation,  in- 
volving so  many  perils  and  hopes  of  Freedom,  found 
earnest  utterance  from  many  lips  ;  nor  was  the  sacred 
cause  of  peace  neglected  amid  the  din  of  war.  A  fine 
harmony  pervaded  all  our  discussions,  and  a  high  re- 
ligious spirit  animated  and  impressed  many  hearts. 
The  mutual  greetings  of  multitudes  of  friends,  to 
whom  this  Meeting  turnishes  an  annual  occasion  for 
a  re-baptism  of  friendship,  were  cordial  and  delightful. 
We  now  separate,  bearing  in  our  hearts  au  unfeigned 
interest  in  one  another's  welfare,  and  an  humble  and 
cheerful  faith  that  our  Heavenly  Father  will  bring 
speedily  out  of  these  troublous  times  a  glorious  tri- 
umph of  Liberty  and  Peace." 

The  proceedings  will  be  published  shortly  in  pam- 
phlet form. 

We  quote,  onee  more,  from  the  sketch  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, as  given  in  the  Standard  of  last  week  : — 

"  Notice  havingbeen  given  at  the  close  of  the  Yearly 
Meeting  that  Mr.  Garrison,  Mr.  Tilton,  and  others 
from  a  distance  would  attend  the  usual  religious  meet- 
ing on  Sunday  morning,  the  house  at  the  time  appoint- 
ed was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity.  _The  occasion 
was  one  long  to  be  remembered  by  all  who  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  be  present.  Oliver  Johnson  read  an 
appropriate  and  touching  petition  to  the  Father  and 
Mother  of  the  whole  human  race  from  the  volume  of 
Theodore  Parker's  Prayers,  lately  published  in  Bos- 
ton. The  hymn,  "  When  all  thy  mercies,  O  my  God," 
was  sung.  Mr.  Garrison  read  a  portion  of  Scripture, 
and  made  a  very  timelv  and  earnest  address.  Theo- 
dore Tilton  spoke  of  love  as  the  grand  medium 
through  which  God  reveals  himself  to  mankind,  illus- 
trating the  subject  in  a  very  striking  and  impressive 
way.  The  venerable  Thos.  Whitson  expressed  his  ex- 
ceeding gratification,  in  view  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Yearly  Meeting,  and  exhorted  all  present  to  be  faith- 
ful to  the  cause  of  the  slave  in  labors  to  secure  the 
needed  proclamation  of  liberty  by  the  government. 

Mr.  Garrison  read  the  beautiful  hymn  that  Theodore 
Parker  loved  so  well, — "  Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee," 
which  was  sung  by  a  choir. 

Remarks  were  made  by  Dr.  Anderson,  from  the 
West.  The  meeting  concluded  with  a  brief  and  sim- 
ple prayer  by  Samuel  Marshall,  when  the  people  took 
leave  of  one  another  with  expressions  of  mutual  good- 
will." 

*  In  view  of  the  fearfully  convulsed  state  of  the 
country,  and  the  exceedingly  complicated  character  of 
the  war,  we  went  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Long- 
wood  not  a  little  apprehensive  that  there  would  be 
much  difficulty  in  preparing  a  satisfactory  Testimony 
on  that  subject,  in  consequence  of  conflicting  opinions 
and  judgments,  arising  from  differences  mental  and 
temperamental;  and  also  of  the  generally  prevailing 
peace  sentiments  of  that  body ;  but  we  were  very 
happily  disappointed.  There  seemed  to  be  remarka- 
ble clearness  of  vision,  concurrence  of  judgment,  and 
unity  of  spirit — neither  extravagant  hopefulness  on 
the  one  hand,  nor  sombre  misgiving  on  the  other. 
There  was  no  division  of  sentiment  as  to  the  impera- 
tive "*ilty  of  the  government  to  proclaim  the  jubilee 
without  longer  procrastination ;  and  that  duty  was 
urgently  but  respectfully  set  forth  in  the  Memorial  to 
President  Lincoln,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Society. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  Testimony  on  Peace,  though 
brief,  is  discriminating  and  unfaltering;  and  it  forc- 
ibly says  that,  "so  far  from  the  present  warlike  state 
of  the  country  disproving  the  validity  or  saving 
power  of  peace  principles,  we  are  the  more  confirmed 
in  the  conviction,  that  it  is  solely  their  rejection  which 
has  involved  our  nation  in  the  present  conflict  of  blood, 
and  that  their  adoption  would  forever  render  slavery 
and  war  impossible."  But  such  an  adoption  must  be 
the  result  of  a  far  different  state  of  feeling  and  senti- 
ment than  that  which  now  controls  any  of  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth ;  anil  till  then,  the  sword  will  have 
its  mission  of  retribution  and  judgment 

The  hospitality  of  the  resident  Friends  at  Long- 
wood  was  unbounded,  as  usual.  Thanks  to  the  Coxes, 
the  Mendenhalls,  the  Barnards,  the  Parlingtons,  &e. 


Jyjf^  For  the  proceedings  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of 
the  Friends  of  Human  Progress,  recently  held  at  Ju- 
nius, N.  Y.,  see  our  last  page.  Would  it  not  have 
been  well  to  have  had  the  resolutions,  adopted  on  the 
occasion,  drawn  up  in  a  more  terse  and  less  transcend- 
ental manner  of  expression  1 


jfg="The  sermon  of  Rev.  Daniel  FOSXBB,  on  the 
fourth  page,  called  "The  West  and  Tin-;  W*Jt,*'  is 
well  worth  reading.  The  information  concerning 
Kansas  contained  in  it,  is  such  as  we  all  need  to  keep 
in  mind,  and  no  man  is  better  fitted  than  its  author  to 
give  accurate  testimony  upon  that  subject.  Pot  sev- 
eral years  past,  Mr.  Foster,  and  his  faithful  words  and 
zealous  .beds  in  behalf  of  liberty  in  Kansas,  have 
formed  an  important  part  of  the  history  ut  that  State  ; 
and  his  sojourn  here  for  a  few  weeks  all'crds  an  ex- 
cellent opportunity  for  those  who  wi.<h  the  people  of 
their  respective  towns  to  hear  addresses  from  him 
upon  that  subject,  or  indeed  upon  any  subject  con- 
nected with  the  war.  or  with  slavery,  the  num  of  the 
war. 

It'  there  is  any  Northern  regiment  unprovided  with 
a  chaplain,  the   chance  of  soliciting  Mr.  Foster  to  fill 

that  office  i*  one  not  tobc  oegteoted.    lie  would  be 

worth,  to   the  army,  all   that   Roderick  DllU   and   his 
bogle-born  were  said  to  be  to  Clan  Alpine.— c.  K.  w. 


JTJNB    SO. 


THE    LIBBR^TO  H 


99 


NEW  PUBLICATIONS. 

Tragedy  op  Success.     "  Aux  plus  do'sher-ite's  le  plus 

d'  amour."  Boston  :  Tickoor  and  Fields.  1862. 
Under  the  above  title  is  given  to  the  world  the 
concluding  member  of  that  remarkable  trilogy  of 
which  the  "  Record  of  an  Obscure  Man "  and  the 
"Tragedy  of  Errors"  have  already  preceded.  Con 
sidering  its  scope,  its  poetical  merits,  and  the  almost 
fatal  coincidences  of  its  history,  the  whole  constitutes 
a  work  undoubtedly  without  a  parallel  in  literature 
That  quiet  little  fiction  called  the  "Record,"  serving 
to  pave  the  alley  to  the  grand  portals  further  on,  drew 
at  an  opportune  moment  the  eyes  of  a  people,  guilty 
for  seventy  years  of  consenting  to  the  oppression  of 
the  blaeks,  to  a  humane  contemplation  of  the  brother- 
hood of  their  victims.  The  rebellion  had  just  devel- 
oped at  one  and  the  same  time  among  the  men  of  the 
North  a.  consciousness  of  thetr  ignorance  on  the  sub- 
ject of  negro  slavery,  and  a  disposition  favorable  to 
the  reception  of  light.  The  "  Record,"  therefoQ,  fell 
into  ploughed  ground,  as  it  were,  and  must  Itave  borne 
fruit  more  than  commensurate  with  its  circulation. 
Our  readers  will  remember  what  we  said  of  it  at  the 
time  of  its  publication, — needless  to  repeat  here. 

Of  the  "Tragedy  of  Errors"  as  a  work  we  can 
speak  but  little,  since  (much  to  our  regret)  the  Pub- 
lishers have  overlooked  us  in  their  distribution.  We 
remember,  however,  the  respectful  treatment  which  it 
received  even  at  the  hands  of  those  who  scoffed  at  its 
subject  and  its  aim,  while  none  disputed  the  genius  or 
the  conscience  with  which  it  was  essentially  inter- 
woven. It  had  still,  aside  from  these  considerations, 
a  melancholy  (we  might  almost  say)  public  interest, 
from  the  fact  that  its  issue  from  the  press  was  co- 
incident with  that  accursed  "Tragedy  of  Errors" 
enacted  at  Ball's  Bluff,  which  brought  home  to  the 
afflicted  authoress  the  body  of  her  brave  young  sol- 
dier, fairest  and  all  but  earliest  of  the  Demon's  victims. 

The  closely  following  death  of  a  beloved  husband, 
to  whose  spiritual  guardianship  (in  the  present  book) 
are  commended 
"Those  household  growths  that  rose  beneath  thy  smile 

To  bo  the  earliest  offering  at  thy  grave," 

seems  to  have  completed  the  fatality  attaching  to  these 
remarkable  productions,  garbed  half  prophetically  in 
tragic  hue.  What  a  mournful  paradox — the  "  Tragedy 
of  Success!" — yet  needing  no  Rousseau  to  defend  it, 
when  a  Jesus,  a  Wickliffe  and  a  John  Brown  illus- 
trate its  truthfulness.  The  experience  of  centuries  of 
tyranny  is  wrapt  in  the  bitter  exclamation  of  the  re- 
pentant Dorcas, — 

"  0  victim  *  thou  hast  triumphed  ! " 

The  "Tragedy  of  Success"  is  divided,  after  the 
fashion  of  its  predecessor,  into  several  periods,  dis- 
tinguished as  the  Sentence;  the  Appeal ;  the  Flight; 
the  Pursuit ;  the  Rescue.  Each  part  has  its  separate 
attraction  and  interest,  and  the  whole  a  powerful  unity 
which  carried  us  through  at  a  sitting,  though  needing 
here  and  there  the  "Tragedy  of  Errors"  for  a  per- 
fect comprehension  of  the  actors.  If  any  difficulty  is 
experienced  in  conjuring  up  black  faces  behind  the 
words  attributed  to  them,  let  the  reader  consider  if  the 
names  of  the  slaves  alone  be  not  in  fault.  In  action 
and  sentiment  there  is  nothing  forced  or  improbable. 
The  whole  book  is  full  of  beauty,  and  leaves  no  room 
for  ennui  from  prelude  to  catastrophe.  The  humor- 
ous, the  pathetic,  the  exciting,  the  sublime  are  all 
there.  Dr.  Hermann  muses  on  the  mixed  parentage 
of  Dorcas  and  Hecate,  much  as  Edward  Colvil  used  to 
in  his  journal,  as  given  in  the  "Record."  There  are 
old  proverbs  aptly  and  ingeniously  applied,  with  utter- 
ances that  ought  to  be  proverbs,  and  perhaps  one  day 
will  be.  We  attempt  no  sketch  of  the  plot,  for  our 
knowledge  of  the  "Tragedy  of  Errors"  is  two  in- 
cidental to  admit  of  it,  but  we  cannot  refrain  from 
quoting  one  or  two  striking  passages  which  will  only 
create  a  thirst  for  the  whole  in  those  "  who  have  ears 
to  hear." 

Hecate,  the  mother  of  Helen,  the  heroine, — both 
slaves,— has  just  taken  her  last  farewell  of  her  fugitive 
daughter.  The  time  is  night ;  the  scene,  the  margin 
of  a  forest.  The  speaker,  "wrapt  in. a  dark  cloak, 
her  hair  dishevelled,  stands  bending  forward,  as  if  in 
the  act  of  listening." 

"HECATE. 
I  dare  not  follow  •     My  ill-boding  step 
Would  guide  misfortune  to  her  track  ! — I  dare  not !  .  .  . 
She  is  already  far.     Could  my  strong  arm 
Upheld -her  tender  frame  !     Could  my  firm  voioo 
Speak  courage,  when  the  loneliness  and  darkness 
Press  on  her  soul !     Why  am  I  not  with  her  ? 
There  is  no  other  place  for  me  on  earth  !  .  .  . 
Alone  !  alone  !  her  hesitating  step 
Shrinks  before  fancied  dangers,  seeks  the  real ! 
Were  I  but  there  t    How  quick  my  sharpened  eye 
To  seize  the  tokens  on  our  winding  route  ! 
How  prompt  my  ear  to  catch  the  sound  of  danger !  .  .  . 
Oh,  stay  thy  step  !     'Tis  not  a  harmless  branch 
Thy  heedless  foot  would  press  !     Oh,  were  I  there 
To  snatch  the.  deadly  reptile  from  thy  path  !  .  .  . 
Cool  not  thy  thirst  on  that  deceitful  fruit ! 
It  is  thy  foes'  ally  ;   it  cheats  to  sleep 
That  will  deliver  thee  to  death  or  them  !  .  .  . 
Hast  thou  forgot  the  landmarks  ?     Yonder,  see  ! 
Is  the  black  stump  whoso  sole  remaining  arm 
Points  downward  to  the  narrow  turfy  ridge, 
The  way  of  safety  through  the  quaking  bog  !  .  .  . 
Further,  the  treacherous  flood  !   how  flat  and  still 
It  stretches  out  its  tidelesa,  waveless  sea  ! 
The  giant  growth  that  lifts  from  those  dead  waters 
Its  biack  luxuriance  shrouds  with  moveless  shade 
Their  slimy  depths,  accomplice  of  their  guile  ! 
About  the  margin  of  that  stagnant  ocean 
Are  set  decoying  vines,  whose  lusty  stems 
And  wiry  tendrils,  hid  in  rank-grown  leaves. 
Far  o'er  the  surface  spread  a  tremulous  bridge. 
Her  ignorant  foot  essays  it !     Hold  thee  back ! 
Oh  !  the  next  step  is  death  ! 

Fly  !  fly  !  heed  not 
Whether  thy  pathway  lie  through  fen  or  flood  ! 
Fly,  fly,  poor  loiterer  !     llear'st  thou  not  the  tread, 
Stealthy  and  swift,  that  follows  on  thy  track  ? 
It  gains  upon  thee  !     Fly  !  the  clutching  hands 
Are  stretehed  to  seize  !  almost  thoy  touch  thee  now  ! 
Lost !    lost !  " 

The  following  address  of  Helen  to  her  child  is  ten 
derly  poetical : — 

"  How  oft,  sweet  sleeper,  in  my  days  of  ease, 
When  I  have  carried  thee  a  little. hour 
Through  the  smooth  walks  of  what  was  then  my  garden, 
My  wearicd^rms  have  asked  for  aid  ! — and  now 
All  night  I  walk  the  rugged,  dreary  road, 
And  in  the  daytime,  crouching  in  some  hollow, 
Or  hidden  in  a  thicket's  tangled  depths, 
I  hold  thee  still,  and  hardly  dare  to  catch 
An  hour  of  troubled  sleep,  lest  I  should  wake 
To  find  thee  no  more  there, — yet,  unfatigued 
And  strong  of  hoart,  I  still  hold  on  my  way  !  " 

The  final  scene  concludes  with  a  magnificent  apos- 
trophe to  slavery,  into  which  the  widowed  and  child- 
bereft  authoress  seems  to  have  poured  the  heroic 
anguish  of  her  suffering  soul : — 
"  Tremble,  thou  coward  Wrong  that  cradled'st  me  !  * 
Tremble  !  thy  rearling  knows  thy  hidden  crimes  ! 
Not  thy  crushed  victim  lifts  his  trembling  hand 
To  aim  the  knife  that  seeks  thy  guilty  heart  : 
Thy  pampered  minion  deals  th'  avenging  stroke  ! 
For  thy  false  smiles  I  give  thee  stern  defiance  ! 
Pay  thee  with  scorn  thy  treacherous  caresses  ! 
By  all  these  scars  I  wear  upon  my  soul, 
I  vow  to  thee  uncompromising  war  ! 
Put  from  thee  now  thy  robes  of  gold  and  crimson, 
TJngem  thy  hands,  undiadem  thy  brow! 
Thy  hour  of  mourning  comes,  thy  hour  of  shame  ! 
I  bear  the  spear  of  truth  !  Before  its  touch 
Thy  roses  wither,  thy  false  graces  fall, 
Leaving  thee  in  thy  lonely  loathliness  ! 
For  even  thy  sycophants  shall  shrink  from  thee, 
When  the  world  known  thee  as  thy  victims  know  ! 
Slavery,  thy  day  is  past !  Nor  think  to  fall 
Crowned  by  thy  doom,  as  fall  more  happy  martyrs  ! 
Thou  shalt  lie  down  to  thy  eternal  sleep 
In  ignominy  !  Gentle  hand  of  pity 
Shall  never  strew  thy  bier,  nor  song  and  legend 
Twine  their  bright  wreaths  round  thy  unseemly  grave 
Turning  away  from  thy  reproach,  thy  nearest 
Shall  ask  for  thee  the  mercy  of  oblivion  ! " 


EDUCATIONAL  COMMISSION. 

Boston,  June  9,  18G2. 

To  the  Editors  of  the  Boston  Daily  Advertiser: 

At  my  urgent  request,  Mr.  Forbes  has  consented  to 
the  printing  of  the  following  letter.  I  have  desired 
this  in  order  to  meet  the  statements  of  those  who, 
after  spending  a  few  days  at  Beaufort  or  Hilton  Head, 
have  made  sweeping  statements  that  our  enterprise 
has  been  a  failure,  the  only  foundation  for  such  state- 
ments being  a  superficial  observation  of  the  condition 
of  the  negroes  near  our  camps,  most  of  whom  being 
refugees  from  the  main  laud,  have  no  fixed  abode  and 
no  opportunity  for  regular  employment. 

We  have  as  yet  no  detailed  statement  of  the  num- 
ber of  acres  planted  in  corn  and  cotton,  under  the 
direction  of  our  teachers,  or  superintendents,  as  they 
should  be  called,  but  we  are  satisfied  that  it  is  over 
ten  thousand. 

The  enlistment  of  many  of  the  ublftjjodied  bands 
may  prevent  the  harvesting  of  the  full  crop  planted, 
hut  an  ample  crop  of  food  at  least  will  be  secured,  and 
a  large  supply  of  fresh  vegetables  for  the  use  of  the 
army. 

If  this  shall  be  all  we  succeed  in  accomplishing  this 
year,  it  will  be  far  more  than  enough  to  repay  our 
efforts;  and  to  secure  this  result  we  ask  additional 
subscriptions,  in  order  that  we  may  not  be  obliged 
to  withdraw  our  superintendents  before  the  crops  are 
gathered.  EDWARD  ATKINSON, 

Chairman  Finance  Committee. 


*Tho  speaker,  Alice, 
rents, 


i  the  child  of  slaveholding  pa- 


Hox.  Gbrkit  Smith  at  Music  Hale,,     On  Sun- 
day forenoon  last,  Hon.    Gerrit  Smith,  of  Peterboro', 

N.  Y.,  delivered  a  very  impressive  discourse  on  the 
rebellion,  and  the  greatly  imperilled  state  of  the 
country,  through  the  all-absorbing  corruption  engen- 
dered by  slavery.  A  large  audience  was  present,  a  id 
the  sentiments  advanced  by  this  distinguished  philan- 
thropist elicited  frequent  expressions  of  applause.  In 
the  afternoon,  Mr.  Smith  gave  a  scathing  discourse  on 
priestcraft,  which  be  regarded  as  an  evil  and  a  curse 
of  transcendant  magnitude  in  every  land.  Long  may 
his  valuable  life  be  preserved  1 


Boston,  May  23,  1862. 

Mr  Dear  Sir, — I  have  j*ours  of  the  20th,  and 
would  gladly  do  anything  {except  come  before  the 
public)  to  help  your  good  work. 

I  have  watched  the  Educational  Commission  from 
its  very  inception,  with  the  greatest  interest,  and  while 
in  Secessia  had  every  opportunity  to  gauge  it,  not 
only  by  the  criticisms  of  its  many  enemies,  and  by 
the  statements  of  its  friends,  but  by  personal  observa- 
tion. 

It  was  started  very  late,  and  when  only  the  most 
prompt  and  even  hasty  measures  gave  it  a  chance  of 
success. 

A  large  number  of  Volunteers  were  hurried  from 
various  pursuits  down  into  South  Carolina,  where  in 
about  ten  days  after  the  enterprise  was  first  thought  of, 
they  found  themselves  landed,  with  bare  floors  to 
sleep  upon,  soldiers  rations  to  eat,  and  the  obloquy 
and  ridicule  of  all  around  them  for  "sauce  piquante." 

Under  all  their  inexperience  and  all  these  disad- 
vantages they  have  worked  their  way  quietly  on,  and 
up  to  the  time  when  I  left,  14th  May,  when  the  new 
rule  of  a  Military  Governor  was  about  commencing, 
they  had  accomplished  the  following  results  : — 

1st,  and  foremost,  they  had  inspired  confidence  in 
the  Blacks  by  their  kindness,  and  especially  by  their 
bringing  the  first  boon  which  these  forlorn  creatures 
have  received  from  us,  namely,  an  opportunity  for 
rude  education.  In  all  else  the  Negroes  had  been 
worse  provided  than  under  their  old  masters,  having 
only  their  scanty  ration  of  Indian  corn  ;  no  shoes, 
blankets,  clothing,  molasses,  or  other  necessaries  and 
luxuries  given  them,  of  which  they  formerly  had  a 
moderate  allowance;  against  all  this  they  had  only 
the  doubtful  advantage  of  idleness  or  precarious  em- 
ployment, and  the  promises  of  the  Cotton  Agents. 

It  was  a  great  point  to  put  over  them  intelligent  and 
Christian  teachers,  and  this  they  have  fully  appre- 
ciated.    It  has  made  it  comparatively  easy  to  get 

2d,  the  material  benefits  which  have  resulted,  name- 
ly, beginning  very  late,  the  forces  of  the  plantations 
have  been  organized  to  reasonably  steady  labor ;  a  full 
crop  of  food  has  been  planted  in  common,  besides 
much  larger  private,  or,  as  these  are  called,  "negro 
grounds"  planted  than  ever  before. 

I  saw  repeatedly  whole  gangs  who  had  finished 
their  plantation  work  by  10  a.  m.,  and  had  all  the  rest 
of  the  day  for  their  own  patches,  some  of  which  are 
four  or  five  times  as  large  as  usual.  I  also  heard  of 
many  cases  where  the  industrious  complained  of  hav- 
ing to  work  with  the  lazy,  and  begged  to  be  allowed 
to  work  on  the  plantation  fields  separately  where  their 
work  would  show. 

3d.  In  addition  to  the  food  crop,  enough  cotton 
hind  has  been  planted  to  give  the  negroes,  if  they  are 
allowed  to  take  care  of  the  crop  and  enjoy  its  fruits, 
more  of  the  necessaries  and  indeed  comforts  of  life 
than  they  have  ever  had  before. 

4th.  All  those  engaged  in  the  experiment  will  tes- 
tify that  the  negro  has  the  same  selfish  element  in  him 
which  induces  other  men  to  labor,  and  that  with  a  fair 
prospect  of  benefit,  and  sometimes  merely  for  the 
credit  of  it,  lie  will  work  like  other  human  beings. 

To  sum  up,  we  have  then  for  some  of  the  results, — 

The  confidence  of  the  Blacks  in  us, 

Our  discovery  that  they  will  work, 

The  education  conferred,  so  far  as  it  goes, 

The  encouragement,  of  industry,  and 

The  material  advantage  of  planting  food  and  Cotton 
crops,  instead  of  letting  the  negroes  alone  to  run  into 
vice  and  pauperism,  or  turning  them  over  to  the  ten- 
der mercies  of  hard  speculators. 

Of  course,  the  agents  of  the  Commission  have  made 
mistakes  in  some  cases,  and  some  of  them  have  been 
ill  chosen,  but  as  a  whole  it  has  been  very  judiciously 
managed,  and  most  of  its  agents  have  by  their  pa- 
tience, faithfulness  and  disinterested  zeal,  done  credit 
to  themselves  and  to  those  who  sent  them.  They 
had  everything  to  contend  with,  and  especially  .the 
opposition  of  many  whose  interests  they  interfered 
with,  and  of  others  whose  prejudices  they  offended. 

The  predecessors  on  the  plantations,  the  Cotton 
Agents  and  the  Military,  had  begun  to  look  upon 
themselves  as  the  successors  of  the  Planters,  and  en- 
titled to  the  use  of  all  that  was  left, — houses,  horses, 
negroes,  crops. 

When  the  agents  of  the  commission  came  down  to 
take  charge  of  plantations,  they  were  looked  upon  as 
interlopers,  and  in  most  cases  every  obstacle  short  of 
absolute  disobedience  to  the  orders  of  the  command- 
ing Generals  was  thrown  in  their  way.  All  the  little 
mistakes  of  the  new  comers  were  magnified;  alt  the 
good  they  did  ignored ;  and  a  local  public  opinion 
thus  created  against  them,  which  many  of  our  own 
people  who  ought  to  have  known  better  gave  in  to. 

"  What  a  ridiculous  thing  for  these  philanthropists 
to  come  down  to  teach  the  stupid  negroes,  and  occupy 
the  plantations,  and  use  the  Becesh  ponies  which  had 
been  so  convenient  for  our  picqueta  !  "  Such  was  the 
natural  feeling  of  the  unthinking,  and  of  some  who 
ought  to  have  reflected. 

This  false  public  opinion  was  largely  availed  of  by 
the  Herald  and  other  kindred  papers  to  create  preju- 
dice at  the  North  against  an  enterprise  aiming  to  im- 
prove the  condition  of  the  blacks. 

How  much  more  satisfactory  it  would  have  been  to 
this  class  to  have  had  the  negroes  left  to  their  own 
devices,  and  thus  given  all  the  enemies  of  improve- 
ment a  cbance  to  say,  "  We  told  you  so  1  the  negroes 
are  worse  off  than  before, — idle,  vicious  paupers, — 
the  sooner  you  reduce  them  to  slavery  again,  and  the 
more  firmly  you  bind  the  rest  of  their  race  to  eternal 
slavery,  the  better!" 

It  would  take  too  long  to  go  into  the  question  of 
what  is  to  be  done  hereafter;  but  there  was  an  emer- 
gency three  months  ago,  which  has  in  my  opinion* 
been  successfully  met.  Doubtleis,  hereafter,  the  self- 
ish element  must  be  appealed  to  more  than  it  could 
be  by  the  Agents  of  the  Commission,  who  had  to  im- 
prove thetr  short  planting  season  by  continuing  the 

established  system   of   labor  in  gangs;  of  course,  a 

permanent  system  must  have  less  work  in  common, 

and  more  for  the  particular  benefit  of  each  laborer. 

In  conclusion,  I  consider  the  Educational  Commis- 
sion, up  to  this  time,  a  decided  success.     They  have 

planted:  it  rests  with   General   Saxton   to  determine 

whether  their  crops  shall  be  gathered,  their  teachings 

and  their  .good  influences  over  the  Blaeks  continued  ; 

from  him  while  there,  as  well  as  from  all  the  superior 

military  officers,  tliey  received  every  as*  stance,  which 

U  a  good  augury  for  the  future  military  rule. 

However   this  may  turn,  you  and  your  associates 

have  made  a  good  beginning;  you  have  done  your 

part  towards  one  of  the   noblest  experiments   which 


modern  civilization  has  undertaken,   by  inaugurating 
a  system  of  free  labor  combined  with  instruction  for 
the  freed  slaves  upon  their  native  soil. 
With  my  best  wishes, 

I  am  yours  truly, 

J.  M.  FORBES. 
Mr.  Edward  Atkinson,  Sec'y  Educational  Commission. 


PRESIDENT  LIU0OLN  AND  EMANCIPATION. 

Worcester,  June  14, 1862. 
Mr.  Garrison— There  are  some  individuals,  gen- 
uine anti-slavery  at  heart,  who  doubt  if  it  would  be  a 
wise  or  safe  policy  to  decree  immediate  emancipation 
at  present,  lest  the  people  would  be  divided,  and  fail 
to  sustain  such  a  course.  Where  is  the  warrant  for 
such  a  supposition  ?  We  cannot  know  for  a  certainty 
until  it  is  tried,  any  way  ;  and,  leaving  out  of  view  the 
moral  truth,  that  justice  and  expediency  are  always 
synonymous  terms,  let  us  look  at  the  indications  as 
leaning  most  for  or  against  such  a  policy. 

Before  the  rebellion  broke  out,  it  was  supposed,  both 
North  and  South,  that,  in  case  of  a  disruption,  the 
Democratic  party,  as  a  body,  would  go  with  the 
South;  but,  instead  of  that,  the  leading  ones  were 
among  the  foremost  to  demand  the  extinction  of  sla- 
very, if  need  be,  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  ^IJjelieve 
that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  if  the  President  had 
seen  fit  to  decree  a  proclamation  of  emancipation  as  a 
means  of  subduing  it,  he  would  have  been  sustained 
by  the  North.  Had  he  done  it,  he  would  have  been 
the  greatest  man,  politically,  this  nation  has  ever  pro- 
duced. 

Of  course,  there  would  have  been  bowlings  all  over 
the  land  from  certain  sources,  as  there  will  be  when- 
ever it  is  done,  which  may  for  a  time  drown  the  an- 
thems of  praise,  because  it  is  the  last  wrestle  between 
the  angel  Gabriel  and  Beelzebub;  but  that  will  not 
prove  that  Gabriel  is  not  triumphant.  We  have  seen 
this  tri  gin  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  probably 
no  one'thinks  it  a  master  of  regret  that  an  act  has 
been  passed  abolishing  slavery  there.  It  shows,  for 
one  thing,  the  impossibility  of  effecting  any  thing  to- 
wards a  settlement  of  this  question  short  of  immedi- 
ate and  unconditional  emancipation. 

We  are  in  the  vortex  of  the  whirlpool,  and,  God  he 
thanked,  He  alone  can  deliver  us  out  of  it.  Whoever 
thinks  we  have  reached  the  crisis  will  probably  find 
himself  mistaken.  The  death-grapple  is  yet  to  come. 
That  the  people  are  not  anti-slavery  enough  to  de- 
mand emancipation  is  true,  because  it  is  not  done. 
Whether  they  would  sustain  the  President  in  assum- 
ing the  responsibility  himself,  is  quite  another  thing. 
The  masses  never  assume  responsibilities;  they  only 
take  them  when  cast  upon  them.  The  unparalleled 
confidence  they  repose  in  the  President  warrants  such 
an  anticipation,  at  least.  Nothing  else  could  have 
suppressed  the  ardor  with  which  they  welcomed  the 
proclamation  of  Fremont;  and  when  he  annulled  that 
of  Gen.  Hunter,  they  stood  by  him,  still  believing  that 
he  has  a  plan  of  his  own,  by  which  he  will  himself 
do  the  same  thing  in  a  few  days.  I  do  not  believe  it. 
He  probably  does  not  know  himself  what  he  shall 
do  ;  but  that  it  will  be  his  last  resort,  as  a  matter  of 
dire  necessity,  is  pretty  evident.  I  would  heap  on  him 
no  unmerited  censure  ;  for,  certainly,  never  was  a  man 
placed  in  a  more  trying  position  ;  or  in  greater  need 
of  a  wife's  sympathy  and  aid,  which  he  does  not  get. 
Neither  has  he  the  qualities,  probably,  to  foresee  the 
critical  position  of  the  nation,  or  realize  the  immense 
interests  at  stake ;  or  he  would  not  trifle  with  the  lives 
and  destinies  of  twenty-five  millions  of  people  as  he 
now  does. 

Every  hour  of  delay  weakens  the  chances  of  a 
united  North,  because  the  opposing  party  are  taking 
advantage  of  every  moment  to  counteract  the  im- 
pulses of  the  people  ;  and  to  some  extent  they  have 
iipcceded. 
So  far  as  the  slave  is  concerned,  it  matters  little, 
perhaps,  whether  he  is  set  free  by  Lincoln  or  Davis; 
and,  for  aught  I  know,  one  will  be  just  as  deserving  of 
credit  as  the  other  for  the  act;  but,  as  a  nation,  it  will 
make  a  vast  difference  to  us.  It  is  a  question  of  the 
strength  and  superiority  of  republican  institutions 
for  the  welfare  of  the  masses,  which  makes  this  hour 
one  of  momentous  importance,  as  the  decisive  one 
upon  which  hangs  our  destiny,  for  us  so  to  shape  it 
that  posterity  will  either  curse  or  bless  us,  according 
to  the  use  made  of  the  opportunities. 

The  greatest  responsibility  devolves  upon  the 
President,  because  lie  alone  has  the  power,  in  his  in- 
dividual capacity,  to  strike  the  blow.  There  are  too 
any  wills  in  the  Cabinet  and  Congress  to  bring  about 
unity  of  action  sufficient  for  the  crisis.  It  may  be 
truly  said,  at  the  present  time,  that  no  man  has  thrown 
such  insuperable  obstacles  in  the  way  of  our  triumph, 
or  so  embarrassed  the  operations  of  the  army,  as  he — 
thus  inspiring  courage  in  the  rebels,  and  protracting 
the  war.  But  for  him,  a  responsive  "Aye"  would 
have  gone  up  throughout  the  Commonwealth  to  the 
sentiments  of  Gov.  Andrew,  as  expressed  in  his  letter. 
It  is  certainly  cause  of  rejoicing,  that  a  Massachusetts 
Governor  has  courage  to  rebuke  the  President  of  the 
United  States;  and  may  he  never  falter  from  his  man- 
ly course  !  The  Boston  Journal  rebuked  him,  but  it 
could  scarcely  conceal  its  chagrin,  that  Gen.  Hunter's 
order  should  be  revoked,  although  careful  not-  to  cen- 
re  Lincoln  for  doing  it. 

I  am  not  complaining  of  this  loyalty ;  for  when  men's 
passions  are  excited,  as  they  must  be  in  time  of  war, 
result  would  be  disastrous  in  the  extreme  if  they 
did  not  recognize  some  head  to  whom  they  must  yield 
allegiance.     The  necessity  of  the  hour  is  to  spur  the 
President  on  to  emancipation  ;  and  every  person  who 
makes  the  admission,  that  it  is  not  yet  time,  does  just 
so  much  to  retard  it.     How  are  you  going   to  free 
them,  say  they,  before  you  get  at  .them?    Did  not 
Gen.  Hunter  get  at  them?  and  has  not  opportunity 
after  opportunity  been  thrown  away,  which,  if  im- 
proved, might  ere  this  have  paved  the  way  to  the 
freedom   of   every   slave   throughout   the   land?     If, 
when  the  Capital  was   threatened,  President  Lincoln 
had  said  to  the  South,  "  When  I  took  the  oath  of 
office,  I  pledged  myself  to  protect  you  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  your  slave  property  to  the  uttermost  verge  of 
my   power;   but,   now   that  you   have  forfeited  your 
rights   under  the  Constitution,  by  seeking  the  over- 
throw of  the  Government  that  has  protected  you,  I 
now  declare  every  slave  free,"  does  any  one  suppose 
that  it  would  have  cost  any  more  blood  and  treasure 
to  enforce  such  a  decree  than  it  has  already  cost  to 
subdue  the  masters?     Then  we  should  have  had  the 
sympathy  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  which  would 
have  known  what  we  were  fighting  for,  and  the  con- 
sciousness that  it  was  the  most  righteous  cause  for 
which  -a  war  was  ever  waged.    But  he  let  slip  the 
golden  hour,  and  for  him  the  golden  sandB  are  nearly 
run.     What  right  has   he  to  entail  a  single  hour  of 
needless  suffering  on  the  patient  and  confiding  North? 
I  know  that  the  people  are  very  far  from  being  gov- 
erned by  principle  in  this  matter.     The  conscience  of 
the  North  has  been  so  long  slumbering  under  the  nar- 
cotic influence  of  the  drug,  that  it  is  only  drowsily 
waking  from   the  torpor,  and  as  yet,  perhaps,  cannot 
clearly  comprehend  any  farther  than  lo  welcome  Par- 
son Brownlow  for  his  defence  of  the  Union,  in  oppo- 
lition  to  the   slaveholding   oligarchy   of   the    South. 
Even  he,  on  reaching  New  England,  leaves  out  his 
phrase  about  the  hundred  abolitionists,  for  which  I 
am  sorry  for  one  thing,  wishing  to  know  what  recep- 
tion it  would  meet  with  here.     Our  spacious  hall  was 
densely  packed,  as  might  be  expected,  from  the  innate 
love  of  the  people  to  see  a  lion  and  hear  him  roar ;  and 
the  Mayor  complimented  him,  and  the  audience  greet- 
ed his  rising  with  enthusiastic  applause.     But  what  of 
that?     In  war  time,  whatever  goes  to  the  disparage- 
ment of  the  enemy  is  applauded,  except  one  thing  in 
certain  places,  and  both  the  thing  and  the  place  were 
wanting  here.     Even  with  that  vast  audience,  Ins  re- 
marks were  greeted  with  no  more  applause  than  those 
of   Wendell  Phillips   last  winter.      I   feel   hound   to 
make  this  statement,  because  the  same  paper  that  so 
misrepresented  the  fact  then,  might,  by  its  opposite 
course   now,  create  a  wrong  impression;  although  it 
seems  almost  like  profanity  to  institute  a  comparison. 
Never  in  my  whole  lifetime  did  I  hear  bo  much  slang, 


such  utter  repudiation  of  moral  perception,  such  un- 
masked blasphemy,  as  was  poured  forth  in  that  one 
hour  and  a  half.  He  is  a  fair  sample  of  Southern 
civilization,  and  perhaps  his  visit  North  may  he  a 
benefit  to  him.  Of  course,  Governors  and  Mayors 
will  toast  him, — that  is  a  part  of  their  function,  for 
which  they  ore  elected.  I  do  not  believe  tliat,  in  Ins 
heart,  Gov.  Andrew  has  a  particle  of  respect  for  him, 
excepting  the  sympathy  his  sufferings  have  enlisted, 
farther  than  as  a  convenient  hobby-horse  for  showing 
up  Southern  barbarity.  This  may  not  be  very  com- 
plimentary lo  his  integrity,  but  that  always  passes  at 
a  discount  in  high  places.  He  would  probably  defend 
it  on  the  same  principle  that  our  friend  ButFum  said 
he  would  like  to  introduce  him,  because  he  would 
show  up  the  rebels  in  stronger  terms  than  any  one  else. 
I  think  it  was  a  great  concession  of  principle  on  his 
part,  as  an  Abolitionist,  to  descend  to  such  low  means 
for  the  promotion  of  our  cause.  This  reminds  me  of 
what  another  uncompromising  friend  said,  that  if  I 
would  go  into  the  lecturing  field  for  three  weeks,  he 
could  show. me  that  a  majority  of  our  owti  Society 
endorsed  just  such  views.  I  am  very  sorry  to  hear 
it;  still  recognizing  the  fundamental  principle  with 
which  we  started,  that  only  through  pure  and  right- 
eous means  shall  we  be  justified  in  seeking  the  over- 
throw of  any  wrong. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  cannot  see  how,  as  Abolition- 
ists, we  are  responsible  for  the  motives  and  methods 
through  which  men  come  at  length  to  a  practical 
recognition  of  our  ideas.  Of  course,  if  we  have  any 
patriotism  and  love  of  justice,  for  the  sake  of  our 
country  we  would  gladly  pray,  on  bended  knees,  that 
this  righteous  act  might  be  done  for  the  love  of  it ;  but, 
if  driven  to  it  by  the  logical  course  of  events,  rather 
than  by  conscientious  convictions,  we  must  accept  it 
as  one  of  the  means  through  which  God  vindicates 
the  cause  of  the  oppressed  when  there  is  no  helper, 
moulding  us  by  his  sovereign  will  like  clay  in  the 
hands  of  the  potter.  War  is  no  time  for  the  success- 
ful culture  of  moral  principles,  only  for  a  choice  of 
measures;  and  emancipation  for  any  motive  will  be 
gladly  welcomed  as  the  first  thing  in  order,  even  on 
our  own  platform.  Prejudice  against  the  negro  will 
exist  so  long  as  he  belongs  to  an  enslaved  race.  When 
the  shackles  of  the  slave  are  broken,  new  duties  will 
devolve  on  us,  of  which  we  are  little  conscious.  A 
egeneration  of  social  life,  and  a  reconstruction  of 
every  department  of  the  political  fabric  then  required, 
will  he  sufficient  to  engage  the  attention  of  this  gene- 
ration, when,  as  heretofore,  we  shall  be  called  upon  to 
battle  with  formidable  odds,  in  order  to  secure  and 
maintain  his  equal  rights  against  the  obstacles  two 
centuries  of  enslavement  have  imbedded  in  the  path- 
way of  his  progress.  S.  E.  W. 


LETTEE  FROM  DE.  J.  M.  HAWKS, 

On  board  steamer  Potomac,  making  her  voyage  from 
Edisto  to  Hilton  Head,  South  Carolina, 
-   June  1th,  1862. 

Editor  of  the  Liberator: 

In  the  two  months  just  gone,  I  have  seen  and  heard 
manj-  things  that  would  interest  your  readers.  I  fre- 
quently resolve  that  I  will  write  a  few  lines  for  your 
paper,  giving  an  account  of  incidents  that  occur,  but 
find  myself  too  busy  during  the  day,  and  too  tired  at 
night.  The  leisure  afforded  by  this  trip  I  shall  im- 
prove in  writing  to  you  and  other  friends. 

These  sea  islands  are  the  gardens  of  the  South; 
and  as  far  as  I  have  seen,  Edisto  is  the  garden  of  the 
sea  islands.  The  former  white  residents  of  this 
island  had  finer  houses  and  gardens,  better  cultivated 
and  better  fenced  plantations,  better  roads,  more 
bridges,  churches,  libraries,  and  such  like  evidences 
of  civilization  and  prosperity,  than  any  other  district 
I  have  seen  of  similar  extent  in  the  slaveholding  re- 
gion. The  houses  are  nothing  extra  ;  in  fact  shams, 
hen  compared  with  houses  of  the  same  pretensions 
North.  They  are  only  splendid  when  seen  alongside 
of  Southern  houses  generally.  I  record  with  pleasure 
that  the  negro  cabins  are  mostly  better  than  usual. 
On  the  Townsend  place  where  I  have  been  staying, 
j  of  the  cabins  have  two  rooms,  one  of  which  is 
used  for  a  sleeping  room;  there  are  also,  in  some 
cabins,  two  panes  of  glass  over  the  little  board  win- 
dows. Now,  I  assure  you,  it  is  very  rare  for  a  slave 
family  to  have  more  than  one  room;  but  to  have  the 
light  of  heaven  shining  into  their  rooms,  whether  one 
or  more,  through  a  pane  of  glass,  is  a  luxury  not  en- 
joyed off  the  sea  islands,  and  rarely  here.  On  the 
plantation  above  named  is  a  steam  saw-mill ;  and  cot- 
ton gins  were  propelled  by  the  same  power. 

A  great  deal  more  pains  have  been  taken  to  render 
the  surroundings  of  residences  ornamental,  than  to 
make  them  useful.  Flower  gardens  here,  in  addition  to 
all  that  will  grow  farther  North,  have  growing  in  the 
open  air  the  japonica,  the  oleander,  the  numerous 
varieties  of  geranium,  and  other  plants  exotic  at  the 
North.  The  petunia,  coreopsis,  flox,  cactus  and  ver- 
bena are  in  many  places  common  field  weeds.  But 
the  queen  of  wild  flowers  is  the  magnolia,  with  its 
large,  fragrant  and  snow-white  petals. 

I  have  not  time  to  say  anything  more  of  the  coun- 
try than  that  it  was  better  than  its  former  occupants 
deserved,  and  they  voluntarily  cleared  out  and  left  it, 
taking  along  their  more  light  and  valuable  household 
goods,  and  that  most  uncertain  species  of  property, 
their  slaves. 

Of  the  thirteen  or  fourteen  hundred  colored  in- 
habitants now  on  the  Edisto  Island,  not  a  dozen  were 
born  and  raised"  here.  They  are  from  all  the 
isUnds  around  here  now  in  possession  of  the  rebels, 
viz.  John's,  James,  Wadmalaw,  and  the  "  Main."  Al- 
though unlettered,  these  people  are  naturally  intelli- 
gent, and  the  children  learn  readily  in  the  schools  we 
have  started.  We  are  hardly  in  working  order  yet, 
in  the  educational  line  ;  we  want  books,  and  the  kind 
needed  is  the  primer  or  spelling-book. 

The  alphabet  and  a  few  monosyllables  are  readily 
taught  to  a  whole  school  from  cards;  after  that,  pri- 
mary hooks  arc  needed.  I  have  become  interested  in 
a  school  I  have  several  times  visited,  containing  some 
thirty-five  scholars.  The  teacher  is  a  black  man,  who 
can  read  tolerably  well.  On  my  first  visit,  he  gaye  his 
name  as  Cyrus.  In  reply  to  inquiries  about  any  other 
name,  he  said  that  when  a  young  man,  he  had  some 
pride,  and  wanted  another  name ;  'and  he  took  the 
name  of  White.  I  asked  if  that  was  his  master's 
name,  He  said  it  was  not,  but  he  liked  it,  and  took 
it.  Then  I  told  him  how  his  wife  and  children  must 
be  known  by  that  name;  and  when  asked  again  for 
his  name,  to  give  it  in  full — Cyrus  White.  He  gave 
bis  age  as  sixty-two  years;  this  he  knew  by  being 
about  the  age  of  a  "young  master";  but  it  seems 
that  his  young  master  died  about  eight  years  ago,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-two,  since  which  time,  our  school- 
master bad  not  added  anything  to  his  age  !  As  near 
as  the  age  of  the  blacks  can  be  ascertained,  Cyrus 
White  is  now  seventy  years  old.  The  only  books  in 
the  school  arc  two  spelling-books.  A  grandson  of  the 
teacher,  about  ten  years  of  age,  who  can  read  in  easy 
sentences,  assists  in  teaching  the  other  children.  I 
have  promised  to  get  him  some  books.  Two  hundred 
spelling-books  are  needed  now  on  Edisto  Island  alone, 
to  supply  schools  nearly  -as  destitute  as  this  just 
named.  In  my  school,  on  the  Townsend  plantation, 
of  forty  scholars,  we  have  nine  books.  The  school  is 
opened  at  six  o'clock  every  morning,  to  allow  time  for 
me  to  attend  to  other  duties  through  the  day.  The 
six  superintendents  on  the  island  are  all  from  New 
England,  except  one,  Mr.  DcLaeroix,  native  of  Lou- 
isiana— a  queer  place  to  look  to  find  Abolitionists  I 
Hut  he  is  one.  The  plantations  now  occupied,  and 
partially  worked,  were  selected  with  reference  to  their 
nearness  to  the  Edisto  river,  in  which  the  Federal 
gunboats  are  stationed.  The  safety  of  the  superin- 
tendents and  blacks  decreases  as  the  troops  arc  moved 
away. 

The  duties  of  superintendents  toward  the  negroes 
are  simply  advisory.  The  negroes  know  how  to  do 
the  work,  and  on  every  plantation  there  is  one  se- 
ectcd  as  "  driver  "  or  foreman  ;  generally,  this  is  one 
who  has  acted  in  that  capacity  before.  The  foreman 
hies  not  work  with  the  other  hands.  Now,  the  disad- 
vantages of  the  present  state  of  things  are  these : — 


1st.  The  blacks  don't  know  yet,  whether  they  own 
themselves  or  not.  2d.  They  have  never  been  offered 
wages  on  the  plantations.  All  we  are  authorized  to  do 
is  to  encourage  the  negroes  to  work  by  promises  that, 
if  they  work  well,  they  will  be  paid  something  in  the 
fall.  No  white  man  would  work  without  a  better  un- 
derstanding; and  I  must  Bay  that,  all  things  consid- 
ered, these  negroes  work  too  well.  More  insubordina- 
tion, and  absolute  refusal  to  work  without  pay,  would 
be  more  hopeful. 

We  all  regret  that  Mr.  Pierce,  the  excellent  Special 
Agent  of  the  Treasury  Department,  is  to  leave  the 
field ;  but  we  are  encouraged  that  he  is  to  be  suc- 
ceeded by  Gen.  Saxton,  who  is  believed  to  be  just 
the  man  for  the  place,  and  is  vested  with  higher  au- 
thority than  his  predecessor. 

I  don't  think  strange  that  President  Lincoln  an- 
nulled General  Hunter's  proclamation.     Mr.  Lincoln 
ishes  to  reserve  to  himself  the  honor,  as  he  undoubt- 
edly has  the  right  to  do,  of  proclaiming  emancipation 
to  all  the  slaves  in  the  rebel  States. 

Yours  for  the  Right,  J.  M.  HAWKS. 

P.  S.  Beaufort,  June  St h,  6  a.  m,  Our  pickets  at 
Port  Royal  Ferry  have  been  driven  in;  the  rebels  are 
reported  to  be  landing  in  force  ;  and  every  white  male 
citizen  is  ordered  to  report  at  the  armory,  where  they 
will  be  furnished  with  arms.  J.  M.  H. 


SENATOR  SUMNER  AND  THE  PRESIDENT. 

We  are  permitted  (says  the  Boston  Journal)  to  pub- 
lish the  following  private  letter  from  Hon.  Charles 
Sumner,  in  reply  to  a  letter  addressed  to  him  by  "a 
personal  friend : — 

Senate  Chamber,  June  5,  1862. 

My  Dear  Sir, — Your  criticism  of  the  President  is 
hasty.  I  am  confident  that,  if  you  knew  him  as  I  do, 
you  would  not  make  it. 

Of  course,  the  President  cannot  be  held  responsible 
for  the  misfesances  of  subordinates,  unless  adopted  or 
at  least  tolerated  by  him.  And  I  am  sure  that  noth- 
ing unjust  or  ungenerous  will  be  tolerated,  much  less 
adopted  by  him. 

I  am  happy  to  let  you  know  that  he  haB  no  sympa- 
thy with  Stanly  in  his  absurd  wickedness,  closing  the 
schools,  nor  again  in  his  other  act  of  turning  our 
camps  into  a  hunting  ground  for  slaves.  He  repudiates 
both — positively.  The  latter  point  has  occupied  much 
of  his  thought,  and  the  newspapers  have  not  gone  too 
far  in  recording  his  repeated  declarations,  which  I 
have  often  heard  from  his  own  lips,  that  slaves  finding 
their  way  within  the  national  lines  are  never  to  be  re- 
enslaved.  This  is  his  conviction,  expressed  without 
reserve. 

Could  you  have  seen  the  President — as  it  was  my 
privilege  often — while  he  was  considering  the  great 
questions  on  which  he  has  already  acted — the  invita- 
tion to  emancipation  in  the  Stales,  emancipation  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
independence  of  Hayti  and  Liberia,  even  your  zeal 
would  have  been  satisfied,  for  you  would  have  felt  the 
sincerity  of  bis  purpose  to  do  what  he  could  to  carry 
forward  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. His  whole  soul  was  occupied,  especially  by 
the  first  proposition,  which  was  peculiarly  his  own. 
In  familiar  intercourse  with  him,  I  remember  nothing 
more  touching  than  the  earnestness  and  completeness 
with  which  he  embraced  this  idea.  To  his  mind  it 
was  just  and  beneficent,  while  it  promised  the  sure 
end  of  slavery.  *Of  course,  to  me,  who  had  already 
proposed  a  Bridge  of  Gold  for  the  retreating  fiend,  it 
was  most  welcome.  Proceeding  from  the  President, 
it  must  take  its  place  among  the  great  events  of  his- 
tory. 

If  you  are  disposed  to  he  impatient  at  any  seeming 
shortcomings,  think,  I  pray  you,  of  what  has  been 
done  in  a  brief  period,  and  from  the  past  discern  the 
sure  promise  of  the  future.  Knowing  something  of 
my  convictions,  and  the  ardor  with  which  I  maintain 
them,  you  may,  perhaps,  derive  some  assurance  from 
my  confidence.  I  say  to  you,  therefore,  stand  by  the 
Administration.  If  need  be,  help  it  by  word  and  act, 
but  stand  by  it,  and  have  faith  in  it. 

I  wish  that  you  really  knew  the  President,  and  had 
heard  the  artless  expression  of  his  convictions  on  those 
questions  which  concern  you  so  deeply.  You  might, 
perhaps,  wish  that  he  were  less  cautious,  but  you 
would  be  grateful  that  he  is  so  true  to  all  that  you 
have  at  heart.  Believe  me,  therefore,  you  are  wrong, 
and  I  regret  it  the  more  because  of  my  desire  to  see 
all  our  friends  stand  firm  together. 

If  I  write  strongly,  it  is  because  I  feel  strongly,  for 
my  constant  and  intimate  intercourse  with  the  Presi- 
dent, beginning  with  the  4th  of  March,  not  only  binds 
me  peculiarly  to  his  Administration,  but  gives  me  a 
personal  as  well  as  a  political  interest  in  seeing  that 
justice  is  done  him. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  sir, 

With  much  regard, 

Ever  faithfully  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

Ef^3  We  sincerely  trust  that  Mr.  Sumner  is  not  un. 
duly  sanguine  of  what  may  be  expected  of  the  Presi- 
dent; yet  we  are  apprehensive  that  he  is. 


FIENDISH  OUTRAGE  ON  HUMANITY. 

The  correspondent  of  the  Chicago  Journal,  five 
miles  north  of  the  crossing  of  the  Little  Red  River, 

:  the  Des  Arc  Road,  May  23,  says : — 

"  I  must  hasten  to  tell  you  of  one  of  the  most  dia- 
bolical deeds,  perpetrated  near  our  present  camp  lately, 
that  has  blackened  the  pages  of  the  history  of  this  in- 
fernal rebellion.  Gen.  Osterhaus  with  his  division  was 
in  advance  of  the  army,  and  had  reached  the  crossing 
of  the  Little  Red  River  on  the  road  from  Batesville 
to  Des  Arc,  and  was  encamped  on  the  north  side  of 
the  river,  while  their  engineers  were  constructing 
bridges  and  other  works,  and  on  last  Monday  a  forage 
party  was  sent  out  about  two  or  three  miles  to  the 
southeast,  under  the  protection  of  detachments  from 
company  F,  Lieut.  Fischer;  company  G,  Captain 
Wilbelm  ;  and  company  H,  Lieut.  Nein,  in  all  about 
60  men  of  the  17tli  Missouri  Infantry,  and  while  com- 
panies F  and  G  were  guarding  the  wagons  while  load- 
ing, company  H  was  sent  out  as  a  picket  about  two 
miles,  where  they  were  attacked  by  a  band  of  between 
five  and  six  hundred,  and  before  they  could  be  re- 
enforced  by  the  others,  the  whole  of  them  were  either 
killed  or  wounded,  except  one  man. 

Seven  or  eight  were  killed  at  the  first  fire,  and  eight 
more  of  the  wounded  were  either  shot,  stabbed,  or 
their  throats  cut,  after  they  were  entirely  helpless 
from  wounds,  and  in  many  cases  had  asked  for  mercy, 
but  were  told  that  they  neither  asked  nor  gave  any 
quarter.  This  was  done  very  speedily,  the  rebels  car- 
rying off  their  wounded  with  them.  As  soon  as  this 
was  know  in  camp,  a  surgeon  and  ambulances  were 
sent  out  to  take  care  of  the  wounded  men,  and  next 
morning  the  surgeon  was  found  hung  to  a  tree,  and 
literally  hacked  to  pieces  by  sabers.  This  surgeon, 
whose  name  I  could  not  learn,  was  assistant  to  Dr. 
Lyon,  brother  of  the  brave  and  lamented  General 
Nathaniel  Lyon,  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Wilson's 
Creek,  in  Missouri,  in  August  last.  This  Dr.  l.ynn 
is  Surgeon  to  the  'Lyon  Legion,'  (3rd  Missouri.) 
But  this  chapter  of  barbarian  atrocities  is  not  yet  quite 
full.  The  Drum-Major  of  the  17th  Missouri,  who 
had  for  some  reason  accompanied  the  expedition,  was 
found  murdered,  and  his  ears  cut  off  close  to  his  head, 
and  bis  tongue  cut  by  the  roots. 

1  have  part  of  tins  account  from  the  Surgeon  of  the 
l'Jth  Missouri,  who  was  hindered  from  going  to  the 
scene  of  slaughter  himself;  but  a  splendid  case  of 
surgical  instruments  and  packages  of  assorted  band- 
ages, and  everything  else  necessary  for  immediate 
use,  in  case  of  battle,  belonging  to  him,  were  with  the 
ambulances,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  fiends. 
The  horses  of  the  ambulances  were  taken  and  the 
ambulances  themselves  broken  up.  A  part  of  this 
story  I  have  from  one  of  the  wounded  men,  who  was 
himself  shot  in  the  bowels,  after  asking  for  mercy. 
Lieut.  Nein,  after  having  surrendered,  was  shot  by  his 
captor,  with  Ins  own  pistol,  which  he  had  just  given 
up,  the  ball  lodging  in  his  shoulder  instead  of  his 
head,  tor  which  it  was  intended.  The  whole  number 
killed  and  murdered  is  seventeen,  and  over  thirty 
others  wuuSjded.  A  large  force  w_as  dispatched  to  try 
and  take  this  band,  but  have  not  yet  succeeded  in 
ng  so.  They  were  part  of  them"  Texan  Raugers, 
and  part  of  them  Butternuts,  all  under  the  command 
Hicks' and  'McKcel.'" 


Treachery  of  a  Wounded  Rebel.  At  the  re- 
cent battle  of  Fair  Oaks  a  rebel  soldier,  wounded,  was 
taken  to  the  hospital  tent.  Hisarm  was  amputated  by 
the  senior  surgeon,  who  being  called  oil"  to  attend  a 
case  of  much  importance  left  the  dressing  of  the  arm 
to  be  attended  to  by  a  surgeon  (sou  of  a  lute 
eminent  physician  not  a  thousand  miles  from 
Boston,  and  by  whom  these  particulars  are  personally 
communicated  in  a  letter  to  his  fronds,  but  for  good 
reasons  his  name  is  suppressed.)  The  surgeon  left 
the  wounded  man  a  moment.  The  wounded  rebel 
seized  the  knife  which  still  lay  on  the  table,  and  con- 
cealed it.  The  surgeon  returned,  and  tried  to  make 
the  rebel  as  easy  as  possible.  The  rebel  drew  forth 
the  amputating  knife,  and  aiming  at  the  heart  of  his 
preserver,  would  luive  fatally  stabbed  him  hud  be  not 
parried  the  blow  with  his  arm  which  received  the 
knife.  Drawing  his  pistol  from  bis  belt  with  the  othe, 
arm  the  surgeon  killed  him  instantly,  as  be  lay  upoi. 
the  operating  beard. — Boston  Trmrllcr. 

IMPENDING  Famine  in  Arkansas.  The  St.  Loui 
Ihmocral  bus  Intelligence  that  unless  assistance  is  soo 
provided,  the  people  of  Arkansas,  north  of  the  Ai 
Kansas  river,  ninsl  soon  starve.  All  tlie  beef  cattl 
bad  been  driven  otl'to  the  rebel  army,  and  an  unusn; 
rise  in  the  streams  had  flooded  the  towns  and  planti. 
tione. 


WOMAN    AND    THE    PRESS, 

On  Friday  afternoon,  May  30,  a  meeting  was  held  in 
Stadio  Huildmg,  Bonbon,  far  conference  in  regard  to  a  new 
periodical  to  be  devoted  to  the1  interests  of  Woman.  While 
none  questioned  the  valoe  and  the  need  of  ttneh  an  instru- 
ment in  the  Woman's  JHgfetl  cause,  the  difficulties  that 
would  endanger  or  even  defeat  the  enterprise  were  fully 
discussed,  but  with  this  issue — that  »he  experiment;  should 
be  made.  For  the  furtherance,  therefore,  of  so  desirable 
an  object,  we  insert  and  call  attention  to  the  following 

PROSPECTUS  OP   THE  WOMAN'S  JOURNAL  ; 

When  we  consider  that  there  is  scarcely  a  party,  sect, 
business  organization  or  reform  which  is  not  represented 
in  the  press,  it  appears  strange  that  women,  constituting 
one  halt  of  humanity,  should  have  no  organ,  iu  America, 
especially  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  their  interests,  par- 
ticularly as  these  interests  have  excited  more  wide-spread 
attention  iu  this  country  than  in  any  other,  while  in  do 
other  country  can  the  double  power  of  free  speech  and  a 
free  press  be  made  so  effective  in  their  behalf.  This  ap- 
pears stranger  from  the  fact  that  conservative  England  has 
successfully  supported  a  journal  of  this  sort  for  years  with 
acknowledged  utility. 

America  needs  such  a  journal  to  centralize  and  give  im- 
petus to  the  efforts  which  are  being  made  in  various  direc- 
tions to  advance  the  interests  of  woman.  It  needs  itmost 
of  all  at  this  time,  when  the  civil  war  is  calling  forth  the 
capabilities  of  woman  in  an  unwonted  degree,  both  a*  act- 
and  sufferers — when  so  many  on  both  sides  are  seen  to 
exert  a  most  potent  influence  over  the  destinies  of  the  na- 
tion, while  so  many  others  are  forced  by  the  loss  of  hus- 
bands, sons  and  brothers,  to  seek  employment  for  the  sup- 
port of  themselves  and  families.  Social  problems,  too,  are 
gradually  becoming  solved  by  the  progress  of  events,  which 
leave  to  that  of  woman  the  most  prominent  place 
henceforth. 

To  meet  this  want  of  the  times,  we   propose  to  establish 

Woman's  Journal,  based  on  the  motto,  "Equal  Rights 
for  all  Mankind,"  and  designed  especially  to  treat  of  all 
questions  pertaining  to  the  interests  of  women,  and  to  fur- 
an  impartial  platform  for  the  free  discussion  of  these 
interests  in  their  various  phases.  It  will  aim  to  collect  and 
compare  tbe  divers  theories  promulgated  on  the  subject, 
to  chronicle  and  centralize  the  efforts  made  in  behalf  of 
women,  in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  and  to  render  all 
possible  aid  to  such  undertakings,  while  at  the  same  time 
t  will  neglect  no  field  of  intellectual  effort  or  human  pro- 
gress of  general  interest  to  men  of  culture.  It  will  com- 
prise reviews  of  current  social  and  political  events,  arti- 
cles on  literature,  education,  hygiene,  etc.,  a  fevilhton, 
composed  chiefly  of  translations  from  foreign  literature — 
short,  whatever  may  contribute  to  make  it  a  useful 
and  entertaining  family  paper.  Its  columns  will  be  open, 
and  respectful  attention  insured,  to  all  thinkers  on  the  sub- 
jects of  which  it  treats,  under  the  usual  editorial  discretion, 
only  requiring  that  they  shall  accept,  a  priori,  the  motto  of 
the  paper,  and  shall  abstain  from  all  personal  discussion. 

nong  the  contributors  already  secured  to  the  Jmtrnal 
whom  we  are  permitted  to  name,  are  Mrs.  Lydia  Maria 
Child,  Mrs.  Caroline  M.  Severance,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cady 
Stanton,  Mrs.  Prances  D.  Gage,  Miss  Elizabeth  Palmer 
Peabody,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips, 
George  Wm.  Curtis,  T.  W.  Higginson,  Moncure  D.  Conway, 
Theodore  Tilton,  and  William  H.  Channing  ;  and  other 
distinguished  writers  have  promised  us  their  aid.  No  pains 
be  spared  to  enlist  the  best  talent  in  the  country,  and 
to  make  the  paper  one  of  literary  merit  as  well  as  practical 
utility. 

Tbe  Journal  will  he  issued  semi-monthly,  in  octavo  form, 
sixteen  pages,  at  Two  Dollars  per  annum,  the  first  number 
appearing  on  tbe  1st  of  October  next,  and  will  be  publish  - 
in  Boston. 

Subscriptions  will  be  received  from  this  date  by  agents  of 

e  Journal,  or  by  the  Editors,  Roxbury,  Mass.,  lockbox  2, 
to  be  paid  on  the  receipt  of  tbe  first  number  of  the  Journal. 
In  this  connection, we  would  earnestly  solicit  the  co-operation 
of  friends  of  woman  throughout  the  country,  in  extending 
the  subscription  list  of  the  Journal,  and  thus  placing  it  on 
that  permanent  basis  which  will  insure  its  contiuued  util- 
ity and  success.  Those  interested  in  the  enterprise  are  re- 
spectfully requested  to  communicate  with  the  editors  at  the 
above  address. 

A  discount  of  twenty-five  percent,  will  be  made  to  agents. 

Agents  will  please  return  all  prospectuses  with  names 
before  the  15th  of  July. 

MART  L.  BOOTH, 

MARIE  E.  ZAKRZEWSKA,  M.D. 

Boston,  May  15,  1862. 


W  NASHUA,  N.  H.— Parker  Pn-LSBintY  will  give 
two  addresses  on  "The  Country  and  the  Times,"  in  Nash- 

(N.  H.)  Town  Hall,  on  Sunday  afternoon  and  evening, 
22d  instant,  at  the  usual  hours  of  publie  assembly. 


P  HENRY  C.  WRIGHT  will  lecture  in  liberty  Hall, 
Harwich,  forenoon  and  afternoon,  Sunday,  June  22d.  Sub- 
ject— "What  God  hath  put  asunder,  let  not  man  put  to- 
gether— Slavery  and  Liberty." 


T  AARON  M.   POWELL  will   speak  upon  the  War 
and  Slavery,  at  Washington,  N.  T.,  Sunday,  June  22. 


P  The  P.  0.  address  of  Mrs.  Caroline  H.  Dalj 
changed  from  No.  5  Ashland  Place,  to  Medford,  Mas 

Books,  pamphlets,  and  matters  requiring  literary  atten- 
tion, maybe  left  with  Walker,  Wise  &  Co.,  245  Washington 
street,  Boston. 

P  New  York  Anti-Slavery    Standard  and   New  York 
Cftristian  Inquirer,  please  copy. 
Medford,  June  15,  1SG2. 


p"  NOTECE. — All  communications  relating  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Ulnss/ichuxi/tf:  Aiiti-Slavrry  Society,  and  with 
regard  to  the  Publications  and  Lecturing  Agencies  of  tbe 
American  Anli-Slnvery  Society,  should  be  addressed  for  the 
present  to  Samuel  Mat,  Jr.,  221  Washington  St.,  Boston. 


T  SUMMER  RESORT^Round  Hill  Hotel,  North- 
ampton, Mass. — Beautiful  scenery,  mountain  air,  and 
forty  acres  of  forest  park,  with  first  class  accommoda- 
tions, free  from  dust  and  other  annoyances.  Terms — §1.50 
per  day,  or  7  to  $10  per  week. 


f=  HANDBILLS  of  tbe  Fourth  of  July  Celebration 
at  Framiugham  Grove  have  been  sent'  to  friends  in  many 
places,  who  will  please  help  forward  the  meeting  by  post- 
ing them  in  their  respective  towns. 


W  REMOVAL.  —  DISEASES  OF  WOMEN  AND 
CHILDREN.  — Margaret  B.  Brown,  M.  D.,  and  Wrsi. 
Symington  Brown,  M.  D-,  have  removed  to  No.  23, 
Chauncy  Street,  Boston,  whero  they  may  be  consulted  on 
the  above  diseases.  Office  hours,  from  10>  A.  M.,  to  4_ 
o'clook,  T.  M.  3m  March  2§. 


t^-  MERCY  B.  JACKSON,  M.   D.f  has  remored    on 

095  Washington  street,  2d  door  North  of  Warren.     Par- 
ticular attention  paid  to  Diseases  of  Women  and  Children. 

References. — Luther  Clark,  M.  D.;  David  Tnayer,  M.  D. 

Office  hours  from  2  to  4,  P.  M. 


MARRIED— In  this  city,  June  5,  by  liev.  Wm.  Thomp- 
son, Mr.  Frederick  Howard  to  Miss  Nam-y  W.  Weaver. 

In  Leominster,  June  14,  by  Rev.  Eli  Fay,  Joseph  G. 
Holt,  Esq.,  of  Cambridge,  to  Mary  A.,  only  daughter  of 
Jonathan  and  Frances  H.  Drake. 


A    GOOD   CHANCE 

TO  LEASE,  A    SAfALL   FARM  FOR   OXE 
OR  A   TERM  OF  TEA  US. 

A  MIDDLE  aged  or  young  man,  with  a  small  fami- 
ly, with  no  other  capital  than  a  pair  of  willing 
bauds,  frugal  and  industrious  habits,  intelligent  mind,  a 
good  moral  character,  somewhat  acquainted  with  Agricul- 
tural pursuits,  will  find  a  rare  chance  to  lease — on  tin-  ami 
favorable  terms — a  small  farm,  with  al!  the  stock  and  tools, 
and  household  funiituro,  situated  in  I'eppert-II,  H  mile 
from  the  district  school,  nearly  throe  miles  from  the  post- 
office,  stores,  cliurcbes,  and  a  flourishing  academy,  under 
tin'  management  of  an  accomplished  preceptor,  four  miles 
from  Lht  railway  station,  ami  two  hours'  ride,  by  rail,  from 
the  oity  of  Boston,— by  making  immediate  application  to 
the  subscriber,  011  the  pivmisos.  For  paitH-nlais,  inqairs 
Of  WM  S1WKI1K1.1,.  AivMteci.  No.  9  State  Sued,  or  at. 
the  \iiti-Mawrv  Plliee,  -"I  Wfcthlllgton  Street.  Imston, 
where  iHubrot.ype  views  of  the  buildings  may   be  seen. 

No  person  need  apply,  who  cannot,  furnish  sntislaclory 
references  as  to  alt  the  above  o,ualilieations,  or  who  uses  in- 
toxicating drinks,  moderately  or  immoderately,  or  is  pas 
siomitclv  In  ml  of  dogs,  since  the  lessor  is  desirous  of  ma- 
lting bis  home  with  tbo  lessee,  ami  could  not  tolerate  such 
miisancos.  A.   H.   WOOD. 

Oak  llall,  Poppcrcll,  Mass.,  May  12.